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■?-.
t .^
v.>*5r
i«<M
.•;♦(•:
OjL^vHlS.bti.W-
SarbartJ College fLibrarg.
THE BEqUEST OF
JAMES WALKER, D.D., LL.D.
(Clan of X814),
LATE PRESIDENT OF HARVARD COLLEGE.
Received 22 March, 1875.
r
LIBRARY OF TRANSLATIONS
FBOM BELRCT
FOREIGN LITERATURE.
HISTORY
OP THK
LIFE, WRITINGS, AND DOCTRINES
OP
LUTHER.
By M. AUDIN.
•TRANSLATED BY WILLIAM B. TCJRNBULL, ESQ.
PBIlfTBO BT
COX (BBOS.) AVI) vmtuf, OBBAT QUBBX STBBBT,
uirooLiff'B-nnr vdcldb.
J
0
HISTORY
OF THE
LIFE, WRITINGS, & DOCTRINES
OF
LUTHER.
Bi<'M..ATJDIN.
TRANaLATED FROM THE LAST FRENCH EDITION BY
WILLIAM b/TURNBULL, EvSQ.
AT"
""Son unhifl did, fortuitique sennonis, sed plurhnorum mensimn^ exaot»qu«
histori»."~BRAKDOLINl, Dialog.
VOL. II.
LONDON:
C. DOLMAN, 61, NEW BOND STREET,
AND 22, PATERNOSTER ROW.
MDOCCLIV.
Jl
CONTENTS.
CHAPTEE I.
LUTHER'S RETURN TO WITTEMBERG. 1622.
Origin of Anabapiism. — CarUtadt and Munzer are Luther's children. — Doc-
trines of the Anabaptists. — Melancthon, by order of Frederick, holds
conferences with the Anabaptists, who had received the name of the pro-
phets.— ^What he thinks of them. — He appeals from them to Luther. —
Frederick tries, but ineffectually, to prevent the monk's return to Wittem-
berg. — Luther's letter to the elector. — ^He returns to Wittemberg, ascends
the pulpit> and preaches against the fitnatics. — Confers with Stubner and
Gellarius, and cannot bring them back. — ^His interview with Munzer. — ^The
prophets are expelled from Wlttembeig. — Garlstadt's books are confiscated.
— ^What then had the prophets done ^-ZPoffe 1.
CHAPTEE II.
SERMON ON MARRLIGE. 1£;22.
Although the prophets were expelled from Wittemberg, the rebellion was not
quelled. — It was necessary to supply a new aliment for the activity of mind
created by free inquiry. — Luther preaches upon marriage. — Sketch of his
sermon. — ^Erasmus looks upon it only as a joke. — He did not perceive
Luther's secret intention. — What did Luther intend by his carnal illus-
trations in the pulpit ? — ^The princes are silent on this scandal. — A collection
of Luther's sermons is published at Wittembeiv, in which the monk is
represented with the Holy Ghost over his head. — Staupitz, horrified by
ttiese things, returns to Catholicism, and deserts his old friend. — Page 17.
CHAPTEE III.
THE BOOK AGAINST THE PRIESTHOOD. 1522/
Development of Luther's principles. — ^Myconius, Bugenhagen, Capito, Hedlo,
and CBcolampadius embrace Protestantism. — ^The secularised monks leave
the monastery. — Attempts at propagating Lutheranism in the religious
houses. — Special writing composed for their use by Dr. Luther. — The book
against the priesthood. — ^Analysis of it. — Page 26.
VI .CONTENTS.
CHAPTBE IV.
ADRIAN VI.— DIET OF NUREMBEEG. 1522—1528.
Florent of Utrecht ia eloTated to the pontifical chair, and takes the name of
Adrian YI. — Character of that pope. — Estimate of it by Protestant histo-
rians.— ^Reforms which he wishes to introduce in the Church. — He sends
Cheregatus to the Diet assembled at Nuremberg. — ^Appearance of the
assembly. — ^Attempts at reconciliation made by the popedom, and which are
baffled by the inimical dispositions of the members of the Diet. — ^Writings
published by Luther to foment defiance and hatred against Rome. — ^The
Diet digests its memorial of grievances^ known by the name of " Centum
Gravamina." — Luther's commentary. — Adrian's grief and mortification. —
His death. — ^Luther's pamphlet against him whom he oaUs the old devil of
MeiBsen. — Melancthon endeavours to justify Luther's rage. — Erasmus's
opinion of the monk. — Page 88.
CHAFTEE V.
HENRY Vin. AND LUTHER. 1528.
The Captivity of the Church in Babylon excites a great sensation in England.
— It is attacked by Henry VIII. — Specimen of the royid work. — ^Lu^er's
reply to the king's pamphlet. — Bugenhagen and Melancthon approve of
Luther's part in the controversy. — Henry complains to Germany of Luther's
insults. — Sir Thomas More defends the king's aide. — His work. — Luther's
daring explained. — ^New letter, wherein the monk humbly apologises to
Henry. — ^And why ? — Page 60.
CHAPTER VI.
THE PICTURES. 1624.
How Luther makes use of pictures to destroy Catholidsm in Germany. — ^The
pope-ass and monk-calf. — Legend which he appends to these two caricatures.
— New pictures against the papacy. — Their success. — Melancthon joins
Luther in insulting the representative of Catholicity. — Page 65.
CHAPTER VU.
ERASMUS AND FREE-WILL. 1624.
Literary glory of Erasmus. — His war with the monks. — Luther's theses. —
Erasmus is jealous of the sensation caused by Luther. — Letter from Luther
to him. — ^The philosopher's reply. — His cowardice. — His rival's indifference.
— Erasmus conceives the idea of writing against Luther. — Adrian VI.
applies to Erasmus. — He refuses, but continues to attack the monk secretly.
— Luther breaks out. — Erasmus's versatility. — ^Free-will : Luther's psycho-
lojg;ioal opinions. — Estimate of his system of philosophy. — Appeal to the
Bible. — ^Erasmus discusses the principle of free-will. — His book on the sub-
ject.— Luther's reply to it. — Erasmus refiites the "Servum Arbitrium." — His
Hyperaspites. — His death. — Page 7L
CONTENTS. Vll
CHAPTEE VIII.
LITERARY LABOURS.— THE BIBLE.
At Wartbuig Luther labonn to reduce to order the elements of his doctrine.
— ^Tbe German Bible. — Account of the Doctor's version. — ^The excitement
which it creates. — Emser criticises Luther's transUition. — ^The opinion of
Genuanj in regard to it. — ^Blunders which he made. — ^The Catholic Church
had translated the Bible into the vernacular before Luther. — She has never
concealed, as she has been charged with doing, God's word ; and wherefore t
— ^Dangers which the revealed word would run, if the Church did not watch
over the deposit of the truths of the fiuth. — Protestant commentary. —
Agricola. — Page 105.
CHAPTEE IX.
DIETS OF NUREMBERG AND RATISBON. 1524—1625.
The legate Campecgio at the Diet of Nuremberg. — Aspect of the States. —
Decrees of the Diet. — Luther's protest against the Orders. — ^The Catholics
assemble at Batisbon in defence of their &ith.— Otho Pack deceives the
reformed princes, by inventing a plan of conspiracy by the Catholics against
the Protestants. — His imposture is detected by means of Duke George of
Saxony .—Pcy/c 117.
CHAPTEE X.
THE PEASANTS' WAR. 1524—1526.
State of the public mind in Germany in 1524. — Boldness of the new doctrines.
— Carlstadt at Orlamtinde. — Strauss at Eisenach. — Munzer in Thuringia. —
Partial revolts of the peasantry. — ^The association of the Bundsohuh. — ^Conira-
temity of the Tun. — Luther's manifesto, addressed to the German nobility,
drives the people to rebellion. — Menzel's opinion on this point. — Insurrec-
tionary movement in the country places. — Scbappeler, a priest^ draws up a
manifesto for the peasants. — Effect of this appeal on the masses. — Insur-
rection of one part of Germany. — Character of tbe strife. — Page 126.
CHAPTEK XI.
END OF THE PEASANTS' WAR AND EXECUTION OF MUNZER.
1525.
What part does Luther take in the rebellion of the peasants against their lords f
— ^His address to the nobles. — The peasants, emboldened by his language,
rise in all quarters. — Phiffer. — Munzer goes to the mines of Mansfeld. —
Luther changes his opinion and language ; his manifesto to the rebels. —
The prophet's reply.— -Osiander and Erasmus accuse Luther. — Progress of
the rebellion. — Luther preaches the murder of the rebels. — Melancthon's
language. — Battle of Franckenbausen. — Defeat of the peasants. — Munzer is
reconciled to the Catholic Church, and dies denouncing Luther. — Is Luther to
VIU CONTENTS.
be aocnsed of hftving misled the peasantxy ?— The masket, the ultmute mtio
to which the monk appeals for settlinjr the rebellion. — The Protestant prinoes
rally to that theory of despotism. — It is one of the causes of the succesB of
the new doctrine. — Pagt 138.
CHAPTER XII.
LUTHER'S DISPtJTATION WITH CARLSTADT. 1524, 1525.
The extinction of the peasants' war has not restored peace to Lather. — ^New
dispntee arising from the principle of free inquiry. — Reappearance of Oarl-
stadt. — Various pamphlets written by him to subvert theWittembei^ creed.
— ^Rise of Sacramentarianism. — Luther preaches agunst the prophets at
Jena. — Carlstadt's challenge to Lather. — The two theologians dispute
( upon the Lord's Supper, at the Black Bear inn. — Luther at Orlamtinde,
wnere he again meets Carlstadt. — Bickering with a shoemaker. — ^He is
driven fr^m Orlamiinde. — Carlstadt has given the signal for new revolts
against Luther. — Effi-onteries of the ratiomJists. — Pagt 159.
CHAPTEE XIII.
SECULARIZATION OF THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES AND MAR-
RIAGE OF THE MONKS. 1524, 1526.
How Luther contrived to legitimate the expulsion of the monks. — Disorders
occasioned in the monasteries by the reformer's writings against celibacy. —
The unfrocked monks enter the service of the printers. — ^They are active
auxiliaries for the Reformation. — ^Froben of BAle. — Carlstadt.-~Monachal
bigamies. — ^What Luther thought of them.— Po^tf 179.
CHAPTEE XIV.
PLUNDER OF THE CHURCH PROPERTY.
Lather, in order to win the princes over to his doctrines, offers them the spoils
of the monasteries. — ^Feuaal Germany had long aspired to burst the tutdage
in which Rome held her, for the sake of the nations. — ^Effects of Luther's
preaching on the great vassals of the empire. — Code drawn up by the Saxon
monk for the use of the princes who coveted the property of the Church. —
Invasion of the temporal on the rights of the spiritual power. — ^These
attempts are justified and commended by Luther, Melancthon, Bucer,
Bullinger, and all the leaders of the Reformation. — ^Doctrines of flRtvery
taught by them. — ^Pillage of the Catholic churches and properties. — ^Tardy
indignation of Luther. — ^Had he not preached robbeiT andmurder f — ^Useless
advances made by him to some of his adversaries. — Page 185.
CHAPTEE XV.
ABOLITION OF THE CATHOLIC WORSHIP.
The Children in Germany were instructed by the religious. — ^After the seculari^a'
tion of the monks/theeducation of the people was entirely neglected. — Luther's
complaints of the neglect of the reformed princes to instruct the rising
CONTENTS. IX
geneimtion. — ^Yintations of the oommmiities reoommended by the refoimer.
— ^The prince selects the Tisitors. — ^The dei^man now only an instrament
in the hands of the civil power. — Disorganization of the Catholic worship
effected by Luther^ with consent of the princes. — ^The Gregorian chant
abolished. — German songs appointed in place of onr hymns and proses. —
Is it tme that Luther was the first in his laic strains to glorify the blood
of Christ V—Page 197.
CHAPTEE XVI.
MORAL AND LITERARY INFLUENCES OP THE REFORMATION.
Accosations of intolerance, suppression, and fiJsehood, brought against the
reformers by Erasmus. — ^He has not told us all. — ^Fatal influences of the
Reformation on morals and literature, admitted by Luther, Melancthon,
Firkheimer, and others. — Page 208.
CHAPTEE XVII.
LUTHER'S MARRIAGE. 1525.
Luther's celibacy. — The Catholics foresaw his marriage. — His reply to
Argnla> who urges him to marry. — ^Motives which, perhaps^ may have
induced Luther not to listen to her. — His letter to the archbishop of
Mayence. — How he revenges himself on the cardinal who refuses to marry.
— ^Unexpected marriage of Luther. — ^Letter to Justus Jonas on the subject.
— ^Melancthon's regret — ^Rejoicing of the Catholic monks. — ^Emser's epi-
thalamium. — Conrad Wimpina's caricature. — ^Erasmus's letters to Mauch
of Ulm and Nicholas Ereiard, president of the high council of Holland, on
Catherine's precoctous maternity. — Eridenoe of other writers. — Controversy
on Bora's confinement. — ^The retractation of Erasmus. — ^What we should
think of it. — Heniy yili:'s opinion of Luther's marriage. — ^Influence of this
marriage of the monk.— Pc^ 215.
CHAPTEE XVm.
CATHERINE BORA.
Catherine Bora's extraction. — ^Her portrait, as drawn by Werner and Elraus. —
Was Luther happy in his domestic state! — ^Bora's character. — Scenes of
their private life.— Po^e 288.
CHAPTEE XIX.
LUTHER IN PRIVATE LIFE.
Luther the fiither of a fiunily. —Elisabeth and John, hfs children.— Luther at
Cobnrg and the toy-merchant. — His letter to his son. — ^Luther a gardener.
— In his own house. — Luther's residencc-^The monasteiy of Erfurt in
1888. — Lnther at table. — ^His opinion of music. — Account of the expences
of the city of Wittemberg for the doctor. — ^Luther's opinion as to dancing
CONTKNTS.
and mury.— A oaie of oonscienoe. — ^Tbe duds of Nimptachen. — Luther an
iiiBolvent debtor. — HanB Lufft and Ammlorf. — ^The reformer's courage in
adversity. — His charities. — His pride in poverty. — His devotion to the
Moses. — Eobanus Hessus.— Pc^ 245.
CHAPTBE XX.
LUTHER AT TABLE.— THE TISCH-REDEN.
Luther at the Black Eagle tavern in Wittembei:g. — Evening conversations. —
Why we collet them. — The object of these nocturnal gossipings. — T)ie
devil. — SorceiT. — ^The pope. — ^The decretals. — ^Th^ bishops. — ^The papists.
— On the death of some papists. — The monks. — P<ige 264«
CHAPTER XXI.
THE TISCH-REDEN CONTINUED.
Diseases. — ^A jurist. — ^The Jews. — ^The ancient Church. — ^The Scriptures. —
f Heretics. — ^The Sacramentarians. — St. Gregory. — St John. — St. Augustine.
—The Fathers.— Eck, Faber.—Sadoletus.— Paradise.— God.— Pasr« 279.
CHAPTER XXII.
THE TTSCH-REDEN CONTINUED.— WOMAN.— THE TEMPTER.
Woman, the fertile subject of conversation at table in the Black Eagle. —
Luther's tempter. — ^How the doctor drove him away. — His advice to Weller,
how to repel temptations. — Germany and the Tisch-Reden. — Page 287.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE CONFERENCE OF MARBURG. — DISPUTATION ON THE
EUCHARIST. 1529.
The Catholic dogma on the real presence. — CarLstadt was the first who denied
It. — His exegesis. — New spirit which rises in the church of Wittemberg. —
By whom excited? — Zwinglius attacks the sacrament. — His dream. — The
figurative sense of Zwinglius is determined by his doctrine on the sacra-
ments.— Luther's theory on the Lord's Supper. — Hatred of popery the great
argument of the Swiss for rejecting the real presence, comliated by Luther. —
Conference of Marbdrg. — Luther refuses to call Zwinglius brother. — Ana-
themas exchanged between Wittemberg and Zurich. — Appeal of the two
schools to authority. — Lesson derived from that appeal. — Melancholy end of
Carlstadt. — Schwenckfeld separates from Luther, and in his turn attacks the
real presence. — Page 296.
C0KTE9TS. XI
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE DIXrr OF ATJOSBUBG. 1590.
State of Germimy prior to the opening of the Diet. — Charles V. leftyes Italy
to restore peace to the empire. — His entry into Augsburg. — ^Prooesaion of
the Blessed Sacrament. — ^The Protestant princes refuse to assist at it. —
Who these were. — Augsburg is disturbed by the preaching of the inno-
yators. — Account of a Lutheran comedy performed in presence of Charles Y.
—Catholic orators who take part in the proceedings of the diet. — PoQt 319.
CHAPTEE XXV.
THE CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG. 1580.
Opening of the Diet. — ^The Protestant princes present their confession of fiiith
to the emperor. — ^Tbe confession of Augsburg is a manifesto against the
original creed of Luther. — ^The doctor's contradictions. — Melancthon gives
an account to his master of the deliberations of the Diet. — Luther at Cobuig.
— Melancthon's dispositions of mind at Augsburg. — Various concessions
which he makes to the Catholics. — Luther, from Coburg, opposes every kind
of dealing*with the " papists." — Spalatinus and Jonas desire a reconciliation.
— Anger of Luther, who will have peace at no price. — Brack is of a similar
way of thinking. — Melanothon's chagrin and discouragement. — Cries of
reprobation against the attempts at reconciliation made by the professor. —
Luther's append to popular hatred. — ^The elector of Saxony clandestinely
leaves Augsburg. — Melancthon, to be reconciled with the Swins, who could
not obtain a hearing at the Diet^ alters the text of the confession. — ^The
confession, considered as a dogmatic creed, does violence to the principle of
free inquiry. — Pogt 382.
CHAPTEE XXVI.
MELANCTHON.
Melancthon at the university of Wittemberg. — ^Portrait of the professor. — His
mode of Hving. — Luther comprehends Melancthon. — His opinion of his dis-
ciple's commentaries. — ^Melancthon by his mother's death-bed. — His doubts
and weaknesses. — Luther's illness at Schmalkalden. — Melancthon at Hague-
nau. — His influence on the Befonnation. — His philosophical opinions. —
Pa^ 854.
CHAPTEE XXVn.
LUTHER'S POLICY. 1681, &o.
League of Schmalkalden. — Luther attacks the Diet of Augsbui^ with his pen.
— ^His Warning to the Germans, to which Melancthon supphes a pre&ce. —
How can Luther's audacity be exphuned ? — An anonymous writer answers
Luther. — His reply.— His theory on the right of resistance. — His letters to
the abbess of Risaa.— The Anabaptists rebel, and have recourse to arms.—
Pfsgt 867.
/
ZU 00NTEKT8.
CHAPTEE XXVin.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 1684— 15S6.
Forced to leave Augsburg anheard, they enter WestphaUa.— -Munster receives
them. — ^Bothmann disturbs the city by his preachings. — Description of him.
— Melchior Hoffinann. — John .of Leyden is proclaimed king of Munster. —
Biots caused by the Anabaptists in that city. — ^They establish community of
goods there. — ^It is besieged by Bishop Waldeck. — Is captured. — Execution
of the prophets. — David Greorge or Jons.— The Anabaptists charge Luther
with the evils which stain Germany with blood. — Pagt 876.
CHAPTEE XXIX.
LAST EFFOETS OF THE PAPACY. 1586—1541.
Efforts of Clement VII. to restore peace to the Church of Germany. — Paul III.
sends Vergerio to Luther. — ^His interview with the nuncio. — He laughs at
the legate. — ^Diets of Schmalkalden and Batisbon. — ^Vain attempts of the
CathoUcs to reconcile the Protestants with the Church. — Melancthon strives
in vain against Luther's obstinacy. — ^Luther's rage against Charles V. and
Eric, duke of Brunswick. — Death of George, duke of Saxony. — Pa/gt 888.
CHAPTEE XXX.
BIGAMY OF THE LANDGBAVE OF HESSE. 158d— 1540.
The Landgrave's morals.— His letter to Luther, desiring that the Wittemberg
reformers would sanction his intended bigamy. — Motives which he assigns
for having two wives. — Consultation and reply of the members of the Evan-
gelical Church. — ^The Landgrave's marriage with one of his wife Christina's
maids of honour. — ^Luther's repentance. — Pagt 400.
CHAPTEE XXXI.
LUTHEB'S AFFLICTIONS AND SUFFEBINGS.
Luther &]ls sick at Schmalkalden. — ^His wishes against the papacy. — He
never knew how to pray. — ^Deathof his&ther. — His servant Dietricn. — Death
of Magdalene. — The fibther's affectionate care for his child. — ^His last will. —
Pagt 407.
CHAPTEE XXXII. .
TEMPTATIONS AND DOUBTS.
Doubt, the most cruel temptation to which Luther is a prey. — ^The doctor's
mental prostral^on. — Disclosures on this subject, derived from his private
coiTespondence.— His fiirewell to Borne.— Pagrc 416.
CONTENTS. Xlll
CHAPTEE XXXIII.
LUTHER'S LAST MOMENTS. 1646.
QoArrols in the ftmUy of the Counts of Mansfeld. — Luther goee to Bisleben
to suppress them. — Incidents on his journey. — He sits for the last time at
table with his disciples. — His prophecy regarding the papacy. — His last
moments and death. — His funeral. — Page 424.
CHAPTEE XXXIV.
CATHERINE BORA.— LUTHER'S RELICS.
Distress of Catherine Bora. — Her death. — Relics of Luther at Eisleben,
Erfurt, ko.—Pagt 482.
CHAPTER XXXV.
LUTHER CONSIDERED AS AN ORATOR, AUTHOR, MUSICIAN,
AND TRANSLATOR.
Luther as an orator : he is the great preacher of the Reformation. — ^His style
in the pulpit. — ^His Haus poetils.— Luther as an author. — ^As a musician. —
Has he, as has been allegea, effected any improvement in religious music t —
As a translator. — His version of the Bible. — Page 440.
CHAPTEE XXXVI.
THE TRIBUNAL OF THE REFORMATION.— Pfl»r« 458.
COINTFIEMATOET EVIDENCE.
I. Epithalamia Martini Lutheri Wittebergensis Johannis Hessi Yratis-
laviensis Page 471
II. Erasmus's Letter to Daniel Mauch 473
m. On the Tiach-Reden 474
lY . Consultation of the Theologians of Wittemberg, addressed to Philip
Landgrave of Hesse 480
INDEX 485
HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
CHAPTER I.
LUTHEB'S BETUKN TO WITTEMBEB6. 1522.
Origin of AnabftptiBin. — Cftrlafcadt and Mnnzer are Luther's children. — Doe-
trines of the Anabaptists. — Melanothon, by order of Frederick, holds
oonferenoes with the Anabaptists^ who had reeeiyed the name of the pro*
phots.— What he thinks of them. — ^He appeals from them to Luther. —
Frederick tries^ bnt ineffeotnallj, to prevent the monk's return to Wittem-
berg. — ^Luther's letter to the elector. — ^He returns to 'Wittembeig, ascends
the pulpit^ and preaches against the fimatics. — Ck>nfer8 with Stubner and
Cellariiis, and oannot bring them back. — ^His interview with Manser.— The
prophets are expelled from Wittemberg.— Caristadt's books are confiscated*
— ^What then had the prophets done !
Akabaptism is the child of the Protestant Reformation ; its
tXMdle was at Wittembeig, and not in the mountains of Sayo;,
where the merchant of Lyons, Peter Yaldo, sought a refuge.
Protestantism, like Anabaptism, proceeded from this fundamental
idea, that the Holy Scriptures are the sole rule of fiuth. Luthar
was satisfied with separating the Scriptures from the Church ;
Munzer rejected the exertions of man to understand the Scrip-
tures. A rigorous logician, he believed that the divine word
could assume another than the sensible form, and he appealed
to it to translate it faithfully by inward illumination, as Luther
had positively taught. From that time, what need of the Bible ?
It was from this desperate consequence of a principle established
by the leader of the Saxon school, that Munzer himself, also a
leader, but of a thundering legion, was impelled from fall to fiill,
and from one depth to another. Bible soon signified nothing but
Babd for this Satan of the reformation.
Anabaptism, which, true to its adopted name, admitted but
one article in its creed, faith in a second baptism, soon bor-
VOL. IL B
2 HISTOBY ^ LUTHER.
rowed firom the ancient hereg&es i tnass of errors which it was to
seal with its blood. It annotmeed a new world, in which the
Son of God was to dwell in all his glory ; it promised to the
nations a new heaven and a new earth, in which there should be
an equality of temporal and spiritual goods, and in which, set
firee from the bonds of obligatory marriage, the individual, unre-
strained, should b^t issue free from stain. A Lutheran clergy-
man, who long had associated with the prophets of the new
alliance, has given us, in a brief narrative, a clear view of some
of the socialist dogmas of that sect
" They have,'' says he, " neither father nor mother, brother
nor sister, wife nor children in the flesh, but are mere spiritual
brethren and sisters among one another. Each one says, ^ I am
not in mine, but in our house ; I lie uot in mine, but in our
bed ; I clothe myself not with mine, but with our coat. It is
not I and Kate, my wife, but I and Kate, our sister, keep house
together : in short, no one has anything more of his own, but
everything belongs to us, the brethren and sisters.' "^
The Anabaptist considered baptism useless to him who did not
understand the nature of it ; he wished a second ablution for the
profane individual, who was not bom in the kingdom of the new
alliance. He who desired to enter into the New Jerusalem must
renounce seven evil spirits,^ — ^fear, wisdom, understanding, art,
counsel, strength, and ungodliness.
To all who approached to receive baptism, Melchior Rink
made use of the following formula : —
" Art thou a Christian ? — * Yes.' What dost thou believe,
then? — *I believe in God, my Lord Jesus Christ.' For what
wilt thou give me thy works ? — ' I will give them for a penny.'
For what wilt thou pve me thy goods ; for a penny also ? —
* No.' For what wilt thou give, then, thy life ; for a penny
also ? — ' No.' Thou art not a Christian ; thou art not rightly
baptized ; thou art only baptized with water in St. John's bap-
tism. I ask thee, dost thou, then, renounce creatures ? — ' Yes.*
Dost thou renounce thyself ? — * Yes.' Then I baptize you."«
' Justas MeninSy 1. c. Moehler's Symboliam, translated by Bobertson,
vol. ii. p. 177.
' JustiiB Meniufl, Der Wiedertaaffer Lehre auB heiliger Schrlft widerlegt,
rait einer Voirede Lnther'a ; — Justus Menius^ The Doctrines of the Anabap-
LUTHE&'S BETUBH TO WITTEMBEKa. 3
We cannot forget that this is one of the tritimphs of free
inqniiy, which had long before been announced at Worms by
Eck and Vehos.
Private judgment, after having attacked works, denied human
virtue, blotted out the papal supremacy, and upset the ecclesi-
astical hierarchy, brutally struck at the efficacy of psedo-baptism.
One ruin succeeded another. The mild reproaches, threats, and
even tears, of the Catholic Church it had all disdained in its
cold insensibility. Nicholas Storch, Mark Stubner, and Thomas
Munzer had opened the book which everybody believed he was
entitled to search, and had met with this text in the Gospel : —
'^ Whoever shall believe and be baptized, shall obtain the king-
dom of heaven ;" and, by virtue of Aristotle and Luther, that is
to say, of the deceiver /, they had come to the conclusion that
in order to be regenerated, and become children of Ood by bap-
tism, it was necessary, in the first instance, to have faith.
Melancthon was directed, by his highness the elector Frederick,
to confer, if it were possible, with the new apostles. Melancthon
accordingly interrogated them ; and he wrote to the prince that
be must beware of despising this new doctrine.^
"Who commissioned you to preach?" Melancthon asked
them. " The Lord," was their reply. What could be said to
the new evangelists, who merely repeated what Luther had so
often declared? Wherefore should God not have stirred up
Storch to preach the words of salvation, as he had Luther ? If
every man is a priest, as Luther teaches in the " Captivity of
the Church at Babylon," the tailor has his letters of vocation
in his pocket. If whoever reads the Bible recollectedly is en-
lightened by the Holy Spirit, Mark Stubner the scholar has
received the heavenly gift, for he has read the Scriptures. If
Luther has declaimed against free-will by means of texts from the
sacred books, Carlstadt the theologian has been enabled to reject
infant baptism, supported by a passage of St. John. We there-
fore think that Melancthon did right to prohibit the students.
tists refbted by ibe Scripturas, with a prefiioe by Lather: Witt. 1551, part it.
L292. Mo^er, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 163. Meknchthon, Unterrioht wider die
hra der Wiedertauffer.
' " Ich babe lie selbet Ternommeii, ich babe in Wahrbeit wiohtige Unnoben,
daasiohiio niohtTeracfalen wiU.''~lIarbeinecke, 1. o. torn. i. 1816, pp. 206—807.
b2
4 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
who had made a bonfire of the pope's decretals, from tormentiog
the '^ prophets ;" for such was the name which, in derision, they
had given to the Anabaptists.^
Melancthon has not told us all. For a while he was so led
away by the fanatics, that he felt inclined to throw aside his
professor's gown, and become a baker, that he might no longer
eat other bread than what his own hands baked.^
Luther beheld from Wartburg all these storms. His friends
invoked his assistance ; Melancthon, Jonas, and Amsdorf wrote
to him : " Come, or we perish/'* The Council of Wittemberg
was not less urgent.'*
'^ Yes, I shall go," he replied ; ^* time presses ; God calls me ;
I hear his voice. My flock is at Wittemberg; my children
in Jesus Christ are there ; I shall be guilty of their blood, if I
do not go to their rescue ; for them I am ready to suffer every-
thing, even deatL Satan has taken advantage of my absence
to create disturbances among my sheep ; I will snatch them from
him, for they are mine ; I have answered for them to the Eternal
Father. I shall go, therefore, for my pen is useless here ; there
is need for my lips and my ears . . . .* Pray for me, that I may
crush the head of the serpent who rises up against the Gfospel
at Wittemberg. Under the sun of the Gospel, I shall fight with
the angel of light or the angel of darkness. Let Carlstadt per-
sist or not, Christ will know how to bring his wicked efforts to an
> Marbeineoke, 1. e. Melancthon said also : <'We may jud^e by sure signa
that there are spirits among them, of whom Luther only can give testimony ;"
-^ena man siehetaus Tielen Zeichen, daas in ibnen gewisae Geister aeyn
m5gen, von den«i aber Niemand a]a Martinns urtbeilen kann. — Arnold, 1. o.
p. 727.
* *' Snnt qui e6 dementis progressom soribant, nt abdicate professione re-
lictoqne litterario vits genere, pisturam meditaretur ; ne scilicet aliam panem
comederet qukm manuum labore oomparatum."— Oocbl. in Act. Luth. SurioSy
in Yitft Lutheri. Ulenberg, Vita et Bes gestss Philippi Melanchth. : Coloniso,
1622, 12mo. p. 18.
' *' Melanchthon crebris snis alionunque litteris permoyit Luthemm ut .
Wittenbergam rediret. Nisi hoc fiicere matarftsset^ res ViTittenbergensis non
modb graviter afflicta atque yexata, sed perdita et fanditiks dinita miaset."--*
Gamerarius, in Vit& Melanchth. p. 51.
* We read in the register of the chamber of aoeonnts at Wittemberg, 1525^
XLH. ffl. " Ber Dictua Schnlzin seben hat Dr. Martinus Lather yorzehrt, do
er uffErfordemng dea Hatha and gemeyner Stadt wjrderumb gegen Witten-
berg kommen. So er aoa der InaellFathmoB kommen ist yn dia Jahr allererat
bezalt worden.
' Aa den KurfUrsten, 12 Mai. De Wette, Luther's Briefe, torn. ii.
LUTHBB 8 RBTUBK TO WITTEMBEBQ. 5
end. We are masters of life and death, firom the moment that
we haye faith in the Lord of death and life.^ I shall stop the
mouth of the Holj Spirit, by whom the prophets say they are
This is the most brilliant page of Lnther's history, and for
all the world we wonld not tear it oat ; for the Reformer becomes
great before ns, when fearless he bursts firom his exile, to restore
the statues which Carlstadt had broken down; to purify the
church of All Saints, polluted by so many profanities, and shut
the mouths of the prophets. Luther is splendid in his wrath.
Let Protestants with pride point out to us their father at Worms,
with his eye directed, like that of a judge, upon the emperor ;
when we for an instant reflect, we can only see in Luther at the
diet the hero of the stage, who has studied beforehand the part
which he has to perform, and who cannot for a moment tremble,
because he knows well that the only man who can make him
bleed has neither the will nor the power ; that at twenty years
of age a king has not completed his apprenticeship of perjury,
and that a hair plucked from his head, even in a motion of
foolish anger, would set Germany in a flame. John Huss at
Prague in noways resembled Luther at Worms. Besides that
time is a school in which kings, as well as subjects, have to learn,
the ideas of the two sectaries were not the same. John Huss
came to change at once the Catholic £uth and the social politics
of Germany ; he directed himself as much against the tiara as
against the crowns. Luther had taken great care, firom the moment
of his appearance in the revolt of Wittembeig, to separate the
political firom the religious principle, which he was to confound at
a later period. Erasmus reproached him with having flattered the
great at the outset. It was necessary to intoxicate them, to turn
their heads ; for without them he could not begin his war with
Home. If Rome fell under his attacks, royalty, spared by
Luther, would consider itself protected fix>m all danger, because
it has not understood that the popedom is also a sovereignty ;
that a pope, even more than a king, is stamped on the brow with
the mark of God ; that pontiff and king are two authorities in
> Spalfttmo, 12 Mart. De Wette, torn. ii.
* '* 3«ik% denen derselbe nnter die Angen sagte, ihren Oeiflt hane er ttber die
Schnauze."— Menzel, Keuere Geechichte der Deutechen, torn. i. pp. 129 — ^181.
6 HI8T0BT OF LUTHBB.
two different orders, or ratHer one and the game principle, in the
eyes of God.
In leaving his exile, it was no longer the papacy that Luth^
attacked, but the sovereignty of Charles V. ; it was the emperor
whom he disregarded, when he escaped firom his prison to preach
at Wittemberg, in spite of the orders of the diet, and agitate anew
the world with his voice, althoii^h he had promised to be silent.
Melancthon had good reason to be alarmed, when he saw him
leave Wartburg ; for it was his life which he seemed to
endanger, and with it the very fate of his doctrines, of which hia
disciples wonld dispute the inheritance, and which would perish
for want of a mind capable of sustaining their weight. If that
work which, according to him, came from God, was in Luther's
lifetime subjected to such blows, that it often could not be
recognised, mutilated and wounded as it was ; what would it
become if Luther himself were in the grave I
Thus, as we have ah^ady observed, there are many serious
thinkers who r^ret that Charles V. did not make use of the
sword which, at his election, he promised to draw, if necessary,
for the defence of social order ; and who would that kings should
oftener remember that they resemble the Deity here below, and
that the sword which hangs by their side was not given to them
to remain useless. They believe that if the young emperor had
drawn it, Germany would not at a subsequent period have been
a prey to those cruel wars in which the blood of her children
flowed. A few drops only, shed as an expiatory chastisement^
might have spared Germany an ocean. They ask if the mariner,
to escape from the storm, would not tear down one of his sails,
and if the course of a river is interrupted, by taking a little mud
out of its bed.^ These inflexible logicians do not wish, for the
good of human nature, that the principles of eternal order should
be tampered with, and they justify their theories by hist<»y. Con-
fining themselves in the limits wherein they discuss the great
question of the power of life or death, given to the prince over
any one who should desire to upset the common belief, — " See,''
' Thig is the idea wbich Hochsiraet had, it is said, asserted in his foresight
of the future. Prior to Hochstraet, Luther had written this terrible sentence :
" Melius est omnes episcopos occidi, omnia collegia monasteriaque eradicari,
qvikm unam perire animam."
luthbb'8 return to wittembbrq. 7
say they, ^* what miserieB the neglect of justioe has brought upon
unhappy (Jennany ! — ^the blood of a hnndred thousand peasants
shed upon the battle-field ; murder organised ; robb^ reduced
to an axiom; promiscnons intercourse with women publicly
preached ; incest and adultery exalted into moral deeds ; the
arts degraded ; civilization arrested ; and so much tears, blood,
mis^, and shame, because an emperor has retreated before a
monk.''
That work, which might have suffered a violent death at
Worms by the emperoi^s sword, would have now perished by
a gradual decay, had Luther remained longer at Wartburg.
It was not the edge of a sword which it had to fear, but the
instrument by which it was produced, — speecL Luther knew the
danger. His friends, who were not aware of it, seemed alarmed
at the advice which they had at first given him to return ; and
to intimidate him, they threatened him with the anger of
Charles V. But although their voice could have been heard in
the solitude of Wartburg, Luther would not have obeyed it ; for
there was another which cried more powerfully, — " that which
c^ke to Moses on Sinai, and smote down Paul on the road to
Damascus — ^the voice of Ood,'' — ^which Luther said he heard at
the depth of his heart. He appears to be filled with it when
he replies to Frederick, who forbad him by John Osswald, the
bailiff {Amtmann) of Eisenach,^ to come to Wittembeig : —
'' Your highness knows well that my gospel comes not firom men,
but firom Heaven, by our Lord Jesus Christ I might have, as I
shall henceforth do, called myself his servant and evangelist ....
I have done enough for your highness in imprisoning myself here
for a year. It is not for fear, at least ; that the devil knows well !
He saw my heart at the moment when I entered Worms ; although
there had been as many devils there as there are tiles on the roofs
of the city, I should have scaled the walls with joy. Now, Duke
Oeorge^ is not even as much worth as a deviL As the Father
of infinite mercies has given me power by his Gospel over aD
* Iiingke, 1. c. p. 117.
' Buke George had oomplaiued to the elector of the religious oommotions
at Wittemberg, and, as a member of the German Diet, had invoked the
severity of the episcopal body against the disturbers. Seckendorf, book i.
p. 217. Pktnck, L o. torn. ii. p. 60. De Wette, Dr. M. Luther's Briefe,
torn. ii. p. 189.
8 HISTOBT OF LVTHEB.
deyik and oyer death, and has delivered to me the kingdom of
the fatnre^ your highness must clearly see that it would be an
insult to my master were I not to trust to him, or to forget that
I am beyond the reach of the anger of Duke George. Were Ood
to summon me to Leipsic, as to Wittemberg, Tshould go (your
highness will pardon this nonsense), although it should ndn
Oeoiges for nine days, and each were nine times more fuiious
than this devil of a duke.^ He takes my Christ for a reed ;
neither Christ nor I shall suffer him longer.
" I go to Wittemberg under the protection of a providence
stronger than that of princes and electors. I have no need of
your support ; but you have <^ mine : it wiU be of more
advantage to you. If I knew that you wished to offer me your
protection, I should not go. This is a matter which requires
neither advice nor the edge of the sword ; God alone, and with
no parade of visible force, is my master and protector. He who
believes shall be my protector ; and you are too weak in the
faith to enable me to recognise in you a support and a saviour.
'^ Tou wish to know what you have to do on this occasion^
persuaded as you are that you have not done enough ? I tell you,
respectfully, you have done &r too much, and you have nothing
more to do. God does not wish you to be a partaker of my
sorrows and vexations ; he reserves them for himself, and not
for others .... But if I will not obey you, God will not
impute to you either my fetters or my blood, if I faQ. Leave
the emperor to act ; obey him as a prince of the empire ; if he
should take my life, that is his concern. Tou must not heed,
prince, if I do not consent that you should participate in my
hardships and dangers ; Christ has not instructed me to show
myself a Christian at the expense of my neighbour. Even
should they push their folly so far as to insist upon your laying
hands on me, I teU you what jon have to do. I desire that you
should obey without considering your servant, and that you
should not suffer for me either in your mind, your substance, or
your person.
" By God's grace, my prince, at another time, if necessary, we
> " Wenns gleich (E. K. F. 6. Terzeihe mir mem niinisch Beden) neun Tage,
eitel Henog Georgen regnete, and ein jeglioher wttre Deunfiich wtLthender,
denn dieser ist."— An den KurfUnten Friedrich, 5 Man, 1522.
LUTHBR S BBTUBK TO WITTBMBEBa. 9
shall disconnie at greater length. I make haste^ for fear your
highness should be disturbed by the noise of my arrival ; my duty,
as a good Christian, is to comfort every one and annoy nobody.
I have to do with a different person than Bake (}eorge, who
knows me well, ftnd whom I also know welL If your high-
ness believes, you will see the kingdom of God ; as you do
not believe, you have seen nothing. Love in the Lord for
ever. Amen. From Boma, by the side of my guide ; Ash-
Wednesday, 1522."
It was not zeal for the word of Ood that tormented the
elector, who always &ncied that he saw between him and
Luther the spectre of the emperor. A prey to his worldly fears,
he despatched to the monk courier after courier ; but Luther
continued his journey, laughing at those weak human considera-
tions with which they sought to alarm him. At some distance
from Wittemberg he met his friend Schurf, who had orders firom
the prince to try the effect of a friend's advice in preventing
him from entering that. city. All that he could obtain was a
few words in exchange for those which the messenger conveyed.
*^ I shall go,'' said Luther ; " time presses, Ood calls me, he
cries ; let my destiny be frdfilled, in Uie name of Jesus Christ
the master of life and death. During my absence, Satan has
entered into my sheepfold at Wittemberg, and made ravages in
it which my presence alone can repair ; there is need of my eyes
and my mouUi to see and to speak. They are my sheep whom
Gh)d has given to me to tend, they are my children in the Lord.
For them I am ready to suffer martyrdom. I go to accomplish,
by the grace of God, what Christ demands from those who
confess him (John x. 12). If my words were sufficient to chase
away the evil, would I be called to Wittemberg ? I shall die
sooner than delay — die for the salvation of my neighbour."
And he dismissed the messenger.^
Such words well became Luther, who had suffered his beard to
grow, cast off his priestly attire, and thrown aside his pilgrim's
staff, to mount a horse, and taken the iron cuirass, the great
sword, helmet, spurs and boots of a soldier of the sixteenth
* CoiURiIt, as to the prelimiiiaries of this joornoy, mhI his entnr to Wit-
tembeig, Luther's Letters to Spektinus, 17 Janoary ; the elector Frederiok,
5 aod 7 March ; and Bpalatinus, 7 March, 1522.
10 HISTOBT OF LUTHSB.
centniy. It is in this warlike ooettiiney in the midst of a doad
of att^tidants aad dust, that the painter Lucas Granach has
represented him entering Wittemberg. He was no longer called
Luther, but the chevalier George.^
For our part, we like not this disgoise^ We regret the blade
robe and the monk's cowl which he wore when we met him on
the road to Worms ; and since he was on the way to martyr-
dom, wherefore shoidd he cast aside the dress of a confessor of
Christ ?
Scarcely had he arriTed at Wittemberg when he ascended the
pulpit in that church of All Saints, in which five years before
he had sent forth his first cry of rebellion against the papacy.
It was strewn with the fragments of statues, and resembled the
workshop of a sculptor much more than a house of prayer.
Carlstadt stood concealed behind one of the pillars, to escape the
eye of his disciple, who sought for him in the crowd. The arch-
deacon had not yentured to visit the doctor.
The looks of Luther were directed for a considerable time
in silence to these vestiges of anabaptistic fury ; the audience,
crowded round the pulpit, waited in expectation for their master's
words. Luther ble^ed the congr^tion according to the Catholic
* In the library of the Leipsic Academy U preserred a portrait of Lnther
setting out from Wartburg to Wittemberg. At the bottom of the frame are
these four verses, which Luther had composed when ill at Schmaltalden,
in 1537 :—
" Quaefdtus toties, toties tibi Boma petitus,
En ego per Christum vivo Lutherus adhuc.
Una mihi apes est qnft non confdndar, leans,
Hanc mihi dnm teneam, perfida Boma vale ! "
— See Sa). Stepner, in Inscript. Lipsiensibus, p. 806.
He has been represented in an old woodcut, preceded by a winged ser-
pent, with this inscription : —
" Zu Wartburg Doctor Luther war
Verborgen fast ein gauzes Jahr ;
Bin grosser Bart ihm war gewachsenj
Wie damals trugen auch die Sachsen,
Und ganz verandert sein Gestalt ;
War neun und dreissig Jahr gleich alt.
Gen Wittenberg geritten kam,
Zu Kiclas Amsdorfl^ da er nahm
Die Herberg, eh er seinen Bart
Hat abgelegt, als bald er ward
Von Lucas Kranach abgemalt,
Als wie er ist hie gestalt.*'
— Fred. Scharfii, Dissert, de Luthero omnium theologorum . . . oommoni
pneceptoro : Wittemb. 1686.
LUTHB&'S BBTUBN TO WITTEMBEBG. 11
custom, bat on this oocaaon withoat invoking the Blessed
Virgin. He niade no ezordinmy but roshed at once into the
sabject of his disconise.
'^ It is from the heart/' said he, pointing to the shattered
statnes, ^^ that you ought to have removed them, and soon you
would have seen them fieJl of themselves, or displaced by the
hands of the magistrates. But you ought not to have given to
an iU-regulated zeal the sembknce of a rebellion which I cannot
approve. Daring my absence Satan has been to visit you, he
has sent his prophets among you. He knows with whom he has
to do, you ought to know that it is I only to whom you ought
to listen. By God's aid, Doctor Martin Luther was the first to
walk in the new way, the others have only come after him ;
they ought to show themselves docile, like disciples ; obedience
is tiieir portion. It is to me that Gk>d has revealed his word ;
it is firom these lips that it proceeds free from all stain. I know
Satan : I know that he does not sleep, that his eyes are open in
the time of trouble and desolation. I have learned to wrestle
with him, I fear him not ; I have given him more than one
wound which he will feel for a long time. What is the meaning
of those novelties which have been introduced in my absence ?
Was I at such a distance that I could not be consulted ? Am I
no longer the principle of the pure word ? I have preached it^
I have printed it, and I have done more harm to the pope while
sleeping, or in an alehouse at Wittemberg, drinking beer with
Philip and Amsdorf, than all the princes and emperors together.^
If I had been of a sanguinary disposition, if I loved commotions,
how much blood I should have caused to be shed in Europe !
Would the emperor himself have been in safety at Worms, if I
had not spared his life? Answer, spirits of confusion and
discord ! What does the devil think when he sees you building
up your £a,ncies ? the sly fox lies quiet in heQ, relying on the
tragedies which those extravagant teachers excite. I wish that
the monks and nuns would leave their cells to come and hear
me : I should say to them, It is neither permitted nor forbidden
■ «Id vorbnin, dum ego dormivi, dum Wittembergeniem oereviBUun biU
onm Pbilippo meo et Amsdorf, tantum papain! detrimentum intuli quantum
uUua unquam princeps yel imperator." — Oper. Luth. torn. vii. Chytr. Chron.
Sax. p. 247.
12 HI8T0BT OF LUTHER.
to liaye images. In troth, I should prefer that superstition had
not introduced them among us ; hut since it has, it is not hy
violence that they should be overturned. Tes, if the devil had
begged it of me, I should have turned a deaf ear to him.''
Luther kept his audience captive for nearly two houni : the
crowd was dumb, fascinated by the monk's preaching, so strong,
so clear, so winning.^
On the third day, Luther again held fortL On this occasion
he attacked the prophets, and scourged them with his eloquenceu
Does it not seem that you listen to a Catholic voice ? What
other aiguments would a priest of our Church make use of to
castigate the foolish pride of the innovators ?
<< Do you wish to found a new Church ? Let us see who
sends you, from whom do you derive your ministry ? As you
give testimony of yourselves, we ought not aQ at once to believe
you, according to the advice of St. John, but prove you. Gbd
has sent no one into the world who has not hem called by man
or announced by signs, not even his own Son. The prophets
derived their title from the law and the prophetic order, as we
do from men. I do not care for you, if you have only a bare
revelation to advance. Ood would not permit Samuel to speak
except by virtue of the authority of HeU. When the law is to
be changed, miracles are necessary. Where are your miracles ?
What the Jews said to the Lord, so we say to you : * Master,
we wish for a sign.'^ So much for your frmctions as evangelists.
'' Let us now see what spirit breathes in you. I ask you if
you have experienced those spiritual sufferings, those divine new
I " GondoDee eo habente, omnia oonquiesoebant, et andiento^ chm siiiga-
larem fiioaltaiem explicandi soBoeptaB rea^ turn dioendi yim, turn etiam ▼iitntem
atqae fortitudinem admirabantar, et reyerebantar autoritatem." — Gamerarius,
Vita M^lanoliibonis.
' BuUinger has adopted this ai^ment» which he employs rerj ably agaiiuii
the Anabaptists. Luther insisted, on seyeral occasions^ in his works, among
others book iii. ch. ir. Adrersus Anabaptistas, on this obligation, imposed upon
erery one who advances a new doctrine^, of proving his mission by miracles.
At a later period he discovered that he had worked none (von beiden Gestalten
des Sacraments), and that his greatest wonder had been to have smitten Satan
on the fikce, and the papacy to the heart. The Lutheran Church has long since
renounced the inirocation of mirades in testimony of a human yooation : " Nos
mirscula non operamur, neo ea ad dootrin» yeritatem confirmandam necessaria
judicamus." — Sutdifl^, in Ep. lib. D. Eelleinsonts, p. 8. *' Ex miraculis non
posse suffidens testimonium, aut certum aigumentum colligi yere doctrinie," —
Whitaker, De Ecd. p. 849.
lutheb's rbturk to wittembebg. 13
lirHhB, that death, thi^t hell, of which the Scripture speaks. If
you have only sweet and gentle words, we will* not believe you
even were you to say that you have been carried up to the third
heaven : you want the sign of the Son of man, the Basanos or
touchstone of the Christian. Do you wish to know the place,
ibe time, the form of the divine colloquies, listen : ' He has
bruised my bones like a lion, I have been cast fjEur^from the light
of his eye, my soul has been filled with evils, my life has been
brought nigh to hell." . . . The divine Majesty does not imme-
diately appear, so that man may see it : it says, ' Man shall not
see me, and live.' Our nature could not support one spark of
his word ; he speaks, therefore, by the lips of men. Look at
Mary, who was so troubled at the sight of the angel. What
more shall I say t As if the splendour of God could converse
fiuniliarly with the old man and not kill or wither him up, to
drive from him the filthy odours ; for he is a consuming fire.
The dreams and visions of the saints are terrible when pro-
perly understood. Look ! Jesus himself was not glorious until
after his crucifixion."'
The prophets ware not present at the sermon, but they were
represented there by their disciples ; one of them, on leaving the
church, exclaimed in his enthusiasm that he had been listening
to an angeL^ Mark Stubner arrived at Wittemberg the next
day, to console his brethren and enter into controversy with the
preacher. He sent his challenge to Luther, who, after a long
conference with Melancthon, consented to receive the prophet,
and Gellarius the neophyte. Luther has given an account of
the interview. '
" I have received," says he to Spalatinus, ^ the abuse of the
new prophets, Satan has befouled himself in his wisdom.'
These turbulent and proud spirits cannot bear gentle admoni-
tions, and wish to be believed on their own authority and fix)m
the first word ; they will endure neither discussion nor inquiry !
When I saw them obstinate, tergiversating, and endeavouring to
escape horn me in their confusion of words, I soon discovered
' Gamenriai, in Vita Melanchihoiiis. Seckendor^ Comm. de Lnth. lib. i.
aect. 48, § czix. p. 108.
* "Et inTentiiB.«st Satan aese pennerdtae in sapientiA sdt.'*— Spalatino,
12 April, 1562. De VfTette, torn. ii.
14 HISTORT OF LUTHBR.
the old serpent I ceaaed not to gay to them, Proye to me, at
least, yonr doctrine by miracles ; for it is not in the Scriptures.
They shuffled, and refnsed me ^e signs. I then threatened to
force them to believe me. Master Martin Gellarius chafed and
raged Uke one possessed, speaking without being asked, and not
allowing me to put in a word. I sent them to their god,
since they refused miracles to mine. Thus the interview ter-
minated. . . "
Gamerarius adds that Mark Stubner interrupted Gellarius, and
said to the doctor : ^' As a proof that I am inspired by Ood,
I can tell you what you are now thinking of." " Bah !" said
Luther, in a tone half-jesting, half-serious. '^ Tes, you think
that my doctrine cannot be true.'' Luther smiled : just at that
moment there rolled on his tongue, " Go to the devil, wretch V*
Luther has not told us all. The Anabaptist historians pretend
that the prophet Stubner and Gellarius asked the Reformer what
marvels he himself had wrought to prove that he had been sent
from Ood. This rash question so enraged the doctor, that he
dismissed the assembly without desiring to hear more.
It is a very remarkable sight to behold Luther taking shelter
in Gatholicism to confound his opponent, and employing against
the fanatics the aiguments of St. Athanasius against Arius :
that great proof written in heaven, which St. Thomas Aquinas,
whom he so highly ridiculed, requires should, before all, be
demanded from whoever rebels against unity ! Some few years
after, another reformer, Zwinglius, contending with the Blue
gowa (Soutane Ueue), George Blawrock, another fanatic begot
by anabaptism, asked not for signs fi^m heaven, but appealed
to authority and tradition against him.
" If we were to permit," said he,^ " every enthusiast and sophist
to difiuse among the public the foolish speculations of his brain,
* " Si eDim hoc pennittamus nt capitosus qnisque et malb feriatas homo,
mox ut noynrn aliquid et insolens in suo animo ooncepit, illud in publicum
spargenB, disoipuloa colligat, et sectam instituat novam, brevi tot aectas et
mctiones yidere licebit ut Christus qui Tix multo negotio, et snmmiB laboribus
ad unitatem reductus est, in singulis ecelesiis, in partes quamplurimas denu5
Bcindatur. Quapropter in ejusm<^ rebus, communis totius Eoclede auctoritas
consulenda, et Irajus conalio, non cujusvis temerariA libidine, omnia hiec trans-
igenda sunt. Judicium enim Scriptune nee meum, nee tnum, sed totius
Ecdesiae est. Hujus enim daves, et dayium potestas.'* — ^Zwingli, De Bapt.
p. 72.
LUTHBB'S RBTUBH to WITTE2CBEBG. 15
to make disciples, and institate a fonn of woiship, we should
see sects and factions pullulate in that Church of Chiist which
has only maintained unity after such great labour and struggles.
It is therefore necessary on this occasion to consult the Churchy
and not to haUsa to passion or prejudice. The interpretation of
the Scriptures belongs neither to you nor to me, but to the
Church : to her belong the keys and the power of the keys.''
Bullinger ^ reports that the Blue gown exclaimed : '' Have
not you Sacramentarians broken with the pope, without con-
sulting the Church which you left, and that a Church not of
yesterday's date ? And shall we not be at liberty to abandon
yours, which is but a few days old ; can we not do what you haye
done V* Here Bullinger is silent. We should like to know
what Zwinglius replied.
Gellarius was not an opponent by a victory oyer whom Luther
could have derived glory ; but it was otherwise with Munzer,
whom he wished to attriMst by a secret sympathy for that rough
character. Munzer, on his part, imagined that if he could
have a conversation with Luther, he would gain him over to his
cause. An interview was arranged between them.^
Munzer came to Wittemberg. The conferences were grave,
and anxiously engaged men's minds. Luther made use of
reason, passion, prayer, menaces ; his rival employed the same
weapons. After a useless exchange of arguments, both parted
never to meet again on this side of eternity : Luther maintaining
that Munzer was a devil incarnate; Munzer affirming that
Luther was possessed by a l^on of devils. Luth^, who had
promised to make use of no other measures against his opponents
except aignment, requested an edict of proscription against
Munzer and his adherents, which his highness the elector quietly
signed, and the confiscation of Carlstadt's books then at press,
and which Frederick still more calmly ordered to be done.^
A few months had scarcely elapsed since Frederick left Worms,
to avoid being present at the prpscription of his fitvourite by
Charles V.
> Bullinger, in Apol. AnAb. p. 254.
* Sleidaa, lib. v. Meshovius, OttoTiaB^ Ac
* '' Bine Sohrift Carlttodti, in leinem biaherigen Sinne abgefant» von der
ichon einige Bogen abgedruckt waren, wurde von der Uniyeraiti&t, die dem
KuriiirBten darttber benohtete, nnterdrttckt."~Ranke, I. c. torn. ii. p. 84.
16 HISTORY OF LUTHEB.
Munzer took leave of Luther like an ancient Parthian, dis-
charging at him a pamphlet, in which the theologian of Wittem-
bexg is transformed into Satan : a similar comparison to that
made by the Saxon in regard of the emperor.
And Oarlstadt, casting a last look on that nniyersity in which,
some years previously, he had conferred honours on his beloved
disciple, exclaimed :
** Condemned by my own pupil unheard I" ^
On die expulsion of Carlstadt and Munzer from Wittembeig,
people sorrowfiilly asked for what crime they suffared such a
punishment? Carlstadt wished to give die communion under
the two species : Ludier did so. Munzer had violently attacked
auricular confession: Luther, without abolishing it, wished
it not to be obligatory. Carlstadt denied the Mass to be a
sacrifice : Luther sought to efiace from the canon all that could
suggest to the laity the idea of a propitiatory oblation. Munzer
inveighed against celibacy : Luther publishdL his treatise against
monastic vows. Carlstadt had torn down the images : Luther
desired that they should be peaceably removed from the churches.
What then had Carlstadt and Munzer done to be driven from
Saxony? They wished to appropriate to their advantage a
revdation of which Luther de^red to remain the master and the
moderator.
'^ Doctor/' he was asked, " shall the Anabaptists be put to
death V '' That is according to circumstances,'' replied Luther :
'' if the Anabaptists are seditious, the prince can order them
for execution ; if merely fiEinatical, he should be content with
banishing them." ^
He forgot what he said when afraid of the emperor : '^ Christ
did not seek the conversion of men by fire and sword." '
■ Arnold, L o. lib. zyI p. 697.
* '* Eb Bind zweierley Wiedertaufer. Etliohe sind offentliche AufBobttrer,
lehren wider die Obrigkeit : die mag ein Herr wol richten laaeen und todten.
Etliohe aber haben BohwermeriBche Wahn und Meinung, dieBolben werden
gemeiniglioh Terweiset." — ^Tiadi-RedeD, p. 409.
* " ChristOB non volnit Ti et iffni oogere homineB ad fidem.** Meianotbon
approved of and adyiaed the puni^ment of three AnabaptistB : JnBtns Muller,
of Scbcenau ; J. PeiBker, of fhiBterdorf ; and Henry Kraut, tailor at Eberfeld.
Gonanlt the TiBoh-Beden, pp. 408 — 410. Lather there speakB at great length
of the Anabaptlsta, whom he lookB npon aB bo many derilfl. Arnold haa
defended their nMmorj in the first part of his History of Heresies.
SBBMON ON MABRIAGE. 17
CHAPTER II.
SERMON ON MARRIAGE. 1522.
Altliough^ the prophets were expelled from Wittemherg, the rebellion was not
qaelled. — ^It was necessary to snpply a new aliment for the activity of mind
created by free inqniry. — Lather preaches npon marriage. — Sketch of his
sennoo. — Erasmns looks apon it only as a joke. — He did not perceive
Luther's secret intention. — What did Lather intend by his carnal illas-
trations in the palpitf— The princes are silent on this scandal. — A collection
of Luther's sermons is published at Wittemberg, in which the monk is
represented with the Holy Ghost over his head. — Staupitz, horrified by
these things, returns to Catholicism, and deserts his old friend.
It was andoubtedly a fine triumph which Luther's preaching
bad obtained over fanaticism ! The prophets no longer daring to
meet the monk's eye, left Wittemberg, and sought to diffuse
their dreamy absurdities in the country and seduce the people to
their fancies : they yielded in crowds. More daring than Luther,
Munzer let loose upon the provinces burning words, w:hich
" borrowed angels' wings for their flight," as formerly, if we
remember, did Luther's propositions against indulgences. The
peasantry began to rebel against their lords. A struggle was
at hand in which the people were to play the game of dupes and
martyrs ; and this storm Luther foresaw, and predicted the day
when Germany would flow with blood. These popular storms
were announced to him by signs which he had been accustomed
to interpret,^ first, by fires which vanished at night ; then by
the discovery of two monsters, a pope-ass and monk-calf, which
had been found, the one in the Tiber, the other at Freyburg ; as
if his own doctrines were not a sufficiently marked augury of
the approaching calamities, and his language in the pulpit a
dear manifesto against the social and religious order of Germany !
The rebellion was not quelled ; Luther was obliged to combat
it in the pulpit, but on leaving the church he caressed and treated
it, because to all people in rebellion there must be ruin or blood.
* " Quo et mihi non est dabiam Gennanis portend!, yel sununam belli cala-
mitatem, Tel extremum diem : ego tanttim Terser in particalari interpretationef
qn» ad monachos pertinet." — ^Vvencesl. Linok. 16 Januar.
VOL. II. C
18 HISTORY 07 .LUTHEB.
Luther saved the images for an instant, but abolished the Mass
to please the multitude. Prince Frederick, fond, like every one
of taste, of the brilliant ceremonies of the Catholic worship,
would have wished to preserve them ; but his power could
inspire the Reformer neither with pity nor terror ; for Luther
proclaimed as an axiom, that a prince is but a secular governor,
who is at liberty to wield the sword, but cannot, without sinning,
lay his hand on the censer. The chapter endeavoured to shelter
itself behind the sword of his highness in braving the monk's
wrath ; but the monk, who possessed the real force, defied the
chapter in a letter in which menaces ikre tempered by keen
irony, and in which he ridicules the impotent cries of the deigy.
" Indeed,"" says he, " is the patience with which I have suffered
your follies unseasonable ? Until now, as you know, I have
merely invoked the assistance of the Lord ; will you compel me
to have recourse to other arms V The chapter affected not to
understand Luther. The monk soon explained himself: on«
night a mob smashed with stones the windows of the chapter*
house. The terrified canons promised to obey, and they did so.
On that night the people abjured the priesthoodand royalty.^
A material must not be compajred with an intellectual
revolution ; the former may be mastered, but the latter, never.
Nothing was so easy to Luther as the restoration of the statues
pulled down by the fanatics ; the artisan who had cast the cord
over their necks wherewith to pull them down, replaced them
triumphantly on their marble pedestals. But he could not
deceive himself: the invisible artisan, the Satan who had caused
these disturbances, had not left Wittembeig. For all those
minds whom he had set in motion excitement was necessary :
iJl had fallen into doubt, that disease of the mind, which rest
would make mortal, Luther knew the spiritual wants of those
whom he had driven into rebellion. So while the masons were
engaged in repairing the havoc of the iconoclasts, he endeavoured
to give food to that fever of innovation with which Wittemberg
was tormented. Like his work, Luther could not exist but on
the "condition that the activity created by free inquiiy should be
incessantiy maintained.
* Menzel, 1. c. torn. i. pp. 138 — 164. Die guiae Kinshenaogelegenheit war
bereitfl VoUuaDgelegenlieit geworden.
SXRMON ON BfARRIAGE. 19
Some days after his inyectiyes against the prophets, he preached
that sermon on marriage, which Bossaet has characterised as
fiunons, — probably because he conld not find in his episcopal
Tocabulary another word to describe it without offending the ear.
We are not fettered by that chastity of language : the priest
dared only to quote a few extracts, half-smothered under a
timid phraseology. The historian may indulge in a boldness
unbecoming a ibeol<^an. Nevertheless, the reader may be
assured that we shall only lift a comer of the yeil Listen to
the apostle of Saxony : ^
" Dieu a cr^ Fhomme ' afin qu^il £Dit mdle et femelle, dit la
Oen^, ce qui nous enseigne que Dieu a form^ TStre double,
Toulant qu'il flit homme et femme, ou male et femelle : et cette
oduvie lui pint tellement qu'il jugea que ce qu'il ayait fait ^ait
bien
^'L'homme et la femme cr^, Bieu les b^nit en disant:
Groiflsez et multipliez; d'otl nous ddduisons la n^cessit^ de
Tunion des deux sexes pour op6rer la multiplication des dtres ;
d'od encore que de mdme qu'il ne depend pas de moi que je ne
sois homme, il n'est pas dans ma nature que je m'abstienne de
femme : ei comme tu ne pourrais faire que tu ne sois femme, tu
ne pounais pas non plus te passer d'homme. Ce n'est pas ici
un conseil, une option, mais une n^cessit^ que le mflle s'unisse &
la femelle, et la femelle au male.
" Car ce mot de TEtemel : Croissez et multipliez, n'est pas
seulement un pr^pte diyin, mais plus qu'un pr^pte, une
ceruyre du Gr^teur que nous ne pouyons fuir ou omettre : il est
de n^cessit^ souyeraine que je sois male, destin plus imp^rieux
que de b<Mre, de manger, d'aller h la seUe, de me moueher, de
yeiller et de sommeiUer. La nature et les instincts ont leurs
ibnctions tout comme les membres du corps. Et de mdme que
Dieu ne fait pas un commandement k Thomme qu'il soit male ou
femeUe, aussi ne lui enjoint-il pas de croitre ou de mtdtiplier ;
mais il lui donne une nature telle qu'il sort des mains de son
' [It has been oonndered expedient to leave theee quotations in the original
langnage. — TranalcUor.']
* Martini Lntheri de Matrimonio, senno habitus WittembeTg». Anno 1522^
torn. T. Oper. Lnth. Wittembei^, 1544, p. 19 et seq. 18 pp. fol. It is
remarkable that this sermon is not to be fonnd in almost any edition of
Luther's works pubUdied since that time.
C2
20 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
Dieu male oa femelle, et que la g^n^ration est de son essenoe.
C'est ici une loi.de nature, et non un pr^cepte de conscience. . , .
'' II y a trois vari^t^ d'hommes auxquels Dieu a ot^ le bien&it
de la g^n^ration, ainsi qu'on le voit en Saint Matthieu : les
eunuques de naissance, les eunuques par castration, les castrats
par amour du r^e de TEvangile : dtez ces trois natures d'dtrsy
qui personne ne songe k vivre sans une . compagne : crois et te
multiplie, tu ne peux sans crime d^liner cet ordre de Dieu.
" Les eunuques du ventre de leur mbre sont ces impuissants qui
de leur nature ne sont idoines ni k procr^ ni k multiplier ; qui
sont froids, maladifs, ou atteints de qudque affection qui leur
ote la faculty prolifique. lis ressemblent au sourd on k Taveugle
priv^ de la vision ou de Touie. . . .
'' Quid d mulieri ad rem aptce ooniingat matitm impotens f
" Ecce^ mi marite, debitam mihi benewlentiam prcBsiare nan
potCBy meque et inutile carpus decepisti. Fave^ qucesOy ut cum
fraJtre tuo aut proxime tibi sanguine juncto occultum matri-
manium paeitcary sic ut nomen habecu, ne res turn in aUenos
perveniant.
" Perresci porro maritum debere in ea re assentiri uxoriy
eigne debitam benevolentiam spemque sobolis ea pacta reddere.
Quod si renuat, ipsa dandestina fuga saluti suw consulat, et in
aliam profecta terram^ alii etiam nubat.
** Quant aux castrats volontaires^ c'est une esp^ de mulcts
qui, non idoines au manage, ne sont pas d^vr& de la concupis-
cence, et ont app^tit de femmes. . . .
'' lUis acddit juxta proverbium iUud : qui canere nan potest,
semper canere laborat. Hac via illi affiiffuntur, ut lubentius
mulieribus conversentur, quum prcpstare tamen nihil queant.
'' Le dernier ordre d'eunuques est form^ de ces esprits Aev^s
et riches, beaux instincts que conduit le grfice, Stres qui sont
propres a la cr^tion, mais que pr^f^rent vivre dans le c^bat, et
qui se disent : Je pourrais de ma nature contracter et accomplir
le manage : cela n'est pas dans mes goiits, j'aime mieux travailler
h Toeuvre ^vang^que, ou enfanter des fils spirituels pour le
royaume des cieux. Mais ceux-l& sont rares : il n'y en a pas un
sur mille. . . .
'^ Outre ces eateries d'eunuques^ Satan, qui se fait dans
rhomme plus sage que Dieu, en trouve d'autres qu'il s^uit, et
SBBMON OK MARBIAfiH« 21
qai, ik sea insi^tions, renoncent ^ cr^ et k mxtltiplier ; qui
s'emprisonnent dans des toileB d'araign^, c'est h, dire des yoenz
et dee traditions hmnaines ; qui s'enferrent dans des chaSnes
pour forcer la nature, Tempdcher de porter semence et de multi-
plier, au m^pris de la parole de Dieu : comme s'il d^pendait de
nous de conserver la yirginit^ ainsi qu'un v^tement ou un
Soulier. S'il ne fieJlait que des liens de fer ou de diamant pour
faire rebrousser la parole et Tceuvre de Dieu, j'aurais Tespoir de
me munir de si bonnes armures que je changerais la femme en
homme, et Thomme en pierre et en bois.''
The preacher proceeds with the same bold illustration, and
treats of the impediments to marriage, of which he reduces the
number fixed by the canons of the Church ; then of the disso-
lutions of matrimony ; for he admits divorce, not merely on the
ground of adultery or prolonged absence of one of the parties,
but for the mere caprices of the woman ; and'here his language
is as strange as his sentiments ; not merely his words but his
imagination becomes more and more unblushing.
The orator now puts a case. It must be remembered that the
tapers on the altar are unextinguished ; that the church of
Wittembei^ is filled with light, and that the sexes are mingled
there as in our Catholic churches.
** Beperiuntur enim itUerdum odeoperHfuieei uxores gucB
eliamii decies in Wndinem prolaberetur maritus^ pro sua duritia
nan curarmU,
'^ Le cas ^h^nt, que dira le mari ? — Tu ne yeux pas, une
autre youdra ; si madame refuse, yienne la servante ; toutefois,
apr^ que le mari aura deux ou trois fois admonest^ sa femme,
proclam^ Tent^tement de madame, et qu'en pr^ence de TEglise
on lui aura reproch^ publiquement son obstination, si elle refuse
encore le devoir conjugal, — ^renvoie-la, et, h la place de Vasthi,
mets Esther, pour imiter Texemple d'Assu^rus le roi.^
" Done tu te serviras ici des paroles de Saint Paul, 1 Corinth, vii. :
Le mari n'a pas la propri^t^ de son corps, mais bien la femme :
et la femme n'est pas maitresse de son corps, mab bien le mari.
Point de firaude, si ce n'est d'un consentement mutuel, encore
Tapotre d^end-il ce vol: car, en se mariant, tons deux ont
Sermo de Matrimonio, ib. pp. 128, 183.
22 HISTORY OF LXTTHBB.
ali^D^ la jouisflance de lour corps, Ainsi, qnand Inn refose it
Tautre le devoir^ il loi £Ekit un vol, il le spolicy et ce vol est
d^fendu par le code conjugal, ce vol brise les liens da manage.
Le magistrat doit done employer la force centre la femme
rev^he ; en cas de besoin, la glaive. Si le magistrat use du
fflaive, le mari imaginera que sa femme a 6t6 enleY^ et tu^e par
des Yolears, et il en prendra une autre/' ^
The preacher then treats of the matrimonial bond, and of the
husband's duties towards the wife when confined.
'' Le manage *n'est qu'un contrat politique qu'on pent passer
avec tout indiyidu iufid^le, gentil, Turc ou Juif ; et c*est devant
le magistrat civil qu'on devrait porter toute cause matrimoniale.
'' La femme est-elle d^vr^ ? O'est h I'homme de changer
les draps, de laver le lingCi et de rendre k la m^re et h I'enfant,'
mdme quand le nouveau-n^ serait issu d'un manage adults,'
tons les petits services dont le monde se moque. — Mais on dira
que Yous faites I'ofKce de femme, de singe : que vous importe ?
Pieu h, son tour rira avec ses anges de ceut qui vous raUlent. . . .
Moines et moinesses enchatn^ dans la chastet^ et I'ob^issance,
et qui font sonner bien haut leur d^vouement, ne sent pas dignes
de remuer les langes de I'enfant. . . ."
Such was the sermon on Marriage preached in the German
language in the great church of Wittemberg, in presence of the
image of Christ, still standing upon the altar, the mutilated
statues of saints which encircled the choir, the tombs of the
priests and faithful departed, of the dead and of the living ; in
presence of mothers, daughters, husbands and wives, and aged
persons, who ran to listen to the pastor I Such are the terms in
which the apostle sent from God, this man come from heaven,
this ecclesiastic, this new Elias,'^ addressed his audience. And
the Church remained silent ! How was it that no voice was
raised to impose silence on the speaker? That mothers took not
their daughters by the hand and dragged them from the sanctuary ;
that no magistrate armed himself with a whip to drive from the
> Sermo de Matrimonio, ib. p. :i2d.
^ ** Ubi prolem e conjuge sustulerit, cunas motare, lavare iasoias, aliaque id
penus viilgo contempta mioisteria, tarn matri qukm infanti exhibere debet."
' " Vel illidto ooncubitu natus."
< ^atbesiufl Prod. cone, i* p, 1 ; oonc. xv. p. 86 ; cone. xvii. p. 205,
6BRM0N ON MAHRIAQE. 23
pvdpit this vendor of licentious language, which changed the
holy place into a bvothel ? Did eyer, before the Reformation, a
priest dare to make use of similar imagery ? What Catholic
bishop would not hare interdicted the priest who should have
had the effrontery to make use of such language ? It is observ-
able that this was no extemporary discourse, but one after the
mann^ of the schools^ composed in the closet, according to the
rules of rhetoric^ with its text, divisions, points or parts, and
peroration ; and after being preached, Luther translated it into
Latin, in order that no word that issued from his lips should be
lost to the ears of the learned. Its success must have been
great, and the Vasthi, if such there were, must have submitted^
for fear their husbands should have taken the preacher at his
word and delivered them over to the wrath of the magistrates.
On reading Luther's sermon on Marriage, Erasmus exclaimed :
'' It is a farce."' This was a man who found laughter in every-
thing ! As if Luther, with his incomprehensible licentiousness^
had no other object in view than to make his audience laugh ! —
as if he had been then seated at table, beside Jonas, Melancthon,
and Amsdorf, the jolly companions of his ale-house suppers !
His sermon was not a jest These erotic praises of matrimony
had an object, that of preparing the way for the emancipation of
the convents, the marriage of priests, and of the preacher him-
self. For if it is true that celibacy is an unnatural state, an
offence against God, a rebellion of the flesh against the spirit,
it is easy to see that he who asserts he has been sent from
heaven to reform Christian society, will not long continue to
wrestle with the Lord. These words, coming from the evan-
gelical pulpit, must have disturbed the young woman consecrated
to die Lord, the Levite who was preparing to ascend the altar,
and the priest who had been living in chastity. If the union of
the sexes — ^not to employ the monk's more free expression — is
one of the necessities of our organisation, as much so as sleeping,
eating, and drinking ; if it is as impossible for man or woman
to avoid this law of increase, as to avoid " blowing of the nose,
spitting, or other evacuations," it may be guessed whether the
praises of virginity by the Catholic priest will hereafter go to
the ear or the heart of the people. When then, by one of
these inexplicable inconsistencies into which he so frequently
24 HISTORY OF LUTHBE,
falls, Luther says in the same discourse: ''God forbid that
I should depreciate virginity ! '' who will not immediately
reply to him : " You deceive us ; you knowingly deceive your-
self:" for if marriage^ be a law of nature, and prescribed by
Providence, to avoid it is to be guilty towards God and yourself ;
it is a suicide, as a fast improperly prolonged would be. And we
shall see Luther driven to this consequence by the iron hand
of logic, against which he vainly stru^les, teaching that a
prostitute is more agreeable to God than she who lives
purely in a convent ; that a female pr^nant by an adulterous
connection may be proud, because it is her work, and she has
accomplished the divine precept '' increase and multiply ;'' and
that it would be a wonder to narrate that five young persons,
male or female, had preserved their virginity in a city to the age
of twenty.*
There was only one prince in all Germany who was alarmed
at Luther's audacity. This was the Catholic duke George ; the
others paid no attention to it'
The following affects the mind more painfully than the sennon
on marriage.
Scarcely had it been delivered, when the collection of his
discourses was printed under the doctor's own eyes. At the end
■ " Quod si qaisquam prohibere molitur, egregib ut est perduriit, saumque
meatum scortatione, adulteriOi koI iid iL^utvutv tS»v frapaimofidrwv qunritat.**
* '<Ben^ si in aliquA nnA ciyitate rel qninque yirginefl et quinqae mareg
annom vigerimum casti attigerint : idque plua esse qu&m tempore apostolonmi
et martyrum . . . demtun non mintia vires natune traDagredi hominem oele-
bem, qiikm si nihil omnino oomederet, Tel biberet." — ^Luth. Serm. de Tribns
Begibus, p. 198.
In 1843 there appeared, at Strasburg, a small pamphlet, entitled The True
and the False Luther, — Der wahre nnd der falsche Luther. In this the
sermon on marriage is thus estimated : " To judge' without prejudice this work
of Luther, we must put ourselves in the preacher's place. What he meant by
employing these shocking details, was to combat that fitlse opinion of the time,
that celibacy, even with scandals apparent or concealed, was meritorious in
the sight of God.'*— P. 20. Such is all the censure which the Protestant
author inflicts upon Luther, and, as we see, slandering Catholicism, which has
never pretended that impure celibacy was agreeable to God.
But there are many more eccentricities in this apology for Luther; the
author maintains in it that Luther was always extremely moderate in his
language, in regard to the pope, the emperor, the princes, and his opponents.
* We understand how Flaccius Illyricus might have said, in speaking of the
University of Wittemberg, a member of which could with impunity preach
such a sermon :
" Recti&s fikcturos parentes si in lupanar liberos sues mittant, qu2un in Aca-
demiam Wittenbeigenaem." — ^Ulenberg, Vita, etc. cap. ii. no. 4, p. 896.
SERMON ON MARRIAGE. 25
of the book, Luther is represented in a monk's dress. There is
no mistaking him there: it is the disputant of Dresden, the
prisoner of Wartburg, the man still in the flower of his youth.
We recognise him by his emaciated face, his sunken eye, his
projecting bones, as Mosellanus represented him to us at Leipsic,
and as Lucas Cranach at that time has depicted him. There,
the preacher has changed his nature : he is a saint whose head is
circled with a large glory. Above him in the heavens floats the
Holy Ghost in the form of a dove, whose golden wings over-
shadow the head of the apostle. Luther holds in his hand the
book of the Gospels : his countenance, filled with a celestial
calm, has left the earth to bury itself in the rays of the divine
Majesty.*
We remember the former vicar-general of the Augustines, Stau-
pitz, whom Luther had loved so well. He could not read without
blushes the sermon upon marriage, and see without feeling scan-
dalized that celestial crown which the Saxon evangelist permitted
his bookseller to confer upon liim ; and suddenly, as if inspired
by Heaven, he deserted all at once the doctor and the saints.
God, with a beam of his mercy, had enlightened this father whose
soul was all charity. Staupitz returned to the old faith of his
monastery. He bade his farewell to the world in a small
treatise, — a sort of Happy New-year, which the monks were in
the habit, at Easter, of addressing to the individuals towards
whom they felt the most regard. His little book is dedicated to
the duchess of Bavaria.' Listen : would you not think that
these lines proceeded from the author of the " Imitation V " To
love, is to pray ; he who loves, prays ; he who loves not, prays
not. He who loves God, serves him ; he who loves him not,
could not serve him, even if he had the power of removing
mountains."
And Staupitz deplored his errors of doctrine, and rejected that
dead faith which he had so long preached, to embrace the living
and life-giving Catholic belief. A German of the old race, he
> Predigt Dr. Martin Luther's. The collection bears no date, but it is
evidently of 1522, when Luther was not in that exuberant health which he
exhibited three years later, at the time of his marriage. In 1582 he still wore
the monk's habit, which he was soon to throw off.
* Ein BiUtgs newes Jar von der Lieb Gktttee. This little work, with notes in
the autograph of Staupitz, is in the library of M. Alexander Martin.
26 HISTOBT OF LUTHBR.
said to Lather : '' I leave yon, my brother, because I at length
perceive that you have the eympathies of all those who &e*
quent brothels." ^
CHAPTER III.
THE BOOK AGAINST THE PRIESTHOOD. 1522.
DoTelopment of Luther's principles. — ^Mjooniusy Bugenhagwi, Gapito, Hedlo,
and (Eoolfunpadius embrace Protestantism. — ^The secularised monks leave
the monastery. — Attempts at propagating^ Lutheranism in the religious
houses. — Special writing composed for their use by Dr. Luther. — ^The book
against the priesthood. — ^Analysis of it.
It seems as if fortune had been in collusion with Luther ;
everything went as he pleased. The person who alone could
annoy him at Wittemberg was a wanderer beyond its walls, not
daring to cross its gates ; Garlstadt was concealed in obscurity ;
Gabriel retracted publicly ;* Munzer vented his impotent rage
in Thuringia ; and the monastery of the Augustinians held a
synod, over which, according to Luther, the Holy Spirit had
presided, and in which they had decided on abrogating the
Mass.^
Duke George had vainly endeavoured to prevent Luther's
works being introduced into his dominions.
The monk triumphantly exclaimed : " Satan has been over-
come ; the pope, with his abominations, is vanquished ; we have
now to triumph by the wrath of the bulls : but is not the Lord
the God of the living and the dead ? What have we to fear ?
.... He cannot lie who said : ' You have cast all under his
feet' All ! — does not that also include the bull of the man of
Dresden ? Let them attempt, then, to throw down Christ from
heaven ! We shall fearlessly see how the Father will with his
' " Jactaris ab lis qui lupanaria oolunt." — Seckendorf, 1. o. tom. i. p. 48.
Staupitz died abbot of St. Bridget, at Salsburg.
' ** Gabriel in alium virum mutatus est." — ^Winoeslao Linck, 19 Mart. 1522.
De Wette, 1. c. tom. ii.
' ''Neque enim Spiritus Simctus unqukn in synodis monachorum videtur
luisse, prseter istam."->Ibid.
THE BOOK AOAIKST THJB P&IESTHOOD. 27
right arm protect his beloyed Son against the fiftce and the tail of
these smoking brands."^
At Magdeburg, at Osnaborg, at Leipsic, Antwerp, Batisbon,
DiUengen, Nuremberg, in Hesse, as in Wurtemberg, — ^wherever
Luther's writings penetrated, the monks left their monasteries .
and apostatized. John Stiefel, at Eslingen, announced that
Luther was the angel of the Apocalypse,* flying through heaven,
Bible in hand^ to deliver the nations that still walked in dark^
ness ; and he cdebrated the seraph in German verses.^ Fre-
derick Myconius (Mecum), suddenly remembering a dream
which he had had the night after he had taken his monk's
habit, embraced the new doctrines. He had seen, during his
sleep, a bald-headed man, such aa St. Paul is represented, who
had led him to quench his thirst at a stream of water flowing
from a crucifix. He had not the slightest doubt that the man
resembling St. Paul was Luther, and that the mysterious stream
of water was the word of life which the Saxon preached in his
** Captivity of the Church,^' or in his sermon upon marriage.^
The conversion of Bugenhagen (Pomeranus) had likewise
something of the miracle attending it. He was a Premonstra*
tensian of Belbuck, in Pomerania. One day, at table, he opened
the book of the " Captivity of the Church in Babylon," read
some pages, and threw it aside indignantly, as the work of the
most horrid heretic who had infested the Church since the death
of Christ.^ At a later period^ after Luther had written against
celibacy, Bugenhagen felt inclined to reperuse the " Captivity,"^
and on this occasion to tell the whole world it had been deceived,
and that Luther alone discovered the trutL^ And some days
thereafter, a party of the monks and priests of the monastery —
I " Ut Pater Filiam in dexterd suA possit wirare 2k fade et caudA istorom
titioDum fdmigantium." — ^WencesL Link, 16 Mart. 1522.
* Strobe], Neue Beitrage, torn. i. p. 10.
' Yon der ohristfbrmigen, rechtgegriindeten Lehre Doctoris Martini Lntheri.
* Mjconiofl had another prophetic dream, which he narrated at Katzeberg.
Seckendor^ L o. torn. iii. p. 269. This historian pretends that Luther hiul
predicted that he would die six years before Myoonins. — ^Ib. p. 630.
* " Multos \k paaso Christo salvatore hsBreticos ecclesiam infestasse, ac dariter
exercoisse, sed nullum, ejus libri auctore, pestilentiorem unquam extitisse." —
Scult. Ann. Evang. Benovati, 4to, p. 89, ed. de Van der Hart.
* '' Quid ego vobis multa dioam ? Univenus mnndus ctecutit, et in Cim*
meriis tenehns versatur. Hie vir unus et solus verum videt." — Id. ib.
28 HISTORY OF LITTHEB.
John Eyrich^ John Lorich, John Boldewin, and Christ. Eettelhut,
— threw off an inconvenient gown, and married, in obedience to
the command, ^^ Increase and muUiply ;" whilst at their insti-
gation the young people of the town pulled down the statues
which ornamented the choir of the church of the Holy Ghost,
and threw them into the nearest wells.^
At Mainz, Gaspard Hedio and Gapito, under the eye of the
archbishop, presumed to diffuse the new doctrines with a temerity
of expression and a yiolence which (Ecolampadius himself cen-
sured.' In each of these discourses, preached in the cloister, the
pulpit, at the gate of the cemeteries, and sometimes in the open
fields, under the lindens, as did Hermann Tast at Husum, the
preacher hailed Luther by the names of " evangelist,^' — " apostle
of the truth," — '* ecolesiafites according to God's own heart"
According to them, God had revealed to none but Luther the
mysteries of the eternal word. And some months, days perhaps,
had scarcely elapsed, when Sebastian Hofimeister, a Minorite at
Scaphus, taught that Christ cannot be present in the eucharist
after his ascension,' a proposition which he surely did not find
in the Paul of Wittemberg ; and (Ecolampadius wrote : '' Beware
of saying to Luther that he is deceived ; that would be to reject
the Gospel. No, no, my brother, you will not convince us though
the Holy Ghost may have chosen his domicile at Wittembei^."^
If you follow the monks on their leaving the monasteries, you
will find them, when they do not return to their residence, taking
the road to Wittemberg, where Schneidewins employed them to
republish Luther's pamphlets. They had long plenty of work,
for nothing could equal the doctor's fecundity. Writing was for
him even more than an intellectual recreation. In 1520, he
published 133 small works; in 1522, 130; in 1523, 183.*
These are sermons, homilies, postils, dialogues, exegeses, books
polemical or controversial ; some of them, for example the
> Scult. Ann. ib. p. 89.
* ''Sed tu videaa no EvangelicK sermonU libertati ad amuaBun haso ton
respondeat modestia." — Epist. CBoolampadii et Zwinglii, lib. i.
* Scultetus, Ann. Evang. Benoy. I. c. p. 49.
^ Ant wort auf Lnther'a Yorrede zom Syngranuna. Luther's Bhefis: Halle.
* Panzer. Ann. Banke^ 1. c. torn. ii. p. 81.
THE BOOK AGAINST THE PRIESTHOOD. 29
" CaptiTity of the Church in Babylon," would fonn several in
octavo. Almost all of them had a title engraved on wood, the
design of which was famished by the author. The printers com-
pensated themselves for the austerities of the monastic life, by
jovially spending their money in one of those pints which they
found at the gates of the German towns. For want of pipes, as
tobacco had not then been discovered, they had to r^ale them-
selves with large pots of beer, which they emptied while
singing—
" Who lores not woman, wioe, or aang,
Is » fool, and will be all his life long." *
One of those off-hand distichs of Luther's rare leisure moments,
allowed him by the devil or the pope, and which has had the
good fortune to outUve the doctor's creed. We have frequently
heard it sung at evening on the terrace of the old castle of
Seidelberg by the students of divinity.
The monks were the foremost to show an example of public
violation of their vows of xhastity. The nuns dared not leave
their convents. Luther perhaps had reckoned too much on the
effect of his sermon upon marriage ; the religious women blushed
while they perused it. He came to the rescue of their startled
modesty by publishing, for the use of those who wished to be
free, a small tract, entitled, '' Reasons proving that Nuns may
piously leave their Cells.''*
A young woman might read tiie pleading in favour of marriage
without too much fear for her virtue. It is in very decent terms
that the priest recommends the precept given to our first parents.
The book is dedicated to Leonard Eoeppe, citizen of Torgau,
a youth aged twenty-four, with as fine a face as figure, and who,
proud of this dedication, every night scaled the convents to
remove from them the nuns disposed to escape. It was Eoeppe,
as we shall see, who carried off from the convent of Nimptsch,
Catherine Bora, Luther's future wife. For fear lest the noble
Oerman in which the monk wrote so purely might not be under-
1 " Wer nicht Hebt Wein, Weiber und Gesang,
Der bleibt ein Narr sein Leben lang."
* Unaeb and Antwort^ dass Jangfranen ClSster gottlioh verlassen mogen.
Dr. Martin Luther an Leonhard Koppen, BUrger zu Torgau : Wittemb. 1523.
30 HISTOAT OF LUTHEB.
stood by all the mma, Luther caused his treatise to be tESDsIated
into the old Saxon langaage of the common people.^
In this crusade against ecclesiastical celibacy, we recognise
even females, — theologians in petticoats, — who lend Lathto
drops of ink, which the monk is glad to accept. Argnla Stanf,
since her yisit to Wartbnrg, laboured incessantly to propagate
Luther's doctrines by preaching and writing. In a " Christian
Admonition to the People as well as to the Ma^strates,"" she
maintains that the Saxon doctrine proceeds from heaven, that
vows of chastity are an invention of the devil, that women are
entitled to discuss theological questions,^ and that she will talk
in spite of all the Ecks in the world. Luther has extolled the
tender piety of Argula.
In room of the plebeians, men of learning offered themselves
to take part in the religious disputes on the question of celibacy.
With Bible in hand, they gravely ventured to decide whether the
Catholic or Lutheran view rested upon the divine word. In
some cities of the empire, the magistrates encouraged these
theological controversies. On an appointed day, the two rivals
ascended a theatre, formed by means of some empty casks bor-
rowed from the town inn, and for ^n hour or two exchanged
quotations in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew : then, says Schmidt,
the magistrates, who knew nothing of any of those languages,
pronounced their judgment.^ At Constance, the roles bore that
it should be permissible to the two parties to quote Greek and
Latin.*
Erasmus laughed at that swarm of ecclesiastics according to
Luther, which lighted in Germany. Often^ than once, to
supply the places of the priests who were deprived of their
cures, masons, tailors, tanners, and shopkeepers were selected.
In vain did a person of sense, like George Eberlein, think of
^ Onacke uncle Antwort, dat Junekfhiwen Kloster godliken Torlataa mogen.
Dr. Martin Luther an Leonhart Koppen, B&rger xa Torgau : 1523.
' Ein christliche Sohrift einer ehrbaren Frauen yon Adel, darin ne alle
christliche Stande und Obrigkeiten ermahnet, bei der Wahrbeit nnd dem
Wort Gottee zu bleiben, nnd Bolches ans christlicber Pfliebt zum emstlichsten
£n handbaben. — ^Argala StanffiBrin, an Herm Wilhem, PiUz-Grafen bey Bhein,
Herzoge in Ober- und Nieder-Bayem : 1528.
* Schmidt^ History of the Germans, torn. yi. p. 920.
* Ibid. notOb
THB BOOK AGAINST THB FBIESTHOOD. 31
addng these new apostles in whose name they came ; in vain
did he exdaim impatiently : '^ Why, then, penoit eyery fool to
preach who offeTS himself in the name of the Holy Ghost^ whom
he has never known V These extempore priests had always the
same answer : '^ Does not the Holy Ghost love to visit the
simple and ignorant?" Luther, when subsequently conferring
ordination on the journeymen printers, whom he sent, saying,
^' Go and preach my sermons," had no more r^ard to rank than
to mind. It was only the Catholic priest whom he wislyed to
repeL^
He managed to complete in a few days and nights — for he
worked without intermission — his treatise against the sacerdotal
hierarchy ;^ a pamphlet, says one of his biographers, which would
seem to have been written not with ink, Wt with blood.^ He always
makes ruins around him ; he will have no more popes, cardinals,
bishops, priests ; the Church is an assembly in which all are popes^
cardinids, bishops, or priests. Have you faith ? — there is the tiara^
the cross, the mitre, the holy oil, the pastoral staff; you are a
priest according to the order of Melchisedeck. Sing, catechise,
lay on hands, — ^these are the fdnctions which baptism has conferred
upon you. Let not the archbishop of Mayence, or the bishop of
Brandenburg, offer to defexi^ the priesthood and its immunities.
" Our priests are fine hobgoblins," crios the monk, " who strut
with the gravity of bishops, because they know how to sprinkle
and cense wood and stone, — stone sprinkling stone, wood censing
wood ! Colleges, bishoprics^ monasteries, universities, are so
many jakes and sinks in which the gold of princes and the whole
world is buried. Pope ! — ^you are not pope, but Priapus ; for
Papists, say Priapists.
" These spirittuil fornicators believe that they serve God ; as
if the God of heaven had become Priapus,
" But some one will say to me : * Well ! you have rejected
the pope; you wish, then, now to upset the episcopacy and
ecclesiastical rule/ Hold ; be my judge, and pass sentence.
1 Tbeodnltt'fe G«tm«hl, yon Baron Starck. Buohols G«0chichie der Begie^
rang Ferdinands J. : Yieimh, 1831, vol ii. p. 220 et ^oq,
* ** Adversiis fiUsb nommatom statnm eodeeias papse et episcopomm."'
' <'Non atramento, eed humaoo gangoine Bcripsiase videtur."-— Ulenberg,
p. 161.
32 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Tell me, do I upset them, when I glorify God's word'? All our
famous bishops, Cyprian, Hilary, Ambrose, Augustine, Irenieus,
were merely bishops of one community ! But our proud knights,
our gracious masters, what have they of a bishop about them ? —
the name and the vestments. I wish that a painter would draw
a picture, and write under it, ' This is the bishop of ... /
'^ Listen, bishops ; listen, hobgoblins and devils, the doctor
is about to read to you a bull which will not sound agreeable to
your ears. This is the bull of Doctor Martin : ' Whoever shall
assist with his person or means to lay waste the episcopacy and
order of bishops, is the cherished child of God, and a good Chris-
tian. If that is impossible, at least let them condemn it, and
shun that soldiery. Whoever defends a bishop, or renders him
obedience, is the servant of Satan.^ Amen.' "
Then the war-song ends ; Pindar changes himself into Petro-
nius, so that we dare not follow him.
*********
What, then, has become of the emperor's edict ?*
* '' Attendite episoopi, imb larvaa diaboli, Doctor Lutheri ballun vobis et
reformfttionem legere vult qnn vobis non ben^ sonabit. . . . Doctoris Lutheri
bulla et reformatio. Quicumque opem feru^t> corpus^ bona et frmain in boo
impendunt ut epiaoopatuB devastetur et episcoporum regimen exscindatur, hi
sunt dilecti filii Dei, et veri Ohristiani, observantes prascepta Dei^ et ordina-
tionibus dlaboli repugnantes."
* The following works may be consulted, if the movement of mind in Ger-
many, during 1522, be wished to be understood : —
Ulrichi de Hutten equitis Germani ad Garolum imp. advershs intentatam
sibi k Bomanistis vim et injuriam conquestio ; Ejusdem ad Albertum Bran-
denburgensem et Fred. Sazonum ducem, prinoipes electores ; Onmibus omnis
ordlnis ac status in GermaniA principibus, nobilitati et plebeiis ; SebasUano de
Botenban Equiti aur. Jacta est alea : Wittenb. ;
Ein schoner Dialogus von den vier grossten Beschwemissen eines jegUchen
Pfiu-rherrs nach Sag eines sonderliohen Vers :
" Die vier Handel thun den P&rr weh :
Aussatzig, Judy Junker, M5nch."
" Felix plebanus, felix porochia sub quA,
Leprosus, judaras, prsefectus, monaohus,"
— ^Nec Naanima, Abraham, Sem, neque vivit Helias.
" Ich kann nicht viel Neues erdenken.
Ich will den Katzen die Schellen anhenken."
— ExituB rerum prudentift metitur : Wittenb. ;
Qubd expediat Epistolao et Evangelii Lectionem in MissA, vemaculo ser-
mone plebi promulgari. (Ecolampadii ad Hedionem ooncionatorem Mogun-
tinum, epistola^ nee non epistola Hedionis ad CBooIampadium, Ebemburgi ;
De Interdicto esu Gamium . . . epistola apologetica Erasmi Bot. : Colonic ;
Pasquilus sive Dialogus de Statu Bomano ;
Ein Sermon von dem dritten GebotV wie man Ghristlich Feyren sol, mit
ADRIAN VI. 33
CHAPTER IV.
ADRIAN VI.— DIET OF NUREMBERG. 1522—1628.
Florent of Utreclit U elevated to the pontifiofJ chair, and takes the name of
Adrian VI. — Character of that pope. — Estimate of it by Protestant histo-
rians.— Reforms which he wishes to introduce in the Church. — He sends
Cheregatns to the Diet assembled at Nuremberg. — Appearance of the
assembly. — ^Attempts at reconciliation made by the popedom, and which are
baffled by the inimical dispositions of the members of the Diet. — ^Writings
published by Luther to foment defiance and hatred against Rome. — ^The
Diet digests its memorial of grievances, known by the name of '' Centum
Gravamina." — Luther's commentary. — Adrian's grief and mortification. —
His death. — Luther's pamphlet against him whom he calls the old devil of
Meissen. — Melanothon endeavours to justify Luther's rage. — Erasmus's
opinion of the monk.
While Luther preached in the church of Wittemberg his
sennon on marriage^ a priest, on whom Providence had also his
views, ascended the pontifical throne. His name was Doctor
Florent. God had not bestowed on him the gifts which affect
the multitude: his discourse was simple, devoid of worldly
ornament, like his attire. He formerly occupied in the uni-
versity of Louvain a small chamber, a mere cell, full of theo-
logicsJ books. He rose early to study, and ate once only during
the day. He loved the poor, and shared with them the thou-
sand florins which his appointment ''as professor yielded him,
and gave up' to them one of the two robes which the city was in
the habit of presenting to him yearly. One day God took by the
hand this Florent, whom Maximilian I. had appointed preceptor
to Charles of Austria, and placed him upon the pontifical throne
in place of Leo X. Florent took the name of Adrian VL*
Adrian was altogether of a different disposition from liis pre-
decessor, who foved pageantry and magnificence. He raised no
monuments ; he spent not the treasures of the Vatican in enrich-
Anaeig etlicher Missbriiaoh, gepredigt durch Dr. Urbanum Reginm, Prediger
zn Hall im Intall, cum praef. ad Luoam Gasner ;
Kayser all und Pabst all. £in kurzer Begriff aUer Eayser und Pabst His*
torien. An Kayser Garolum, Doct. Jacob Mennel : Basil, 1522.
I Spend, ad ann. 1521. Ciaconius, I. c. tom. iii. p. 430,
VOL. II. D
34 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
ing Kome with masterpieces of art ; he did not cany on excava-
tions for the discovery of ancient statues ; or perambulate the
streets amidst clouds of dust, and poets, and historians. His
tastes and mission were of another description. Educated hx
from Italy, he had acquired on the benches of the school a
great simplicity of character and behaviour. He loved literature,
however, because it polishes the mind, and confers elegance on
the manners. Above all, he was a being stamped with goodness,
and who, to bring peace to the Church, would have sacrificed his
rest and his life.
His portrait has been drawn in a masterly manner by two
Protestants. " He was an upright Fleming,'' says Schrceckh,
" frank and sincere ; a grave and studious priest ; a pontiff of
rare moderation, having under the tiara all tiiie simplicity of a
private individual:"* '*a model of temperance and modesty,'*
says Menzel,^ '* the enemy of pomp, worldly splendour, and the
luxury of courts,"
Adrian had a sincere affection for all his scholars ; his first
thoughts at Rome turned to Erasmus, who had been his
best pupil at Louvain ; they were both persons to whom the
clash of religious disputation was irksome, because it deprived
them of what they most esteemed,--'peace of mind. So, on
ascending the throne, Adrian lost no time in writing to his
former pupil, In a letter, wherein the sovereign is carefully
concealed, he entreats him to labour for the pacification of the
Church, in the name of that God who will reward him richly in
eternity, and also of their old and sacred friendship. He makes
no secret of the faults of the papacy ; perhaps even he exagge-
rates them, with intent to excite the zeal of Erasmus, so desirous
is he to make an end of disturbances : at least, such is the charge
brought against him by Catholic historians.* Adrian ¥rished
that the philosopher should undertake the defence of Catholic-
ism, and enter into controversy with the Reformer.
" Arise," said the pope to Erasmus, " arise in defence of the
Lord ; and, in order to his glory, make use, as you have hitherto
1 Sohroeckh, 1. o. torn. i. p. 815L
* Menzely 1. o. tom. i. p. 105.
* PaUavidiii, Stori» del Gondlio di Trento, lib. ii. «ap. vii.
ADRIAN YI. 35
done, of the marvelloas talents which he has heaped upon
yoiL"!
Erasmus hesitated ; he dared not enter upon the work sug-
gested to him by the head of the Church ; he stammered out
some feeble excuses about his age and infirmities, about his
imagination that froze with his fingers, and on the difficulty of
going to Rome, whither the pope pressed him to come. Accord-
ing to him, howeyer, he was aware of the diseases of the Church,
and the remedy necessary to be applied for them ; but this
remedy he could not confide except to trusty messengers, and
such he could not find. He is proud of having, from the outset,
foreseen the drama about to be performed ; and when he could
unfold it, he, the God descended, remissly draws back.^
'' I have from the beginning,'' he says, '^ preached upon the
housetops, that the monks promoted Luther's cause, and I^was
not regarded. Subsequently, I pointed out how they might get
rid of the evil and cut it out by the root, and they rejected my
advice."
Pope Adrian was a thorough German in his speech, dress,
manners, and faith, which, to be excited, required not, like that
of the Italians, symbols and imageries ; he was a thorough
Christian of the primitive Church, but who, unfortunately, could
not understand that external forms, to be lasting, must be reno-
vated with the manners of a people. Attired more than simply,
he was unrecognised as he walked through the streets of Rome,
save by a retinue of lame, paralytic, and blind beggars of both
sexes, who surrounded him, and to whom he distributed alms.
No artists were in his train, for he loved them not, and reproached .
them with usurping the goods of the poor ; not that he was a
stranger to the sesthetics, but that charity was his only muse.
One day, when somebody spoke to him of the magnificent pen-
sion which Julius II. had bestowed upon the nobleman who had
found the group of the Laocoon, he shook his head : *' These are
idols," said he ;* "I know other gods whom I prefer ; the poor,,
who are my brethren in Jesus Christ." We see whether the
' Erasmi Epist. lib. zxiii. Seckendorf, Comm. lib. i. p. 309. Baynaldus,
ann. T622, No, 70.
* Opinions of Erumus Boterodamns, 12n]o.
* LeUere de' Prinoipi : Vej&azia, 1664, torn. i. p. 96.
I>2
36 HISTORY OP LUTHBR.
conclave was righfc in making Adrian the suooessor of Leo X.
If Florent had come sooner, when the arts required a golden
hridge to enter Rome, perhaps he might have passed on, as he
did when they showed him the Laocoon, and Rome might have
heen deprived of one of its finest glories. Both fulfilled their
mission ; — the one, by joining the movement of mind, by patro-
nising and rewarding all who possessed the soul of an artist, to
let the world know that the papacy, far from being the enemy rf
knowledge, exalts it as a gift sent from God ; the other, when
the arts were restored, and no longer feared the storm, by for-
getting them for a while in endeavours to heal the sores of the
Church ; a work very important, and which none better than
Adrian could effect : for he was distinguished by all the qualities
which Protestant Germany accused Leo X. of despising. He
was partial to retirement, coarse clothing, a finigal board, sim-
plicity in worship and ceremony, knowledge which hides itself,
and piety which is afraid of being discovered. Long before
Luther had touched indulgences with his fiery hand, he had
studied the nature of those works of satisfaction, fixed their
limits, and assigned to them their real character, skilfully sepa-
rating the use from the abuse, and reconciling the necessity of
the dogma with the light of wisdom. On his elevation to the
pontificate, he issued a bull, in which are to be found the doc-
trines which he had from the first professed with such great
ability, on the merits of the blood of Jesus Christ, the treasure
of indulgences, as the Church teachea In this he lifts his
voice, with an energy of which some casuists have disapproved,
^'against the scandals which the popedom had given to the
world; the licentiousness of the prelates, and their uncurbed
luxury ; and the shameful traffic in holy tilings, of which Rome
had been the first to set the example." To prove ihat these
complaints were well founded, he immediately reduced the price
of the dispensations, which persons were obliged to purchase at
Rome, for liberty to contract marriages within the forbidden
degrees. Complaints were made, especially in Germany, of the
prerogatives of the coadjutors of the chancery. Adrian deprived
them of some of these. From the mendicant friars he took the
power of giving and selling pardous. This was only the begin-
ning of the reforms which he meditated^ if Germany had been
ADRIAN Vr. 3?
k
Willing to follow him in these ways of amendment ; but the good
intentions of the pope were to be dashed in pieces against the
caprices of the German commonalty, — Luther and his ad-
herents.^
The edict of Worms, promulgated by the emperor, had the fate
of all laws which from the first are intended not to be administered,
and are only meant to scare : it was laughed at when Protest-
antism was seen boldly to advance and disseminate its doctrines.
There was no hand in Germany sufficiently strong to enforce the
emperor's orders. Charles Y., then in Spain, seemed deaf to the
sound of the religious quarrels which troubled Germany. Vast
thoughts occupied his mind. He dreamed of a monarchy on
which the sun should never set.
One man alone did his duty. When his faith and country
were threatened, Duke George of Saxony was sure to be seen
rushing to their defence at the peril of his blood. On the 6th of
August, 1522, he sent to the diet some of the pamphlets in
which the pope and the king of England were grossly insulted.
"I have marked," said he, "the passages offensive to the
emperor ; as for those in which the monk outrages Henry VIII.
and Adrian VI., it would take too much time ; the book is filled
with them."* The council of the regency replied very drily to
the duke, that they were displeased with these insults. '' I do
not doubt it," replied his highness ; '' but I demand that they be
repressed." Being sharply attacked in a letter from Luther to
Hartmuth von Kronberg,' the duke again denounced the monk
to the council of regency, who paid no attention to the elector's
complaints. " This, then, is the great bladder," said Luther,
" who is to sit in heaven with his huge belly, and who imagines
that he eats Christ, as a wolf swallows a fly."^ George, in-
dignant, resolved to ask Luther if he had written the letter
* It must not be forgfotten, that the reforms in the head and its members,
as they then expressed it, had been oommeRced by Julius IT., and followed
up by Leo X. See, in the second volume of our History of Leo X., the chap-
ter entitled The Council of the Lateran.
' Schmidty 1. a tom. Ti. p. 815.
' An Hurtmuth Ton Kronberg, Feb. 1522. Luther's Werke: Leipzig,
tom. sviii. p. 226.
* Hat auch im Sinn er wolle Christum fressen wie der Wolf eine Miicke.
Luther's Werke : Leipzig, tom. xviii. p. 227.
38 HISTOEY OP LUTHER.
which was circulated through Germany, and addressed to Hart-
muth ; and the monk replied, without emotion, that the letter
of which his highness complained was his, and that eveiything
which he wrote, whether for publication or private use, and
which was signed with his name, was the property of the monk
whom men called Luther.^
He laboured unceasingly to bring the people over to his cause.
They understood the language which he addressed to them, and
welcomed with joy his declamations against oppression, full of
hope that their turn would come, and that they might one day
reckon with their masters, and, whether they would or not, play
their game also. The manifesto published by Luther at this
time, and which even Seckendorf has condemned, was calculated
to excite disturbances, by increasing that fever of independence
with which the multitude was infected. He entitled his book
" The Secular Magistracy." * It commences in a strain of
mockery and rage, " God," he exclaims, " inflames the brains
of the princes. They believe that they must obey their caprices ;
they place themselves under the shadow of Caesar, whose orders,
according to them, they only obey like obedient subjects, as if
they could conceal their iniquity from every eye ! Blackguards,
who would wish to pass for Christians ! * And these are the
hands to whom Caesar has intrusted the keys of Germany ; fools,
who would exterminate the faith of our land, and make blas-
phemy increase in it, if they were not resisted at least by force
of speaking. If I attacked to his face the pope, that great
Roman idol, ought I to be afraid of his scales V
Luther then enters into the matter, and brings forward some
texts of Scripture which treat of the civil power, and of the
subject's obedience, and whicli at first sight seem contradictory.
He sets himself to reconcile them. He divides society into two
camps, one belonging to the kingdom of God, the other to the
kingdom of this world ; the first, a company of the faithful, a
Jerusalem of Christians, has no need of sword, or magistrates,
' An den Herzog Georg yon Sachaen^ 8 Jan. 1523, De We tie, 1. c. torn. ii.
p. 286.
' De Magistratu aeculari, Opera La then, torn. ii. : Jenae, p. 189. "Negari
non potest vehementi stylo acriptum esse libellmn." — Comm. lib. i. p, 211.
' *' Olim nebulones, nunc ver6 ChriBti»ni priucipea appellari/'
ADRIAN YI. 39
or political miniBters to govern it ; no anarchy exists there ;
there all its members are on an equality ; there there is no
master but Christ ; there the bishops and the priests are only
distinguished by the ministry which has devolved upon them ;
there no laws can be established or rules made without the assent
of the common will.
^* It is not for this select society that laws have been made,
magistracies established, and tribunals founded, but properly for
the assembly of unbelievers, who cannot exist without all these
human inventions. Let priests or bishops wear the sword and
exercise political magistracy, but only in that civil society of
men who are Christians merely in name. No Christian ought
to shelter himself under the sword of the civil law, or invest
himself with the office of judge for administering justice. Who-
ever disputes before the tribunals, who has recourse to them to
sue or to defend his honour or temporal means, is unworthy to
bear the noble name of a disciple of Christ ; he is a pagan, an
infidel All have received baptism, but among those who have been
regenerated, how few true Christians can Christ acknowledge!"
After this, Luther hastens to throw aside the decency of meta-
physical theories, which are not made for the people, and which
&tigue if they are too long spun out ; such as those logical
forms which are only addressed to exalted intellects, like Melanc-
thon's or Jonas' ; and he returns to the strife impassioned with
that language in which he is so powerful and unrivalled ; to that
fiery eloquence which inflames, excites, itnd electrifies like a war-
song, and which alarms even his disciples.
" See how God," says he, " delivers the Catholic princes to
their reprobate senses ; he wishes to make an end of them and
aU the great ones of the Church ; their reign is over ; princes,
bishops, priests^ monks, rascals upon rascals, are about to
descend to the grave covered with the hatred of the human race.
Since the beginning of the world a wise and prudent prince
has been a rare bird on the earth,^ but rarer still a prince a
good man. What are the most part of the great ? fools, good-
for-nothing fellows, and the greatest rascals under the sun;
* ** Ab initio raundi rara avis in terrft fait princeps prudentiA pollens ; mult6
rarior probus princeps. Ut plorimum, yel maximi sunt moriones, vel nebulones
omnium qui sub sole vivunt, pessimi.'' — Luther, L c. ibid.
40 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
lictors and hangmen, whom God employs in his wrath to punish
the wicked and preserve the peace of nations ; — for our God is
great, and it is necessary that he shoidd have in his service
noble, rich, and illustrious executioners ; and it pleases him that
we should call these, his executioners and lictors, our very
clement lords.^ Princes, the hand of God is suspended over
your heads ; contempt will be poured upon you ; you will die,
were your power above that of the Turk himself. Already your
reward is at hand ; you are accounted rascals and scoundrels ;
they judge you according to the part which you have played ;
the people know you, and that terrible chastisement, which God
calls contempt, presses you on all sides ; you cannot avert it
The people, wearied of your tyranny and iniquity, can no longer
bear it. God wills it not The world is no longer what it was,
when you could chase men as you could deer."
Place Luther at Florence, like Savonarola, and this hymn
would rouse the multitude to rush to arms and crush these
insfcruments of iniquity called princes. In Germany, the
Reformer's language could not produce the same effect upon a
phlegmatic nation, receiving only the influence of a watery
sun, and accustomed, moreover, to a passive obedience to the
powers of this world, an obedience which Catholicism had made
an imperative duty. Open rebellion could with difficulty have
organised itself, for a common bond did not unite the populations.
If the peasantry were to rise, it would not at first be in the
name of religion, but of interests entirely material ; a war of
slaves, undertaken by another Spartacus. Luther knew the
chances of his words and the nature of the beings to whom they
were addressed. These people, long accustomed to the yoke,
had foreseen the destinies of Charles V. ; they knew that he
was not so far off that he could not retrace his steps, and drown in
blood an open rebellion. In place then of attacking the powers in
front, the people contented themselves with embarrassing them
on their march, multiplying obstacles in their way, creating
suspicions, importuning them with their complaints, dinning
them with their grievances, calumniating their intentions, attri-
buting to them sanguinary desires, and accusing them of seeking
' ** Estqne ipsius benb plaoitam ut \iob carni6ce« clemeQiiniraos dominog
fvppellenius." — Ibid.
ADBiAK yr. 41
in a hypocritical repose to rally their forces, to crash men's
oonsdenoes with greater security ; snch was the theme indicated
by Lather. The Catholic princes were especially threatened.
Protestantism had fonnd means to slip into their courts. It
denounced them to Luther, who was able sometimes to appear as
if he possessed the gift of second sight ; for he prophesied events
which subsequently came to pass : thus it was that he became
acquainted with the secrets of the archbishop of Mayence, which
were communicated to him by his secretary, Wolfgang Gapito,
who was not slow to embrace Protestantism ; ^ and the plans of
the elector Frederick were revealed to him by the prince's
secretary, George Spalatinus. When the diet of Nuremberg was
opened, in November, 1522, Luther was previously made aware of
the views of the princes who composed it. The majority, without
leaning to the new doctrines, dreaded the immense popularity
which the monk enjoyed in Germany, and still more his language,
which burned, bb with fire, every robe to which it fastened, and
above all the purple or the ermine. He was certain that no
unfriendly voice would exclaim: "Down with evangelism!"
and that if such were to proceed from the bench of the Catholic
princes, it would instantly be stifled by the very numerous
voices which fear would make eloquent. At this congress of
Nuremberg, every religious opinion of the time was represented :
there were lukewarm Catholics, Lutherans, Anabaptists, Sacra-
mentarians, Zwinglians, Melancthonians, who were called hierar*
chists, Carlstadians, and indiiferents. The political sentiments
presented a like confasion. In the emperor's absence all these
voices bustled, clamoured, and wished to save Germany. The diet
only exhibited the melancholy appearance of an assembly in
which the secular princes were occupied with theology, and the
ecclesiastical princes with power. If Cheregatus, Adrian's
nuncio, had possessed the eloquence of Aleandro, the ambassador
from Leo X., he would unquestionably have led all these feeble
wills : no one would have attempted resistance. There was not
in the assembly a single strong mind. The moment was favour-
able : the Reformation might have been suppressed. But instead
of that eloquence of Aleandro, lively, forcible, and sparkling
with imagery, which seduced before convincing, there was only a
* Ulenbei^ Historia de Vit6, etc. p. 182.
42 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
heavy discourse, oncertaiii, weak, and timid. Cher^atus was
rather like a prisoner at the bar than a judge on the bench.
The diet seemed struck with astonishment, and waited for
another tone of address. As it happened, the courage of all
those heroes of the theatre returned, in presence of the nuncio who
humbled the purple even unto prayer, for his speech was truly a
confession. He admitted that ^' the chair of St. Peter had
been the first sullied ;^ that the Church required to be reformed ;
that if God had so cruelly punished it, it was because of the
sins of its prelates and priests ; that for several years, the abuse
of holy things, the insolence of power and scandals came from
Rome ; that the ardent wish of his holiness was to labour to
repair the past, and to make reform proceed from the head to the
members ; that the pontifical chair, the principal seat of the
evil, ought to be treated first ; and that once healed, the wounds
of the Church would very soon close themselves." * The nuncio
added, that it was necessary however to beware of all enthusiasm,
to repel the heroic remedies which would only increase the malady,
to employ the liniments which would cure the sick ; and that, by
God's aid, the pope, who was only intrusted with the govern-
ment of souls to obey the will of Heaven, would succeed in
restoring peace to the Church. Then, addressing himself to the
members of the diet : " I am prepared," said he, " to listen to
your complaints ; if you have grievances, be pleased to state
them ; the pope is disposed to receive them in his paternal
kindness. Remember that the Orders owe to him the concur-
rence of their will ; that there is an edict, — that of Worms, —
which, in the emperor's absence, you are commissioned to enforce,
and that it depends on you to adopt the most fitting measures,
so that the heart of the common father of the faiti^ful be not
afflicted by the triumph of heresy ; that the Church has spoken,
and that, as docile children, you ought to obey her, and be
vigilant in executing her decrees.' All who abjure their errois
will be forgiven." *
* " ScimuB in hAc sanctft sede, aliquot jam annis multa abomiDanda fuisee."
* Edm. Kicherii, Hiatoris Conciliomm^ libri quatuor.
' Mensel, Neaere G^eschichte der Deutschen, torn. i.
* ** Detur venia iis qui errores suos abjurare Toluerint." — Instruciio pro
Cheregato.
ADRIAN VT. 4S
We see all that i§ weak, embarrassed, and imprudent in this
language of the representative of a court accustomed to speak
so high. It certainly was not calculated to gire an exalted
idea, either of the sovereign in whose name it was spoken, or of
the orator who acted as his organ. The members of the diet
could never have elevated themselves to the position in which
the nuncio of his holiness placed them. Luther was not alto*
gether sure of their disposition, he was afraid of the Catholic
princes. To compromise them in the eyes of the German nation,
he had taken care to represent them as instruments of vengeance
in the hand of God. The nuncio's address made so many petty
iron-handed despots of men who, left toiheir own instincts, would
have been broken by an energetic breath. Beyond the Alps it
caused misgivings and discouragement to the hearts of the Italian
prelates, who felt that the language of Cheregatus was befitting a
person of the age, but the very reverse in the mouth of a nuncio.
Protestant Ckrmany boasted of having put Rome to silence ; and
Luther at Wittemberg did not fail to institute a parallel between
the address of Cheregatus at the diet of Nuremberg and that of
Cajetan at Augsburg, and point out to the Reformers how much
his cause had advanced, since a nxmcio was obliged to confess
to the world that aU the disturbance hitherto had its origin in
the disorders of the Roman court.^
The Nurembei^ assembly had no need to meditate long on
its reply. The official harangue required a comment. It
declared that if it had not enforced the emperor's edict against
Luther's followers, the fault lay in Rome, of which Germany had
so much to complain ; that rigorous measures would have served
only to spread, instead of repressing, the new doctrines ; and
that the people would have been excited to rebel against the
authorities, under the pretence that they wished to extinguish
gospel light. It complimented the pope, who had so frankly
acknowledged the necessity of a reformation in the clergy, and
expressed a hope that henceforth the produce of the first-fruits
should not be diverted from their original destination — the war
against the Turks and infidels.*
' He published a portion of Adrian's Mandatum with marginal notes. —
Sleidan.
' Coch* in Act. Lutb« Ulenberg, Hiatoria de Vitft Lutheri. Maimbourg,
44 HISTORT OF LtJTHEB.
In the opinion of the diet, the only means of restoring peace
to Gennany ^as by summonitig a national council, in which
every dissentient voice might be heard. In the mean while, the
Orders promised to endeavour to effect a general reconciliation.
They engaged to obtain from the elector that Luther should be
silenced ; that the preachers should only expound the word of
God, rested upon the teaching and tradition of the Church ;
that the duty of punishing with canonical penalties the married
priests or secularized monks should be left to the ordinaries, and
that they might be deprived of their benefices or privileges without
the magistrates interfering to prevent it.^
The archduke Frederick and the elector of Brandenburg
wished to have recourse to the rigorous measures for which
Gheregatus'had concluded by asking against those who should
refuse to obey the edict of Worms. But they met with lively
opposition in the diet ; and sharp words were exchanged between
these princes and some members of the assembly. '' Do I not
git here as representative of the emperor V exclaimed Ferdinand
impatiently. '^ Doubtless,"' replied Planitz, " but after the diet
and the Orders of the empire." The Protestant princes had
brought with them two Lutheran preachers, who were not
satisfied with fomenting religious antipathies, but who mounted
the pulpit to insult the papacy. " Though the pope," said one
of them in the church of St. Laurence, " to his three crowns
should add a fourth, he would not make me abandon the word
of God." «
The diet published its edict on the 6th March, 1523, in the
name of the absent emperor. Luther waited with impatience
for the result of this deliberation ; the recess of that assembly
was a triumph for him. He took care to extol his victory over
the papacy, in a writing full of artifice,' in which flattery of the
p. 76. Mensel, Neuere Gksohiohte der Deutschen, torn. i. p. 150. The acts
of the Diet are to be found in Lather's works, vol. xv, pp. 2667, 2674, edit.
Walch.
1 ''KuUos libro« edendos ; Erangelinm pnr^ jnxt2k probatas et ab EcclesiA.
receptas interpretationes docendum. — ^Ab episoopis diligendos homines idoneoa
qui concionatores exorbitantes leniter castigent. — Sacei^otes, qui uxores duxe-
rant, juxtk leges pontificias mulctandos."
' Ranke, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 55,
' Luther, Contrit fidsa Edicta Cesaris.
ADRIAN VI. 45
Orders is dezteroasly tempered with admonitions which do not
proceed £rbm himself, he says, but from God, whose command he
obeys ; he is only like a feeble reed in the hands of the Lord,
similar to those who are raised in hononrs and dignities, and
whom the Lord would orerthrow with a breath, if ever his word
were unheeded. He demands pardon for those priests and monks
whom they would seek to punish because they have obeyed God's
command to Adam and all his posterity. ^' Unhappy blindness,^'
says he, " merciless severity of the pontiff! Prescription redolent
of the devil ! To transform into a divine command that conti-
nence, which our nature cannot preserve ! To decree chastity
is as much as to order man to abstain from the functions of our
wretched oi]gans, or retain his excrements !...." ^
This appeal to the vicdation of celibacy, so curtly expressed,
had, in 1522, been mooted at length in a letter from Luther
to the knights of the Teutonic Order.* '' My friends,'' he said
to them, *' God's precept to multiply is much older than that of
continence decreed by the councils ; it dates as far back as the
time of Adam. It is much better to live in concubinage than
in chastity ; the latter is an unpardonable sin, and the former,
by God's aid, will not infer the loss of salvation.^
And Luther tells us wherefore: libertinism is an offence
against God, but is not a contempt of his word, of all crimes
the greatest. The libertine sins, but he does not obstinately
resist the Gospel ; the reverse is the case of the continent. And
as it happened that Rome occasionally released certain military
men from their vows of chastity, to them Luther says, in these
very words : " Let there be no such marriages, though one, a
hundred, or a thousand councils should permit you ; with one,
two, or three mistresses you may pass all your life, and yet
obtain God's forgiveness, but there will be no mercy shown to
one who marries a wife by permission of a council or papistical
^ " Perind^ &cere qui continenter yivere inatkiuant, ac si qnis exorement*
yel loticmk oontri natiuw impetum retUero velit." — Ule&berg, k c. p. 91.
* Ad milites ordiois Tentonicij Oper. Luth. : Jense, torn. ii. p. 211. Dr.
Martin Luther's ErmahnuDg an die Herren deutachen Ordens.
' " In Btata soortationifl vel peocati, Dei proddio imploraio, de salate noa
deiperandttm.*' — Ulenberg, I. c. p. 187«
46 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
dispensatioB ; and why ? becaiise the pope and couDcil are instru*
ments of the devil" >
The diet set forth its grievances: a hundred in number,
Centum ffravamina,^ of which they sought redress. They were
remonstrances rather than complaints, rude and acrimonious, and
to which, in general, the pope could not have attended without
affecting his authority, the discipline of the Church, and the
most holy traditions. Cher^atus was alarmed on glancing over
this volume of complaints, which the secretary of the Orders
sent to him. He suffered the penalty of his timidity. The
diet formally refused to review its work ; besides, the press had
got hold of it, republished, and circulated it throughout Germany.
Cheregatus was obliged to submit.
While he was on his way back to Rome, the printer of
Wittemberg published the contents of the Centum gravamina in
Latin and German, for the use of the learned and the people,
with commentaries and remarks, half serious, half in jest, but all
insulting to Catholicism, and besides replete with Luther. It was
he who dictated those severe and biting lines, who stirred up all
that gall, and made all that filth ; it was his breath and inspira-
tion, for Ulrich von Hutten was sick and dying. Now, there is
no mistaking him there. He himself has taken care to point
' " Qaod IB qui per omnem Titam unnm vel duo, triave scorta domi &Tet,
potits sit in gratiA Dei, qukm alias quifipiam qui iuxta oonoilii definitionem
matrimonii se nezu yinciri patiatur." — Ulenbeiv, I.e. p. 187. See all these
paasagee, and many others still more rash, in the German woriu of Luther :
Leipsio, vol. zviii. p. 408 et seq.
* Pontificii oratoris Legati in CouTentu Norimbeigensi, 1521^ inohoato,
sequenti verb finite. link cum instructione ab eodem Legato consignatft : neo
non responsione CsBsaren Majestatis ao reliquorum principum et procerum
nomine reddilA.
Was auf dem Keichstag zu Nlimberg, von wegen p&bstlicher Heiligkeit
kayserlicher Majeetat Stadthalter und StiUide, lutherisoher Sachen hJben,
gelanget, und darauf geantwortet worden ist. Item : Der weltlichen Beich-
stande Beschwerden, so sie gegen den Siul zu Rom und andem geistlichen
Standen haben, und der pabstlichen Heiligkeit Oiatorem, auf dem Reichstag
xu Nlimberg, im Jahr 1522 angefiingen, und damach im 23. geendet, ttber*
geben worden sind. £in Verzeichniss von etlicher teutecher Bisthttmer und
Aebten Annata die sie gen Rom geben. Yon dem Mangel TOigesetzter An-
naten. Yon Andem (befallen aus teutschen Landen gen Rom : Ntimberg,
1628.
Teutscher Nation Beschwerden von den Geistlichen. Durch die weltlichen
Reichstande, Ftirsten und Herrn, Pabst Adriano schriftlich tlberachickt, nechst
vergangenen Reichstage zu Niimberg, im 22. Jahr ange£uigen, und im 28.
geendet.
ADRIAN VI. 47
out the mode of diyination, and it is very simple. ^' When
upon a clean white page you see little black and viscous specks,
you say, A fly has been upon this." * And we, when we per-
ceive the fine face of an old man, such as Adrian or the cardinal
archbishop of Mayence, flushed with a blow from the hand
of a priest, we say, That hand is Luther's ; and we are not
mistaken.
Luther is perhaps more severe when he reasons, instead of
employing raillery. Gheregatus, a Southern rhetorician, fond of
imagery, had said, in the opening of his speech : '' Pericles him-
self felt nervous whenever he was obliged to speak in public ; you
will not, then, be astonished that I am intimidated by the sight
of so many princes assembled in this illustrious meeting."
The marginal note said : '' This impious preface smells of the
pagan."'
Gheregatus remarked, that if Hungary fell into the hands
of the Turks, all Germany would become the slaves of the
barbarians.
The note said snappishly : " We should prefer being under
the Turks than the Papists.^
The Teutonic party, who formed the majority of the diet of
Nuretnberg, believed they were making a bold act of opposition
to Rome, in demanding the convocation of the council They
hoped that the appeal would be considered beyond the Alps as a
derision or insult to the papacy. These old Germans were mis-
taken : Rome seemed inclined, in order to restore peace to the
Church in Germany, to allow a general council to be held. Then
Luther, who, since his conference with Gardinal Gajetan at
Augsburg, had constantly posted the walls of the cathedral with
an appeal to a future council, when he saw Rome willing to grant
it, changed his mind, and furiously rejected this mode of con-
ciliation. Would you know the secret of this palinode ? It was
because a council could only be composed of the pope, bishops,
priests, and monks : now, all these had cast off the Gospel.
Such was one of his aiguments against holding a council. This
is not the gravest ; every sheep, he formally asserts, has a right
to determine whether the food which the shepherd gives it is
> TiBch-Reden. * Scbmidt, 1. c torn vi. p. 821.
48 HISTOET OF LUTHER.
Bound or corrapt ; then, to what purpose councils, priests, or
learned men ?^
The unhappy Adrian, — this pope so pure, this Christian of
the primitive Church, this good shepherd, who would have given
his life for his sheep, this apostle, who " thought no evil," and
of whom the world was not worthy,' according to the fine descrip-
tion of a Protestant historian, — ^was broken-hearted when Chere-
gatus returned, and grief killed him. All the poor of Borne
followed his funeral weeping, and exclaiming : " Our father is
dead ! " and as it passed by, the people knelt, and shed tears.
Never had funeral pomp evoked a similar grief ; Rome at last
knew the extent of her loss. Several cardinals accompanied the
body to the church of St Peter : these were the Utrecht doctor's
friends in boyhood. By their attention, a small monument was
raised to preserve these cherished remains ; and on it was inscribed :
*' Here lies Adrian VI., who considered power the greatest of
misfortunes."' Subsequently, a German cardinal, Eckenwoirt,
erected, at his own expense, in the church of Dell' Anima, a less
simple cenotaph, bearing these words, which Adrian loved to
repeat : '' Nothing is of consequence to the most virtuous person
like the time he has lived."
Some days before his death, Adrian had canonized Benno,
bishop of Misnia,^ a holy priest, whose memory is still held in
veneration throughout Catholic Saxony : he was another Martin,
who oflien, after selling his valuables, divided his cloak to give
it to the poor. Luther, who recommended to the veneration of
Christians those of his disciples who died in the course of theuf
mission, strove to prevent respect being paid to this new saint
> Dr. Martin Ltither's Gmnd-Ursacbe aus der Sclirift, daas eine ohristliohe
VersamrolaDg oder GtemeiDo Becht und Maoht babe, alle Lehre ca urtbeileo,
und Lehrer zn berufen, ein- und abzosetzen. "— Lntber's Werke : lioipzig,
torn, xviii. p. 429 et seq.
' Ad. Meosel, torn. t. p. 111. Aus diesem VerdmsBe wurde der fromme
Mann, desRen die Welt nicbt wertb war, zur Freude der Romer, am 14. Sep-
tember 1525, durcb den Tod befreit.
' " Hadrianus sIxtUB blc situs est, qui nibil sibi infelicits in vitA duxit qtikm
qu6d imperaret.*'
We baye of tbis pope : " Conunentarii de rebus theologicis in IT. sen ten-
tiarum qusBstiones, unk cum qusestionibus quas quodlibetaa vocant."
* Emser has written the life of thia bishop. — Ooch. in Act. pp. 108, 109.
ADBTAN YI. 49
He wrote his book, '* Concerning the New Idol and the Old
Devil/" in which he found means to insult both the living and
the dead.
" Satan," he says, " being unable to bear the splendour of the
rising star of the Gospel, has resolved to be revenged, and, in
ridicule of God, has devised a buffoonish farce, a capital fiction
for the stage of a mountebank. He takes Benno's name, and
desires to have it worshipped. For this comedy he makes use
of Pope Adrian, whose chastity and innocence they vaunt ; an
impious hypocrite, the determined enemy of God^s word, who has
caused the death of two of our Augustinian friars at Brussels ;
who kills the living saints of the Lord, and canonizes the slave
of Rome, or rather the devil himself. Like as at Constance,
where the Others of the council have shed the blood of John
Huss and Jerome of Prague, two sons of God, two saints, two
martyrs, and exalted Thomas Aquinas, the fountain and sink of
heresies ! Who was this Benno ? The pimp of Gregory VIL,
that mitred scoundrel, who has dethroned the ^nperor, Henry IV.
If Benno did not do penance for that crime, he is damned to all
eternity, and feU into the hands of the devil when he died.^
Misnians, you are called on to adore a cut-throat, an in&mous
homicide, a robber stained with blood, the author of all the cala-
mities which press upon Germany, the enemy of the Gospel, the
companion of Antichrist, a saint such as Annas and Caiaphas.''
Afelancthon sorrowfully wrote to Erasmus : '^ Luther is of
more worth than his pamphlets.'"'
But Erasmus shook his head incredulously, and replied to his
friend : *^ No, I cannot believe that men, whose manners are so
opposite to the doctrines of Christ, are guided by his spirit. For-
merly the Gospel made the fierce mild, the spoiler merciful, the
turbulent peaceful, the slanderer charitable. Now our evangelists
excite fury, possess themselves fraudulently of the property of
others, create disturbances everywhere, and speak evil of those
^ Contrib noTuin Idolum et aDtiqunm Diabolam qui Misens exaltabitur :
Jeme, torn. ii. p. 446, b.
' "Quern quidem yirom ego meliorem esse judico, quiun qualis yidetur
fitdenti do eo ju(Uoiiim ex illis yiolentlB BoripUonibuB ipsiiiB.'* — Epist. ad
Enam. inter Epiat. ad Camerar. p. 90.
VOL. II. E
60 HTSTOEY OF LtJTHEB.
even whose conduct is exemplaiy. I see hypocrites and tyrants,
but not one spark of the spirit of the Gospel."*
Erasmus had not yet read Luther's letter to Henry VIII. !
CHAPTER V.
HENRY Vin. AND LTJTHEB, 1528.
The Captivity of tbe Church in Babylon excites a great Benaation in England,
— It is attacked by Henry VIII. — Specimen of the royal work. — ^Luther'*
reply to the king's pamphlet. — ^Bngenbagen and Mela&cUMm approve of
Luther's part in the controversy. — ^Heniy complains to Germany of Luther's
insults. — ^ir Thomas More defends the king's side. — His work. — Luther's
daring explained. — ^New letter, wherein the monk humbly apologises to
Henry. — ^And why I
The " Captivity of the Church in Babylon/' widely diffused
in Germany, eagerly read and praised by the antagonists of the
school of Cologne, excited some noise in England. The school
divinity had warm defenders at London among the clergy and
seminaries. Luther's rebellion had caused them astonishment
mingled with alarm. It happened that the most irritable theo-
logian of the age was the very monarch who reigned over Great
Britain. Henry VI IL was among the first who read Luther's
pamphlet, and immediately undertook to refute it. Erasmus was
aware of the king's fancy, and commended it. His majesty for
some weeks closeted himself with his chancellor, the archbishop
of York, Fisher, bishop of Rochester, and other prelates, who,
if we are to believe Luther, supplied their master with their
sophistry and rage. The reply appeared with the title of
''Defence of the Seven Sacraments against Doctor Martin
Luther." «
* "Qui possim mihi persuadere illos agi Spiritu Christi quorum mores
tanthm discrepant ^ doctrinft Christi ! OUm Bvangelium ex ferocibus red-
debat mites, ex rapacibus benignos, ex tarbulentis pacificoe, ex maledicis
beneficos ; hi redduntur furiosi, capiunt per fraudem aliena, concitant nbique
tumultus, maledicunt etiam de bene merentibus. Novos hypooritas, novos
tyrannos video, ac ue micam quidem Evangelii spiritfis.'* — Erasm. Epist.
ep. 69, ad Melancbth. p. 726.
' Assertio Septem Sacramentomm adversiis Martanum Luthenun.
HENRY VIII. AND LUTHER. 61
One night an apparition, much more real than that of Satan,
came to torment the Reformer at Wartburg, — ^this was the
spectre of Henry VIII. He entered the castle, not as historians
represent him to ns, with that "fine appearance," which yielded
only to that of Francis I., or, as Holbein has depicted him, with
his rich ermine, his face embedded in a small-ruffled collar, and
his yellow fox-eyes, — but in the garb of a monk, holding in his
hand the defence of the Catholic faith, which he had dedicated
to Leo X.1
That apology for Catholicism by a crowned head was a great
event in the religious world. Henry's work soon crossed the
sea, and was reprinted in every form in Holland, Belgium,
Germany, and France.* In Italy, there was a shower of sonnets,
odes, and poems in honour of the king. It was celebrated in
Latin verse by Vida and Cicoli : ' Erasmus lauded the prose,
Eck the reasoning, of the prince. For more than six months,
the only theme was Henry VIII. and his literary renown. That
renown is forgotten, and the volume lies buried in a vellum
shroud in some German libraries, where we have met with it
beside the works of Frierias, Latomus, and CochlsBus, who also
made so much noise on this earth. For an idea of the royal
polemics we must look into it
" There was a time,'' says Henry, " when the faith had no
need of defenders ; it had no enemies. Now it has one who
exceeds in maUgnity all his predecessors, who is instigated by
the devil, who covers himself with the shield of charity, and,
full of hatred aod wrath, discharges his viperish venom against
the Church and Catholicism. Wherefore every Christian soul,
every servant of Christ, of whatever age, sex, or order, must rise
in their turn against this common enemy. . . .
" What similar pestilence has ever attacked the Lord's flock ?
What serpent can be compared with this monk who has written
' The royal maDiisoript is preserved and exhibited in the Vatican. It is
prefiu^d by the following distich :
" Anglonim rex, Henricus, Leo decime, mittit
Hoc opus et fidei testem et amicitise."
The first edition of the book appeared at Loudon, in sedibus Pynsonianis, 1521.
' In 1522, the Assertio was printed at Antwerp, in two forms, in ledibua
Michaelis Hillenii.
' VidsB Op. torn. ii. p. 161.
£2
62 HISTOBT OF LUTHER.
upon the Babylonish captivity of the Church ? who sports with
the language of Scripture to attack the sacraments ? — ^to this
scoffer of our old traditions, who puts no faith in our holy fathers,
or the ancient interpreters of our holy books, except when they
agree with him ; who compares the Holy See to the impure
Babylon, treats as a tyrant the sovereign pontiff, and makes that
holy name synonymous with Antichrist ? He is a man of pride,
blasphemy, and schism ! — ^a devouring wolf, who would rend the
flesh of the Christian flock ! — a child of the devil, who seeks to
wile the sheep from Christ their pastor! — a filthy soul, who
attempts to revive heresies that have been buried for ages, who
mixes new errors with the old, and, like Cerberus, drags to the
light from hell blasphemies which slept in shameful darkness ;
and glories in disturbing with his doctrine the Church and the
Catholic communion/' *
Henry enters at once into the subject, and combats and
destroys the Saxon creed. The crowned theologian is close,
concise, and cutting. He bears no likeness to those dis-
putants whom we have seen at Worms, — to those gowned
civilians who flattered Luther, lavished incense and honey on
him, and strove by fair words to win back the wanderer to
authority. Henry is the monarch as he appears in history and
painting, — with flaming eye, brow swollen with rage, and lips
quivering with fury. The theologian seems to wish to cast away
the frock and seize the sword, wherewith to force his arguments
down the throat of his adversary.
" Wretch ! " he says to Luther, " do you not know how much
obedience is better than sacrifice ? Tou do not reflect that if
the punishment of death is pronounced in Deuteronomy against
every proud spirit who rebels against the priest, his master, you
deserve every sort of punishment for having disobeyed the
supreme priest, the great judge on this earth. . . /' «
There are sometimes eloquent parages in Henry's work.
When he speaks of the majesty of crowned heads, of the respect
due by subjects to their sovereign, and of insults offered by
1 Assertio Septem Saor&mentorum advent Mart. Lnthenim, H«Drioo YIII.
AngluB rege, anctore : PariBik, 1652, 12xbo.
* Aasertio, etc. p. 10.
HEKBT YIII. AND LUTHER. 63
Lather to the tiara, he becomes animated and glowing. His
language expands, and he makes use of images foil of grandeur.
" Let him deny, then, that the whole Christian community
salutes Rome as her mother and spiritual guide ! Christians at
the extremities of the world, and separated by oceans and deserts,
obey the Holy See ! If, then, this immense power has been
acquired by the pope neither by the orders of God nor the will
of man, if it is a usurpation and a robbery, let Luther point
out its origin ! The source of so great a power cannot be enve-
loped in darkness, especially if its history is known. Let him
assert that it goes no further back than two centuries at the
most ; the pages of history will show the contrary.
'' But if this power is so old that its beginning is lost in the
night of ages, then he must be aware that human laws establish
that aU possession is lawful, the origin of which memory cannot
trace ; and that by the consent of nations, it is forbidden to
touch that which time has made immutable.
'' He must have rare assurance to affirm, when the contrary
has been established, that the pope has founded his right by
means of despotism. For whom does Luther take us ? Does he
think that we are so stupid as to believe that a poor priest could
have been able to establish such a power as his ? — that without
a mission, or any sort of right, he has made so many nations
subject to his sceptre? — that so many cities, provinces, and
kingdoms could be found so prodigal of their liberties as thus to
acknowledge a stranger, to whom they owed neither faith, nor
homage, nor obedience."'^
The most curious page in Henry's book is that wherein he
defends the Mass against the arguments of the Augustinian
monk, in the double point of view of good work and sacrifice,
qualities which Luther denies to this sacrament. In reading
tills sound argument, well-woven, glowing with poetry at times,
and which displays the rhetorician accomplished in the arts
of the school, by his knowledge of the Scriptures, and the
refinement of the Latin language, we have no difficulty in under-
standing why, on the one hand, Luther suspected that the king
merely wrote to the dictation of one of his prelates ; or, on the
> ABsertio, etc. p. 10.
54 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Other, why the pope conferred on the royal theologian the title
of " Defender of the Faith." Sadoletus, the pope's secretary,
could not have done better ; his Latin certainly could not have
been more elegant, or his periods more Ciceronian.^
Luther maintained that these words of Christ : " Whatsoever
you shall unloose on earth, shall be unloosed in heaven," were
addressed to the community of the faithful, to every Christian,
male or female.
Here Henry lays aside the professor ; he does not embarrass
himself with the trammels of the school ; he recalls to mind his
knowledge of ancient history, and brings up one of the great
Roman departed, Emilius Scaurus, to discomfit his enemy.
** Romans," exclaimed the old man, accused before his coun-
trymen by a worthless fellow, " Varus affirms, and I deny.
Whom do you believe ?" And the people applauded, and the
accuser was confounded. '* I wish for no other argument in
this question of the power of the kings. Luther says that the
words of institution apply to the laity ; Augustine denies it.
Whom will you believe ? — Luther says, Yes ; Bede says. No.
Whom will you believe ? — Luther says, Yes ; the whole Church
says, No. Whom will you believe V
His majesty has left none of Luther's assertions unanswered.
Eck, at Leipsic, was certainly not more pressing or mordant.
How he seems to be delighted, — how complacently he exposes
the monk's errors, — how he quotes texts from the Scriptures, to
show his biblical knowledge ; and profane historians, to prove that
he is not so covered with the dust of the schools, as to have
forgotten the assiduous court which he formerly paid to the
Greek and Latin muses ! When he approaches the end of his
long defence, he becomes as rhetorical as Socrates, and in a flow
of artfiiUy condensed periods, exhibits Luther such as he had
found him to be.^
** Th^s, then, there is no doctor so ancient in the world, no
saint so exalted in bliss, no scholar so versed in the knowledge
of the Bible, whom this petty doctor, this little saint, this shadow
'^ Luther acknowledged bim to be "inter omnes qui Qontr)^ Be scribunt
latinissimum." — Roacoe, Life of Iieo X. vol. iv. p. 47,
' Assertio, p. 55*
HENRY VIII. AHD LUTHER. 55
of erudition,^ does not reject in the pride of his self-constituted
authority. Since he despises everybody, since he only believes
in himself, why should he be enraged when he receives contempt
for contempt, and disdain for disdain ? What advantage can be
gained by a contest with Luther, who is of nobody's opinion, and
does not understand himself ; who denies what he has at first
affirmed, and affirms what at the same time he denies ? If you
arm yourself with faith to oppose him, he confronts you with
reason ; if you buckle on the armour of reason, he entrenches
himself in faith ; if you quote the philosophers, he appeals from
them to the Scriptures ; if you invoke the Bible, he wraps himself
up in sophistry. He is a shameless scribbler, who sets himself
above the laws, who despises our old teachers, and in the pleni*
tude of his pride ridicules the learning of the age ; who insults
the majesty of pontiffs, outrages traditions, dogmas, manners,
laws, canons, faith, and the Church herself, which he sees
nowhere, except amongst two or three innovators, of whom he
has ponstituted himself the leader/''
There was in Luther a fibre irritable to the last degree, — that
of pride : woe to him who dared to touch it ! Henry knew his
adversary well. He desired to make him suffer for the praises
which had been showered upon him on all sides, and, with
cruel delight, he provoked and bantered the monk's literary
vanity. Think of Luther being styled doctarcidus, sanctvius^
eruditultu, diminutives not certainly to be found in the writers
of the Augustan age, and which Henry employs only to make
his contempt sink deeper.^ But Eck, Miltitz, even Latomus
himself, had been more courteous, and did not deny his titles of
doctor and scholar. Ah ! if Luther had had the gauntlet of his
adversary, how he would have rejoiced to bury it in the sove-
reign's body ! But he had luckily a pen which had stood him
stead in more than one contest, and which could besmear with
mud a countenance so as to make it undistinguishable. We use
the word " mud" from decency ; for Sir Thomas More affirms
that he went elsewhere for the filth with which he covered the
face of his opponent.
' DoctorculoB, saDctulus, eruditulua.
• AsBertio, pp. 97, 98.
' Luther afkerwards borrowed them from Heory.
56 HISTORY OF LUTHER..
The reply to Hodij of England ^eedily appeared. Luther only
took a few hours to compose it, and soon all Germany was
invited to an unheard-of spectacle.
It is now the monk's turn.
** It is two years since I published a small book, entitled
' The Captivity of the Church in Babylon.'* It has annoyed
the Papists, who have spared neither falsehoods nor abuse against
me. I willingly forgive them. OtheiB would have swallowed it
cheerfully, but the hook was too hard and sharp for their throats.
The Lord Henry, not by the grace of God, king of England, has
recently written in Latin against that treatise. There are some
who believe that this pamphlet has not been written by Henry :
but whether it proceeds from the pen of Henry, or the devil, or
from hell, is a matter of indifference. Whoever lies is a liar : I
have no fear of such a one. What I think is, that King Henry
has given one or two ells of coarse cloth, and that snivelling
sophist,^ that swine of the Thomist herd (Lee), who has written
against Erasmus, has taken needle and scissors, and made a cape
ofit."»
Luther then follows Henry's example ; he passes in review
his rival's assertions, and refutes them.
" If a king of England spits his impudent lies in my &ce, I
am entitled on my part to thrust them down his throat. If he
blasphemes my sacred doctrines, and casts his dirt on the crown
of my king and my Christ,^ why should he be astonished if I, in
like manner, bespatter his royal diadem, and proclaim that the
king of England is a liar and a rascal.^
" Perhaps he thought, * Luther is pursued ; he <jannot reply to
me ; his books are burned ; my calumnies will go down. I am
a king, they will believe that I speak the truth ! I can then
venture to throw in the face of the poor monk whatever comes
* Die Babylonischen (jefangDisBe.
* *' Lens nie . . . fiigicb pituita sophista qnalem in grege ffuA alerent crassi
illi porci Thomistee.''
■' This was a calfunnj ; HeDry at first was intended to have been in Orders,
fie bad long studied theology. " Sub optimis prseceptoribus setatem trivisse
ei in sacris scrip turis plurimUm versatum fuisse/' says «fohn Clark e, ambassador
^m Henry YlII., in his Oratio ad ]jeonem habita.
* Und schmieret seinen Dreck an die KroniS meines Konjg^
^ ^in Liigner ist und ein Unbiedermann,
HEUEY VIII. AND LUTHER. 67
into m; head, publish what I please, and ran down his reputa-
tion in a clear field/ Ah, my lad ! say whatever you like ; I
shall compel you to hear some disagreeable truths ; I hope they
will make you smart for your tricks. He accuses me of having
written against the pope through hatred and malice ; of being
quarrelsome, slanderous, and so proud as to think myself the
only wise man in the world ! . . . . But I ask you, my lad, what
matters it if I am vain, cross-grained, and wicked ? Is the
papacy innocent, because I am worthless ? Therefore, because I
consider him a fool, the king of England is a sage ! What will
you say ? But the dear king, who has such a horror for lies
and calumnies, has more of them in his envenomed book than I
have in all my writings. Perhaps in this quarrel there must
be a distinction of persons ? a king may at his will injure a poor
monk, but play the courtier with the pope.'"^
We have seen that the king of England maintained with
some eloquence that antiquity in human, as in sacred institutions,
has a right to our respect, and that, consequently, the papacy
ought not to be treated as a thing of yesterday. The monk avoids
discussing the proposition, and to combat it has recourse to his
ordinary weapon, raillery,
" I wish to be done with the Papists once for all, and to reply
to them in addressing the king of England. Your just man,
though a century old, cannot be just for one hour. If age
constituted right, the devil would be the justest on earth, for he
is upwards of 5,000 years old."
He follows his adversary through his theological work, not
troubling himself much with dogmatic questions, neither dis-
turbing himself with the voice of tradition, upon which the king
lays so much stress, nor with the evidence of the great Catholic
writers whom Henry calls to his aid, nor those terrible conse-
quences for the peace of society which he had drawn from his
rival's propositions. He reserved for the conclusion of his
pleading his best arguments ;-r— the devil and the law of blood.
" What astonishes me, is not the ignorance of Henry, king
of England — not that he understands less of faith and works
than a block does about God ; it is that the devil thus plays the
* liUther's Leben, von Gust. Pfizer, p. 3d7,
58 HI8T0EY OF LUTHER.
clown by means of his Henry, although he knows well that I
laugh at him. King Henry is aware of the proverb : * There
are no greater fools than kings and princes.' Who does not
perceive the finger of God in the blindness and folly of this
man ! .... I will leave him a moment of rest, for I have the
Bible to translate, without reckoning other occupations, which
will not admit of my dabbling long in his Majesty's filtL
But I will, if God permit, take my time again to reply at my
leisure to this royal mouth, which foams with falsehood and
poison. I think that he has written his book as a penance, for
his conscience loudly tells him that he haa stolen the crown of
England, by putting to a violent death the last offspring of the
royal line, and drying up the source of the blood of the
kings of Great Britain. He trembles in his skin lest this blood
should fall upon him, and therefore he clings to the pope in order
that he may not lose the throne, and sometimes courts the
emperor, and sometimes the king of France, as does one
tormented by a guilty conscience. Henry and the pope are
equally legitimate : the pope has stolen his tiara, as the king of
England his crown ; which accounts for their rubbing each
other like two mules. Whoever would not pardon me for my
insults to his royal majesty, ought to know that I have only
done so because he has not spared himself. See then, he lies in
the fiace of heaven, and unblushingly spit-s out venom like an
angry prostitute ; which is a clear proof that he has not a drop
of noble blood in his veins." ^
Then, leaving this insignificant monarch as if he were unde-
serving even of a look, he invokes the most glorious representa*
tives of the school, the Thomists, and hurls at them this proud
defiance.
" Courage, you swine ; bum me then, if you dare ! Here I
am : I attend you. I shall persecute you with my ashes after
* So Bchilt er so bitter, giftig und ohne Unterlass, als keine offentliche
zomige Hure schelten mag.
Luther's reply to the king of England appeared in two languages ; in Ger-
man and in Latin, with the title, Contrii regem Angliie Martinus Lutherus.
The two texts, according to his biographer, Pnzer, present material variations.
The Latin version is more bitter and cynical ; it is dedicated to Sebastiah
Schlinck, a Bohemian noble, and is dated 15 July, 1522. See vol. ii. : Jenao^
lat. fol. 546 et seq. The German answer will be found in vol. ii. of the edition
of Altenburg, foL 187 et seq.
HENRT VIII. AND LUTHER. 59
I am dead, although you should have scattered them to the winds
and the waves. Alive, I shall be the enemy of the papacy ;
dead, I shall be twice as much so. Swinish Thomists, do your
utmost I Luther will be the bear on your road, the lion in your
path ; he will follow you everywhere, be constantly before you,
and will never give you peace or truce, until he shall have
broken your iron skulls and brazen faces, for your salvation or
perdition."
These are strange words, doubtless, but which, notwith*
standing, a disciple of Luther, has not been afraid to attribute to
the Holy Ghost. '* At one time I thought," said Bugenhagen,
**that our father Luther was too violent against Henry of
England, but I now perceive that I was mistaken, and that he
has been too gentle ; it is the Spirit of heaven who has dictated
his every word ; the Spirit of holiness, truth, constancy, and in-
vincible power/' ^ Melancthon himself dared not condemn his
master's violence. To Capito, who censured it, he wrote : " Take
care, my friend ; to reject Luther, is to reject the Gospel Tou
are alarmed at his fury ; what if it is the zeal of God which
consumes him ? Tou do not understand the state of the times, — >
what salt is required to be used to these &t masters and lords.
St Paul commands us not to quench the Spirit." ^ Instead of
divine inspiration, Erasmus could only see in Luther's reply signs
of madness and vulgarity.'
Luther was of Bugenhagen's opinion ; and in the preface of
his book, commended himself for his moderation and mildness.^
1 "Opinabar patrem nostrum Lathemm nimis yehementem esse in Hen-
rionm r^gem Anglise, sed jam video nimis lenem flilsee. . . . Ita at &teri oogar
Spiritom Sanctum dictitsse onmia verba Lutbero, oujus spiritus non est alius
nisi sanotus, verax, oonstans et invictus." — Selnecoer, p. 144. Seckendorf,
lib. i. sect, xlyii. § 114.
' " Negare non potestis quin Kvangelium doceat ; id rejicitis, si Lutherus
rejiciatur. Nee ignoro te acerbitate offbndi. Sed quid, si divinitiis accenda-
tor ? Obeeoro, vide qui rerum ac temporum status sit, quo sale opus sit tarn
pingnibus dominis. Paulus carere pneciplt ne spiritus extinguatur." — Secken-
dorf, L 0. tom. i. p. 188.
' Sentiments d'Erasme de Rotterdam, oonformes li ceuz de TEglise Catho-
lique: Cologne, 1688, 12mo. p. 219.
* "Deinde Ik virulentill et mendaoiis abstinui." He wrote, bowever, to
Spalatinus, on tbe 4th of September : " Sciebam multos offensurum quidquid
in regem Anglife scriberem, insulsum et virulentum Thomistam ; sed itit plncuit
mibi atqne ade6 multis causis necessarium fiiit ; quod facio nescitur mod6,
scietur post^" In August preceding, be said to one of his friends ; " Aliqui
60 HISTO&T OF LUTUBR.
In the whole range of political and religions pamphlets, there
will nowhere be fonnd snch revolting indecency, except perhaps
in the " Vieux Cordelier " of Dnchesne ; but the journalist
minded his business, and did not believe in a Ood; while
the monk interrupted his translation of the Bible to reply to
Henry.
But what causes more painful astonishment is the silence of
the Protestant princes; not one, even the elector of Saxony,
wished to give this insolent monk a lesson, and teach him that
such insults were not to be given to royalty unpunished. The
libel was openly published, with the author's name and printer's
device ; it was publicly sold at the fair at Frankfort ; it crossed
the sea, it was circulated among the people ; and yet this
scandal did not excite in these potentates either emotion or
indignation !
Henry, however, complained of the monk's insults to the
elector Frederick, in a letter* wherein he was even witty.
"Your Luther is a singular fellow," said the prince, among
other things ; " he be^ns by crying, then he becomes irritated,
then enraged, then furious, then he storms, then he roars." *
In his reply the elector protests his love for the Gospel, declares
that it was contrary to his orders that Luther left Wartburg for
Wittemberg, and relies much upon the next council, where God
and his Christ will necessarily be present, according to the
promise in St. Matthew, chap, xviii., vers. 19, 20 : " For where
there are two or three gathered together in my name, there am I
in the midst of them :" but not a syllable with reference to
Luther's insults to his majesty.
Some Protestant writers, while censuring the expressions used
by Luther in his letter to Henry, have inclined to admire the
boldness of the monk, who, in the face of all Germany, dared to
amioi mei saepb monnenxnt at mollitis scriberem, sed semper respond! et
respondeo me id non esae &ctaram."-— Altenb. torn. ii. p. 207. Seckendorf.
Ub. i. p. 187.
' Serenissimi ac potentiasimi regis Anglise, Henrici ChrisidaDSB fidei de-
fensoris, ad iUastrissimos ao clarissimos Sazonia) principea Fridericum elec-
torem et Johannem et Georfinm duces de coercendo aoigendoque Luthera-
nismo et Luthero ipso, epistou^ Grenwici, 1523.
' ChurfUrst Freidrichs nnd Herzog Johannes Antwort auf rorheigefaendes
Scbreiben Konig Heinrichs VIII. m. Ap. A. 1523. Luther's Werke : Leipzig,
torn, xviii. p. 213.
HBNBY Till. AND LUTHER. 61
insult the most powerfdl ally of Charles V. It is a sorry
triumph to Luther that they contend for. At the very time
when his pamphlet appeared, La Tremouille expelled from the
French territories the English forces commanded by the Duke of
SujSblk ; and the emperor's attempts upon Burgundy and Ouienne
had been forcibly repelled.* Luther, accordingly, could with
safety brave the emperor and offend Henry : he was not afraid
of Charles returning to Germany to punish him ; if the emperor
had crossed the Rhine, Italy would have fallen into the hands of
Francis I.
There was in these insults to royalty a secret motive of which
Luther, as he said, reserved to himself the explanation at some
future time. It is not difBcult to divine the mystery. Luther
directed them much more to the theologian than to the sovereign.
He obeyed, without suspecting it, and at the risk of repudiating
his principles of free inquiry, that Catholic constitution which
does not recognise the right of princes to mix themselves up with
questions of doctrine. We have surprised him in a moment of
temper exclaiming that a prince ought never to touch the censer,
forgetting that immediately before he had proclaimed that we are
all priests. But if he had permitted Henry to defend the
Catholic faith, Frederick, the elector of Saxony, might, like the
king, become a theologian : there would then have been two apostles
at Wittemberg ! And Luther wished to be the sole master of
£Edth : he permitted people to read the Bible, but on the express
condition that they found nothing in it but what he had dis*
covered there.
There were in Bngland two men who resolved to defend out-
raged royalty : Fisher, bishop of Rochester, in a learned work
published under the pseudonyme of William Ross,' and Sir
Thomas More,' who, instead of summoning to his lud the high
intellect with which he was gifted, preferred to make use of jest^
* Bobertflon's Histoiy of Charles V. yol. i. p. 460 et wq.
> EruditiaBiim yiii, Qnlielmi Bosaei opxui el^gans, doetnm, ftstiTiiin, finta,
pnlcherrimb retegit ao refellit inaanas Lntheri oalnmnias, quibns invictiBsimuiD
AsglisB Gallinque regem Henricum ejus nomiDis ootavuin, fidei defeiiBorem,
baud litterifl mints qvikm regno clamnij sccnra tnrpiBSunns insectatur.
* Th. Mori Angli, omnia qnsB faucnsque ad manns nostras pervenemnty
Latina Opera : Lovanii, 1566. M. Kisanl, Thomas Moms, Bevue des Deux
Mondes, torn. ▼. p. 590 et seq.
62 HISTORY OP LUTHBR.
after the fashion of Lather. Unfortunately his is not natural,
and smells of the lamp. His sarcasm really does not originate
from his own head, but travels, before touching his rival, over
the satirists of antiquity, especially Lucian, whom he particularly
studied. His indignation is like that of a statesman. The
chancellor imagines that he employs the language of the tavern,
but he stammers and fails for want of practice. We know
Luther's ability, when he wishes to imitate the style of a
drunkard. Faceti», sallies, points, and conceits flow from his
lips like the beer from his glass. The fable only imagined by
More is witty.
Luther is at table with his boon companions, — ^his bacchanalian
senate, — considering, after many bumpers of Eimbeck beer, of
his reply to the king of England. One of his companions helps
him out of his difficulty : '* Insults, falling as thick as snow-
flakes, are the only weapons,'' he says, '^ to use against the king."
Luther approves of the plan ; but he refers to his dictionary,
and finds that copious as it is, it could not furnish him with
a sufficient stock of buSboneries, and he sends about this crowd
of evil spirits to collect them wherever they can. Some go one
way, some another, and all, like wasps, soon return to the
common rendezvous with a plentiful booty, and go out again for
more.
They betake themselves to the crossways, the carriages, boats,
batlis, gaming-houses, barbers^ shops, taverns, mills, privies and
stews, observing with eye and ear what passes, and carefully
collecting the coarse jokes of coachmen, impertinences of valets,
chattering of porters, petulancies of prostitutes, buffooneries
of parasites, indecencies of bathers, and the obscenities of other
individuals.
And after hunting some months for insults, sarcasms, obscene,
indecent, and infamous expressions, through the haunts of the
lowest and most profligate, they cast all these into the sewer of
Luther's breast, from which, after being stirred together and
mashed, all this accumulated filth is ejected — ^and the monk's
book is complete.*
* ** Illi igitur abeuot, alius, alio, quo quemque tulit aoimuB, et se per
omnia plaustra, Tehicula, cymbas, thermas, ganeas, tonstrinas, tabemaa, lus-
tra^ pistrina^ latrinas, lupaaaria» diffunduut : illio obBervaut sedul^ atque in
HEIFBT YIII. AND LUTHER. 63
It must be admitted that the honour of the crown might havo
been otherwise defended. We cannot admit the excuse of
Erasmus, that the ohancellor, when replying to Luther's pamphlet,
wafl inspired by the writings of the Saxon monk.
In this controversy Catholicism in Germany had but one
worthy representative, Duke George, who, in the name of
God, morality, and Germany, denounced Luther's insolence to
the assembly at Nurembeig, and demanded that he should be
punished.^ The Orders of the empire did not understand their
dignity.
The duke also wrote a prophetical letter to the States, and
even pointed out a time near at hand when the outrages of
Luther against popes and monarchs would produce their firuits.
The duke did not require to consult the stars as to the
future ; the blindness of the States was a sufficient indication
of the wrath of God upon Grermany.*
Two years elapsed when the king of England received another
letter from Luther :
'' Most serene and illustrious prince," wrote the monk, ^' 1
should indeed fear to address your majesty, when I remember
bow I insulted you in the pamphlet which I, a proud and vain
man, yielding to evil advisers and not to my own inclination,
published against you ; but what emboldens me to do so is your
royal goodness, which is daily set before me in my conversation
and correspondence. Being mortal, you will not maintain an
immortal wrath. Besides, I know, on sure testimony, that the
document published in your majesty's name, was not by the king
tabellas reftmnt quicqnid aut auriga sordidb, ant servns yaniliter, ant meretrix
petulanter, ant portitor improb^ ant parasitns scurriliter, ant leno tnrpiter,
ant balneator spnrc^, ant caoator ohecen^ loqnntus sit. Atqne hsec qutaa
aliquot fecinsent menses, ttmi demiun qnioquid undecnnqne collegissent con-
▼idomm et scumlinm scommatnm, petuiantis, spnroitiaa, sordiunii Inti, ooeni,
stercomm, omnem hanc coUuTiem in fosdiasimam oloaoam Lntheii pectus
infiurdunt ; quam ille totam in libellnm istum auum per os illud impnrum velut
comesam merdam, removit." — Opera Mori, p. 61.
' Seckendor^ Comm. de Lntheraniamo, lib. i. § ovi. p. 187. The duke also
wrote a noble letter to Henry VIII. : lUustrissimi Prindpis Ducis Greorgii ad
Henrionm regem : Qnedlinbnrg, 7 idns Mali, anno 1528.
' The Assertio Septem Sacramentorum was reprinted by the care of Gabriel
de Saconaj, precentor or cantor of St. John's, at Lyons, who added a preface
to the royal book. Calvin attacked Saoonay on the subject of this reprint.
He is as violent as Luther, but much less literary. We have sketched this,
controversy in the second volume of our History of Calvin.
64 HISTOBY OF LUTHEB.
of England, as some shameless sophists would make it be
believed, who are not aware with what ignominy they thereby cover
yonr majesty, and among others that enemy of God and man
(Lee).^ I blush for myself, and scarcely dare to lift my eyes to
you, — I, a worm of dust and rottenness, deserving merely con-
tempt and disdain, who, thanks to these workers of iniquity,
have not feared to insult so great a prince.
" Prostrate at yotur feet in all humility, I pray and beseech
your majesty, by the cross and glory of Christ, to pardon my
offences according to his command. Should your majesty deem
it necessary for me to deny my words and extol your name in
another letter, only deign to order me : I am ready and right
willing to do so. However, the glory of my God will gain by it,
if I am permitted to write to the king of England in behalf of
the cause of the Gospel." •
What then has happened in this brief period of time ? Has
Henry restored the throne which he stole ? Has he studied the
writers of the great age whom Luther accused him of n^lecting
when he wrote to his majesty in the style of a porter: '' Veniatis,
ego doeebo to$ f" ' No ! it is still the same Henry with mis-
tresses besides, whom he royally entertains, and a concubine whom
he wishes to place upon the throne, resolved to break with Rome,
if the pope will not dissolve the marriage contracted with Catherine,
daughter of Ferdinand the Catholic. Now Luther knew Henry well.
He knew that to Francis Brian, who said to the prince — ^that to
keep the mother and daughter was like eating the hen and the
chicken, his majesty had replied : " Very well ; by God, I make
^ Burnet, in hiB Histoiy of the Beformation of the Church of Engliuicl,
praises the theological learning of the prince, and takes not the least notice of
Luther's assertion as to Lee's literary guilt or complicity, which he would not
have omitted if he had had any suspicion of the origin of the work. " Minimi
taciturus," says Seckendorf, '* si quid eo pertinens ermsset."— Comm. de Luth.
p. 189.
• Op. Luth. tom. iv. : Witt. p. 284. Coch. p. 156. Ulenberg, p. 802 et seq.
Henrico VIII. regi Angli© et Hibemise, 2 Sept. 1525. De Wette, 1. c.
tom. iii. p. 24. Emser translated the letter under the title o^ Ein Sendbrief
M. Luthers an den Koniff in England, Heinrichen, des Namens den Aohten,
darinnen er Verzicht una Gnade bittet um dass|, damit er gemeldten Konig
narrisch und zn jahe yerletzet habe : 1527, 4to.
' *' Quid invitabat Luthernm ut dioeret in libello adrersus regem Angliae :
Veniatis domine, Henrico, ego dooebo tos. Gert^ regis libelluB latinb loque-
batur, neo inerudit^ !'*— Schult. Ann. Ep. 1. c. p. 46.
THE PICTURES. 65
jou my vicar in helL"" ^ Lather was certaixi that to carry out
with a safe conscience that royal fancy, Henry would, if neces-
sary, exterminate Catholicism in his. kingdom.
This is the most simple explanation of the advances made by
the monk to his majesty.
In the mean time, the printer, Hans Lufb, successor of
Schneidewins, continued to circulate the letter to Henry. In
order that it might address itself still more powerfully to the
eye, Luther had caused the king's likeness to be engraved on the
title-page, in the character of a corpulent Thomist, with a stupid
countenance, fixed on the '' Summa'' of the Angel of the Schools.
CHAPTER VL
THE PICTUBES. 1524.
How Luther makes nse of pictures to destroy Catholicism in Germany. — ^The
pope-ass and monk-calf. — Legend which he appends to these two caricatares.
— New pictures against the papacy. — Their success. — Melancthon joins
Luther in insulting the representative of Catholicity.
Luther was aware of the power of pictorial representations,
and he made use of them to popularize his doctrines, and excite
the masses against Catholicism. Such ought to address themselves
both to the understanding and the feelings ; and he made of them
coarse and biting caricatures. He generally supplied the designs,
which Lucas Cranach or some other painter of the Nuremberg
school, engraved on wood ; and the picture explained or illus-
trated the page on which it was printed. When the work was
done, copies were taken off separately, sold in the public places,
exhibited in the windows of book-shops, and publicly vended in
the fedrs of Germany.
The pope-ass and the monk-calf zxe two designs calculated much
more to excite the merriment than the anger of the people. The
legend in which these two grotesque figures are introduced was
addressed to those who believed in the marvellous. In these
* Sandems, Hist da Sohisme d*Angleterre, tradoit par Maucroiz : Paris,
1676, 12mo. p. 28.
VOL. II. F
66 HISTORY 0? LUTHER.
Melancthon and Luther make the Deity play an extraordinary
part, who appears with his usual signs when he requires to
punish the obstinacy of sinners. On this occasion, the signs
did not appear in heaven, but at the bottom of the Tiber, whence
the ** pope-ass " was fished up ; and at Freyberg, in Misnia,
where the *' monk-calf" was brought forth.
It is needless to observe that these two prodigies were hatched
in the brains of the doctors. If we are called upon to wonder at
that Lutheran comment which, in its graphic interpretation, seeks
seriously to deceive the reader ; which lies so persuasively ; which
sports with conviction, faith, the fear of Ood and his judgments ;
which mimics fear, and laughs at the expense of what has been
an object of veneration ; we will readily admit that it is a
strange abuse of the name of God, to make it subservient to the
propagation and illustration of such a falsehood.
'' At all times, God has marked, as with his finger, his anger
or his mercy, and by miraculous signs announced to men the
overthrow, ruin, or splendour of empires, as we see in Daniel,
chap, viii.*
" During the pestilential reign of the papacy, he has multi-
plied these signs of wrath, and recently, by this horrible figure
of a pope-ass, lately found in the Tiber, has given so exact a
representation of the papacy, that no human hand could have
traced one more resembling it.
'' And, 1st, the head of an ass, which so well designate the
pope. The Church is a spiritual body, which has neither head
nor members, but Christ only for ruler, lord, and master. . . .
The Holy Scriptures understand by an ass an eccentric and
carnal life. — Exodus, xiii. And so much as the brain of an ass
differs from the wisdom of man, so much are the papal doctrines
opposed to the teaching of Christ.
'' Thus, the head of an ass, according to Scripture ; the head
of an ass, according to the signification of the natural law and
* Interpretatio duorum horribilium moiiBtrorum Papaselli, Romse in Tiberi,
anno 1496, iirrenti, ei monachoviti FribergaB in Misnil^ anno 1528 editi, per
Pbilippnm Melancbthonem et Martinum Lntbemm. Op. Luth. torn. ii.
p. 892 et seq. The same pampblet appeared in Grerman, under the title of
bentung der zwo greulichen Figuren, Bapstesels, zu Rom, und Mttnchkalbs
■u Freiberg in Meissen fanden : Wittemb. ix. 184 : Jen. ii. 286 ; Waioh, xix.
2408.
THE PICTUBBS. 67
the light of reason ; as evidenced by the imperial jurists, who
say, ' a mere canonist, — a mere ass/
" 2nd. The right hand like the foot of an elephant ; which
signifies the spiritual power of the pope, wherewith he strikes
and bruises trembling consciences, as tiie elephant with his
trunk seizes, presses, breaks, and tears to pieces. For what is
popery but a bloody sacrifice of consciences by means of con-
fession, vows, celibacy, masses, false penitence, swindling indul-
gences, superstitious worship of saints ? according to the words
of Daniel, yiii. : ' He will slay the people of the saints/
" 3rd. The right hand of a man is the civil power of the pope,
which Christ has denied to him (Luke, xxii.), and which he has
usurped, by aid of the devil, to constitute himself the master of
kings and princes.
" 4th. The right foot of a btUl's hoof indicates the spiritual
ministers of the papacy, the porters (bajuli), who aid and sup-
port popery by the oppression of souls ; that is to say, the
Catholic doctors, the Dominicans, the confessors, and that swarm
of monks and nuns, and especially the scholastic theologians, a
race of serpents, who inculcate and infiltrate among the people
the decrees and ordinances of the papacy, and under the
elephant's foot tie down captive consciences ; the basis and
foundation of popery, which but for them could not have
existed so long.
" For what does scholastic theology contain but mad, foolish,
useless, execrable, devilish dreams ? the reveries of monks, of
which they make use to trouble, fascinate, deceive, and njyi
souls ? Matth. xxiv.
" 5th. The left foot of a griffin ; that is, the canonists, the
ministers of the temporal power. When the griffin seizes its
prey in its talons, it never lets it go ; in like manner do these
satellites of popery, who by means of canonical hooks have
fished the wealth of Europe, which they keep and retain.
'^ 6th. The beUy and breast of a woman : the papal body ; to
wit, the cardinals, bishops, priests, monks, saints, and martyrs
of the Koman calendar, and that race, that farrow of the swine
of Epicurus, who care for nothing but eating and drinking, and
wallowing in all sorts of luxury with both sexes. As the pope-
ass exhibits its female belly to all who will, so they carry their
f2
68 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
heads high, and make a parade of their filthiness, to the great
injury of the people and of youth.
" 7th. The fish-scales on the arms, feet, neck, and hare belly ,
are the princes and temporal lords of this kingdom. The scales
(Job, xli.) signify union or compactness ; so the princes and
the powers of the earth are united, and adhere to the papacy.
'' And although these great ones of the earth cannot conceal^
approve, or palliate the luxury, libertinism, and infamous instincts
of the papacy, — for the belly is bare to show its shamelessness,
— ^yet they dissemble, are silent, suffer them, and cling to its
neck, arms, and feet ; that is to say, they embrace, they hug it,
and thus defend its tyrannical power.
'' 8th. The old mans head adhering to the thigh, signifies the
old age, decline, and fall of the papsJ kingdom. In Scripture,
the face denotes rising and progress ; the back or posteriors, lying
down and death. This representation, accordingly, shows us
that the papal tyranny approaches its end, and that it grows old,
and dies of sickness or consumption, exhausted by all its external
violences.
" So, for the glory of the world, the farce is over, and the
curtain falls.
" 9th. The dragon that proceeds from the papal breech. The
flame at the mouth expresses the menaces, the virulent bulls,
and blasphemies which the pope and his satellites vomit on the
world at the time when they perceive that their destiny is
fulfilled, and that they must bid adieu to this world.
^^ I beseech all you my readers not to despise this great prodigy
of the divine Majesty, and to pluck yourselves from the conta-
gion of Antichrist and his members. God's finger is in that
picture, so faithful and elaborate ; it is a proof that God has
pity on you, and wishes to draw you out of this sink of
iniquity.
'' Let all of us Christians rejoice, and hail this sign as the
morning-star which announces to us the day of our Lord and
Redeemer Jesus Christ."
We cannot imagine the success which this portraiture of the
papacy had in Germany, — a success which still lasts. There
are some simple people, of firm faith in Luther and his works,
who call this device an inspiration of his good genius, a Gospd
^HB PIGTUBBS. 69
thought ; who believe in the sign announced by these twins of
the Reformation, Melancthon and Luther, and in the discovery
of the pope-ass in the Tiber. They look for the fall of the
Antichrist predicted by the fire-vomiting dragon. Neither the
daily-increasing splendours pf Catholicism, nor the wonders
worked in our own times in fiivour of St. Peter's chair, nor the
transformation, decrease, and ruin of Protestant principles, have
been able to unseal their eyes. We have seen in Wittemberg
the picture of the pope<ass hung at the bed-head of the poor
peasants, in place of the old Catholic holy-water-pot of the
Blessed Virgin, the consoler of the aflSicted, or of the patron
saint of the parish ; we have found it in the booksellers' windows,
as in the time of Luther, and among the stock of the printsellers
of Eisenach and Frankfort
This was not Luther's only graphic work. When at table
with his friends, he fit^quently suggested the subject of a carica-
ture, the drawing of which an artist, his messmate, brought next
day to be corrected by the priest after his own fashion. Two of
these efibrts, originating entirely with the doctor, obtained pro-
digious success in Germany.
In the first of these, the pope is represented in full pontificals,
seated on a throne with clasped hands, and two huge ass's ears
erect, like those of the animal when enraged. Around the
pontiff a multitude of demons of various forms are hovering in
the air : some are engaged in solemnly placing on his sacred
head the tiara surmounted by an article which Luther has
brought from the most unclean part of the monastery ; others
are dragging him with ropes to hell ; others bring wood and fire
to bum him ; while others lift up his feet, in order that he
may descend gently injo Pandemonium.
The second, which is known in Germany by the name of the
Pope's SoWy represents the pontiff seated upon a sow with large
flanks and swollen paps, which the rider pricks, like the horse
in Job, with heavy spurs ; with one hand he blesses his wor*
shippers, with the other he holds out the same stercoral emblem,
but in an odorous cloud. The delighted sow lifts its snout,
and inhales with satisfaction the fecal nectar. The pope is made
to say —
" Dirty beast, will you get on ; you have given me enough of
70 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
annoyance mth your council. . . . Gk), then, tliis is the cotmcil
which you so ardently desired."*
Other anti-papal caricatures are also due to the monk of
Erfurt ; in all of them, the sow, the pope, and the German dr€ck
or Latin sterctis, form part of the design of the picture.
The pictures were looked upon as prophecies, and unhappily
no one laughed at them : they believed them.
But this silly faith in Luther seems to us less wonderful than
that Melancthon should have been an accomplice in some of
these low designs ; that this man of elegant manners, the lover
of the Muses, the polished writer, the Greek professor, drinking
daily of the pure waters of antiquity, should degrade himself by
participating in the pictures of the pope-ass and monk-calf!
— ^that this Schwartzerde, who changed his inharmonious name
to that of Melancthon, should wallow in such a mire of ideas and
words, and soil his pen and paper by tracing such disgusting
pictures ; — that this sparkling guest of the electoral courts —
this diner with dukes — this friend of Erasmus and Sadoletus,
should throw filth in the face of that spiritual royalty which has
civilized the world, the object of the veneration of nations, and
of the worship of his Catholic mother ! — ^that this glorious mind
should believe, or pretend to believe, in the fall of the papacy
predicted by a fiery dragon ! — that that soul of love should^
deceive the people, fanaticise and impel them to blasphemy by
appealing to Heaven ! Is it not atrocious ? What a fall ! —
what a transmutation !
Both spoke the truth when they said that Germany would
soon be visited by God.* The prediction was about to be accom-
plished. They had, in the beautiful words of Scripture, " touched
the mountains, and they smoked."' When a nation suffers thus
to be outraged all that is holy, it is certain that sooner or later
^ * " San, du musst dicfa lassen reiten^ nnd meine Sporen erleiden, ob dn gleich
nicht gem thnst. Du hast mir bisher des Concilii halben viel Virdriesse gethan^
damit du mich ttbel ausricbten und frei sicber schelten mogest. Siebe^ da bast
du das Concilium welcbes du also oft begebrt bast."
We refuse to translate, even into Latin, tbe following sentence by Lutber :
** lob bab den Pabst mit der bosen Belderen sebr erzUrnt : o wie wird die
Sau den Borzel in die H5be recken ; aber ob sie micb gleicb tostet, so frossen
sie erst Dreck, so der Pabst, welcber auf der Saue reit, in der Hand hat." —
TiscbReden. EUleben, f. 26 : Frankf. 19 Dresd. 618.
* Wenc. Linck. 1528. * "Tange montes at fumigabunt."— Proph.
ERASMUS. 71
it will bave to bear the punishment of its negligence, and be
dastised in blood and tears. This must happen.
But an enemy more formidable for the peace of Luther than
Henry VIII. or Clement YII. appeared at this moment, and
stroye to destroy the Saxon's sway in Germany. Erasmus waged
war wiiih the doctor.
CHAPTER VII.
EBASMUS AND FBEEWILL. 1524.
Liteniy gloiy of Erasmnt. — His war with the monks. — Luthei's thesM. —
Ensmus is jealous of the seDsation caused by Luther. — ^Letter from Luther
to him. — ^The philosopher's reply. — His cowardice. — His rival's indifference.
— Erasmus oonceives the idea of writing against Luther. — Adrian YI.
applies to Erasmus. — He refuses, but continues to attack the monk secretly.
— ^Luther breaks out. — Erasmus's yersatility. — Free-will : Luther's psycho-
logical opinions. — Estimate of his system of philosophy. — ^Appeal to the
Bible. — ^Erasmus discusses the principle of free>will. — His book on the sub-
ject.— Luther's reply to it. — Erasmus refutes the "Servum Arbitrium." — ^BLis
Hyperaspites. — ^His death.
There was in the sixteenth century a man who filled the whole
world with his name and his works ; who reckoned popes and
emperors among his courtiers ; the correspondent of Henry VIII.,
Charles V., Francis I., and Maximilian of Austria ; whom the
cities of Germany received under triumphal arches ; ^ who had
for his admirers, Sir Thomas More, Bembo, Sadoletus, Melanc-
thon, Ulrich Ton Hutten, Julius II., Leo X , and Adrian VI. ;
who was addressed as " the prince of literature," " the star of
Germany," " the sun of studies," *' the high-priest of scholars,"
" the yindicator of theology," without any risk of the letters
> M. Nisard, in the Revue des Deux Moodes, has examined, under seyeial
new aspects, and with admirable sagacity, the influence of Erasmus upon his
times. He is liable to the objection of too much enthusiasm for the Dutch
philosopher.
Sentiments d'Erasme de Rotterdam : Cologne, 12mo. 1688, p. 212.
Under the title of Ansichten tlber Erasmus Charakter, M. Th. Effitier has
endeavoured to give an idea of the character of the writer ; the portrait which
he has drawn of it is not un£uthful. See Dr. Luther und seine Zeitgenossen,
iom. 11. p. Ill et seq.
72 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
being miscarried, for it was only Erasmus who deserved those
glorious appellations. He was indeed the prince of literature,
which he had roused from its slumbers ; the star of Germany,
which for thirty years he had^ illuminated with the fire of his
genius ; the sun of studies, who wanned them with his vnritings ;
the high-priest of scholars, whose father and protector he was ;
the vindicator of theology, who had rescued it from the limbo of
the schools. Never of learning was so much made, and if glory
were hurtful, Erasmus must have sunk under the weight of the
wreaths which were woven for him, amid the incessant pasans of -
the Muses, the strains of poets in Greek and Latin, the enco-
miums of philosophers, the caresses of princes, the plaudits of
the multitude. From 1500 to 1518 his life was the most
delightfril which a literary man could hope for ; it was a succes-
sion of triumphs, which attracted no hatred ; a slumber with
only golden dreams ; an intellectual bliss which was made up of
festivals, concerts, and hymns, composed in every European
language ; the life of an artist, without care, indolent occa-
sionally, always lively, independent, and spent without being
impaired amidst books, at the tables of the learned, in the
palaces of monarchs, or the studios of painters or sculptors.
All contended for Erasmus, because it was Erasmus who con-
ferred immortality, and, in the language of Sir Thomas More,
'' deified all that he touched.'" Happy man ! happy genius !
whose good fortune lasted until Luther appeared in 1 518. Then
that felicity vanished, the noise which he had made in the
world gradually ceased. His crown became tarnished : a monk
dethroned him.
This was to be expected : Erasmus was the man of his time.
When he appeared men's minds were in a state of slumber, out
of which none sought to awake. The philosopher wished to
rouse them, but gently.
The monks then ruled in the schools, under the shadow of
Aristotle : a revolution was required to overthrow their dynasty.
Erasmus was one of the first to try it. He began by ridicule,
and his contagious merriment passed from one to another until it
became universal. Then was brought to bear upon the Capu-
chins, Franciscans, and Dominicans, an entirely novel kind
of polemics, in which epigram, insult, calumny, banter, and
ERASMUS. 73
even reaaon was employed.* They were an unfortnnate race of
men, to whom were attributed all the follies that were said or
done in Europe. A monk was at one and the same time the
representative of ignorance and licentiousness, pride and pedantry,
hatred of knowledge and prejudice, corpulence and hypocrisy,
gluttony and superstition. If all the deadly sins were lost, they
would be found under a cowl. It was Erasmus who for half a
century supplied the learned world with epigrams against the
monastic orders, which every literary understrapper caught hold
of as he passed, remodelled them after his own fashion, and sent
them forth again as original. Thus was reduced into an apoph-
th^m that scene in which Erasmus introduces a monk who
boasts of never having read the works of the Dutch philosopher,
because their Latin is too polished, and in such Latinity lurks
heresy. In Reuchlin, Melancthon, and even Luther, will be
found this singular definition of heresy : to understand Greek is
to be a heretic ; the saying became proverbial.^ The monks
made a poor defence ; they were not used to the weapon directed
against them ; ridicule being prohibited to them as a sin, they
employed the dry phraseology of their masters, Scotus, Durandus,
Peter Lombard, and the syllogisms of Aristotle, the least witty
individual that ever existed. Lucian and Aristophanes, whom
Erasmus had studied, were to them unknown. They were
accordingly defeated. Afterwards, they perceived the necessity
for changing their style of controversy. They then appeared
with some pleasantries hastily borrowed from the wits of the
school ; but Erasmus had given way before a more potent rival.
They found themselves opposed by an adversary who had him-
self been educated in the schools, a monk also, who required
no inspiration of wit from the ancients, but whose ridicule
was as impassioned and fiery, as that of the Dutchman was
' " Monachas monachos insectatus est."— Canisius.
' ** Expolit^ loqui hseresis eet ; Gnec^ scire haeresia eat. Quidquid ipsi non
fiuntint hseresis est." — Ep. Erasmi Alberto Gardinali Moguntino. Thus he
makes Thomely de Diez, in 1526, say at lintz, " Would to God that Greek
and Hebrew had never been introduced into this country I we should have been
at peace now :'* a conyersation which never took place. A Protestant author,
M. Ad. Muller, who has Utely written the life of Erannua, has observed, that
while the philosopher was in Italy, he praised the 1^1 orals and learning of the
monks ; but he had scarcely recrossed the Alps, when he calumniated their
collegiate and cloistral lives.
74 HISTORY OF I.UTHBB.
calm, and who was the first to introduce into theological oon-
troversy warmth, eloquence, intemperate and coarse language,
while Erasmus had only made use of cool reasoning and learned
expressions. Erasmus argued in a polished style, and would
have been ashamed to use any ornament that did not proceed
direct from Rome or Athens.
In the main, the monks might have taken up the cutting
sarcasm of the rhetorician and used it, if needful, widiout much
disadvantage ; but Luther's axe was too weighty for them to
wield, and much less could they haye wrested it from the hxnds
of their antagonist
The star of Germany, then, was in all its brilliancy, when one
day a messenger brought to him, amongst heaps of prose and
verse, and sweet incense, Luther's theses on indulgences: a
youth as obscure as his order, and concealed in a small spot
which had not been visited by knowledge. Imagine his suarprise !
Here was an Augustinian who, with one dash of his pen, strudc
out from the Catholic creed those spiritual remedies, upon which
Erasmus had, in the boldness of philosophy, dropped a few spots
of ink I A friar who grappled with the pope hand to hand,
whilst Erasmus thought he had acted boldly in publishing weekly
two or three jokes against the monastic orders ! A religious who
sought to destroy the monasteries, when Erasmus after ten years
had only discovered these two propositions : *' Every monk is
ignorant : every monk is a glutton !" A youth still in the rudi-
ments of his studies, and who made a greater sensation with his
theological trifling — ntipw theolofficw, as Luther says himself —
than Erasmus with his *' Commentaries on the New Testament,"
his contest with the Ciceronians, his controversy with Scaliger,
his ^' Enchiridion of the Spiritual Life," and his jokes against
Stunica ! For all he says, you can perceive in his correspondence
a secret vexation at the eagle who soars alone from his nest, and
whose flight is so high as to make all Germany wonder. He is
jealous of the incipient fame of the young friar ; he is afraid that
the philosopher will be forgotten, amidst the storms which
Luther's attempt must raise.
At this time it is likely that Luther was unacquainted with
any of the works of this multifarious author. He only knew
with what generous efforts the Dutchman had long since seconded
the intellectual movement which was now everywhere visible.
B&JLSMTJS. 75
and how saocessfall; he had aided the emancipation of the mind.
It was necessary to attach to his cause an ornament so powerful ;
and as he knew the proverbial vanity of the writer, he judged it
advisable, to secure him, to spread lavishly the perfume of flattery
on the philosopher's beard. Erasmus was caught. Luther's
letter to the scholar denotes already a profound acquaintance
with the human heart. We shall see how small he makes him-
self, what an adept he is in the language of adulation and the
artifices of epistolary style ! Would he not be taken for one who
had grown old in the courts of Italy ?
" For a very long time* we have held the same opinions without
being acquainted, my dear Erasmus, my glory and my hope : is
not this monstrous ? What comer of the eart^ is ignorant of the
name of Erasmus? Who is there who has not received his
instructions, or does not acknowledge him as their master ? I
speak of those who love literature. It is to me an inexpressible
joy, that among the magnificent gifts which God has bestowed
upon you, you possess that of displeasing many people, a mark
whereby I am enabled to distinguish the gift of clemency firom
the gift of the divine wrath. But see my folly in addressing you
with such freedom ; I, who am a poor, obscure, solitary being,
condemned to live among sophists, and who have not even
learned to hail such a glory as yours ? Had it not been for
this, I should by this time have wearied you with my letters, and
not been satisfied with only hearing your voice in my chamber.
But now, since I have learned from Capito that my name is
known to you by my trifling work on indulgences,* and perceive
from the preface to your " Enchiridion " that you are acquainted
with my writings, which you have read and approved, I am
obliged in my unpolished style to acknowledge the splendour of
your genius. My dear Erasmus, countenance, I beseech you, a
poor, humble firiar, who loves you so tenderly, yet who is so
ignorant as to deserve only to be buried in some remote comer of
the earth unvisited by the sun and the sky ; this sweet retire-
ment I have always wished, and know not why I cannot have it.
Am I not compelled to parade my unhappy ignorance before the
most learned individual in the world ? I weary you with my
' Erasmo, 28 Mart. De Wette, Dr. H. Luther^B Briefe, Sendsbhreiben und
Bedenken, torn. i. p. 217.
* " Per nugas illas indnlgentiarum nomen meum tibi cogQitum."
76 HISTORY OF LTTTHEB.
verbosity : you must not forget that you ought sometimes to be
weak with tiie weak."
Erasmus immediately replied, in a polished, ornate style, but
artificial and constrained. In every sentence we perceive that
the writer has racked his brain in search of compliments that
will flatter the vanity of his correspondent, without absolutely
turning his head. We may fancy the disappointment of the
poor monk, who firmly believed, because so informed by his firiend
Capito, that Erasmus had perused his amusing gossip about
indulgences, but whose vain illusion was dispelled by the declara-
tion of the latter that he had not read a single line of his lucu-
brations. He deceived Luther, for that he h€ul read the theses
on indulgences is proved by his correspondence with his friends
at that time. This was one of the lies peculiar to Erasmus, and
which invariably told against himself What seemed to be in
his mind was this : —
Had he admitted his acquaintance with the theses, he must
have given some expression of opinion. If he approved of the
doctrines set forth in them, he must have separated himself from
the Catholics. If he rejected them, he must have compromised
a growing reputation of high promise. It must be allowed that
Erasmus was incapable of either line of conduct. In the histoiy
of the sixteenth century there is not to be found a more weak or
effeminate soul than his, more anxious for quiet, which took
refuge sooner in silence, on the least alarm ; or was more terrified
by danger, at the very shadow of which he would grow pale !
In his long correspondence, he will be seen to tremble at the
least word which may commit him, ever enveloped in obscurity,
fond of mezzotinto, timorous, startled, obsequious to servility,
greedy of praise, which he abuses ; flattering a crowd of obscure
individuals, whose very names are forgotten. Of religious con-
viction, or avowed creed, there is none. To Reuchlin, Erasmus
addresses some involved sentences against confession ; to Hutten,
two or three jokes against fasting ; to Melancthon, some weak
sarcasms on clerical celibacy ; to Jonas, some worthless banter
on the ambition of certain pontiffs whom he dreads to name. If
he occasionally uses a somewhat bold expression, it is when
speaking of monks in general ; for if he writes to one or two of
them, such as Hochstraet, whom Luther and Hutten flagellate
ERASMUS. 77
unmercifTilly, he commends the monastic life in a suppressed
tone. It happened that, desirous of peace at any price, he
stood upon the breach all his life ; that flattering and seeking to
please every one, he pleased nobody. By the Catholics he was
regarded as an infidel ; by the Lutherans, as a Papist ; he was
railed at by the monks as having laid the egg which Luther
hatched ; ^ and lashed like a helot by the Protestants, who accused
him of having one foot in hell and the other in heaven, in order
at the same time to keep &ir with God and the devil. The
Franciscans considered him to be the dragon of the Psalmist,
whose head was to be crushed ; and Luther^ deemed him a pagan,
who sought to restore the worship of the false gods.'
Afber 1518, by these miserable shiftings of a timorous vanity,
Erasmus obtained a life of trouble, the hatred of all parties, the
wrath and contempt of the two conmiunions, and a reputation
for pusillanimity for which all the services he had rendered to
philosophy and literature have scarcely atoned.
So, in his reply to Luther, he accompanied flattering compli-
ments with some commonplace remarks upon moderation, restraint
in controversy, on the respect observable towards old institutions,
and — will it be believed? — on the demon of pride, who lays
snares for us in the very midst of thoughts of abnegation and
humility ; and, as if he was alarmed at such an unusual fit of
boldness on his part, he suddenly adds, " but wherefore these
advices ? you have no need of them ; proceed as you have
commenced.'^ *
This letter offended both Luther and the Catholics.
Cardinal Campeggio, the friend of Erasmus, was scandalized
at it The philosopher was obliged to write a longietter to his
eminence, in which he made a lame and confused apology, ending
with this query, " Would you then consider it a crime in me to
reply to the Sultan, if he chose to write to me V *
In 1518, Erasmus had intrusted his friend Hutten to convey
I " Enamns hat das Ey gelegt> imd Luther es ausgebriitet."
* Erasmi, 18, lib. xxz. Vie d'Erasme, par De Burigni, torn. ii.
* Annalee Soulteti, p. 197.
* Ep. EraoDi, ep. 4, lib. yi. 30 Maii, 1519. De Burigni, torn. ii. pp. 85—88.
* Vie d'Eraame, par 0e Burigni, torn. ii. p. 49. Einst. Eraami, ep. 42,
lib. xiii.
78 HISTOBY OF LUTHBR.
a letter to Cardinal Albert, archbishop of Majence: Hutten
opened the letter, copied it, translated it into German, printed it
in both languages, and dispersed it over Saxony. '' He is a
man who has lighted the spark of evangelical piety,^' said
Erasmus, speaking of Luther ; ^' if he follows the way of tz7ith>
he may render important service to Christianity." It may be
supposed that, according to his wont, Erasmus had qualified
these commendations by some severe censure, like a female
coquette desirous of captivating everybody. But Hutten had the
audacity to expunge from, the translation all that might annoy
Luther, whom Erasmus never styled '' our Luther, unser
Luther.*' This letter caused great scandal ; and, in order to
justify himself, Erasmus was obliged to disown the fraudulency
of Hutten. The quarrel became envenomed by libels which
each published against the other.^
Luther, who felt his power and his future influence, and who
clearly perceived that the friendship or hatred of Erasmus could
not impede it, did nothing to secure the one or avert the other.
His indifference was sufficient ; he did not even care for hia
silence. Thus, in the immense correspondence which he then
maintained with the learned of Germany, the name of Erasmus
scarcely occurs more than twice or thrice. When it does so in the
course of an epistolary communication, Luther notices his literary
merits by expressions of politeness rather than of eulogy. None
of the gifts which God had bestowed upon Erasmus elevated him
in the eyes of his rival, who considered that understanding of
the Scriptures was the greatest boon which man could receive
from his Creator ; a treasure which he did not believe had* been
' Herm Ulrichen tod Hutten mit Erasmo von Rotterdam, Priester nnd
Theologo, Handluug, allermeist die Lutherische Sache betreffend.
Spongia Erasmi adverstia Aspergines Hutteni, seu purgatio Erasmi Rotter-
dami ad expostulationem Ulrid Hutteni. Erasmus wrote on the subjeot of
this quarrel :
** 8ubit6 ac pnster omnem spem exortns fuisset TJhicns HQttenu% ez amioo
repent^ versus in hostera. Hoc nemo scripsit in Erasmum hostilitls, nam
omninb res ipsa loquitur, Huttenum non alio consilio scripsisse sic in me,
qukm ut calamo jugularet, quern gladio non poterat^ et, ut sibi videbatur vir
fortis, sic cogitabat \ seniculus est, valetudinarius est, meticulosus et imbecilliA
est, mox efflabit animum, ubi legerit bs^c tam atrocia. Hoc ilium cogitftsse,
voces etiam, quas jactabat, arguebant Ego Hutteni manibus, ubi mihi mors
hominis est nuntiata^ animo Christiano precatus sum Dei miaerioordiam : et
audio hominem sub mortem deplor&sse, qu6d deceptus quorumdam vexvutiii^
laoessisset amicum."
ERASMUS. 79
given by Heaven to the philosopher. Had not hatred or admira-
tion collected so many materials for it, we should have read
Lather's bi(^raphy in the letters of Erasmus ; in none of which
does his name not appear. Bnt yon will search in vain to dis-
cover the real opinion of the writer on the particular work of the
Reformer, his philosophical worth, his doctrines or instructions,
or the action or influence of his apostleship ; Erasmus varies
his expressions as he changes his correspondent, and his language
is tinged, according as it is to be read in the Vatican by Cardinal
Campe^o oV in the study of Melancthon : a useless precaution,
for he might have read to Campeggio what he wrote to Melanc-
thon, so much did he stand in awe of an enemy or an exalted
partisan ! He only cared for hatreds or friendships as effeminate
as his own character. This has been termed the wisdom of
Erasmus ; it was not that of Luther. Their destinies could no
more be similar than their minds.
That star, which at first appeared but as a luminous speck in
the horizon of Saxony, increased in splendour with constant
rapidity, whilst the sun of Germany daily lost its strength and
lustre, so that it died in sinking behind Basle without the world
heeding it. The time was, however, when Erasmus might have
eclipsed that star, by depriving it of its fire, and perhaps have
extinguished it ; and that was when in the culminating point
of his glory and talents, — when his influence upon men's minds
was as active as it was incontestable, — and when his " Colloquies"
had superseded in the hands of scholars the rude instruction of
the monks. There was then no one who more truly exercised a sove-
reignty over learning than Erasmus. We are astonished, in perusing
his correspondence, to see the court which popes and monarchs
paid him, to induce him to undertake the defence of Catholicism,
and measure his strength with Luther. To reward his courage,
popes speak of plenary indulgences and the purple ; monarchs^
of brilliant titles ; Bembo, of worldly immortality ; the clergy,
his firiends, of heaven and eternal life ; and Tunstal, bishop of
London, of the body and blood of Jesus Christ. ^ Erasmus was some-
times tempted to listen to the syren's song, and to grapple with
> " Te obBeoro, atque obtestor, Erasme, imo verb te orat atqne obteetatnr
Ecxlesia, ut cum hAo hydrA tandem oongrediare. Aude tantiim, et orbis tibi
spondet yioioriam."
80 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
his young rival, neither for the love of the Catholic creed, the
soundness of which he had not at heart, nor for the allurement
of honours set before him, for which he showed his contempt,
but because of his vanity, which suffered from Luther's success,
and still more, perhaps, from his affected contempt. The monk
learnt from his friends the vexation of Erasmus, and laughed at
them in his sleeve : " He is, poor creature," he said, " tortured by
a word the mysterious meaning of which he has never compre-
hended ! " It is likely that Luther was prejudiced in his judg-
ment of Erasmus, who had spent nine years of his life in a
monastery of canons regular, and must have understood theo-
logical matters. Besides, he did not want friends who might
have assisted him in his dogmatic labours. Bembo, Sadoletus,
Prierias, would have come to his aid ; especially Aleandro, who
had made a study of those religious questions which Luther had
been the first to unsettle, to transfer them from the schools to
the people.
It was, accordingly, at one time rumoured in Europe that Eras-
mus was about to write against the new doctrines. Erasmus being
unacquainted with Luther's creed, had written to the nuncio
Aleandro for permission to read the Reformer's works. Aleandro
had referred him to Bombasius, who procured a brief from the
pope to that effect.^ This report excited much joy among the
Catholics : they congratulated Erasmus on his future triumphs ;
they celebrated his fame and courage both in prose and verse.
" It is your fault," said Duke George of Saxony to him, " that
Luther has made such conquests in Germany ; you could have
stopped the eagle in his flight ; you have wanted courage ; but
God comes to your aid, and there is nothing to be feared."'
Sadoletus, bishop of Garpentras, depicted the sufferings of the
Church, which he said only one man, Erasmus, could heaL
'' Courage, then," said he to him, " and let us march to the
rescue of the Catholic religion, which is perishing, assailed on all
sides by implacable enemies."'
The work which Erasmus had designed was a dialogue,
consisting of three interlocutors — Thrasimachus, Eubulus,
* Ep. Erasmi, ep. 14, lib. zyii. p. 590.
* Ibid. ep. 78, lib. xxx.
» Sad. Op. Veron», 1787, torn. i. p. 78.
ERASMUS. 81
and Philalethes. Thrasimachus was a puritaDical Protestant, a
Lutheran steeped in prejudice ; Eubulus, an humble Capuchin
fiiar, a detester of heresy ; Philalethes, the Mend of truth, or
Erasmus himself, a wise counsellor and man of peace, who,
according to his wont, was to address the monk and the heretic
in language which neither would have imderstood, — ^that of a
courtier, honied, but indirect and tedious. With his timid
su^estions, his lax expedients, and lukewarm blandishments,
the writer would haye irritated both parties. Such, howeyer,
was the plan of which the very idea threw Erasmus into a cold
sweat, and which he did not wish to print " until he had left
Qermany, for fear he should meet with a Tiolent death before he
could appear on the arena.'' ^
Erasmus did not die ; he did not eyen need to quit Germany ;
and of his work, so pompously announced, and so anxiously
expected, not even the title appeared. The secret of this
Erasmus kept to himself, while he tormented himself as if the
book had been published ; and it was to cause these feeble
symptoms of opposition to be forgotten, that for several suc-
cessive months he repeated, in his correspondence with Luther^s
adherents, his accustomed farce, in which a monk is always
made the butt, and receives the blows intended for the Reformers.
Still the monk is nameless ; he is neither Latomus nor Hoch-
straet, but simply a monk, whose very order is not mentioned,
because, had he been specially designated, the monk might have
cried out, perhaps avenged himself, and have disturbed that
tranquillity which the Dutchman would not have sacrificed for
any price.
The following was one of those little dramas in which the
philosopher filled the principal part, that of duplicity.
Charles V. had rested at Cologne on his way to the diet at
Aix-la-Chapelle, where he was to receive the imperial crown.
Erasmus was to be present at the coronation in his capacity as
counsellor of the emperor, a title which had been conferred on
him to engage him in the Catholic cause. The Elector Frederick
of Saxony, Luther's protector, wished to converse with the phi-
losopher on the subject of the troubles which afflicted the German
* Ep« Begi Anglis, lib. zz. p. 85.
VOL. 11. a
82 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
Church. The interview was had at the hotel of the Three
Kings, and the conversation in Latin, Spalatinus acting as
interpreter. The Catholics were represented by Erasmus, the
indifferents by Frederick, and the Protestants by an Angostinian
friar. Erasmus stammered, simpered, and approached the duke
with all the manner of a courtier who is afraid to give vent to
the secret which weighs upon him. But the duke, looking at
him steadily, took him by the arm, and said, '' Gome, now,
doctor, will you speak ? Tell me, what crime has my monk
committed, that they are so enraged against him ?"-^" Two
very great ones,^' replied Erasmus ; ^' he has put his hand on the
popes' tiaras and the monks' bellies."^
This sally spread through Germany, annoyed the Catholics,
and enraged Luther, who said to one of his friends : '' This weak
man has only one idea in his head, that of peace ; he is ignorant
of the cross of Christ.'"* Some days after, Luther's writings
were publicly burnt Erasmus wrote : " To bum is not to
answer them;" and to Rosemondus, the rector of Louvain:
'' Why, then, do you find fault with me ? Did I seem more sad
when they burnt Luther's writings ? Have I not always said
that they contained doctrines of which I could not approve ?"*
When Leo X. published his bxdl, " Exsurge," Erasmus every-
where said that it was the work of a monk ; and when Luther
replied to the bull, and issued his anti-bull, Erasmus wrote to
the pope that he had to use menaces to prevent Froben from
publishing it at Basle.*
When Adrian VL ascended the chair, which had been so
gloriously filled by Leo X., his first thought was to send for
Erasmus, his scholar at Louvain, with whom he had so often dis-
coursed on the wounds of the Church, and the means of healing
them. Adrian believed that in times of difficulty Gh>d always
raised up, in his mercy, some being of an elevated character to
oppose the storm ; whom, when his great mission was accom-
plished, God removed from the earth : now, in his opinion, this
1 <n
* Luthenis peccavit in duobus, nempb quod tetigtt ooronam pontificis et
ventrem monaohorum," — S«ckendor£ Comin. de Luth. lib. i. sect, zzxiy. § 81.
pp. 126, 126.
« Seckendort Ub. i. § 87, p. 140.
' Ep. Erasmi, ep, 18, lib, xM ♦ Ibid. ep. 40, lib, xiv.
EBAfiMTJS. 83
Messiah was Erasmus. He therefore wrote to him the following
fine letter : —
'^ * I haye seen/ sajB the prophet, ' the wioked man exalted
aboye the cedars of Lebanon ; I passed, and he was no more ; I
looked, and could not discoyer the place where he abode.' ....
Will you still, Erasmus, delay to attack this carnal man, whom
God has cast from his presence ; who disturbs the peace of the
Church, and precipitates in the paths of damnation so many
unhappy souls ? Arise, arise to the rescue of God's cause !
forget not his maryeUous gifts ! belieye that to you it has been
giyen to saye those whom Luther leads astray, to strengthen
those whom he makes wayer, to raise up those whom he has
cast down ! What glory that will bring to your name ! — ^what
joy to the Catholics ! Becollect that sentence of the apostle
St. James : ' He who causeth a sinner to be conyerted from the
error of his ways, shall saye his soul from death, and shall coyer
a multitude of sins.' I cannot express to you with what joy my
heart would oyerflow if, by means of your pen, those whom the
poison of heresy has tainted, should repent, without waiting for
the application of canons and imperial decrees. You, with whom
I sp^t such a charming retirement at Louyain, know whether
seyere measures are agreeable to me. But if you think you can
accomplish this work of salyation more safely at Rome, come
when the winter is oyer, and the air is freed from the pestilential
miasmata which haye for some time infected it ; come with a
light heart and healthy body ; all the treasures of our libraries
are open to you ; I offer you my own society, and that of all the
kamed men in Bome."^
But Erasmus was old ; years and sickness had exhausted his
ardour, withered his sarcasm, dimmed his eyes, and blanched his
hair. His language, formerly exuberant with life and colour, was
now as faded as his cheeks, and his laugh was the grin of an old
man ; so that, when Adrian's letter reached him, Erasmus felt that
it was too late, and that a contest with Luther was impossible.
" Most holy father," he replied,* " I would most willingly obey
you ; but there is a tyrant more cruel than Phalaris, to whom I
Ep. Eiasmi, ep. 639. Sentiments d'Eraame de Botterdamy pp. 20— 37*
•Ibid. ep. 640.
a2
84 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
must submit — ^the gravel, if you wish to know his name. The
winter is past, the pestilence has left Rome, but the way is very
long, and I cannot cross the snowy Alps, or encounter the stoves,
the very smell of which makes me faint, the filthy and incom-
modious inns, and the strong wines, which give me a headache.
And then my style is like my body, — ^withered. I have masters
now ; my learning is middling, and drawn from old writers, and
adapted more for speaking than for controversy. I am a poor
creature, who have lost all my gl^. What weight would the
authority of Erasmus have in the eyes of those who defy that of
the universities, the sovereigns, and the supreme pontiff himself ?
If renown has been mine, it has much abated ; it has grown
cold, and changed to hate. Once they addressed me as the
great hero, the prince of literature, the star of Germany ; now
they scarcely think of me, except to defame me. Gome to
Rome ! You might as well say to a crab, * Fly.' ' (Jive me
wings,' the crab would answer. And the crab would be right"
But Erasmus, perhaps, did not say all the truth to his former
teacher of theology ; the crab, if it could have flown, would not have
alighted in Rome ; it would have been a&aid of the Wittemberg
eagle, whose wings were now expanded, its fiery eye, and, above
all, its talons, which had drawn blood, and left their marks on the
faces of so many monks. There was nothing now to be gained
by breaking the happy peace in which he had kept himself since
Luther's appearance. Imagine this Athenian, of polished style,
obliged to come in collision ^th a barbarian who voided insults
and solecisms ; this scholar, who gravely charged Cicero with two
errors of syntax, disputing with a writer who extemporized his
language, and treated it like a veritable Papist ; this poet, fed
on ambrosia, and experienced in the elegant phraseology of
courts, battling with a monk who, in his visit to Rome, had not
even remembered the name of one of its artists ; this courtier of
the Medicis, obliged to make use of an invective style, which
Luther possessed in all its force. Adieu, then, to that sweet
repose which he had made, and which he so ardently loved.
Once engaged with Luther, it would not have been as with the
monks, who knew not to keep rancour, and whom the monastic
rule commanded to forget injuries. Luther would not have
feared to risk his soul's salvation to torment his enemy ; he
EBA8MUS. 85
would have given him neither peaoe nor trace ; he would have
dragged him, without pity for his grey hairs and that glory
which encircled his brow, upon the battle-field, and there, in
order to fight him, he would have availed himself of every sort
of weapon, even of calumny, had the victory been doubtful.
Poor Erasmus ! what would have become of that &scination
which still clung to your name, and which still exercised itself
upon some gifted beings, and that reputation acquired by thirty
years of literary labour ! You were indeed wise, when you
asked Adrian to give wings to a crab !
But absolute silence would have been too much for Erasmus.
He was obliged to indulge his taste for epigram, and for want of
the sword, which he could not wield, employ the pen, which he
had always handled so well. He therefore continued his petty
war&re 'With Luther, showering upon his adversary's head,
instead of rocks, epigrams and jests, and even prophecies, which
often had the merit of being fulfilled, but which everybody else,
who studied the monk of Wittemberg, might have done as well
as the philologist, ridiculing with severity that passion for mar-
riage which had seized upon the religious of both sexes, who at
Luther's voice burst their vows of celibacy and the conventual
gates. All these witticisms of Erasmus, these asides sufficiently
loud to be heard by the audience, reached Luther's ears, who at
first took no notice of them, so much was he taken up with his
great conflict with the papacy. But now that the latter was, in
his eyes, levelled to the earth to rise no more, these rumours
buzzed about his ears like flies. He bore it p&tiently for some
time, much longer than might have been expected from him,
endeavouring, in his turn, in his private correspondence, to wear
the mask of Erasmus ; but although he thought that he counter-
feited the voice and pantomimic manner of the rhetorician, his
friends had the charity to inform him that he would never per-
form the part like his rival, and he himself soon perceived it
He had not two thoughts or two tongues ; he must say at once
what he had in his mind, and like a lion or eagle tear his adver-
sary with his claws or talons : such was his nature. This was
seen in his war with the pope, in whidi his voice, when he
attempted to flatter, belled like a deer, or screamed like a
bird of prey.
86 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
Luther resolved, then, to have done with Erasmus, and he
wrote to him the following letter. In perusing it, we must
recollect that Luther could not bestow on the scholar of Rotter-
dam, as he did on his enemies, the epithets of " papist," —
" sycophant,'' — " ignorant," or " friend of darkness ; *' and that,
whether inclined to it or not, he was forced to submit to the
dictatorship which the philosopher had ex^sed for half a
century in Europe to the benefit of literature : —
" I, who am naturally irritable, have been irritated by others,
and have felt inclined to write bitterly ; but I have only done so
to obstinate and rebellious people. My own conscience and the
public voice sufficiently testify my clemency and tenderness
towards sinners and offenders. Thus it is that I have restrained
my pen, in spite of your pin-pricking, and that I diall restrain
it, as I have promised to my friends, until you have thrown off
the mask. . . . What is to be done in this party excitement ?
As a mediator of peace, I shall wish that your enemies would
cease to attack you so violently, and leave your old age to. sleep
quietly in the Lord. They ought to do so, in my opinion, in
consideration of your weakness, and the greatness of that work
which towers so above your petty height, especially when things
are now in such a^state, that our Gospel has nothing to fear from
Erasmus with all his strength, to say nothing of his nails and
his teetL"!
The supreme contempt that pervades Luther's letter must
have deeply wounded the pride of Erasmus. How then is his
silence to be explained ? How is it that no reply to this insolent
defiance is to be found in his correspondence ? Was he then
preparing his manifesto against Luther, and wished to lull him
to sleep, that he might suddenly start from his slumber at the
noise of that work on which he was silently engaged, and which
the Catholic world expected for so many years ? On this we can
merely form conjectures. It is certain that all epistolary com-
munication between them was broken off ; they appeared to have
forgotten each other ; especially Luther, who pursued his scheme of
Beformation without troubling himself further about the rheto-
rician, of whom he stood so much in awe on his entry upon the
^ Erasmo Botierodamo. See Dr. Martin Lather's Briefe, torn. u. p. 498.
ERASMUS. 87
theological arena. But it is remarkable that^ after this time,
Erasmus showed much less respect to the Reiformers, whom he
ridiculed to their faces, spoke of contemptuously in his corre-
spondence^ and laughed at their self-assumption of learning, faith,
morab, and even chastity; and that so loudly that Luther
might have heard him in his Saxon Rome.^ How then is to be
explained this fit of courage in Erasmus, who no longer conceals
his convictions or belief, and boldly says to all who wish to hear
him, " I am a Catholic f not merely to the cardinals and bishops,
but to the new eyangelists, and even Melancthon. His spirit
glows, his style sparkles ; he has recovered his young blood of
twenty : fidth in place of indignation possesses him. The old
athlete of Germany is Hke the linden-tree of Morat, which at
three hundred years old shoots forth its leaves. Erasmus might
still contend with Luther. Without having studied thoroughly
the history of the sixteenth century, we cannot imagine the
influence which he exercised on others, feeble as he was, as if the
human mind believed in him, with such faith did they receive his
words ! If he was not permitted to overcome Luther, at least he
might have detached from the Reformation those who were not
misled by Hutten's annunciation of Luther to Germany as an
apostle of freedom. Erasmus ought not to have meddled with
theology, which Luther understood much better than he, and
should have written the history of the Reformation, considered
in its influence upon the morals, intelligence, and society of
Germany* What a fertile theme for critical raillery! What
food and sport his sarcasm might have found in the Saxon's life,
since his positions wherein he feigned submission to the pope
down to his marriage with Catherine Bora ! What a picture he
might have drawn of all the sects which were bom and perished
in the same day ! What funereal images from those fields of
Thuringia, Suabia, Westphalia, and Alsatia, fattened with the
blood of peasantry whose only crime was their faith in Luther !
What scenes from the destruction of pictures, statues, stained
glass, and other material victims to the hammer of the Reforma-
tion ! What characters like those of Bernard, Carlstadt, Didy-
mns, and Storch i What capital subjects for a painter those
* See, in Eragmua's Epistles, the letters from 1522 to 1524, addressed to
Meljuicthon, Campeggio, the Christiaiis of fiolland, &o.
88 HISTORY OF LTTTHER.
monks and nuns who roslied into matrimony from a gafitric
impulse, as Luther decently expressed it ! What materials for
new letters like those Virorum ohscwvrwn^ in the spontaneous
creation of that myriad of embryo apostles and prophets, whose
books resemble a cloud of locusts ; ^ evangelists of both sexes,
who exorcise, anathematize, aaid damn each other, and close even
against Luther the gates of heaven, which he had opened for
them ! A whole volume might have been made by Erasmus from
this fragment of Luther's letter to the Christians of Antwerp : * —
'* The devil is among us : he daily sends mitors to knock at
my door. One will not have baptism, another rejects the sacra-
ment of the eucharist, a third announces that God will create a
new worid before the last judgment, another that Christ is not
God, another this, another that. There are nearly as many
creeds as heads. There is not a booby who, if he dreams, does
not believe that he is inspired by God, or, at least, that he is a
prophet.
" I am often visited by these men of visions, who all know
more of them than I, and wish to explain them to me. I wish they
were what they profess to be. One came to me yesterday. . . .
* Master, I am sent from God, who created heaven and earth ;'
and then the fellow began to preach like a veritable blockhead,
that it was God's command that I should read the books of
Moses to him. ' Ah ! and where did you find that command-
ment of God V ' In the Gospel of St. John.' After he had had
his say : ' Then, my friend, come back to-morrow ; for I cannot,
at one sitting, read to you the books of Moses.' ' Adieu,
master, our heavenly Father, who has shed his blood for us,
points out to us, by his Son Jesus, the right way. Adieu.'
Such are these chosen beings who know neither God nor Christ.
When the papacy lasted, there were none of these divisions or
differences ; the strong man peacefully reigned over hearts : but
now, a stronger one has come, who has conquered and driven him
forth^ and the former one storms and wishes not to depart A
* " Rari sunt apud adversafSoa qal non aliqnid scribant, quorum libri non
Jkm. st cancer serpunt, sed velut agmina locustaram yolitaint." — BeilarminuB,
^m. i. Op. de Controv. Christians Fidei, in Pnefiit.
^ Ein Brief Dr. Mart. Luther's an die Christen zu Antwerpen ; Wittenberg,
1525, 4to. Dr. Mart. Luther's Briefe, torn. iii. p. 60.
ERASMUS. 89
spirit of disturbance is also among you, who tempts and seeks to
turn yon &om the right path. The signs whereby yon may know
him are these : when he tells you that every man has the Holy
Spirit ; that the. Holy Spirit is none other than the reason which
God has given as ; that there is neither hell nor damnation ;
that the flesh alone will be condemned, but the soul shall have
life eternal ; that the law is not destroyed by concupiscence, so
long as I do not delight in it ; that he who has not the Spirit does
not sin, because he has not reason. . . . Begone, legion of Satan,
stamped with the mark of error ; for God is a God of peace, and
not of dissension/" ^
This finely-drawu sketch of Luther would, in the hands of
Erasmus, have been transformed into a striking drama, wherein we
should have seen the prophets. Anabaptists, Zwinglians, Sacra-
mentarians, and all the swarm of dissenters produced by the
doctrine of free inquiry, disputing together, and each appealing
to the text of the Bible for proof of the truth of his doctrines.
Erasmus might have expended all his wit and satire in drama-
tizing the Reformation. It was by ridicule that Hutten acquired
his success, and ruined the monaateries ; it was by hdicole that
the Reformers shoold have been attacked ; and, in the Church of
Wittemberg, there was more than one vulnerable monk. Is it
not true that the devil employed by Luther ; the great white
man of Zwinglius; the unknown one who wrung the neck of
CBcolampadius, the familiar spirit of the prophets, were as good
subjects as the devils who tempted St. Anthony in the desert,
and which have been so often laughed at by the Reformers ? The
latter, at leaat, did not talk blasphemously of the Mass, and were
ignorant of Greek.
Erasmus mistook himself. Luther has already told us that
the philosopher had forgotten the little he had learned of theology
in the study of antiquity, which he knew so marvellously well.
In wishing to dispute with Luther, he ought carefully to have
avoided doctrinal matters, in which his tne and lively intellect
could not disport itself at ease as in a literary comedy. But
what did he select from the immense variety supplied by Luther?
* " lata Bectarum pugnantia signum et Satante esse quod docent, et qu5d
spiritus Dei non sit disaensionis Peiu^ sed paois." — Micha^li SUefeli ^i Pe<
cember, 1524.
90 HISTORY OF LUTHEB.
Free Will : of all questions discussed in the schools the moBt
mysterious ; a prodigy, which will for ever confound reason, and
must be believed in the same manner as we believe in eternity,
the immortality of the soul, and the creation. It is the inward
sentimait which proclaims moral liberty. If a man obeys the
impulse of grace, and performs good works, his conscience is
happy. If he is seduced and led away by concupiscence, he
Bu£fers the gnawings of remorse ; but there is neither joy nor
sorrow experienced in the performance of necessary acts. If man
is not a free agent, of what use are commands, punishments, and
rewards ? If he is the slave of sin, why condemn him ? he is
nothing more than mere matter. Such is what Erasmus, with
unquestionable talent, proves in his book entitled, " A Disserta-
tion upon Free Will." *
Luther believed in the fall of Adam and a great expiation of
Nature, which is to endure until the creation of a new heaven and
new earth. Scarcely had man rebelled against his God, when the
light of the sun became dimmed ; the stars were veiled ; the flowers
lost a portion of their perfume ; the animals and plants degene-
rated ; the air lost its purity, and the light its ori^nal splendour.
60 that what the human eye admires in the works of creation is
but a shadow of its primitive state. But of all the beings most
aeverely punished, because he had brought sin into the world,
was the one whom God had created in his own image, and who
had lost the attribute which approximated him nearest to his
Maker, — ^free will ! Conceived in tears and corruption, the child,
— a mere fixtm in the womb of his mother, is already a sinner ; ^
a piece of unclean clay, which before it is formed into a human
vessel, commits iniquity, and gains damnation.' In proportion as
he grows, the innate element of corruption increases, becomes
developed, and bears its fruit He says to sin : '^ Thou art my
* De Libero Arbitrio Difttriba sive CoUatio.
' " Lutum illud, ex quo vasculuin hoc fingi coBpit, diimDabile est. Foetus
in utero, antequim naacimur et homines esse incipimns, peceatum est." —
Lnther, in PsaL 4.
' This doctrine of the oomiption of human nature, which was afterwards
slightlj modified by Luther, and especiaUy by his followers, is one of the
articles of Calvin's creed ; " Ex corrupts hominis naturft, nihil nisi damnabile."
— Inst. lib. ii. c. 3, p. 93. See Mcehler, who, in his Symbolism, has admirably
developed the different teachings of the Church and Protestantism on the great
question of original sin.
KBAfiMUS. 91
father/' and evety act that he does is a crime ; to the wonns :
'' Ye are my brethren/' and he crawls like them in dirt and
cormption. If he endeavours to raise his head, this motion,
of which moreover he is not mast^, is a crime, like all that he
thinks or does ; he is an evil tree that cannot produce good
firoits ; a rock rent by lightning, that can no longer supply
living waters ; a dunghill — ^for Luther makes use of all these
similes — that can only exhale infectious odours. And what is
most desolating in this psychological system is, that this monarch
of creation is not permitted to raise himself from the abyss into
which the fall of the first man has plunged him ; to efface from
his brow the mark which the avenging hand of the Creator has
stamped on it ; to recover the titles of his heavenly origin. More
unhappy than that violet of which Luther not long since spoke,
man knows himself; he knows all the happiness which he has
lost, all the misery and ignorance which he retains, and the
inheritance of glory which has escaped him. A few drops of
water will revive the flower that droops on its stem ; but man is
doomed to debasement ; nothing henceforth can vivify or restore
him, — ^neither will, nor thought, nor deed ; for these mental
operations are corrupted like their source ; and man sins even in
doing good. Such was Luther's doctrine ; a doctrine of despair,
which might be understood in hell, where the soul, surprised in sin,
cannot merit ; but which, upon an earth cleansed by the blood of
the Lamb, is only an outri^ on the Deity. Necessity impels
the monk, and hurries him from blasphemy to blasphemy : he
now proclaims that God damns some creatures who have not
deserved such a fate ; ^ others even before they are bom ; ^ that
he induces us to sin, and produces evil in us.^ And his disciples,
in their turn, declare that God robs in the person of the robber,
murders in the assassin, is a trunk in a trunk, a tree in a tree.**
* DaM Gott etliche Mensohen yerdammet, die es nioht yerdient baben.
' DaM Gott etliche Menschen zar Verdammniifl yerordnet habe, eb sie
Sebobren worden : 8 Jen. Lat. fol. 207 a. t. 6 ; Witt. Ger, fol. 848 b^ 585 a. t ;
Alt. 161. 249 b, 250.
' Dass Gott die Menschen znr Sllnde antreibe, nnd alle Laster in ihnen
witrcke ; 8 Lat. fol. 199 a. t. 6 ; Witt. fol. 522 b, 523 a.
"Deum famri in fure, trucidare in latrone, ease tmncnm in trunoo,
arborem in arbore." — ^Altbainmer, fol. 67*
92 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Thus disinherited, Luther's man is no longer his own master ]
he sins in all that he does ; all wiU is extinct in him, and he is
the slave of destiny. If he commits moral good or evil, it is
not by his own will, for he has none, but because God or the
devil holds the bridle. " Do not speak to me/' says the Reformer,
"of free ¥rill ; it is a divine expression, which can only be applied
to the divine Essence, which can do whatever it wills in heaven
and on earth. To invest man with it, is to invest him with
divinity, which is a blasphemy, and the greatest that can be
imagined. Let theologians then banish that expression from their
vocabulary, and reserve it for God. Let us cease to use it, and
leave this holy and venerable name to the Lord." ^
Nobody better than Luther knew the power of imagery to
reach the understanding. Whenever he wished to introduce an
idea into the world, he invested it with a sensible form, and gave
it a body and clothing ; and this idea, so personified, spread
through society, gaining proselytes, as he who gave it life and
language might have done. This gift of creation, beyond the
domain of reality, has not been possessed by every leader of
heresy. Melancthon, with his dogmatical disposition, could not
comprehend, and never made use of it. At the beginning of the
Beformation, he attacked the papacy with the ordinary weapons
of innovators, old arguments fetched from the dust of the schools,
and rise on their blunted points against the rock of St. Peter.
Luther adopted a very different course. He devised a magic
lantern in which the devil was shown ydth the cloven foot of an
ass, ignorance with the puffed-out belly of a monk, and the spirit
of innovation in the guise of an Anabaptist. So in his reply to
the philosopher, he breathed upon the human will which Erasmus
decked out as a queen, and drew from it two figures, first one of
a horse, then one of salt. The horse is in the open field : " Does
God leap into the saddle ? The horse is obedient, accommodates
itself to every movement of the rider, and goes whither he wills it
Does God throw down the reins ? Then Satan leaps upon the back
of the animal, which bends, goes, and submits to the spurs and
caprices of its new rider.* The will cannot choose its rider, and
» Luih. De Servo Arbitrio, ad Eraftm. Rotterd. lib. i. fol. 117, 6.
* " Sic humana volantas in medio posita est, seu jumentum ; si insederit
Peus, viUt et vodit qub vult Deus, ut Psalmista dlcit: Factiui sum sicat
EBASMUS. 93
cannot kick against the spur that pricks it. It most get on,
and its very docility is a disobedience or a sin. The only struggle
possible is between the two riders, God and the devil, who
dispute the momentary possession of the steed. And then is
fnlfilled that saying of the Psahnist : ' I am become like a beast
of burden.'"
It is easy to see that the philosophical system of Luther in
regard to the liberty of man and the origin of evil, has nothing
new in it but its plastic form, and that the original idea belongs
to Manes ; it is the Persian dualism ; light and darkness, or the
good and evil principles contending for the possession of man.
But if the operation of God upon the creature is a mystery from
which reason could never entirely lift the veil, the struggle which
Luther institutes between God and the devil is a prodigy other-
wise incomprehensible. The poetical idea of Satan contending
with the Deity has been very dififerently handled by Milton in
his *^ Paradise Lost," from that in the treatise of ^^ Man's Will
Enslaved." Can the mind believe in such an antagonism ? From
the instant Luther gives us the names of the combatants, his
drama is unravelled. What is Satan against God? the finite
against the infinite, the creature against the Creator ! With the
poet, it is an allegory ; with Luther, it a doctrine, and conse-
quently is devoid of all real poetry. The doctor's idea is a dogma.
Melancthon, in order not to vex his master by an insoluble objec-
tion, adopts Luther's doctrine of the servitude of the will, and
makes God the author of the good and evil which happen here
below ; of David's adultery, of St. Paul's apostleship, of the
treachery of Judas ; and this, not as the schoolmen say, per-
missively (permim^)^ but effectively (patenter).^ Melancthon
maintains his argument from the Bible ; so that, if we are to
jnmentum et ego semper teovm ; si iiiBederit Saton^ -mlt et vadii sient Satan,
neo est in ejus arbitrio ad utrum sessorem currere, ant eum qnserere, sed
ipsi sessores oertant ob ipsum obtinendum et possidendum." — Op. Lnth.
torn. iii. p. 177, 6.
* " H89C sit oerta sententia, k Deo fieri omnia, tarn bona^ qnkm mala. Nos
dicimns non soltim permittere Deum oreaturis nt operentur, sed ipsum omnia
proprib agere, ut sicut fatentur, proprium Dei opus fiiisse Pauli yocationem,
itk fitteantur opera Dei propria esse sive quse media vocantur, ut oomedere,
nye quse mala sunt, ut D>aTiais adulterium. Constat enim Deum omnia facere
non permissiTd, sed potenter, id est ut sit ejus proprium opus, Judss proditio
sieut Pauli yooatio/'--Mart. Ghemnits loc. theoL «dit. Leyser, 1Q16, pp. 1, 178.
94 HISTOUT OF LUTHER.
believe hiniy it is Qod, or the Bible^ who teaches us that man is
the slaye of destiny. Bat then to what inspiration did he listen,
when in 1530 he afl&rmed, in the Confession of Angabmg, that
the cause of sin is the will of the evil one, that is to say, of the
devil and the sinner, and that this will, nnless assisted saper-
naturally, withdraws itself from God ? ^
At Leipsic, Luther compared man to a saw in the hands of a
workman. In order to refiite the comparison, Eck said it
screaked ; and this play of words produced more e£fect on the
audience than a regular argument In his quarrel with Erasmus
he changed the simile : Man is no longer a saw ; he is some-
times, Hke the patriarch's wife, transformed into a pillar of salt,
at others the trunk of a tree, or a shapeless block of stone,
which can neither see nor hear, has neither heart nor sense.*
What a hideous mockery is such a being, cast by God in the
midst of creation, and which the Scripture tells us was formed
after His own likeness I How, after this life, could the Supreme
Judge demand an account of his desires, thoughts, looks, and
actions, from this human carcase which has never lived, has never
felt ; in which neither arteries nor blood are to be found? And
how should human justice or society condemn this being, inno*
minate in any language, and which is only clay or corruption ? If
Luther be asked for the solution of this psychological problem,
he replies only by comparisons taken from the tomb. Need we be
astonished then at the cry of horror which this wretched doctrine
wrung from the Catholics, when his own disciples blushed for
their master 7 Honour at least to Pfeffinger, Victorinus, and
especially to Strigel, who had the courage to appeal from it to
the conscience, to refrite the imTiihi1<i.fiTig dogmas of the Reformer,
and who restored to man that perception with which God when
he created had endowed him !
Luther, riveted to the principle which he had laid down,
struggled fruitlessly to escape from his chain ; he necessarily fell
into Rationalism, for want of inclination to make use of fisdth
■ Art. XIX. STmbolik von Mohler, p. 47.
* " In spiritualibuB et divinia rebua quae ad ammiB Bdiitem speotMii, homo
est inatar Btatua bbUm in qniun nxor patriarofae Loth eet convena ; iin6 oat
Bimilifl tninoo et lapidi statiue, vit& carenti, qu» neque ocolonim, oris aut
uUorum sensuum cordisque ufum babet." — Luth, in Gen. cxxix.
ERASMUS. 95
to reconcile the divine presence with moral liberty. He had
appealed from it to the Scriptures^ and a text interpreted by his
own reason had obscured in him the most ordinary light. The
Church taught how the text of Moses, wherein God says that he
hardens Pharaoh's heart, should be interpreted ; but he preferred
his own judgment to the general one, and it led him astray.
Let us follow for an iostant all the deductions which he draws
from an erroneous interpretation. Let the Christian know, then,
that God foresees nothing in a contingent manner ; but that he
foresees, proposes, and acts from his eternal and immutable will :
this is the thunderbolt which destroys and overturns firee-will I
Let those, then, who come forward as the champions of that
doctrine deny first this thunderbolt. Thus it follows, irre-
firagably, that every human action, although it seems to be
done in a contingent manner, and subject to the doctrine of
chances, is necessary and immutable in the order of Providence.
Therefore it is not free-will, but necessity, which is the acting
principle in us.^ Indeed, I wish that I could employ another
term than that of necessity, which only imperfectly expresses
my views, when we speak of human will. Coercion is a harsh
and unsuitable expression, for neither the one nor the other of
the two wills is necessarily constrained or subjected, but both
obey thsir nature in producing good or evil ; it is an immutable
and infallible will which governs another mutable and fallible, as
in the words of the poet : —
..." Stohilisqae maneiui das ounota moTerl"
[Immoyeabley thou makest all things more.]
But who will draw man out of that abyss of darkness into
which Luther has plunged him ? Who will cry for him who has
no Toice, or pray for that fallen angel whose every wish and
thought is pollution ? Who will mediate for that soul crucified
by sin ? Who will open the bosom of mercy to that child of
Satan, that other Abbadona, but more unhappy than the pure
spirit of Elopstock, for he could weep without sin ? Luther
has nothing but grace ; he rushes headlong, and embraces it.
But since man is not free, who will explain to us how Providence
smites and crowns, punishes and pardons, condemns and rewards
" Lather, De Servo Arbiirio ady. Erasm. Rotterd. Oper. Lat, Jens^
torn. iii. fol. 170, 171, 177.
96 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
in eternity ? Whence is it that one is damned and another
glorified, since neither had eyes wherewith to see, ears to hear,
and instinct to choose ? — that both, in doing good or eyil, were
impelled by an irresistible impulse, which is equally the work
of God as the acts which they did ? What a god, then, has the
Beformation given ns ? Certainly not the God of the Bible.
Let them say as they will, they cannot find him in the Scrip-
tures ; he is the god of their invention, a blind deity, like that
imagined by the Onostic Marcion.
Luther thus completes his" psychological system of human
liberty : " As for myself, I confess, that were I oflfered free-will,^
I would not have it, or any other instrument that might aid in
my salvation ; not only because, besieged by so many perils and
adversities, amidst that horde of devils who assail me on all
sides, it would be impossible for me to preserve or make use of
that instrument of salvation, since one single devil is stronger
than all men together, and no way of real salvation would be
open to me ; but because, were the dangers surmounted, and
the devils put to flight, I should labour in uncertainty, and my
arm would be fatigued to no purpose by beating the air with
useless blows. For, were I to live for ever, my conscience
would never be certain of having satisfied God, After every act
of presumed perfection, a scruple would always remain : Who
shall say that I have pleased God ? That God has demanded no
more from me ? as is proved by the experience of all souls reputed
to be just, and mine unhappily more than all others.
'' But as God has taken charge of my salvation, independently
of my free-will, and has promised to save me by his grace and
mercy without the concurrence of my works, I am certain that
he will be faithfcd to his promise, that he will not lie, and that
he is powerful enough to prevent me from being broken by
adversity, or carried oflF by the devil ; for he has said : ' No one
shall take him from me, because the Father who has given him
to me is stronger than all.' So then, if all are not elect, much
fewer will be so ; whilst by free-will none could be saved, and
all would perish. Thus we are assured of pleasing God, not by
the merit of our works, but through the mercy which he has
] J>e Servo Arbitrio, Op. torn. i.p. 171.
ERASMUS. 97
promised to us, and because he will not impute to us the more
or less of evil that we shall commit, but will forgive and receive
us into his fatherly favour. This is the glorification of the
saints in the Lord/'
Whether Luther strives or not against the consequences of the
principle of moral slavery which he has laid down, his God will
always be a blind or wicked deity, who will groundlessly save or
destroy a soul that by itself is incapable of merit or demerit — a
soul inert and passive. If there be any logical accuracy, the
being who embraces Luther's doctrine has no refuge except in
despair or indifferentism. His profession of faith amounts to
this, — that no one will be happy in eternity, unless he believes
in the inefficacy of free-will.* What, then, has become of that
principle of free inquiry which he introduced into the world ?
He has proclaimed the independence of reason, and he fetters
thought and intellect. He has recovered, according to M. Charles
Villers, the title-deeds to the kingdom of human knowledge,
which had been buried in the Vatican, and he will not now
consent to exhibit them until the queen whom he has set up
shall perform an act of vassalage ; that is to say, that after
having sought to destroy the popedom, he makes popery !
What must we think of the salvation of his disciples, who, in
their different confessions, disobeyed their master's doctrine,
and taught the dogma of moral freedom? The despotism
of error is much more oppressive than that of truth : from the
instant error has touched you with its finger, you become its
property, and you are condemned to run through the entire
circle of falsehood which it has drawn around you. When the
Anabaptists preached the necessity for a second purification of
original sin in adults, resting themselves on a Pharisaical inter-
pretation, Luther loudly proclaimed that the letter killed, and
the spirit must be observed. Now he says : " We must avoid,
as a poison, all commentaries, and keep to the letter, however
hard it may appear, unless the Scriptures force us to seek the
> Lnih. De Serro Arbitrio adv. Eraam. Botterod. Op. torn. i. p. 286. "Baas
Niemand selig werden koiine, der nicht gerade seine Meinnng von dem vdUifen
UnyermSgen des freyen WiUens, obn EinscbriLnkung aoDehme." Das Resultat
meiner Wanderungen, p. 262. Menzel, Neuere Gescbicbte der Deutacheo^
torn. i. ob. Y.
VOL. II. H
98 HISTORY OP LUTHEll.
mysteriofus signification concealed under the corering of the
word ; ^ that the devil alone can maintain that the divine word
is enyeloped in darkness, and requires to pass through man's lips
to be understood ; that the spirit enlightens every one who comes
to it with love, and reveals to him the hidden meaning of God's
word/'
Erasmus, deafened with this clamour of the Reformers, who
appealed to the Scriptures, as if the Bible had until then been a
sealed book, and Luther, the angel of the Apocalypse, had
been the first to open it, wished to put a stop to the noise, and
show that the Scriptures, reduced to the bare letter, were not the
sole foundation of the Christian faith. In examining Luther's
principles, he had recovered his youthful powers and animated
style, which at times seems to have assumed the wings of a poet.
His style is concise, and carries his reader with it.
" But I hear you say, * If the Scripture is so clear, what is
the use of commentaries ?'.... I reply : If the Scripture is as
luminous as you say, how is it that so many learned men have
walked for centuries in darkness, when there was question of
what interested them so deeply as moral freedom ? If there is
no obscurity in the text of the sacred books, why had the written
word need of commentaries, even in the time of the apostles
themselves ? But I grant you that the Spirit is revealed to the
simple and ignorant, and concealed from the wise, and that the
words of Christ are accomplished : ' My Father, I thank thee
that thou hast taught to the simple, and those whom the world
considers fools, that which thou hast hidden from the wise,'
Who knows if Dominic and Francis would not have become like
to those of whom Christ speaks, if tliey had only followed their
own sense ? If, when the gift of God was in all its strength, John
wished that we should try whether those who came to us had the
Spirit firom above, shall we not be permitted to make the same
test in these times, when all flesh is corruptedj How shall they
prove to us their mission ? By their gift of eloquence ? — but
on all sides I see rabbis. By their acts ? — On every side I see
^ Menzel, Neuere Geschiohte der Deutschen, torn. i. p. 144. Das Resuliat
xneiner WaDdemngeD, &c., von D. Julius Honinghaus, p. 264. " Man boU alle
verbliimte Worte meiden und fliehen wie Gift, und bei den klaren, durren
Worten bleiben, wo nicht die Scbrift eelbst zwingt^ etUche Spriiche, als ver-
blUmte Worte zu erkUiren.'*
ERASMUS. 9d
Binners: there is a choir of saints who proclaim that man is
free. They say : * They are men ; ' but, observe, I compare man
with man, and not n^an with God. They say : 'Of what use is
this cloud of witnesses to affirm the gift of the Spirit ?' I reply:
'Of what greater use are some talented people?' They say:
' How does the priest's cap aid in understanding the Scriptures V
I reply : * ' As much as the knight's mantle, or the monk^s cowl/
They say : * Of what avail are philosophy and science for under-
standing the inspired writings ? ' I reply : ' And how much
ignorance ? ' They say : ' Of what use are councils, in which
not one member perhaps has received the Holy Ghost V I reply :
* Or your conventicles, in which very likely God's gift is equally
rare?' The apostles would not have been believed if they had
not proved their teaching by miracles ; but every individual
among you calling himself an inheritor of the truth would wish
to be believed upon his word. When the apostles fascinated
serpents, healed the sick, and raised the dead, they were obliged
to believe them, although they preached things supernatural.
And among those doctors who have told us so many marvels, is
there even one who could have cured a lame horse ?* They say to
me: ' You only invoke the testimony of men ; ' but, when I insist
and demand upon what evidence they wish me to judge of the
truth of a doctrine, if on both sides I hear only men's voices, they
reply : * By the evidence of the Spirit ; ' and when I continue the
interrogatory : ' How is it that the Spirit has been wanting
rather to those whom the world has known by their wondrous
works, than to the disciples of the new gospel V they would wish to
make me believe that the Gospel has not been preached for thirteen
centuries ! I ask for a doctrine founded upon works. They tell
me that faith justifies, and not works. Give me miracles. They
are useless, there have been enough, there is no need of them
with the bright light of the Scriptures. In this case the Scrip-
tures are not veiy clear, since I see so many men wander in
darkness. And when they have the Spirit of God, who will
prove to me that they also understand his word ? What am I to
believe, when, in the midst of these contradictory dogmas, each
pretends to dogmatic infallibility, sets himself up as an oracle,
' " Ist noch keiner gewesen, der auch nnr ein lahmes Pferd hatte heilen
konnen." — ^Menze), 1. o.
h2
100 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
and^ on his own private judgment, flies in the face of the teach-
ing of all his predecessors ? What ! is it credible, that during
thirteen centuries, among so many holy individuals whom he has
given to the Church, God has never raised up one to whom he
has revealed the truth of the Gospel ?"....
When, at the present day, in the silence of our closet, we
study the cases debated between these two learned men, we
sometimes question the evidence of our eyes, and imagine that
we are dreaming. Two priests stand before us: the one,
Luther, who has studied mankind in books ; the other^
Erasmus, who has studied him in the works of creation. The
former maintains that man acts by the impulse of fate, like
the animal whose skin covers the volume over which the monk
has grown pale ; the latter acknowledges that freedom of action^
the principle of all that he has found of the beautiful and great
in the life of the nations which he has visited. From the text
of Moses, Exodus, ch. vii. ver. 14, Luther concludes that God has
hardened the heart of Pharaoh ; Erasmus maintains that we
must not hold to the letter, which killeth, but raise ourselves to
the Spirit, which giveth life ; and, in order to prove that the
very letter itself demonstrates man's freedom, he quotes to his
opponent the passage where St. Paul recommends the creature to
work out his own salvation, and throw o£f the old Adam.
Pressed to the grave of his dead letter, what says Luther ? " If
Paul,'" says he, '^ speaks so, it is not because he supposes that we
can ever cast off the old Adam. He and the apostles employ it
as a figure: do that, if you can ; but you cannot ! "^ Is not this
arrant nonsense ; and is not nonsense on such a subject real
blasphemy ?
Then the philosopher resumes, as would a child : " But are we
not, then, free to wish ? "— " No," replies Luther drily. " And
if we perish," continues Erasmus, "the fault, then, is God's?"
" Doubtless ; but we distinguish," adds Luther, " between God's
manifest will, which says. No ; and his secret will, which says,
Yes : and it is this secret will into which we must not pry."
When Plank, who has summed up the whole discussion
with singular impartiality, arrives at this distinction drawn by
^ De Libero Arbitrio Diatribe aea CSoUatio.
ERASMUS. 101"
the father of the Keformation, he is obliged to cover his
Erasmus's work is a theological treatise which might be sup-
posed to have proceeded from the pen of one of those monks
who formed the butt of his ridicule ; it savours of the com-
mentator, the disciple of Scotus, and very little of the man of
genius. Erasmus accumulates texts, is involved in quotations,
and brings into the field a whole cohort of the fathers: — St. Basil,
St. Chrysostom, St. Cyril, St. John Damascene, Theophylact,
TertuUian, St. Cyprian, Amobius, St. Jerome, St. Ambrose,
Si Hilary, the schoolmen, the faculties of theology, the councils,
the doctors, the popes ; that is to say, evidence for which his
adversary, who appealed from them to rationalism, cared not a
rush. But what is remarkable in this discussion is, that Luther
was obliged to make use of his opponent's weapons in answering
him, and summon to his aid both divine and human authority.
Erasmus was still the same character ; he impaired his work,
already so feeble, by commonplace compliments to his opponent ;
his exordium is a hymn to Luther, which roused the indig*
nation of the Sorbonne. Erasmus was unwilling that Luther's
error on free-will should shadow the truths which he had so
piously taught as to the love of God and the inanity of mere
works. His peroration is a new canticle in honour of his rival.
His friends were scandalized. The prince of Carpi wrote to
him : " You have confounded Luther ! — what skill, what intel-
lect, what genius is displayed in your refutation ! — how copious
your style and evidence ! — with what perspicuity you explain
the most difficult matters ! But I have one complaint to make :
you treat Luther too gently. He is a madman, an obstinate
heretic I Your praise is indecorous, your mildness ridiculous ! "*
Jerome Emser, that indefatigable champion of Catholicism,
translated Erasmus's book into German, but omitted from his
version the eulogies bestowed on the Reformer.*
» Plank, 1. c. torn. ii. pp. 118, 181.
^ Beep, ad Erasmuin. — Hist. Litt. Ref. part. i. p. 127«
' Seckendori^ lib. i. p. 812. Emser wrote to Erasmus : " At tu cunctando,
ut ingenub tecum agam, suspectum te nobis reddis. Vide igitnr, ut promisRum
de retiqu& parte arbitrii persolvas." — ^Hermann de Hardt, Hist. Litt. Refonnat«
part i. p. 10.
102 HISTORY OF LTJTHEK.
The " Dresden goat," as Luther called Emseir, saw, no doubt,
that these perfumed phrases, which Erasmus slipped so adroitly
into the exordium and peroration of his book, were designed to
pacify his rival, of whose irritable temper he was aware. How
poor Erasmus deceived himself ! he expected a few grains of
incense, which he flattered himself Luther would not fsdl to
bum in honour of the great scholar of the age.
The "Slave-Will,"* Luther's reply, is, like everything else
proceeding from his pen, keen, violent, and occasionally coarse.
Erasmus is represented in it as a Pyrrhonist, an epicurean, a
blasphemer, and even an atheist ; he who at the very time made
a vow to our Lady of Loretto, and composed, in praise of the
Blessed Virgin, hymns which the archbishop of Besangon in-
serted in his liturgy.* Luther's " Slave- Will " ran through ten
editions.
Erasmus deluded himself in regard to the power of his name ;
he fancied himself in the height of his former fame ; he therefore
besought the elector of Saxony to punish Luther's insolence ; but
his letter, which ten years previously Frederick would not have
exchanged for a province, was unanswered. He thought to
revenge himself for the silence of Duke John, who had succeeded
to that prince, by writing to Luther himself, who also took no
notice of his epistle. This which he had, nevertheless, carefully
eLiborated, concluded with these words : " I would wish you a
better disposition, if you were not so content with your own. You
may, in your turn, wish me anything you please, provided that
it be not your temper, unless you have changed it." These con-
ceits were quite thrown away.*
He then bethought him of a formal reply to his enemy's Diar
tribe. He accordingly shut himself up in his cell, and there,
with the blue waters of the Rhine, which laved his garden,
the green mountains of Jura, and those flowers in which Basle is
set as in a picture, before him, he 1 iboured for ten whole days i^
provoking his style, as one would a lion to make him roar ; but all
to no purpose. He had, however, taken the precaution to keep
constantly before him Luther's polemical writings, in order that he
* De Seryo Arbiirio adverstis Liberuxn Arbitnum ab Ernsmo defen^ura.
^ CtUiisios. ^ De Burigny, I, c, torn, iu p. 96.
ERASMUS. 103
might borrow some irascible similes from them ; but, in spite of
all his efforts, his work was a mere effort, without fancy, energy,
or fluency. It was necessary that this painfully-produced volume
should appear at the Frankfort fair. Froben, the printer, of
Basle, to whom either faith was indifferent when business was
concerned, put six presses at the service of Erasmus. Accord-
ingly, the "Hyperaspites"^ appeared alongside of Luther's Dia-
tribes at Frankfort They met with a good sale, and were severely
criticised. Melancthon ridiculed them;^ Luther compared them
to the hissing of a viper.* Then Erasmus, disenchanted, ex-
claimed : " Such is my reward ! Had I done nothing, I would
not write a single word to-day."*
A letter from Melancthon to Camerarius, which soon spread
over Germany, in some degree alleviated Erasmus's annoyance.
Melancthon wrote thus : " Luther makes me many enemies,
without my having deserved it. Am I not accused of having
written several pages, and those the most virulent, of his book
against Erasmus? I suffer in silence. Would to God that
Luther had said nothing : unhappily, age and experience only
make him more violent ; this pains me."^
Misfortune is sacred, especially when it affects men like
Erasmus, at the time when, after having left all the excitement
of life, they see themselves deprived of their glory as they
approach the grave. The " Hyperaspites " may be regarded as
a last will and testament. In perusing it, the heart is wrung in
contemplating all the sufferings of Erasmus in his affections, his
vanity, and his hopes ; all the contests which, when old and
infirm, he has to enter into with a young and ardent spirit ; and
all the laurels which the world decreed to him, which he will
not bear with him to the tomb, but see transferred one by one to
the head of his adversary ! When we think that, to the title
of " restorer of learning," Erasmus might have added that of
" defender of Catholic unity ; " that he refused to arrest or con-
fine the difiusion of Protestantism ; to preserve to Germany its
* Hyperaspites, Diatribe adyersts Servum Arbitrium Martini Luiheri.
* £p. Camenurio, lib. iv. ' Seckendorf, lib. ii. § 32
* Ep. Carpi.
^ Epist. Melanchth. 28, lib. y. De Burigni, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 98.
10^! HISTORY OF LUTHER.
ancient faith and national liberties ; to prevent the wars which
drained its blood, the sacrilegious devastations of its churches
and their images, and the ruin of authority, we are tempted to
upbraid him with having deserted the line of duty prescribed to
him by Providence. In this voluntary shipwreck of Erasmus,
at least there is this consolation, that he did not abandon the
religion of his fathers, although he has been accused of it.^ The
following lines, which shortly before his death he traced with
failing hand in his '' Hyperaspites," happily prove the possibility
of an alliance between feith and genius : —
^' Before God who hears me, and from whose wrath I cannot
escape, if I have ever wittingly sinned, I desire that all who
have received baptism should know that I no less believe the
silent words of Scripture than if Christ himself were now speak*
ing to me with his own lips ; and that I have no more doubt of
these material signs than of what I hear with my ears, see with
my eyes, or touch with my hands : and as I believe that the
Gospel has fulfilled all the figures of the law and the predictions of
the prophets, I believe in the promises of the Sjecond advent It .
is this lively faith which assists me to support pains and insults,
sickness, old age, and all the reverses of life ; which cheers me,
and makes me trust in divine mercy and life etemaL I do not
think that I have willingly doubted ojae single word of Christ ;
I would rather die a thousand deaths than touch one iota of
the Oospel text ; in God is all my hope, in the Gospel all my
joy."
'' Erasmus of Rotterdam is no more," said Luther at table ;
" be was a writer who had every opportunity of rendering service
to literature, for his life passed away without conflicts or disap-
pointments. He lived and died without God, in all tnaiquillity
of conscience. At the time of his death, he asked neither for
* Tl^e c^non De Bam published at BrasselB, in 1842, a pamphlet, in 8yo.,
entitled Particulars of the Besidence of Erasmus at ^asle, and of the Last
Moments of that celebrated Man. The learned author quotes a letter from
the MS. collection in the imperial library at Vienna (Opuscula Polemica Var.
Cod. MS. N. cxci. O. 1. 445, folio), which leaves no doubt of the religious
sentiments entertained by Erasmus at the time of his death (see pp. 10 — 18).
For some years past Belgium has been enriched with excellent philological
works by M. de Bam, N^ve, and others.
Louvain remembers the high position which it held in literature at the
beginning of the sixteeoth century ; and its former failie begins to revive,
THE BIBLE. 105
priest nor sacrament ; and^ when about to breathe his last sigh,
said, * Son of God, have mercy upon me ! ' Perhaps this excla-
mation attributed to him is a lie : did he not study at Rome ?^
If for ten thousand gilders, I would not take Jerome's place in
the next world, for many more I would not that of Erasmus/"^
This wrath towards a corpse not yet cold ; this outrage on one
of the glories of Catholicism ; this calumny on the memory of
a rival, and cruel play upon words on the soul of one of his
brethren in Jesus Christ ; all issued at once from the breast of
Luther !
CHAPTER VIII.
LITERAEY LABOURS.— THE BIBLE.
At WaribnTg Luther labonn to reduce to order the elements of his doctrine.
— The German Bible. — Account of the Doctor's version. — ^The excitement
which it creates. — Emser criticises Luther's translation. — ^The opinion of
Germany in regard to it. — Blunders which he made. — ^The Catholic Church
had translated the Bible into the vernacular before Luther. — She has never
concealed, as she has been charged with doing, God's word ; and wherefore t
— Dangers which the revealed word would run, if the Church did not watch
over the deposit of the truths of the fiuth. — Protestant commentaiy. —
Agrioola.
At Wartburg, Luther employed himself in founding a dogmatic
rule, by which in future Protestants might be known. The Catho-
1 Luther did not wait for the death of Erasmus. In 1526 he published
against the philosopher a letter iull of calumnies, in which he tried to prove
that the philosopher had only sought to establish paganism on the ruins of
the Christian religion. This letter Erasmus refuted. —Erasmus ad calum-
niosissimam Epistolam Lutheri. AnnaL Sculteti, p, 197.
' ** Ich woUte nioht zehn Tausend Gulden nehmen, und in der Ge&hr stehen,
ftir unserm Herm Gott, da St. Hieronymus inne stehet, viel weniger darinne
Btehet Erasmus."— Hsch-Beden, p. 418.
Luther parodied against Erasmus two lines of Virgil :
" Qui Satanam non odit, amet tua carmina, Erasme,
Atque idem jungat Furias et mulgeat Orcum."
The following works may be consulted with reference to Erasmus : Adolf
Muller, Leben des Erasmus von Kotterdam ; Hamburg, 1828, 8vo. ; Das Leben
dee fiirtrefflichen Erasmi von Rotterdam, abge&sset von Knight, ins Deutsche
ttbersetzt von Theodore Arnold : Leipsic, 1736, 12mo. ; Burscher, Spicil. ;
Hottinger, Hist. Eccles. torn. vi. ; Melchior Adam, in Vit& Erasmi ; Strobel,
Misoell. Litt. ; Les Propos de Table de Martin Luther, traduits par M. Gus-
tavo Brunet: Paris, 1844, 12mo. pp. 845 — 848; Hoeninghaus, in the first
volume of La R^forroe cootre la R^formQi 8vo. 1$45,
106 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
lies reproaclied him with his constant shifting of doctrines. They
ridiculed those capricions fancies, which even his own disciples
could not apprehend or put in shape, and which Emser justly
compared to the strange figures which the waves are ever making
on the sand. They accordingly asked those who sought to tempt
their faith, to give them a confession in which the creed of their
master was contained. Luther felt that he must build upon the
ruins of the old Church that New Jerusalem which he announced
to mankind, and that it was not with faith es with learning, of
which the conquests are indefinite, and the progress incessant
Day and night he elaborated his creed at Wartjburg. With this
view he composed several treatises^ in which are set forth very
explicitly those fundamental points of Protestantism, of which
we have already spoken. They are : his treatise on the abroga-
tion of private masses,^ addressed to his brother Augustinians ;
that on monastic vows,^ dedicated to his father Hans, in which,
abstracting from it what pertains to dogma, there is an efiusion
of filial piety which does honour to Luther's heart ; his pam-
phlets against Ambrose Gatharinus, in which he sets himself to
prove from the Scriptures that the beast of the Apocalypse lives
and reigns in Rome ;' lastly, commentaries upon forty verses of
David (Psalm xxxvi.), to keep up the courage of the flock at
Wittemberg.* In these also, if we can forget how the theologian
twists the text of the royal poet to suit his views, — to find in it
menaces against the kingdom of Satan, represented by the pope
and the cardinals, or arms against Emser, who; like a real
spectre, always presents himself in his way, — ^it is very difficult
not to admire the art with which the writer welds his thoughts
• Vom AGssbrauche der Messe : Wittenberg, 1522. Luther, De AbrogandA
MiBsA PrivatA, assigned by Olearius to 1521, but which did not appear until
the beginning of January, 15i2, as is shown by Spalatinus' correspondence.
• An Hans Luther, 21 November, 1521. It is the preface of the treatise,
De Votis Monasticis M. Lutheri Judicium : Wittemb. 1521. Jonas translated
it into German, with the title, Von den geistlichen und Kloeter-Gelubden,
Martini Luther's Urtbeil.
' Contrk Amb. Catharinum, sive ReveUitio Antichristi.
• Der sechs und dreissigste Psalm des konigl. Propheten Davids, den Zom
und Unmuth zu stiUen, in der Anfechtung der Gleissner und Muthwilligen.
This frequently admirable paraphrase of the sacred writer, addressed to the
Christians of Wittemberg, appeared with the altered title of Der seohs und
dreissigste Psalm Davids einen christlichen Menschen zu ebren un trosteo,
wider die MUtterei der bosen und freveln Gleissner.
THE BIBLE. 107
Kith thode of the Psalmist. His latigaage is impressed Trith
oriental imagery, and, fix>m the intimate fasion of two styles
that reflect each other, seems to live and move by the same
inspiration.
But of all his works, — ^that at which he laboured with most
application, because it was to have the greatest influence on the
destiny of the Reformation, — his favourite work, his incon-
testable glory, — ^was the translation of the Sacred Scriptures into
the vulgar tongue.* For the sane or insane, rich or poor, high
or low, whom he constituted with equal titles the interpreters of
the revealed word, a book which thenceforward should have no
mystery of language was required. As he had destroyed the
priesthood, or, rather, as he had incarnated it in the human
being, the man-priest should possess the charter in which his
apostleship was written by the hand of God. To the intract-
able miDd, which feeds on illusions, and loses itself in proud
thoughts or ecstatic raptures, like those of Munzer and Storch ;
to the dreamer, hallucinated like Garlstadt ; to the vacillating,
like Didymus ; to the simple, like the Anabaptists, Luther had
said : " There is the Book of Life ; it is no longer veiled or
obscure to you ; you are the judges of the meaning of Scrip-
ture ; you are to translate it, whether God has given you the
rare gift of interpretation or not ! " Astonishing ! at the very
moment that he speaks thus, he himself,-^Luther, — ^who had
read and studied the Bible all his life, demands a new explanation
of a verse in the Epistle to the Corinthians, which seems at first
as clear as the sun : '^ Alioqui filii vestri immundi essent, nunc
autem sancti sunt :"^ — Otherwise your children should be unclean,
m
' Fred. Mayeri, Hist. Vers. Germ. Bibl. Lutheri, pp. 4—7.
' " Volo enim scire nt tract&ris illnd, X Corinth, vii. etc. Num de solia
adaltis ant de sanctitate oarnis iotelligi velisT" — Melanchthoni, 13 Jan. 1521.
In a letter to Amsdorf, Luther admits that, in attempting to translate tho
Bible, he has nndertalcen a work beyond his strength, and that jt is very
difiScnIt to interpret the Latin text. Different texts are qaoted there : Ist,
** Dormiunt cum patribus suis/' in speaking of the souls of the just ; and
2nd, " Virum injustum mala capient in interitu," of the Psalmist, which the
Keformer cannot comprehend, and to which he gives a sense quite difierent^
from Amsdorf. It is there that, after admitting his insufficient knowledge to
translate several passages of the sacred books, he appeals against the prophets
of Zwickau to Scripture. " Let them not trouble you," says he ; " to confound
them you have Deuteronomy xiii. and the firdt verse of St. .John, ch.ip. v."
Kow these prophets, Nicholas fcJtorgh, Mark Stubuer, M, Cellarius, aud Thomas
108 HISTORY OP LDTHER.
but now they axe holy. And yet, at the same time, he thinks
himself entitled to laugh at the mad inspirations of Garlstadt or
Munzer. But if the Spirit was communicated to Munzer or
Garlstadt, it was because both had read the sacred word in a
volume, the immutable characters of which feared no longer the
rust of time, or the equally corrupting fancies of criticism. The
Gospel requires a dead language. Alas ! for that book, if it is
to be understood by means of imagery as changeable as dress,
which is altered at each transformation of mankind, and follows
all the laws of material progression. Authority watchea in vain
over the destiny of the revealed word, as over the precepts which
it contains ; that word, which God has given us for our salva-
tion, is only a capricious and lying guide. With a dead language,
which has ceased to be in common use, the word of the Spirit is
like the holy ark floating over the waves which cannot reach it.
Therefore it is that the Catholic Church has preserved the Latin
language in her liturgy. Every living language follows the
human condition of the people who use it ; and there is no
nation that will not some day die. Marot, in his time, attempted,
amid the applause of his co-religionists, to stitch on the psalms
some tinsel, which wafl then styled verse ; * a wretched poetry, now
so faded, that we know not what to call it : it is the carcase of
which Bossuet speaks.
The Latin Bible was an assemblage of characters which
required an interpreter. Now, according to Luther, the man-
priest ought to be his own expositor. He therefore translated it
in language intelligible to all who could read, and he said again,
" Take and read it." But his own translation was, sooner or
later, to become antiquated.
Imagine for an instant Marot translating the words of Christ
in the Gospel, or St. Paul in the Apostles, without the aid of the
muse, if you choose, and see whether the language of the New
Manzer, who had separated from the Heformer, predsely taught their doctrines
from the Bible.— Amsdorf, 13 Jan. 1522.
^ ^'^Qui habitat in ocbUs irridebit eos, et Dominns subsanabit eos." — Psal.
" Mais oestny Ik qui les hauts deux habite,
Ne s'en fera que rlre de Ik haut.
Le Tout-Puissant de leur fa^on despite
Se moquera, car d'eux il ne lui chaut."
Marot.
THE BIBLE. 109
Testament would not be in our days most difficult to be under-
stood ; if it were to reach us without a commentary, whether it
would not be truly a myth, and frequently inexplicable, until
some modem translation should replace that which time had
caused no longer to be understood ; a fresh emblem, which per-
haps would not survive the artist who had discovered it
The idiom which Luther employed was pliant and docile,
serving all his caprices and fancies ; this old Saxon German, so
masculine and attractive ; the language of Hermann, which had
never yielded to the Roman sword ; the only one, perhaps, which
could be employed to advantage in translating the sacred text, has
inveterated and experienced the lot of every human tongue. This
translation of the Bible is, however, a noble literary monument ;
a vast undertaking, which would seem to defy a man's life,
but which Luther effected in the space of a few years. Although
the critic may censure him for having commenced this labour
with so imperfect a knowledge of the Hebrew, which he only had
studied seriously while in his retirement at Wartburg,^ the poet
will often praise this version, wherein the sacred muse lives
natural and melodious, as in the original. It is certain that
Luther's translation brings the original before us with a sim-
plicity which touches the heart, and, as occasion requires, is
stamped with a lyrical pomp, and subject to the artist's modi-
fications ; simple in the narrative of the patriarch, elevated with
the royal prophet, familiar with the evangelists, gentle and collo-
quial in the epistles of Saints Peter and Paul, Imagery
throughout follows imagery ; and it is firequently light for light,
and flame for flame. To this is added that perfume of antiquity
which Luther's language carries with it, and which charms like
the dark tints which we see in the engravings of the old German
masters.
We need not, then, be astonished at the enthusiasm excited in
Saxony by this translation, which Luther did not in the first in-
stance publish complete, but merely the New Testament, the most
marvellous portion of the inspired volume. To both Catholics
and Protestants, who regarded this work as an honour conferred
on their national idiom, it was indeed a curious novelty to
* See Richard Simon, in hid Histoire Critique da Nouvean Testament,
book ii. ch. xxiii.
110 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
observe the ancient Saxon reflecting, as in a faithful mirror, the
various beauties of the original text. The learned were espe-
cially delighted : in their opinion, this translation restored their
language to a position wherein it might vie with all the oriental
languages. They called it a wonder;^ his disciples, a miracle,
— an inspiration from heaven.* The press, then directed by
printers who had followed the national movement, and were
bound to it by their own interest, sent forth the monk's master-
work with an elegance and beauty of type previously unknown,
and which is still at the present day an object of admiration.
Hans Lufit cast a fount expressly for it, and threw off nearly
three thousand sheets daily. From 1537 to 1574, one hundred
thousand German Bibles were printed in Saxony.' Engraving,
likewise, came into its service ; but as it could not be combined
with printing at a time when so fierce a war was waged against
images, it ornamented the wooden boards of the volume with
scrolls, arabesques, flowers, and &ntastic figures, frequently
designed by Lucas Granach or Albert Ducer. Luther's New
Testament accordingly became a fashionable book, to be found
at that time even on the toilet of ladies, who were seized with
a rage for Luther's Bible. They carried it with them in their
walks, read and commented on it with a fervour quite ascetio,
and upheld its text, says Cochlseus, against priests, monks,
doctors in theolc^, and Catholic magistrates, whom they taxed
with gross ignorance,^ and called envious, as knowing nothing
of the Scriptures, or of Greek, Hebrew, or Latin, which Luther
alone understood ! The Reformer has praised the zeal of
Argula,^ who offered to dispute in public upon the Scriptures,
either in Latin or in German. " Christ," said she, " did not
disdain to speak on religious topics with Magdalene and another
' Mathes. Comm. 13, De Lath. Florimond de B^ond, book i. ch. zt.
■ Georges d'Anhalt.
' Geoi^. Zeltner, Abr^g^ de la Vie de Hans Lufit, pp. 55, h^, J. A. Fabri-
cius, Cent. Lath. pp. 621, 622.
^ " Ut non soltim cum laicis partis CathoHcse, yerbm etiam cum saoerdotibufl,
et monacbis atque cum magistria diaputare non embeacerent. . . . £t quidem
procacissim^ insultantes ignorantiamque improperanteB : id quod de nobili
quAdam muliere compertum habetur."
* Seckendorj^ Comm. de Luth. lib. i. § 126.
THE BIBLE. HI
poor Samaritan woman, or St. Jerome to correspond with females.
Shame on those who dare to question the accuracy of Luther's
version ! The doctor's language is a divine inspiration ; and
even were he to desert it, I should defend and support if
Catholicism was watching over the sacred deposit of the faith.
At the time when Protestant Germany received this translation
of the New Testament, a man appeared with whom the Reformer
had become acquainted by the castigation which he had received
from him ; this was '^ that goat''^ whom Luther entreated Qod
to remove from his path: the "goat" was waiting for him.
Emser kept his eye upon liis enemy, ready at the least signal to
engage in another contest. That was a sharp on& Emser took
the new version, dissected the preface, where the milk of the
Lutheran doctrine was so cleverly concealed, discovered the
poison of the marginal notes, where the doctor spoke with the
authority of a father of the Church, and imposed on the reader
an explanation preferable to that of the Septuagint. Emser
exposed, without asperity, but with great force of truth and
learning, the systematic corruptions of the text. Luther had to
deal with a scholar versed in Greek and Hebrew, as well as
general erudition. He lost his temper, and again summoned to
his aid those impertinent epithets which no language like the
German affords in such plenty. Emser is represented as a wild
ass, a blockhead, a pedant, a basilisk, and a pupil of Satan.
The learned did not laugh at these invectives as they did
before; they were even so bold as to ridicule the Reformer,
when they saw him revise his work, and correct many of the
gross inaccuracies which his adversary had pointed out,^ pro*
fessing all the while his haughty contempt for those papistical
asses who were unworthy to judge his book.* ** It is A, vrretched
work,'' said Emser, " in which the text is falsified in every page,
and in which we can reckon more than a thousand altera-
' Emser bore a goat in his blazon.
' " Ipsum non pauca de quibns in notis snis litigat Emseros mntAsse; sup-
pleviflse, aut que per errorem irrepserant sostoliBse." — Seckendorf, Oomm. ae
Luth. lib. i. sect. lu. § 122.
^ " Asinos pontifidos non cnro. Indigni enim sunt qai de laboribna meis
Jndicent."— Seckendorf, Comm. de Luth. lib. i. sect. lii. § 127, p. 240.
112 HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
tions."^ '' It is one in which Lather HgJIs at every step/'
added Bucer.*
Time has done justice to Emser; Lather's translation is
now looked apon in Germany as faulty and insufficient ; the Old
Testament as incomprehensible by the faithful ;' the epistles as
obscure ;* the version so full of error,* that in 1836 some con-
sistories expressed a wish that it should be entirely revised.^
1 " Hunc fer^ libris, singalisque prop^ capitibus, Biblia falsftsBe ac fei^ xnille
errorea hsBreticoB, mendaciaque oooultavisse." — Jer. Emser. in
' ** Lutberi lapsus in yertendis, ezplanandisque soriptnris manifestos <
nee pancoB." — ^Bucer. Dial, contrlb Meubnchth.
Some of the errors exposed by Emser were, in Psalm czriii. t. 112 : "In-
clinavit oor meum ad faciendas jusiificationes iuas in sternum," Luther had
omitted " propter retribntionem.*'
In the Epistle of St. John he has omitted the 7th yerse : ''Tree sunt qui
testimonium/' etc.
In St. Paul to the Romans, ch. iii. yer. 26, " Arbitramur hominem justi-
ficari perfidem sine operibus;" he has added '^solam." To those who, like
Emser, complained of that addition, Luther replied : " Si papista se morosum
et difficilem probere yult de yoce told statim die : Papista et asinus eadem res
est : Sic yolo, sic jubeo, sit pro ratione yoluntas." He adds, in the Altenburg
edition of hie works : " Ck>ntendunt papistsB solam fidem charitate formatam
justificare. Hie debemus ropugnare et totis viribus nos opponere : hie nullis
cedero debemus nee latum unguem, nee coBlestibus angelis, nee inferorum
portis, nee Bauoto Paulo, nee centum imperatoribus, neo mille papis, nee totl
mundo, et hisc sit mea tessera ao Bymbolum.**
In 1 Cor. ch. ix. yer. 5, " Nunquid non habemus potestatem mulierem for-
tem cireumducendi," he adds, "in uzorem.''
In Psalm Ixxy. yer. 12, ** Yoyite et roddite Domino Deo yestro," he trans-
lates, " Habete Dominum pro Deo yestro."
In Proy. eh. xxxi. yer. 10, " Mulierem fortem quis inyeniet," he puts in the
margin, " Nihil melihs est in terrft amore mulierum, si heo son obtingat alicui,
ut eo possint frui."
In Acts, ch. xix. yer. 18, " Multique credentium yeniebant confitentes et
annuntiantes actus," he writes, "Yeniebant et annuntiabant quid quisque
eorum negotiatus esset."
Osiander asserts that Luther has interpreted many passages of the Soripturea
most fidsely and deceptively.
' Neue deutsche Bibliothek, torn. ziii. p. 827.
* Seruensee, AUgemeine deutsche Bibliothek, tom. Ixzyi. p. 60.
* Ck)n8iBtorialrath Horstig's neue deutsche Bibliothek, tom. xiii. p. 66. See
Geschichte der deutschen Bibel-Uebersetzung Dr. Martin Luther's : Leipsig,
Kohler, 1886, yon Heinrich Schott.
* Luther was assisted in his translation by Melancthon (to Spalatinus, 1522).
He first published the Gospel of St. Matthew ; then that of St. Mark, the Epistle
to the Bomans, and finally the other portions of the New Testament, which
was then published complete in September, 1522. Towards the end of No-
yember, 1522, he began to translate the Old Testament, with extraordinary
ardour. In January of the following year he published the books of Moaes,
which he had sent to press in the preceding December (to Spalatinus, 2 Noy.).
Job, commenced in 1524, occasioned him much difficulty : '' It would seem,"
THE BIBLE. 113
Protestants accuse the Catholics of having concealed the word
of God until the advent of Luther. That a writer like M. de
Villers should dare to assert in prints " that to translate the
Bible into the vulgar tongue would have been an audacity
deserving of death," surprises us beyond everything; for had
not Bossuet said, in his " History of the Variations," " We had
similar versions for the use of Catholics centuries preceding the
Keformation?" Is the language of the bishop of Meaux to be
despised ? John Lefevre d'Etaples, in fact, had published, in
1523, his translation of the Bible, on which he was engaged
before even Luther's name was known in France.* Previous to
M. de Villers, Seckendorf wrote, that German translations of the
Bible had appeared at Wittemberg in 1477, 1483, and 1490,
and at Augsburg in 1518.^ Entirely prepossessed with the honour
of Germany, M. de Villers is never tempted to glance at other
countries to study their intellectual movement. Had he been
acquainted with Italy, he would have seen that she anticipated
other nations in elucidating the sacred text. Jacobus de Voragine,
bishop of Genoa, and author of the ^' Golden Legend," translated
the Bible into Italian about the end of the thirteenth century,
nearly at the same time when Dante wrote. At Venice, about
1421, Nicolo Malermi or Malerbi, a Camaldulensian monk,
translated the word of God' so successfully, that his version was
reprinted nine times in the fifteenth century, and nearly twenty
times in the succeeding one.^ Another monk, Guido, translated
he said to SpalatiDUB, " tliat the wnter did not wish that he should ever he
traoslated." The Prophets appeared in 1 527 (to LanguB, 4 Feh.) ; Isaias in
1528. In 1580 his translation was finished. It was revised and corrected
SQCcesfdvely in 1541 and 1545. — Seckendorf, Comm. de Luther, lih, i. sect. U.
§ 125, 126, p. 204. In the library at Wittemberg is a copy of tiie original
edition of Lutber*8 New Testament, with this title : Das Newe Testament
denttch : Wittenberg, folio, without the names of translator or printer, and
without date.
* John d'Etaples, vicar-general of Meauz, has been suspected of a leaning
to the reformed doctrines ; but it is very certain that he was engaged on his
translation long before he lent an ear to Luther's novelties.
* Seckendorf, Comm. de Luther, lib. i. sect. li. § 125, p. 204.
' Fontanini, Delhi Eloq. Ital. p. 673. Another translation of the Bible,
which appeared in October of the same year, without the names of printer or
author, is mentioned by Dibdin (^dee Althorp, torn. ii. p. 44). — ^BibL Spen*
cer. torn. i. p. 63.
* Foflcarini, Delia Letteratura Yeneziana, torn. i. p. 839. Proflpectos of a
New Translation, by Dr, Geddes, p. 103.
VOL, IL I
114 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
the four Gospels with the commentaries of Simon do Cascia ;
and Federico of Venice published an exposition of the Apoca-
lypse in 1394.1 Finally, in 15S0, Brucioli made a complete
translation of the sacred books. It was to Brucioli that Aretino
wrote, in 1537 :^ *' You are unequalled in the knowledge of the
Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and Chaldee ; " and the poet ought to
have added Italian, for Brucioli wrote in that language, as Luther
did in German. He was master of the old idiom of Dante's
time, as Luther was of the ancient Saxon. The Church con-
demned his translation, and Brucioli submitted.
Let us, then, be no longer told that the Church is opposed to
the diffusion of the Sacred Word. Why should she be so ? Is
not this word the manifestation of her truth and immortality ?
What she will not suffer is, that this living Word should be
left like a profane text to every unauthorized commentator;
that every one, whether resting or not on the faith of Jesus
Christ, should experiment upon it as an ordinary human pro-
duction, and expose to the world his folly or his doubts ; that
the word of God should be treated like an old poem just dis-
covered, and hitherto unexplained. " Writing," says Plato, ^' is
not like speech ; speech can explain itself, but writing cannot."
This word has spoken by the lips of the fathers, the doctors, and
the martyrs of the new law. Does not the conduct of the here-
siarchs justify her in her care of the Divine Word? What
would have been its lot, had not the Church from the earliest
ages watched over this sacred deposit ?
We shall see; **It is very probable that the pure doctrine
of Jesus Christ has not been preserved intact in the New
Testament." «
" The Gospel of St. Matthew is neither by an apostle nor an
eye-witness."*
* Li Quattro Yolumim de gli Evangeli volgarizzati da Frate Guido, oon le
loro Esposizioni Fatte per frate Simone da Gasoia : Yen. 1486. L'Apocaliase
con le Chiose de Nioolo da Lira, iraslaxione di Maestro Federico da Yenesta,
lavonita nel 1894, e atampatA : Yen. 1619. Erasme del Signore Marvhese
Scipione Maffei, p. 19. Roveredo, 1739.
* Ergotzlichkeiten nus der Kirchenhistorie und Literatur, von Schelhorn.
Mazzucchelli. Scritt. It. torn. li. p. 4. Th. M'Orie, Hiatory of the Progress
and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy in the Sixteenth Gentniy, p. 59
et seq.
3 August!, Theol. Monatsschrift, No. 9.
* Fischer, cited by Ilc3eninghau8> 1. c. torn. 1. p. 176.
TUB BIBLE. 115
" The Qoflpds of St Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke, have
been derived from an Aramean manuscript.''^
*^ The Gospel of St. John is the composition of some philo-
sopher of Alexandria."*
" The Epistles attributed to St John are by an unknown
Jew."5
" The Epistle to the Hebrews was composed by a philosopher
of Alexandria."*
" The Apocalypse of St John is repudiated by a great number
of Protestant commentators." *
" The history of Moses, until the attainment of the promised
land, has been falsified by priests for the benefit of the Jewish
hierarchy."*
" The book of Judith is a pious romance ; the Cantides, a
pastoral idyll."^
" The Psahns are the production of a heated brain." «
" The writings of Solomon are not in harmony with the New
Testament."^
Permit the Bible now to be translated into the vulgar tongue
by any one who believes in the right of free inquiry, and what
will become of Christianity ?
But when the Church is once satisfied of the fidelity of an
interpreter, see how she acts. Bossuet distributed through France
fifty thousand copies of Father Amelotte's translation of the New
Testament, and as many Prayer-books in the vemacular.^^ It is
thus that she conceals God's word from the faithful.
Take one instance of the danger to which this word is
exposed by leaving it to the interpretation of every one.
* J. G. Elchhorn, Bibl. der bibl. Literatur, torn. v. pp. 761, 996.
* Staadlin, Magazin der Heligionsgeschichte, torn. iii.
' Claudius, quoted by Hoeninghaus, torn. i. p. 177.
* Lucke, tJeberaicht der zur Hermeneiitik gehorigon Literatur, von Anfang
1828 bis Miite 1829. Theol. Staod-Krit. 1830, torn. ii. p. 440.
* Allgem. d. Real*£ncyklop. torn. iv.
< Zur Yorlesung liber die Gesohichte des judischen Staats, 1828.
^ Haffher, Einleitung zu der neuen, yod der Btrassb. Bibel-Gesellschaft
veranstalteten Ausgabo der Heil. Schriit, 1819.
^ Breteohneider, Handbucb der Dogmatik, torn. ii. p. 93.
' Miaerva, Archenholz, Julius, 1809, p. 97. Bobelot, laflucnce de la Re-
formation, 8vo. p. 418.
*^ Bobalot^ Inflnonco de la B^fonuation, p. 389.
i2
116 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
" Hail ! full of grace," says the angel to that Virgin whom
the Church styles the Morning Star ; — " Ka?/>c KBxapiTWfiivji/'
says St. Luke ; — "Ave gratia plena/' says the Vulgate; —
" Ave gratis dilecta," says Theodore Beza ;^ — " Ave gratiosa,"
says Erasmus of Rotterdam f — " Ave gratiam consecuta," says
Andrew Osiander the younger ;* — "Who is received in grace,"
says the New Testament ;* — " Bist gegriisset, du Begnadete," says
the Church of Zurich.* " Wretched translations i " here exclaims
Luther. " ' Hail Mary ! full of grace,'—' gratiosa ! ' What
German hoohy has made an angel speak thus ! ' Full of grace ; '
as one would say of a pot, ' full of beer ;' or of a purse, ' full
of money. '^ I have translated it, ' Hail ! Most Holy,' — * du
Holdselige.' My translation is the correct one ; I shall have no
popish ass for my judge ; whoever rejects my version, may go to
the devil ! " In 1523, a year after the appearance of his New
Testament, Luther, forgetting his Satanic wish, translated it, in
a postil on the angelic salutation ; '^ And the angel came and
said, ' Hail ! Mary, full of grace : ' — Gegriisset seyst du Maria
voUer Gnaden."^
Now mark the commentary on this by J. Agricola, Luther's
disciple and successor in the administration of the Church of
Wittemberg, a man of learning undoubtedly.
" Gabriel, in the form of a young man, enters the bedchamber
of the young woman, and intones a love-song, a nuptial choral,
as if to obtain Mary's favour. ' Hail ! fair lady,' says he, ' Ave
gratiosa !' The Virgin, ofiFended by such a salutation, ponders,
is troubled, and cannot comprehend the message. Her modesty
is alarmed, her chastity startled, — that modesty which she hopes
never to lose, but which she feels so strongly attacked : she
knows not what is to happen."®
' In Novo Teatamento Gcnc^ et L&tind : aan. 1567, 1568«
* 1520. Nov. TesUmentam : Basil.
' Biblia Saora : Tubings, ann. KDO. foUo^
* Ann. 1587.
^ Bible printed at Zurich, ann. 1580, 8to.
* Welcher Deutsoher veretebet, was gesagt sey '. voll Gnaden ? £r muss
denken an ein Fass voll Bier, oder Beatel voll Geld."-— Oper. Luib. torn. iv.
fol. 160.
^ Oper. Lutb. part. ii. : Jensa, 1565, fol. 510 a.
* "Ingressas oubiculum puelleD Gabriel, adolescentis form^ amaforinm
NUREMBBRQ AND RATISBON. 117
And J. Agricola publicly made this commentary to the lambs
of the Beformation. The letter then may sometimes kill.
CHAPTER IX.
DIETS OF NUEEMBERG AND RATISBON. 1524—1625.
Tlie legate Campeggio at the Diet of Nuremberg. — ^Aspect of the Statee. —
Decrees of the Diet. — Luther's protest agaiust the Orders. — ^The Catholics
assemble at Batisbon in defence of their faith. — Otho Pack deceiyes the
reformed princes, by inventing a plan of conspiracy by the Catholics against
the Protestants. — His impostiure is detected by means of Duke George of
Saxony.
The Orders again assembled at Nuremberg in 1524. Cle-
ment VII. had been elected pope. War was ravaging Italy,
where Charles V. and Francis I. were contending for the empire
of the world ; and the pope had entered into an alliance with the
king of France, for fear of the emperor. These troubles occupied
men's minds, and were serviceable to the progress of the Reforma-
tion. Charles was more successfal than his rival ; he beat him,
and the pope then threw himself into the arms of the conqueror.
The emperor was great and generous ; he forgot the past, and
promised to attend to the religious affairs of Germany. The
quiddam et nuptiale ordituf, yirginem, ut apparet, peUecturus ad concubi-
tum/' etc.
The following are some examples of Protestant explanations : —
When the shepherds, in the fields of Bethlehem, were illuminated with the
Lord's glory, they only saw the light of a lantern, which they had held to their
eyes.
If Jesus laid the storm, it was because he managed the rudder properly ; and
instead of walking on the waves, he walked upon the shore.
Five thousand people were satisfied in the desert, but they had brought
bread in their pockets.
The dead who were brought to life were only entranced, or lethargic ; those
from whom the devils were expelled, only enthusiasts or crazy people.
When the Saviour rose from the tomb, he had not tasted of death, and
had escaped under cover of a cloud, when the disciples believed that he had
ascended into heaven.
Lightning flashed beside Paul, and he fancied himself wrapped in light from
heaven. — See Theodul's Grastmahl.
Dr. ThieSB reckons eighty-five different commentaries on the parable of the
unjust steward ; and one hundred and fifty on the text " Mediator autem unius
non est ; Deus autem unus est." — On the Incompatibility of the Spiritual and
Profane Power, p. 17, note 14. M. Lachat» Note on Moehler's Symbolism,
voL ii. pp. 126, 120.
118 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
pope selected as his repfesentative ot the diet, with the title of
legate d latere, Cardinal Campeggio, a man of ability and cha«
racter, an able theologian, an accomplished orator, and the
friend and admirer of Erasmus.^ But the public mind in Ger-
many was more and more excited ; the Lutherans daily acquired
new strength, and increased in audacity as in power. The
marks of Catholicism now displeased them as much as its
dogmas, and they made open war upon them. They tore down
the wayside crosses, the images and pictures, and proscribed or
insulted the clerical and monastic costume. On his entry into
Augsburg, Campeggio wished to bestow his benediction, but the
people laughed at and mocked the legate.^ The princes, who
waited to receive him at the gates of Nuremberg, entreated him
to divest himself of the marks of his dignity, for fear lest the
,populace should show him any insult. He was therefore neces-
sitated to assume secular attire, and enter Nuremberg without
any kind of ceremony. The cardinal expected to find the
Elector Frederick, to whom he was charged to deliver from the
pope a very kind brief. He relied on his natural eloquence
to induce this prince to embrace the interests of the Catholic
Church ; but the elector had left the city. Campeggio forwarded
the brief to him ; but we are ignorant of the elector's reply.
Next day, the cardinal was received in solemn audience by
the princes and deputies from the imperial cities. He was fully
prepared ; and his speech was deficient neither in address nor
ability. He painted in a forcible manner the evils to which the
new doctrines had consigned Germany, and predicted the future
calamities to which they led. He made no allusion to the
national council which the States had so urgently solicited, but
he rested on the griefances which the diet sought to have
redressed, and pledged his word that their complaints should be
attended to, and justice done to them, on condition, however,
that from this list of grievances they would expunge some articles
that manifestly tended to the overthrow of the pope's authority,
and the privileges of the Church.'
* Sckmidt, History of GermaDy, vol. vi. p. 383.
' Freilitschii Belatio ex Archir. do Comitiis. Schmidt^ 1. c. torn. vi. p. 334.
^ Menzel, Nenere GoBchichte der Deutschen, torn. i. p. 151. CocKlieiis, In
Act. Luth. Mnimbourg, Hist, da Lath^muisme, 4to, book i. p. 87.
NUREHBBRQ AND BATTSBON. 119
The strength of the two parties in the diet was thus divided :
the legate could reckon upon the votes of the Archduke
Ferdinand, the emperor's brother and lieutenant, the dukes of
Bavaria, the cardinal archbishop of Salzburg, the bishop of
Trent, and ten other secular or ecclesiastical princes. Nearly
all the deputies of the imperial cities were tainted with Luther-
anism ; and they formed the majority. The discussion was long
and stormy. Charles V. had sent to the States a mandate,
in which he insisted on the execution of the edict of Worms,
and threatened them with his anger in case of disobedience.
The Lutheran princes would have wished on that occasion to
declare liberty of conscience, in other words, resistance to the
imperial edict: they adopted a middle course. The diet
resolved that the pope should summon, with the emperor's con-
sent, a general council in Germany, to put an end to the
religious differences, and that they should bold a new assembly
at Spires, on the feast of St. Martin, in which the Orders, after
having appointed competent theologians to examine what of
Luther's doctrine should be admitted or rejected, should "for-
mally pronounce their judgment. While awaiting the decision
of the council, they promised to examine and, if possible, amend
in some points the statement of the '^ Centum Gravamina" against
the court of Bome, and, in obedience to the emperor, to put in
execution the edict of Worms.^
The resolution of the diet was absurd ; it offended every one.
It gave the laity a right to reconsider the doctrines which the
Holy See had condemned, and the vassals of Charles the power
of disobeying an imperial rescript. It recognised the decree of
Worms as the law of the empire, and provoked Germany to
disregard it. The Orders constituted themselves judges in the
matter of faith and of legislation, and by a manifest contradic-
tion, acquitted and condemned Luther, by approving of the
edict of 1620, wherein he had been denounced as a heretic, and
by ordering a fresh inquiry into his doctrines at Spires.
The legate protested, and Charles's ambassador declared that
he would carry his complaints to the feet of his master.
The emperor was at that time absent. The pope apprised
> MaimbouiiB;, 1. e. book i. p. 80. Bayaaldtta, Annal. Eccles. ad ann. 1524,
No. 15. N. I. Der BeichBabBchied, torn. ii. p. 253.
120 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
him of the resolation of the diet, and the contempt shown to
the imperial edict and the decisions of the Church. Charles,
offended, addressed a rescript to the German princes, in which
he threatened with death all who should disobey the edict of
Worms. But this was only a menace, to which the States paid
no attention. Lntheranism did not hide itself ; it marched
boldly, defying the pope and the emperor, proclaiming its griev-
ances, and forcing the doors of the Catholic churches, when the
keys were not given up to its followers. Magdeburg, Nurem-
berg,^ and Frankfort openly abolished the forms of the Cathdic
worship. At Magdeburg, on the 24th of June, 1523, the citizens
assembled, and issued orders to the civil magistrates to close the
convents, expel the priests, recognise the ministers sent from
Wittemberg, and establish communion under the two species ;
and the magistrates, who had not sufficient power to enforce
the emperor's edict, found it nevertheless to obey these fanjt-
tical citizens. Knights seriously offered the inhabitants of
Nuremberg, if they would support them, not to leave the head
of a bishop within a space of twenty miles ;' at Neustadt, some
Lutherans laid an ambush for Ferdinand's chaplain, and muti*
lated him.'' Luther was not satisfied ; the edict of the diet
enraged him. Never did a political assembly subject itself to
so severe a castigation. Had there been any drops of German
blood in the veins of one of the members of the diet, they would
have put Luther under the ban of the empire, as a chastisement
for his insolence. If only in a literary point of view, his language
is grand and magnificent.
" How shameful in the face of day are all these cheats of the
emperor and princes !* — ^how fearfully shameful those contradic-
' At Nuremberg, two curates apostatized, and published their grounds for
secession from Catholicism in a Grerman pamphlet, entitled, Reasons and CauHe
of the Conduct of the Two Curates of St. Sebaldus and St. Laurence, &c.
The pamphlet was scarcely published, when both of them married.
' " Si receptum sibi et sociis in url)e 8U& daturi easent, effecturos se esse ut
intra milliarum viginti spatium nullus reliquua esset episcopus.*' — Seckendor^
lib. i. p. 290.
* "In sylvis propd Neustadium ab equitibus sex captus atque castratuB
capellanus Ferdinandi."— Seckendorf, 1. c. p. 290.
* ** Zvrei kaiserliche uneinige und widerwartige Gebote, das Wormser Edict
und den NUmberger Reichsabschied, mit Anmerkungen und einer Bor- und
Nachrede, ftc." — Luther's Werke, torn. xv. pp. 2, 712. Ad. Menxel, torn. i.
pp. 135 et Beq. 190. Cochl. in Acta Luth. p. 116.
NUREMBEHa AND RATI8B0N. 121
tory deorees which they make against me^ proscribing me by the
edict at Wonns on the one hand, and on the other appointing a
diet at Spires to examine what is good or evil in my books ! —
definitely condemned, and yet sent to be judged at Spires ! —
guilty by the Orders in the eyes of the Germans, by whom I and my
doctrines ought to be unceasingly pursued ! — guilty, but remitted
for trial in a new court ! Blockheads and sodden-brained princes !
Well, Germans ! it appears that you must remain Germans,
asses, victims of a pope, and permit yourselves to be brayed in
a mortar like chaff, as Solomon says. Neither complaints,
informations, prayers, tears, long-suffering, or the abyss of
sorrow in which we are plunged, can avail us anything ! My
dear princes and nobles, come, quickly despatch a poor wretch ;
after my death, you will have fine doings. If you have ears to
hear, I will tell you a secret : If Luther and his doctrine, which
comes from God, were killed, do you think that your power and
existence would be more secure, and that his death would not
be a source of calamity to you ? Let us not trifle with Heaven !
Set to work, princes, kill and bum I What God wills, I
will : here I am. I only entreat that, when you have killed
me, you will not bring me to life again, to kill me a second
time. I perceive that God does not wish me to deal with
rational beings ; he delivers me to German brutes, as to wolves
and boars. But I must inform all those who believe, that
there is a God who forbids the execution of such commands.
The Lord, who has given me power not to tremble before
death, as I have shown, will make my last moments sweet and
agreeable ; you will not hasten them ; your menaces are power-
less ; you irill not prevail against me before God has called me.
He, who for the last three years has supported me against your
machinations, beyond even my hope, will prolong my days if he
wishes it, and in spite of me. If they should kill me, my death
will be a victory neither to my murderers nor their children.
They will not be able to say that I spared to warn them ;
but to what purpose? God has blinded and hardened them.
Dear princes and nobles, whether you wish it to me or not,
I beseech you to know that I desire no evil to you ; God is my
witness, and I trust that you can do me little harm. I beseech
you, by your own salvation, raise your eyes to heaven, and
122 niSTORY OF LUTHER.
change your ptnpose. Indeed, to act aa you do is smfbl and
irritating to the Lord. What would you have, my dear masters ?
God is very powerful, he will crush you : fear his might ; trem-
ble, lest he inspires you with these thoughts, lest he impels you
afterwards to fdlfil them, and destroys you, as he does the strong
ones of the earth, according to the words of the Psalmist : ' God
dissipates the counsels of the nations' (P& z.) ; and of Moses :
* For I have raised you up, to make manifest my power in you,
and to spread my name among all nations ; ' as also of the
Apostle : ' He has cast down the mighty from their seats ' (Luke,
i. 52). This is what awaits you, my dear princes, mark it
well .... Christians, I beseech you, raise your hands, and
pray to God for these blind princes, of whom he makes use to
chastise us in his great wrath ; and beware of giving your
offerings and alms against the Turk, who is a thousand times
more pious and wise than our masters. What success can such
fools, who rebel against Christ, and despise his words, hope for
in their war with the Turks ? Observe then this poor emperor,
this worm of the earth, who is not sure of one hour of life, and
who is not ashamed to proclaim himself the high and mighty
defender of the Christian faith ! What says the Scripture ?
* Faith is a rock stronger than the devil, death, or men : it is
the arm of God.' And such an arm would require the protection
of a mortal, whom the slightest illness can stretch on his bed !
My God ! is the world mad ? This is like that king of England
who plumes himself also on his title of ' Defender of tho faith
and the Church of Christ;' and the Hungarians, who sing in
their Litany : ' Ut nos defensores tuos ezaudire dignoris ! ' —
' Hear us, 0 Lord ! thy defenders ! ' Ah ! if one king takes a
fancy to make' himself the defender of the Lord, and another that
of the Holy Ghost, what fine protectors will the Holy Trinity,
Christ, and the Faith have found J I pity firom the bottom of
my heart these Christians, — these assemblies of fools, madmen,
blockheads, and idiots ! better far a thousand times to die, than
to listen to such blasphemies against the Majesty of heaven.
But it is their lot and their chastisement to persecute the word
of God : their blindness is a punishment from the Lord : may he
deliver us, then, from their hands, and in his mercy give us
other masters ! Amen."
KUBBMBEBO AND BATTSBON. 123
The Catholic princes were alanned. Safe at Wittemberg, the
Reformer brayed the emperor and the pope. His doctrines
gained ground. From Upper Saxony they had spread in the
northern provinces, and become established, partly by force,
partly by persuasion, in the duchies of Lunenberg, Brunswick,
and Mecklenbei^. Pomerania, Magdeburg, Bremen, Hamburg,
Wismar, and Rostock had opened their gates to them ; they had
crossed the Baltic, and invaded Livonia ; then Prussia, where
the margrave Albert of Brandenburg had given them protection,
and where the bishop George had openly confessed them by mar-
rying.^ After the margrave Albert married, he had appropriated
to himself, under pretext of a fief holding of Poland, Prussia, which
belonged to the Teutonic Order, of which he was grand master ! ^
The two creeds were arrayed against each other ; Lutheranism
wished to treat with Catholicism on equal terms ; from being
oppressed, it had become the oppressor. Not satisfied with erecting
places of worship for itself, it took possession of the Catholic
churches, after tearing down their images, and there, by the sound
of their bells, it summoned its gospellers to its service, and from
the pulpit inveighed against the superstitions of a religion which
it said was for ever extinct, and to which it boasted of having
given a mortal wound. The Catholic princes, either through regard
to their creed, or from fear for their crowns, felt the necessity of
closer alliance. They met at Ratisbon in July, 1 524, to confer as to
the means of supporting the Catholic religion. The assembly was
numerous: it was composed of Ferdinand, the emperor's vicegerent ;
Mathew Lang, cardinal and archbishop of Salzburg; William and
Louis, dukes of Bavaria ; Bernard, bishop of Trent ; and John,
duke of Bavaria, prince palatine, in capacity of commissioner of
the church of Ratisbon. The following bishops were represented
by plenipotentiaries : — Wigand, of Bamberg ; George, of Spires ;
William, of Strasburg ; Christopher, of Augsbuig ; Hugh, of
Constance ; Christopher, of Basle ; Philip, of Freysingen ;
Sebastian, of Brixen ; and Ernest, prince of Bavaria, in capa*
city of commissioner of the chapter of Passau.' They resolved
' In the bishop's epitaph, the poet praises George, because that in contempt
of public opinion, he had the courage to take a wife : '' Factns deinde maritus
paterque." — Hartkuochius, lib. ii. o. i. p. 808.
' Schmidt, 1. c. torn. vi. p. 876. ' Ibid. pp. 830, 840.
124 histohy of luther.
that the edict of Worms against Lnther and his adherents
should be observed as a law of the empire ; that no alteration
should take place in administering the sacraments, or in the
ritual, commands, and traditions of the Catholic Church ; that
the clergy who should marry, and the apostate monks, should be
punished with all the rigour prescribed by the canons ; that the
Gospel should be preached as interpreted by the fathers and the
doctors ; that such of their subjects as were students at Wittem-
berg should be compelled to quit that university within three
months, under pain of confiscation of their property, add that
those who had completed their studies should be disqualified
from ever holding a benefice; that no exiled Lutheran should find
asylum in the confederated States ; and that support and assist-
ance should be given to any prince who might be attacked on
account of any clause in the confederation.
The l^te who attended this conference was the first to
demand that the just claims of the Orders of Nuremberg against
certain abuses which had crept in among the clergy should be
satisfied. He published a constitution, in thirty-five articles,
for regulating the ecclesiastical government, the administration
of the parishes, and the payment of tithes. Some of these r^u-
lations depict the manners of the time. For example, in one
article ecclesiastics are ordered to wear a decent dress, and
abstain from merchandise ; in another, they are forbidden to
haunt taverns, or dispute on religious subjects over their wine.^
Seckendorf regards the conference of Eatisbon as the tocsin
wliich roused Germany ; as if Catholicism, despoiled, persecuted,
which could not protect its images in the cathedrals which it
had built, or preach to the people whom it had converted to the
faith, should submit to be delivered over to those whom Luther
styled the beasts of the arena, — the multitude, and the great !
A man may suffer martyrdom without complaining ; but a reli-
gion has another mission, and that is to live. If threatened
with death, it must repel it in the name of him who has given
it and preserves life. There are two prophecies, — the one of
Jesus Christ, who has promised his Church to protect it unto
* " Nicht in den Tabemen, sondern in Hermhausem, ordentlich leben, nnd
vom Glanben nicht freventlich, hinter dem Wein dispntiren." — Menzel, 1. c.
p. 166.
KUREMBERG AKD RATISBON. 125
the end of time ; the other of Lnther, who fixed the time when
God should cease to support Catholicism. The Lutheran princes
believed that the time predicted by the monk had arrived^ and
they strove to fulfil the accomplishment of the oracle. Every-
thing was right against the old German faith, — ^mockery, out-
rage, persecution, robbery, exile ; and they were astonished that
a religion '' which had served its time " should raise its head,
and cling to a land which had been bathed with the blood of its
martyrs ! and, as if violence had not sufficiently advanced the
work of the Reformation, they had recourse to calumny.
A wretch, named Otho Pack, offered to sell to the landgrave
of Hesse an agreement to take up arms against the Protestants,
lately concluded between Duke George and the electors of
Mayence and Brandenburg, William and Louis of Bavaria.
He put a high price on his felony : he asked four thousand
guilders for the original treaty signed by his master, for he was
chancellor to Duke Geoi^e. The landgrave immediately gave
him the money, and communicated the information to the
elector of Saxony, when both agreed to raise a numerous army
to oppose the plans of the Catholic princes: and some thousands
of men were soon under arms. Protestant Germany was in a
state of excitement. Duke George demanded to see the con-
vention which Pack had promised to deliver. On being pressed,
Pack could only give a pretended copy, to which he had affixed
his master's sesJ. Being arrested and 4ried at Cassel, he was
obliged to admit his forgery ; and, being banished from Saxony
as a punishment for his crime, he wandered about Germany for
some years, and died at Antwerp, in 1536, by the hands of the
executioner.*
' Arnold, 1. o. torn. i. p. 469. Frid. Horteleboderus^ von Ursachen des
dentschen Krieges, torn. ii. lib. ii. Sleidan, torn. i. lib. vi. Chytrens, 1. c.
lib. xii.
126 mSTORY OF LUTUEB.
CHAPTER X.
THE PEASANTS' WAR 1624—1526.
State of the public mind in Germany in 1624. — Boldness of the new doctrinee.
— Carlstadt at Orlamiinde. — Strauss at Eisenach. — ^Munzer in Thuringia. —
Partial revolts of the peasantry. — ^The association of the Bundschah. — Contnr
ternity of the Tun. — ^Luther's manifesto, addressed to the German nobility^
drives the people to rebellion. — Menzel's opinion on this point. — Insurrec-
tionary movement in the country places. — Schappeler, a priest, draws up a
manifesto for the peasants. — Effect of this appeal on the ma88e& — ^Insur-
rection of one part of Germany. — Character of Um strife.
Anarchy threatened Luther's work ; in Tain the monk strove
to arrest the religious and social movement which he had called
into action: the rebellion increased. Luther formerly said to
SpalatinuSi " They may burn these fragile leaves on which I
have written my theses, but the spirit which has breathed upon
them, never ! "' The doctor also had caused Garlstadt's books to
be thrown into the flames, and the spirit which dictated them
had escaped the commissioners of Ips highness the elector of
Saxony ; it diffused itself everywhere, and even in Wittemberg,
where Luther wished to reign master.
Sheltered at Orlamiinde, a parish in the gift of the university
of Wittemberg, Carlstadt destroyed the images, the statues of the
saints, the tombs of the old bishops of Germany, the pictures of
the old masters, the stained windows, and from the pulpit taught
the people visions, which he said came direct from heaven.
Luther laughed, and said, '' In a little while the doctor will
introduce circumcision among his little flock'' Already poly-
gamy was publicly preached at Orlamiinde. Appealing to the
Old Testament, a peasant simply asked the iconoclast if he
might not be the husband of two wives ; and the doctor, shaking
his head, could only reply by a smile.*
The greatest boldness of human language was no longer
startling; every doctrine was called in question, — prayers,
' Ranko, Deutsche Geschichte im Zuitalter der Beformation : Berlin, 18i2,
toil), ii. cb. vi.
THE peasants' WAR. 127
public woraliip, aoiiciilar confession, purgatory, good works,
Christ's divinity, and the Gospel
At Eisenach, James Strauss, a turbulent individual, opposed,
in the name of civil society, the lending of money at interest,
taxation, and tithes ; and proclaimed, in Ood's name, the nigh
approach of a spiritual kingdom, in which the poor should regain
possession of the wealth of which their temporal princes had
robbed them, and of those fine crops which the lance of the
Landsknecht, the satellite of the feudal lord, had beat down in
the labourer's fields ; new heavens which were to open, and a new
earth which was to unfold, where the hand of man could gather
aU that God's sun should cause to grow and spring in it.
Not isiX from Eisenach, Munzer, still more audacious, sub-
stituted for Luther's gospel an interior revelation, which in no
case could deceive the soul disposed to listen to it docilely : a
celestial voice which spoke to Ood's elect, and a thousand times
preferable to that dead letter, written in unintelligible characters,
which neither papists nor Lutherans could understand better the
one than the other. From his elevated pulpit he hailed, like an
inspired poet, his future Jerusalem. His language was as clear as
it was savage. In order to found his new church, it was neces-
sary, he said, to exterminate every miscreant: ''Blood!" he
exclaimed, " to fertilize the word ; the blood of the nobility and
the clergy ! "
" Away," he said, " with all those priests who exact from the
faithful money for their popish masses; they are worse than
Judas." ^ At Strasburg, Otho Brunfels declared that the time
was come for them to free themselves from that Mosaical tax of
tithes which the poor paid to their curates. The priest ought
to support himself, like ordinary men, by the sweat of his brow,
in working the soil, for working was praying. Christopher
Schappeler at Memmingen, James Wehe at Leipheim, Belthasar
Hubmaier at Waldshut, and John Wolz in the villages round
Hall, preached the same doctrine, Luther had taught that
every man was a priest ; these preachers wished that every priest
should be a man, subject, like the other sons of Adam, to the
' '* Proditores Christi sant, Jud& pejores et saoerdotibns Baal, qui pro roifwifl
papisticis et canonicM peculis decimas recipiuut." — Du Haiiooe DecimAHUA
OthonU Branfelsii ProposltioneiBj p. 115.
128 HISTORY OP LUTHEtt.
common law of labour. The peasantry thought these preachers
right. ^
In general the peasantry were on Luther's side: his new
doctrines were to deliver them from the yoke of their superiors ;
and this was a weighty one indeed.
On the death of the Hausvater [father of the family], the
lord inherited the best pair of oxen belonging to the deceased ;
on that of the Hauafrau [lady of the house], the best dress in
her wardrobe. This right was termed the Tod/all [right of
heriot]. Every peasant who changed his master was obliged
to pay the LehnaschiUing [feu-shilling] ; the finest sheaf of
wheat, the best bunch of grapes, the best fruit of his garden,
the best piece of honeycomb in his hive belonged to the lord.
On Shrove Tuesday he owed his master a hog ; at Martinmas, a
pair of geese ; and at Michaelmas, fowls. '^ The temporal or
spiritual lord," says Boettinger,' " treated his peasantry like
slaves : in body as well as soul they were subject to him ; if he
changed his religion, the vassal was obliged to adopt that of his
master without a murmur."
This pitiless sovereign disdained even to protect his property ;
the Stegreifritter scoured over the fields of which he swept away
or burned the crops; the Landsknecht, after sleeping in the
villager's hut, would set out at daybreak, frequently carrying
with him his host's wedding-cup. The peasant might mourn,
but he never dared to complain ; and it must not be disguised,
that the exactions of the priest, his spiritual lord, were often as
cruel as those of his temporal master.
So that under the herdsman's lowly thatch, from the foot of
the Godesberg to the falls of the Traun, nothing was heard at
tliis time but the wailings of despair: every place resembled
Dante's hell.«
Long before Luther, the peasantry had striven to cast off the
double yoke of their " tyrants." In 1491 they rose at Kempten
against tiieir abbot. In 1492, in Flanders, they flew to arms,
to the number of 40,000, having taken for their device on their
banner an enormous cheese. These brethren of the cheese spread
' Bollinger, Geschichle von D^utacbland. Samuel Bauer, Geschichle des
13»uernkrieg8.
' H. Krcm, Der deulsche Bauemkrieg: Reullingen, 1838, 12nio. passim.
THE peasants' wab. 129
themselyes on the banks of the Rhine and the Moselle, where
soon, by.the active measores of the spiritual and temponJ lords
of the country, they were defeated and reduced to submission.^
They were more fortunate, some years later, in Holstein, aiid
on the shores of the North Sea. The Danish princes, in order
to subdue them, had recourse to that terrible black guard, com-
posed of ruthless soldiers, whom the peasantry attacked with the
cry, *' Beware, black guard, here are the peasants."*
In 1502, the Bhine became the theatre of insurrectionary
movements, and from the small town of Niedergrombach, be-
longing to the bishopric of Spires, the signal of rebellion was
given.
Joseph Fritz constituted himself leader of the rebels, and gave
the peasantry a watchword and Standard whereby to rally round
him. The standard was a piepe of cloth, half blue and half white,
with the figure of Christ cVucified in the centre, and below Christ
a laced shoe, Bundschuh. The knights whoscampered over their
newly-sown fields wore boots. To the well-fitting and polished
boots of the Bitter they opposed the great shoe of the working
man fastened with thongs, and shod with heavy nails ; hence the
nVkOiQ q{ Bundschuh adopted by the association.^
" Who goes there ?" would be constantly heard on the high-
roads.
" Bundschuh, Stiefd" peasant or Bitter would reply ; and one
of the twain fell a corpse.
If the peasant slew his adversary, he would clasp his hands,
and exclaim: '^^lessed be God ! He who is humbled shall be
exalted."*
If the knight felled his enemy to the earth, he would say with
an oath : " To hell with the black soul of a boor ! "
But next day a peasant, passing by the scene of the fray,
would dip his handkerchief in his brother's blood, run to the
next village, rouse its inhabitants by the eight of the victim's
blood, and call for vengeance. He would generally say : '^ As
there is but one God in heaven, so should there be but one
^ Krem, 1. c. p. 7.
* ** Httt dich Gard, nun kommt der Bftuer.'*
* Krem, 1. o. p. 8.
^ '< Was unten Ut, soil oben Btehea."
VOL. 11. K
>,
130 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
master on earth/' At the close of this address, numerous pots
of beer would be tossed oflF to the death of the tyrants, those
spiritual ones especially whom Luther had wounded to the heart,
but whom the countryman's axe must prevent from rising again.
They did not always curse their enemies ; they believed them-
selves already strong enough to laugh at them.
" Patience ! " they would say, in the words of a pamphlet
which at that time was widely circulated in the country; ''it
will not always be as at present ; peasants and citizens are
weary of the game they have been made to play so long : every-
\a\ thing changes."*
One day at Schoendorf, in Wurtemberg, a peasant named
Conrad invited his comrades to come on the following Sunday
to drink and be merry. Conrad was an arrant toper, careless
of the future, who laughed at every one, even his own curate.
They kept their appointment punctually. Conrad sat astride a
large cade, his face lit up with the copious libations of wine
which he had poured with his neighbours, according to wont.
On his barrel he played the prophet, and promised to all those
who would join his confraternity lands at the foot of the moun-
tain of famine, flocks in the pastures of beggary, and fishponds
in the sea of mendicity.* The association was soon formed.
Conrad enrolled all those who loved to drink in secret as soon
as they had got a groschen to buy good wine. In 1502, a con-
fraternity had been already formed, but was obliged to dissolve
by order of the Emperor Maximilian.
Conrad did not vdsh to make war with the^ emperor, but to
laugh. His arms were a tun. Every village bM soon a confra-
ternity like that of Sch(Bndor£ They laughed, danced, sang,
and got drunk : the authorities took no notice of them. In
1514, the duke of Wurtemberg, who reckoned in his states a
great number of these confraternities of the tun, increased the
duty on wine. Conrad made a wry face at first, but ha soon
resumed his merriment, and took it into his head (having
drunk that day more than usual) to bring his master to trial
■ Ein uogewohnlicher und der ander Sendbrief des Baaemfeyndia zu
KarBtbaDDseD, gedruckt durch Johann Locher, von M tinohen.
' Menze], Ncuero Gescbichte dcr Dcutschen^ tom^ j. pp. 805; Z06,
THE peasants' WAB. 131
The assises were to be held in the market-place of Schoendorf :
the judges, his boon-companions, were appointed.
It mnst be mentioned that the dnke, who was both ayaricious
and needy, had, as was formerly done . at Constantinople, altered
the weights and measures. Now, as banker, merchant, and
privileged factor of the duchy, he was confident of making a
good profit by it ; and he was not mistaken. Accordingly, the
tribunal was constituted ; all the villagers were spectators ; the
articles indicted — the weights lightened by his grace — were
produced. Conrad took them and threw them into a vessel of
water ; they fell to the bottom. The mob clapped their hands
and laughed ; Ood had pronounced sentence, and the duke was
condemned. Eight days after, in a great number of villages,
dukes, electors, barons, and abbots i^ere summoned to the tri-
bunal of God, and everywhere their symbol — a piece of iron
thrown into water — ^was found too light, and the people shouted,
" Hurrah ! hurrah ! '" Poor Conrad's confraternities increased
in numbers ; but his associates were not all as light-hearted as
the peasant. It was at this time that Luther appeared in the
pulpit at Wittemberg, and announced that he came to deliver
Germany from the " yoke of the papacy.'' Conrad's disciples
flocked round the doctor, because he waged war with the nobility,
and promised to the poor the crumbs which fell from the table
of the wicked rich. Conrad continued to laugh ; they cut oiF
his head to make him be quiet ; but the laughter did not cease ;
the merriment went on in Carinthia, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, —
above all, in electoral Saxony, that country of Germany where
Charlemagne's foundations were so opulent Luther continued
to pursue in his wrath the prelates who fattened themselves at
the expense of Germany, and publicly from the pulpit denounced
them as robbers and knaves. Now these prelates — ^frequently we
know the temporal masters of the communities who paid to them
revenues, taxes, and all sorts of duties, — ^were sons of. ,
according to the doctor's expression, — ^hellhounds, secretaries of
the devil Menzel positively admits that Luther's was not
merely a religious but a political doctrine, that must in the end
upset society,*
* " Auch liisst rich nicbt laugneu, diss Lather zuweilen Worte fidlen liess,
in denen eine politisoho Beziehung henrortmt, und die nichts weniger ala
K 2
132 HISTORY OP LUTHEU.
Listen to the Mirabeau of the cloisters: ''I am theevan-'
gelist of Wittemberg ; Christ has so styled me : at the day of
jadgment, he will say that it is his doctrine and not my own that
I have taught.
*' Defy the bishops as yon would the devil himself. If they
tell you to beware of rising against the ecclesiastical hierarchy,
I answer: —
I " ' Would it be better to strive against the Lord and his
i word? Would it be better to let the world perish and souls
I be eternally lost, rather than to rouse these bishops from their
1 soft slumbers ? '
I '' No, no ! let all the bishops, monasteries, and colleges
perish, rather than one single souL
" What folly to die for ^ set of idols and puppets who only
fatten themselves in luxury at the expense of the labour and the
sweat of others !
*' Bishoprics, colleges, monasteries, and universities are nests
in which the wealth of princes is swallowedjip."^
" It does not do to trifle with the beer of Munich," says an
old Bavarian adage : Luther's language was equally heady. His
manifesto, after the meeting of the States at Nuremberg, was
an appeal to rebellion — a war-song.
During all the time of Luther's war with Rome, the peasantry
remained quiet under the yoke of their masters. They waited
for the result of this great struggle. Had Rome been victorious,
they would have continued to demand redress for their grievances
from the Diet or the empire, attempting, perhaps, if their com-
plaints were unheard, some partial risings ; but rebellion would
never have assumed a systematic form. Maximilian had on more
than one occasion done right to the peasants' complaints, and we
may believe that Charles V. would have granted them ample justice.
When Luther was triumphant, the oppressed listened to those
learned people who talked of liberty and enfranchisement, and they
applied to themselves, says M. Michelet, what was not said for
them,^ What mercy could they henceforward have for the masters
geeignet waren, einen im Yolke TorhandeneD GabniDgslust zu beschwich'
tigen." — Neuere Geschichte der Deutscben, torn. i. p. 16?^
' Contrk ffdsb noisinatum ordinem ecclesiasticum.
' M, Michelety M^iuoires de Luther, torn. ii. p. 163.
THE peasants' wab. 133
whom Luther ptiblicljdenonnced from his pulpit as children of hell?
The war in which the peasantry was to engage was a regular battle
between archangels and devils ; if they failed, heaven would open
for the conquered slave. Accordingly they flew to arms.
The first insurrectionary movement in the country broke
out in the Black Forest, near the source of the Danube.
On the 24th of August, 1524, a shepherd, Hans MuUer, of
Bulgenbach, at the head of a numerous band of peasants, and
preceded by a tricoloured flag, red, black, and white, entered
Waldshut, called together the inhabitants, and announced to
them that he came in God's name to deliver them from bondage.
Each member of the evangelical association, of which he had
constituted himself the chief, was to pay a small sum intended
for the furtherance of the rebellion by means of faithful messen-
gers. At this time Munzer arrived in that part of the country.*
After residing some weeks at Oriesheim, he crossed the Hegau
and Eletgau, preaching on his way the redemption of Israel,
and the establishment of a heavenly kingdom. The rebels
soon won over the counties of Wertemberg, Montfort, Sulz,
Reichnau, Constance, and Stulingen. The alarmed nobles
applied to the Suabian league to repress these outbreaks ; the
league employed entreaties and threats, but the peasants con-
tinued in arms. In other times the empire alone could have
suppressed the insurrection, but at this period it was weak,
powerless, and divided. Luther had enervated the great German
body, and destroyed that robust nationality which had cost
Maximilian so much trouble to form ; the great vassals had
ceased to walk in union with their lords.
The peasants laid their grievances, of which they insolently
demanded redress, before the imperial government at Eslingen.
" If the lords," said they, " will not give us justice with good-
will, we shall take it by force." The nobles, in order to escape
from the clubs of the peasants, were compelled to take refuge
within the walls of RatolffzelL*
For a considerable time Munzer gave precedence to Hans MuUer
of Bulgenbach, the acknowledged leader of the evangelical league ;
^ Schreiber, Tascheobnch fur Stid-Dentflchland, torn. i. p. 72.
* Certis de causis, — BuUinger adyenus Anabftptiaifcfui.
134 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
for the rebellion was formed and recruited by means of the Bible.
He cut a fine figure with his purple cloak shaped like a
chasuble, his cap fashioned like a bishop's mitre, and his horse
stolen from the abbot's stable.^ He marched, preceded bj an
enormous standard drawn on a carriage ornamented with ribbons
and foliage^ and resembling a Neapolitan corricolo. When he
arrived before a village, he dismounted from his horse, demanded
the keys of the monastic cellar, and drank with his companions,
out of the vessels of the church, to the success of the holy league.
He came not, he said, to bring war, but peace to men of good-
will, that is to say, to the abbots and nobles who would consent
to leave their splendid mansions to live like the peasant in a
thatched cabin. In the meanwhile, he laid violent hands on
the plate of the churches or castles, gave to his comrades for
their attire the finest suits from the abbatial or seignorial ward-
robes, and exchanged the work-horses of the rebels for the Meek-
lemburg steeds which he found in the stables of his tyrants.^
When the expedition was ended, the chief of the rebel corps
assembled the neighbouring villagers, by the sound of the tocsin,
in a vast plain, and a herald, mounted on a cask, read to the
silent mob the manifesto of the league.
It was drawn up by an able priest, Christopher Schappeler,
and consisted of twelve principal articles.
In this " friendly complaint" the peasants demanded : —
I. That they should be at liberty to choose their own pastors
among those who preached the Gospel in its primitive purity,
without the addition of human precepts, and depose him when
necessary, should they be dissatisfied with him.
II. That they should only pay taxes in com ; that the tax
of blood (of cattiie) should no longer be exacted, because the Lord
has created the lower animals for the use of man.
III. That they should no longer be treated as slaves, as the
property of their Iwds, both shepherd as well as emperor being
redeemed by the blood of Christ.
IV. That they should be permitted to hunt and fish freely,
' Faesslin's Beitrage zu. Historie der Kirchen-Refonnation, torn. ii. p. 68.
Walchner, Gesehichte von Batolphzell, p. 92. Banke, I. c. torn. ii. p. 198.
' Schreiber, der Breisgan im Bauernkriege, im Taschenbnch far SUd-
BeuUchland, torn. i. p. 235. Banke, 1. o. torn. ii. p. 201.
THE peasants' wab. 135
since God, in the person of Adam, had given them dominion over
the fish of the waters and the birds of the air.
V. That they might cut timber -in the forests for warming
themselves, and preparing their food and shelter.
VI. That the labour imposed on them should be mitigated.
VII. That the lord should not exact from the peasant more
gratuitous services than should be stipulated by mutual contract.
VIII. That they should be at liberty to possess real property.
IX. That the taxes should not exceed an equitable rate.
X. That the fields and meadows which had been illegally
taken from the people should be restored to them.
XL That the tribute which they were bound to pay to the
lords after the death of the &ther of a family should be abo«
lished^ so that the widow and orphans should not be reduced to
beggary.
XII. That if these grievances were ill-founded, they should be
disproved by the word of God.*
Conveyed to the valley of Odenwald, called the Schupfer-
grund, this manifesto, drawn up with studied moderation, excited
all the rural districts. George Metzler, a tavern-keeper of Bal-
lenburg, was elected leader of the rebels. He was a man of
ruined-character, who had spent the greater part of his life in ale-
houses, and would in a single day drink from twenty to thirty
pints of beer. Metzler consented to make peace with the lords
on certain conditions : the lord was to surrender the greatest
portion of his lands to the common people, renounce statute-
labour, abolish all feudal rights, and head the peasants in destroy-
* ing the spiritual princes of the nation. His troop was called the
"White Band ;" another, commanded by Hans Koelbenschlag,
was called the " Black Band.'' Together they formed a mass of
several thousand footmen and horsemen, who fought excellently,
and seldom gave any quarter to a conquered foe.
Suabia was soon overrun : the counts, of Hohenlohe and
Loewenstein, and the baron of Rosenberg, were compelled to
subscribe to the conditions imposed on them by their conquerors.
Sometimes, as before Grunbuhl, a tinker stepped forth from
■ Bensen, der Bauernkrieg in Ost-Fnmken : Erlangen, 1840. Karl Hagen,
der Geist der Befonxiation and seine Qegeniditze : Brlangen, 1844, torn. ii.
p. 135 et aeq.
136 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
the ranks, and addressing the lords whom he saw on the
eminence : " Brothers George and Albert/' he said, " come
hither, and promise to serve ns like true brothers ; for jou are no
longer lords, but mere peasants :'' and the two princes were
obliged to descend the mountain, and shake the orator's hand in
token of alliance.^
Woe to him who resisted the confederates, like the count of
Helfenstein. The prisoner's wife, a natural daughter of the
Emperor Maximilian, implored her husband's pardon on her
knees, with her infant in her arms. The peasants were deaf
to her tears and prayers : they formed a double line of soldiers
armed with pikes, through which two men drove the unhappy
count, who thus perished by the hands of his vassals. One of
his servants attended him playing on a fife, as if he were con-
ducting his master to a village ball.^
It was now the nobles' turn to implore mercy. From Oden-
wald to the frontiers of Suabia they submitted without a
murmur. The Winterstetten, the Stettenfels, the Zobel, the
Oemmingen, the counts of Wertheim and Rheineck, and the
Hohenlohe, delivered their artillery to the rebels.* Then the two
great bands, the " White" and the " Black," united to march
against the most powerful lord of Franconia, the bishop of
Wurtzburg. On their way, the peasants met coming to them
a renowned captain, Goetz von Berlichingen,* who, by placing
himself at the head of the insurgents, sought means of revenge
on his old enemy, the league of Suabia. Wurtzburg threw open
its gates to the allies.^
Germany was in flames : the monasteries, says one historian,
fell like card houses ; the peasantry thought that God had com-
manded them not to stop until there remained nothing but
cottages. The Frankish and Suabian races rushed upon the
various countries of Germany to overturn the social institutions
to their foundation. At that time the rebellion was much more
of a religious than a political character. This was because it had
* Banke, 1. o. torn. ii. p. 205. ' Benseii, 1. o. p. 526.
' Chronik der Truchsessen, torn. ii. p. 195.
* LebensbeschreibuQg des Gotz, p. 201.
' Jobann Keinbard, WUrzburgiachd Chronik, in Ludwig Wlirzb. (jlescbicbt-
Bohr. p. 886.
THE PBASANTB' WAR^ 1S7
ceased to be directed by mere peasants : the priest came to lead
the masses. Munzer, the chief of the rebels, was in Thuringia,
preaching through the country from morning to night the deli-
yerance of Israel. He said that the poetic Christ of Luther —
the Christ of love and mercy — had served his time ; that the
true Christ had come, who desired that the weeds should be
plucked out of the fields whose produce they choked. He
refused to subscribe to the treaties which the peasants had
settled with their masters in Suabia and Franconia. According
to him, the world could not be ruled by princes. Under God's
heaven every creature ought to be free, all property common, —
air and water, fish and fowl, herbs and rocks. He acknowledged
no law framed by man's hand i there was only one great law, he
repeated, which should be obeyed, the inward revelation ; but
there was need of a new Daniel to interpret it, and march at the
head of the regenerated nations like Moses ; and Moses and
Daniel were both personified in himself.*
While Germany was a prey to these frightful convulsions, —
while the blood of her children was flowing at the foot of the
Harz, on the banks of the Rhine, and as far as the mountains
of the Danube, a man, who had rendered signal service to the
Beformation, expired in his castle of Lochau, a prey to terrible
sufferings, which he bore with resignation. The court-preacher
knocked at the door of the dying man, who raised himself on hi»
couch to salute his visitor. " Thanks,'' said Frederick, duke of
Saxony, to the minister, — " thanks for your kind visit ; the Gospel
commands us to visit the sick ; and I am very ill." And making
the priest approach his bed, he talked in a feeble voice of the
peasants' insurrection, of Luther, the friend of his heart, of the
destinies of the new doctrine, and of the future life. Then he
summoned his domestics. " My children," said he to them, " if
I have offended any of you, I beg your forgiveness, for the love
of God. We princes often do wrong without being aware of it ;
it is necessary to excuse us." He then asked for a devotional
book, published by Spalatinus, of which he read a few pages,
received the communion in both species,^ and expired. He was
* ThmiDgia Sacra^ torn. ii. p. 173 et seq. Strobel, Leben, Schriften and
Lehren Thoma Mtinzers, p. 95.
* SpalatiD, Leben Friedricbs des Weisen, p. 60.
138 • HISTOBT OP LUTHER,
a well-infonned man, of pure morals, and great mildness of dis-
position, but weak and pusillanimous. As a lover of peace, he
constantly refused to join in the measures which the emperor
wished to adopt against the new doctrines. To put down the
disturbances which Luther raised in Germany, it would have
been necessary for him to emerge from that tranquillity in which
he had buried himself. So, at every great peril which threat-
ened the &ith and society, he withdrew, and betook himself in
unworthy flight to the solitude of his green forests, where he
fancied he should fulfil the orders of God, with a pagan poet in
his hands. His mind resembled his body ; once gained by
Luther, it quietly slept, without the admonitions of the Catholic
Church being ever able to rouse it from its voluntary supineness.
Of such princes let us not inquire the religious or political
convictions ; they die as they have lived, in a philosophic calm
which the world sometimes calls wisdom, but which is merely
a chastisement of Heaven.
Frederick died without issue, on the 4th of May, 1525. His
brother John succeeded him.
CHAPTER XL
END OF THB PEASANTS' WAR AND EXECUTION OF MTJNZER.
; 1526.
What part does Luther take in the rebellion ^ the peasanti against their lords f
— His address to the nobles. — ^The peasants, emboldened by his language^
rise in all qiiarters. — Phiffer. — Munzer goes to the mines of MansfSold. —
Luther changes his opinion and language ; his manifesto to the rebels. —
The prophet's reply. — Osiandeir and Erasmus accuse Luther. — Progress of
the rebellion. — Luther preaches the murder of the rebels. — Melancthon'a
language. — ^Battle of Franckenbausen. — Defeat of the peasants. — Munzer is
reconciled to the Catholic Church, and dies denouncing Luther. — Is Luther to
be accused of having misled the peasantry ? — ^The musket^ the ultimate ratio
to which the monk appeals for settling the rebellion. — ^The Protestant princes
rally to that theory of despotism. — It is one of the causes of the suooess of
the new doctrine.
Gebmany had its eyes fixed on Luther ; she anxiously inquired,
what part would he take in this great crisis ? If he declared for
END OF THE PEASAKTS' WAR. 1S9
the rebels, there was an end to society in Germany ; a new world
wonld arise oat of the chaos which his almighty word was to form,
— but what sort of a world ? If he was faithful to the doctrines of
liberty which he had hitherto preached, inflexible logic inevitably
wonld compel him to defend the insurrection of the peasants ;
for they, in order to destroy the ecclesiastical hierarchy, employed
those very Bible texts of which he so frequently had made use.
How could he condemn a crusade undertaken against the priests
of Rome, whom he had cursed and vilified both in the pulpit and
in his writings ? At the commencement of that great war of the
cottage against t^TlEon^E^^ISSihfi^aBCiLO^^
feroluliUilUI^ niovement would be directed by his implacable""
ml^rHii^ Iffnrizftr^^i^iit^^ hiTr^p^\f pu the ^d^ Q^--- "^^
tt^jlgasantry: — Jfcih^L-aSdreSses the nobility of Germany,*
and his ^unsels resemble rather the transports of^pasBias^thkn
tSradadcO-Mj^ wise mediaFdf. .^
'^ On you first, princes and lords, devolves the responsibility
of these tumults and seditions ; on you especially, blind bishops,
stupid priests, and monks ! ^
' " Ton, who persist in playing the fool, and attacking the
Gospel, knowing perfectly weU that it will stand firm against
your assaults.
" How do you govern ? You only oppress, ravage, and pil-
lage to maintain your pomp and arrogance. The people and the
poor are sick of you.
" The sword hangs over your heads, and you fimcy yourselves
to be so firmly seated, that you cannot be upset.
" You will see that this blind security will break your necks
.... God presses and threatens you ; his wrath will burst upon
you, if you do not repent.
" Look at the signs in the heavens, those admonitions of the
Lord t these denote no good, my dear masters ; these predictions
from above, my good lords, announce that the people are weary
of your yoke, and that the time is arrived when they are ready
to break it.
" There must be a change. Beware of God's wrath ; if you
* Vermahniinff tan die Filrsten trad an die Bauern : Witt. Mail, 1525.
Ulenberg, Vita Martini Lntheri, p. 262 et seq.
* '' Primtun nemini poesum referre id tnmoltOB qukm robis prindpibos."
140 HISTORY OP LUTHBB.
do not apply to it with good-will, they will make nse of brute
force.
" If the peasants had not risen, others would have come ; and
if you were to annihilate all the insurgents, others would appear.
God will stir up new ones. He wishes to chastise you, and he
will do so, my good lords ; it is not the peasantry who rebel
against you, but God himself, who comes to visit you in your
tyranny.*
*' A drunken man gets a litter of straw ; the peasant must
have a much softer bed Do not go to war with them, for you
know not how that will end."*
I iff ^^^ peasants, emboldened by this manifesto, and confident
henceforward of Luther's assistance, rose in a mass.
Thuringia, Alsatia, Saxony, Lorraine, and the Palatinate rose,
relying on the Reformer's words ;* the fields were covered with
rustic tents, from which ascended, instead of war-cries, sacred
hymns. The peasants sang as they marched, armed with stakes,
which they cut in the forests, and were protected in their camps
by dense ramparts of chariots raised in form of intrenchments : they
said that God, on the day of battle, would cover them with his
buckler. God seemed to fight for them ; victory had provided
^them with lances, pikes, horses, and even cannon. But what
artillery was equal to that burning eloquence of some of their
leaders, which swept before it the fields, and depopulated them
to drive their inhabitants to revolt ? Storch was no more. It
is said that nature creates beings expressly for times of com-
motion, and keeps them in reserve, to produce them when the
storm is about to burst. Such is the new man who presents
himself in the name of Heaven, to fill the place of the absent
prophet : he is a Catholic renegade, a Premonstratensian monk,
dealing with the Lord, who reveals to him his pleasure in
' " Non rusticos esse qui nunc insurgunt contrk principes, sed Deum ipsnm
ezercere vindicfcam quam tyranni ipsorum merentur." — Ulenberg, 1. c. p. 262.
* " Oedant fiirori popularium, nee acie cum illis cozifligant, Bed animoa illo-
rum pertentent ob]at& transactione." — ^Ibid.
' " Die Bauern seteten sich swar anfanglich mit Luther in Verbindung.*' —
Karl Hagen, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 139. Vie may see in the work of M. Hagen,
professor of histoxy at Heidelberg, how Luther deceived the peasantry. The
Der Geist der Heformation und seine Gegensatze, of this Protestant author, is
a conscientious work, in which the spirit of the Beformation is nearly always
impartially judged.
V
END OF THK PEASANTS' WAR. 141
dreams. PhiiFer does not seek for his inspiration in the Bible ;
he narrates the marvels of his slumbers, and this narrative rouses
the multitude.^
Listen to one of his visions :— " I saw," says he, " a vast
swarm of rats, who rushed into a bam to devour the grain !
Princes, you are the rats who oppress us ; nobles, you are the
rats who devour us. But, during my sleep, I attacked these
vermin, and made a great slaughter of them. To arms, then !
away from your fields ! — to your tents, 0 Israel ! — now is the
day of battle ; our tyrants and their castles fedl ! A rich booty
waits us, which we shall carry to the feet of the prophet, who
will apportion it faithfully among his disciples."
Munzer, for his part, descended into the mines of Mansfeld.
" Arouse, brethren, arouse ! " cried he ; " awake, you who
sleep ;^'?&ke your hammers, and break the heads of the Philis-
tines. Victory declares for our brethren at Eichsfeld : glory to
them ! Let their example serve as a lesson for you. Gome to
us, Balthasar, Bartlet, Krump, Walten, and Bischof. Take
care of God's work. Brethren, let not your hammers remain
unemployed ; strike with repeated blows on the anvil of Nim-
rod; employ the iron of your mines against the enemies of
Heaven ; God will be your master ! What, then, have you to
fear, if he is with you? When Josaphat heard the words of
the prophet, he threw himself with his face on the earth.
Brethren, bow your heads, for behold God comes in person to
your rescue."
Then these subterranesin arsenals were seen to pour forth
battalions of men black with smoke, armed with shovels, mat-
tocks, and red-hot iron, responsive to the voice which summoned
them with cries of blood against the nobles or priests. Munzer,
like another Satan, — ^for we fancy we are reading a scene from
Milton, — counts them, ranges them in battle- array, and points
out to them the spot of the general muster. None of them were
missing.
On issuing from the mines, he addressed this energetic appeal
to other brethren in rebellion : —
" Do you sleep, then, dear brethren ? Come, to fight the
' Menzel, Neuere Geschichte der Deatschen, torn. i. pp. 190^ 1^99, &q.
142 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
battle of heroes : the whole of Franconia has risen ; the maater
shows himself ; the wicked fall. At Fulda, in Easter-week, four
pestiferous churches have been pulled down ; the peasants of
Klegen have run to arms. Were there only three confessors of
Jesus among you, you would not have to fear a hundred thousand
enemies. To work ! Dran, dran, dran ! — [At it, ai it, at it !]
Now is the time ; the wicked shall be hunted like dogs. No
mercy for these atheists ; they will pray, caress, and whimper to
you like babies ; no mercy ; it is God's command by the lips of
Moses, ver. 7. Dran, dwm, dran ! for the fire bums ; let not
the blood get cold on the blades of your swords.^ Pink, pank,
on the anvil of Nimrod ; let the towers fall beneath your blows.
Dran, dran, dran ! Now is the time : God leads you ; follow
him."
Placed between the nobles, who loudly laid to his charge the
troubles which rent Germany, and the peasants, who hailed him
at once as their apostle and liberator, what was Luther to do ?
If, as he said, it was not the peasants who rebelled against their
lords, but God, who came to chastise their merciless oppressors,
could he, without denying his own words, abandon the oppressed ?
What bed was he to prepare for these unhappy rustics, for
whom he demanded a couch softer than the straw whereon a
drunken man was stretched ? When he implored, in cries of
lamentation, mercy for the slave, the slave was not led by a
Spartacus in a cassock. With Hans of Bulgenbach, Luther
continued to be master of the consciences, which he directed and
ruled ; but if Munzer triumphed, Luther would be unseated, and
cease to be the ecclesiastes of Wittemberg, the Lord's chosen,
the pure disciple of Christ : the " prophet of murder " is the
spiritual master of Germany.
Luther undertook to reply to the manifesto of the peasants.^
*' My brethren, the princes who oppose the propagation of the
Gospel light among you are deserving of God s vengeance ; they
merit dethronement. But would you not be also guilty, were you
' " Lunet ener Schwert nicht kalt werden you Blut : sohmiedet pink, pvok
auf dem Ambos Nimrod, werfet den Thunn zu Boden." — Luther*8 Werke,
alit of Alteoburg, torn. ui. p. 134. Menzel, 1. c. torn. i. pp. 200—202.
' Erraahnung zum Frieden : Auf die XII Artikel der Bauerscbaft ia Schwa-
ben; Wittcjnberg, 1525, 4 to.
END OF THB PBASANTS' WAE. 143
to stain your hands and souls with the blood which you in*
tend to shed ? I know that Satan conceals among you, under
the guise of the Gospel, cruel-hearted men, whose infuriated
tongues seek to destroy me ; but I despise them, and fear not
their rage. They tell you that you will conquer, that you are
inyincible. But cannot the God who destroyed Sodom crush
you ? Tou have taken up the sword, — you shall perish by the
sword. In resisting your rulers, you resist Jesus Christ You
say : ' The yoke of our masters is unbearable ; let us break it,
for they deprive us of the liberty of hearing the Lord's Yoice.'
But the law of nature forbids you to take the law into your own
hands ; you demand it in the name of an authority to which you
have no right. Speak not of revelations as authorizing your
rebellion ! Where are the miracles which attest them ? What I
would the Spirit of the Lord come to confirm by prodigies,
larceny, murder, rapine, and the usurpation of the rights of the
magistrates ? They take your property from you, it is a sin ; you
take from them their jurisdiction, you are equally guilty. What
would the world be, were you to succeed, but a den of robbers,
where violence, pillage, and homicide would prevail ? Jesus has
no need of brute force to defend him. Peter drew his sword,
when they sought to take the Redeemer's life, and the Gospel
from his disciples. What did the Lord do ? He commanded
Peter to return his sword to its scabbard : a noble lesson, that
patience should be your only weapon in the day of trial.
Observe that I have always respected the supreme authority.
Under its powerful protection, I have heard unmoved the papists'
cry of vengeance. However, I do not . protend to justify your
rulers ; I know their injustice, and detest it : but wait, your
day will come.
** You ask to be permitted to hear the Gospel in liberty ; but
that word is preached to you in more quart<;rs than one.
Cannot you change your residence, and come hither to drink at
the source of the Divine Word ? Come, you will find Jesus
here. You wish to choose your own pastors ; your rulers are
there, convey your wishes to them ; if they refuse to hear you,
you are then frc^e ; if they employ force against you, let the
shepherd fly, and his flock with him. * No more tithes ! ' you
exclaim. By what right do you take them from their lawful
I4i HISTORY OF LUTHER.
possessors ? It is to convert them to charitable pnrposes. But
ought you to be so liberal with what is not your own ? You wish
to emancipate yourselves from slavery > but slavery is as old as the
world. Abraham had slaves, and St Paul laid down rules for
those whom the law of nations had reduced to servitude. The
rights of fishing, hunting, and pasturage are regulated by the
law of the land. On reading my letter, you will shout, and
exclaim, that Luther has become the courtier of the princes ;
but, before rejecting my counsels, examine them ; above sdl, do
not listen to the voice of these new prophets, who deceive you :
I know them."
By way of reply, Munzer tore out a page of the pamphlet,
entitled, ** Contra fals6 nominatum Ordinem Ecclesiasticum,"
and sent it to Luther. It was thus : —
"Wait, my 'lord bishops, imps of the devil; Doctor Martin
will read you a bull which will make your ears tingle. This is
the Lutheran bull : * Whosoever with his arm, his fortune, and
his estate, shall assist in destroying the bishops and the episcopal
hierarchy, is a true son of God, a real Christian, who obeys the
commandments of the Lord.' "^
Osiander, the Sacramentarian, regrets that Munzer had not
been acquainted with this passage of Luther's pamphlet against
Sylvester Prierias : —
" If we hang robbers, behead murderers, and bum heretics,
. / ought we not to wash our hands in the blood of these masters of
/ / perdition, these cardinals, popes, serpents of Rome and Sodom,
I who defile the Church of God ?"«
" Alas ! poor peasants," adds Osiander, " whom Luther flatters
and caresses, while they only attack the bishops and the clergy !
But when the rebellion increases, and the insurgents, laughing
at his bull, threaten him and his princes, then appears another
bull, in which he preaches the murder of the peasants, as he
/
/
*"Nunc attendite yos episcopi, imb Iarv» diaboli, doctor Lutheras vnlt
vobis bullam et refonnationem legere, qnie vobis non ben^ sonabit^ dootores.
Doctoris bulla et reformatio : qaicamque opem ferunt, oorpaa, bona et famam
impendunt ut episcopi devastentur et eplBcoporum regimen eztingnatur, hi
sunt dilecti filii Dei et veri Ghristiani, observantea preoepta Dei et repugnantes
ordinationibuB diabolL" — Op. Luth. torn. IL fol. 120 : Wittemben. Osiander/
Cent. 18, p. 87. '
« OsLvuder, Cent. 161, &c. p. 109.
BND OF THE PBASANTS' WAR. 145
would of a flock.^ And when they are slain^ how will he cele-
brate their frinerals ? — ^by marrying a nun ! "*
And to the accusation of Osiander is added that of ErasmuB.
'^ It is to no purpose that, in your cruel manifesto against the
peasants, you repudiate all ideas of rebellion ; your books are at
handy written in the vulgar tongue, wherein, in the name of Gospel
liberty, you preach a crusade against the bishops and monks : in
them is the germ of all these tumults.'"^
Meftnwhile, the rebellion daily made greater progress, and
Munzer threatened Wittembeig. Luther felt the necessity of
preventing, at all hazard, the triumph of his rival, although he
^ust renounce his own logic, give the lie to his doctrines, alter
his language, and demand the blood of Christians whom but
recently he desired should be spared. Lately, the enslaved
peasant was an oppressed being, deserving compassion ; now he
is only a rebel, whom human justice ought to pursue with its
ven^ance. Lately, Luther piously collected the tears of the
poor, which he offered to GK>d as a holocaust of propitiation ;
now, it is the blood of the rustic which he demands, as an
expiation and a punishment
Listen : let none of his new words be lost. He sings his
MarseiUaise : —
<' Gome, my princes,'' he cried, " to arms ! to arms ! the
time has arrived, the wondrous time, in which a prince can
easier win heaven with blood, than others with prayers.^
''Strike, slay, front or rear: for nothing is more devilish
' *' Luthenia chm eoa inermes viderety nee satis potentes ad provBlendiun,
eoB ad obedientiam bortatus est. Chm verb turmatim confluentes paci minimi^
acqnieecerent, sed bnUani Lutheri traosgredientesy non inod5 epimopos et
demm, sed alios etiam prooeres impugnarent, aliam bullam edidit, quAeos
omnes tanquam feras mactandafl esse statu! t." — Osiander, Cent. 6, p. 103.
* *' Lntberos non aliter itinera eorom canit quiun ipse monacbas virginem
Dei Totam Boram sibi oopalando." — Gent. 104, p. 100. See the learned work
of BreUeins, translated into Latin by William Reynerius, by the tide of
Apologia Protestantinm, etc. : Paris, 1665, 4to.
* "Ta qoidem libello in agrioolas ssTinimo snspioionem abs te depulisU,
nee tamen efficis qnominiks credant homines per tuos libellos, prassertim 6er-
maniob soriptos, in oleatos et rasos, in monacbos, in episoopos pro libertate
evangelioA, oontra tyi-annidem humanam, hisoe tumultibos datam occasionem."
-r-Brasmi Hyperaspites.
* ** Mirabile tempus, nimirbm ut principes mnltb faciliiu truddandis rustids,
et sanguine fundendo, qn2an alii fhndendis ad Deum predbuB coelum merean-
tur.'*--Oper, Luth. torn. ii. fol. 130. V\7ittcmb. torn. ii. fol. 8i> b.
VOL. II. L
146 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
than sedition ; it is a mad dog that hites yon^ if yon do not
destroy it.
'' There mnst be no more sleep^ patience, or mercy > the times
of the sword and wrath are not times of grace.
'' If yott fall, you are martyrs in the sight of God, because
you walk according to his word ; but if your enemies, the rebel-
lious peasants, fall, they will have their inheritance in eternal
fire, because they take up the sword contrary to God's com-
mands : they are children of Satan.''
Melancthon concurred with his master to subdue the peasantry.
Be said to the princes : —
'^ These rustics are indeed unreasonable ; what, now, would
these countrymen wish, who have ahready too much fireedom ?
Joseph increased the burden of the Egyptians, because he knew
that he must not give the people. the reins." ^
The rebels, placed in the dilemma of death or apostasy, did
not hesitate ; in their eyes, death was martyrdom ; apostasy,
eternal punishment. Their courage did not fail them, and, in
sight of the gibbet with which he was threatened, Munzer main-
tained all his daring.
The letter which he wrote to the count of Mansfeld is a
savage defiance.
" To Brother Albert, count of Mansfeld, for his conversion.*
^' Brother, you abuse a text of the apostle in preaching to us
submission to the magistrates. Tou are still in the toils of that
papacy which made Peter and Paul two tyrants to us. Do you
not know that God, in his anger, often makes the people chas-
tise princes, and hurl wicked kings from their thrones ? It is of
you, and such as you, that the mother of Christ has said : ' The
Lord hath put down the mighty, and hath exalted the humble.'
In your Lutheran and Wittemberg repasts, have you not learned
what Ezekiel prophesies in his 37th chapter, that God has com-
' *' Ja 68 yfwe voimdihen, dass ein solch wild, nngezogen Yolk als Deutsche
Bind, noch weniger Freiheit hatte, &,c" — Pfizer, Luther's Leben, p. 816.
CDmpare Melancthon's aentimenta at this time with thoee which he held
on S Feb. 1523. GorptiB Beformat. torn. i. p. 600. Earl Hagen, 1. c. torn. ii.
p. 140.
' Binder Albrechten von Mansfeld zur Bekehning geschrieben. — Leben,
Schriften und Lehren Thoni& MUnzer's, tou Strobel : Numberg, 17^5, Svo.
p. 08.
END OP THB peasants' WAR. 147
manded the fowls of the air to feed upon the flesh of princes, and
the beasts of the field to drink of the blood of the great ? Are not
the people whom you oppress more s^eeable in the sight of God
than the wicked, who fatten on their substance ? Idolater, who
take the name of Christian, you have the words of St. Paul in
yonr mouth : you rush to destruction. Henceforward, dominion
is to the people. Break the bands which bind you to our tyrants ;
come to us ; our anns are open to receive you. If you advance
against us, come on ; we despise your threats and your sword.
Soon will the hand of God press upon your brow. From Thomas
Munzer, armed with the sword of Gideon.''^
At the same time, the prophet sent to Count Ernest, the bro-
ther of Albert of Mansfeld, then at Heldrungen, this insolent
cartel: —
" Tell me, then, count, wretched wormbag (Madensack), who
has appointed you prince of that people, whom Christ has
redeemed with his blood ? Prove to us that you are indeed a
Christian ; I offer you a safe-conduct to come hither, to demon-
strate your faith. Ton must exculpate yourself from the crime
of tyranny ; if you do not come, I shall excite against you my
brettiren, who will treat you like a Turk. You shall be exter-
minated from the earth, for God has commanded us to hurl you
from your throne ; you are good for nothing here on earth ; you
are but the infamous dust-broom* of God's servant. We demand
an answer to-day, or we shall march to seek it in the name of
the God of battles."
The two brothers kept the appointment.
We now arrive at the catastrophe of this painfully-interesting
drama.
The scene was at Franckenhausen, where all the princes were
met. The army of the allied nobles was commanded by the
landgrave of Hesse, and Duke George of Saxony, the prince
whose love of literature has been praised by Erasmus,^ and whom
' MeahoviuSy De Anabapt. lib. i. This ih the same Count Albert to whom
Lather addressed a remarkable letter, on works and communion in both
species. Witt. ix. 235, quoted by Wilh. Martin Leberecht de Wette, tom. ii.
p. 341, Luther's Briefe.
' "Deun du bist der Christenheit nichts niitz, du bist ein schandlicher
Staubbesen der Freimde Gottes. "--Strobel. 1. c. p. 101.
' Erasm. £p. 19, lib. ziii.
l2
148 HISTORY OF LUTHER,
Luther insults in every page of his correspondence. The duke
revenged himself nobly on the Reformer ; he fought like a
soldier.
Thomas Munzer had selected for his encampment a hill, the
base of which he had surrounded with broken trees and cars^ to
render it ihaccessible to cavalry.
The two armies presented a singular spectacle at sunrise.
That of the allies was drawn up in ordelr of battle in a vast
plain. The two wings were protected by squadrons of cavahry,
whose glittering cuirasses seemed to light up with their fire the
sides of the hill where the peasants were huddled together. In
the centre, the infantry presented a black mass, broken at intervals
by banners, on which was depicted the image of a saint, or the
blazon of the house which they represented. Some old cannon,
brought from the arsenals where they had long slumbered, or from
fortifications which they had not defended for ages, were paraded
before the lines to frighten the peasants.
The hill, of which all the windings were filled with rebels,
presented another aspect. There was no order, no regular tactics
of war displayed by these irr^ular groups of combatants. There
were only irregular masses, separated from each other by some
inequality in the ground, and resembling in their movements
clouds rolling over each other. Had it not been for the war-cries
which at intervals escaped from them, — ^for the standards which
the wind caused to wave above their heads, and on which was
painted the wheel of fortune,^ this crowd of peasants might have
been taken for one of Munzer's ordinary train of auditors.
The princes should have had mercy on these unhappy wretches
who marched to destruction. Some cannon-shots would have
sufficed to put them to flight But Luther did not wish this.
It was like a Roman battle. Everything proceeded as in a
narrative of Livy : first came the military harangue ; then the
trumpet- sound to charge.
Munzer, from an eminence on which he stood, thus addressed
his followers : —
" You see before you those princes who make their courtiers
and minions drunk on your blood and sweat. Ood, in Deuter-
* Gropp. Chron. do Wurzburg.
\
EKD OF TUB PEASANTS' WAE. I4f9
onomy, commands kings to have bat few horses ; and what do our
princes do ? They care not to watch over the wel&re of their sub-
jects ; they listen not to the voice of their poor ; they set justice
aside ; they repress neither murder nor robbery ; they assist not the
widows or orphans ; they take no care of the young ; they forget
Ood ; pillage, arson, every iniquity they commit. Think you that
God can any longer bear with their misdeeds and their tyranny ?
No, no ; he smote the Canaanites, he will smite these miscreants.
The hour of your revenge has come.
" Do not yield to carnal fears, but boldly await the enemy's
attack ; fear not the cannon, every hostile ball will sink into tke
sleeve of my robe. God is with us. You see that rainbow
which he has set above our heads, and which we bear upon our
standards ; it is the sign of our victory, the sign of our tyrants'
defeat. Courage ; stand firm in your trenches ! "
When his harangue was finished, Munzer, to increase the
fanaticism of the peasants, caused to be stabbed, in sight of the
whole army, a young knight, Matemus von Qehofen, one of the
parliamentary envoys sent to the rebels by the landgrave of Hesse.
Whilst the young man writhed in the agonies of death, the
peasants, at a sign from their general, fell on their knees, and
sung the hymn : ** Come, Holy Ghost : " —
*' Komm heiliger Geiet an." •
The landgrave had also his harangue ; it was much shorter
than that of Munzer, but savoured quite as much of the
Bible : *' ' Whoever will draw the sword,' says the Lord, * shall
perish by the sword ; ' and he who resists princes resists God.
A subject ought to resemble Sem, who threw a fold of his robe
over the nakedness of Noa' Forward ! "
And he ordered the charge to be sounded. The artillery
began to play, the halls whistled over the heads of the rebels
without hitting any one. The peasants, who saw Munzer pray-
ing upon an eminence, with his hands raised to heaven, believed
that his prophecy was being accomplished, and resumed their
hymn. But this error was merely of an instant's duration, the
princes' cavalry charged among them.
• See MTmzer*8 harangue at length, in the Prophet'e life by Sirobel, 1. c.
pp. 110, 111.
» Menzel, L c. torn. i. p. 207. * Ibid. p. 208.
150 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
It was a butchery, rather than a regular fight. The peasants
stretched out their necks singing to the Lord, who did not send
his angel to deliver them, as the prophet had promised. The
sword was weary of the work of death, and the cavaby were
ordered to ride over all who still breathed. The miners, who
relied upon their hammers, made a vigorous resistance. They stiU
fought when the trumpets of the princes' army sounded victory.
Not one of them begged quarter. All died pouring forth with
their blood imprecations on their tyrants, and, says Sleidan, for
the glory of God, and the liberty of their country.^
One of these wretches, who had fought valiantly, was taken
and brought before Philip, landgrave of Hesse. " Let us see/'
said the prince, " whether you love the rule of the princes or
peasants best." — " On my word, my lord,'' replied the prisoner,
" the swords would not cut better, were we peasants masters."
He was pardoned.*
Munzer was brought to the camp of the victors. He had been
captured at Franckenhausen, stretched on a bed lent to him by
some one to whom he was unknown ; he was bleeding profusely,
much wounded in the breast, and with the pallor of death on his
lips. The soldiers who were in search of him passed by, not
?nishing to disturb the last moments of a dying man ; but the
servant of a gentleman of Limbourg accidentally perceiving a
courier's bag hanging by the sick man's bedside fastened to a
stool, opened it, and found the letter which Count Albert had
addressed to the prophet. " How came you by this letter ?" he
asked the wounded man, who stammered some unintelligible
words between his teeth. " Are you Munzer ? " added the
servant, looking fixedly at him. The dying man turned his
head away to avoid reply ; but, pressed with questions, he at
length confessed that he was the prophet' He was not allowed
time to dress, but was dragged half-naked into the tent of the
conquerors. His appearance made them smile ; but, instead of
reproaching him, the landgrave wished to enter into a contro-
versy with the prisoner.*
* '' OccnbueniDt videlicet illi honest^ ao pi^, pro gloriA nominis divini,
proque salate patrise." — Sleidan, lib. zxii.
' Mathesius, in der fUnften Predigt von Lnther, pp. 451, 452.
^ Strobel, L c. p. 123. * Melanchthon's Historie Thoma Miinzer'B.
E»D OF THE peasants' WAR. ]61
The prophet did not decline it; but neither party could
boast of victory. From the torture, Munzer was conveyed to
prison, whither he was followed by a Catholic priest, who recon-
ciled the Anabaptist to the Churcli, confessed him, and gave him
the sacraments.^ Munxer, to his last breath, accpsed Luther of
being the author of his misfortunes. Religion, rather than the
approach of death, which he had braved so often, had tamed his
spirit He trembled, but it was through fear of the judgments
of God. Wh^ the hour of execution came, he drank off
two pints of wine,* said his prayers, and walked with
erect head to Heldrungen, the place of execution. The priest
bade him kneel, and repeat the Greed. The sufferer's voice
failed at the first word. Then the duke of Brunswick and the
priest recited the prayer, which Munzer repeated in a low voice.
It seemed as if a supernatural light had suddenly come to
comfort his souL He arose, looked steadily at the crowd, and
addressed to the princes who surrounded the scaffold an exhor-
tation which brought tears to their eyes. When that was
ended, he said to the executioner: '^ Gome on V — ^to the priest
who attended him : " Adieu ! "" The executioner caused the
rebel's head to roll off six paces ; a soldier kicked it back. The
executioner lifted it, and stuck it on a pike surmounted by this
inscription : '^ Munzer, guilty of treason ! "
The rebellion of the peasants was extinguished in the blood of
their chief His disciples hastily withdrew from a country where
death menaced them at every step : some fled to Moravia ; others,
in greater numbers, to Switzerland, which compassionately received
them. It had no cause to repent of its hospitality. Their ardour
for rebellion evaporated in religious disputes. Zwinglius opened
meetings at Zurich and ZoUikon, where Anabaptists and Sacra-
mentarians might ih peace, and under the protection of the magis-
trates, discuss the fundamental points of their belief. Each sect
claimed for itself the victory. Zwinglius finally triumphed over
his opponents, because the senate was on his side. The Anabap-
' ** Fidem Romanam professiis et totus &ctu8 est pootiSciiiB." — Joh. Buhel,
Ep. ftd Lathenim. ** Munzenu znagnA fertur ftiisBe ductus posnitentiAy multA
devotione, et errores mvodaae, et yenerabile sacramentum pnevift confessione
rita Gatholico sub unA specie aooepisse, prinsqulua] ictum gladii Babiret.*'-^
CochlsBviSy in Gomm. de Act. et Scriptis Lutheri, p. 111.
' " Dttoe congioe uno haustu ^biase didtur."
152 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
tists had again to go into exile. The remains of the sect, under
the name of '^ Moravian Brethren/' live dispersed in some proyinces
of Holland, reconciled, if not to the great Catholic law, at least
to the civil anthority, the peace of which they no longer disturb.
Were we to bring an accusation against Luther, our testimony
might perhaps be suspected. But who will dare to contradict
these enemies of our religion, — the one, the Sacramentarian
Hospinian, who says to Luther : '' It is you who have excited
the peasants' war;"^ the other, Memno Simonius, who appeals
to the conscience of the Lutherans themselves for the origin and
spread of the sedition.^ We have heard the last sigh of Munzer
escaping in maledictions against the Reformer ; Eramnus reproach-
ing him to his face with having fomented the rebellion by his
libels against the monks and shaven crowns ; and Luther him-
self, in all our quotations from him. What more is required to
draw up the sentence of the historian ?
" At the day of judgment," says Cochlaeus, " Munzer and his
peasants will cry before God and his angels : ' Vengeance on
Luther !'"»
There is a logic which the people has no need of learning, in
books, and which it has received from a master as great as
Aristotle. If you tell the people : It is written in the inspired
volume that you may rebel with all safety of conscience against
those ^ho are called the priests of the Lord, the people will not
search even in that book for texts to justify their rebellion against
the civil power ; wherefore should they not rise against the tem-
poral master who refuses them bread, when they are at liberty to
rebel against the master who denies them the bread of life ? For
the people to live materially is the supreme law ; and if you have the
anathema, they have the axe or the sword. There are not two logics,
because there is but one Ood : the theses affixed to the church of
All Saints placed the hammer in the peasants' hands.
A Protestant historian has ventured to write : '' Had Munzer
been victorious, his name would have ranked with those of
* "Lntherns belli Oermanici caoaa non levis." — Hist. Saonun. part. ii.
fol. 200—202.
' "Quam peregrinas et sanguinolentas seditiones Lntfaerani etiam ad intro-
ducdndam et oomprobandam doctrinam suatn, aDiiis aliquot proximis concit&rint^
id iUud ipsis expendendum reliqaimns.*' — Memno Simonitis, lib. de Gmoe.
' Cochl. Defenaio Ducia Georgii, p. 63 : Ingolst. 1545, 4to.
END OF THE PEASANTS' WAB. 163
Stanffacher and Tell ; fortnne betrayed him, and he died on the
scaflFold. Had Lnther yielded, there would have been an end of
that glory which the half of Europe loves at present to contem*
plate."' ^ It was in 1793 that Hammerdoerfer wrote this.
During the two years in which God permitted the peasants
to scourge society, it js reckoned that a hundred thousand men
fell in battle, seven cities were dismantled, a thousand religious
houses razed to the ground, three hundred churches bumt,^ and
immense treasures of painting, sculpture, stained glass, and en-
gravings destroyed,' If they had triumphed, Germany would
have become chaos ; literature, arts, poetry, morals, dogmas, and
authority, would have perished in the same storm. The rebellion
which proceeded from Luther was a disobedient child ; but, at
all evente, her father knew how to punish her. Whatever inno-
cent blood was shed, must fall on his. head: '^ For," says the
Reformer, *' it is I who have shed it, by God's commands ; and
whoever has fallen in this war has lost body and soul, and is the
prey of Satan."*
It was the blood of the peasants for which Luther had no
mercy, for he no longer needed it.^
'' Give the ass thistles, a pack-saddle, and the whip," says
Luther to Ruhel ; " give the peasants oat-straw. Jf they are
not content, give them the cudgel and the carbine ; it is their
due. Let us pray that they may be obedient ; if not, show them
no mercy ; if you do not make the musket whistle, they will be a
thousand times more wicked."^
> <' Hatte Mlintzer Glilck gebabt> so wttrde sein Name neben dem Staufiacber
und TeU prangeni Daa Gliiok verlieBS ihn, and er starb unter dem Belle dee
Henkers. Ware Lntber nicht glficklich gewesen, wir wlirden ibn gewiss nichfc
in dem Licbte betracbten, in dem ibn jetzt wenigstena balb Europa siebt." —
Geadiicbte der latberiscben Heformation, part. i. p. 75 : Leipzig, 17dS, 8vo.
* Tbe peasants waged merciless war on the ceUars. la tbe monasteiy of
Erbach tbere was a vault containing eigbty-foar bogsheads of wine; tbey
emptied nearly tbe whole of it. — Cocbbeus.
' GenepeeuB calculates the number of slain at 110,000 ; Cocblasus at 150,000.
In two years, 26,000 peasants were slaiD in Lorraine and Alsatia, 4,000 in the
Palatinate, 6,000 in Hesse, and 8,000 in Wirtemberg.
* "All ihr Bint ist anf meinem Halse, aber ieh weise es auf nnseren Herm
Gott, der batt mir das zu reden befoblen. Welcbe seynd erscblagen worden,
sind mit Leib und Seele verloren, und ewig des Teufels." — ^Tisch-KedeD, Eisl.
p. 276, b. Op. Lntb. tom; iii. : Jen. Qerm, fol. p. 130, b.
* " Vela vertlt, prout erat fortune flatus.^ — Ulenberg, 1. c.
^ " Der weise Mann sagt ; cibus, onus, et virga asino ; in einem Bauem
164 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
Hunted and tracked like deer in the forests of Germany, the
peasants vainly implored mercy from the conquerors, who hnraed
and hanged them. Occasionally, a judge, moved by compassion,
wrote to his prince to solicit pardon for some criminals ; bat
the prince seldom commuted the punishment of fire or gibbet :
if he was mollified, he considered himself merciful in ordering
the right hand of some and the ears of others to be cut off. In
Luther's opinion, to ask pardon for the rebels was a crime.
'' Speak to Luther in my behalf,'" says one of these generous
people who were moved with compassion ; '^ I am denounced ;
my clemency to the wretched peasants is accounted a crime.
What would you have ? — ^how can I help being afBicted at seeing
so many innocent persons imprisoned, the laws violated, and
such frightful punishments inflicted on these unhappy people V'^
But Luther was inflexible. " A rebel," he wrote to Gaspard
Muller, '' deserves not to be treated with logic ; we must answer
him with the fist till his nose bleeds ; the peasants would not
hear me, we must open their ears by means of the musket He
who will not hear a mediator armed with tenderness, will hear the
executioner armed with his sword ; I have done right in recom-
mending against snch caitiffs ruin, extermination, and death. . . .
The Scriptures call them deer. Let the peasants, then, become
masters ; the devil vrill soon be abbot of the monastery ; let
tyranny triumph, his mother will become its abbess.'' ^
gehort Haferetroh. Sie horen Dicht has Wort und and aDstnnig, so miissen
sie die Yirgam, die Biichsen horen, und geschieht ihnen Recht. Betea sollen
wir ftir sie, dass sie gehorchen, wo nicht, so gilt's hie nicht viel Erbarmeos.
Lasso nnr die Biichsen unter sie sausen, sie machen's sonst tausendmal arger.
An Joh. Ktthel."— De Wette, torn. ii. p. 669. Menzel, torn. i. pp. 216, 217.
' " Velis me coram Luthero expurgare ; delatus sum, at audio, tanquam
mal^ et iniqu^ egissem patrocinio meo pro rusticis. Videbam et audiebam in-
Dooentes oaptos, ordo verb juris non observabatur, tormenta adhibebantur." —
Weller, im Alten aus alien Theilen der Geschichte, torn. i. p. 167.
' Luther's Sendbrief an Caspar MtiUem. Waloh, torn. xvi. p. 99.
Luther, in his correspondence, recommends the princes to show no mercy to
the peasants, and threatens them with the wrath of God if they pour oil into
the wounds of their enemies. '* Nulla patientia rusticis debetur, sed ira et
indignatio Dei et hominum. Hos eTg6 justificare, horum misereri, illis favere
est Deum negare, blasphemare, et de coslo yelle eradicare." — Nicol. Amsdorfio,
80 Mali, 1525. See also his letter to Ruhel, of 28 May, same year. Consult
the work of Peter Gnodal, De Rustico Tumultu, lib. iii. ; Neuere Geschichte
der Deutschen, tom. i. ch. iv. v. pp. 167 — ^21 7. But especially a pamphlet by
Cochlseus, Adversus Latrocinantes et Raptorias Cohortes Rustioorum, Mart.
Luthems; Responsio Johannis Cochltti Vuendelstini, mdxzv. Cochinus is
END OF THE PEASANTS' WAR. 165
We must acknowledge, with one of the most liberal organs of
modem Protestantism, that Lather's conduct during the peasants'
war, while blamable in logic and morality, was of a tact truly
MachiaTellian. Except the elector Frederick of Saxony, no
German prince had yet ventured publicly to declare himself for
the new doctrines of the monk of Wittemberg.^ They were re-
strained by fear of the theories of Christian liberty which he taught
in his writings. How often had they not heard him maintain,
both in the pulpit and in his pamphlets against Rome, firom texts
of Scripture, that the word alone could explain the word?
— a dangerous theory, which would not suit despots. But when
they saw him defend the lawfulness of the '* Faustrecht" — ^that
law of the strong arm which had so long ruled Teutonic society, —
and teach, by means of his favourite disciple, that the back of
the peasant was only fit to bear the burden of the ass ; and him-
self proclaim that the cudgel and shot must be applied to the
refractory animal if it refused to go ; their eyes were unsealed,
and^they only saw in Luther the apostle of despotism. These
were not, we admit, the social theories of Eck or Cochlsaus. If
these doctors taught, with the apostle, that subjects should obey
their masters, even if wicked ones, they did not erect into a
dogma the political forfeiture of the peasants ; they did not make
mute obedience an article of faith ; they did not make slavery
of the Christian a divine command ; they did not fetter both
the tongue and the soul of the subject ; they did not say : '^ Give
the ass thistles, a pack-saddle, and the whip;'' on the con-
trary, they taught that the peasant and the prince had alike
been created after God's image, and ransomed by the blood of
Christ.
" Doubtless," here observes Hagen, '' the success of Munzer's
theories would have been a real misfortune for Germany ; but we
do not hesitate to acknowledge that Luther triumphed over the .
occasionally eloquent. Under this text of Luther, " Idcircb et sanciuB Paulus,
R. ziii., talem in ruaticos fert sententiam : Qui potestatl reaistunt, hi judi-
cium super se acquirunt . . .** Cochlseus adds this oommentaij : " Hoc totum
est verum, Luthere. At tu non debueras pediculos in pelliduin populi spar-
nssoy ubi scribelMM : Quousque teneamur superioribus obedientiam prsestare ?
Non debueras Csosarem Tocare saooum Yennium et principes &tuoB effemi-
natpfl^" etc.
* Karl Hagen, L o. torn. ii. p. 147.
156 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
lebellion only by the sacrifice of the principle of the Reforma-
tion/'*
It i6 a melancholy spectacle for hnman nature to observe the
haste of all these princes to fall into Lutheranism, by accepting
the despotic theories of the Saxon.^ The landgrave of Hesse,
the grand master of the Teutonic order, the dukes of Bruns-
wick, Lunenburg, and Mecklenburg ; the prince of Anhalt ;
the margraves of Anspach and Baireuth ; and the count of
Mansfeld, one after the other embraced, with the fervour of
neophytes, this new pditico-religious gospel, which transformed
the husbandman into a pariah. Some of them did not blush io
put their names to the code which thenceforth waa to rule the
country.
'^ No,'' said they, " nothing is more expressly taught in the
Scriptures than the obligation of obedience to the princes of this
world : whoever rebels against his prince, rebels against God ;
woe, then, to those who disobey their masters. Do you wish not
to fear the authorities ? — do what the authorities command you.
Would you resist ? Tremble, for God has sent them the sword ;
power comes from God. Christian liberty does not consist in
denying tithes, quit-rents, taxes, statute-labour, and seignorial
rights, but in blind obedience to all that the sovereigns of this
world prescribe. Such is the doctrine of salvation which the cleigy
must preach to their flocks ; if their flocks embrace the devilish
liberty of the flesh, it is at the peril of their souls, their bodies,
and their goods."
One disaster brings with it another. It was not only the
' " Aber eben so wenig dfirfen wir laugnen, dass durch die Besiegnng der
volksthiimlichen Tendenzen und durch das Mittel, welches Luther anwendete,
urn den Sieg zu erringen, der ganze Charakter der Reformation verandert
ward, und zwar keineswegs zum Yortheil derseLbea." — ^Karl Hagen, 1. c
torn. ii. p. 151.
' Den durcblauchtigsten hochgebomen Fiirsten und Herren, Herm Casi-
mirn und Herm Georgen, als den altesten regierenden G^brttder, Markgrafen
zu Brandenburg; &c., meinen gnadigen Herm anzeigen, wie die geweeen
Emporung und Aufrohr, mit den wenigsten Theil aus ungeechickten Predigem
entstanden sind, und dus herwiederum durch frummen, gelehrt, geechickt^
christlioh Prediger v\e\ Aufruhr furkummen werden mog. Auch christenliche
XJnterricht, wie hinfUro in ihrer F. G. Ftirstenthumben, Landen und Gebieten,
von rechten, wahren christlichen Glauben und rechter wahrer christlicher
Preiheit des Geistes gepredigt werden soil, damit ihrer Gnaden Unterthanen
nit durch falsch widerwartig Predigt zu Aufruhr und Verderbung ihrer Seelen,
Leib, Lebung und Guts verfuhrt werden : 1525.
BMD OF THE PEASANTS' WAR. 167
democratic principle, of which he had so often shown himself the
eloquent defender, that Lather was to sacrifice in his stru^le
with the '^ prophets of murder/' but his priesthood, which he
made the appanage of every Christian, and even his fiedth without
works, that '' beautiful pearl" which he had been the first to
discover. With the priesthood incarnated in every being rege-
nerated by Christ, whether priest or layman, how could he break
the sword of the rebellious peasants who had received the holy oil
upon their heads ? By means of the Bible, he had founded his
human priesthood ; by means of the Bible, he- was to destroy it
Bagenhagen, one of the lights of his school, imagined a new
theory as to the clerical power, which should prevail in the
reformed Church.
'^ It is very true,'' said Bugenhagen, '^ that God has given us
his Christ, but he has given him by the Oospel revelation : now,
since it is to the priest that he has sent the Oospel, it is by the
priest that Christ is preached to us ;^ by the priest that the word
of salvation is spread. Who believes in this word will obtain
eternal life ; that holy word of which the priest is the official
distributor. Now, if it belongs to the priest to preach the word
of Ood, to him must belong the dispensation of the sacraments
and instruction ; spiritual functions which he derives not fix)m
himself, but firom God ; heavenly gifts, which are only efficacious
because they are divinely delegated." " It is the Spirit," added
Bucer,* "the force supreme, the breath from above, which
descends and rests on tiie priest." And Luther, going beyond
his disciples, withdraws firom man this vital priesthood, which
assimilates itself to the Christian after baptism, as the air to
the lungs of the new-bom infant, and even the right, which he
had so aften acknowledged, of being judge of his priests.'
With faith unaccompanied by outward works, how could he prove
to the peasants that they were the children of perdition, — they
who boasted of being directed by an inward illumination, that is
to say, by a supernatural communication with God to found their
New Jerusalem ? Munzer had no need of visible signs .to prove
* Disputatioii zu FlenBburg, 1526.
' Von der wahren Seelsorgo und dem rechten Hirtendienste.
» Von don Schleichern und VTinkelpredigern. Luther's Werke, Walch,
torn. zx. pp. 2074, 2078, 2085.
158 HISTORY OP LtTTHEB.
his faith in Christ. Luther is therefore obliged to amend his
first teaching : so we see him maintain, in a sermon on the sacra-
ment of the altar, that participation in the blood of Christ, even
without faith, is profitable for salvation. Faith alone, then, is no
longer in his eyes that pearl which he so proudly extols to us.^
> "Wahrend er and seine Anh&nger frfiher behauptet hatten, daas der
Glaube AUes aei, und nichts ohne denselben etwas bedeute, kam er nun auf
die Ansicht der katholischen Kirche, dass der &uasere Genuss des Sacramento
etwas ntttze ; anch ohne Glaube." — Karl Hagun, 1. c. lorn. ii. p. 166. See, on
ibis subject, the sermon, Von wiirdiger Emp&hnng des heil. Sacraments :
JensB, tom. iii. p. 161, and Melanchthon, Uber die Wiedertauffer, Corpus Ref.
torn. i. p. 832.
The foUowing are the titles of some works pubhshed by Th. Munzer, when
he was curate at Alstsedt : —
Ordnung und Berechnung des teutschen Ampts zu Altstadt durch Thomam
Miinzer, ^Iwarters, iin yorgangenen'Ostem au%ericht, 1523. Gedruckt zu
Eilenburg. Several fragments are to be found in the Unschuld. Nadirichten
ofl707, p. 611.
Yon dem gedichteten Glauben auf nachste Protestation ausgegangen. Thoma
MUnzers, Seelvarters, zu Altst&dt, 1524, 4to.
Deutsch evangelische Messze etwann durch die Bebstische P&ffen in Latein
zu grossem Nacteyl des Christen Glaubens vor ein Opfer gehandelt und ietz
verordnet, in dieser fehrlichen Zeit, zu entdecken den Grewel aller Abgotterey
durch solche Missbreuche der Messen lange Zeit getriben. Thomas MUnzer,
Alstadt, 1524, 4to. (Compare also the Unschuld. Nachrichten, 1708, p. 393.
Feuerlini Bybl. Symb. part. i. p. 346.)
Deutsch Klrchen Ampt verordnet, aufizuheben den hinterlistigen Deckel
unter welchem das Liecht der Welt vorhalten war, welche yetzt wiedenimb
ersoheynt mit dysen Lobgesengen und gotlichen Psalmen, die so erbawen die
zunemenden Christenheit, nach Gottes unwandelbarn WiUen, zum Untergang
aller prechtigen Geperde der Gotlosen : Altstedt, 1524, 4to.
Protestation oder Empietung Tome Munzers yon Stolberg am Hartzs, Seel-
warters zu Altstedt seine Lore betreffende, und zum An&ng yon dem rechten
Christen-Glauben und der Tawfe, 1524. (Compare also the Unschuld. Nach-
richten, 1706, p. 29.)
Hoch yerursachte Schutzrede und Antwort wider das geistlose sanfit lebende
Fleysch zu Wittenberg. 1521. This is a bitter pamphlet against Luther, in
which Munzer calls his riyal fool, impostor, scribbler, rascal, more than scoun-
drel, infamous monk, doctor of lies, Wittemberg pope; dragon, basilisk, serpent^
harlot, devil, chancellor of hell. He accuses him of being a drunkard, and of
emptying many bottles in bacchanalian orgies at the house of Melchior Lothe,
in Leipsic.
One might form a library of the works written upon the peasants' war. The
following may be consulted : Sattler, Wttrtenbergische Geschichte ; Widemann,
Chron. in Mencken, tom. iii. ; Haggenmtiller, Geschichte der Stadt und
Gra&chaft Kempten ; Lang, Geschichte von Baireuth ; Lersner^s Frankfurter
Chronik ; Thuringia Sacra ; Pauli Langii Chronica Numbergensia, in Men-
cken, tom. ii. ; Brower, Annales Trevirenses, tom. zx. ; Zauner, Chronik von
Salzburg, tom. iy. ; Luther's Letters, in De Wette's collection, vol. iii. ; the
Correspondence of Capito, Hetzer, Sertorius, with Zwinglius, £p. Zwinglii,
tom. i. ; Zwinglius's Letter to Badian, 11 Oct. 1515, Ep. tom. i. ; Die Uistoria
Thomii Muntzers, des Anf angers der Diiriogischen Aufruhr, sehr niitzlich zu
lesen : Hagenau, 1525 ; Aurfaack, Dissertatio de Eloquenti& inept& Th. Mun-
tzeri : Vitteb. 1716, 4 to. ; Weller, Altes aus alien Theilen der Geschichte,
tom. i. ; Arnold, Kirchen- und Ketzergeschichte, tom. ii. ; Plank, Grcschichte
DISPUTATION WITH CARLSTABT. 159
How powerful was Munzer ! The curate of Alstiedt com-
pelled the Wittembeig ecclcBiastic to renounce his own doctrines.
And yet Luther told us that he received them from heaven, and
that if an angel were to bring him another gospel than that
which he had preached, he would reject the divine messenger.
This is easily explained. Luther was more afraid of Munzer
than of an angel ; the invisible being would have resumed his
flight, leaving the doctor his pulpit at Wittemberg. Now it was
this pulpit of which Munzer wished to deprive the Saxon.
CHAPTER XXL
LUTHER'S DISPUTATION WITH CARLSTADT. 1524, 152o.
The extinction of the peasants' war has not restored peace to Luther. — New
dispates arising firom the principle of firee inquiry. — ^Reappearance of Carl-
stadt. — ^Various pamphlets written by him to subvert the Wittemberg creed.
— ^Riae of Sacramentarianism. — Luther preaches against the prophets at
Jena. — Garlstadt's challenge to Luther. — The two theologians dispute
upon the Lord's Supper, at the Black Bear inn. — Luther at Orlamlinde,
where he again meets C^rlstadt. — ^Bickering with a shoemaker. — He is
driyen from Orlamttnde. — Garlstadt has given the signal for new revolts
against Luther. — Efironteries of the rationalists.
Thb peasants' rebellion was suppressed : the castle had van-
quished the cottage ; but all was not finished for Luther. Upon
the blood of the hundred thousand rustics ^ spilt in Germany^
floated the code of free inquiry, which the Saxon monk had
brought to the Teutonic nations, and which was incessantly to
keep up religious or political factions. Garlstadt, as dastard a
soldier as he was a sorry theologian, had for a brief space
mingled in Franconia with the rebels, whom he deserted at the
first cannon-shot, casting aside his warlike uniform, his peasant's
proteetantisohen Lehrbegrifi&y torn. ii. ; Stark, Geschichte der Taufe und
Taui^gefinnten ; Warlich, Gleechichte aus Obersachsen ftir einen deutschen
Knaben, Mttntzers Unrcdie : Gottingen, 1786, 12mo.
* "Rustieorum res quievit ubique, csssis ad centum millia, tot orphanis
&ctis reliquis ver^ in vitft sic spoliatis^ ut Germanise fiicies miserior nunquain
fuerit." — ^Epist. Luth. ad Briesmann, in Act. Boruss. torn. i. p. 800.
160 HISTOttT OP LUTHER.
cloak, and felt hat,^ to resame his original occnpation of pam*
phleteer. His vocation was to blacken paper ; to throw ink on
the head of Lather or his disciples, his delight and amusement
He wrote by day and by night, and printed himself the lucnbrar-
tions of his distempered brain.^ He published two dissertations
intended to combat the doctrines of the Wittemberg school : the
one upon sin,^ the other on Christian resignation.'^
In the first he treats of the divine wilL To God he assigns
two wills : the will eternal, and the will temporal ; the one works
good, illumines us and draws us to Christ ; the other works evil,
and accommodates itself to the inclinations of the heart Who-
ever attains to accomplish the eternal will, cannot wish but what
God wills. It is never by outward practice that man obeys the
eternal will. God is a spirit; he must therefore be served in
spirit It is to the essence, and not to the suib/ce of the letter,
that we must adhere : the letter is a sepulchre.^
In his second work, he follows up his spiritualist argument,
and inveighs against the Lutheran &ith. He maintains that
faith cannot exisjt without love: faith without love is a dead
carcase — ^a mere paper &ith ; &ith, like love, must never proceed
from the fear of punishment, and neither the one nor the other
must look for reward.
But it is in his theory on the eucharist in two parts, pam-
phlets extremely virulent, that he principally studies to destroy
Luther's impanation.
In the one he seeks to demonstrate, that it is a gross error to
believe that participation in the supper can operate the remission
of sins ; faith alone, united to love, can reconcile the sinner with
God. If the sacrament eflFects the redemption, it will follow
from it that the blood of Christ, which was shed upon the cross.
■ Bezusen, der Bauernkrieg in Ostfiranken, p. 79.
' Von Manningfaltigkeit des einfaltigen einigen WUlen Gottea : Waa Sund
sei. Andreas Bc^enstein von Garlatadt. Ein nener Lay.
' Was gesagt ist, sioh gelassen and was Wort Gelassenheit bedente, nnd was
in Helliger Sohrift begri&n.
* *' Gott ist ein Geist, deshalben muss sich die gesohaffene Creatur mit and
durch den Geist mit Gtottes ungeschaffenen Geist vereinen. Demnach mag
und soil ein Jeder den Geist bes Buchstabens, and nicht die Rinden oder
Schalen des Bachstabens ergrttnden."
DISPUTATION WITH CARLSTADT. 161
hafi been of no use to fallen humanity. We cannot grant to the
bread and wine the power of raising man from his fiill.^
In the other, he examines the words of the institution of the
Supper.^ " If we were to refer it," says he, " to Lather's inter-
pretation, Christ, instead of his blood, to save man, would have
given only material bread, made by the hands of a baker.
Christ spoke to the future, and not to the present. At the
encharistic repast he had not yet shed his blood ; what he said
does not refer then to the supper. Had he wished to teach that
his body is really under the species of bread and wine, he would
have explained himself in clear and precise terms, especially if
we admit that he wished to make his presence in bread and wine
an article of £uth.''
It is useless to lay hold of everything in this deduction of
falsity and foUy. Luther did right to laugh at it, without
disguisbg from himself, however, that his professor's tropes had
great chance of success in Germany, and especially in Switzer-
land. " You could not believe," he writes to Amsdorf, ** what
progress Garlstadt's dogma makes." ^ Reinhard, at Jena ; the
curate of Gala ; Strauss, at Eisenach, publicly preached it ; ^ at
Wittembeig it had made notable conquests ; ^ Nuremberg had
adopted it ; at Heidelberg, Martin Frecht taught it, but with
some oratoiial precautions ; ^ others more daring, such as Gapito,
Bucer, and OUio Brunfels, at Strasburg, adhered to the arch-
deacon's opinions. At Zurich, Zwinglius, after learning Garl-
stadt's theory, transformed into a dogma the figurative presence
of Christ in the Sacrament.^ All these freaks of the mind broke
out in the midst of the peasants' war with their lords. The
* "Von dem widerchristliohen Miasbrauoh des Herrn Brod und Keloh.
Ob der Glaube in das Sacrament SUnde vei^be, und ob das Sacrament ein
Anabo oder Pfimd sei der SUnde Vergebung."
' " Ob man mit Heiliger Schrift erweisen moge, dass Christus mit Leib,
Bint and Seele im Sacrament sei."
' Lather's Briefe, Octob. 1824. De Wette, torn. li. 557.
« Id. ibid.
* Melanoh. Spalatino, Decemb. 1524. Corpus Beform. torn. ii. p. 369.
" Nosti valgus. £t hoc dogma arridet sensui communi.**
' Martin Frecht an Wolfgang Richard in Ulm, 1824, in Beesenmayer's
Sanmilang von Aa&atzen, p. 182.
7 (EcoUimpad an Zwingli, 21 Nov. 1524. £p. Zwinglii, torn. i. p. S69.
VOL. ir. M
162 HISTOBT OF LUTHBR.
mtfvelloiui aotivity of Luther was not a moment at faolt
Amidst the thunder of the cannon, he fubninated his manifcstoeB
against the rebels, and went from city to city to stifle the germs
of a threatening heresy.
At the time when a misguided study of the sacred text
disclosed to Garlstadt the hidden sense of the words of the
supper, an angel, as we know, revealed the mystery to Zwinglids.
Then sprung up the sect of sacramentarians, who deny the real
presence in the euchanstic sacrament, and the oblation in flesh
and blood of the body of Jesus Christ in the communion. If
the conditions of the intuition of the truth are such as Luther
exacts, we must admit the testimony of Zwinglius. '' For, do
you know why the Sacramentarians have never had the sense of
the Scriptures ? It is because they have not the devil for their
adversary ; if the devil is not fastened to our necks, we are but
sorry theologians." ^ Now, that angel who appeared to Zwin-
glius, and whose colour Zwinglius has not been able precisdy to
tell us, was, according to these Lutheran theolo^ans, a fallen
angel : an angel of darkness, — the deviL How, ihen, does he
now make out, that Zwinglius and the Sacramentarians, in
denying that the body and blood of Jesus Christ are really
received in the Eucharist, are heretics who have Inroken o£f firam
the Church of God? «
Some mutual friends endeavoured, but in vain, to effect a
reconciliation between Carlstadt and Luther. Neither of them
would attend the interview at which it was hoped to be arranged :
Carlstadt, because he would not be instructed by one who had
been his pupil ; Luther, because he no longer r^arded his pro-
fessor than as an old tyro and jabbering charlatan, who had
for his confederate a chaplain, entrusted with the part of the
spirit in the Lord's visions."^
In the mean time Luther, while visiting the cities into which
'^ '^Qubd Bacramentarii aacram Bcripturam non intelligant, hiBC cauBa est
quia verum opponentem, nemp^ diabolum, non habent, qui demom ben^
docere eos solet . . . quando diabolum ejusmodi coUo non habemua affixuniy
nihil nisi gpeculattvi theologi sumus."— Luth. CoUoq. IsL do Yerbo Dei, fol. 28.
CoU. Francf. f. 18.
* "H«retico8 censemuB et alienos ab ecclesift Dei Zwinglianos et omnes
saoramentarios qni nmnt corpus et sanguinem Christi ore oamali sumi in
venerabili EucharistiA.'^— Lutbenu.
' Luther's Briefer De Wette, torn. ii. passim.
DI8PUTATI0H WITH CARLSTADT. 163
Anabaptknn had cr^t, arrived at Jena, which was in a state of
excitement from the preaching of Garlatadt, who had set op a
printing-press there.^ The Wittemberg monk had never been
heard in Jena. He ascended the pnlpit which Garlstadt had
occupied on the previous day. The church was full He
preached against the prophets, less in the style of a Christian
orator than as a man of letters of the sixteenth century, quite
in the manner of Erasmus, amusing his audience at the expense
of the fanatics, on whom he showered his raillery. All eyes
looked for the poor archdeacon, who on this occasion had not
concealed himself behind the broken statuary, as in the church of
All'-Sauptts, but was seated opposite the south window, which con-
centrated on his face a flood of dazzling light Luther perceived
him, and his discourse, which had been general, was directed
suddenly, like the blow of a miner's hammer, on Garlstadt's
head. It was no longer one of those vague and general pictures
applicable to all who had separated from the church of Wittem-
berg, but an accurate sketch of the unhappy renegade, in which
not a single trait ol resemblance was defective, not ev^ the scant
hairs of him whom he thus placed before his audience. Never
was tiiere such a martyr. Carlstadt rose ; sat down ; rose again,
and was agitated like one possessed. Luther, regturdless of all
these contortions,*-of this pantomime of aims and legs, which
was intended to interrupt him, — continued his discourse, every
sent^oe of which became more bitter and insulting. At length
Garlstadt, unable longer to restrain himself, withdrew behind a
pillar of the nave. The scene was not yet over.
As soon a0 Luther descended from the pulpit, the archdeacon
whispered in the ear of the preacher, who inade an affirmative
nod of the head. It was a challenge, which Luther accepted.
The Black Bear inn, where the monk lodged, was the place of
meeting.
Scarcely had Luther reached the inn, when he received a
letter from Carlstadt, desiring a conference in formal terms, the
nod not appearing to him sufficient.
" Let him come,'* said Luther to the messenger ; " let him
come, in God's name, I am ready."
I An dea Eaiusler Brack. 7 Jan. 1524. De Wette, I. c. torn. ii.
h2
164 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
He speedily made his appearance, bringing with him some of
his disciples; among others, (Gerard Westenberg, of Cologne.
The inn had never before had so many visitors. Lather was
mixed up in the crowd, seated at table, having on his right the
burgomaster, whom he had requested to be present at the con-
ference.
Garlstadt placed himself beside him, and commenced the
debate on the Last Supper, at first in a very calm manner.
They discussed the subject in a moderate tone, and without
excitement ; but when Luther had developed his opinion on the
real presence so clearly that the guests applauded his address,
Garlstadt could contain himself no longer. The following
dialogue then took place between the doctors : ^ —
Garlstadt. — You must acknowledge, master, that you have
treated me rudely in your sermon, in comparing me with those
turbulent spirits who breathe nothing but sedition and murder.
I protfit with all my might against such a comparison : I have
nothing in conmion with such worthless characters. Between
ourselves, you attribute to them, in regard to internal revelation,
ideas which they never had.^ I do not come here as their
apologist ; I speak for myself. I consider whoever would make
me responsible for^the sanguinary doctrines of these hotheaded
preachers, to be a wicked man and a liar. I have heard what you
have preached : I only wish to speak of that portion of it which
relates to the Eucharist. I maintain that, since the time of the
apostles, doctrine similar to your's has never been heard on that
matter. I tell you this to your face. I also have preached upon
the Eucharist ; but my preaching is founded on the rock of truth,
and you will not be able to establish the contrary.
Luther. — My dear doctor, let us begin from the beginning.
You will never prove that I have pointed at you in my dis-
course. You say that you recognised yourself there, — ^that you
saw the picture : be it so ; it has hit you. You have written
« Oper. Luth. : Jenw, torn. ii. fol. 462—466 ; Wittemb. fol. 209— «12. The
prooeedingi in this dispute have been colleoted and published by the preacher
Martin Reinhard, of Jena, and are contained in Walch's edition, torn. xv.
p. 242S et seq.
' Garlstadt did not speak the truth, or he had not read Munzer's printed
sermons. See Auslegung des andem Unterschieds Daoielis des Propheten,
gepredigt aufin SohToss zu Altstedt vor den tetigen theuem Henogen
und Yorstehem zu Saohsen, durch Thomam Miinzem, Diener des Worts
Qottes : Altstedt, 1524.
DISPUTATION WITH CAMJSTADT. 166
many sharp letters against me ; for what end I cannot imagine^
since there has been no discussion between us. You complain
that my words have offended you : so much the worse, and so
much the better. So much the better, since you have declared
that you do not resemble those preachers ; so much the worse, if
you recognize the portrait I have spoken against the prophets :
I will speak against them again. If I have hurt you, I shall
hurt you again.
Ga&lstadt. — Say what you will, you did point at me in
speaking of the sacrament; but you have only perverted the
Gospel, and I will prove it ; you do me injustice in likening me
to those homicidal individuals ; and I protest, Wore my brethren
here assembled, that I have nothing to do with them.
LuTHBB. — Why this protestation, doctor ? I have read the
lettenrwhieh you wrote, from Orluniinde, to Thomas Munzer,
and I saw that you rejected the seditious doctrines of the
Caelstabt. — Then why say that the spirit which animates
the prophets is the same which destroyed the images, and teaches
that the Eucharist must be taken and received from its hands ?
LuTHBB. — But I mentioned no names: your's least of all,
doctor !
Cablstadt. — But I was obviously pointed at ; for I was the
first who publicly taught the necessity of an immediate com-
munion. Tou maintain that the spirit which speaks thus is the
spirit which breathes, by the lips of the prophets of Alstaadt,
murder and sedition : that is false. As for the letters which 1
have written, I am ready to confer on tbiem with you.
There was a moment's silence. Then Garlstadt resumed : —
If I were in error, and you wished to do a Christian deed, you
ought to have, in the first instance, advised me, and not shot
your envenomed darts at me fix)m the pulpit Your constant
cry is " charity, charity ! " Pretty charity, truly, to throw a
morsel of bread to the poor, and leave on the road his wandering
brother, without caring to bring him back to the fold !
LuTHEB. — What ! have I not preached the Gospel ? What
then have I done ?
Cablstadt. — Hold ! I tell you, and I will prove it, that the
Christ whom you spoke of in your sermon on the Eucharist, is
not the Christ who was nailed to the cross, but a Christ made
166 HISTORY 07 LUTHSIL
by your hands^ and after your own image; beaideSi there are
palpable contradictions in your teaching.
IfUTHBR. — Well, then, doctor, get up into the pulpit in the
£Ekoe of day, like an honest man, and show wherein I ha^e erred.
Cablstadt. — That I shall do ; for I do not shun the light, s»
you say. Will you debate with me at Wittemberg or Erfiurt,
at table, in a friendly way ? We shall propound our reaaons ;
others shall judge of them. I do not fear the light of day ; I
only ask security for my person.
LtJTHEE. — Of what are you s^raid ? Surely at Wittemberg
you are safe.
Cablstadt. — Yes. But it is long since I left it. In a
public disputation we might treat each other sharply; and I
know, to my cost, how the people are attached to you.
LuTHBB. — Well, doctor, come ; I promise that no one shall
molest you.
Cablstadt. — Very well ; I shall dispute publicly, and I shall
manifest the truth of Qoi or my shame.
LuTHEB. — Say rather your folly, doctor.*
Cablstadt. — My shame, which I shall bear for the glorifica-
tion of Ood.
LtJTHBB. — And which will fall back on your own shoulders,'
I care not for your menaces. Who fears you ?
Cablstadt. — And I, whom can I fear ? — ^my doctrine is pure ;
it comes from Ood.
LuTHEB. — Ah! if it comes from God, why have you not
infosed into your hearers that spirit which made you break the
images at Wittemberg !
Cablstadt. — That was a work which I did not undertake of
myself alone, but with the assistance of the councillors and some
of your disciples, who fled at the moment of danger.
LuTHEB. — ^That is fetlse, I protest.
Cablstadt. — And I affirm it.
LuTHEB. — I adyise you not to go to Wittemberg ; you will
not find there such zealous friends as you imagine.
Cablstadt. — Nor you any longer, perhaps, creatures so de-
' ** Fiet ; stoliditas toa manifestando veniet."
' " Fortabo lubens ignominiam, ut Deo suus conatet honor." — " Bedundabit
in te ignominia."
DISPUTATION WITH CABL8TADT. 167
▼oted :to you. At least, I may console myself, since the trath
is on my side. The day of the Lord will ex{dain all mysteries ;
then the veil will be lifted, and God will manifest his justice.
LuTHEB. — Ton astonish me ! Tou always talk of God's
justice. It is his mercy which I invoke.
CABLmAJOT. — ^And why not his justice ? God makes no dis-
tinction of persons ; he regards not man ; the weak and the
strong will be weighed in the same balance. I desire that God
may judge me according to his justice and his mercy. But now
that you despise the spirit which lives in me, and that you ask
why I do not go, why I stop in the way, I will tell you : it is
because you bind me hand and foot, and that you strike me,
bare and disarmed.
LuTHEB. — I strike you !
Gablstadt. — Is it not to bind, and then to strike me, to
write and preach against me, to print Ubels against me, and to
hinder me from preaching, writing, and printing ?^ If you had
left me speech and pen, you would have learned what spirit
animates me.
LuTHEB, — Preach without a vocation 1 Who has commis-
sioned you to teach the people ?
Cablstadt. — Do you speak of man's vocation ? — I am an
archdeacon, and consequently authorised to teach. Of divine
vocation ? — I also have my mission.
LuTHBB. — Mission to preach in the parish church ?
GabIiSTADT. — ^Are the people who attend the collegiate not
the same with those who attend the parish church ?
LuTHEB. — Tou, doctor, attack and calumniate me in your
numerous libels.
Cablstadt. — Libels ! — what libels ? My treatise on voca-
tion, perhaps ? But when did you admonish me charitably ?
I defy you to point out, in the whole course of my life, a single
hour in which, belying my character, I have been deficient in
duirity towards you ; whilst violence is your usual weapon. If
' Luther, indeed, wrote in January, 1524 (De Wette, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 457),
to the Chancellor Bruck, to procure firom the prince elector that the printing-
house established by Carlstaat at Jena should be suppressed. Subsequently,
ha beeouffht the university of l^ttemberg to remove the archdeacon from
Orlamtl]i£», and supply his place with another preacher. — ^An Spalatin, 14
March, 1524, ibid. p. 486. An den Ehurfuroten, 21 May, 1525, ibid. p. 521.
168 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
you did not wish to admonish me alone, you might haye come
with some of your friends.
LuTHBR. — That is what I did, bringing with me Philip and
Pomeranus to your study.
Garlstabt. — That is false. Tou came, perhaps, but neyer to
admonish me, — ^never to point out any enoneous articles taken
from my writings or sermons.
LuTHBR. — I brought you a statement from the university,
in which were noted the articles which appeared to us cen-
surable.
Carlstadt. — Doctor, you violate truth ; I have never seen
such a document.
Luthbb. — I will quote a thousand instances, in which you
invariably charge me with fiJsehood.
Carlstadt. — If you speak the truth, may the devil twist my
neck ! *
Luther. — But I brought these articles to your lodging.
Carlstadt. — Well, doctor, what would you say were I to
show you a letter, in which Jerome Schurff tells me that they
would, if I wished it, show me the errors into which I had ft}len 7
The university had not then assembled to point out these
articles.
Luther was silent. Carlstadt broke this new silence by
intreating the audience's forbearance if he defended himself
with too much passion.
Luther. — Doctor, I know you ; I know that you like to fly
in the clouds, walk proudly, and exalt yourself in your own
estimation.
Carlstadt. — It is you who have given me the example ; you
are hunting incessantly after honours and notoriety.
Luthbr. — Remember that at Leipsic I publicly reproved you
for your arrogance ; you wished to be allowed to dispute &8t,
and I yielded to you that honour, of which I was unambitious.
Carlstadt. — Ah! dear doctor, what assurance you have! You
know that, at the outset of the controversy, it was a question
whether you were to be permitted to dispute at all. I appeal
' '* Wenn das wahr isi, was Luther sagt, so gebe Gott, dass mich dor Teufel
vor euch alien zerreisse ! "
DISPUTATION WITH CAIIL8TADT. 169
to the ootincillorB of Duke George and tbe university of
Leipsic.^
LiTTHBB. — Let U8 haye an end of this. I have preached
against the prophets to-day ; I shall do so agun ; we shall see
who will prevent me.
Gablstadt. — Preach as long as you wish ; we shall see what
we can do.
LuTHBB. — Gome, doctor, if you have anything on your mind>
say it openly.
Gablstadt. — I shall do so fearlessly.
LuTHEB. — You will not forget to support these poor prophets ?
Gablstadt. — Whenever they have truth on their side ; if
they Ml into error, the devil shaU serve them as acolyte.
LuTHBB. — You will write openly against me, doctor ?
Gablstadt. — If that pleases you, doctor. I shall not spare
you.
LuTHBB. — There is a florin for earnest, doctor.
Gablstadt. — What a good-for-nothing fellow I should he, if
I did not accept your wager, doctor !
Then Luther took from his pocket a gold florin, which he
presented to Garlstadt, saying : '' Take this, and act boldly. "" —
''See,'' said Garlstadt, showing the florin to those present,
'' Doctor Martin has given me this florin in pledge and token of
the authority which he gives me to write against him.'' Luther
gave him his hand. '' Assuredly," said he, filling a glass of ale,
and handing it to his opponent : " Your health, doctor." —
'' Yours," said Garlstadt ; '' this is agreed, but on condition that
you do not give further annoyance to my poor printers, and that,
when the aflGur is ended, you shall not oppose any obstacle to
the new kind of life which I may wish to lead ; for, after this
dispute, I desire to become an agriculturist"
LuTHEB. — Fear nothing ; I shall leave your printers alone, as
I have challenged you to attack me ; I have given you a florin
not to spare me ; the more violent your attack, the better I shall
be content.^
' This is oorrect. After ihe duputaiion, so unfortimate for GarlBtadt,
Melsocthon, in a letter to CEcolampadinSy commends the arohdeaoon's tlieo-
logical learning, which at a later date he was to sacrifice to his sarcasm. See
clu4>ters tu. and viii. of this yolume.
' It is evident that Luther broke his word ; in this Protestant authors agree.
170 HISTORY OF LUTHXB.
Carlstadt. — May God assist you ! I shall eadoavour to
satisfy yon. So said, they shook hands and parted.^
Lnther left Jena and went to Gala, whare the popnlaoe had
broken the crucifix. Luther collected the fragments, and then
ascended the pulpit, and preached upon the prophets and obe-
dience to the audiorities.
He then went towards Neustadt,^ and arrived on the 24th of
August at Orlamiinde, where he was impatiently expected. He
had sent Wolfgang Stein to the burgomaster of the city, to xequert
him to assemble the council and the dtiz^is^ in order to confer
with them, in aocordance with the desire whidi they had mani-
fested.
The burgomaster, accompanied by the magistrates, received
and paid his respects to the doctor at the gates of the city. The
monk's coimtenance was severe, and almost impassioned. He
did not lift his square cap to salute his hosts, but contented him*
self with a slight inclination of the head. The burgomaster was
about to address him, but he interrupted him, on the pretext
that there would be time for discussion in the court-house.
Luther entered Orlamiinde in a car, accompanied on each side
by the magistrates and councillors.
At the court-house the burgomaster resumed his address,
thanked Luther, in i^e name of the council and people, for his
kindness in coming to visit them, and besought him to preach
the word of God..
Luther replied that he had not come to Orlamiinde to preach,
but to confer with the council and the people on the subject of
some letters which he had received.
They sat down to table, and called for beer. Luther and
those present exchanged numerous toasts, after the fashion of
Germany. The news of Luther's arrival had spread throi]^
the city, and there soon arrived a crowd of citizens desirous to
see and hear the Wittemberg doctor. AU intreated him to
preach, for, said they, '' we know you suspect us, and call in
question our faith. Ascend the pulpit, then, and if your doc-
' Ulenberg, Vita et res geste Martini Lutheri, cap. xiii. fol. 229—212.
' Ulenberg, 1. c. p. 243. Oper. Luth. : Witt torn. ix. p. 214 ; Jena, torn. i.
p. 466.
DI8PUTATI0H WITH OAELSTADT. 171
trine is that of truth, our eyes will be uBsealed, and we shall
ocmfess onr exron.'"
*' 1 have not oome to preach/" said Luther ; and drawing from
his po<&et a letter which he had received on the 17th of the
month: "Tell me," said he, *'what seal is this ?"—" These
are the anns of the city,'' replied the burgomaster. " Is not
this,'' returned Luther, '' the letter of Carlstadt, who, doubtless,
the better to deceive me, has aflBxed the seal of Orlamiinde?''
— ^' It is indeed the letter," said the burgomaster, '^ which we
addressed to you ; I recognise it. Carlstadt did not write or
dictate a single syllable of it, and the seal of the city is too care-
fully kept to leave room for suspicion that he could have had
aeoesa to it^
Luther impatiently opened the letter and read it.
'' The peace of Ood through Christ our Saviour. Dear bro-
ther : — On his return from Wittembe^, Andrew Carlstadt, our
pastor, informed us that from your pulpit you publicly railed
against us, and represented us as spirits of disorder and error,
although you have never visited or heard us. Tour writings
prove that our pastor has not deceived us« In one of your pam-
phlets, addressed to the princes of Saxony, do you not treat with
contempt those who, Haithful to God's command, will not allow
dumb idols or pagan pictures ? Tou depict Christians in colours
which you may have found in your own brain, but never in the
Scriptures. We, who are Christ's members and the Father's
vine, cannot r^ard as the disciple of Jesus one who, instead of
correcting us in the spirit of charity, lacerates us with his poig-
nant irony.
'' In tl^ name of God, then, we intreat you not to calumniate
those who have been redeemed at the cost of the blood of Jesus,
the only Son of Qod. * See,' you will say, ' those disciples of
Christ who cannot bear the least reproach, and yet call them*
selves the children of him who has suffered so much ! ' That is
true ; but do you not know that Jesus soundly rated the Scribes
and the Jews, who passed for just, and that he prayed for his
executioners ? We are ready, however, to give an account of our
&ith and our works, whenever you call on us to do so. Mean-
* Ulenberg, 1. c. p. 244 ei seq. Oper. Luth. : Jenm, torn. ii. p. 266.
172 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
while, oome and visit us ; come and confer with us ; and if we
are deceived, lead ns out of error by the voice of gentleness and
charity, in the name of Jesus, and the glory of his holy GhuicL
Answer us in a spirit of peace. Orlamiinde, 17th of August,
1524."
" You wish," said Luther, " that I should point out to you
wherein you have sinned ; it is, in the ^rst place, by giving
the name of pastor to Garlstadt, whose right to which title has
never been acknowledged either by the duke of Saxony or the
academy of Wittembeig."
^' But," said one of the councillors, '^ if Garlstadt is not our
lawful pastor, St. Paul's teaching is a lie, and your books a
deception ; for we have chosen and elected him, as our letters
to the academy of Wittembeig testify."
Luther said nothing ;^ but, passing to another part of the
letter: '' Tou have sinned," said he, " in the second place, by
destroying the pictures and images."^
He was proceeding, when Garlstadt entered, and, after saluting
Luther, took his place among the bystanders. ^' Doctor," said
he, again saluting Luther, '^ with your pennission, I come to
take my part in this interview."
<' That is what I will not permit,'' said Luther.
" As you please, doctor."
" No, no ; you are my enemy, my adversary ; I reject you.
Have not I given you a gold florin ?"
'^ It is true, doctor ; I am the adversary and enemy of every
one who will oppose God, and fight against Ghrist and the
truth."
" Leave us, then," sharply replied Luther, '' we have no need
of you here."
*' But is not this a public meeting ? " asked the archdeacon ;
" and if you have truth on your side, why be afraid of me ?"
" It is because I suspect you," replied Luther ; *^ you would
be both judge and client."
'^ Suspected or not, I do not constitute myself your judge ; I
am your enemy, your adversary : but what of that ?"
Then Wolfgang Stein, turning to the archdeacon, said :
Ulenborg, 1. c p. 247. * Oper. Luth. : Witt. torn. ix. p. 2H.
DISPUTATION WITH CARLSTADT. 173
'* Doctor, pray leave us ; go away/' — " Are you my master,"
said Garlstadt, ''to address me thus? Show me the pxince's
orders."
Luther, impatient, made a sign to put the horses to his car-
riage, and threatened to leave Orlamiinde if Carlstadt did not
withdraw.
Some of the people present surrounded the archdeacon, and
whispered in his ear, and Carlstadt left the room.
Luther then resumed his discourse, and maintained that he
had never, either in the pulpit or in his writings, spoken of the
inhabitants of Orlamiinde, and that he had enough to do at
Wittembei^, without troubling himself about them. '' Never-
theless," said the town-clerk, '' you have, in more than one
pamphlet, compared those who denounce pictures to spirits of
darkness. How should we not recognise ourselves, since we
have destroyed the images in our churches ? Do you, then, lie,
doctor ?"» .
" I have spoken in general terms," replied Luther ; " other
cities besides yours have attacked images. You accuse me
wrongfully ; your letter is insulting. In it you refuse me a
title of honour which princes, the nobility, the people, and even
my enemies, give me. The superscription bears : * To the
Christian doctor, Martin Luther ;' and, in the course of the
letter, you treat me as if I were not a Christian."
'' Our expressions are courteous and paternal," said the bur-
gomaster. '' Produce, then," added a voice from the crowd
passionately, " a single insulting expression." — " This is,"' said
the doctor, " the tone and passion of the prophets. Your eyes,
my friend, are like two burning coals ; but they do not scorch
me. But, let us see, where have you read in the Scriptures
that images ought to be destroyed ?" There was a moment of
silence.
" I will answer you," said a councillor. " Dear brother, do
you consider Moses to be the promulgator of the Decalogue ?" —
" Doubtless." — " Well, then, is it not written in the Decalogue,
* You shall have no other God but me ?' and does not Moses
' " Interim verb mendacium fuit quo noe tetigisti quando cum vertis^nosis
spiritibus noB oonjungebas." — Ulenberg, 1. c. p. 249.
174 HI8T0BT OF LUTHBA.
add) as ezplanatoiy to this divine oommand : * Yoa shall
take away from among you all images, and you shall keep
none?'"
'' But that applies to idols or images irtiich are woishipped ;
it is not the inlage of Jesos cnicified that I woiafaip/' replied
Luther.
*' Well, then/' said a shoemaker, '' I have often, when pasBing
by images, painted on walls or laised on the highways, lifted my
eap. That was an act of idolatry which Qod certainly condemns ;
images, therefore, mnst be abolished."'
<< But that is an abuse ; and if, on acoonnt of abuse, we must
destroy images, put away your wires, and stare your barrels/'
^'By no means," ssdd another, '^for women and wine are
created by God for our support and assistance, and God has not
commanded us to put them away ; whereas, the command against
images made by men's hands is express."^
" Once more," said Luther, "there is only question in the
Decalogue of the idols that are made to be worshipped."
*^ I would grant it," said the shoemaker, *' if Moses had not
spoken of erery kind of images."
" Moses ?" said Luther.
" Let us argue the point," continued the shoemaker — " but,
first, let us pledge ourselres to the discussion." Then Luther
held out his hand, which the shoemakw seised and shook, whilst
some one went for a Bible.
The discussion was lirely and animated. The shoemaker ex-
claimed and gesticulated like a madman^ quoting erery text of
Scripture that occurred to his memory. " Are you a Christian ¥'
he said to Luther in a loud roice ; ''since you reject Moses, you
will, at least, admit the Gospel which you hare temslated. Let
us see what the Gospel teaches. Jesus says in the Gospel — I do
not know the place, but my brethren know it for me — that the
wife ought to strip and throw aside eren her shift when she
wishes to sleep with her husband."^
^"Nun ha siint Dei oreatuns in adjutoriom et Bustentationem nostmm
quas non mandavit Deus k medio tolli ; vertixn de toUendis imaginibuB hominnm
manu figictis prsBoeptum habemuB."
' ''Jesus dicit, nescio qno looo; fratres mei noTerunt: Bpongam, si cum
sponso eubare debeat, prorstiB opoitere nudam esse, etiam indusio exutam." —
Ulenberg, 1. c. p. 251.
DISPUTATION WITH OABIBTADT. 176
Luther, who had be^ standing, sat down at this odd quota-
tion, and covered his face to conceal his merriment. '' Stay,
then,'' he said, after a hearty- burst of laughter, '' that means, in
fact, that we mnst abolish images : this is troly admirable!'"
*' Tes, doubtless," said another of the company, '' that, indeed,
signifies that Ood wishes the soul should strip itself of all earthly
ideas. When we set our affections on an earthly object, our
heart is then filled with its image. Much more, then, does our
sool become stained, when it rests upon forbidden images."
They brou^t the books of Moses, transbted into German by
Luther, and some one read the 20th chapter of Exodus, and 4th
of Deuteronomy, and concluded firom them that images and all
representations were prohibited by Ood, and that a Christian
eould neither make nor keep them.
" But read, then," the doctor repeated : " the question is as to
idols which you shall not worship."
" There is no mention of idols in the text," said one of the
company, *' * Tou shall not make or keep any image.' "
^'But the text of Deuteronomy is dear and express," re^
Slimed the shoemaker : " ' Take care of your souls ; on the day
when the Lord spoke to you, you saw no similitude, lest you
should be corrupted, and make to yourselves some image or
representation in the form of male or female.' Is that dear ?"
^* Qo on, pray," said Luther.
'^ ' That you may not look up to heaven, and, seeing the sun
and moon, adore, by grievous error, the stars of heaven.' "
" Well, then," continued Luther, " why do you not blot out
firom creation the sun and moon ?".
*' Because the celestial luminaries," said the shoemaker, '' were
not made by our hands ; the divine injunction does not relate to
ihem«"
Then the burgomaster interposed, and maintained that they
followed God's command ; that it was written they should neither
add nor take firom the Lord's word.
" So then," said Luther, •* you condemn me ?"
*^ Certainly," said the dioemaker, '' you and all who speak and
teach contrary to Ood's word."
" Adieu, then," said Luther, getting into his carriage.
But one of the company seized him by his robes, and said:
176 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
'< Before you leave, master, a word as to baptism and the
encharist/'
^' What ! have you not my books ?" said the monk impa-
tiently to him ; " read them."
'' I have read them, and, on my oonscience, they do not
satisfy me."
" If you find fault with anything in them, write against me /'
and he drove off.
" To the devil and all his imps with you ! " exclaimed the
company, burgomaster, councillors, and shoemaker ; " may you
break your neck and limbs before you get out of the city ! "^
Let us leave Luther to chant his victory over the burgomaster
and shoemaker of Orlamiinde ; whilst from the breast of Garlstadt,
the sceptic, that is to say, the personification of the Protestant
principle, will burst forth a breath of life ; the archdeacon will
sow among the briars and thorns, through which he walks a
fugitive, in peasant's attire, and with a long sword by his side,
the seeds of rebellion against him whom he styles the *^ pope of
Wittemberg/' Until the end of time, every rising sun will
cause one of these germs to blow. Luther would fain take
refuge in that luminous cloud called ^' tradition," from which he
has violently separated. But it is all in vain that he makes, as
we admit, magnificent efibrts of mind and body to recall those
who firom the outset had abandoned it, misled by his teaching
and example ; Garlstadt, and all those whom his voice misleads,
wiU no longer heed a letter which fetters the intellect ; it is
Rationalism which henceforth shall be the ruler of the new
Church ; and those remains of truth, which Luther still main-
tains with admirable courage, will fiUl one by one under the
strokes of those who boast of being his disciples, but who deny
their master, when he wishes to stop them on the brink of
the gulph !
In the city of Antwerp, preachers proclaimed that every man
is possessed of the Spirit of God ; that this Spirit is none other
than the reason which is bom with us ; that beyond this life
there will be no punishment for the soul ; that the body only will
* " Abi in nomine miUe dsmonum. Utinam pneceps oorruas fraotis cervi-
xxibuB antaquam civitatem egrediaris/'—UIenberg, I. c. p. 254.
DISPUTATION WITH OARLSTADT. 377
suffer ; that nature wills that we should do to our neighbour what
we should wish him to do to us ; that he who has not the Spirit
cannot sin, because he is deprived of his reason.'
John Denck, professor of literature at Nuremberg, taught his
pupils that the Son and the Holy Ghost are not equal to the
Father.*
Louis Hetzer, of the same city, wrote a long treatise against
the divinity of Jesus.*
" Lo ! " mournfully exclaims Luther, " one rejects baptism ;
another, the eucharist ; another constructs a new world between
the present and that which will arise after the last judgment ;
another, who strikes out revelation from his creed ; one says
this ; the other, that ; there are as many sects as there are
heads ; everybody wishes to become a prophet."*
At Strasbuig, while Matthew Zell was in the pulpit, a man
entered the cathedral, and called to the preacher : " You lie ;
you lie to the Hojy Ghost ! " He was thrust out of the church,
and when on the steps of the porch, exclaimed : " Your preachers
deceive you f "^
At Zurich, the number of those who attacked Zwinglius's doc-
trine was so great, that, to put an ^end to their outcries against
the reformer, it was necessary to expel them the city. They
then spread into other cities, — Schaffhausen, Saint Gall, Basle,
Berne, Croire, and Soleure, everywhere endeavouring to stir up
people against the Lutheran and Zwinglian creeds.
Constance and Waldshut were filled with dissenters who,
* " Jeder Menach hat den heiligen Geiat ; der faeilige Geist ist nichts weiier
fds UDsere Vernunft und Veratand. Jeder Mensch glaubt. . . . Die Natur
lehrt dass ich meinem Nachsten thun soUe, was ich mir will gethan haben, &c."
— Karl Hagen. 1. c. torn. ii. p. 110.
* " Norimberg» ludimagiater apud Sebaldi templum negavit Spiritum Sanc-
tum et Filium ease sequalea Patri." — Capito Zwingl. ep. Zwinglii, torn. i. p. 47.
See, in Earl Hagen, the chapter entitled, Louia Hetser and Jamea Eiautz.
The author qnotea the following linea, by Hetzer, on the Trinity : —
" Ich bin allein der einig Gott,
Der ohne Httlf all Ding beachaffen hat.
Fragat du, wie viel meiner aei t
Ich bin'a allein, meiner aind nicht drei."
— ^See, aa to Hetzer : Frank, Chronik, p. 425.
' Fiiaati, Beitrage fUr die achweizeriache Reform. -Geachichte, torn. iii. p. 310.
* Luther an die Chriaten zu Antwerpen. De Wette, 1. c. torn. iii. pp. 60, 64.
* Epiat. Zwinglii, torn. i. p. 616.
VOL. II. N
178 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
witli the Gospel in hand, announced themselves as the Lord's
elect.^
Ulm, Eslingen, Eentlingen, Rothenbmg on the Necker,
Stuttgart, and Heilbronn^ opened their gates to Mnnzer's
disciples.^
Rebellion of the poor against the rich, political and religious
equality, were preached at Munich, Scherding, and Ratisbon.'
Garlstadt's opinions on adoration in spirit, carried down by the
Danube, were taught on both sides of the river.*
If Luther complained of his disciples' treason, his disciples
did not disguise the motives for their desertion. They accused
him of having dastardly abandoned the cause of the poor to
support the rich ; of showing no pity towards the oppressed ; and
of having thrown aside the life-giving spirit of the pure Gospel,
to preachy a letter which both killed body and soul. These
complaints possess something which goes direct to the heart,
because they fall from the lips of men deceived by the fine
theories of liberty which the Saxon monk formerly promulgated,
and who bore in exile the punishment of their blind faith in
the apostle of Germany.*
These dissensions tended more and more to absorb the Catholic
principle. Other elements of disorganization, set in operation
by Luther, were to hasten the fall of authority in Germany ;
these were entirely human, namely, the secularization of the reli-
gious houses, the marriage of the monks, the spoliation of the
property of the clergy, and the usurpation of the civil over the
spiritual power.
Let us take a rapid survey of their fatal influences.^
' Haller to Zwinglios, Ep. torn. ii. pp. 49, 66.
' Pfaff, Geschichte der Reicbstadt EsslingeD, 1840, p. 492. Gayler, Denk-
wUrdigkeiten toq Beutlingen, 1840, p. 297.
' Otto, Annales Anabapt. ad ann. 1626, 1527, pp. 44, 46, 49.
* Raupacb, EvaDgeliBcbes Oestreich, p. 52.
^ M. Alexander Weill has contributed to the Phalange (1845) several
remarkable articles on the peasants* war, in which Lather's part in that
struggle is properly appreciated.
' The history of the development of the sectarian spirit, after the defeat of
the peasants and the banishment of the prophets, belongs much more to the
general history of the Reformation than to the biography of Luther. The
following curious books may be consulted, on the variations of Protestantism
at that time : — ^Nebr, Beitrage zur Kirchengeschichte von Windsheioi, 1801 ;
MABBIAOE OF THE MONKS. 179
CHAPTER XIII.
SECfUIARIZATION OF THE KELIGIOUS HOUSES AND MAR-
RIAGE OF THE MONKS. 1524, 1525.
How Luther contrived to legitimate the expulsion of the monks. — ^Disordera
occasioned in the monasteries by the reformer's writings against celibacy, —
The unfrodced monks enter the service of the printers. — ^They are active
auxiliaries for the Reformation. — Froben of BAle. — Garlstadt. — ^Monachal
bigamies. — What Luther thought of them.
Thb secularization of the monks was one of the great measares
contriyed hy the Reformer to destroy Catholicism ; it was neces-
sarily followed by the spoliation of the religions hoases.
Among the Protestants> some timorous persons searched the
Scriptures for texts to appease the cry of their consciences, and
palliate their attempts against individual and moral liberty. An
angel seemed to hold the Bible open at that page in which Grod
prohibits yiolence. They consulted Luther, and put this ques-
tion to him : —
'^ It is said, that to force consciences is forbidden ; yet, do not
our princes expel the monks from their monasteries V
" The casuist replies,* * Yes ; we must not compel any one
to believe our doctrines ; we have never done violence to con-
science ^ but it would be a crime not to prevent our doctrines
from being profaned. To repel scandal is not to injure liberty.
I cannot compel a rogue to become an honest man, but I can
prevent him from doing mischief. A prince cannot compel a
highwayman to confess the Lord; but he has a gibbet for
malefactors.' "'
''But do we not tolerate the Jews, who blaspheme the
Lord?"
" The Jews belong neither to the clerical nor secular com-
Jack, Materalien zur Gkschichte Ton Bamberg, torn. iii. ; Falkenstein, Chronik
Ton Schwabach ; Will, Geschichte der Wiedertaufer in Ntimberg ; Winter,
Geschichte der Wiedertaufer in Baiem.
' ** Ob die FUrsten recht daran gethan, dass sie nicht haben dulden wollen
das Klosterleben und die Messe."— Luther's Werke : Witt tom. ix. p. 456.
N 2
180 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
munities ; they are captives among us, and we do not suffer
them to blaspheme God in our presence. A robber aboat to be
hanged may insult his judges ; who could prevent him 1 But
our monks wish to be * de utroque jure ;' to blaspheme publicly,
and be entitled to do it ! They would wish to resemble the
JeivSj and belong neither to Christ nor to CaBsar ; to proclaim
themselves enemies of Christ and of Caesar ; and that we should
permit thtm in their synagogues to blaspheme the Lord at their
pleusure, and as long as they like ! " He continues : —
** Soj when our princes were in doubt whether the monastic
life and private masses were an offence against God, they would
have done wrong to close the monasteries ; but since they have
been enlightened, and see that the conventual life and the Mass
are insults to the Deity, they would have been guilty, had they
not exercised their power to proscribe them ; for it is written :
* Thou Bhalt love God with all thy heart and all thy strength.' "
The princes religiously obeyed Luther.
Erasmus, who was in Germany at the time when Luther's pam-
phlet against celibacy appeared, has left us some curious details of
the disorders w^hich it excited in the monasteries. He represents
certain towns in Germany crowded with cowled deserters and
vagrant apostates, married priests, starving and half-naked
monks, leapiag, dancing, getting drunk, and praying for bread
and a wife for the rest of their lives, and paying no more r^ard
to the Gospel than to a hair of their beards.* Wives they had
in abundance ; when they could not find them in converts, they
sought for tliem in brothels. What cared they for priestly bene-
diction ? They married each other, and celebrated their nuptials
in revelries, wherein both spouses seldom failed to lose their
senses.
" Formerly," adds our philosopher, " men le^t their wives for
the sake of the Gospel ; now, the Gospel is said to flourish when
a monk has the luck to marry a rich wife.* All, however, are
not so happy as (Ecolampadius, who, to mortify his flesh, has
married a rich and pretty girl."^
' "Amtint yiaticum et uxorem, cstera pili non faciunt." — £p. Erasmi,
p. 637. Jean Paul styles them " zweidrittels Mooche."
■ *' Nuoe fioi^t Evangelium, si pauci ducant uxores benfe dotatas/' p. 768.
' " Nuper CEoolampadius duxit uxorem^ puellam non iuelegantem ; volt,
y
MARBIAaB OF THE MO^S. 181
These apostate monks generally married nuns. At first,
modest yoang women, or those who belonged to respectable
families, would not marry them. Where could mothers be
found so devoid of shame as to give their daughters to those
monks who, in Luther's own words, had abandoned celibacy
merely from lustful impulses ?' Besides, a great number of them
had nothing to cover them except their monastic dress. The
most of them entered into the service of printers or book- ,
sellers. Unhappily, there were many of them who could scarcely
read, and who, after having for several days yielded to every
temptation of the flesh, had no means of living, and were
obliged to beg ; this was too severe a profession, which would
have ended by disgusting the renegades with a wandering life,
and a spectacle which would have brought shame on the Reforma-
tion. Luther had foreseen this, and had divided the property
of the monasteries into several parts, one of which was assigned
for the support of the secularized religious.
We might fancy that the Reformation was no gainer by these
shameful desertions ; — we are mistaken : " Every apostasy,"
says Plank, '^ carried off from Catholicism an instrument of
proselytism which in its sphere of activity could impede the
progress of the Reformation." ^ Having renounced his faith, the
apostate sought to avenge himself on his brethren, either by
calumniating or driving them to perjury ; he played itmong feeble
minds the part of spy and tempter ; the wicked monk trans-
formed himself into a bad angel.
At that period, they were to be seen in bands attacking the con-
vents, and afterwards walking arm-in-arm with the virgins whom
they had dishonoured. Erasmus, more than once, met monks
laden with spoils which they had stolen from the churches, reeling
under the fiimes of wine, and rushing shamelessly to brothels.'
opinor, affligere camem. Quidam appellant Lutheranam tragoediam, mihi vide-
tur ease comcedia ; semper enim in nuptias exeunt tumultus." — Ep. p. 632.
' " Viele dieser Menschen werden bloss vom Bauche und tod Fleischesl listen
getrieben, und bringen grossen Gestank in den guten Greruch des Evangeliums."
— Menzel, Neuere Geschichte, &c. torn. i. p. 183.
* Plank, 1. c. torn. iv. p. 83. Arnold, 1. c. lib. xyi. ch. vi. passim.
• " Sunt rureus qui incident Opibus sacerdotum, et sunt, qui, ut sua fortiter
profundunt, vino, scortis, et aieft, itk rapinia alienonim inhiant." — Erasmi,
fep. p. 766.
182 HISTOBT OF LUTHBB.
Some, yielding to the passion which tormented them, would
mount a deserted pulpit, and preach to the people the doctrines .
which their master had taught in his treatise on monastic tows, —
such as : '^ That as in the early ages of Christianity the Church
required to elevate the state of virginity in the midst of a heathen
society, so now, that the Lord had let the light of his Gospd
shine, she required to exalt marriage and honour it at the cost of
the papistic celibacy ; and that, since Daniel and St. Paul repre-
sented Antichrist as the adversary of marriage, they were bound
to fulfil the law imposed by God upon our first parents, unless
they wished to be stamped on. the brow with the mark of the
beast." 1
There were some who delivered long tirades extracted from
the sermon upon marriage, and who, mounted on a bulk, ex-
claimed to their auditors : " Get married ; the union of the sexes
is as necessary as meat and drink.'^ Priests, still more shameless,
like the curate of Strasburg, of whom we have spoken, drew from
their cassock a general confession, and mentioned the day on
which they had violated the sixth of God's commandments.
There were Augustinians who made a business of difiusing in
the country places the Lutheran pamphlets, poisoning ihe minds
and living at the expense of the poor people whom they deprived
of eternal life.* Cochl»us represents these monks as standing
at the church-doors, and, during divine service, exclaiming:
" Buy, buy the * Prophecies against Antichrist ; ' buy the * Pope-
ass,' the ' Monk-calf;' buy the ' Pope and the Sow."'» The
magistrates seldom ventured to turn them away ; first, because
they also expected that a portion of the treasures which the
closing of the Catholic churches and the expulsion of the religious
would be given to them as the price of their toleration ; ♦ and,
next, because these monks were protected by all the bad passions
of the people, with whom they frequently divided the gains of
their robbery. Besides, who knows whether such zeal on the
' Oper. Lath. torn. i. p. 526 et seq.
* " InfinituB jam erat numems qui victum ex Ltitheranis libris qtUBritantes^
in Bpedem bibliopolarum longb lat^ue per Grermanise proyindaa vagabantur.**
— Gocid. in ActiB, &c. p. 68.
' See chapter vi. of this yolume, entitled The Pictures.
* ** Multos evexit et ditavit Lutberus, nonnullis profait esse Lutheranis."— -
Eraami, Ep. p. 580.
MABBIAGE OF THE MONKS. 183
part of the inferior authorities might not have heen displeasing
to the court, where the elector professed Lutheranism ? It is
true that the emperor's edicts prohibited the anti-catholic books ;
but, with the exception of Duke George, none of the great
Christian princes of Germany cared to put them in force ; their
empty threats were laughed at by the innovators. The magis-
trates, who were ordered to search for the heterodox pamphlets,
shut their eyes ; how, then, should the people have shown them-
selves more ready than the magistrates to obey the imperial
rescripts ? The booksellers lent themselves to this propagation
of Lutheran libels, by printing them in every sort of form,
selling them at a nominal price in the fairs of Germany, and
firequently embellishing them with false titles, to deceive the
piety of the simple folk.* Froben, of Basle, realized a hand-
some fortune by this trade ; for many years his presses were
occupied solely in reprinting the writings of the Reformer.
Erasmus himself was a long time afraid of being unable to find
a printer to publish his treatise on firee-will. He wrote to the
king of England : ^' If your majesty and the learned men of
your court desire to have my work, I shall finish it, and en-
deavour to publish a portion of it, for I cannot find a printer
here who will venture to print a single line against Luther : as
r^rds the pope, it is otherwise."* See with what mercantile
exultation Froben mentions his success in a letter to Luther !
" All your works move off," he says, " I have only ten
copies left ; never had books such a sale."' If CochlsBus,
Hochstraet, or some monk replied to the Reformer, they could
scarcely find a publisher ; they were obliged to resort to unskil-
ful workmen, who spoiled their books with solecisms and bar-
barisms, which called forth the merriment of the learned, and
consigned the author's name to the sarcasms of the Reformers.
The monks who, after Luther's essay against the monastic life,
had become journeymen printers for their bread, and lent their
hands and learning to those masters whom the Reformation
enriched, reproduced with inconceivable ardour the pamphlets of
the innovators. If it happened that a Catholic had sufficient
■ CochL in Actie, ftc. p. 50. * £p. Erasmi, p. 752.
* Oper. Lath. tonf. i. pp. 888, 889.
184 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
money to tempt the cupidity of a printer, his text came forth
from the hands of apostates disfigured with errors ; and, after a
long eSorty and irreparable loss of time, the unfortunate book
appeared on the stalls of the booksellers of Frankfort, at the
great Easter fair, with all its deformities of idiom, contemptible
size, wretched type, and coarse paper, alongside of the Lutheran
pamphlet in all its luxury of fine white leaves, beautiftd and
skilful typography, and careful revision : " Then,'' says Coch-
ladus, " there was no end to the laughter of the Frankfort mer-
chants at the ignorance of the Papists." ^
Monks were to be seen who, after a few months' marriage, re-
turned to their bachelor life, and answered to those who reproached
them for deserting their wives, that Luther had found no text
in the Scriptures forbidding divorces ; and others, who, the
better to obey God's command to " increase and multiply," took
two wives at a time. On the first example of bigamy given by a
monk, the old morals of Germany were shocked ; they anxiously
searched the Bible of the Wittemberg doctor for a text authorising
polygamy. They consulted the translator, and this was hisi
answer : " The prince ought to ask the bigamist, ' Have yoa
obeyed your conscience directed by God's word ?' If he replies :
^' It is by Garlstadt,' or some other, the prince has nothing more
to object ; for he has no right to disquiet or hush the inward voice
of that man, or decide in a matter entirely within the jurisdiction
of him who, according to Zacharias, is commissioned to explain
the divine law. For my part, I confess that I do not see how I
can prevent polygamy ; there is not in the sacred texts the least
word against those who take several wives at one time ; but there
are many things permissible that ought not becomingly to be done :
of these is bigamy."*
* " £a tamen neglectim, itk festinantur ac vitios^ imprimebant, nt majorem
prratiam eo obsequio referrent Lntheranis qukm Gatholicis. Si qui eorum
justiorem Gatholicis openun impeDderent, hi k ceteris in publicis mercatiboii
FraDCofordise et alibi vezabantur ac ridebantur velut papistae et sacerdotnm
servi." — Cochl. in Actis, pp. 58, 59. See Die Uraachen der schnellen Verbrei-
tuDg der Reformation zunachst in Deutschland, by James Marx, in which the
action of the press on the diffusion of the refonned opinions is admirably
described in the 12th chapter, entitled Die Buchdrucker nnd Buchhandler
befordem die Reformation, p. 152 et seq.
* " Ego sanb fateor me non posse prohibere si quis plnres yelit uxoree dncere,
nee repugnat sacris litteris. Egregio viro D. Gregorio Brack, 18 Jan. 1524."
-De Wette, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 469.
PLUNDER OP THE CHURCH PROPERTY. ■ 185
Carlstadt, whom we find wherever there is scandisd, replied to
Luther : " Since you have not, any more than myself, found any
tezt in the Sciiptures against bigamy, let us be bigamists, triga-
mists, or have as many wives as we can support. ' Increase and
multiply,' — ^you understand ? Let us, then, obey the command
of Heaven ! "
CHAPTER XIV.
PLUNDER OF THE CHURCH PROPERTY.
Xiuther, in order to win the prinoes over to hia doctrines^ offers them the spoils
of the monasteries. — Feudal Germany had long aspired to burst the tutelage
in which Rome held her, for the sake of the nations. — ^Effects of Luther's
preaching on the great vassals of the empire. — Code drawn up by the Saxon
monk for the use of the princes who coveted the property of the Church. —
Invasion of the temporal on the rights of the spiritual power. — These
attempts are justified and commended by Luther, Melancthon, Bucer,
BuUinger, and all the leaders of the ReformatioD. — Doctrines of slavery
taught by them. — Pillage of the Catholic churches and properties. — ^Tardy
indignation of Luther. — Had he not preached robbery and murder f — Useless
advances made by him to some of his adversaries.
JuRiBU has acknowledged that Geneva, Switzerland, the
republics and firee cities, the electors and princes of Germany,
England, Scotland, Sweden, and Denmark, drove out " popery,",
and established their religious revolution only by the assistance
of the civil power.* In Saxony, Lutheranism, left to the popular
instincts, to prosely tism, and the action of the Reformer on men's
minds, was but slowly developed ; its advance would have been
checked every instant.^ It is enough to cast a glance at the
court of Duke George of Saxony, where no one, while that prince
lived, allowed himself to be seduced by the innovations, to com-
prehend the influence of the civil power on religious opinions.
He was scarcely dead, when the Reformation entered the electoral
' Die Ursachen der schnellen Yerbreitung der Reformation, von Jakob
Marx, p. 64.
^ " £s ist klar dass die fUrstlichen Oewalten keineswegs giinstig fUr die
Reformation gesinnt waren, und wir wisseu ja, dass ausser dem EhurfUrsten
von Sachsen sich bis jetzt keiner fur sie erklarte." — Karl Hagen, L c. tom. u
p. U6,
186 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
palace, and from the palace soon gained Misnia and Thnringen.
The human mind is seldom excited by opinions which give no
advantage. Melancthon admits that, in the triumph of the
Reformation, the princes had in view neither the purification of
Christianity, the difiusion of learning, the exalting of a creed,
nor the amelioration of morals, but wretched, profane, and earthly
interests.* "They are worthy Lutherans," said the doctor, speaking
of the Saxon princes, " who adjudge to themselves the treasures
of the cloisters, and religiously keep the jewels of the churches ! "
Luther, to win them, offered them in perspective the property
of the clergy and the monasteries. Duke Oeorge was the only
one capable of resisting him ; this prince stands out boldly
among his contemporaries as an upright, ardent, and just man,
whom no worldly ambition could move.
Germany, in the middle ages, extended from the lake of Con-
stance, or sea of Suabia, to the confines of Poland. Christianity
had softened the savage manners of its natives, cleared its forests,
changed its solitudes into cities, and assisted it to throw off the
yoke of the Romans. For all that it possessed of fiiith, science,
and intellectual art at Luther's advent, it waA indebted to its
ancient bishops. The tree of feudalism had first flourished on
its soil It was one of the European states in which the influence
of the papacy was most sensibly felt. Its great vassals had often
striven to free themselves from ultramontane dependence ; but
their efforts had been vain, because they had not found a very
zealous protector in the emperor. We have seen at the diet of
Nuremberg the attempts of the Oermanic body to establish its
independence. The secular and ecclesiastic princes set forth, in
the name of the nation, grievances which they communicated to
the pope's legate, with the consent of Ferdinand, the brother and
representative of Charles V. They demanded the redress of a
hundred grievances, as indispensable for maintaining peace in
the German Church. Pope Adrian VI. had anticipated thdr
wishes, and was inclined to grant some of the immunities which
they sought ; but the bad feeling and constantly increasing
' ** Sie bekUmmerten sich gar nicht um die Lehre : es aei ihnen bloss am die
Frelheit und die Herrscfaaft zu thun." Gobbett has developed the B&me idea in
his work on the reformation of England.
* Luther, Von beider Gestalt des Sacraments : Witt. 1528.
PLUNDBB OP THE CHtlECH PBOPEBTY. 187
exactions of the refonned princes^ who wished to separate them-
selves from Borne at all cost, thwarted this work of con-
ciliation.
For a long time Hutten laboured to destroy the spiritual
authority of Rome in (Jermany. " His plan," says M. Alexan-
der Weill, " may be summed up in a few words ; — ^to re-establish
the unity of Germany in the name of the new Gospel religion,
and to expel all the reigning princes and bishops ; to unite the
petty aristocracy to the citizens, and even to the peasantry, and
proclaim liberty and confraternity in the name of the emperor
and the Gospd. As to his emperor, he was ready made ; and
never was hero more worthy than Franz von Sickengen to wear
an imperial crown." ^
Under \he pretext of liberty, Hutten's partisans desired a
schism. Then Rome might be unable to interfere, as she had so
often done, in the quarrels between princes and their subjects, that
is to say, between the oppressors and the oppressed. How often had
the eye of the pope, fixed on the great German body, prevented
the feudatories from trampling under foot the privileges and
franchises of their vassals ! Protestants themselves have acknow-
ledged the efficacy of that intervention in the struggles of the
clergy with the empire.
The truth is, that frequently the lay prebendaries and secular
princes, who had received from the pope palaces, fine estates,
and rich abbeys, bore with impatience a foreign tutelage. They
would have desired to levy taxes at their own will, trample
on their subjects at pleasure, and live by plunder like their
ancestors, sheltered from the dread of Rome. They preferred
the highways to the palaces, and had not entirely stripped off
that savage nature which they had inherited from their ancestors
for the misfortune of mankind. They passionately loved to
hunt the deer, sound the horn, and mount fiery steeds. Who
has not heard of the exploits of Goetz von Berlichingen, Wil-
helm von Grumbach, or Franz von Sickengen, that hero of
Hutten, who hunted monks as they do wild boars ? One his-
torian describes Germany as being at this time changed into a
very den of robbers, and the nobility contending among them-
' The peasftats* war. La PhaLaage, Januaiy and February, 1845, p. 117.
188 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
selves in rapacity.^ The Eoman chancery made them pay lai^ge
sums for the war with the Turks, the judicial proceedings of
various tribunals, and dispensations for certain observances,
under pain of interdict and excommunication.^ Now, observe
Luther assembling all these chiefs of clans, these highwaymen,
these modem Nimrods, and saying to them : *' Tour power
emanates from God alone, you have no master on this earth, you
owe nothing to the pope, mind your own affairs, and let him
mind his ; he is the Antichrist predicted by the prophet Daniel ;
he is the man of sin, the sovereign of Babylon the whore ; you
princes and nobles owe him neither first-fruits nor services for
the abbeys which he has bestowed upon you. These abbeys are as
much your property as the beasts which run on your lands, the
birds which fly over your fields, or the fishes which swim in your
ponds. The monasteries in which these pious hypocrites live are
dens of iniquity, which infest your possessions, — chouses of abomi-
nation, which devour the food of your subjects, — ^barren briars,
which you must root out, if you wish God to bless you in this
life or the next. Make a crusade against Rome, put between
her and you an eternal wall of separation, and embrace the new
Gospel. Cast off your chains, and, like Hermann, deliver Ger-
many from the Eoman conquerors ; purge the earth from this
vermin of monks, a theocracy a thousand times more shameful
than the yoke of your ancient masters."
Is it to be believed that such language — and Luther more
than once made use of it — could fail to destroy all those whom
the monk marked out to popular animadversion ? And when did
Luther make it be heard ? When Charles V. was four hundred
leagues from Wittemberg ; when all Germany was disorganised ;
when the episcopal authority was violently attacked ; when the
people believed in the advent of a new Messiah, announced by
Phiffer and Munzer ; and when the Turk threatened Hungary.
To those who set themselves in rebellion against the spiritual
authority, the monk decreed an earthly crown composed of the
diamonds, precious stones, gold and silver, of the monasteries ;
' " Potentissima Germania et potentigaima et nobilissima, sed ea tota nuno
QDum latrocinium est, etille inter nobiles gloriosiorqui rapacior." — Campanua^
in Freher, Script. Grerm. torn. ii. pp. 294/ 295.
> Botteck, Hiflt. 06n^rale, torn. iii. p. 79.
PLUNDER OP THE CHUROH PROPEBTY. 189
and a heavenly one fashioned by the hand of God. One
of these alone was enough to excite the cupidity of the princes.
The treasures of the cloisters resembled the martyr's blood of
Tertullian, and daily produced new disciples to the Reformation.
There was in the religious houses wherewith to allure covetousness :
wine, com, gold, silver, and even nuns who formed part of the
booty.* We have the testimony of Luther himself, who affirms
that the ostensoria or monstrances of the Church had made
many conversions.^ In like manner it was that Albert, mar-
grave of Brandenbui^, apostatized, that he might with a safe
conscience rob the Teutonic order of the country of Prussia,
which he erected into a hereditary principality ; ' and that
Franz von Sickengen, at the head of twelve thousand bandits,
recruited in the forests, invaded the archbishopric of Treves,
leaving on his march long tracts of blood.
Luther had drawn up, for the use of those who coveted their
neighbour's goods, a code, consisting of eight articles, in which
legalized theft became a commandment of God. The first and
largest share of the plunder was for the evangelical curates and
preachers ; the second for the masters and mistresses who were
to instruct children in the secularized religious houses ; the third
for those who from age were unable to work, and for the sick ;
the fourth for orphans ; the fifth for the parochial poor ; the
sixth for destitute strangers and travellers ; the seventh for
maintaining buildings ; and the eighth for forming granaries of
corn in case of scarcity.* The princes were not mentioned in
this plan of division ; but as Luther, in his Argyrophylax, had
said to them, " In a short while you will see what tons of gold
are concealed in the monasteries,'' ^ threatening them with the
vengeance of heaven if they did not seize on them ; ^ the princes
* Unpartheiische Kirchen- and KetzerhiBtorie, torn. ii. ch. xvi.
' " XII. Predigt von Lather. Viele siod noch gut evangelisch, wiel efl noch
katholische Moastranzen and KloBtergUtergibt." — Jak. Marx, p. 174. Menzel,
torn. i. pp. 871—379.
> Kotteck, 1. c. p. 98.
^ De Fisco Commanl, voy. Cochl. in Actis, p. 84.
* " Ezperiemini intra paacos menses quot centom aoreonim millia unius
ezignsB ditionis Testrse nionachi et id g^nas hominam possideant." — Coobl.
p. 148.
' " GottloB seyen diejenigen die diese GUter nicht an sioh zogen, and sie
beaser yerwendeten, als die Monche."
190 HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
coBjsidered tlieinselyes authorized to regulate the partition of the
booty. They thoroughly oomprehended the lion's share ; firom
compassion they gaye to the obstinate monks some clothing, that
they might beg on the highways ; — a little money to those who
had been obedient to Lather ; — and, by a singular generosity, the
sacred vessels of the secularised monastery to the curate of the
parish who consented to embrace Lutheranism ; all the rest went
to their mistresses and courtiers ; and when they were as greedy
as the landgrave of Hesse, they kept to themselves the vest-
ments, sacerdotal robes, tapestries, chased plate, and vessels of
the sanctuaries. ''To the devil!" soon exclaimed Luther, in
his rage ; " to the devil with senators, castellans, princes, and
nobles, and mighty lords, who leave not to the preachers, the
priests and servants of the Oospel, wherewith to support their
wives and children.''* This was the same landgrave who,
not content with the property of the Churchy which he had
openly robbed, yet wished to meddle with the organization of its
worship, and suppress the elevation of. the chalice at the Mass.*
Was it not a disgusting spectacle to witness those ducally,
electorally, or princely crowned robbers, who, because they did
not find, like Heliodorus, angels at the gates of the temples
which they pillaged, presumed to r^ulate the forms of service
in that old church from which they had torn down the image of
Christ, expelled the priests, and transformed the vessels of the
sanctuary into plate for their tables ; to say how many grains
of incense should be burnt in a thurible, which had somehow
escaped the hunt which they made after everything that had the
colour of gold or silver, and teach the bishops the use of the
ciborium? Thus the Reformation which, by the mouth of its
apostle, was proclaimed in Germany as coming to free the people
from the priestly yoke, created a pagan monstrosity, hierophant
and magistrate, with one arm seizing the exterior or political act^
and the interior or religious one. Melancthon's eye had seen
across the future the sacrifice of the people's liberties in those
prerogatives which Luther conferred on the civil government.
He would have preserved the episcopal jurisdiction, which the
* In his Tisch-Reden, quoted by J. Marx, p. 175.
* J. Marx, 1. c. p. 177.
PLUin)BB OF THE CHUECH PROPERTY. 191
fiery refonner crashed to insure the snccess of his own doctrines.^
It was natoraly that once in possession of an authority so exor-
bitant, the princes should not wish again to sacrifice it ; and, at
the peace of Westphalia, they stipulated, as one of the prero-
gatiyes of the civil power, for the right of reformation, jus refor^
mandi, in spiritual matters.^
But Melancthon does not tell us that, like his master, he
▼olnntarily sacrificed the democratic principle of the Reforma-
tion, in counselling the landgrave of Hesse, who consulted him
on the subject of the religious disputes so frequent among the
Protestant ministers, to withdraw the word fxom those who did
not preach the trae gospel ; thus constituting a secular prince
judge in the last resort of a bible text^
It was after the extermination of the peasants, for which
Luther returned thanks to Ood, that the attempts of the Pro-
testant princes against the civil and religious liberties of their
subjects were everywhere openly made. The oppressed had lost
the protector whom he believed had been sent to him by the
Lord in the person of Luther ; for the temporal prince, hence-
forward the Saxon evangelist's arm of flesh, the monk had
digested a theory, which permitted him to dare all things, and
to make use of the scourge and the ball against those who might
seek to rebel That theory of doing as they pleased was sup-
ported even by Melancthon. Bucer, on his part, preached
slavery in terms still more precise. He taught that the civil
authority is sole judge of its conduct: that to it exclusively
belongs the decision whether it should act justly or capriciously,
by blood or other punishments, as the living representative, .in
all that it does, of God who sits in the highest heavens. The
civil power must be obeyed : where there is civil power there is
the law ; unless we rebel against God, we must obey the prince
in everything which he prescribes, as the instrument of divine
yengeance.*
« J. Mwi, 1. c. p. 478. » Ibid.
' Karl Hagen, L c. torn. ii. p. 156.
* It is a Protestant who has found, in one of Bnoer's works, this apotheosis
of despotism. The following are his words:— "Martin Bucer stellt ohne
Weiteres den Grundsatz auf, dass jede Obrigkeit, mag sie nun ihre Gewalt
exfaalten haben, wie sie will, rechtlioh oder unrechtlich, dutch Mord oder
Bonstige Schandtbaten, schon durch die Thatsache als eine von Gott einge-
192 HISTORY OP LtJTHBB.
That the civil power should be master of men's consciences,
was a right which all the reformers conceded to it after the fall
of the peasants. Bncer goes so far as to assert that the civil
power may use fire and sword against all those who have em-
braced error, because a heretic is more guilty than a robber or a
murderer. He desires that the civil power should have the right
of putting to death both the child and the wife, and the flock of
the guilty ; and he appeals to the Old Testament in justification
of his frightful doctrine. " Now,^' says he, " if the New Testa-
ment has made obedience to the pure word of God a command-
ment still more express than the old, does it not follow that
disobedience to that word ought to be still more severely
punished?'' Bo not speak to him of that law of love which
Christ came to bring to men, and which in no case allows of
confounding the innocent with the guilty ; he replies, " that in
Christ's time tde men who held the reins of government had not
yet embraced the Gospel, and that therefore to them the com-
mandments of Christ were not addressed." *
Old Erasmus, remembering Luther's profession of faith at
Worms, wherein he insisted that no means but the Gospel should
he used to convert the Christian who had ferred, now smiled, and
muttered, " Oppression ! " But Bucer replied to him, " We
must draw a distinction : it would be oppression to use violence
to guide men into error ; but not so if, to lead them to truth.
BOtzte zu betraohten sei ; denn fionst batte Gott die Gewalt niobt zugelaasen :
daber mtisse man jeder Obrigkeit oboe Unterscbied geborchen, denn wo
Gewalt, ist aucb daas Recbt Ja, er gebt so weit, dass er bebauptet, ancb wenn
di^ Obrigkeit etwas wider das Gebot Gottes befeble, so mUsae der Untertban
geborcben ; denn es sei anzunebmen, dass dann Gott denselben mit der Rntbe
strafen woUe." — Karl Hagen, 1. c. pp. 154, 155.
1 '< Er gebt dann so weit, dass er der Obrigkeit das Recbt einramnt, dieje-
nigen, welcbe eine falscbe Religion baben, mit Feuer nnd Scbwert anszurotten,
indem diese die Mutter aller Caster ware, nnd solcbe Leute eine viel bartere
Strafe verdienten, als Diebe, Ranber, Morder. Ja^ er erlaubt sogar, ancb die
nnscbnldigen Kinder nnd Weiber, selbst das Vieb solcber Mensoben zu erwiir-
gen, nnd beruft siob dabei auf das Alte Testament, wo es Gott scbon geboten
babe. Da nun aber das Neue Testament in der Gottesfurcbt nocb weiter geben
solle, milsste die Strafe fUr ein solcbes Vergeben mindestens eben so gross sein,
wie im Alten, wo nicbt grosser. Den Einwurf, dass Cbristus solcbe Gran-
samkeit docb nicbt geboten babe, widerlegt er damit^ dass er sagt, zu Cbristi
Zeiten batten die Obrigkeiten das Evangelium nocb nicbt angenommen gebabt :
er babe es ibnen aucb nicbt gebieten konnen." — Karl Hagen, 1. c. torn. ii.
p. 157. See Dialogi, oder Gespracbe von den gemeinsamen und den Kircben-
Uebungen, und was jeder Obrigkeit von Amtswegen aus gottlicbem Befeble,
an denselben zu verseben und zu bessem geblire : 1525.
PLUNDER OF THE CUUKCH PROPERTY. 193
tre were to employ even the gibbet : against the dissenter into-
lerance is a duty/' ^
The confiscation of the goods of the clergy, an attack on the
rights of property, followed the common law of every revolu-
tionary measure, and was accompanied by tumults, violent
pillage, the fury of the victors and blood of the vanquished,
ivhen the latter, using their right of lawful defence, endeavoured
to repel force by force, or when, indifferent to the perishable
goods of this life, they contended with words alone, in name
of their fiedth and their conscience. A great number of priests
repeated the noble example of the Christians of the primitive
Church, suffered the justice of men to take its course, and sur-
rendered without a murmur all that excited their covetousness. ' We
have the songs of triumph of some Protestant historians for our
authorities.
At Bremen, in Lent, the citizens got up a masquerade, in
which the pope^ cardinals, and monks figured. They raised on
the place of execution a pile whereon all these Catholic personi-
fications were thrown and consumed amidst shouts of delight ;
the rest of the day was spent in celebrating with full libations
the downfall of the papacy.*
At Zwickau, on Shrove-Tuesday, they drew acro^ the market-
place hare-nets, into which monks and nuns, hunted by the
students, fell and were caught. At a short distance was the
statue of St. Francis tarred and feathered. The historian
glories in this insult as a victory, and concludes with these words
his account of the day's proceedings : '^ Thus fell at Zwickau
the papacy ; thus at length shone forth the pure light of the
Gospel.'' ^ He adds that a band of citizens attacked a convent,
' "Zum fiilsoheii Glauben solle man allerdings Niemanden zwineen, nnd
geschehe es, so dttrfe man Widerstand leiaten ; aber gegen diejenigen, die
selber den falschen Glauben haben, das heisse, einen andem als die orthodoxe
Partei, soil man mit Strafen verfahren dfirfen, selbst roit Todesslrafe. Die
Unduldsamkeit gegen Andersglaubiffe ist eine I^icht." — Buch wider die
TS.ufer, p. 94. See also, for the development of this doctrine, Bncer's work,
Schutzschrift wider des Wiener Bischofii Johanns (Faber) Trostbiichlein,
welches er von dem wunderbarlichen, neu erlangten Siege herausgab. Fitssli,
Bettrage, tom. iv. p. 804.
' Arnold, tom. xvi. cap. vi.
3 " Also ist das Papetthum abgeschafft, nnd hingegen die reine evangelische
Lehre fortgepflanzt worden." — § 14, ch. vii. § 12.
VOL, II. 0
194 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
the gates of which they broke, pillaged the chests and tieasoiy,
tossed the books out of the windows, and smashed all the glass.
The authorities took no notice of it, and did not even exhibit a
hypocritical indignation by denouncing these shocking outrages to
the country.*
At Stralsund, one day, some wretches took it into their heads
to expel with stones the monks and nuns from their convents.
The duke seized upon the goods which they had been forced to
abandon, and confiscated them for the greater glory of God.^
Moreover, at Elemberg, the clergyman's house was given up
to pillage for some hours, and one^f the students, an actor in this
drama which excited the laughter of the mob, clothed himself
in the curate's vestments, and, seated upon an ass, rode into the
church.*
Sometimes we imagine that we are reading one of Cicero's
orations against Verres. The proconsul of Sicily was not more
ingenious than duke John of Saxony, Frederick's successor, in
pillaging a monastery. Some days beforeo pening the campaign,
he sent "to demand the registers of the monastery, then he went
with a strong company of soldiers, surrounded the house, sum-
moned the abbot, and the prince, with the register in his hand,
caused him to deliver up the treasures which he had marked.^
Such an example was not without imitation, — at Rostock, for
example ; there the senators in their official costume took posses-
sion of the convent in the name of the city, and put its seal on
the stolen articles.
At Magdeburg, the council of the consular magistrates acted
with clemency, put a stop to the pillage, and decreed that the
monks during their lives should remain in their cells, and con-
tinue to be supported at the expense of the house, on condition
that tliey would throw ofiF their religious habit and embrace the
Reformation.* Hunger made numerous apostates ; many monks
* Id. Arnold, 1. c. torn. ii. lib. xvi. cap. vi.
' Arnold, torn. ii. lib. xv. cap. ix. § 14, cap. vi. p. 59. Dr. Gust. Ludw.
Baden (Geschichtw des danischen Reichs), Plank, and other I^oteatant hiato-
riau8, have given very long details of the spoliation of the religioua houaes.
^ Das Besnltat meiner WandeniDgen, &c. von Julius Honinghaus, p. 839.
* Arnold, 1. c. torn. i. cap. 16, quoted by Hoeninghaus, p. 341.
^ Marheineke, Geschichte der deuischen Keformation, torn. ii. p. 41.
PLUNDER OF THE OHUROH PROPERTY. 195
consented to exchange exile or misery for the gospel of Luther :
and snch were the victories recorded by the Beformers and
boasted of afterwards. There is an old chronicle, printed at
Torgau in 1524, in which Leonard Eoeppe and some yonng
stadents of the city narrate a noctomal expedition against the
Franciscan monastery, speak of the rebellions monks whom they
threw out of the windows, and of the nnns whom they spared
because they were silent^
Lnther at last thundered against these disorders which com-
promised his cause in Germany ; one day he exclaimed : '^ Who
knows whether, at the last day, one of these monks will not be
our judge?"'* As if he had not excited the pasrions of the
peofde and the fdry of the nobles against the religions houses !
He wished, now that he was sure of the support of the Reformed
princes, that they should compassionate a monk who, according
to him, was an incarnation of every sin ; that they should spare
some of them, while he regretted that he conld not toss the pope
into the flames, as he had done his arms.' He wished that they
would spare a Franciscan, when he laughed at the mere idea of
seeing the pope, the cardinals, and their associates tied to the
pHlory, with their tongues pulled out.^ He wished that the
hands of undisciplined students would leave untouched the
windows of the religious houses, while he had invoked on the
monasteries the fires of heaven, the flames of hell, the leprosy of
St. Anthony, and the plagues and boils of ancient Egypt, to punish
in their inmates a reason fallen so low as to ignore itself.^ He
wished that they should repress the violence of the populace,
' HoQiiingliaus, L o.
' " Es mbchte vielleicht unter ihnen einer seyn, der am jiingsten Crericht
unser aller Richter seyn mochte." — Seckendorf, lib. ii. p. 64. Honingh'aua,
das Resaltat, &c. p. 344.
* ** DaEU mogen wlr seine Wappen, da er die SchlUaael fUhrt und seine
Krone darauf, mit gutem Qewissen, an fa heimliche Gemach fuhren, nnd zur
Untemothdtirffc gebrauchen, daruach ins Feuer werfen ; besaer ware es, den
Papst selbst." — Luther wider das Papstthura za Bom, vom Teufel gestiftet,
torn. viii. : JensB, fol. 208—248.
* ''Damach soUte man ihn selbst, den Papst, Kardinal, und was seiner
Abgotterei und Heiligkeit Gresindlin ist, nehmen, und ihnen die Zungeu hinten
zum fials herausreissen und an den Galgen annageln." — Ibid.
* ""Eb mochte wohl Jemand gem fluchen, dass sie der Blitz und Donner
erschllige, hollisch Feuer yerbrennte, Pestilenz, Franzosen, St. Velten, St. An-
tonij Aussatz, Carbunkel and alle Plagen hatten." — Ibid.
o2
196 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
while he continued to exclaim to kings, princes, nobles, and
people : " Rome, Urbino, Bologna, and all the lands of the
Church are yours ; take, in God's name, that which belongs to
you/' ^ Osiander, (Ecolampadius,.and many others have reproached
him with the rebellion and death of the peasants of Thuringia ;
but we have no need of invoking the testimony of his disciples,
since we find in almost every page of his writings a brutal appeal
against the bishops, a furious outcry against the clergy, the
sanctification of robbery, and the glorification of rapine. The
texts are plain, we have not invented them.
As a deserter from the cause of the people, a renegade from
the principle of free inquiry, an apologist and £a>vourer of dis-
putation, Luther required to forgive himself his voluntary
apostasies. Thus we see him, at this time, wholly engaged in
endeavouring, if possible, to be reconciled with his adversaries.
He writes to the king of England, who wavers in his faith,
and is on the point of breaking with Rome, a letter of studied
humility,* in which he implores the prince to forget the trans-
ports of a monk who repents of his unjust passion ; but Henry,
too deeply wounded in his literary vanity ever to pardon him,
laughs with his courtiers at the interested repentance of the
Saxon.
He promises the archbishop of Mayence * to be silent hence-
forward, if his grace will only consent to marry;* but the prelate
has not the least inclination to break his vows.
He writes to George of Saxony, and beseeches him on his
knees to cease his hostility- to the doctrines of Wittemberg ; but
the prince rejects the doctors prayers, and in a long letter
' '' Und erstlich nebme man dem Papst Bom, Bomandiol, Urbin, Bolonia,
und Alles was er hat als ein Papst." — Ibid. See Das Besultat meiner
Wapdemngen, &c., oder die Nothwendigkeit der RUckkebr zur katholischen
Religion, ausscbliesslioh durch die eigenen Eingestandniuse protestantischer
Theologen und Philosophen, dargethan von Dr. Julius HoninghaUH : Aschaf-
ienburg, 1835. This is a trustworthy book, in which the texts which lead to
Catholic unity are extracted from the writings of the Reformers, and in which
each of these texts is conscientiously indicated, in its order of chapter, page,
line, and number. It has been translated into Frendi, by the title of La
R^forme contre la R^forme, to which I have added a PreftMse (2 vols, 8vo.).
* September, 1526. De Wette, torn. ii.
3 Luther an den Erzbischof Albrecht, 2 June, 1825. Be Wette, I. c. torn. ii.
p. 673.
* 22 December, 1826. De We'tte, torn. iii. p. 55.
ABOLITION OF THE CATHOLIC WORSHIP. 197
reproaches Lnther with the blood of the peasants, the churches
profaned, the clergy reduced to beggary, the dishonoured virgins,
the fftithful monks exiled, the incest which stalks through the
streets, the barefaced idolatry, the cities burned by the peasants,
the infidelity taught in the professors' chairs, the impiety which
prevails in the country districts, and asks him if it is possible to
be reconciled to the man who has delivered over Germany to all
these scourges.
" Keep your Gospel,'" says George, with a soldier's frankness :
*' I keep mine, which the Church of Christ has received and
given to me/' *
CHAPTER XV.
ABOLITION OF THE CATHOLIC WORSHIP.
The Children inCrermany were iDstrucied by the religions. — ^Aftor the aecnlariza'
tion of Uie monka, theeduoation of the people was entirely neglected. — Luther's
complaints of the neglect of the reformed princes to instruct the rising
generation. — Visitations of the conununities recommended by the reformer.
— ^The prince selects the visiton. — ^The clergyman now only an instrument
in the hands of the ciyil power. — ^Disorganization of the Catholic worship
effected by Luther, with consent of the princes. — ^The Gregorian chant
abolished. — German songs appointed in place of our hymns and proses. —
Is it true that Luther was the first in his hue strains to glorify the blood
of Christ?
Before the Reformation, there were attached to every religious
house schools where Catholicism summoned the children of the
poor for food and instruction ; from these pious asylums pro-
ceeded all the great lights of the sixteenth century in Germany :
Luther, Erasmus, (Ecolampadius, Zwinglius, Eck, Faber, Bucer.
The first book in which children were taught to read was the
Bible, which was not a sealed volume, although Luther has said
so,* but of which the text was explained by an oral interpre-
tation. This commentary was always the same ; the dogmatic
' This letter of G^rge of Saxony, admirable in all respects, is to be found
in Luther's works, Leipsic, 1738, vol. zix. p. 361 et seq.
* Jakob Marx, 1. c. p. 173. Tisch-Beden, p. 352, edit. Eisleben, 1566.
198 HTSTOBT OP LUTHER.
texty in all the Catholic latitude, had a uniform sense ; it was
the same sentiment, only portrayed to the eyes by different signs.
Now it happened that, when the bishops were expelled from
their sees, the priests from their presbyteries, and the monks and
nnns from their convents, the children were depriyed both of
mental and bodily food. Lather denounced the desertion of the
clergy by the nobility and citizens, who only cared for their own
comforts, and had no regard for the glory of the GospeL Strange
astonishment of the Saxon apostle ! here obsenres a Protestant
historian. Luther complains that they forget to pay titbes to
his clergy, when he has incessantly preached that poverty is the
lot of every Christian who has taken for his model Jesus and his
apostles ! *
At the sight of all these princes who, under Luther's eye, per-
mitted thus to die of hunger the very people whom they had robbed
of their wealth, some electors were moved. But while supplying
food for the body, they believed that it was their province to
distribute the spiritual manna, to supply the place of bishop,
priest, and monk ; to point out the aliment necessary for the
soul, the form of worship, the order of the ceremonies, and
the internal policy of the churches.* They wished also to relate
the teaching without the assistance of the priesthood. It was
Luther who from the outset had encouraged this strange preten-
sion of the civil power, by his complaints in an eloquently bitter
diatribe on the neglect of the Gospel.
" I should not be astonished," he said, " if God were at last
to open the doors and windows of hell, and snow and hail clouds
of devils, or shower upon our heads sulphur and flames from
heaven, and bury us in gulfs of fire, like Sodom and Gomorrha.
Had Sodom and Gomorrha received the gifts which have been
granted to us, if they had had our visions and heard our preach-
ings, they would have been still standing : they were, however,
a thousand times less guilty than Germany, for they had not
received the word of God from their preachers. And we who
have received and heard it, only seek to rise up against God.
Undisciplined minds compromise the word of God, and the rich
* MeDzel, 1. o. torn. i. p. 231.
' Jak. Marx, Die TJrsachen, kc, pp. 162—196.
ABOLITION OP THB CATHOLIC WOBSHIP. 199
and noble labonr to deprive him of his glory, ao that we haye our
deserta — the wrath of the Eternal ! Others torn aside their
hands and refuse to pay their clergy and their preachers, and
even to support them. If Qermany is to act thus, I blush to be
one of her sons or speak her language ; and if I might silence
,ihe voice of my conscience, I would call in the pope, and
aasist him and his minions to enchain and torture us again.
Formerly, when we were in the service of Satan and profaned
the blood of Christ, their purses were open ; they had gold
wherewith to endow churches, erect seminaries, and support
supeistitian. Then nothing was spared to place children in
convents and make them go to school ; but now that we require
to build religious schools, and endow the Church of Christ, —
no, not endow, but assist in preserving it ! for it is the Lord
who has built that Church, and who watches over her, — ^now
that we know the sacred word, and have learnt to honour
the blood of our martyred God, their purses are closed with
iron padlocka Nobody will give anything ! The children are
neglected, and no one will let them be taught to serve God, or
venerate the blood of Jesus, while they are cheerfully sacrificed
to Mammon ! ^ The blood of Jesus is trampled under foot !
And these are Christians ! No more schools, no more cloisters ;
the herb is withered and the flower fallen ! (Isaiah vii.) Now
that carnal men are sure that they will no longer see their
sons or their daughters sent into cloisters, reft of their patri-
mony, there is no one to educate the young. ' Why should they
be taught,' say they, * since they are neither to be priests nor
iDonks V Were ten Moses' to lift their hands and bend their
knees for us, their voices would not be heard ; and were I to
supplicate Heaven for my beloved country, God would reject my
prayer ; it would not reach his throne. God will save Lot and
destroy Sodom.
''Since the fall of the papacy, with its excommunications
and spiritual punishments, the people despise the Scriptures ;
care for the churches no longer disquiets them ; they have
ceased to fear and honour God. It is therefore the duty of the
' An die Bathsherm alter Stadte Deutschlands, dass sie die c^risUiclie
Schulen aufrichten und balten sollen. — Menzel, 1. c. torn. i. p. 281.
200 HISTORY OP IiUTHKR.
elector, as supreme head of the state, to watch over and protect
the sacred work, which every one abandons ; it is his duty to
compel the cities and towns which hare the means of doing so,
to found schools and chairs of theology, and support the clergy,
in the same way as they are bound to make bridges, highways,
and monuments. I should wish, if it were possible, to leave
these men without pastors, and let them live like swine. There
is no longer either fear or love of God ; the pope's yoke has
been broken, and each lives as he likes. But it is the duty of
us all, and chiefly of the prince, to train up children in the fear
and love of the Lord, and to give them teachers and pastors :
the old people, if they do not wish such, may go to the devil I
But it would be disgraceful for the civil power to leave the young
to wallow in the mire/' ^
He added, that if the district was not rich enough to raise
schools at its own cost, it would be necessary to take for that
purpose what remained of the property of the monasteries, which,
had been intended originally for the sole purpose of advancing the
Gospel and learning ; and that a cry of execration would be raised
if the academies and presbyteries were allowed to fall, and the
nobility appropriated the treasures of the monasteries to their
own use exclusively. He wished that the elector would name a
commission of four persons to visit the countries which had
embraced the Reformation, two of whom should superintend the
administration of the property of the religious houses, the tithes
and dues, and the other two the instruction and selection of the
masters.
This project was for a long time unapplied ; for the elector
was not sufficiently powerful yet thus to play with the clerical
prerogatives. At a later period, in 1527, the prince, who had
nothing more to fear from Rome, and who could without risk
brave the emperor, then in Italy, desired to free himself from
the rule of the Catholic clergy, and his most effective mode was
immediately to apply Luther's theories of reform in the organiza-
tion of the parishes. A commission of clergy and laymen was
accordingly appointed, the members of which were selected by
* Luther*s Werke, edit. Altenburg, torn. iii. p. 519. KeinhAnrs Bainmtliclie
ReformatioDspredigteD, torn. Hi. p. 445.
ABOLITION OP THE CATHOLIC WORSHIP. 201
the elector, for yisiting the districts and attending to their
spiritual administration. These visitors had for their mission to
scrutinize the lives, the morals, and the doctrines of the clergy,
with power, if necessary, to depose and excommunicate them.
If a clergyman so degraded had to complain of the sentence of
his judges, his appeal lay to his highness the elector, who,4n
this case, discharged the office of king and pope.
Thenceforward, the political power was charged ?dth watching
over the choice of the clergy, the preaching of the Gospel, oral
and written instruction, the worship and the liturgy.* ,
The lawyers encouraged the encroachments of the civil power,
which was not slow in destroying the old Catholic franchises.
Luther had to'deplore the abasement of the evangelical minister,
who could not move in his church except at the will of the
magistrate, whom he had first chosen as his protector, and who
ended by becoming his master, and an arbitrary one. He
endeavoured to protest in the name of the Gospel; but the
historian Menzel, who has carefully traced the progressive
advances of these political usurpations, sagely observes that
Luther's voice had then no longer its former influence, and
remained ?dthout an echo.^
"Our Grospel," said he in 1536, "teaches the necessity of
separating the two policies, civil and religious ; they ought not
to be mixed or combined ; the Church and the city are two distinct
administrations, and the magistrate and the priest exercise two
independent powers which ought not to be confounded, according
to the recommendation of St. Paul, who says that we ought not
to be aUotrio episcopi, that is to say, the curators or inspectors
of others. Christ first established this division, and experience
has taught us that there is no peace to be hoped for, when the
magistrate or the state invades the priesthood, and when the
priesthood desires to exercise the functions of the magistrate I" '
This was not what he at first taught.
He had not perceived that in the new Church the pastor's
dependence was a consequence of the mode of his ordination.
* The same theories prevailed at Geneva nnder Calvin. See the second
volume of my History of Calvin.
' Menzel, 1. c. torn. 1. p. 289.
' Luther's Werke : Walch. Auag. torn x. p. 1965,
202 HISTOEY OF LUTHEB.
8nch as the doctor had settled it. In 1523, the Bohanians con-
sulted him on the form of clerical institution to be followed
in the Church of Christ, and Luther replied to them : *^ Assemble
and proceed, in the name of the Lord, to select him whom you
shall deem worthy of your votes ; impose your bands on him
and confirm him, and acknowledge him as your bishop or
pastor." ^ What ensued from this form of ordination established
by Luther ? That the civil power, who necessarily exercised the
police of the districts, might, when it pleased, prevent such
assemblies, and, if it permitted them, direct the election at its
pleasure ; and that the pastor was only considered by those who
elected him, as the servant of the parish^ In a case where the
pastor had appealed from it to the bishop of the diooese to
confirm his election, they threatened him with deposition.*
At the same time when he appealed against the interv^tioa
of the civil power in the internal government of the Church,
Luther was labouring to disorganize all the original forms of the
Catholic worship.
Throughout Saxony there was no more chanting, incense, or
lights on the altar ; the walls of the churches were stripped bare ;
the light no longer streamed through stained windows, for they
had sma£ihed them, ' under the pretext that they tended to
idolatry. The Protestant church resembled everything but the
house of God. This anti-symbolic spirit is at| the present day
severely censured by Protestants !
Yet Luther attempted occasionally to oppose the foUies of the
sectaries, and give some forms of life to his new Church. He
preserved, at first, of the Catholic baptism the salt which the
priest puts on the infant's lips, the oil with which he anoints its
shoulders, and the cross with which he signs its head.' Subse*
quently, of these rites he only retained exorcism and the sign
1 "ConFocatis et convenientibus llber^ quorum oorda Deus tetigerit» ut
Yobiscum unum sentiant et sapiant, procedatis in nomine Domini et eligite
quern et quos volueritis, qui digni et idonei visi fuerint ; confirmetis et oom-
mendetiSy eos populo et ecclesi® seu univeraitati, sintque hoc ipso vestri epi-
scopi, ministri, seu pastores." — Lutherus de instituendis Ministris EcdeBisB, ad
clariflsimum Senatum Pragensem. Opera : Jena?, torn. ii. p. 554.
' Dorfmaister und Gemaind zu Wendelstains Flirbalten den Amptleuten za
Scbwobacb iren newangeenden Pfarrherm, gethan Mittw. nach GalU, 1524.
Abgedruckt in Biederers Nacbrichten zur Biirgei^escbichte, torn. ii. p. 834.
' Seckendorf, Comm. de Luther, lib. iii. p. 253.
ABOLITIOUr OP THE CATHOLIC WORSHIP. 203
of the croBS.' He blamed the confidence placed in Mary ; and
from the salntation he struck out the Ora pro nobis.^
In 1521, the chapter of Wittemberg, in Luther's absence,
abolished the Mass ; but the people murmured. Luther replaced
it, no longer as a private sign of oblation, but as an indifferent
ceremony. He expunged from it both the offertory, the canon,
and all the forms of the sacrifice, preserving the elevation of the
bread and wine by the priest, the priest's salutation to the con-
gregation, the mingling of water with the wine, and the use of
the Latin language.
He was undecided whether to abolish or preserve auricular
confession.' He deprived it, however, of its Catholic character.
The penitent approached the minister, and said : '4 have sinned ; "
and that was sufficient. There was no enumeration of faults ;
in Luther's eyes, there was no gradation in sin ; and falsehood
and murder were offences equal in degree against God.
In the hands of the ministers whom he ordained, and whom he
set at the head of his churches, confession, such as Wittemberg
had even wished to retain it, was no more obligatory. They con-
fessed who wished to do so. In a pastoral to his parishioners of
Wittemberg, Bugenhagen maintains that there is something in
the act of confession preferable to the absoho te. This is the
preaching of the Gospel : " To absolve is none other than to
preach the Gospel."*
At one time Luther, in his character of " ecclesiastes " of
Wittemberg, was stunned with projects of reformation. These
reformers were thorough levellers. Hausmann devised an ordi-
nation by breathing, without any other ceremony. Justus Jonas
denounced as devilish a mass wherein a single word of Latin
was pronounced. Amsdorf retained excommunication, which he
hurled at a poor barber, whose crime Luther could not divine.*
A preacher of OUnitz wished to remodel the Liturgy after his
own fashion, that is to say, wrote Luther, to throw his old
> Ibid. p. 234. Daa Taufbiichlein. ' Kurze Auslegmig dee Ave-Maria.
' Do Katione confiteDdi, Op. Luth. torn. iy. Alt. i. Jen.
* '* Aus diesen Worten ist klar, das Absolution sprechen ist nichts anders
als das Evangelium verktindigen."
» To Nic. Amsdorf, July, 1532.
204 HISTORY OF IiUTHEB.
shoes otit of the window before he has purchased a pair of new
ones.*
Luther uplifted his voice in vain ; it was unheard. To please
some infatuated people, he consented that they should mingle
with the Latin chants songs in the German language.
He himself composed some to replace our hymns and proses,
those precious remains of the poetiy of the first ages of Chris-
tianity. In place of these melodies, so soft, so beautiful^ some-
times grave and austere, by turns joyous and melancholy, accord-
ing to the occasion, the Protestant churches had only a drawling
medley. The reformed Church then lost a whole cycle of poems,
inspirations, and symbols of the Catholic muse.
In 1525, Luther wrote to the Christians of Strasbuig : '^ We
can boast of being the first who have revealed Christ.'"^ Our
sacred hymns flatly contradict him.
In the prose, "Veni sancte Spiritus/' the Church sings:
" Without thee, there is nothing pure on this earth :" —
" Sine tuo numine
Nihil est in homine,
Nihil est innoxium."
In the hymn of St. Thomas, " Adoro te devote latens deitas,"
the sinner exclaims : '^ Let but a drop of thy blood fall, and the
world will be saved :" —
" Cujus una stiUa salvam facere
Totum mundum quit ab omni scelere."
Listen to the ancient choral which the Church intones on the
grave of the dead, " Dies ir»," the strains of which made Mozart
weep : *' Terrible Majesty, thou freely savest :" —
" Rex tremendiB nukjestatls
Qui salvando salyas gratis,
Salva me fons pietatis."
Such were the songs of the Saxon Church before Luther;'
magnificent testimony of its ancient faith ; admirable harmonies,
heavenly poems, which the Reformer banished from his Liturgy,
' To Michel Van der Strassen, 1523.
' ** Christus k nobis primb vulgatum audemus gloriari.*' — Joh. Pappo, in der
WiderleguDg des Zweibriickiscben Berichts, p. 427.
' See also the following hymns : Ghriste Bed emptor omnium ; Condi tor alme
siderum ; Audi benigne conditor ; Ad ocenam agni ; Jesu nostra Kedemptio ;
Victims paschali laudes ; Lauda, Sion, Salvatorem ; Jesu dulois memoria^ &c
ABOLITION OP THE CATHOLIC WORSHIP. 205
to substitute for them songs which have been constantly
repatched, like old clothes, without regard for the monk's
inspiration !
We remember his hymn on setting out, when the emperor sum-
moned him to Worms ; before his time the Saxon nation sung
in its own idiom songs full of simple grace. There is one which
is still sung on Christmas-eve, the melody of which entrances the
stranger's ear: " To us a little child is bom."^ Luther erred
greatly in touching these sacred relics.
Listen for a moment to those songs of admiration which Pro-
testant Germany raises in honour of the harmonies of our ancient
worship.
" When a poor pilgrim, worn out by fatigue, but with cheerful
heart, kneels on the altar steps to thank Him who has preserved
him from the dangers of a long journey ; when an afflicted
mother enters the empty church to pray for her beloved son, of
whose recovery the physicians have despaired ; when, at even-
ing, as the last rays of the setting sun shoot through the storied
pane athwart the figure of a girl at prayer ; when the flickering
light of the tapers gently dies away on two lines of white-robed
priests singing the praises of the Eternal ; ah ! tell me if Catho-
licism then does not proclaim to us, in eloquent tones, that life
should be but one constant prayer ; that art and imagination
should unite in glorifying God, and that the church, in which
so many hymns are simultaneously raised, and adoration
assumes every possible human shape, has a right to our love
and our respect'' *
'' Admirable ceremonial, full of harmony ! diamond, that
' Ein KiDddein so Ibbelich,
let uns gebohren heute.
Von einer Jungfirau reiniglich
Znm Trost udb armen Lenten :
War uns das Kindlein nicht gebohrn.
So waren wir allznmalil verlohm,
Das Heil ist unser aller.
£y du siisser Jesu Christ,
Weil fUr nns Mensoh worden bist,
Behiit nns fiir die HoUe."
JLVCUUb UUB lUI UIO JLLUUO.
The antiquity of this cantiole is acknowledged ; Isfc, in the Examen Des
Heidelbergischen Berichts, p. 388 ; 2ndly, in the Christliches Gesangbuoh,
p. 86.
' Clausen, quoted by Hoeningfaaus, oh. x. torn. ii. .
206 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
sparkles in the coronet of fisith ! Whoever is of a poetic cast
of mind, cannot fail to be attracted to Catholicism."^
" How charming is its music!* how it speaks to the soul
and the senses ! Who can doubt that these vocal and instru-
mental melodies, these hymns which breathe of the spirit, these
clouds of incense, these chimes which a disdainful philosophy
affects to despise, must be pleasing to Ood. Architects and
sculptors, you are right to ennoble your art in building churches
and altars to the Divinity."*
*' The Catholic church, with its doors open at all hours of the
day, with its ever-burning lamps, its voices of sorrow or rejoic-
ing, its hosannas and lamentations, its hymns, its masses, its
festivals, and its memories, resembles a mother who extends her
arms to receive her prodigal child ; it is a fountain of sweet
water, round which are assembled numbers to imbibe from it
vigour, life, and health."*
A Franciscan was kneeling before a fresco painting of Christ
on the wall of his cloister, admirable for its truth and beauty of
expression. He rose at the approach of a stranger.
'* Brother, that is truly beautiful I" said the traveller to the
monk. '* Yes ; but the original is mor« so," said the monk
smiling. " Then why do you make use of a material image in
prayer?" said the traveller. "I see you are a Protestant,"
replied the friar ; " but do you not perceive that the artist
modulates and purifies the fancies of my imagination? Have
you never prayed without your fancy assuming a thousand
different shapes ? I prefer infinitely, in such a mprtter, the work
of a great master to that of my own fancy." And the traveller
was silent.*
" The custom of visiting the graves of the departed on the
1st and 2nd of November is as beautiful as it is ancient. The
peasants in the country flock to the cemeteries ; they kneel
' Isidor (Count of Loeben), Lotoabliitter, 1817, torn. i. quoted by Hcening-
haus, ch. X. torn. ii.
* Bemerkungen wahnend meines Aufenthalta in Fninkreich, im Winter
1815, 1816.
» Leibn. Syst. Theol. p. 205.
* Von Loben, Lotosblatter, 1817, torn. i.
* Ch. Fr. D. Schubart, Leben und Geainnungen : Stuttgi^rt, 1791.
ABOLITION OP THE CATHOLIC WOESHIP. 207
before a wooden cross, or other fdnereal emblems ; they think on
the past, on the shortness of life ; then the dead are crowned with
flowers, emblematical of the life that is eternal ; the lamp bums,
to remind ns of the light which shall never be extinguished."^
" How blind were our reformers ! In destroying most of the
all^ries of the Catholic Church, they imagined that they were
making war with superstition. It was the abuse that they ought
to hare proscribed." * Luther mistook the spirit of Christianity. .
Protestants acknowledge this.
Descend from hearen, O Mary, ideal of maternal love ; listen
to our hymns of love ; Fetzler wishes to restore your ancient
festivals ! Arise, Ervin von Steinbach and Michael Angelo
Buonarotti, and pile to the skies a new spire of Strasburg, a
new dome of St. Peter's ; for, as De Wette has said, everything
that is great elevates the soul to heaven, and places it in com-
munion with Gk)d, and all which is exalted sings the glory of
the Lord. Sculptors and painters, fill our churches with statues
and pictures I Are not images the illustrated Bible of the
people ? says Wohlfart ; and what is a flower, a tree, a wave,
a star, and the whole universe, but magnificent mirrors, in
which the power and the goodness of the Creator shine ? SmaU
village-bell, continue to call to matin and vesper prayer, because
at thy gentle tinkling the labourer uncovers his head to give his
heart to him who bestows on him his daily bread. Hail, simple
wooden cross, which the pious hand of the peasant rears on the
road-side ! M. Henry, author of the " Life of Calvin," deplores
that the iconoclasts of the sixteenth century have torn you down,
under the false pretext of idolatry. Maiden, fear not to kneel
before the image of your patron saint ; of this be certain, that
you commit no sin in the eyes of your Maker by contemplating
in one of these blessed creatures the power of faith and the
empire of reason over the senses. Fear not to be present with
your family at every festival of the Church : have the poor eaten
their bread cheaper since Protestants abolished the feasts hal-
lowed by Catholicism ? Catholic churches, preserve your splendid
Liturgy, for, as Clausen has said, it is not the principle of
■ C. Spindler, ZeiUpiegel. L. 1791.
' f'eBzIer, Thei-eeia, torn. ii. p. 101.
208 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Christianity to break the ties which unite the soul to the body,
matter to spirit. In the ages of faith the Gospel manifested
itself in the domains of art, and was reflected in the sacred style
of architecture, the harmonies of music, and the poetic creations
of painting. No ! the Gospel desires not a worship that only
recognises in the Christian a being purely intdlectual and bodi-
less, and repels the wants of the material senses, instead of
purifying and ennobling them. What then ! the omnipotent
word of the Redeemer requires works to quicken the spirit, and
shall we reject symbols, those truly external miracles ?*
CHAPTER XVI.
MORAL AND LITERARY INFLUENCES OF THE REFORMATIOK.
Accusations of intolerance, suppression, and falsehood, brought against the
reformers by Erasmus. — He has not told us all. — Fatal influences of the
Reformation on morals and literature, admitted by Luther, Melancthon,
Pirkheimer, and others.
There was a time in Germany when error, triumphant, might
have loudly proclaimed, without fear of contradiction, that the
Keformation had ennobled mankind, purified society, and revived
learning; that Luther deserved to be blessed as a messenger
from Heaven, because he had regenerated the understanding,
enlarged the sphere of knowledge, and destroyed superstition.
Then no voice in Wittemberg would have dared, as Cochlseus
has told us, to repel these calumnies against Catholicism, which
had not printing to refute them. Three centuries later, these
identical falsehoods were openly crowned in the Institute, and
the book in which they were printed, and which outraged truth
and taste alike, was extolled as the work of a philosopher and
genius.
At the present day, who would subscribe to the statements of
M. - Charles Villers ? A few years have done justice to his
admirations and paradoxes !
' The original texts of these quotations are contained in the work of
HoeninghauB, Das Resnltat, &c. ch. x. of the translation, vol. ii.
IKFLUBNOES or THE KEFORMATION. 209
So it was in Lather's time. After the death of Erasmus,
when religious rancours began to be softened, the correspondence
of the philosopher was published by Froben, of Bade, very indif-
ferent to the Catholic dogmas, nevertheless, and justice, therefore,
was done to the foolish pretensions of the Reformation. Goch-
Iseus might have been suspected, Erasmus could not be : let us
hear, then, what this princely intellect says : —
*' I love to hear Luther^ say that he does not wish the priests
and monks, who have no means of existence, to be stripped of
their revenues. At Strasburg, perhaps ;^ but anywhere else ? It
is truly enough to make one laugh : they will support those who
throw off the frock ; the devil may take those who would keep it !
It is still more ludicrous to hear them protest that they intend no
harm to any one .... What do they mean ? Is it not doing
harm to expel canons from their churches, monks from their
cloisters, and rob bishops and abbots of their wealth ?^
" We do not kill them ! Whose fault is that ? — of those who
prudently make their escape ? Neither do pirates kill, if they
are not resisted !
'' We suffer our enemies to live peaceably among us. Whom
do you call your enemies ? — all the Catholics ? And our bishops
and priests, do you believe them to be safe in the heart of your
cities? If you are so gentle, so tolerant, wherefore so much
emigration ? why these general complaints that ascend to
heaven ?
<< They are allowed to reside among us, protected by the law
of nations. Yes, if you do not subscribe to our teaching, you
shall receive nothing ; you wish that they should not go a pil-
grimage on some day in the year ! you wish them not to hear
mass, or communicate in a Catholic chapel, else they shall be
fined I If, at Eastertide, you do not approach our holy table,
beware of the sentence of the magistrates !
'' None hate dissensions more than we do ; our whole desire
is to maintain peace with the powers of the earth. Why, then,
puD down the churches which they have built ?
' In Pseud-Evang^lioos, lib. xxi^i. ep. 47 : Lond. Fleaher.
' ErasmuB was mistaken ; Gapito, at Strasburg, oocnpied the presbyterium
of St. Peter the Lees, firom which the curate bad been expelled.
' Another mistake ; Sickingen and the iron gauntlets mutilated and slew
the monks and priests. ^
VOL. II. P
210 UlfciTOBY OF LUTHER.
''When the princes command impiety, we content onraelyes with
paying no attention to their orders. Impiety ! you mean to say,
what is displeasing to you ? But do yon forget, then, that you
have refosed to Charles V. and Ferdinand the necessary sab-
sidies for war against the Turks, following the advice of Luther,
wbonowretracts it ? Have the evangelists not uttered these strange
opinions, — that they would prefer to fight rather for the infidel
Turk than for the baptized, one, that is to say, for the emperor ?
Is it not enough to make one die of laughter ? You say : ^ To
him who smites you on the right cheek, turn the left ; to him
who takes your cloak, give your coat' And I mysdf know a
person who was thrown into prison for some word he let fall
against your clergy, and another whom they were on the point
of putting to death. I need not speak of the mildness of
Zwinglius.^ If you practise so well .the precepts of the Gospel,
why this shower of pamphlets with which you pelt each
other ? — Zwinglius against Emser ; Luther against the king of
England, Duke George, and the emperor ; Jonas against Faber ;*
Hutten and Luther against Erasmus ?
'^ These people disseminate calumnies profusely. One of them
says he knew a canon who stated that not a single strumpet was to
be found in Zurich, whilst before the advent of Zwinglius there
were an immense number. I showed the letter to the canon in
question, and he assured me, with a smile of contempt, that
such a word had never proceeded from his lips. With similar
candour, they charge another priest with keeping company with
females, although I, who am his intimate friend, affirm, and all
who know him will testify the same of him, that he is irreproach-
able in his words and actions. They say so of the canon, because
he has a very bad opinion of these sectaries ; and of the priest,
because, having at first inclined to their doctrines, he soon
renounced them.
'* They calumniate me, because I constantly assert that their
gospel has frozen the desire for learning ; and they quote against
me Nuremberg, where the professors are largely endowed. 3e it
so ; but ask the inhabitants, and they will tell you that these
* The curate of Einsiedlen said, with respect to Felix Manz, the AnAbaptiBt :
"Qui iterum mergunt, mergantur." — Liraborch. Int. p. 71.
• Faber is known by his book, De Antilogiis Lutheri.
INFLUENCES OF THE KEFORMATION. 211
-ptokaaoia have scarcely any scholars ; that the master is as
reluctant to teach a3 the pupil is to attend the lecture ; so that
it will be necessary to pension both scholar and teacher. I know
not what all these schools in towns and cities will produce ; but,
down to the present moment, can you point out a single one who
has come forth £rom them with the slightest tinge of learning ?
'^ How csm one help being indignant, when we see these men
of yesterday compare themselves to Christ and the apostles ;
boasting proudly of announcing the Lord, proclaiming the truth,
and difiusing a taste for learning, as if they had found among us
neither Christianity, nor knowledge, nor Gospel ? You hear them
speak of popes, cardinals, bishops, priests, and monks ; according
to them, these are beings of infamous lives, and of devilish
doctrines. They celebrate, in glowing terms, the moral purity,
innocence, and piety of their disciples ! as if I could not instance
many of their cities where libertinism and adultery openly strut ;
as if Luther had not been compelled to send missionaries to reclaim
a whole nation who had plunged into licentiousness ; as if the
doctor had not confessed that he would infinitely prefer to return
to the old yoke of the papists and monks, than make common
cause with these dissolute men ; aa if Melancthon had not made
the same admission, and (Ecolampadius also ! . . . . You hear
them tell you that they walk in the light of the Holy Ohost.
But that light, when it does illuminate, shines in the actions, the
eye, and countenance of the person so inspired. If Zwinglius and
Bucer are so filled with this breath firom above, why do we not
find among us Catholics these privileged individuals ? "
Such is the elevated language which truth elicits £rom a
writer who at first showed himself so £sivourable to Luther.
And the philosopher has not told us all. We finish the pic-
ture, making use almost invariably of the evidence of contem-
porary Protestants.
Luther and Melancthon set out fipom Wittemberg to visit the
countries from which Catholicism had been expelled ; but what
a sight was presented to their sorrowful gaze ! — the majority of
the parishes that had embraced the new doctrines had no pastors.*
In the villages, the Protestant ministers had scarcely the means
■ Melancthon Gamerario, Corpus Bef. torn. i. p. 881.
p2
212 HISTORY OF LUTHBE.
of exLtjtence. On their return, Melancthon and Lather made
bitter complaints ;^ but the elector John paid no heed to them.
" No persons in the world have less regard for the Gospel/'
wrote Melancthon sorrowfully to his friend Mjconius, ''than
those princes who have so pompously declared themselves its
protectors."* And he adds with tears : " How much we have
been to blame in introducing theology to their courts ! I never
desired anything so ardently as to escape as soon as possible
from their deadly dwellings.''*
Internal dissensions disturbed the quiet of the communities ;
everywhere in the new parsonages reigned pride, covetousness, and
ambition. Every town of any small importance had its own
Lutheran pope.* At Nuremberg, Osiander made himself re-
markable by his pomp and intolerance. For him and his friend
the revenues of bishops were needed. Their allowance at first
was a hundred crowns of gold, they demanded one hundred and
fifty ; their residence was splendid, their table princely. They
were not satisfied : they exacted two hundred crowns of gold per
annum.^ One of the ministers of Nuremberg, Thomas Vena-
torius, was nearly losing his place for making some wise remon-
strances on the scandalous exactions of his colleagues.^
Osiander was fond of show. He resembled a comedian in the
> Lutber an den ChnrfUraten Johann, De Wette, torn. iL p. 245.
' Melancthon Myoonio, Corpus Reform, torn. ii. p. 259.
' " Yaldd peocavimofl qa5d in aulam importavimus theologiam ; quare nihil
in yitA ardentiiiB optayi ut me qoamprimiun ex his auliois deliberationibiu
proniis yel onm magno meo incommodo ezpediam." — To Dietrich Veit. Corp.
Beform. torn. ii. p. 259.
^ " AUenthalben streben ine nach EinfluBS and Macht : fiist jede Stadt nnd
jeder Ort hat seinen lutherischen Papst." — ^Karl Hagen, 1. o. p. 187.
' ''Sunt apud noe conoionatores bini qui sub initium centum aureorom
Btipendio ac yictu lauto pro se et fiunulis sunt professi ; csBterum, quiun yidia-
sent se jam populo persuasisse, centum quinquaginta exegerant> ao paul6 post
ultra habitationem propriam et yictum splendidum, ducentos petiere aureoa,
aut se abituros sunt minati." — Pirkheiiuer Fhrygio, Strobel, Beitrage, torn. i.
p. 495.
* " Quibus yero cauponationem yerbi hano obsccenam displicere sensere, in
eoB egregi^ deolamArunt. Venatorius noster nuUo yictu, sed centum aureorum
Ktipendio tantum concionatur, yir profectb bonus et eruditus, cui quoque multa
quiun displioerent, nee is ob ingenii bonitatem dissimulare sciat, quibusdam
wimoduin est exoeus, et ni hucusque amioi prohibuissent, jampridem ob multam
caasam esse exautoratus/* — Ibid.
INFLUENOES OF THE BEFORMATION. 213
pulpit ; his clothes were of the finest cloth, and his fingers were
covered with rings.*
The majority of the new preachers ascended the pulpit without
previous preparation, and gave forth whatever came to their lips ;
when inspiration failed them, they amused themselves in de-
crying their colleagues or parishioners.' " Our ministers," said
Melancthon, " only think of obeying their petty passions ; the
triumph of their angry vanities is what they everywhere seek."*
What became of that literature of which Dalberg, Scultetus,
Albert, and Langus took such pioas care in their dioceses before
the Keformation ? — it was either neglected or proscribed. Listen
for an instant to the lamentations of some of Luther's disciples on
the universal abandonment of the sciences, provoked by all those
social and religious disputes which the new gospel occasioned in
Germany. Eobanus Hessus deplores with his friends the fall of
classical studies ;^ Olareanus reproaches the clergy of his school
with abandoning pagan antiquity, and making a parade of their
ignorance ;^ Cuspinian, afflicted by seeing that Nuremberg,
once the city of artists, thinks of nothing but pepper and safiron,^
writes to Pirkheimer : " Mark my words ; I foresee that in a
short while the culture of learning will be extinguished. I had
hoped that your patricians would have some regard to the ancient
sciences ; but I have been deceived. I shall go to sleep like
Epimenides, and throw all my poetic inspirations into the fire.
Your school which Melancthon raised will not be left standing
long."7
* Bnoer. Zwinglius, 18 Ang. 1527. Epist. Zwingl. torn. li. p. 81. See
Liter. Muaeum, torn. ii. part ii. pp. 184 — 195.
* "Kommen aie anyorbereitet auf die Elanzel, ho sagen eie was ihnen in daa
Maul kommt ; nod haben sie sonst keinen Stuff, so werfen sie mch anfs Schimp-
fen."— Luther an Balth. Thorinff, 16 July, 1628. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 852.
See Lather's cnrions accounts of the Protestant clergy, in his letters to Haus-
mann of Zwickau, 1529, De Wette, torn. iii. p. 482 ; to Justus Jonas, 1529, ib.
p. 469 ; to Hausmann and Cordatus, 1529, ib. p. 489.
* "Kostri sic indulgent iracundias, ut videantur glorin suae inservire.'* —
Melancth. Balth. Thoering, Corpus Reform, torn. i. p. 995.
< Eoban Hess an Jakob Micyllus, Sept. 1525. Epist. Famil. Marb. p. 42.
To the same, 1526, ibid. To John Groning, 1 Aug. 1582.
* Glareanus to Pirkheimer, 5 Sept 1525. Op. Pirk. pp. 316, 317.
* Hess to Sturziades, p. 187 ; to Mycillus, ibid. p. 50. "Quid enim hlo
agamus inter tanttim mercatores ?"
7 25 Jan. 1827. Op. Pirkh. p. 227.
214 HISTOBY OF LTTTHEB.
But it ia poor Melancthoii who saffers in his teaderest afiec-
tions, — he who had devoted so much sympathy to liteTatare, and
who sees it banished from Wittemberg ! The religious quarrels
have driven it away. In the eyes of the theologasters, who
have the mastery of that disputatious city, the prafessor of hu-
mauity is only a pedant who serves as the butt of their ridicule.'
Melancthon k>ses some of his pupils daily, — ^very different &om
former times, when his chair was surrounded by crowds of young
men greedy to hear the lectures of this distiuguished professor.
The elector forgets to pay him his salary. '^ It is a sad time/'
exclaims the rhetorician, " in which Homer himself would be
constrained to beg for an audience ! I had hoped, my friend, to
have attracted them to the deserted benches of the university by
the sweet harmonies of the second Olynthian ; for what is more
beautiful than that oration of Demosthenes ? But I only see too
clearly that our times are deaf to his accents. I scarcely see
around me a few pupils who have only from deference to their
master not deserted me ; to whom for their good-wiU I feel
indebted,''*
' " H\c enim et quidem k Dostris amicis indigniasimd tractor. Non. libet eft
de re Bcribere."— Camerario, Noy. 1526.
* ''Nunc tantus eeb contemptaB optimarum renim, at nisi gratis offeraniar
et quidem pnelegantur ^ peritis, mendicMre Homerus auditores oogatur. . . .
Speravi me suavitate secundae Olynthiacse invitaturum esse auditores ad
Demosthenem cognoscendum. Quid enim duldus aut melius eft oratione cogi-
tari potest t Sed, ut yides, surda est hec ntas ad hos auditores retineados.
Vix enim pauoos retinui auditores qui mei honoris causft deserere me nolue-
runt> quibus propter suum ei*ga me officium habeo gratiam.'* — Strobel, L c.
torn. ii. pp. 184, 187.
We Fccommend to our readers the fine literary picture of Germany before
the Beformation, sketched by Carl Hagen, in his Deutsoblands litterarische
und reljgiofie Yerhaltniaae im Beformations-Zeitalter : Brlangen, 1851, torn. i.
They will see wbat venown the German universities possessed at that time,
with what success literature began to be cultivated, and whut liberal efforts
the C^olio dei^ made to diffuse learning. Once more, be it remembered,
M. Carl Hageu is not a Catholic.
LUTHBR^S HABBIAOE. 215
CHAPTER XVIL
LUTHKB'S MABRIAGE. 152B.
liUther^B celibacy. — The Catholics foresaw his marriage. — His reply to
Argnia, who urges him to marry. — Motives which, perhaps, may have
induced Luther not to listen to her. — His letter to the arehblshop of
Mayenee. — ^How he revenges himself on the cardinal who reftues to many.
— ^Unexpected marriage of Lnther. — Letter to Jostus Jonas on the subject.
— Melaacthon's regret. — Rejoicing of the Catholic monks. — Emser's epi-
thalaminm. — Conrad Wimpina's caricature. — Erasmus's letters to Manch
of trim and Kieholas Everard, president of the high oonnoil of Holland, on
Catherine's pTecooiona maternity. — Evidence of other writers. — ^Controversy
on Bora's ooniLnement. — The retractation of Erasmus. — What we should
think of it. — Henry VIII.'s opinion of Luther's marriage. — Influence of this
marriage of the monk.
Foe those whom Luther had seduced, all hopes of a return to
Catholicism were not lost. Carried away at first by that love of
novelty to which the heart of man so rea(Uly abandons itself, they
suddenly stopped, and, astonished at their fall, arose, and armed
themselves with doubt as with a mirror. This was the case of
Staupitz, Miltisch, Grotus, and so many others,^ whose defec-
tions Luther carefully concealed, and who ended by acknow-
ledging their errors, and becoming reconciled with Catholicism.
That was a day of joy to the ChurcL
The priest was ever on the watch, and on the least sign of
repentance or regret on the part of the fallen angel, hastened to
reconcile him with God. His voice would have been powerless
to reclaim the married monk ; the wife was the bond which for
ever fettered the apostate to Protestantism. We harve in vain
searched for an instance of a married priest who, in the religious
revolution of the fifteenth century, returned to Catholicism ;
repentance never even sat by the pillow of the dying man.
Erasmus, therefore, did wrong to laugh. Luther knew well
that every marriage of a priest bound to the Reformation a
> " Ego soleo 'dissimulare et oelarei quantiira possum, ubi aliqni nottrAm
dissentiunt k nobis (quales multos jam agitat nesoio quis spiritus)." — Lutherus,
FaK Capitoni, 25 May, 1524.
216 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
being who would beget others of his own stamp. We now under-
stand the warfEure against celibacy which he commenced at Waxt-
burg, and continued through life. After the pope, Eck, Emser,
and ErasmuS; Luther had no enemies whom he handled more
rudely than celibacy ; and so to obtain victory over it, he made
use of every weapon, — fury, contempt, sophistry, epigrams, puns,
and jests. Sometimes you would fancy it was a guest from a
supper of Petronius discoursing of marriage; and you must either
extinguish the lights, or screen your face. The curious reader
must therefore read the works of Luther in Latin or in German
to undeftitand their author ; for the monk has not exhausted
the subject in his sermon on marriage. There is at Naples a
secret museum which in an hour will initiate the traveller in the
morals of ancient Rome : Luther's museum veiy much resembles
it ; but we cannot venture to act as cicerone there.*
It was impossible that so petulant a panegyrist of marriage
could preserve his vows of chastity and die a bachelor. Luther,
who said whatever he felt, never concealed his liking for the
women of Saxony, Rhenish wine, and Embeck beer. At Eise-
nach he sang : ^' On, earth there is nothing sweeter than a
woman's love.'' *•
While young, he visited the house of a widow where lived a
girl with whom he was captivated : full of his juvenile passion,
he went to Spalatinus : ** Brother," said he, " that girl has
smitten my heart. I shall never be happy until I possess such
a treasure." To which Spalatinus replied : " Brother, you are
a monk ; the girls do not care for you." * So Wolfgang Agricola
informs us.
The Catholics foresaw that Luther must yield to the physical
necessities which he has described so forcibly.'' ** The people of
1 " Hinc yidemus homines alioqui mulieribiis parium apios prooreando fc^i>
natuiali inclinatione nihilomints esse plenissiinos, et qnS miniis inatructi t^t
tig rb vaidoirouXv hoc magis sunt yvvaiJco^iXoi. Cnjusmodi nature ingeniVi
est nt ibi minimum est, hie omnium fortissimo expetamus. Quare dyauog vivt^B
yolens, planO Advvara Bripti, xai 8\oc BtofiaxtV — Ep. ad Keissenbucb, SeckeiM
dorf, lib. ii. p. 21. *
* '^ O Spalatine, du kannst nicht glauben, wie mir diess schone Madigen iit
dem Herzen lieet ; iqh will nioht sterben bis icb so viel anricbtei dass icb auci
ein sobon Madigen freyen darf." The discourse of Wolfgang Agricola, X
Lutheran minister, was reprinted at Ingolstadt in 1580. \
' "Camis men indomitee uror magnis ignibus, came, libidine." See our,
first volume.
I
luthbb's marbiaob. 217
Wittemberg, who gire wives to all the monks, will not give one
to me ! " said the Saxon.^ Some of them required, to quiet
their conscienoes, that he should yiohkte his vows of continence,
and so they assailed him with their remonstrances. None of
them at first dared openly to avow their shameless mar-
riages. The people pointed at them, and to express their
genesiacal fever, invented an expression which has become
proverbial : — " se demoiner ! " (to unmonk oneself). Argula,
that female doctor, who was such a propagandist of the Lutheran
creed, and wished to have a theological disputation with Eck,
wrote to Spalatinus, in 1524, '^ that it was time for the modem
Elias to ascend to heaven, trample under his feet the serpent of
monachism, and take to himself a wife." — '' Thanks for Argula's
advice, my dear Spalatinus,'' replied Luther; "tell her that
Ood holds in his hands the human heart, that he changes and
rechanges, kills and vivifies at his own pleasure, and tliat this
heart of mine, such as it is, has no inclination for marriage. Not
that I do not feel the sting of the flesh and the imperious call of
the senses, for I am made neither of stone nor of wood ; but I
have no time to think of marriage, when death threatens me,
and the punishment of a heretic awaits me every moment ! "^
And yet, some weeks had scarcely passed, when he wrote to
Jerome Baumgaertner,' who was enamoured of Catherine : '' If
you hold to your Ketha, come instantly ; for she will become
another's, if you do not make hbste."
It is probable that he would have married sooner, if he had
not been afraid to incur the disfavour of the elector Frederick,
who had expressed his opinion freely, and just about that time
again, in a letter to the bishop of Misnia, on the marriage of
priests and monks, which he called " a disguised concubinage."
Luther feared also the railleiy of Erasmus, who had so smartly
ridiculed Garlstadt, and of Schurf, who had written : " If ever
* Mayer, Ehren-Gedachtniss, p. 26.
' The foUowing dialogue between Calviu and Luther was printed : — Calyin :
When did you nnmonk yourself? Lather : In 1525, when I b^gan to look at
the pretty girls, and married a noble abbess, Catherine Bora.
* Luther, in his correspondence, oftener than once, mentions this passion of
Ketha for Baumgaertner ; he writes to this senator from Nuremberg : " Sain tat
te reverenter ignis dim tuus, jam te ob prsdaras yirtutes tuas novo amore
diligensy et nomini tuo ex animo benb volens.'* — De Wette, torn. iii. p. 402.
218 HISTOBY OF LUTHEB.
this monk takei a wife, the detil wiU laugh heartily ! "^ Thii
SchurfwoTild not receive commanion from the hand of a chaplain
who had married a second time. Besides, in a confidential letter
to Bnhel, in 1525,' Luther expressed some doubts as to his
YiriHty, which were afterwards satisfactorily cleared np.'
Ent when the elector died, Luther took courage. He was
then at Seeburg, which he left to return to Wittembeig. '^ I
go/' he writes to his beloved Buhel ; '' I wish to marry my little
Eetha before I die !^ It is a bold act/' said he, " lor we monks
and nuns have the imperial rescript befere us : ' Whoever
espouses a monk or nun deserves to be hanged.' "^ History,
however, makes no mention of the punishment either of Garlstadi
or the cle^ or nuns who infringed the empercnr's orders.
In a letter to the archbishop of Mayence and Magdeburg,
Luther, as we have seen, had endeavoured to convert the prelate,
and prove to him what a noble example Albert, who held muh
an exalted rank in the hierarchy, and on whom Qod had be*
stowed the gift of chastity, would give to the worid by openly
marrying. *^ Has not 6od said that man ot^ht to have a com*
panion ? Unless by a miracle, Ood cannot transform a man into
an angel.' What will he reply at the day of judgment, when
God shall say to him : ' I have created you man, not that you
should be alone, but that you should take a companion ; where
is your wife, Albert ? ' "
The cardinal did not reply, 'Luther revenged himself in a
torrent of insults that can scarcely be translated : ^' Begone,
hangman of a cardinal, knavish lackey, blockhead, crazy monk,
effeminate epicurean, papistical devil, mad dog, earthworm, that
befouls with your excrement the emperor's council-chamber ! —
you merit suspension on a gibbet of thrice the ordinary hdght ;
you w hunter, you son of Cain, to whom Luther would give
1 " Wann dieser Mbnch heiratben soUte, so wiirde die ganze Welt, ja der
Teufel selbst lachen."— Melchior Adam, in "Vltia Theol p. 150.
' Scultet. in AnnaL ad ann. 1625.
' " Warum auch ich nicfat ein Weib nehme, soUet ihr anfcworten, dan ich
imroer noch furchte, icfa seye nicht tuchtig genug dazu."
* Op. Lath. torn. 1. Ep. p. 887.
' XIach-Beden, p. 328, a.
£utheb's mabeiagb. 219
a Jollj camiyaL Learn to dance ; he will play the pipe to
you!"»
We do not require to search for the motiTes. of a marriage 80
precipitate: Luther explains them. " It is the Lord who has
80 quickly decided the marriage. In marrying Bora, without
acquainting my friends of it, I wished to make the angels langfa
and the derils weep/'* His Catholic cotemporaries do not seem
quite satisfied with this pretence. They hare alleged that the
doctor had a double object in his sudden marriage, — first, to
silence the gossip to which his frequent visits to the young woman
gave rise ; next, by yielding to the pestering of Bora, who could
wait no longer, to conceal the error of the woman, and the name
of the seducer. Mayer' is indignant at the evil tongues that
would destroy the reputation of the nun of Nimptschen and the
parson of Wittemberg: we tread upon delicate ground.
On the ISth of June, 1526, Luther married Catherine Bora,
aged twenty-six years, a nun of the convent of Nimptschen,
whence she had been carried off by Leonard EoBppe, a young
councillor of Torgau>
The intelligence of this event was like a clap of thunder to
' " Er nennei ihn den I)inii6e1ien Gardtnal, dessen Namen renpeit mid rer-
dammt ist, einea cardinalisehen Henker^ adialkhaffleD Knecht, ioUen Kopi^
zornigen Heiligen, einen weiblicban S^ioumm, romischeii Teufel. Morder und
Bhiibniid, einen wtlthigen nnd boebalten Tflckler, Ton dem viel bbse Thaten
gebort weiden, einen nnveraehamten Wnnn, den aUe Welt fUr einen ianlen
Arscbwiscb bait, der dem Kaiser in sein Kammergericbt scheiaset^ soil doch
den Breek eelbet aoefegen. Han bibtte ibn sebnma] zn Mains an einen Gal-
ff0Q, der bijher ware^ dann drei Giebiobsteine^ henbken soUen ; einen Hnren-
Jager^ Dieb, Bauber, Juncker Cain, dem der Lntber eine Faatnacbt bringen
will, cKe Inetig und gut sein wird. Er soil die Fttsse sum Tanz wobl jacken
laesen, Lutber woUte der Ffeiler sein."— De Wette, 1. c. torn. iv. pp. 670, 678.
We defy all tbe living or dead languages to translate tbe following passage
of tbis letter : — " Weil denn £. K. F. 6. dem Kaiser in sein Kammex^ricbt
■ckeiss^ der Stadt Halle die Freybeit^ und dem Scbweit zu Sacbsen sein Recbt
nimpty dazu all Welt und Yemunft ftir &ule Arscbwiscbe bait (so lauten fiwt
die Beden), und aUe Dinge sogar papstliob, romisob und oardinaliscb bandelt ;
BO wirdSy ob Gott will, unser Herr Gott durcb in den Gibel scbicken einmal
dass E. K. F. G. den Dreck selbst wird miissen ausfegen." — De Wette, tom. iy.
p. 677.
s " Dominus me subit6 aliaque oogitantem conjecit mir^ in oonjngium cum
Catbarinil Borensi, moniali illA." — ^Ad Wences. LincI^. 20 Jun& "Sie me
Tilem et contemptum bis nuptiis feci, ut angeloe ridere et omnes dAmonez flere
sperem." — Ad Spalatinum, Seek. lib. iL p. 16.
* Ebren-GedacbtniBB der Bora.
* See tbe cbapter entitled Catberine Bora.
220 HI8T0B7 OF LtJTHBB.
Melanctbon ; he did not recover from it. Lather, who had
never concealed anything from his favonrite disciple, had not
mentioned a word to him about this marriage.
'^ Lather has unexpectedly married/' writes Melancthon to
Gamerarius; "I shall not venture to condemn these sudden nup-
tials as a fall and a scandal, although God points to us in the
conduct of his elect faults which we cannot approve. Woe to
him who shall reject the doctrines because of the sins of the
teacher !"i
'' Health and peace 1 " wrote Justus Jonas to Spalatinus ;
<< my letter will surprise you. Our Luther has married Catherine
Bora. I was present at the marriage yesterday, and saw him in
bed. I could not refrain from tears at the sight. My soul is
fiUed with fear and suffering ; I know not what Ood has in store
for us ; I wish this good-hearted and sincere man, our brother in
God, all manner of happiness. The Lord is wonderful in his coun-
sels and his works. Adieu .... To-day we have a few friends ;
we shall celebrate the marriage somewhat later, I think, and you
shall be of the party. I send you an express to tell you these
great news. Our witnesses were the painter Lucas Granach
and his wife, Doctor Pomer, and myself"*
Luther had only confided the secret to two of his friends,
Amsdorf and Kceppe.' '* It is indeed true, Amsdorf, that I
have married Gatherine Bora. I shall live some years longer ;
and I could not refrise my father this proof of filial obedience, in
the hope of ofispring. It is necessary to strengthen precept by
example, there are so many weak minds who dare not look the
Oospel in the face ! It is the order and will of Ood, for in
truth, it is not love, but merelj friendship, that I entertain for
my wife !"
In a letter to Koeppe, who had carried off Gatherine, of the
' Mel. Ep. ad Camerarium.
' " Heri adfui rei, et 7idi sponsum jaoentem in thalamo," etc. — ^Dr. Martin
Luther's Leben, von G. Pfizer, p. 585.
' Schelhom, torn. iv. Arocenit. Lit. pp. 423. 424, et seq. See, on the sub-
ject of Luther's ouurriage, the letters of 15 June, to Ruhet Thur, and Caspar
Muller ; of the 16th, to Spalatin ; of the 17th, to Leonard Koeppe and Mich.
Stiefel ; of the 20th, to Wenoeslaus Linck ; of the 2l8t^ to J. Dolzig, Spalatin,
and Amsdorf ; contained in the collection of Leberecht de Wette : Dr. Martin
Luther's Briefe, &c. vol. iii. Berlin, 1827.
lutheb's marbiaqe, 221
17tli Jnne, the doctor slipped a small note to announce his
marriage to him : —
^* Ton are aware what has happened to me : I am caught in
the snares of a woman. It is a perfect miracle ; God must
have pouted at the world and me. Embrace your Audi for me,
and come on the day of the wedding, and endeavour to learn
from the bride if I am a man."' . . .^
The burgomaster of Wittemberg sent to the married pair a
dozen of wine for the marriage-feast ; four bottles of Malmsey,
four of Rhenish, and four of Franconian. The city presented
them with a couple of rings.*
Now was the day of triumph for the monks.' For fifteen
years Luther had ridiculed them : they took their revenge, and
it must be admitted that it was a severe one. Epithalamia, odes,
hymns sacred and profane, distichs, heroic and comic poems,
were poured forth by their muse in every measure and language.
Should you ever meet with one of the numerous pamphlets called
forth by the Reformation, and it bears the date of 1525, you are
sure, if written by a monk, to find the name of Catherine Bora
in it From Horace the monk borrows his iambics, from Solomon
his fiigurative style, from the ancient poets their free imagery, from
the pupil of Albert Durer his pencil, to depict even the nocturnal
amusements of the Protestant pair ; for they were much bolder
than at the commencement of the Reformation. *' In sooth,'"
piteously exclaims Juncker, ''it is impossible to describe the
merriment of the papists on the marriage ; they have even repre-
sented these holy nuptials as incestuous.^ One monk, Conrad
Collin, wrote a book entitled, "On the Coupling of Martin
Luther." * " What is the difference between Luther and David V
asked John Hasenberg. '' The latter played on his harp, and
* ** Dass ihr meiner Bntut helft gut Zeugniss geben, wie ich em Mann aej,
torn. ii. Alt. 903. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 9. Sedcendorf ia annoyed that this
letter has been printed in the collected works of Luther : '' Epistola fiuniliaris
et jocosa, quam omitti satiiis fuitiset."
' See in this yolume the chapter entitled Kelics of Luther.
3 Ulenberg, "Vita Lutheri, p. 197.
* Melchior Adam, Vita Theologor.
« Wider nie HnndB-Hochzeit Martin Lnthers : Ttlbingen; 8.
222 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
the former on his nan." ^ That old theologian Emser, who had
given Lather sach hearty blows, improvised an epithalamiom,
both words and mosic : * —
'^ Farewell cowl/' sang the poet^ ^'farewell oope, prior, goardian,
abbot ; farewell vows, matins, prayers ; fear imd consoience,
shame, adiea. Tol lol,'' &c
The Reformers, to give popularity to their hatred of the
monks, were not satisfied with rhyming : they set their words to
mosio. There is an old Lutheran song still sang at Wittem-
berg, of which the words and the mosic have survived. The
notes are : —
J , <J Kl \J ^ <J iJ "o , ^, -^LIH
^^
and the first verse : —
** MaitinuB hat gerathen.
Das Ri, Ba, Ritz,
Man soil die Pfitffen brathen,
DaB Ri, Bis Ritas,
Die Monchen unteraobireD,
Die Nonn' ins Frie-Haus fuhren."
" Martin wishes.
Das ri, TA, riiz.
To roast the priests,
Das ri, &o.
To toast the monks,
Das ri, Ac.
To kiss the nuns, &c."
Now, if you go through Saxony, where Catholicism flourishes,
» " QoKm Luther est similis Davidl t Hie carmina lusit
In eytharft ; in nonnft ludit et ille suA."
— See Cochlseus, in Luthero Septicipite, p. 120.
' " I cucallaj Yale capa,
Yale prior, custos, abba,
Cum obedientiA,
Cum jubilo.
" Ite vota, preces, hone,
Vale timor cum pudore.
Vale ooDBcientia,
Cum jubilo.
Id, To, Io, gaudeamus
Cum jubilo,"
Cochl. in Act. Luth. fol. 118.
See, in Confirmatory Evidenoe, Ko. 1, the Epithalamium composed by John
Hessus.
lutjibb's ma&riaob. 223
yoa will hear some old woman motter, or beggar sing through the
noBe> other veiseB oompoded to a similar tone at the same period : —
*' Lootfer vpon lik throiM^
Das ri, nun, ritasy
Was a lovely angel,
Daa ri, Ac.
He from it has fallen,
Daa ri, &c.
With his fellow spiritB,
Dasri, ftc"!
Doctor Conrad Wimpina, the same who, if we are to believe
Luther, wrote the theses of Tetael, printed at Frankfort-on-the-
Oder a collection of religious controversies, in which are several
curious woodcuts. In one the marriage of Luther is represented :
on the left the monk gives the marriage-ring to Bora ; above the
couple is the word " Vovbte ;" on the right is the nuptial bed
with the curtains drawn, and at the foot " Reddite ;'" in the
centre, the monk is dancing, holding the nun by the hand ; a
scroll over their heads bears the inscription : —
*' Discedat ab aria
Col tnlit hesternft gaudia noote Venus." '
In the majority of the caricatures suggested by the marriage of
Luther, the doctor is represented either dancing with Bora or
seated at table with a glass in his hand ; and these designs
should be studied. The engraver does not lie; he seldom
invents^ only he does not care for the exact resemblance, and
looks solely to the effect Seckendorf would have us believe that
Luther's countenance on the day of his marriage bore marks of care,
the engraver shows the contrary : he would have found means,
doubtless, had Luther been as serious as his panegyrist represents
him, to ridicule that gravity ; in place of a scene in a German
alehouse, he would have given us a dance of devils, a banquet
in hell.
Long after the marriage, the sound of the bantering hymns
* It is believed that this ooanterpart of the Lutheran long is the composition
of F. SylviuBy a Dominican, who lived, in the time of Luther, in a monastery
not fiur from Leipac HuUer, in his book, Defensio Lutheii defend : Ham-
burg, 1659, p. 6, fias quoted this song. He thinks that the papist has con-
ferred a great honour on Luther in comparing him to Lucifer.
^ Luther never replied to Wimpina. " He grunts like a hog," said he,
speaking of the doctor : D. Wimpina krochaet wie ein brunzend Sau."
224 BISTORT OF LUWEB.
with which it had been hailed still lasted ; some lovers of
scandal have preserved these epithalamia in collections which
may at the present day be considered truly bibliographical gems.
"We have gone through several of these hyperbolical poems, which
nevertheless must be consulted if we wish to become acquainted
with a mass of details, to which history cannot stoop. Had it not
been for those poets, we should have represented to ourselves Luther
at the time of his marriage, as his disciples describe him to have
appeared at Leipsic, so thin that you might have counted his
bones ; instead of which he was a rubicund monk, with a Rabe-
laisian paunch, walking with difficulty under the weight of his
exuberant flesh. Hutten would have ridiculed the Catholic,
who, with so lively a flush of health, should have spoken as
Luther did of the dangers of death which threatened him, and
still more perhaps that sexual infirmity of which he gives his
friend Ruhel a hint. Thus we see how frequently the poet
corrects the historian.
It appears that Catherine was a stout, fresh-looking woman,
merry, and very active ; for Rempen describes her as skipping,
leaping, capering, and exhibiting to the spectators of the dance
more than is seemly ; a sort of wanton goat ; whilst Martin,
impeded by his enormous stomach, cannot follow the movements
of his partner, with difficulty raises his feet, and resembles a
dromedary dancing to a harp.^
During these festivals of Hymen, the cannon were thundering
and the blood of the peasants flowing in streams.* . Holbein has
left us a portrait of Catherine, whom the painter has perhaps
* We quote here some verses of this ode, highly poetical and coloured, and
consequently difficult to translate : —
" Atque levi sura glomerabat ovantia cmray
More caprse brutee, vitulsque 2t Aine solutse,
Multiplicans miros lascivo poplite gyros.
Lutheras fessus, ventris pinguedine pressus,
Non poterat tantns in saltum tollere plantas ;
Qu5 se vertebat, pingui se mole movebat,
Per tardos passus, gravitanti abdomine crassus,
Subsultans duris ad stridula barbita suris
Ut resonante chely salit hispida planta cameli.'*
ttSMPSN.
Bempen, the author of the ode, afterwards renounced Catholicity, and
became a Lutheran.
« See ch. xi. The Peasants* War.
LUTHEKS MARRIAGE. 225
flattered too mucL If we are to credit Luther^s evidence, the
young woman had not the wantonness attributed to her by
Rempen, the author of the ode. " He would have done better,"
says CochlfiBus, " to marry one of those nuns who were carried
off from Nimptschen and placed at Wittemberg, in the monas-
tery of the Augustinians ; but they were too young." * . . . .
Erasmus was at Basle when he heard of Luther's marriage ;
and on the 7th October he wrote to Daniel Mauch, of Ulm, then
at Kome, in the household of Cardinal Campeggio : —
" This is a singular event ; Luther has thrown off the philo-
sopher's mantle, and married a young woman of twenty-six,
hiuidsome, well made, and of a good family, but penniless, and
who for some time has ceased to be a vestal. The marriage has
been celebrated under happy auspices ; for in a few days after the
ceremony, the bride was confined ! Luther revels in blood, while
a hundred thousand peasants descend to the tomb."*
This letter of Erasmus caused, when it was known, great
scandal among Luther's disciples : several took up their pens in
defence of their master's honour, and the chastity of his partner.
Our part, in such a dispute, is not that of a judge, but a mere
reporter.
Catholics, in inquiring into a material fact which their oppo-
nents were interested in concealing from them, have first to draw
moral inferences. They inquire how, except by a miracle, we
can believe in the virtue of a yoimg woman who, at the very age
when the passions are strongest, flies from her convent, and seeks
an asylum in a city like Wittemberg, full of lecherous monks
and libertine students ; whom her parents refuse to receive, and
who, when sought in marriage by Doctor Glaz, declares with tears
that she will marry no one but Luther or Amsdorf ? * " What
warranty," says Wimpina, "will you give us also for the continence
or chastity of a monk who delights to paint with such a coarse
pencil the joys of marriage, and to describe all its mysteries ;
who understands and speaks so well the language of love ; who
' [Lather assiffxis a reaion for his preference, which may be found by the
ouriooB in his collected works. GoU. Lat. tom. ii. p. 95. — T.]
' Danieli Manchio TTlmano. Roms, in familift R. D. Card, Campegii.
See the philosopher's letter, in Ko. 2 of Confirmatory Evidence.
* " Vellet LnthemSy vellet Amedorfius, se paratam cum altemtro honestum
inire matrimooium : cnm Glacio, nullo modo." — ^Belat. Amsdorfii Scul.
VOL. II. Q
226 lUSTOEY OF LUTHER.
is assaulted by such strong temptatioDd, and revels in such canml
imagery ; and who writes to his friend in the grossest manner ? '
How/' he adds, '^ could Luther be chaste, when his language is
so indecent ? an angel, with passions so ardent ? and how should
nature, who, in his own words, ' impels us as irresistibly to the
opposite sex as to meat or drink/ have been silent to him V
Besides this positive letter of Erasmus in regard to Bora, there
is another from the same writer to Nicolas Everard, president of
the high council of Holland, at the Hague, in almost cdmilar
terms.
But the date of the safe delivery of Catherine is determined
with a painful precisionu The nun was confined fifteen days
after her marriage with Luther.* And the letter which records
this fact is not apocryphal ; it was seen, touched, and perused
by Bayle. The original document is in a perfect state of pre-
servation,' with the seal of Erasmus, bearing as a device the
god Terminus, and " Nulli Cbdo." Wimpina and liis par-
tisans also refer to the sermon of Agricola, which we have
previously quoted : the "Defence of the Catholic Faith," by John
Faber, bishop of Vienna, in which we read that in a month after
her marriage the bride became a mother;^ the testimony of
Odorico Binaldi, of Graveson,'' and many more ; and the common
report of all Germany.
They continue : Has not Luther said in his ' * Table-Talk : " "On
13th June, 1525, during the time of the peasants' war, I married ;
on 6th June, 1526, my first child John was bom ; in 1527, my
' '* Salnta tnam oonjugem Buaviasimd, veram ut id turn fiicias, otun in iboro
suaTisfflmia amplezibus et oBouliB GathariDam tenueris, ac sic oog^taveris : En
hunc hominem, optimam creaturamm Dei mei donavit mihi Christas meui, at
illi laus et gloria.* —Lnther's Briefe : De Wette, torn. iii. p. 58.
* " Dnxit nxorem monacha monacbam, et ut Bciaa nnptias proBperis avibns
initao, diebua )k decantato hymenaeo fenn^ qoatuordecim enim enixa eat nova
nupta."
' " I bave Been tbe original, "whicb iB in very good condition ; the aeal of
ErasmuB, with tbe deus Terminus and NuUi cede upon it, is quite perfect.
M. yon Wilhem, couuBellor of the court of Brabant^ had the kindness to show
me this letter, and gave me a copy of it. The letter of Erasmus follows.** —
Diet. art. Bore, torn. ii.
* " Qu» illi altero mense h nuptiia, partum edidit.** — Defensio OrUx. Fidel
Gath. contra Balthaaar. Paoimontanum, lib. iz. fol. 62.
^ "Jam gravidam Lutberus sibi optavit," — Ann. Eocl. No. 52, ad ann. 1525.
"FormA venuatiorem ex illis, jam gravidam sibi copulavit.** — Hist. Eccl.
tract, rii. ad asm. 1525.
\
I
1
LUTHER'S MARRIAGE. 227
second child, my daughter Elizabeth, was bom ; in 1529,
Magdalene ; in 1531, on the 7th November, Martin ; in 1636,
on the 28th January, Paul ; lastly, in 1534, Margaret V
And in the same work is there not a letter of condolence from the
doct<Mr to Jerome Weller, in which are these words : — " If I had
not punished my son Andrew with the rod V > Who, theii, is this
Andrew, of whom Luther here speaks for the first time, and who
has no place in the preceding genealogical statement ?
Catholic writers unhesitatingly reply : this is the child whom
Erasmus mentions as bom so felicitously fifteen days after the
marriage with Bora. But who was his father ? This question is
more direct, and more difficult of solution. Some say Baum-
giertner, with whom the young woman was captivated ; others
Amsdorf, who loved her passionately ; others the young coun-
cillor KoDppe, who carried her off; and others, Luther himself.
But Catherine has had zealous defenders ; among others
Makh, who is fhrious agaitist those who presume to doubt the
purity which she brought to her husband. " Then explain to
us," ask the Catholic critics, " the meaning of, *IfI had not
whipped my son^ Andrew f" "Nothing easier,'* says Malsh ;
who makes the printer responsible for the child by a process which
we could never have guessed. For^/eum, in the original text, he
substitutes the word famtdtim ; we must therefore read : *' If T
had not whipped my aertant Andrew." " But people do not flog
their servants."' " I know that as well as you," replies the
Lutheran Aristarchus ; "instead oi tirgis puniviseem^ read eaiti-
gassem. The sentence is then perfect, ' // / had not chastised
my servant Andrew' " *
The Catholics do not admit that they are beaten : they follow
up Ae inquiry.
In the " Table-Talk," but in German: " Tisch-Reden,"
page 20, part ii. of the edition of Frankfort-on-the-Maine,
1569, we find this sentence: "My pregnant wife gives suck
to an adulterine child : it is rather hard to have two guests
* '' Conflolatio ad moBBtmn Hier. Wellemm : si Andream filium menm yirgia
non puDiinem/' — Col. Lai. torn. ii. tit. De Morbis Lntheri, p. 226. Consult
a carious book, by Eosebius Bngdhard, published at Angsbunr, in 1749,
entitled, Lucifer Wittenbergensis, or, Vollstandiger Jiebens-Lauf Catharina
Ton Bore.
^ Engelhard, 1. o. pp. 179, 180, part ii.
q2
228 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
to support, one in the house and one out of doors." * Now who
was this adulterine child whom Catherine so tenderly nursed, to
the doctor's great dissatisfaction ? The question becomes more
and more insidious. We must confess that in the very numerous
pamphlets relating to Catherine we have met with no satisfac-
tory reply. We mistake ; Engelhard proposes another reading,
and for adulterum infantem substitutes ctdultum infantem : but
Engelhard is a Catholic, and, what is worse, a monk.
The Protestants have their way of explaining matters. " I
was mistaken," writes Erasmus to Francis Sylvius. *' Luther is
indeed married, but the rapid confinement of Catherine is a
mere fable ; she is only said to be in the family way. You know
it is a common saying that Antichrist is to be bom of a monk
and a nun ; but if that is correct, what thousands of Anti-
christs must be in the world by this time !" *
This letter is dated 13th March, 1526, and is to be seen in
the collection of the philosopher's letters printed at Basle, by
Froben, in 1558.
See how the Catholics dispose of this formal disclaimer.
In the letter to Daniel Mauch, of Ulm, wherein the philo-
sopher announced so gaily the impromptu maternity of Catherine
Bora, it may be remembered were these words : " Atque ut scias
auspicatas fuisse nuptias, pauculis diebus post decantatum
hymenaeum, nova nupta peperit. Jocatur ille in crisin san-
guinis." Now, in Froben's collection, there is not a woyd of
the event. Why has the text been altered ? We have not for-
gotten these lines in Erasmus' letter to Everard, president of the
high council of Holland : '' Et ut scias nuptias prosperis avibus
initas, diebus a decantato hymenseo ferme quatuordecim enixa
est nova nupta." Now this letter, which Bayle has copied
entire, is not to be found in the collection by Froben : why has
it been suppressed ? If Froben took the liberty of altering the
letter to Mauch and of suppressing that to Everard, might he
not have interpolated in the text of one of the philosopher's
^ " Uxor gravida adulterum adhuc lactabat in&ntem : Es ist schwer zwei
Gaste zu eraahren, den einen im Haus, den andern vor der Thilr."
> ** De oonjugio Luiheri certnm est, de partu maturo sponss Tanus erat
mmor ; nunc tamen gravida esse dicitnr. 8i vera est vulgi fitbula : Anti-
christum nasciturum ex monacho et monachA, qnemadmodom illi jactitant,
quot antichristorum millia jam olim habet mnndus ! "
Luther's mabriaoe. 229
epistles a retractation of which he was innocent, especiallj when
we know that in 1538, when the collection of Erasmus' letters
appeared, the philosopher had been two years in his grave ; that
at this time Basl^ had embraced Protestantism ; that Froben
was interested in promoting the new gospel; and that the
majority of his Mends were the principal leaders of the Pro-
testant party ?
Sach is the summary of a warm controversy between Catholics
and Protestants. The lovers of scandal will find numerous
pamphlets in which this question is considered in all its phases.
We have read them, and, in truth, find it difficult to pronounce
an opinion : besides, being Catholic, we decline to do so. But
instead of Catherine Bora put a bishop's servant, and how
Luther — who seriously narrates that one day the skulls of ^ix
thousand newly-born infants were found in the fishpond of a
convent- — would have enjoyed himself at the expense of the poor
girl's reputation !
There was one person who did not laugh at Luther's marriage,
and this was not a theologian, but a crowned head, Henry VIH.
Peace was not yet concluded between these two potentates. From
his palace of St. James, the king could not now find invectives
enough to hurl at his adversary. Erasmus had for a time
believed that the warlike ardour of Luther would exhaust itself
in the arms of Catherine Bora ; he was mistaken : marriage had
not mollified the recent bridegroom, who on the veiy next day
steeped his pen again in that black and corrosive ink with which
he bespattered every papist right and left, and one of Henry's
ministers had received some spots of it.
" You may well be ashamed," said the king to Luther, " to
raise your eyes to me ; but I wonder how you can raise them to
God, or look at any honest man, when you, an Augustinian
monk, at the instigation of the devil, the suggestions of the
flesh, and the emptiness of your understanding, have not been
ashamed to violate with your sacrilegious embraces a virgin
devoted to the Lord. Such an act, in Pagan Rome, would have
caused the vestal to be buried alive, and you to be stoned to
death. But this is a greater offence : you have contracted an
incestuous marriage with this nun, whom you parade publicly,
to the confusion of morality, in contempt of the holy laws of
HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
marriage, and those vows of continence at which yon langh with
so much efirontery. Abomination ! when you ought to be
sinking with shame, and endeavouring to make reparation, you,
wretched man, glory in your crime; and, instead of asking
pardon, carry your head high, and excite other monks to imitate
your infamous conduct." *
Neither Erasmus, Cochlsdus, the Olympus of the poets, nor
Henry VI 11. understood Luther. He had not recourse to mar-
riage for the gratification of sensual plea£(ures, which he could
easily have procured otherwise, as swarms of nuns disturbed his
solitude, and he tells us that he had three marriageable virgins
residing in his house ! ^ Had he only sought to allay too violent
temptations, he had the most efficacious remedies, and much
more secret than marriage. His marriage, even if you will have
it to proceed from physical causes, was, in truth, a political step
for diffusing his doctrines. Till then public opinion had stig-
matized as infamous all the marriages of the monka We may
remember the excitement when Archdeacon Carlstadt led to the
altar pretty Anna Mocha. These marriages between priests and
nuns caused at first great scandal : the people murmured when
they saw the faces of men and women peeping from under the same
cowl. Wolfgang remained concealed a long while, in order not
to provoke the people in the streets of Wittemberg. Luther, in
his retirement at Wartburg, in the pulpit, and in his celly was
for several months engaged in connecting passages of the Scrip-
tures, which he cast as a sort of cloak over all these nudities ;
but his labour was in vain, the cloak was transparent. For a
time the Reformer's preaching was unfruitful; no one being
found bold enough to exchange Luther's benedictions for the
scourge of public opinion. But as he preached by example,
there was in Germany something stronger than public opinion, —
lechery, which with unblushing face stalked openly through the
streets ; for in case of violence, it had for its concealment the
robe of a married priest.
An old semi- French historian, nearly cotemporary with Luther,
has happily expressed the efiiect produced by the marriage of the
* GochlsBUB, fol. 167 et eeq. Op. Fiaheri, epiac. Roflf. Wirzburgi, ann. 1597.
• " Tres in domo meft habeo virgines nubiles, et orones virie optim^ nubere
possint."— Colloq. Mens. torn. ii. 95.
luthbr'b marriaqe. 231
monks ; only we must recollect that he is Catholic in his creed
and pagan in his style, which is foil of ideas drawn firom the
mythological school.
" Do you hear/' says Plorimond de Remond, " the trumpets
of Gttpid ? Ladders are placed against the walb of the convents,
the foundations of which are shaken and begin to fall ; a regiment
of monks rushes through the breach, breathless with passion, and
pursues the young nuns, especially those who, roused by the
sound of the Lutheran flourishes, have burst their gratings, torn
off iheir yeils, and are spread through the neighbouring camp,
leaving some of their old companions as pledges for the convent/'
This is what Florimond de Remond calls *' the fruits of the
union of Luther and Catherine !" The monk knew well what
he was about : his marriage was scarcely celebrated, when the
most of the religious houses opened their portals, and foolish
nuns and libertine monks came forth, seeking each other in
open day, and publicly making Germany the witness of connec-
tions which the Church regards as incestuous, but which
Luther's example caused to be considered works of merit Among
those who fell were churchmen, who in the eyes of men wore the
priestly robe, but from whom God had long previously withdrawn :
men who loved pleasure, and spent their lives in the luxurious
enjoyments of the table or ,the field. They were thankful to
Luther for permitting them to transform a concubine into a
lawful wife, and accepted the shame, making religion subservient
to their own ends, provided they were not obliged to blush in
public.
There were monasteries, particularly near Wittemberg, in
which not a single monk remained ; and others which were only
partiaUy abandoned. Sometimes, as at Orlamiinde, or where the
Anabaptists prevailed, the people, roused by some fanatical
preacher, attacked the monasteries and presbyteries, and expelled
every inmate, down to the very cook. Next day Glaz ascended
the pulpit, and said : '' I, the illustrious rector of the academy
of Wittemberg, proclaim myself pastor of Orlamiinde." ^ When
order was restored and the popular tempest allayed, the civil
authorities took possession of the deserted monafiteiy, made
* ** loh Rector magnificas der hohen Schule emenne mioh Caspar Glaz selbat
zu einem Pfarrer in Orlamiinde."
232 HISTOBY OF LUTHER.
an inventory of its contents, confiscated for their own behoof the
conventnal or ecclesiastical booty, and bestowed a few expressions
of pity or hypocritical concern npon the indiyiduab whom
they had expelled so inhumanly. " God will not abandon you,"
they would say, *' marry, and fulfil the injunction of Scripture.^'
Then also Catholic Germany had another scandal to deplore, as
we have said, in the robbery committed by the authorities, in
contempt of the law of nations and chartered rights, some of
which ascended to remote antiquity. The sacred vessels, which
had been used at the celebration of the divine mysteries, were to
be seen used as drinking-cups at the tables of certain electors ;
and latterly, when they b^an to be ashamed, transferred to the
shelves of public museums. Those marvellous manuscripts,
those old crucifixes in lyood and ivory ; those episcopal rings,
the gifts of popes or emperors ; those embroideries, that stained
glass, those ciboria of gold and silver ; all these medisBval relics
which are to be seen in the rich collections of Germany, belonged
to the religious houses and the churches. So that after the
lapse of three centuries nothing better has been found to give us
an idea of German art at that period, than the display of the
spoils of those whom they robbed when living, and calumniated
when they were dead.*
' CoDBolt Lucifer Wittenbergenais, oder der Morgenstem von Wittenbeig,
das let : Tollstandiger Lebenslauf Catbarina von Bore, des Termevnten Ebeweibs
Dr. Martin Lutberi : Augsburg, 1749, 8vo. Micbael Kubn, dean of tbe Au-
gustinian mooasteir at Ulm, under the pseudonyme of Eusebiua, is the author
of this curious book. Wahrhafte Geschichte der seligen Frau Catharina von
Bora, Dr. Martin Luther's Ehegattin, wider Eusebii Engelhard's Morgenstem,
zu Wittenberg: Halle, 1734, 2 vols. 8vo. Eversio Lutherani Epithalamii, per
R. P. Conradum KoUin, Ulmensem sacne tbeologite professorem : Colonia?,
1521, 4to. Taillepied, Life of Luther.
The following are some of the tracts for or against clerical celibacy, which
Luther's marriage called forth ; —
Von dem ebelichen Stand der Bischdffe und Diaken, an Herm Wolfl|^ng
Beissenbuach, der Bechte Doktor und Praceptor zu Lichtenberg, S. Antonius
Ordens. Johann Bugenhagen Pommer, gedeutscht durch Stephanum Rodt
von Zwickau: Wittenberg, 1529.
Von den Gelttbden der Geistlichen, ein kurzer Unterricht tlber das Wort im
Psalm : Vovete et reddite. Job. Bugenhagen Pomer, gedeutscht durch
Stephanum Rodt: Wittenberg, 1525.
Libellus F. BartholomsBi de Usingen, Augustiniani> De Falsis Prophetis,
tam in personft quiim doctrinft vitandis k fidelibus. De Rectft et Mund& Prse-
dicatione Evangelii, et quibus confurmiter illud debeat prsedicari. De Ckslibatu
Sacerdotum Novsb Legis, et de Matrimonio eorum, necnon Monachorum ezi-
tiosorum. Re8ponsio ad Sermonem Jjaogii de Matrimonio Sacerdotali, quem
tUTHER's HABRIAQE. 233
These civil disturbances were of service to Protestantism. In
the midst of these outrages on Catholic aathority, the Latherans
held public meetings, at which they excited themselves to rebel-
lion. Luther, from Wittemberg, commended the courage of
those whom he called the children of light. The children of
darkness were Duke George, the duke of Bavaria, and the other
princes who obeyed the emperor's orders : obedience being treated
as rebellion by the Protestants, and rebellion exalted as an
inspiration from heaven. There were rewards ready for felony
and apostasy, and contempt and hatred for loyalty to God and
the sovereign. The events of the time favoured Luther. War
was declared between the emperor and Pope Clement VIL, who
had embraced the cause of Francis L ; JPavia saw an end of
that monarch's glory in Italy, where the arms of his rival were
victorious : Rome had been taken and sacked by the constable
of Bourbon. His army, partly composed of Lutherans, had
filled the holy city with abominations: the menials of that
prince had converted St. Peter's into a stable, littered their
horses with the papal bulls, and, dressed in the cardinals' copes,
had proclaimed Luther pope in a chapel of the Vatican.^ Clement
having declared for France, Charles V. revenged himself by
fecit in unptiis Culsameri Baoerdotis. Contra fiu^onem Lutheranun : Erphur-
diiB, 1625.
Anti-Lntheros Jodoci Cliohtovei Keoportnensifl, dooioiis theolog^ Academia
Faiisiensis, tres libroB oomplectens : Primus contra effrenam vivendi licenttam,
quam falso Ubertatem Chrisiianam ac evangelicam nominat Luthems, ostendit,
Eoclesiam sanctam et ejos pnesides, constituendaroin sanctionum (qn» obligent
populum Ghristianum et transgreBsorcB peocati mortalis reos ease definiant),
potestatem habere. Secimdus contra abrogationem missse, quam inducere
molitur Luthenia, demonstrate distinctos omcionim gradus, ao ordines esse
in Eccleaift. Non omnes itidem Christianos esse saceKlotes, et sanctissimum
Eucharistis sacramentnm, quod in missft consecratur, esse ver^ saorificium.
TertiuB, contra eneryationem votorum monastioorum, quam invehere contendit
Luthems, dedarat, relig^osorum vota etiam perpetua atque pro toto yitas
cnrriculo rect^ fieri, idque vivendi in monastic^ discipline institutum sum-
mopere esse commendandum. Insunt et prime hujus operis libro dissolu-
tiones qusedam contra Erasmum Roterodamum, de uno aut tribus Dionysiis
mintis benb sentientem. Ad Carolum Guillardum, Parisiensis senatiis pr»-
sidem : Colon. 1525.
Ein Send-Brieff und Erinnerung des ehrenfesten Caspar von Schwenckfeld,
von Ossi^. an die Closter-Jungfrauen zu Naumburg, wie sie sich jetziger Zeit
balten sollen, und wie sie des Closterlebens, nach Freyheit des Geistes, ntltz-
lioh gebrauchen mochten.
* Guicciardini, Sacco di Roma. Cocblssus. De Marillac, Vie du Connd-
table de Bourbon. Maimbourg, Hist du Luth^ranisme, lib. i.
234 HI8T0BY OF LUTHBB.
pouring into Italy the swarms of Lutherans whom he wished to
exterminate from Germany: these docile instruments of his
wrath burned up even the grass of the fields, and sold for thm
weight in gold the ears of their prisoners. All was oyer with
the eternal city, if Gkni had not cast upon it a look of pity.
He employed to drire them from Italy the pestilence which
these hordes had spread on their way. At the same time,
Soliman threatened Hungary, and sooner or later would compel
Charles V. to recross the Alps in aid of Utie Archduke Frederick.
When peace was restored to Italy, the emperor turned his eyes
to Germany. A new diet was summoned to Spires in 1528,
where the Catholics were in a majority. The presidents and com*
missioners, were King Ferdinand, Frederick, the count palatine,
William, duke of Bavaria, and the bishops of Trent and Hildech
heim.^ A new sect, — ^that of the^ Sacramentarians, had resolved
to oppose the Lutherans there^ The impmal cities were ahnost
all infected with the doctrines of Zwinglius : the sectarians were
divided among themselves. The landgrave of Hesse, perceiving
the danger of such a schism, laboured to stifle it, but his efforts
were ineffectual. The Catholic party prevailed in the end.
After long debates, the assembly decreed, that wherever the
edict of Worms had been received, change of religion should be
prohibited ; that those cities which had embraced the new doo*
trines might possess them until the council was held, but without
either abolishing the mass, or depriving the Catiiolics of the free
exercise of their worship ; that the Sacramentarians should be
banished the empire, and the Anabaptists punished with deatk
The Lutheran princes, John, elector of Saxony, Gfeorge,
marquis of Brandenburg, Ernest and Francis, dukes of Lunen-
* Sleidan, 1. c. lib. yi. PallaTicini, lib. ii.
Sebastian Sohertlin, who was present at the sack of BomO; writes : " Od
6th May, we carried the city by storm ; 6,000 men were slain in it. The whole
city has been delivered over to pillage ; we have taken all that oould be found
in the churches and other buildings, and have destroyed or torn all the regis-
ters, letters, charters, &c. ; part of the city has been burnt." — Lebensbeschrei-
bung Seb. Schertlins, p. 19.
We possess an account of the sack of Borne, published in Germany, with the
title of Warhafflige newe Zeitung aus Rom geschrieben, wie Herr Jeorgen von
Fronsbehrssohn den Papst mit 18 Cardinalen gefangen hat (1527, 4 pp.). Here
are a few lines of it : " 25,000 Man darynne erschlagen aJile Mdnch, P&ffen
und Nonnen erstoohen und yun die Tiber geworff^n ; onn welohe iung und
htibsch gewest seyn."
LUTHB&'h MABBTAaE. 235
bmg, Philip, landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfiang, prince of
Anhalt ; the depnties of foorteen imperial cities, of Strashnig,
among others, who desired to abolish the mass, assembled two
days afterwards, and in a public protest declared in the name of
God and man, that they conld not obey a decree so inimical to
the truths of the Gospel, and that they appealed from the general
council to the emperor and to all impartial judges. On that day
the Reformers received the name of Protestants, which they
adopted as a glorious appellation.^
The diet had demanded and voted subsidies for the war against
the Turks ; the Catholics paid, the Protestants refused the sup-
plies ; but the money of the Catholics was not sufficient to repel
Soliman. His 200,000 soldiers accordingly advanced into Hun-
gary, and on 26th September, 1529, planted their scaling-ladders
against the walls of Vienna. The shameful desertion of their
brethren fixes an indelible stain on the Protestants. In
presence of a peril which threatened the cross of Jesus, all
differences should have ceased. The country was in danger, the
Christian name might have been effaced and Islamism triumphant,
if these battered and breached walls had not been defended by
noble and stout heart& Honour to these valiant leaders, Philip,
count palatine, Nicholas of Salm, William of Begendorf, and
that population of old men, women, and children who, a prey to
&mine, sickness, and pestilence, for all were united to crush
them, lost not their confidence in heaven, and pursued, even to
Constantinople, the army of Soliman ! After God, they were
indebted for their success to their own arms ; for the emperor, the
empire, and its princes had abandoned them. One voice, that of
Luther, had cried : '' Pea4se toith the Turks !" which was more
powerful-than the voice of their weeping country and the cross
of Christ. Let the reader pronounce between the Protestants
and Catholics, and say in which veins ran the Christian blood f
On the very day when Soliman reckoned on converting the
church of Si Stephen into a mosque, the deputies of the minority
entered the camp of Charles V., then at Boulogne, and presented
to him their protest*
"God will be your judge," said the emperor; "you have
Sleidan, lib. yi. ' Hist. Hung. lib. z.
236 HISTOBT OF LUTHER.
refused the support of your arms and money to your besieged
princes, and have yiolated a fundamental law of the empire/' ^
And he dismissed them, promising soon to go with all his army
to settle the affairs of Germany.*
There are inconsistencies in the character of Luther which
Catholic historians carefully state, without fathoming the causes
of them. Thus, on the subject of the war against the Turks,
they endeavour to decry his fickle opinions, so as to bring to trial
that Holy Spirit whose organ he called himself: a scholastic
argument, excellent on the benches of a monastery ! But these
contradictions speak something beyond the misery or despair of
a mind.
In 1520, Luther posts on the walls of the church of All
Saints that the Turks are the instruments of God's vengeance,
and that to oppose them is to fly in the toioe of Providence.'
He persists in expressing these opinions, which his adversaries
treat as absurd.
In 1521, he does not wish a farthing to be given for repelling
these enemies of our faith, who, in his view, are of infinitely
greater worth than the papists, and it is not his fAvlt that the
Danube is not covered with Catholic carcasses as &r as PestL
But in 1528, he dedicates his treatise " De BeUo Turcico " *
to the landgrave of Hesse, whom he praises as the scourge of
''those wretched puppets, half-men half-devils, who go about
dissuading the people from taking arms against the Turks, and
who publicly teach, that a Christian must not wear the sword or
exercise the functions of a civil magistrate !" — precisely what he
himself had recently inculcated in his book on secular magis-
tracy ! *
All this may be easily explained.^
» Guicc. lib. xix. » Ibid.
' " Pneliari adveretiB Turcas est repagiiare Deo visitanti iniqviitates nostras."
* De Bello Turcico, Landg. Hess. torn. iv. Jense, p. 480 ad 431, a. b.
^ De Magistratu Seculari, torn. ii. JensB, 189.
^ "Qu6d in GrermaniA quosdam andiat inyeniri fiitiles et ineptos coneio-
natores qui populum ab armis contra Turcam capiendis debortentur : quosdam
verb ad earn insaniam provectos, nt dicant, non licere portare gladium Chris-
tianis, vel politioum gerere inagistratnm : qnin GermaniaB populum ade6 femm
et agrestem esse, semid»mones et semibomines ut non desint qui Turcarum
adventam desiderare videantur." — Op. Luth. Jeuas, torn. iv. pp. 480, 481.
Ulenberg, Vita^ etc. p. 850.
Luther's marriage. 237
Until 1528, Lather required to keep his implacable enemy,
the house of Austria, engaged. The disturbances are a piece of
good luck for Luther. The peasants' war will impede the execution
of the edict of Worms, and serve him in diffusing his doctrines,
in exciting the people, altering the liturgy, breaking up the con-
vents, exciting the concupiscence of the monks, and making
" the devil of the flesh " speak.
While the emperor is in Italy, Luther can work without
fear; when Charles returns to Germany, Luther is disturbed.
Then is the time for him to frame his political code, in which we
shall read : ''That no Christian can, without sin, wear the sword,
or exercise a secular magistracy." If the prince has recourse to
force to cause his edicts to be observed, the Reformer sees before
him only executioners and martyrs : the judges are the execu-
tioners; the martyrs, the rebellious subjecte.
His doctrines gain ground. They pervade cities, duchies,
electorates, kingdoms. For the new religion a police is
necessary ; that is to say, a sword. We have seen that he
wished no Christian to wield it ; with that weapon now he arms
his magistrates. The Scriptures are pliant to his caprices.
As they had by turns denied and admitted purgatory, prayers for
the dead, confession, and the mass, so they will restore to him
the sword which they have taken away. Thus his society is con-
stituted, and his sword is raised, with which he threatens at once
both the Turk and the wicked Christian who will not war with
the infidel
In 1521, it is a crime to contribute to the war against the
Turks : he then had need of them.
In 1528, he denounces those tap-room orators who dissuade
the people from arming against the infidels : he was then afraid
of the Turks.
In 1522, to carry a sword or make use of it, is to upset
" Ne uIlA ratione Beqnamxr eos priooipes Gatliolicos vel ad pugnaDdixm, vel
ad oontribuendnm oontrib Turoam. Quandbquidem Turca decaplb prudentior
est et jnstior qakm nostri principes :" Wittenb. torn. ix. fol. 197.
" Quemadmodilm et glaaii JQiisve civilis prsudio nemo Chriatianns uti, Yel
politic! judioiB offidnm ad juatitiam administrandain implorare possit aut
clebeat : im6 quisquis id facit, quisquia litigat in judicio, aiTO de bonia tem>
poralibua oontroveraia ait, aive de honore, enm (aaaerit) non Chriatiannm,
sed anb Cbriati nomine gentilem esae vel infidelem :" JenfB, torn. ii. fol. 189.
De Magiatrata Seculari.
238 HISTORY OP LUTHBB.
the fundamental laws of a Ohrbtian society : he was then afraid
of the Bword.
In 1528, the sword is a Christian attribute of the ciyil
authorities : he then had need of it.^
CHAPTER XVIIL
GATHEBINE BORA.
Catherine Bora^a extraetion. — ^Hor portrait^ as drawn by Werner and Knos. —
Was Luther happy in his domeitio state Y — ^Bora's chamcter. — Soenee of
their priyate life.
Catherine Bora, or Bore,* descended on the mother's side from
the noble family of Haubitz, was bom on the 29th of January,
1499. Her parents were poor ; at twenty-two years of age,
she was placed in the convent of Nimptschen, of the order of
St. Bernard, near Grimma, on the Mulde, on the 4th of April,
1521. It seems that a conventual life was not agreeable to the
young woman, who having in vain besought her parents to let
her leave the convent, bethought of interesting the doctor of
Wittemberg in her behalf Catherine gained over eight other
nuns, weary like herself of the austerities of the community,*
At Luther's instigation, Leonard Koeppe, assisted by a youth of
his own age, introduced himself over-night to the cloister, the
* He said of the Turks : " The Turk will go to Borne, as the prophecy of
Daniel shows us ; but he will not reign above two hundred years." — Tisch-
Beden, translated by M. Brunet, p. 60.
'' I should rather prefer to have the Turks for enemies than the Spaniards
for protectors." — Ibid. p. 68.
"Some one exclaimed, 'May God preserve us from the Turks T 'No/
said Luther, ' they must come to chastise us, and they will assist us mate-
rially.' "—Ibid. p. 68.
* The name is spelt in the Dictionary of Nobility (Adels-Lexioon), Bora,
Borrba, Boma, and Borne, p. 196. The old German poet, NiooI«s Menk, a
shoemaker by trade, sings ot the young woman by the name of Bon : —
" Cathrin von Bora bin ich genannt,
Gebohren in dem Meissner Land." . . .
' "In dieser Absicht wandten sie sich an ihre Eltem, konnton aber die
Einwilllgung derselben nicht erhalten. Nun suchten sie Httlfe bei Luthem.**
— Efiher, Luther und seine Genossen, tom. i. p. 187.
OATHSBIKE BOBA. ^ 239
doors of which he had forced.^ Nine nona were in readiness
waiting for their liberator. At the gate of the Gonvent there
stood a close carriage, in which Eodppe packed the yonz^ women
*' like so many herrings/' as the chronicle of Torgan says.^
They had to pass through the territory of Dnke George, and a
populous city like Torgau, and travd forty leagues. They
escaped all dangers. Bora had at Wittemberg a chamber pre*
viously bespoken, in the house of the former town-clerk, Philip
ReichenbacL^
In his tragedy of XiUther, Werner ha£ drawn a poetical cha*
racter of Catherine, who has visions and ecstasies, and in her
sleep sees the being to whom she is one day to be united. She
is a virgin, whose mortal body alone belongs to this earth, but
whose soul inhabits the starry heavens, and dwells with the pure
spirits there. This ideal picture is destroyed by history, which
represents the nun of Nimptschen, after her marriage, occupied
with all the ordinary household details, with all the prosaiG
habits of a German wife ; loving wine, if we may believe Kraus,
much better than beer, distributing it with sparing hand to her
husband and his companions, and frequenting her cellar as often as
the chapel of the convent. We are informed by Aurifaber, that
one day when she visited the cellar, which the elector of Saxony
had just enriched with a butt of malmsey, a frightful noise was
heard like the knell of a church-bell, or the scream of a bird of
prey. The servant was alarmed, and fell back, and the husband
and wife nearly lost their senses, so much were they frightened f
Luther considered this unaccountable noise as a warning from
Heaven. Ten years after, at table, when he remembered the
circupistance, he said to his friends : " The hardened heart is
moved by the promises, disturbed by the benefits, terrified by the
threats, and corrected by the blows of Heaven.''^
' " Yigilia resnrrectionis dominiceBy horis nootumis, novem, imo dnodecim
nnotimoDiales ordinlB sancti Bernardi in ooenobio Nymptschen ad oppidum
Grimmas, in Misnia, in rip& fluvii MnldsB egressffi simul abierant: omnes
nnptune." — Chr. Spalaiini. Gatharina de Bor^ nobili prognata stirpe, clau-
stns ooenobii Nimptsoh effiractis ope oert^ onjusdam Torgaviensis Lchonardi
Koppii libertati snsB resUtata anno 152d,— Jnncker, Yita Lutheri.
' Wie Haringstonnen.
' Concilia Wittenbeigensia, torn. iv. p. 19. These regieters are not of the
sixteenth century ; they were digested and arranged in 1629.
* Eisleben, 1566, folio, p. 620.
240 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Art has not always drawn Catherine in the colours of poetry.
If the portrait by Lucas Cranach is a faithful likeness, Luther
cannot have been tempted by the external charms of the young
woman, with her great bony cheeks, her large, dull, and inex-
pressive eye, her stretched-out nostrils, and rustic and coarse
features. This vulgar face Bora sometimes endeavoured to set
ofif by a plate> of brass on the forehead, at others by having
her hab rolled round the ear, and falling over the temples, in
the style of La belle Ferronni^re, or drawn over the back of the
head, and inclosed in a silken net ; for contemporary pictures
represent her with these different head-dresses. The younger
Cranach painted her in 1526, and the picture is at present in
the library of Weimar. Lucas Cranach took her likeness in
oil in 1528 : it now belongs to the duke of Saxe-Gotha.
This portrait must have been like her. " This is good,'' said
Luther to the artist who brought it ; '' there is room enough
on the canvas for painting another &ce, that of a man called
Luther ; we shall send this picture to the fathers of the council,
where it will create a sensation.'''
Eetha was of a fair and ruddy complexion, infallible signs of
piety and ignorance of cookery, according to the doctor, who has
observed, that women with rosy cheeks and oruribus aUns are
pious, but bad cooks and companions.^ She had fine hair,
which she carelessly tucked under her nightcap, perhaps out of
coquetry, and which on waking the doctor loved to see rolling in
long tresses on the pillow.*
Whether Luther was happy in his private life is a question
which has been raised and discussed by Protestant historians,
and received various solutions. Bredow* describes Catherine as
a cross, haughty, and jealous woman, who tormented her hus-
band. Bredow's opinion is borrowed from that of Nas, a con-
temporary writer, who knew and visited Catherine, whom he
represents as infatuated with the renown of her husband, dis-
' Tisch-Beden, p. 514.
' "Die Weiber mit rothen Wangen nnd weissen Beinen, dieselben seind die
frombsten ; aber sie koohen nicht wohl, und batten libel. " — ^Tifich-BedeD, p. 482.
' "Im Bette, wenn er erwacbt, sieht er ein Paar Z5pfe neben ibm liegeD."
— Ibid.
* Minerva, Taschenbuch fiir 1818, p. 886.
CATHERINE BOBA. 241
dainfnl to her neighbours, puffed np with pride, and bad-
tempered.' Bugenhagen and Justus Jonas give her a very
different character. The doctor himself returns thanks to Ood,
in his " Tisch-Reden/' " for having sent him a pious and wise
companion, upon whom the heart of a man may repose, in the
words of Solomon, ch. xxxi. ver. 11.'' Mayer has collected
from Luther's writings all the testimonies which he can find in
favour of Catherine, '' that angel upon earth, sent by God for
the happiness of the Saxon monk." He quotes especially this
passage from one of the Reformer's letters : '^ My master Eetha
salutes you, my Ketha goes to Zolsdorf to-morrow ;"* and the
superscription of a letter from Marburg, in 1529 : " To my dear
and much-beloved lord, Catherine Lutherine, doctorine, and
predicatorine at Wittemberg."*
But it is to be observed that these expressions of love only
last for a short while. Luther ceased to make use of them in
1530 ; and then, when he writes to his friends, " my Eetha "
becomes only " my wife Ketha." It was probably at this time
that George Pontanus (Bruck), chancellor of the elector John of
Saxony, cbrew such an unflattering portrait of his friend's com-
panion, who, according to him, '* wishes to have the mastery at
home, and rule the roast, is stingy and mean, and grudges the
victuals." Pontanus was the friend of the family and guest
of the doctor.*
After his marriage, Luther must have regretted the silence of
the cloister, so favourable to meditation. Catherine interrupted
his studies. On more than one occasion, when the doctor
required all his temper to reply to some papist, she troubled him
with foolish questions. Then, to avoid Ketha's prating, he had
no other recourse than to take some bread, cheese, and beer, and
lock himself in his closet ; but this peacefrd asylum was not
always impenetrable, and frequently the troublesome face of his
' '* Bora war hochtragen^en Geistes, eigensinnig und stolz/' &c. — ^Reforma-
tions-A Imanach, 1817} p. 69.
' "Salutat te dominuB meua Ketha, eras meus Ketha profioiscelur ad
Zoladorf."
* '* Meinem freundlichen lieben Herm, Oathariua Lutherin, Doctorio, Pre-
digerin, zu Wittenberg." — HasieuB, BibL Brem. cap. iv. p. 984.
* '' flochmtithig und regierattchtig, darbei aber karg und geizig im Essen
and Trinken gewesen." — Critisches Lexicon : Bore.
VOL. 11. R
242 UISTOBT OF LUTHER.
wife would come between that of the pope or some monk whom
he was engaged in buffeting.
Mayer, Catherine's encomiast, nairates that ^' one day, when
he was shut in with his ordinary viaticum, turning a deaf ear
to Eetha's voice, and continuing, in spite of a horrid noise
which she was making at the door of the room, to labour at his
translation of the 22nd Psalm, he suddenly heard these words
through a small window : ' If you don't open the door, I shall
go for the locksmith.' The doctor, absorbed with the Psalmist,
rousing as if from a sound sleep, entreated his wife not to inter-
rupt him in this blessed work. ' Open, open,' repeated Catherine.
The doctor obeyed. ' I was afraid,' said Ketha, * that something
annoying had happened to you, since you have been shut up in
this closet for three days.' To which Luther replied, like
a Socrates : ^ There is nothing annoying but that which I see
before me.'"^
The best wish which the doctor had for a friend was that he
might have an obedient wife.'
* * * ** * * *
During the first years of her married life, Ketha frequently
looked back with regret to the quiet hours of the cloister ; for
the world in which she found herself was unkind. The wives
of the Catholic citizens of Wittemberg turned their heads aside
when they saw her, to avoid saluting her ; and this hurt
Catherine's pride, and she wept. The doctor would try to
console her, embrace her, and say : " You are my wife, my
honourable partner ; be sure that our marriage is quite lawful.
Heed not the evil tongues of an ignorant world, but mind the
words of Christ and follow them ; they will support you against
the devil and his imps. God has created you a woman and me
a man ; and what God has willed cannot be prohibited by
St. Peter.">
Catherine was fond of reading the Scriptures, especially the
Psalms, in which she found great comfort ; but often also many
obscure passages which puzzled her, and which the doctor en-
' Ehren-Gedachtniss, p. 804.
* Nicolao Amsdorf. De Wette, Dr. Martin Luther's Briefe, torn. iii. p. 625.
* Op. Luth. JensB, torn. ii. p. 275.
]
GATHBBIHE BOBA. 243
deayoored to explain, frequently admitting that ^' there were
some which he could no more comprehend than a goose/' ^
Bat it was especially after his work, when he walked with
Catherine in the little conventnal garden, by the borders of the
pond wherein coloured fishes were disporting, that he loved to
explain to his wife the wonders of creation and the goodness of
the Creator. One evening, the stars blazed with extraordinary
lustre ; the heavens seemed on fire. '' Do you see what splen-
dour these luminous points emit?" said Catherine. Luther
looked up. " What a glorious light," he said ; " it shines not
for us ! " — " And wherefore V returned Bora ; " have we lost
our right to the kingdom of heaven ?" Luther sighed. " Per-
haps so," said he, " as a punishment for having left our con-
vents."— " Should we not, then, return to them ?" said Catherine.
'' It is too late, the car is sunk too deeply," replied the doctor ;
and the conversation dropped.*
One day the doctor asked Catherine if she thought herself a
saint ? " How," replied Catherine, " a saint, I who am so great
a sinner !" — " Oh, that abominable doctrine of the Papists,"
said Luther, " how it has woxmded consciences I Now-a-days
we must have works, and outward ones." And turning to Bora,
he said : '* Do you believe that you have been baptized, and are
a Christian ? Ton ought also to believe that you are a saint,
for baptism destroys sin, — not that it has not been committed,
but in that it ceases to be a cause of reprobation."*
We might infer, from some passages of his writings, that
the Reformer had frequently to exercise his patience in his own
house, for he boasts of that virtue, and makes a glory of it
before God and his friends. " Patience with the pope, — patience
with the fanatics, — ^patience with my disciples, — patience with
Catherine Bora ; my life is one continual exercise of patience.^
I am like the man spoken of by the prophet Isaias, whose
strength lies in patience and hope ! "
' Tisch-Reden, p. 6.
* Georg. Joaneck, Norma Yit®. Kraos, OTicul. part xi. p. 39.
* Table-Talk, translated by M. Gastave Brunet, pp. 209—210.
« Tisch-Beden : Eisleben, p. 204.
b2
244 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
*' We must learn to bear/' said he ; '' the tree endures a bad
branch, the body a sore seat/'*
We sometimes perceive in his writings a desire for liberty
which necessity compelled him to suppress. " To be free/' said
he, ''I would require to dig up a stone and make a woman of it ;
she would be docile then ! Without such a step there would be
no obedience."*
Bora very often made him sensible that the poor sculptor had
not yet found the block out of which he might make his model-
wife. One day, when she wished by all means to be mistresfe, the
doctor assumed a high tone, and said to her : ^' Mistress, mis-
tress ! tliis may do in afiairs of the house ; but otherwise I will
not have it. The wives have been mistresses since the time of
Adam, and what good have they done? When Adam com-
manded, before his fall, all went well ; but then came the wife,
and farewell all peace and concord ; such are your wonders,
Eetha ! Therefore it is that I resist."*
His yoke did not always press on him ; he admitted her mas-
tery, and even glorified in it during the first year of his marriage,
when Ketha was his " dear doctor." ^
Eetha took pleasure in tormenting him in his learned retreat
by asking him silly questions. Sometimes she would ask him
if the king of France was richer than his cousin the emperor of
Germany? sometimes, if the women of Italy were finer than
those of Germany ? if Bome was as large as Wittemberg ? or if
the pope had diamonds more valuable than those of the late
elector of Saxony, Frederick ?
" Master," she said to him one day, " how is it that when we
were Papists we prayed with so much zeal and faith, and that
now our prayers are so cold and tepid ?"* At other times, when,
after Luther had risen from the couch where he had been
admiring her fair tresses, he sat down to study, Eetha would
steal gently to the table and, approaching his ear, say : '' Doctor,
is not the grand master of the Teutonic order of Prussia the brother
of the margrave ?"* They were one and the same person.
* Einen schweren Dreck urn LeiVs Willen.
* TiBchBeden : EiBleben, 1569, p. 443.
' NicoL Ericeus, Sylvula Sententiarum Lutheri, p. 190.
* TiBch-Iteden, p. 218, b. « Ibid. p. 422, a.
LUTHEB IN PBIYATE LIFE. 245
CHAPTER XIX.
LUTHEB IN PRIVATE LIFE.
Lniher the &ther of a fiunily. —Elizabeth and John, his children. — Luther at
CobmiS^ and the toy-merchant. — ^HLb letter to his son. — ^Lnther a gardener.
— In his own house. — Luther's residence. — ^The monastery of Erfbrt in
1838. — Lnther at table. — His opinion of music. — ^Account of the ezpencee
of the city of Wittemberg for the doctor. — Luther's opinion as to dancing
and usury. — A case of conscience. — ^The nuns of Kimptschen. — Luther an
insoWent debtor. — Hans Lufit and Amsdorf. — ^The reformer's courage in
adversity. — His charities. — His pride in poyerty. — His devotion to the
Muses. — ^Eobanus Hessus.
Revolutions have frequently prodaced men who conquer
every obstacle to the accomplishment of one idea which they
have determined to realize. Their mission being finished, we are
astonished to see them fall back into obscurity. Such a man
was Luther. Rather than bend the knee before the pope or the
emperor, he would have preferred to die ; but when descended
from the high position which he had so long occupied, he forgets
himself and his past elevation, and, after having ruled men's
minds, becomes obedient as a child to the humours of a woman
of thirty, plays with his children as he had played with crowned
heads, and cultivates his little garden at Wittemberg with the
same patience which we have seen him display in his endeavours
to convert Eck or Garlstadt. He must be seen in his private
life. It must be a curious spectacle to observe the monk, whom
Charles V. had been unable to subdue, losing, in the bosom of
his &mily, all the memories of his past renown, and concealing
himself from the world to surrender himself to the efFosions of
friendship, the pleasures of the table, and the culture of his garden.
Let us for awhile leave the Reformer, to study the private
individual ; the pulpit of the sectary, to penetrate into the
domestic life of a family-man ; and look at the monk transformed
into a citizen of Wittemberg. But let us remember, those
modest virtues which we are now to exhibit — for we have no
interest in concealing them — are like the flowers in the solitude
of that cloister, in which the obedient son of the Church dwelt
246 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
BO long, and which the evil passions of the heresiarch have been
unable entirely to stifle.
'' Many children are a mark of God's blessing/' said Luther,
"and thus you see that Duke George of Saxony had none !"*
He himself had no cause of complaint, for Providence had
sent him six. He exulted when Eetha felt that she was to
become a mother, and immediately wrote to Briesger : " My
chain salutes your chain ; she perceives the motion of the
infant.* God be thanked ! " When John, his first-bom, came
into the world, his heart overflowed with joy ; he was obliged to
communicate his happiness to all his correspondents. His old
friend Spalatinus was the first to receive the intelligence. " Joy
and benediction ! I thank you, my dear Spalatinus, for all
your kind wishes ; may the Lord grant them ! 1 am a father ;
Catherine, my darling wife, has presented me with a son, a gift
from Heaven : thank God, I am a father ! I wish with all my
heart that Heaven may send you the same and more abundant
blessings, for you are much better than I am. Pray to God, my
dear friend, that he may preserve this child from Satan, who will
neglect no means, as I know well, to break my heart in the
person of this my beloved son. He already bears, wherefore I
know not, all the marks of suffering. When will you come to
see us, to renew our former intimacy ? I have planted a garden,
and constructed a fountain ; with what taste you shall see.
Come, then, that I may crown you with lilies and roses." *
In 1526 Elizabeth was bom ; she lived only a few months,
and died in her father's arms. " Poor child ! " said Luther,
^' her death lacerates my heart Alaa ! I should never have
believed that a father's heart was so weak ! Pray to God for
' Befonnations-Almanaoh, 1817, p. 64.
* "Salutat te et tuiim catenam mea, onjns foetus Be pnsbait sentiendnm
jam fere sex hebdomadibus. Deo gratias.*' — Eberhardo Briesger. De Wette,
torn. iii. p. 92. 1526.
' Spalatinus was married in December, 1525. Luther wrote to bim : '* Sa-
luta tuam conjugem, et cum in thoro suavissimis amplexibus et oeoulis Gatha-
Tinam tenueris. . . ." — De Wette, 1. c. torn. iii. p. 58.
Another letter, to Jonas : " Salutabis tuum Diotative multis basiis vice me&
et Jonanelli mei qui hodie didicit flexis poplitibus solus in oronem angulum
cacare, imo cacavit ver^ in omnem angulum miro negotio. Salutat te mea
Ketha et orare pro se rogat, puerpera propediem future ; Christus assit. 19
Oct. 1527." To Briesger : " Filiolam aliam habeo in utero, 8 Apr. 1528."
LUTHRR IN PRIVATE LIFE. 247
me." He caused to be engraved upon her tomb : " Hie donnit
Elizabetha, filiola Lutheri/'
John grew apace ; but as he increased in years, the germs of
disease which he had brought with him into the world became
developed, so that all the doctor's happiness was poisoned. He
forgot the world to speak of his child. '' My little one cannot
embrace you," he writes, " but he earnestly commends himself
to your prayers. For twelve days he has taken neither meat
nor drink until yesterday, when he was a degree better. Poor
little fellow, he is so playful, but so weak ! "
There is a charming picture in Luther's life. At the diet of
Augsburg, presided over by Charles V. in person. King Ferdi-
nand, the landgrave of Hesse, the pope's nuncio, the electors of
Saxony, and all the most illustrious warriors and learned men of
Germany were assembled. Melancthon was to present to that
assembly the Protestants' confession of faith. In consequence
of the emperor's anger, Luther was obliged to conceal himself at
Coburg. While walking through that town, he stopped before a
toyshop, and suddenly remembered his son John, and returning
to the citadel, he left the magnificent psalm, '' Quare iremuernnt
gentes?" which he was translating into German with all the
poetic fire of the original, to write to this child of four years'
old the following letter, so adapted to the infant's compre-
hension : —
'' Grace and peace in the Lord, my dear child ! I hear with
delight that you learn your lessons well, and say your prayers to
our good God. Continue to do so, my dear child, and when I
return I shall bring you a pretty toy.
" I have seen a pretty little garden where there were many
children dressed in golden robes, who were heaping up under the
trees pears, apples, cherries, and plums. They were singing and
dancing with joy ; they were also riding on pretty ponies with
bridles of gold and saddles of silver. I asked the owner of the
garden : * Whose children are these ?' — ' Oh ! ' he replied, ' these
are good children, who say their prayers, and learn their lessons
well, and love the good God.' And I said to him : * My good
friend, I also have a son named Hans, might I bring him to this
garden, where he could eat these nice apples and pears, and ride
upon these pretty ponies, and play with these children ?' And
248 HISTOET OF LUTHER.
the man replied : ' If he says his prayers, and learns his lesson
well, and is very good, he shall come with Lippus and Jost, and
when they are together . they shall ride about, play on the fife
and the drum, and dance, and shoot with little cross-bows/ And
the man showed me in the middle of the garden a fine green-
sward for dancing, where were golden fifes, and silver drums, and
cross-bows. But it was too early, the children had not dined,
and I had not time to wait to see them dance. And I said to
the man : * Ah, my dear sir, I shall write immediately to my
little John to learn his lessons, and say his prayers, and be very
good, that he may come to this garden ; he has an aunt whom
he will bring with him/ And the man replied : ' Go and write
to your little John.'
'' My dear child, learn your lessons, say your prayers, and tell
Lippus and Jost (Philip and James) to be very good, and you
shall all come to the garden. Salute your aunt, and give her a
kiss for me."*
One can hardly believe that this playful efiusion wa£ written
by the same hand as that which penned the letters to Henry VIII.
and Leo X. And if you see him digging in his garden, pulling
up the weeds, drawing water from the fountain for sprinkling
his borders, and as proud of his flower-pots as of his translation
of the New Testament, you will not recognise the ,pilgrim who at
sight of Worms exclaimed : " Were there as many devils there
as there are tiles on the housetops, I shall advance ! *' Do you
know why he is so fond of his garden ? It is because, when
he is tempted by the devil, he takes his spade, laughing in his
sleeve at his adversary, from whom he escapes by taking refuge
among the flowers.-
" Send me the seeds which you promised me for the spring ;
I look for them with impatience,'" he writes to his friend Lincke ;
and when the seeds have germinated, he despatches another letter
to inform him of the good news. ** My melons grow, my gourds
are swelling ; what a blessing ! "^
He was passionately fond of flowers, and often knelt down to
admire them more closely. " Poor violet," he would say, " what
^ Gust. Pfizer, Dr. Martin Luther's Leben, p. 590.
• Gust. Pfizer, 1. c. '5 Juillet, 1627.
LUTHER IN PEIVATB LIFE. 249
a peifdme you exhale ; bat how much sweeter it would be if
Adam had not sinned ! How I admire your tints, oh, rose,
which would be more brilliant, but for the fault of the first man !
Lily, whose splendour exceeds that of the princes of the world,
what now would it be if our first father had not been disobedient
to his Creator ?" He believed that after Adam's fall the hand
of God had taken away from the material world a portion of the
gifts which He had bestowed on it ; but, at least, he thought,
^' nature does not show its ingratitude like man ; for the murmur
of the streams, the perfume of the gardens, the breath of the
winds, the rustling of the leaves, are so many hymns chanted to
the Creator ; whilst man, made after the image of God, forgets
Him entirely since his sin. Oh, man, how great were thy
destinies, if Adam had not fallen ! Thou wouldst have studied
and admired God in each of His works, and the smallest plant
would have formed an inexhaustible source of meditation on the
goodness and magnificence of him who created worlds ! And if
God causes to spring from the rocks such a variety of flowers,
with colours so brilliant and perfumes so sweet, that no painter
or chemist can eqnal them, what still greater number of flowers
of every hue, — ^blue, yellow, and red, could He have caused the
earth to produce ! "
One day, when at table, his children were admiring the colour
of a peach, a fruit then very dear, and of which Luther had received
a present : ^^ My children,"' said he, '' this is but a feeble image
of what one day you may see on high ! Adam and Eve, before
their fall, had peaches far finer than that, compared with which
our peaches are but wild pears.'' He believed that after the
day of judgment, in the world beyond the grave, of which we
have only a dim idea, creation would resume its primitive beauty ;
that the sun, the light of which he compared to that of an ordi-
nary lamp, would advance in glory, like the giant of the Scrip-
tures, and shine with new brilliancy, and blaze unbearable by
mortal eyes. The stars would be so many suns, whose splendour
would nevertheless be obscured by the moon. Then other
heavens would ofea up, and an earth, of which ours is but a
shadow, would appear decked with all the beauty which it had
lost by Adam's faJL And after having discourised at length on
these imaginary worlds, which the eye of man would one day see :
250 HISTOET or LUTHER.
" Poor Erasmus/' said he, without considering that this reflec-
tion laid bare the misery of his nature, " you have no anxiety
for this future creation ; what matters it to you how the fruit is
formed, matured, and deyeloped ? You know nothing of the
dignity, the grandeur, of sexual union. But we, thank Ood !
admire the power of the Creator in the works of his hands.
What magnificence a single blade of grass conceals ! and how
the might of his word is seen in His creatures : let them be, and
they were made ! See this kernel of the peach, its taste is
bitter, but it will open, and another wonder will issue from it.
Tell Erasmus to admire these wonders, they are beyond his
comprehension ; he contemplates creation as a cow does a new
door." ^ Had Luther, then, not read the philosopher's works ?
In 1524, the monks in a body left the Augostinian monastery ;
none bat the prior and Luther remained. The prior lived at his
ease ; but Luther was for a long time obliged to attend to the
applications of the monks who, as a means of subsistence,
required the revenues of the house. He handed them over to
the elector Frederick, in order to get rid of an administration
which subjected him often to the complaints and anger of his
former brethren. He laid aside the cowl, which he had only
continued to wear for the purpose of ridiculing the pope.* On
the 9th of October, he preached for the first time in his new
dress ; it was a gown with wide sleeves, shaped like a cassock, but-
toned up to the middle of the breast, where it was turned over on
each side, and displayed a black vest, with a small collar or rabat
of white linen. Thus he appears in the painting by his friend
Lucas Cranach. A few days before he assumed his new cos-
tume, the elector had sent him a large piece of Prussian cloth
with this note : " This will make you a preacher's cassock,
a monk's gown, or a Spanish cape."' This was all the ward-
robe of the period. Eck wore the cassock at Leipsic, Prierias
the monk's gown, and Erasmus the Spanish cape. Luther
did not wish to leave the cloister ; a superstitious feeling kept
him there, as he believed that he was to die in it. It was there
' Siehet er die Greaturen an wie die Rillie ein neues Thor.
' ** Nam et incipiam tandem cacullum abjicere qnem ad ludibriom pap»
bacteniis retinui.'* — Fab. Capitoni, 25 Maii, 1524.
' G. Pfizer, Martin Lutber's Leben, p. 185.
LUTBEB IN PBIVATB LIFE. 251
that he receiyed the envoy of King Ferdinand, who came to
Wittemberg to inquire into the troth of the ramonr that the
doctor had a strong guard of armed men. The envoy found him
all alone with hijs books, and did not see even the legion of
devils which the Anabaptists alleged to attend him, or that
familiar spirit which daily dined with him, if we are to believe
Luther's own tale.^
After the monks left, Luther removed to an apartment much
larger than that which he first occupied, and where the devil
had tempted him so violently, that in order to drive him away
he was obliged to pitch the inkstand at his head ; the door all
stained with ink still remains in evidence of the apparition.
This was no longer a little cell of some few square feet, but a
complete suite of rooms, in three divisions,- — one for a bed-
chamber, another for study and reception, and a third for
dining. The walls of his bedroom were daubed with texts from
the Scriptures, written in charcoal, such as : '^ Verbum Bei
manet in SBtemum/' which he had worked even on his servants'
sleeves ; or quotations from the classic poets. Homer especially :
'' He who watches over the destiny of a nation, ought not to
sleep all night."* The selection of Bible texts was made by
Staupitz. The study, which was plastered and whitewashed,
was adorned with portraits in oil of Melancthon and the elector
Frederick, by Lucas Granach, and some caricatures against the
pope. Luther had suggested the subjects of these in his conver-
sations at table. Some itinerant artist, as they all were, had
collected them and carried them to Nuremberg, that great
emporium of wood engravings. They were, as usual, sorry
devices, — the pope on a sow, the pope carried ofiF by devils, or
his holiness in the shape of a calf, an elephant, or a naked
woman. These caricatures were encased in maple-wood frames,
whence were suspended scrolls containing prophetic sentences in
German ; such as, " The day of the Lord approaches \* — " Pope,
I shall be to thee the bear on the highway ;" — '' I passed, and he
was no more."^ Farther, the eye was disagreeably affected by a
' lisch-Beden. * Reform&tioDS-Almanacb, 1817. p. S8.
* Prophecies of the approaching fivll of the papacy were long in fashion
among Protestants. There was no theologian, howeyer petty, who did not
foretell the precise day and hour on which the Holy See was to perish. See
262 HISTORT OF LUTHBE.
clumsy wooden case, on which lay or stood a few books, which
he called his library; among these the Bible, as the word of
God in his mind, occupied the first place ; it was there in
Hebrew, Greek, and Latin ; there were Melancthon's " Psalms,"
and Erasmus' "New Testament;" beside them, in confusion,
lay the theses on indulgences, treatises on abrogation of the
Mass, on the " Captivity in Babylon," the " Epistol» Obscu-
rorum Yirorum," several works of John Huss, the editions of
Virgil and Columella, printed by Froben, of Basle, and some
ascetic books published at Mayence, which had been presented
to him by his friends. The chamber was of an irregular figure,
the lateral lines of which terminated in a large bay-window,
from five to six feet in height. Coloured panes, of a round
shape, soldered together with lead, threw the Ught in variegated
hues upon the table. This table, which has been carefully pre-
served as a relic, resembles a sort of desk d la Trofichin ; and
on its centre is the ivory crucifix, the work of a Nuremberg
artist, which constitutes its greatest ornament. The head of the
Redeemer is admirably expressive. The artist must certainly
have visited Italy, and been familiar with the works of Michael
Angelo. It is believed to have been the gift of the elector, who
probably found it in a monastery. It is this representation of
Christ, but coarsely copied, which forms the frontispiece to the
edition of Luther s works, published a few years after his death.
The old arm-chair in which he sat, and in which he probably
translated a part of the Bible, still exists ; this is a monastic
piece of furniture, also presented to him by the prince ; perliaps
it may have been the chair of some bishop, some disciple of
Scotus or Durandus. On his return from Wartburg, Luther
brought with him a dog, which the keeper of the castle had
given to him, and which died of old age, after having passed
fifteen years of his life with the doctor, at whose feet it lay while
he worked. Hehce Luther, alluding to the theologians who
boasted of having seen many books, contemptuously said : " And
my dog also has seen many books, more perhaps than Faber, who
on this subject a carious volume, published in 1527, Eine wunderliche Weissa*
gung Ton dem Papstthumb, in Figuren oder Gemalden begriffen. Osiander
wrote the preface, Hans Sachs the verses, and Hans Guldemuad printed it.
See Hist. dipl. Mi^g;az. torn. i. p. 344.
LUTHER IN PRIVATE LIFE. 263
talks of nothing but the fathers and conncils. I know that
Faber has seen many books, it is a glory which I do not enyy
him."^ Near the door was a turner's lathe, which he got from
Nuremberg, that he might earn his bread by his hands, if ever
the word of God should be insufficient to support him. " My dear
Lincke," he writes to his friend, " we have none but barbarians
here, who know nothing of the arts ; Wolfgang and I have taken it
into our heads to learn turning ; he is to act as my master. I send
you, therefore, a florin, and request you will purchase with it the
necessary tools for boring and turning, a pair of screws, and all
that is required for the trade we wish to learn ; we have some
tools, but those of Nuremberg are better ; your workmen are
better than ours. If the florin is not enough, add what is need-
ful, and I shall repay you.''
At the door were hung up, in place of those pipes which you
now find in the room of every German student, a flute and a
guitar, on both of which instruments he performed. When he
felt fatigued by long composition, his brain weary, and that his
ideas did not keep pace with his pen, — or that the devil, as he
tells us, played him some trick, and came to tempt him, — he
would take his flute, and play a tune, when his ideas became
fresh, like a flower dipped in water, and the exorcised demon
would take flight, and the writer return to his work with renewed
energy. He considered music, like language, a divine revelation,
of heavenly origin, and that without God man would not have
discovered it. In his eyes no remedy was more efficacious
than music for driving away the evil thoughts, angry desires,
ambitious aspirations, and carnal suggestions, which we inherit
from our first parent. It was the most certain voice by which
man could convey to the throne of God his pains, his cares, his
tears, his miseries, his love, and his gratitude ; it was the
language of the angels in heaven, and on earth that of the old
prophets. Next to theology he laved music, and often said :
"The man who does not love music, cannot be loved by Luther.''^
What a charming science is music! its notes impart life to
speech, it expels the cares, inquietudes, and sorrows of the heart.
' An Jiutos JoDM : 1528.
' " Wer die Musikanten veracbtet, wie denn alle Schwarmer thun, mit dem
bin icb nicbt zufrieden, denn die Musika ist eine Gabe nnd Geschenk Gottee."
254 HISTOBT OF Z.UTHEE.
Every instructor of youth, every clergyman should be a musician.
A musician is a truly happy man : he has no bitter cares ; by
the aid of a few notes he l»nishes ennui : ^^ pacts tempore regnat
musica/' ^ He had retained and loved to sing, while digging in
his garden, some old hymns of the Church : '^ A solis orttu
iiderey Patris $apientia/' and especially, ** Bex Ckriste /actor
omnium" of which both the words and the music delighted him
much. When he entered Worms, he sung a hymn, of which he
is said to have composed both the words and the music. This
choral is one of the oldest musical relics which Germany has
preserved, but it is not certain that the music is the same that
Luther extemporized, for the music of Worms does not resemble
that of Wittemberg ; in neither of them have we found but the
imperfect element of Meyerbeer's choral. The song in German
resembled greatly the melopoeia of the Greeks or the Gr^rian
chant ; and Luther was right in saying that music was a gift
which man received, like a grace, into his system. In Italy alone
has man made it an art.
Were Luther to return to the world, he would recognise neither
his gospel nor his residence. The Augustinian monastery at
Erfurt has undergone the fate of its doctrines : it has fallen to
the ground, and nothing remains of it but the monk's cell, which
is religiously preserved, and shown to the inquisitive traveller.
It is, in truth, the great wonder of that city. Imagine a room
of a few feet square, sufficiently large to contain a bed, one
or two chairs, and a table. The window, excessively high, as in
the monasteries of the sixteenth century, commands a view of
the high towers of the neighbouring church. Their tall spires,
ornamented with infinite labour, were the only external sight
that could distract his attention. They no longer exist. Enclosed
by thick walls, isolated from all other habitations, no sound could
reach its occupant save the wind, which whistled through the fret-
work of the pinnacles of the church, or the monotonous drip of the
water that fell from the conventual fountain into a vast stone basin.
Martin Goerlitz was his regular purveyor of Torgau beer.
" Your Ceres," Luther writes to him, " goes oflF jollily ; it was
reserved for me and my guests, who could not praise it enough,
> Tisoh-Reden, pp. 577, 578.
LUTHBB IW PBITATB LIFB. 256
and preferred it to any that they had ever tasted. And I, clown
that I am, who have not yet thanked yoa for it, or your EmiliuB
either, am so oikodespotes, so negligent, that I forgot it at the
bottom of my cellar, where it would have remained unknown
had my servant not reminded me of it Thanks, then, for that
acceptable gift, the magnificent gift of a Croesus in your 0¥m way.
Health to your brothers, especially to Emilius and his son, the
graceful hind and charming fawn. May Ood bless you, and
make you abundantly rich in grace and the world's goods I" ^
It is certain that Luther loved the pleasures of the table ;
beer and good wine especially, but taken in moderation. " The
elector's wine is excellent, and we do not spare it," he writes to
Spalatinus.^ Frederick had presented him with some Rhenish
wine, and at the secularisation of the Augustinian monastery
the entire cellar was given to him by the elector. These mo*
nastic cellars were abundantly stored with the wines of Italy,
which the popes frequently sent to the religious houses that had
rendered service to the court of Rome. Besides, the German
princes, who, by means of Luther, had become proprietors of
the rich cellars of the reformed abbeys, seldom failed to send a
few hogsheads as an acknowledgment to the doctor of Wittem-
berg. It must be granted that Luther, when drinking ,the
monks' Malmsey, ought to have been more sparing of those who
had provided him with such a gratification. They were nearly all
apostate monks whom he regaled at the expense of those who
remained faithful to their ancient religion : Justus Jonas,
Amsdorf, and Spalatinus. Melanothon, one of his &vorite
guests, might have made himself elevated without ingratitude,
for he had never worn the monastic habit.
The townhall of Wittemberg contains registers of expenditure
firom the fifteenth century. The follovring is extracted from that
of the year 1526 : —
^' XX. Grosch. for a small barrel of Malmsey, at 5 gros. the
quarter.
'^ VI. Orosch. for a small barrel of Rhenish wine.
" VII. Grosch. for six cans of Franconian wine, at XIV. the
quarter, for Dr. Martin, on Wednesday after Trinity.
1 15 Jao. 1529. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 417.
* D. O. SpaktiDO, 8 Mart. 1528.
256 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
" XVL Grosch. VI. Stiib. for a hogshead of Eimbeck beer,
for the use of Dr. Martin, on Tuesday after St. John.
" I. Stiib. VII. Grosch. III. Hell, for a Suabian hood, as a
new year's gift to Dame Catherine Bora, wife of Dr. Martin.
" II. Stub. XVI. Grosch. for wine taken by Dr. Martin from
the cellars of the city.
" XLII. Grosch. paid for Dr. Martin when, at the request of
the council of the district, he returned to Wittemberg from his
Isle of Patmos.
" VII. Stiib. XX. Grosch. for Dr. Martin, on the occasion of
his marriage, taken from the treasury of the hospital." ^
The Reformer was temperate ; he drank little, and brought to
table agreeable conversation, expansive gaiety, sarcastic sallies,
and the treasures of his exhaustless memory. Every subject
was discussed there, especially the monks, whom they would not
have spared, even though their wine had been better than it was;
then the pope, whose horoscope was drawn, and whose rule, both
spiritual and temporal, was to be buried long before Luther ;
women, the devil, the emperor, and even dancing. " Is dancing
sinful ?" he was asked ; and he replied : " Did not the Jews
dance ? I cannot tell you ; but we dance now-a-days ; dancing
is a necessary, like dress with women, dinner, or supper ; and
indeed I do not see why it should be forbidden ; if people sin,
that is not the fault of the dance, which does not offend against
faith or charity. Dance then, my children.'* The theatre did
not appear to him to be more dangerous than dancing, and he
did not condemn those who witnessed, acted, or composed scenic
representations. "We must not," said he, "condemn the
theatre because improprieties are said there, for, on the same
principle, we must condemn the Bible."* After dinner, in
summer, he would take off his coat, and play at skittles with
Dietrich, or one of his friends. He said merrily : " Melancthon
is a better Greek scholar than I am, but I beat him at skittles."
The greatest men of his time, with whom Luther formerly
took counsel, kept up a regular correspondence with him: he
' Ausgabe yon den Baths-Gescbenken.
' See the chapter entitled, Luther at Table. Seckendorf asserts that Capnio
(Reuchlin) caused the first German comedy to be performed, in honour of
Dalberg, bishop of Worms. — Comm. de Luth. sect, xxvii. § 70, p. 104.
LUTHEE IN PEIVATB LIFE. 257
is the nniversal casaist, the father of the Saxon Church ; and
he** answers every letter. " Doctor/' he is asked, " what do
yon think of usury ?" " You have only to open my treatise * De
Usuris/ He who lends at five or six per cent, is an usurer.
When I lend you my vase, what do you return to me ? only my
vase ; you rob me by gaining on your exchange. There are
neither Sacraments nor paradise for usurers/' *
At one time a poor monk, peculiarly tormented, informs Spala-
tinus of the circumstance, who, treating it as a case of conscience,
immediately writes to Wittemberg. Luther's decision savours
alike of the casuist and the physician.^
Another time it is a young woman of Torgau in search of
her betrothed, the prince's barber, and exhibiting the ring and
medal which she had received from him as pledges of their
approaching marriage. The betrothed has promised in presence
of Dr. Schwerteger and Christian : but has forgotten Us vows.
Luther engages to make him be reminded of them by the prince
himself. " This is a good lesson," he says to Spalatinus, " for
a class of worthless fellows who constantly trifle with youthful
affections." ^
A nun of Freyberg wrote to him : " My beloved doctor, take
me from my convent, and bring me to Saxony." ♦
For several years the door of his cell was besieged by religious
of both sexes who came to ask him for a husband or a wife.
Luther endeavoured to satisfy them ; and he had plenty of
subjects on hand. Some of them, however, lost patience, and
gave themselves up to all the disorders of libertinism ; such as
John P , who was found in a brothel drunk, in a lay
dress, and who had received a disgraceful blow.^ At the sight
» Op. Luth. Wittenb. torn. vii. pp. 419—487. *
' *' Seminiflaua iUe de quo mibi scribia, ei tamen fluit vernm semen, boo
est cum Bummd voluptate et ooDCussioDe, qualia flazna esse si mulieri misoe"
retur, nam sunt quibas fluxns ejusmodi tam tennis est, ao pen^ sine voluptate,
nt tantum bumor quidam superfluus existimetnr, cui nee ninlier, nee ulla vis
jnedebitur : bio st in otio vivit ao in secnritate, tentare poterit, primo ut cor-
porali Ukbore et inedi& exerceat carnem, turn spes erit sanitatis: sin an tern
laborare vel non vult, vel non potest, mandato Dei debet mulieri copnlari,
alioqui tentabit Deum et manebit in peocato." — Spalattno, 6 Nov, 1523.
' Spalatino, 4 April.
* Lutber's Briefe, 29 June, 1528.
* " Inventus k lictoribus in lupanari potatus prob^ et laicft veste, atqne etiam
percu.ssus aliquft parte, ut audio." — Wencesl. Linck, 19 Dec. 1522.
VOL. II. 8
258 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
of the scandals given by the apostate monks, Lather exclaimed :
" Truly, we are encompassed with shame I" * Some violated at
the same time both their vows and the Christian conditions of
marriage, by marrying decrepid women, whose riches attracted
their covetousness. " Like this court-preacher who/' Luther says,
** has just married an old fool, laden with years and money ; a
marriage more worthy of Mammon than the Gospel. It would
have been diflFerent had he married a young woman who could
have brought him children." -
One day, nine nuns came to him at once : Luther was at Ids
wit's end.
^' Nine apostate nuns, poor lambs, have been brought to me
by Leonard Koeppe and Wolf Tomitzch. I am truly sorry for
them, and others like them, who pine away in continence ; an
infirm sex, so fitted for man by their nature and the command of
God, and yet treated so inhumanly. 0 paternal tyranny ! Who
can sufficiently execrate the pope and cardinals !
" What am I to do with them ? I shall first write to their
parents ; if they will not receive them I shall take charge of
them, and marry them as well as I can. Their names are :
Magdalen Staupitz, Elsa von Canitz, Ave Grossin, Ave Schoen-
feldin ' and her sister Margaret, Lanete von Goles, Margaret
Zeschau and her sister Catherine, and Catherine Bora. Their
escape is wonderful ; they must be relieved. I entreat you then
to do a work of charity, and procure for me some money from
the rich lords of your court, to enable me to support them for
fifteen days until l«can send them back to their families ; for
my Caphamaites profit so much by the treasures of the word
which I preach to them, that I have not been able to obtain the
loan of ten florins for a poor creature, of which I had great
need. The poor have nothing or they would have lent to me,
The rich either refuse, or lend so unwillingly, that they lose all
the merits of charity in God's sight. You know that my whole
» Wencesl. Linck, 19 Dec. 1522.
• " Yehementer displicent nuptise Wolfgangi quas tu Bignificas cum annosft
ot nnramoBft vetul& : opprobrium est ETaugelii Bic quaerero Mammon.*' — Spala-
tino, 19 Sept. 1523.
' Luther married her to a physician, Basilius.
LUTHER IN PEIVATB LIFE. 259
income is only five hundred and thirty florins ; I have not a
penny more for myself or my brethren/' *
Luther did not tell the Ixue motive for the refusal of his co-
religionists. When the time for payment came he was not
always ready to discharge the debt, and his creditors lost their
temper. At length he entirely lost credit in Wittemberg. Luther
had then recourse to his mantel-piece, which was always adorned
with silver goblets, his customary gifts from the electors. He
sold, or pledged, or alienated them in perpetuity, for he was certain
that he could never redeem them from the mortgagees. In 1527,
he became surety for more than a hundred florins. He had the
simplicity to ask fifty on a pledge of three goblets of exquisite
workmanship, which were worth two hundred ; the lender, who
knew Luther, was well pleased with his advantage over him ;
but he was mistaken, and ''the Lord, who ought to have
punished the doctor's imprudence, afibrded him the means of
redeeming them."
His printer, Hans LuSl, who had become a Lutheran because he
gained much money by selling the doctor's works, was not more
charitable than others. He would lend him nothing ; and yet
Luther did not receive a farthing from his works.^ He merely
reserved some five or six copies of each edition, to give one to
the first poor person that asked for alms, when his purse was
empty, — ^^hich was generally the case.
It was not the first time that he had to complain of Lufil,
who sent him proofs full of errors, overlooked the revises very
carelessly, and frequently omitted to attend to the author's correc-
tions. '' My printer is called John," said the doctor piteously,
'' and John he will remain. The paper, type, all that he has
done for me is detestable. . . . They are. all Uke him ; provided
they make money, that is sufficient : if the authors be content,
why should they trouble themselves ?" * But what would Luther
have said had he walked into one of those German printing-
houses where the majority of the compositors, Lutherans of their
* Spalatino, 10 April, 1523. De Wette, 1. c torn. ii. p. 819.
» Wencesl. Linck, 5 Jul. 1527. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 186.
^ Spalatino, 15 Aug. Luther's Briefe, torn. ii. p. 42.
s2
260 HISTORY OF LUTDEB.
trade, amused themselves by clouding with errors the Catholic
writings which the monks published ? *
Amsdorf was one of Luther's best friends, obliging, and service-
able, with an ever-open purse of which the doctor did not fail to
make frequent use. Amsdorf was his good star. One day there
was nothing in the house, when unexpectedly a poor pregnant
woman came there to be confined : Luther writes to his friend :
'' Gersa will soon lie in here ; should that happen at the same
time when Ketha is confined, you will require to be still more
liberal, and to arm yourself, not with sword or mail, but with
gold and silver, and a well-stocked purse to meet the emergency,
for we will not let you oflF scot free." * Amsdorf came imme-
diately, with his wallet on his back and his pockets well filled ;
Luther went down to the cellar, drew from the cask some bottles
of Rhenish wine, and the companions spent a few pleasant hours
at table. In the evening they went to converse at the tavern
near the church of All Saints.
We have seen with what philosophic calmness Luther speaks
of his poverty. Amidst all those vain triumphs which might
have puflFed up a mind less worldly than his, he is always the
same as we have seen him at the beginning of his contest with
the pope. Then he asked a few florins from the elector to pur-
chase a new cassock, his own being old and out at elbow. Now
he who had opposed the emperor and the Orders of Germany at
Worms ; who had roused with his anger all the princes of
Saxony against the peasants ; and had bandied controversies
with crowned heads, cannot find any one to lend him ten
florins. It is certain that had he wished to sell his silence, he
would have found more than one monarch to be its purchaser.
This poverty is noble, and Luther bears it with courage. He
never speaks of it, except to laugh at it with his friends, or
express his vexation when any poor person comes to solicit alms.
He sends them to the elector ; but it does not appear that this
prince's charity was always very warm, if we may judge of it by
Luther's murmurs.
* We have before us a small work, beautifully printed at Kureinl)eTig;, by
Baltbasar Scbleiffier, 1501 : Theodorici Kysichei Germani Oratio, in which, for
want of types, the Greek words are left blank.
' Nicol. Amsdorf, 29 March, 1529. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 432.
LUTIIEIl IN PmVATE LIFE. 261
One evening a poor man knocks at his door : Luther has no
money. " Take this/' he says, " here is an o£fering made at a
baptism.'' And when his wife looks displeased, he says to her,
" God is rich, he will send ns something more beantiful."
Another time, a student comes to ask something to assist his
journey. " You come at an unfortunate time," says the doctor.
The young man weeps. " Stop, stop," says Luther, as he casts
his eyes on the mantelpiece, where shines a silver-gilt cup. " Take
this ; I wish you a good journey : God be with you I" The
student stares with surprise, while Eetha grumbles in a comer.
Luther takes the cup and squeezes its sides together with his
hands as if it had been in a vice : " carry this," he adds, *'to
the goldsmith ; a pewter mug will serve me." *
His letters of recommendation are short and animated.
" The poor fellow who conveys this is going a journey ; he is
a worthy man who must be assisted. You are well aware that I
have very little, and have daily calls upon me. Endeavour to
give him thirty groschen ; should that be too much, give him
twenty, and I shall give him ten ; if that is still too much, give
him the half, and I shall try to make up the difference. God
will repay you."
The elector Frederick generally paid attention to Luther's
recommendations, but his successor, John, sometimes allowed
them to remain unnoticed. He thought he did enough, in sending
the doctor regularly every year a piece of cloth. Luther was in
no haste to thank him, for he was poor, and proud as a mighty
baron. He suffered some weeks to elapse before he wrote to the
prince : —
** I have long delayed to thank your highness for the robe and
piece of cloth which you have had the extreme kindness to send
me. I hope your highness does not believe those who say that I
am in distress. Thank God, you have never let me want for
anything ; I have even more than is necessary for me in con-
science ; and I neither wish nor require superfluities. , To tell
you the truth, I receive your highness' gifts with as much fear
as gratitude, for I would not wish to be of the number of those of
whom Christ has said : ' Woe to you, ye rich, you have received
' Dr. Franz Volkmar Reinhard's sammtliche Reformationa-PredigteD, vol. ii.
p. 110.
262 HISTOBY OF LUTHEE.
your reward in your treasures/ I speak frankly to yon. I do
not wish to be a burden to you ; your highness has so many to
support that I fear you will have nothing left : there are too
many drafts on your purse. I had enough, and even more than
enough of that fine brown stu£f, for which I thank you heartily.
But I wish to show my respect for you ; I shall accordingly wear
the brown dress, although it is much too fine for me : had I not
received it from you, I should never have put it on. I b^ and
entreat your highness not to be so liberal, but wait until I ask
you, so that another time, when occa^iion offers, I shall not feel
ashamed to beg for others who are more deserving of your bounty
than I am : otherwise your gifts would embarrass me. I pray,
firom the bottom of my heart, that Christ may reward you
according to your merits. Amen." *
He was as much at his ease with the electors, great people, and
lords of the ducal court as with his immediate friends. We have
seen letters addressed to Frederick, written upon the covers of
books, of which the two leaves had been pasted together by
Luther.
Justus Jonas was even more r^ardless of the customs of
society, as Luther informs us in the following untranslateable
letter : —
'^ Gratia et pax. Non de cloaca papyrum sumo, quemadmodum
Jonas noster qui te nihil pluris sastimat quam ut dignus sis qui
schedas natales, hoc est de natibus purgatis legas." *
For upwards of two years he and the prior had not been paid
their moderate salary, so that they had to live on the charity of
the faithful : but this did not prevent the tax-gatherers of
Wittemberg from constantly insisting on payment of the
seignorial impost. " Must we always hold out the hand," said
Luther, " and receive nothing ? When is this to end ? Christ,
I hope, will put things in order." But his complaint never
assumes a bitter tone j he only raises his voice a little when a poor
person comes to the monastery for Luther, who has frequently
nothing to give him by way of alms but a recommendation to
one of his firiends at court. That done, the monk betakes him-
> An den Ehurfiirsten Johannes, 17 August, 1579.
* Epist. Luth. edit, of Aurifaber : Eisleh. fol. 271.
LUTHER IN PRIVATE LIFE. 263
self to his books, to the Bible especially; which be prefers to
all others. Sometimes he returns to the muses, whom he had
deserted, and who could charm and console him so well. These
daughters of Heaven bear him no spite ; on the contrary, thoy
receive and feast him as the prodigal son, they inspire him,
and procure him some hours of delightful relaxation. We
cannot, then, imagine how the language of Luther becomes rich
and florid, or tell that he had ever been familiar with any but
the classical Latin, so sweet does it flow, and exhale such a per-
fume of antiquity. He is again a poet. Erasmus has not a
more beautiful page than that which the Saxon addresses to his
friend Eobanus Hessus, on a Latin poem : —
" Without the study of the languages, there is no theology :
we have seen theology and literature perish in the same ship-
wreck. Never did the great voice of God reveal itself to man
until intelligence had prepared the way for it, like the precursor
of the Messiah. It is, therefore, my most ardent wish that
youth should cultivate the muses. Poets and orators come in
crowds to initiate man in the mysteries of the Scriptures, and
give him the understanding of the divine word. Wisdom can
make the lips of childhood eloquent. Let us not despise the gift
of tongues. My learned friend, make use of your own name and
of mine, if you wish to invoke it, to give our youth a taste for
poetry. All my regret is, that our age and my occupations prevent
me from cultivating the ancient poets and orators, and thus learn
Greet at my ease." ^
^ Eobano Hesso, 29 Marcli, 1523. J. Crotiis Riibeanus, the iutimaie friend
of Lather, before his return to Catholicism, had sent him the poem of Eobanas
Hessus, entitled The Captive. See Jac. Burckard. Comm. de Ling. Lat. in
Germ, fatis, part. i. p. 170 ; part. ii. p. 438 et seq.
Eobanas Hessus, author of the treatise, De Amantium Infelicitate conti^
Yenerem, de Cupidinis Impotenti&, and of whom we have made mention pre-
viously, composed various poems in praise of Luther : In Evangelic! Doctoris
Martini Lutheri laudem Defensionemque ; and a letter to him, entitled, £c-
clesisB A£9ictfe Epistola ad Lutherum, &c. In each of these he abases the
gluttony of the monks : —
" Ignavi monachi, pepones et inertia terrie
Pondera, degeneri dedita turba guise."
Now, we have seen that Eobanas Hessus was the greatest drunkard of his age.
264 HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
CHAPTER XX.
LUTHER AT TABLE.— THE TISCH REDEN.
Lnther at the Black Eagle tavern in Wittemberg. — Evening convenations. —
Why we oollect them. — The object of these nocturnal goesipings. — The
devil — Sorcery. — ^The pope. — The decretals. — The bishops. — ^The papists.
— On the death of some papists. — ^The monks.
The people of Germany are fond of evening-meetings at the
tayem, in one of those large halls, so well warmed in winter
and so cool in snmmer, always so well kept and lighted, and
where the guests may spend whole hours at table imbibing glasses
of sparkling beer. The Black Eagle tavern at Wittemberg, for
fifteen years, from 1525 to 1540, had no more regular customer
than Luther, the Beer pope, as the Sacramentarians called him.^
At nightfall the doctor would walk to his favourite resort. There
he took his accustomed seat, and soon would be joined by his
intimate and confidential friends or disciples ; such as Veit
Dietrich, Mathesius, and Aurifaber, who placed themselves
beside him and talked together until the castle clock struck ten.
They then parted, to meet again on the next and every succeeding
evening, except on Sundays and festivals, which they spent in
their own houses. Each paid his own reckoning, but Luther
was not always able to pay his. There, on an oaken bench, were
held those conversations which have since been collected in Latin
under the title of "Convivia Mensalia;" and in German by
that of " Tisch-Reden :" familiar discourses, in which they
talked after the fashion of Pico di Mirandola, de omni re sdfnli ;
— of philosophy and witchcraft, criticism and poetry^ morals
and astrology ; — of the kingdom of Antichrist, to wit, the pope,
bishops, and priests ; — of the Catholic superstitions, that is to
say^ of the sacraments of orders, extreme unction, works, celibacy,
and communion under one species ; — of the future prospects of
the Reformation, in other words, of the downfall of the modem
' Der silchsische Bier-Papst. Erasmus Albertus, in his work entitled.
Wider die Karlstadter.
LUTUEB AT TABLE. 265
Babylon^ the extinction of popery, the shipwreck of the bark of
St Peter, or of Sodom, as they were pleased to call it ; — of the
triumph of God's worc(, exemplified in the closing of some
monastery, the violation of some nnn, the apostasy of some
friar, who had thrown his cord and cowl at the head of his
superior ; or the marriage of some apostle of the new gospel
The monks were frequently tlie subject of these conversations,
and the companions were never at a loss for sarcasm, irony, and
jokes against these unfortunate individuals, each guest having
always a ready store. They spoke of the other sex in a manner
that would shock the ear ; but in those days they were less
refined than they are now, or perhaps were not afraid of being
overheard.
Our reader need not be astonished at the space which we shall
devote to these alehouse scenes. It was in the tavern that this
modem Salmoneus defied the thunders of the Vatican ; the
tavern was his chair, his tribune, the ark of his sanctuary.
There, amongst his jovial companions, hearty and ever-thirsty,
before the foaming glass, he discovered the sense of many a passage
which he had vainly looked for at home beside Bora. It was
with a pewter mug before him, constantly replenished by a coarse
Suabian servant, that he extemporised his most eccentric argu-
ments against the celibacy of the clergy. The tavern was pro-
ductive of more than one victory to the doctor. Had it been,
instead of Luther, a theologian of Calvin's stamp, morose and
atrabilious, who could neither eat nor drink, with an incessant
cough, subject to headaches and dyspepsia, the Reformation
would not have been so easily established among the people of
Wittemberg. To have influence with the thorough German, it
required a Reformer who could empty at a single draught a large
glass of fermented liquor, caress the child of the landlady or her
<log, joke with the waitress, believe in witches, tell broad stories,
and drink and sing without being pressed. Luther has acknow-
ledged the power of the tavern in the work gf the Reformation.
" My desultory conversation in the tavern when drinking with
Amsdorf shook the papacy more effectually than the princes and
the emperor could have done with all their iron-mailed knights.'^
If of an evening the weary foot-traveller, after a long tramp
across the mountains, goes into one of these taverns, redolent of
266 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
tobacco, to quench his thirst, he is sure to hear the assembled
guests singing over their cups the ordinary tavern ditty, —
Luther's song upon women and wine.
In all the writings of the Reformation, nothing is more curious
than those scenes, enacted at night without spectators and with
closed doors, among friends, -who talked of all that they had in
their hearts or came into their heads ; in which none had a
secret from his neighbour ; where the conversation flowed like
the contents of the goblet ; where no language was studied, or
speech was previously prepared ; where no one thought of
posterity, which was not there to impose silence on their tongues ;
whispered confidences, unreserved communications, frank con-
versations that they never thought would be carried across the
threshold, to be dressed up and tricked out for publication.^
Let us enter, then, the "Black Eagle" tavern at Wittemberg.-
This evening the liquor in demand is Eimbeck beer, which Martin
prefers to all the beers of Germany, probably because Eimbeck
was one of the first places where the Keformation was adopted.
The guests rise, the doctor has arrived. " Master, of what shall
we speak first ?" says Veit Dietrich. " Honour to whom honour
is due, — of the devil," replies Luther.
THE DBVIL.^
" Beyond the heavens, there is only God ; but below, there are
angels who watch over us by order of the Creator, and who pro-
tect and defend us against the ambushes and wicked designs of
the demon. They see God, and stand before his throne. When,
therefore, the devU lays snares for us, the angel from heaven,
for our good, covers us with his wing, and drives away the evil
* See, in the Confirmatoiy Evidence, No. 8, our dissertation on the Tisch-
Beden, or Table-Talk, which after three centuries some would wish to conmder
apocryphal.
' See 6. H. Getze, De Domesticis Lutheri Singularia: Lubeck, 1807, 4 to.
' The quotations are^ nearly all taken from the Tisch-Reden, oder Colloquia
Dr. Martin Luther's, so er in vielen Jahren, gegen gelarten Leuten, auch
frembden Gesten und seinen Tischgesellen gef^ret, nach den Heubstiicken
unserer christlichen Lere, susammen getragen.
Johann 6 Gap. :
Samlet die iibrigen Brocken, auff dass nichts umkcmme.
Gedruckt zu Eisleben, bei Urban Gaubisch. 1566, foK
LUTHER AT TABLE. . 267
spirit, for he has great power ; he sees God face to fece, and places
himself before the sun, ever ready to assist ns in obeying the
commands of the Lord. The demons also watch ns, are engaged in
spying ns, and incessantly tempting us, to trouble us here and
hereafter. Happily the good angels come to our relief, and
succour us. There are demons in the forests, in the waters, in
the deserts, in the marshes, — ^wherever they can find a creature
to torment. Some dwell in the sides of black clouds, others
excite tempests, rouse storms, dart lightnings and hurl thunder-
bolts, infect the air and the fields. Philosophers and physicians
attribute these phenomena to the influence of the stars.^
" One day, in winter, not far from Zwickau, a poor child lost
his way in a forest, and was obliged to pass the night there.
The snow fell heavily, so that the poor child was quite covered
with it. He spent ^ee whole days in the midst of the snow,
and every morning a man came who brought him some food, and
then went away. On the third day the stranger came with the
usual supply of food, and then set the child on his proper way
home. The child told his parents what had happened to him.
I think that the preserver of the poor creature was an angel
from heaven.*
'' The devil knows the thoughts of the wicked, for it is he who
suggests them, who holds and governs their hearts, who surrounds
them and catches them in his toils, so that they cannot think or
act but according to his good pleasure ; but he knows not what
passes in the minds of the just ; for, as he did not know what
was in the mind of Christ, so he cannot know the thoughts of
the just in whom Christ dwells.'
''The apostle, Heb. 2, assigns the power of death to the
devil, and Christ calls him the man of death. And, indeed, he
is a skilful murderer, who could kill you with a tap of a switch,
and who has in his pocket more deadly poisons than all the
chemists in the world. If one fails, he immediately applies
another. The devil is more powerful than we can believe or
imagine ; nothing but the finger of Ood can overcome him.** It
is the devil who lets loose tempests, and the angels who bring
favourable winds.
' Tiach-Ileden, p. 277. ' Ibid.
> Ibid. * Ibid. p. 280.
268 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
'' I believe that Satan is the author of all the maladies which
afflict man, for Satan is the prince of death. Pestilence, dis-
ease, and wars, are the work of the demon, and not of God.
Whatever Osiander may say, there are hobgoblins whose business
it is to torment us in our sleep, and beat us till they make us
sick. In 1521, after I left Worms, I was confined in Wartburg,
my Patmos, far from all observation, and where nobody could
approach me but two young noblemen, who brought me food
twice a day. One day th^y left in my chamber a bag of nuts,
which I eat occasionally. At night, after I had extinguished
my candle, and was going to bed, I heard a great noise ; it
seemed as if my nuts were battering against each other ; I com-
posed myself to sleep, but had scarcely shut my eyes, when the
noise was repeated ; I thought that the stairs were &lling down ;
I rose, and adjured the hobgoblin in the name of him of whom
it is written : ' Omnia subjecisti pedibus ejus,' and went to bed
again.^
" But the spirit of darkness is not always exorcised by texts
of Scripture ; I have proof that pleasantries and jokes can drive
him ofiF efiFectually.* I know a lady in Magdeburg who put the
devil to flight by the effects of a carminative : ' Sathanam crepitu
ventris fugavit.'
" The devil loves to change himself, to torment us, into a
serpent or an ape.
" There are in various countries of the world places of which
the evil spirits are fond ; Prussia is a country in which they take
much delight In Switzerland, not far from Lucerne, on the
top of a high mountain, is a lake called Pilate's Lake ; the
devil often plays his pranks there. In the country, on Polters-
berg, there is also a lake, into which if you throw a stone you
are sure to raise a great storm ; .the whole neighbourhood becomes
excited and troubled.'
" The devil frequently changes children, in order to torment
their parents ; he drags the nurse into the water, and gets her
in the family-way ; she is confined, and the father puts the baby
into the cradle, steals the real infant, and flies away. The
changeling never lives longer than eighteen or nineteen years.^
» Tisch-Reden, p. 290. • Ibid.
» Ibid. * Ibid. p. 296.
LUTHER AT TABLE. g69
** There was at Wittemberg ^ student named Valerius, very
disorderly and disobedient to his master, George Mayer. When
I reproved him for his conduct, he told me that he had sold him-
self to the devil five years before, in these words : * Christ, I
renounce thee, and wish to take another master.' I was horrir-
ficd^ and asked him if he did not wish to repent and return to
Qod? On his answering in the affinnative, I knelt with the
others then present, and prayed thus : ' God of heaven, who has
ordered us by thy beloved Son to pray, and hast established and
regulated the ministry of thy word in the Gospel, we implore
thee for thy servant, forgive his sins, and recall him to the bosom
of tne holy Church, of thy beloved Son, Christ our Lord. Amen.'
I then ordered the young man to say the following prayer : ' I
Valerius, confess, in the presence of God and of his holy angels,
and of his holy Church, that I have renounced my Saviour, and
given myself to the devil ; that I now sincerely repent, and wish
henceforward to be the enemy of Satan, to take God for my
guide and protector, and to amend my life. Amen.'
" The devil is like a fly : when he sees a fine book, the fly
goes over its white pages, leaving its unmistakeable marks
behind it, as if it wished to say : ' I have been here.' So the
devil, when he has found a pure and innocent heart, settles on
it, sullies and corrupts it.'
" I have always been better treated by the devil than by man,
and I would rather die by the hand of the devil than by that of the
emperor ; I should, at least, die by the hand of a great man.*
" The devil sleeps oftener with me than Ketha ; he has given
me more pain than pleasure.'
" The devil is a moody spirit, who only wishes to annoy, and
w^hom joy afflicts. Music drives him aw^ay ; as soon as he hears us
sing, especially spiritual hymns, he flies ofl: David soothed the
mental sufferings of Saul with his harp. Music is a gift from
heaven, a present from the Divinity, whom the devil hates,
and which has the power of keeping off temptations and evil
thoughts.*
" One day I found a caterpillar on my path : * Look,' said I,
• Tisch-Reden, edit. Francf. p. 365. * Ibid. p. 286.
» Tisch-Beden, Eislebon, p. 173. * Ibid. p. 266.
270 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
' this represents the devil's walk^ his changeable appearance and
allurements/
'^ Madmen, the lame, the blind, and the dumb are possessed
by the devil. The physicians, who treat them by roles of art,
know nothing of the matter."^
SOBCEBT.
There was a considerable interval of silence.
" Doctor," said Veit Dietrich, " can those who believe in God
be enchanted?"
'^ Doubtless, for the soul can be seduced and deceived ; but
the illusion does not last long ; my maladies have never been
natural, I believe, but the work of Satan, who by sorcery showed
his hatred of me ; but God watched over me.
" There are servants possessed by the devil who steal milk,
butter, and eggs from the nests ; I have no mercy for these
sorceresses, and should be inclined to bum them. It is said
that their butter has a bad smell, and falls to the ground when
any one eats of it. Whoever maltreats a witch is himself tor-
mented by the devil ; certain schoolmasters and ecclesiastics can
attest this. If our sins irritate and offend God, much more will
sorcery, which has been properly called a crime of base iniquity
against God, and rebellion against his infinite power. The jurists,
who have so accurately discussed and reasoned upon rebellion,
consider that the rebellion of a subject against his sovereign
should be punished with death. Should not sorcery, then,
which is an act of insurrection of the creature who refuses
his faith to God and gives it to the devil, be visited with a like
punishment?"
THE POPE.
One of his disciples mentioned the pope. At the word
Luther suddenly stopped, as it furnished the theme of a long
discourse.
" Every animal," said he, " is composed of a body and a soul ;
the soul or spirit of Antichrist is the pope ; the Turk is his body
' Calvin, like Luther, believed that some incurable diseases, such as epilepsy
for example, could only be explained by demoniacal possession. — Harm. Evang.
\}. 127. Comm. ad Math. 23.
LUTHER AT TABLE. 271
or flesh. The Turk troubles, torments, and lays waste the
Church of Christ bodily or materially ; but the pope does so
at once, both bodily and spiritually, by his satellites, his execu-
tioners, and murderers. But the Church, which in the days of
the apostles triumphed over the spiritual power of the Jews and
the sword of the Romans, will in our time become victorious
over the superstitions and the idolatry of Rome, and the tyranny
of the Turks.
*^ The cuckoo, as we all know, is naturally fond of the tomtit's
eggs. It lays its eggs in the nest of the bird, who hatches them as
if they were her own. When the cuckoos have burst the shell
and grown big, it is all over with the tomtit : the cuckoos devour
their mother. The cuckoo cannot bear the nightingale's song.
The pope is a cuckoo, who eats the eggs of the Church, and then
lays cardinals.^ Hardly is he bom, when he attacks his mother,
the Church of Christ, to eat her up. The songs of the Church,
that is preaching and teaching, are insupportable to him.
" Wherever there is a lark, you will find a cuckoo, who
fancies that his song is a thousand times more harmonious
than that of his rival. So does the pope in his church, singing
incessantly, and striving to drown the voice of the other churches.
But the cuckoo is serviceable in one respect, for it announces to
us that the summer is at hand ; and so the pope tells us that
the day of judgment is not far off.^
" Thirty years ago the Bible was unknown,' and the prophets
not understood ; it was thought that they could not be trans-
lated. At twenty, I had read nothing of the Scriptures, and
thought that there were no other gospel or epistles than those
* Er frisst der Kirchen ihre Eyer, und scheiast dagegen Gardinele aus.
TiBch-Reden, p. 342.
* TischReden, p. 342.
' This conceit of Luther wm long believed by Protestants. " In 1471,
Italy had the Italian translation of the Bible by Nicol. di Mallermi, which
was several times reprinted in the course of the sixteenth century. A Limou-
sine translation was published at Valencia in 1478 ; at Nuremberg, the Bible,
in German, was published in 1477; at Prague, in Bohemian, in 1488; at
Kutenberg, another Bohemian version, in 1489 ; and the Old Testament, in
Dutch, was printed at Delf in 1477."— M. GusUve Brunet, Propos de Table,
p. 285, note. See a lengthened reply to this assertion by M. Carl Hagen,
Deutschlands literarische und religiose Verh<nirae, Erlangen, 1841, tqm. i.
Hain, Repertorium Bibliographicum, torn. i. Stuttgard, 1826, gives a list of
the translations of the Bible in every language which had appeared before
that of Luther.
272 HISTORY OF luther.
which are contained in the postils. At least, I found in the
little town of Erfurt a Bible, which I read with the greatest
astonishments The Papists do not know a word of it
" A curate was severely reprimanded by his bishop, who
reproached him with not knowing how to baptize. As the
priest grew warm, the bishop took a doll, and said to him :
* Come, then, baptize/ The priest, pretending to pour the
water, said : ' Ego te baptiste in nomine Christe.'* Then the
bishop, in a rage, scolded the priest for his ignorance of the bap-
tismal words ; the curate, letting the doll fall : ' On my word,'
said he, ' the words are like the baby and the baptism/'
" May the name of the pope be damned ; may his kingdom
be abolished ;' may his will be restrained ! If I thought that
God did not hear my prayer, I would address myself to the devil*
" Cursed be the pope, ^ho has done more harm to the kingdom
of Christ and the Church than Mahomet ! The Turk kills the
body, devastates and pillages the goods of Christians ; but the
pope, more cruel than the Turk with his Alcoran, forces them to
deny Christ. Both are enemies of the Church, and servants of
Satan ; but the pope wishes to compel us to adore his canons
and decretals, in order to oppress and extinguish the light of the
Gospel. May the monster, then, perish eternally ! May he
and his decretals be eternally execrated by the angels and
saints !
" There were three popes who succeeded each other at short
intervals. The first being dead, the second declared null the
decretals of his predecessor, whom he caused to be disinterred,
and his fingers cut ofi*; when the second died, the third ordered
his body to be exhumed and thrown into the Tiber, after cutting
ofiF his head.^
THE DECRETALS.
" Do you wish to know what a decretal is ? It is the excre-
ment of his holiness ^
» Tisch-Reden, p. 852. « Ibid. p. 318.
3 Ibid. p. 352. * Ibid. p. 218.
^ Luther has not given us the names of these three popes.
* Eisleben, fol. 880, a^ 562, a, b, 569, a, b. Kicht andera denn EseUfUrst
Scheisserei, ja BUberei, Papst-Dreck und Fiirtz; Papst-Misst unk Drecke,
Drecke und Drecketal.
"Courteous reader," says Peter von Ludwig, "do not be too much soaa-
LUTHER AT TABLE. 273
BISHOPS.
Some students, who had been admitted by favour to Luther's
table — ^for it was a compliment much sought after — ^were seized
with a fit of laughter. Melancthon, who was silent, looked to
his master, when their merriment ceased, and said : '' God is
great ; he has already brought back some bishops in the fold."
Luther shook his head ....
" The bishops follow the instinct of their nature in all that
they do ; they are dogs who love to bathe their feet in blood.
They resemble Cain, and will have no rest until they have killed
Abd. They seek war, and will lose themselves. I have
announced and foretold it to them. We must now prepare
ourselves for the battle, and seek arms in prayer.^
" A princess once asked me if there was any hope that the
bishop of X would be converted ? and she added : * You
will see ; I shall soon bring you the good news.' — * I do not
believe it,' I replied ; * although I should greatly rejoice if he
repented and did penance ; but I have not the least hope, of it,
and should as soon expect the conversion of Pilate, Herod, Dio-
cletian, and other great sinners.' — ' But,' returned the princess,
' Ood is omnipotent, his mercy is infinite ; he would have par-
doned Judas, had he repented.' — ' That is very true ; God would
receive Satan into favour, if it were possible for the devil ever to
say : ' Pardon me, for I have sinned.' There is, alas ! no hope
of your bishop returning to God, for he opposes the truth wit-
tingly, because it is the truth. It is only a few days since
he shamefully allowed some poor Christians to die of hunger,
who had taken communion in both kinds/'
" That bishop* often wrote to me friendly letters ; his lips
were so honied, that I advised him to take a wife. He deceived
me by specious appearances, and laughed at me. It was only at
Augsburg that I learned to know him.^
" One day he thus addressed a large assembly : ' My brethren,
dalized by this imagery which our honest Lather employed to depict the
Roman See. ' Decreten drecketen/ is a picturesque expression : the others
are not behind it." — Johannes Petrus von Lndwig, privy counsellor to his'
majesty the king of Prussia, 1780, in a panegyric on the Saxon reformer.
* Tisch-Beden, p. 376. * Ibid. pp. 875, 376.
* Albert of Mayenoe. * l^schReden, p. 876.
VOL. II. T
274 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
be submissive, and communicate only under one kind. If you do
88 I bid you, I shall be to you a good master, your father, bro-
ther, and friend ; I shall obtain graces and great privileges from
his majesty for you. If, on the other hand, you are disobedient,
I proclaim myself your enemy, and I shall do all the injury in
my power to this city.' Such language is worthy of the emperor
of the Turks or the devil in hell.*
" Bishop NN., although he has married, is a cursed Papist,
who ridicules the Gospel, and only looks after his own interest.
As a general rule, the bishops are the pest and poison of the
Church and of the government ; they create disturbances every-
where.*
" There was formerly on the banks of the Rhine, near its falls,
a bishop who imprisoned the poor who came to beg alms from
him. He closed the doors, and set fire to the prison. When
the poor wretches cried out piteously : ' Do you hear,' he said,
'how these rats squeak V The same bishop was ever after tor-
mented by rats. As he could not get rid of these troublesome
guests, he built a house of dressed stone in the middle of the
Rhine ; but the rats crossed the river, followed the master of the
house, and ate him.'
'' When the Papists make a bishop, the devil runs and takes
possession of them ; they make him swear homage and obedience
to the pope, and vow opposition to the Lutheran doctrine. He
promises to serve the devil, who immediately takes possession of
him.*
" The archbishop of Salzburg said to Melancthon, in a con-
versation at Augsburg : ' My dear Philip, we know very well
that your doctrines are good ; but we priests never mend our
lives. '^
THB PAPISTS.
'' I maintain that the pope, the emperor (Charles V.), and
the bishop of Mayence are impious wretches, who have aban-
* Tisch-Reden, p. 876. Lather gives neither the evidence of this speech nor its
source. See what M. AlexanderWeill (an authority bejond suspicion in the eyes of
a Protestant) says of this prelate : " Albrecht, crown prince of Brandenburg, as
pious as he was liberal, played a great, although passive, part in the history of
the Reformation. He was the German Medicis." — La Phalange, 1845, p. Hi,
» Tisch-Reden, p. 877. » Ibii p. 878.
* Ibid. » Ibid. p. 874.
LUTHBB AT TABLE. 275
doned the ways of the Gospel, who have no just notion of the
Divinity, and who never think of God.* May God qniet this
sangoinary demon (Charles Y.) ; how it pains me when I see
him persecuting the truth !* Our princes do nothing but works
of malediction.' What is a prince in the kingdom of heaven,
but small game ? Pilate is worth them all.^
" Do you wish me to define the Popish kingdom ? The pope
and his court are idolaters and servants of the devil ; his doc-
trines are those of Satan ; the Catholic Church is the Church of
Satan ! Wretches ! you will all go to hell ; Papists ! you are
nothing but asses.^
" Whoever does liot hate the pope from the bottom of his
heart, will not gain the kingdom of heaven ; it is a sin not to
hate the pope. They are blockheads who say to you : ' Beware
of hating the pope ! '^
" I, doctor of doctors, wish to instruct and try the Papists,
and cry to them : * You are asses ; I glory in the hatred of such
ignorant fools as you. You say that you are doctors ! So am I !
I can interpret the Psalms and the prophets ; you cannot. I can
translate the Sacred Scriptures ; that you are forbidden to do.
I can read them ; you cannot I am a thousand times better
than you. Papist and ass are synonymous terms.
*' The Papists are lost. Where will they find priests and
monks now ? There are many students here, but not one of
them, that I know, would consent to open their mouths to
swallow what the pope would put into them ; except it be
Mathesius and Plato, my old scholars.*^
" The pope would willingly receive into favour the Lutherans
and their wives, but on condition that they should only preach
and teach what pleased him, and that they should regard their
wives as mistresses or cooks. Fie, fie ! to despise or condemn
marriage is to ofiend God. If Witzel does so with his com-
panion, I shall never advise a pious woman to live with him.^
* Tisch-Beden, Nnremb. p. 508. * Ibid. pp. 482, 484.
» Ibid. p. 77.
* TieclirRedeii^ Nnremb. pp. 160, 470. Pistoriiifl, in bis Zweiter boser Geist
liUtheri, Ac. torn. i. ii., bus collected a Urge number of Luther's invectives
against the princes.
* Ibid. pp. 51, 842, 853. « Ibid. pp. 480, 844.
' Ibid. p. 875. « Ibid. p. 854.
T 2
276 HISTOEY OP LUTHBJl.
" Two fools were one day disputing on the soul at the pope's
table ; the one mdifitained that it was mortal ; the other, that it
was immortal. * Well argued/ said the pope to the first ; * you
are right.' And turning to the other : * Well said ; you have
gained.' Such are the Epicureans to whom the kingdom of the
Church is given ! Tou remember that at Basle the fathers of
the council ordered the priests to wear a cassock which should
reach the heels, with close shoes, and forbade them to dispute
on the question of the soul's immortality.^
" Pope Paul JII. had a sister, whom he gave as a mistress to
his predecessor, by which means he obtained the Roman purple.^
A priest, who had a child by his cook, was bound to pay the
pope a coin called a ' milchpfenning ' (milkpenny). The mother
had to pay a like sum. Thus the priests might keep mistresses
at their will, without shame or scandal, and in all security of
conscience."'
ON THE DEATHS OF SOME PAPISTS.
" People pay no regard to the miracles which God daily works.
Witness the bishop of Treves, who suddenly expired at the coro-
nation of Charles V., as he was putting the glass to his lips ; and
Count N. de W., who was in a moment called out of life, as he
was preparing to attack me ; and also that doctor who, before
saying his first mass, maintained that the papistical juggleries
were virtues, how miserably he died ! Do you not observe what
a tragic end has been made this year by all those who persecuted
with their hatred, their ridicule, their acts and deeds, and preach-
ings, the word of God ? You have a terrible instance of (Jod's
wrath in the death of that celebrated Papist A. L., who, just
before expiring, and in the last throes of death, exclaimed:
' Devil, you are my friend ! ' and of that Italian who, when
dying, said : ' I give my property to the world, my body to the
worms, and my soul to the devil.' You know how severely God
' TiBch-Reden, p. 354.
* Alexander Farnese was elected pope in 1584, and aasamed the name of
Paul JII. He was then about seventy. Calvin said that he was a half-rotten
carcjise. — ^Brief Exposition, Works, p. 450. Grespin, Estat de TEglise, p. 471,
says that he kept 45,000 mistresses. Yet Banke has celebrated the virtues
and worth of this pope ! In the end truth always prevails : although halting,
she is sure to reach her point.
» Tisch-Reden, p. 857.
LUTHBB AT TABLE. 277
has punished that Papist who thought fit to preach against me ;
as also what happened to that cnrate of F., near Frankfort, who
preached the Gospel for eleven years. When the * black death '
ravaged the land, he proclaimed that Ood afflicted the world with
a new plague, because it had received a new faith and erroneous
teaching, and advised his parishioners to remain faithful to their
mother the holy Church, telling them that on a certain day
he would form a procession and pilgrimage to drive away the
pestilence. On that very day he died, and was buried. The
finger of God was here ; let it not be forgotten. On Trinity
Sunday, the pastor of Eunwald said : ^ If the Gospel announced
by Luther be true, may I be struek by thunder ! ' and he was
killed on the spot by lightning. A certain unprincipled Papist
doctor was one day disputing at the university of R., and argued
thus : ' If we must not alter a testament made by man's hands,
much less can we alter the testament made by God ; the supper
under both species is the testament of our Lord Jesus, which no
power can alter.' — ' Well,' said the doctor, on leaving the room,
'how do you think I spoke?' — * Admirably,' replied the person
whom he had addressed ; then, tapping him on the shoulder, he
said : ' Doctor, the servant who knows the truth and does not
practise it, will be severely punished : ' and next day the doctor
suddenly died. Thus the Lord strikes \ he does not permit his
word to be trifled with, but insists on its being observed. This
is an awful example for all Christians.^
" Every time that Clement VII. dined or supped, his holiness's
cook was sent to prison ; if the pope experienced no symptoms of
poison, the cook was liberated, and restored to his place. Oh !
what a miserable state of life ! Moses speaks of it in the 28th
chapter of Deuteronomy : * In the morning thou shalt say, Who
will grant me evening? and at evening, Who will grant me
morning ?' This Clement VII. knew how to compound poisons,
and yet he died by poison."-
' TiBcli-Ileden, p. 868, recto et verso.
* Brueys, the Protestant, who believes that the pope is Antichrist, has not
ventured to admit Luther's story. In our history of Henry YIII. we have
given an account of the last moments of this pope, one of the most amiable that
ever sat in the chair of St. Peter.
278 HISTOBY OF LUTHER.
THB MONKS.
** With the Papists all observances are easy ; it is easier for
them to fast than for us to eat ; for one day of fasting they have
three of feasting. At the evening collation each monk receives
two jugs of excellent beer and a small cup of wine, spiced cakes
or slices of bread with salt butter. The poor monks, like flaming
cherubim, then go to their offices with a look of misery, and as
if they were like to drop from inanition.*
" That audacious and headstrong priest, that devil incarnate,
Pope Julius II., took it into his head to reform the Franciscans,
and subject them to one common rule. The monks had recourse
to the kings and princes, entreating them to appeal for them
against the resolution of the holy father ; but Julius paid no
attention to it. Then the monks addressed a pressing suppli-
cation to the pope, which they backed with thirty thousand
crowns. * How is it possible,' said the pope, pointing to the
images of the princes engraved on the coins, ' to resist so many
mailed knights?' The pope altered his mind, and left the
Franciscans undisturbed.*
" The monks are the pillars of the papacy ; they defend the
pope as some rats do their king. I am the quicksilver of the
Lord diffused through the puddle, that is, monachism. The
Franciscans are the lice which the devil stuck to the skin of
Adam; the Dominicans, the fleas that incessantly bite. A
monk is essentially wicked, virtue cannot abide in him either
witliin or without the cloister. Like the fire mentioned by
Aristotle, which bums in Ethiopia as well as in Germany, the
circumstances of time or place cannot change their nature.'
'* In the cloister they do not study but observe the Scriptures.
A monk knows not what study is ; at certain hours, he mutters
certain prayers called * canonical ; ' but as for the gift of reading
the Scriptures, which has been conferred on me, not one monk
has received it."*
The clock struck ten, and Luther rose to depart. As he left
the monastery. See vol. i. of this work.
« Tisch-Reden, p. 370. " « Ibid.
* Ibid. p. 871. See what Carl Hagen says of the monasteries before
Luther's time, 1. c. torn. i. passim.
THE TISOH-BEDEN. 279
the tayem, a poor man touclied his sleeye requesting ahns.
"There," said the doctor, giving him a few groschen. " Thanks,"
said the b^gar; "may God repay you.'' Jonas smiled and
whispered to Martin : " Who knows whether God will repay us V
"Has he not already done it?'* said Luther; "let us give
unconditionally;^ brother date is always followed by brother
dabitur."
How deeply it is to be regretted that a being so splendidly
gifted should have voluntarily closed his eyes to the light !
CHAPTER XXL
THE TISCH-REDEN CONTINUED.
Difleasefl. — A jurist. — ^The Jews. — ^The ancient Ghnrcli. — ^The Scriptnres. —
Heretics. — ^The Sacramentarians. — St. Gregory. — St John. — St. Augustine.
—The Fathers.— Ecker, Faber.—SadoletUB.— Paradise.— God.
Luther had one day some sparrows at table ; he took up one
of the birds, and thus apostrophised it : '^ Franciscan, with your
black cowl, you are of all birds the most rascally. The following
fable may be useful : Two monks, a Franciscan and Dominican,
were travelling together in quest of alms. It happened that envy
insinuated itself into their hearts. One day the Franciscan
ascended the pulpit, and addressing the audience, said : ' Dear
brethren, dear country-folks, beware of the swallows, which are
white beneath and black above ; it is a vile and mischievous
bird, which when it is vexed pinches and bites the cattle, and
blinds with its excrement, as in the case of Tobias.' Next day
it was the Dominican's tui*n to preach. ' I will say nothing,'
said he, * of the swallow ; but I would advise you to beware of
the sparrow, a malicious and thieving bird, which pecks pears,
plums, cheese, and cherries, and has only one cry : Scrip !
scrip ! ' He alluded to his brother the Franciscan.*
'' In one word, the most pious monk is an impious scoundrel ;
' M. Michelet, Memoirs of Luther, torn. ii. p. 350.
' Tisch-Reden, p. 361.
280 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
the monks are lineal descendants of Satan. When yon wish to
paint the deyil, mujQle him np in a monk's habit. The monks
are the ministers of Satan ; what a roar of laughter there mnst
be in the infernal regions when a monk goes down there ! *
They are the lice and fleas which the Almighty stuck on the
skin of our father Adam.^
" In this century/' continued Luther, " they removed the
nuns from the convent of Neuburg, in Austria, to give it to the
Franciscan monks. The friars wished to build ; the workmen,
while excavating the ground, found twelve cases, which they
broke open, and found each contained the body of an infant."^
DISEASES.
" ' Have faith, son,' said Jesus Christ to the paralytic man,
' thy sins are forgiven thee/ What does that signify, unless it
be that our sins are the causes of paralysis and all diseases ?
See, in the ninth chapter of St. John, where Jesus says that
neither the man bom blind nor his parents had sinned. The
man's blindness did not proceed from original sin ; actual sin is
the cause of diseases : the paralytic man had offended God, and
he was punished ; the man blind from his birth had not sinned,
and his blindness did not result from Adam's sin. If this malady
were a necessary consequence, every man would be bom paralytic
or blind. By taking away sin, Christ removed the bodily in-
firmity. God sends diseases into the world by the intervention
of the devil ; every pain and affliction of the body proceeds from
the devil, and not from God. The Lord permits us to be stricken
when we contemn and offend him. Whatever brings us to death
is from the devil ; it is his work : whatever leads to life comes
from God ; it is his gift, his mercy, his grace : the devil is the
Lord's enemy. In time of pestilence, the devil pounces on a
house, and woe to him whom he seizes in his fangs ! ^
'^ One day a man came to me, complaining piteously of the
itch, which gave him no rest by day or by night. * You are
very fortunate,' said I to him, * and I would willingly exchange
1 Coll. Mens. p. 109.
> Tiach-Eeden, Francf. pp. 264, 265, 266 ; Dresden, pp. 572, 579, 587, 593 ;
Eisl. p. 371.
3 Tisch-Reden, Eisl. p. 464. * Tisch-Beden, p. 492.
THE TISOH-BEDBir. 281
-with you, and give yon my dizziness for your itch, and ten
guilders to boot You do not know what a malady mine is, and
how it fatigues and hammers my poor head, and does not permit
it t-o read a letter all through, or two or three verses of a psalm,
or meditate for any length of time^ or engage on any serious
matter! When my dizziness comes on, if my ears tingle, I
frequently fall from my chair. Why complain of the itch ? it is
a very useful thing, which purifies apd strengthens the body, and
prevents you neither from walking about, nor thinking, nor work-
ing. I wish I had the itch to cure me ! *
" Physicians assign only natural causes to diseases. Whence
comes that disease ? what has produced it ? how shall it be cured ?
That is all they trouble themselves about, and they are right.
They do not see that it is the devil who afflicts the sick, and that
the cause of the disease is not natural ; that there is a greater
medicine than theirs that must be sought, and which will
triumph over all the power of the evil spirit ; namely, faith and
prayer." •
A JURIST.
" What is a jurist ? A cobbler, a broker, a botcher, who
makes a trade of disputing things of which he knows nothiug, —
of the sixth commandment of God, for example. I could never
have believed that they are such papists are they are. They are
imbedded in filth to the neck ; they are blockheads who cannot
distinguish dung from sugar. ' Omnis juris ta, est aut nequista,
aut ignorista.' When a jurist wishes to dispute with you, say
to him : ' Hark ye, my boy, a jurist should never speak before
he has heard a sow grunt.' ' Thank you, grandmother,' he will
say, ' it is the first sermon I have bieaid for some time.' " '
■ Tisch-Beden, p. 492. * Ibid. p. 494.
' " TJnd wenn ein Jurist davon disputiren will, so sagt zu ihm : Hore, du
Gesell, ein Jurist soU hie oicht eher Y«den, es fartze denn eine Sau ; so soil er
Bhgen : Dank habe, liebe Grossmutter, ich babe lang keine Predigt gebort." —
Hsch-Reden, Eisleben, p. 571.
The thirty to forty folio pages which Luther has devoted to the jurists in the
Tisch-Keden, are filled with an insolence and crudity of expression that cannot
be imagined.
" Sie sind nur Suppenfresser, denn sie disputiren nur von Dreok-Handen.
Ich weiss dass ibr l>ing Dreck ist. Sie sind grobe Tolpel. Sie sind noch
zu grttn da zu wissen mit Zucker ein Dreck davon. Ists euch so wohl mit
282 HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
THE JEWS.
" The Jews are nearly all bastards : I consider them veritable
epicureans. When a Christian meets them, they salute him thns:
* Good morrow, Seth \' that is to say, devil ; for Seth, or Satan,
is the name of the devil. If I were a magistrate, I wonld ask
the Jews why they call Christ ein JEfurenkind, and his mother
eine Hure. If they proved to me that they were right, I would
give them a thousand guilders ; if not, I should hang them^up.
In fine, we ought not to suffet the Jews among us, we ought
neither to eat nor drink with them.^
" When God and his angels hear a Jew , how they laugh
and dance.^
" Pye, fye, leave the Bible alone, Jews ; you ar© not worthy
to read that sacred book : your Bible is that which is concealed
by a sow's tail ; what drops from it is bread and wine for such
prophets as you." ^
THE ANCIENT CHURCH.
" The Church of Christ has become a real prostitute ! Before
the Reformation she was so clouded with darkness, and so
ignorant, that no one could answer these questions — What is
God? what is Christ, faith, good works, heaven, earth, hell,
the devil? With its dogmas of abstinence from meats, its
cowls, its masses, and other filthy traditions, Kome has fettered
the consciences of mankind." *
THE SCRIPTURES.
*'It is impossible to dive into the meaning of the sacred
den EselirfUrtzeD, bo fresnet sie. Wann die Juristen viel konneD, so konnen
ale eiu Kuchen imd Sohmeisahaus anbauen."
Besides, hie &miliar oorrespondeDce often resembles the TLBch-Reden. See
his letters to Archbishop Albert. — De Wette, torn. iv. p. 676.
» Tisch-Reden, p. 694. • Op. Luth. Jenae, torn, viii. p. 99.
' ..." Ihr solltet allein die Bibel lesen die der Sau unter dem Schwantz
stehet, und die Bucbstaben so daselbst herausfallen, fressen und saufen, daa
ware eine Bibel fur solche Propbeten" (Jen®, torn. viii. foL 83, a.). — ^Von den
Juden. This is only a scurvy joke ; but Luther is much more in earnest
when he urges the necessity of expelling the Jews : " Man soil die Juden uioht
hey uns leiden."
* Our History of Leo X. shows what great theologians were in Italy before
the Reformation. Carl Hagen has given a sketch of the study of the science
of theology in Germany prior to the advent of Luther. — Deutschlands litera-
rische und religiose Yerh^tnisse^ torn. i.
TBB TIS0H-:R£DEN. 283
Scriptures^ we can onlj skim the surface : it would be a miracle
to comprehend their spirit We hardly know their alphabet. Let
theologians say and do what they will ; to divine the mysteries
of the holy word will always be above our understanding. This
word is the inspiration of God, and defies human comprehension ;
the Christian has only a glimpse of it.^
'' The Scriptures are clear and luminous ; sophists vainly
allege that they are full of difficulties and involved in darkness.
The Fathers endeavoured to interpret them ; but their inter-
pretation only obscured them." *
THE HERETICS.
'^ It is said of the peacock that he has the dress of an English-
man, the step of a tiiief, and the voice of the devil. This bird
is the picture of a heretic ; for all heretics wish to pass for holy
men, saints, and angels. At first they come stealthily, and
assume the office of preachers, before they are called to it, and
wish at all hazards to preach and teach. They have the devil's
voice, because they only preach error, delusion, and heresy.
'^ I have always taught the word of Ood in its entire purity
and simplicity ; I shall continue to do so ; for otherwise I should
be like a papist, who neither believes in the resurrection of the
dead nor in eternal life.
'^ This is the beginning of the butterfly. It is at first a
caterpillar, which attaches itself to a wall, and weaves its
envelope. In spring, when the sunbeams begin to be felt, the
caterpillar bursts its cell, and a butterfly escapes, which, when
about to die, attaches itself to a tree or a leaf, where it lays its
eggs, from which will issue a generation of caterpillars. This is
the generatio rectproca, a caterpillar which becomes again a
caterpillar. I have often found in my garden a variety of cater-
pillars : I believe the devil sent them to me ; they have likS
horns in the nose ; wings of gold and silver ; without, their
attire is brilliant ; within, they are full of poison. The heretics
deck themselves in the garb of wisdom and piety, but they teach
impious and damnable doctrines. When the butterflies die, they
deposit a brood of eggs, and from one caterpillar is produced a
'nsoh-Eedeo, Eislebeo, p. 556. ' Ibid. Fnucfort, pp. 3, 668.
284 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
crowd of others : thus the heretic misleads and deceives others,
who in their turn bring forth a multitude of troublesome spirits."^
THB SACRAMBNTABIANS.
" Begone, pedant, with your supper ; sty wherein hog feeds
with hog ; ^ go to the devil V The Sacramentarians replied :
" Begone ; in your eucharist, you eat and drink abomination,
instead of the flesh and blood of Jesus Christ : thy beer which
I drank yesterday gave me the colic ; eat and drink, in mei
memoriam. Away !".^
GBBGOBT THB GREAT.
" Gregory the Great was a very holy man.* But he did what
1 Tisch-Heden, p. 898.
* " Bauern-Zech, wo eine Sau mit der andern frisst." — Op. Lutk. Jens,
1557, torn. vi. p. 115. Repeated in the Tisch-Reden.
' " Daas Bie nicht des Herm Christ! Leib und Blut mit dem Munde empfim-
gen, sondem Dreck fressen." — Starmius, Theodorus Beza, apod Affelmannam
Theol. Luth. in pnefat. *' Gerevisia ista quam hen hauai totum alvum mihi
conturbavit. £n vobis unum vel alteram crepitum, in mei memoriam." —
Weislinger's Gniudliche Antwort, torn. ii. p. 583.
* Op. Luth. JenaB, torn. viii. fol. 252> a, b. Wider das Fapatthum zu Bom.
Jensa, tom. t. fol. 820, a, b, 390, edit. 1557.
In 1717, a pamphlet waa published at Leipsic, by the title of Gregoriud
Magnus papa Lutheranus, in which the author, John Feter Stute, endeavours
to prove that this pope taught in the seventh century the doctrines which
Luther upheld in the sixteenth. We shall see what the Saxon doctor thought
of Gregory I.
A Lutheran, Lucas Osiander, no admirer of this pope, narrates (Cent vL
lib. iv. ch. xvi. p. 287), that a monk, who was burning in hell for having hid
three guilders in a corner of his cell, was liberated from that fiery abode at the
cost of thirty masses, which the pope exacted. Luther has given the same
anecdote a place in the Tisch-Reden, p. 855 ; but Osiander's hell is changed by
Luther into purgatory.
Frequently in our travels through Germany we have found, in the shops of
dealera in second>hand and old books, volumes of which the very title provoked
a smile. Could any one have imagined that our St. Bernard was merely an
honest Lutheran ? Open the tract, De Lutheran ismo D. Bernardi Scfaediasma
Theologicum, Dresden, 1701, you wiU there find Uiat the great saint inva-
riably &ught Luther*8 doctrine of works, faith, and the eucharist. But we,
who know Luther almost by heart, immediately turn to the Tisch-Reden, and
read unamazed that St. Bernard has written, that God neither hears nor under-
stands the prayers addressed to him : " Er spricht Gott h3re das Wort des
Gebets nicht" (p. 208), which does not hinder Luther from affirming that
Bernard was the best of the monks. — M. G. Brunet, 1. c. p. 172.
Among our bibliographical rarities we possess a smaU octavo, entitled,
Thomas Acquinas dictus Angelicus confessor veritatis Evangelicae, Aiigustanft
confessione repetitas, 1565. The angel of the schools transformed into a
defender of the Augsbure Confession ! George Dorsche, minister of Strasburg,
has made this singular discovery. We are sorry that a Donunican, Leonard,
believed it incumbent on him to answer Dorsche. Dorsche was silent. But
THE TI8CH-BBDBN. 286
the other popes haye done : he taught detestable doctrines. It
was he who invented purgatory, masses for the dead, abstinence
from flesh on Fridays and Saturdays, the monk's cowl, and other
mummeries, with which he has enslaved mankind. The devil
possessed him, and for all his writings I would not ^ve a penny."
ST. JEBOHB.
" I consider St. Jerome a heretic, who never speaks but of
fasting, virginity, celibacy, &c. I would not have him for a
chaplain." ^
ST. AUGUSTINE.
" St Augustine often erred : he cannot be trusted.* Many
of his writings are worthless.' It was a mistake to place him
among the saints, for he had not the true faith." ^
"St. Augustine was well versed and skilled in the Holy
Scriptures ; he had a remarkable judgment and a dear under-
standing. He is the purest of all the doctors." ^
THE FATHERS.
" The Fathers knew nothing about the text of St. Paul con-
cerning widows who have brdken their first faith, — -primam Jidem.
Augustine thinks that by ^primam fid^m* the apostle means
the vow of chastity ; but I understand the text better than a
thousand Augustines. This Father should have been sent to
school: the Fathers are blockheads who have only written
another Lutheran, who held by St. Thomas, Anthony Beiaaer, came forward to
challenge the doctor. His work is entitled, Antonius Reisser in Tindiciis Evan-
gelioo-lliomiBtiotB, qnibua Thomas de Aqnino, Teritatis Evangelice confessor
orbi Catholico exhibetur, contrk Thomam Leonard! professoris Lovaniensem :
Ulms, 1699.
We quote the titles of some other books still more curious. For example :
Johannis Wolfgangi Jiegeri cancellarii Tubingenras Dissertatio Theologica
de veritate Augustanse Gonfessionis in Concilio Tridentino agnitie et defenssB :
TubingSB, 1696.
Johannis Friderioi Mayeri Ecolesia Papea Lutheran» patrona et oliens.
F. B. de la fiarre, La Doctrine des Eglises Protestantes justifi^ par le Missel
Bomain : Geneve, 1720.
1 Tisch-Beden, Eisl. p. 553.
2 Op. Luth. tom. ii. Jen. Germ. fol. 108 ; torn. vii. Witt. foL 858 ; torn. ii.
Alt. fol. 142. Von Menschen-Lehre zu meiden.
* Coll. Mens. Lat. tom. ii. p. 84.
< Enarr. in xlv. cap. Genes, tom. ii. Witt. Germ. p. 227 ; Alt p. 1382.
* Table-Tslk, translated by M. Gustavo Brunet, p. 171.
286 HlflTOBY OP LTTTHBR.
fooleriee upon odibacy ; and besides, the apostle only speaks of
widows ; now Bora is not a widow, any more than I am." ^
ECK AND FABEB.
" The emperor Charles V. said : * My brother esteems Faber
and Eck, and oonsiders them great men who defend the honour
of the Christian faith/ Yes, unquestionably ; for the one
passes the day in drinking, and the other is a hog and a wencher.^
I have never read a single book that the papists have written
against me, with the sole exception of Erasmus' treatise on free-
will/'
SADOLKTUS.
" Sadoletus was selected by the pope on accoant of his talents,
to write against me : he knows nothing of the Scriptures, as may
be easily seen by his ' Commentaries on the 51 st Psalm/ ^ My
God, may thy light enlighten him, and guide him in the right
way !"
PABABISE.
*' You ask me if there will be dogs and other animals in the
kingdom of heaven ? Certainly, for the earth will not be stripped
bare; it will not lose its inhabitants, and be changed into a
desert. Does not St. Paul call the new, or the last day, a day
of change, in which the heaven and the earth shall be changed !
As if he had said : ' or a new heaven and a new earth shall be
created.' We shall then have pretty little dogs with golden
heads and fiir of precious stones ; each of these little dogs shall
have a collar of diamonds, with a small pearl on each hair.
There will then be none of those vile animals, such as toads and
bugs, created by our sins ; none of them will eat or torment
each other; everything shall be harmless, and void of evil,
and we shall be able to caress and play with them in complete
safety/'*
aoD.
" I owe more to my little Catherine and to Philip than even
» Tiech-Reden, Francf. pp. 828, 872.
' " Einer ist alle Tage tninken, der ondere ist em Hurentreiber, gar eine
San."— Tisch-RedeD, p, S71.
' Tisch-Beden, p. 817. * Ibid. p. 504.
THE TISOH-BEDEK. 287
to Grod : neither Eetha, nor any man on earth, has suffered so
much for me sa my favourite disciple/' ^
'' Ood has made many mistakes. I would have given him good
advice had I assisted at the creation ; I should have made the
sun shine incessantly : the day should have had no end.'' '
The cups were empty, but the drinkers were grave. Before
leaving table, Luther was in the habit of amusing the company
with some merry tale. On this occasion he was in high spirits,
and narrated the story of the Bull for the edification of his
associates.^
CHAPTER XXII.
THE TISCH-REDEN CONTINUED.— WOMAN.— THE TEMPTER.
Wommn, the iertUe robject of conyenation at table in the Black .Eagle.—
Luther's tempter. — ^How the doctor drove him away. — His adyioe to Weller,
how to repel temptations. — Germany and the Tisch-Beden.
WOMAN.
Woman is a fertile theme for Luther. Frequently, in the
midst of a moral discourse in which she could not intervene by
any rhetorical artifice, woman appears to condemn the pope and
the decretals. Celibacy is the great crime which Luther imputes
to Antichrist, the most visible mark which God has imprinted on
the forehead of the beast. Singular thing I It is not only in
the texts which of his own authority he declares to be authentic
and fi*ee from all monkish interpolation, but in the writings which
he has rejected as contaminated, that he searches for the proo&
> Tisch-Beden, Francf. p. 124. • Ibid, part ii. p. 20.
' [The translator, as in other instanceSi has been compelled to omit this
gross tale, eren in Latin. Thoee who are ooriona in snch faoeti» will find it
in the CoUoquia Mensalia, toL i. p. 251, or at p. 1 75 of the third volume of
M. Audin's work, edit, of Paris (Maison's), I860.— T.]
See also, Bysenteria Martini Lutheri in Merdipoetam LsBmichen, Coll.
Mens. torn. i. p. 281, edit. Franof. ad Moenmn, ann. 1571, Svo. per Nicol.
Basseum et Hieronymnm Feyerabend ; Martinus Lnthenis dicebat de Flan-
dris, p. 76 ; Ann. 1532, 21 Aug. Doct. Jonas Lutherum oravit. Coll. Mens,
tom. i. p. 119, b, de Principe. Mulier quasdam Garrula, GolL Mens. torn, i,
p. 233.
288 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
of the divinity of the command, ''Increase and multiply/'
What do you think he opposes to the monks who also take the
Scriptnres as their text-book, to enjoin on their adversaries the
vow of chastity ? An episde of St Paul, perhaps ? No ; but
the Apocalypse of St. John, which he so often ridicules, and
treats as a dream or a fable.
But it is at table especially that he is to be heard discoursing
on this subject. In the '' GoUoquia," no fewer than a hundred
pages are devoted to the fair sex. Luther is quite at his ease,
and the boon companion is under less restraint than the preacher,
who, however, allowed himself singular license.
THE TBMPTER.
The life of Luther is little else than a series of contests with
the devil, of which he has preserved to us the details, and in
which the monk was always victor. But the devil was not dis-
couraged, he returned to the charge : the battle was renewed, and
invariably terminated in the same manner, — ^by the discomfiture
of the old enemy of mankind. The demon did not give him a
moment's rest ; he tormented him by day and by night, at meals
and in slumber.; at church, at study, in his household, and even
in his cellar.* Luther has not,ed and kept a register of all these
assaults, in order, he says, to teach us how to baffle this clever
cheat.
In the monastery at Wittemberg, when he was beginning to
read the Bible, or was at his desk translating the Psalms, the
devil would come softly and stealthily, and suggest to him all
sorts of evil thoughts. If he appeared not to understand him,
then Satan got into a rage, upset his papers, opened and tore his
books, and then blew out the candle. If Luther went to bed,
the devil was there before him.
It was known that Luther was frequently visited by the devil,
and he was asked what should be done in such cases : '' What
should I say to the devil when he comes to torment me?''
' (The translator is again under the necessity of referring to the original
text. The freedom perinisdble to the author is not allowed to his inter-
preter.— ^T.]
' Tisch Reden, p. 819.
THE TISOH-BBDEN. 289
** Nothing, neither speak to nor answer him ; leave him alone,
and he will go about his business/' ^
He found the devil's image in a great number of the Creator's
works, — in the wolf, and especially in flies. So when they
rested upon his face or open book, he got into a passion. ** The
devil take you i" he would say, ^' ape and follower of Satan.
If I open my Bible, there you are, abominable fly, with your feet
and filth ; as if to say, This is my book, I wish to dirty it.'' ^
Luther sometimes droye away the fallen angel by absolute
silence, at otheis by the sign of the cross, the name of Jesus, or
a short prayer. He speaks in glowing terms of the efficacy of
prayer, which can resuscitate the dead, '^ as was instanced in
the case of the doctor himself, who had breathed, it was thought,
his last ; of his wife Eetha, who showed no signs of life ; and
of Philip Melancthon, who, in 1540, at Weimar, had given up the
ghost The devU was then overcome, and death surrendered his
prey."»
He was visibly annoyed if, in the course of -conversation, that
invisible power was invoked to unravel a difficulty, or penetrate a
mystery, and especially if, without good grounds, a troublesome
person was got rid of by sending him to the deviL '' For who
knows," he said, contracting his brow, ''but he might take you
at your word ?" When his displeasure passed away, he said to
his companion, " Listen to the following story : —
" Two joUy Germans were enjoying themselves over their cups ;
when a young traveller, weakly and much exhausted, arrived. As
he sat down to table, he exclaimed in a melancholy tone : ' I
would give my soul to the devil if I could enjoy myself like you
for a whole day.' Presently arrived another traveller, who sat
down beside the youth, and looking at him said : ' What was
that which you said a little while ago, my young friend V ' Why,
that I would give my soul to the devil for some good flagons of
Rhenish.' ' Ha, ha I' replied the stranger, laughing heartily ;
* waiter, bring some wine.' They drank and drank ; the hours
glided away: the stranger had disappeared. He returned
in the evening, and addressing the young man's fellow-topers,
who had not yet left the table : ' Gentlemen,' said he, * when a
» Tisch-Keden, p. 617. ' Ibid. p. 625, * Ibid.
VOL. II. U
290 HISTORY OF LUTHKB.
person buys a horse, does he not also buy the bridle and saddle V
* Certainly, both bridle and saddle,' they replied, laughing. And
instantly the devil, for it was he, flew off with the young man
through the ceiling/' *
The deyil who raged against Luther was a cunning sophist, who
loved to embarrass his adversary ; a wicked disciple of Scotus,
who laughed when he could nonplus the professor of Wittemberg.
He most frequently appeared to Luther on his awaking. *' Toa
are a sinner,'' said he to him one day, " an obstinate sinner ! "
*' Have you nothing newer to tell me?" replied Luther; "I know
as well as you that I have sinned ; but Ood has forgiven me.
His Son has taken away my iniquities, they are no longer mine
but Christ's, and I am not so foolish as to deny the grace of my
Saviour. Have you nothing more to ask me? Are you not
satisfied ? There," — and catching up the chamber-pot, — "there,"
said he, " my fine fellow, take that to wash your face with !" *
This was unanswerable : the devil fled !
But he soon returned. If Luther was very much annoyed,
he took his flute, and the black angel rapidly fled ; wherefore the
doctor recommends music to those who are tempted. "Sing
then, my friends," he' repeats, '^ sing, and dispute not, for the
devil is a thousand times more knowing than you."'
We know with what temptations the Saxon monk was assailed.
If we are to believe him, Satan gave him rest neither by dtfy nor
by night ; at night he sent him dreams, in which the pagan deities
sat by his pillow ; voluptuous dreams that bedewed his face with
perspiration. At other times he insinuated proud thoughts, and
then the doctor of Wittemberg beheld all the crowns of earth ttt
his feet, and believed himself greater than the sovereigns and
pontifib who wore .them. Satan also strove to cast him into
despair, by representing to him in sleep his dear Germany all
torn to pieces by faction ; the Anabaptists rushing into the
Lutheran churches ; Zwinglius leading men's minds astray ; his
brethren leaving him, and his great work perishing in waves of
blood, that flowed like those of the Elbe. Then the monks
resumed their cowls ; the stinking Babylon, Rome, was propped
^ Tisch-Reclen, p. 161.
' '* So hab ich aach geschissen unci gepinkelt^ daran wische dein Maul, and
heisse dich wohl damit." * Tuch-Redeo, p. 305.
THE TISCH-BEBEN. 291
np by numerotw scarlefc robes ; the pope bestrode the beast of
the Apocalypse""; the nuns fled from their abductors to their
cloisters again ; Eck, Campeggio, Miltitz, and the whole
" shabby priesthood of Rome," scoflFed at his impotent fury and
his fruitless labours. It was necessary then for him to become ac*
customed early to repel with vigour these assaults of the malignant
spirit The anchorites of the Thebais had found prayer to be
an effectual remedy against the rebellion of the old Adam : he
tried prayer, and was not satisfied with it. Now this is his
remedy, which he is serious in recommending to all his friends.
" Poor Jerome Weller, you have temptations, you must get the
better of fhem : when the devil comes to tempt you, — drink, my
friend, drink deeply, make yourself merry, play the fool, and
sin in hatred of the evil one, and to play him a trick. If the
devil says to you : * You surely will not drink ;' answer him
thus : ' I shall drink bump^s, because you forbid me ; I shall
imbibe copious potations in honour of Jesus Christ.' Follow my
example. I should neither eat, drink, nor enjoy myself so much
at table, were it not to vex Satan. I wish I could discover some U
new sin, that he might learn to his cost that I laugh at all that 1
is sin, and that I do not think my conscience charged with it. |
Away with the Decalogue, when the devil comes to torment us !
when he whispers in our ear : * But you sin, you deserve death
and hell.' ' Yes, my God, I know it but too well, what would
you have me to say V ' But you will be damned in the next
world.' * That is false ; I know that there is one who
suffered and satisfied for me, — Jesus Christ, the Son of God,-
and where he is, there I shall be also.' ^ If the devil does
depart, I cry to him: * In manum sume crepitum ventris cum
istoqne baculo vade Romam.' " ' Luther often introduces this
magnificent antidote in his wiitings, and it is with the greatest
gravity possible that he recommends for silencing the voice of
the devil eating, drinking, rejoicing, and taking care of the
brain and belly, by filling the one with the fumes of good wine.
next
has/*
1 nott
» 6 November, to Jerome Weller, in Weller. Op. p. 208. Leberecht von
Wette, Dr. Luther's Briefe, torn. iv. p. 188.
* He mentions elsewhere the anecdote of a lady of Magdeburg : *' Quee Sa<
thanam crepitu yeutris fugavit." — Propos de Table, par M. Gustave Brunet>
p. 22.
U2
292 HISTOBY OF LUTHEB.
and the other with savoury food : " A good bumper of old wine,''
says he, '' is the best remedy for qnieting the senses, procuring
sleep, and escaping from the devil/' ^
Poor Weller was a instant sufferer, and wa£ always implcxing
Luther to deliver him from his temptations, but Luther never
pointed out to him any other panacea except this obstreperous
merriment and tumult of the senses. '^ Do you not see," he
says to him again, '^ that God is not a God of sadness, but of
joy ? has not Christ said, '• I am the God of the living, and not
of the dead V What is it to live, but to rejoice in the Lord ?
You cannot prevent the birds from flying above your head, but
you can from building their nests in your hair." *
Calvin was not tempted so much as Luther ; '^ pohaps,'' says
his biographer, M. Paul Henri, '^ because Satan was well aware
that this servant of God knew not what fear is," ' or perhaps
also because the Genevan's brain was not so imaginative as that
of Luther, which at the least motion of an external agent became
gifted with violent activity. This inferiority of poetic power
appears in every page of his " Christian Institutes." Calvin also
maintained, in many of his writings, the influence of the evil
spirit on the destinies of the Gospel, but never as Luther did,
with such a faith as almost partook of his terrors. His theo-
logical system is designed to give assurance from the first to him
who listens to it Calvin taught that the devil, who can bring
under subjection the soul of the sinner, is powerless over that of
him who believes in Christ his Redeemer. He did not admit of
the exorcising of infants, as Luther did. He said of our
exorcist priests : " They do not know that they are themselves
possessed : they act as if they had the power of working by the
imposition of hands ; but they will never convince the devil that
they have this gift ; in the fimt place, because they in no manner
of way afiect the patient, and in the second, because they them-
selves are the property of Satan ; there is scarcely one of them
who is not possessed."*
1 " MUii oportonum easet contrii tentatiooes remedium, fortis hauatos qui
liommim induceret."
« To Weller, 15 Jnne, 1630. Op. Waller, p. 204.
' ** Oder dass der b<$6e Ckist wobl wiiBste, dies sei nicht der Weg, ihn za
gtoren."— Tom. i. p. 6S8,
* lost, lib, iv. cb. xix. § 24.
THE TISCU-BSBEK. 293
Calvin admitted the existence of sorcererB and ^tchcraft ;
bat he did not, like Lather, endow the devil with a creative
power. He thought that the devil could not change material
objects, but only deceive the spectator. Thus, in his system, the
rod which Moses changed into a serpent (Exodus vii. 12), still
remained a rod ; and that it was only the eyes of the lookers-on,
who were fascinated by the devil, that saw an imaginary creature
in a substance which had undergone not the slightest metamor-
phosis.
Luther's devil sometimes resembles the devil of the Scriptures,
the roaring lion of the Gospel, that tempter who carried the Son
of God to the mountain ; but he is more frequently a filthy
papist, or a petty theologian in a cowl, whose eyes are dim from
perusing Durandus, and his countenance emaciated by vigilance ;
clownish, tattered, and incapable of speaking ought but the logic
of Aristotle. He does not even know his part ; he is carefrd for
the salvation of Luther, as if he were his guardian angel, anxious
about the future state of his soul, always ready to show him the
way to heaven, and if necessary, to bring him Jacob's ladder to
aid his ascent. We can imagine a devil of this sort saying to
Luther : ^' Are you not deceived in saying the Mass ? ^ Do you
not perform an act of idolatry when celebrating the holy sacrifice?
Fool that you are, you are sunk in popery; it is time you
escaped from that fiery frirDace. With the Catholic rabble you
reckon seven sacraments ; there are only two, baptism, and the
eucharisf Do you understand a devil who, in full pride, comes
at night with the staple ailment of every book, which Emser,
Eck, and Faber have worn threadbare by use : the passage of
St. Paul to Timothy, i. 5, 12, relating to widows who marry a
second time, and '' so involve themselves in condemnation by
violating the vows which they had previously sworn to keep V
This was a text which the devil did not need to recall to Luther,
since the Catholics had quoted it in all their disputations, to
prove the necessity of the vow of continence. Luther may do
what he will to exalt his devil, may torture himself to elevate
the part which he makes him play; but after perusing the
'* Tisch-Reden," we must have but a poor opinion of the devil's
* See chajK xxxii. yol. i. Conference with the Devil.
294 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
ability. Eck and Tetzel were more highly gifked. In Luther's
words, '' these children of the devil knew more than their
father/'
If the devil, who so frequently bandies theology with Luiher,
is a sorry fellow, in spite of all the reputation for learning which
his adversary would attribute to him, a student who should be
sent back to his books when he attempts to quote the Scriptures,
and who deserves to be whipped, we cannot, at least, reproach
him with making oflFensive the places which he frequents.
He is generally a jolly fellow who knows how to live, who is
never angry with Luther, or has recourse to insults and coarse-
ness. Thus he will say to the monk : " You are a sinner ; your
conscience is blacker than coal ; you have occasioned the damna-
tion of a great many souls ; '' but he would have been adiamed
to use such language as the monk did in his reply, which may
be seen in the "Tisch-Reden.''^ In the constant war of the
two principles, the good and the bad, which continues during
the whole of the doctor's life, the devil, who represents the
latter, never makes one blush ; he would seem to be a companion
of princes ; whilst Luther, on the contrary, who represents the
former, appears always as if he had just emerged from a brothel
in which he has spent the night.
The historian should possess, like the poet, the gift of evoking
the dead. He would like here to re-assemble these consumers of
Saxon beer round their father. A Catholic would go to the
tavern and sit down among the doctor's disciples, and in his
turn, after three centuries, say to him : '^ Master, long ago you
announced in this place that the end of the papacy was at halid ;
were you a prophet ?
'' Master, what has become of your hobgoblins, sorcerers, and
possessed ones ? Nobody in Protestant Germany even believes
there is a devil.
'^ Master, you asserted that before your time the Bible was
only known by sermons, and yet look at those copies which
were printed in France, Italy, and Germany long before your
advent.
" Yet you knew perfectly well that in the ninth century Louis
Tisch-Beden, Eial. p. 290^ a.
THE TISCn-BEDEN. 295
ihe Pious catised the Bible to be translated into German by
Rabanns Maonui and Wilfrid Stra)>o ; that Ottfried of Weis-
senbmg made a metrical yersion of the four gospels ; that the
Bmperor Wenceslaiis, about 1400, ordered the Scriptures to be
published in Grennan ; and that several translations of the Bible
in that language had appeared before yours.^
" Master, you sud : ' The Papists do not know a word of
Latin ; there is no one who understands Christ and his blood/
There are the ' Gantica ex Sacris Litteris in Eccleeia cantari
solita cum Hymnis et GoUectis/ revised and enlarged by George
Major, your disciple, in 1594 ;' and all the printed or manu-
script 'Agenda,' belonging to every church in the Catholic
world : ' a complete refutation of your conversation at table.
" Master, can you tell us what has been done with the six
thousand children's skulls found in a fishpond in Italy ?
" Master, will you, then, show me a Lutheran ? They have
erected a fine statue in your honour at Wittemberg ; but not
one of those who made it, belieyed in your doctrines/'
Old Protestant Germany has long subsisted on the marrow of
the " Tisch-Reden ;'' it is there where the learned men have
found their daily bread, that is, their prophecies against Anti-
christ, ever come and ever coming ; their insults to our glories
of Catholicism, — St. Jerome, St Augustine, or St. Cyprian ;
their ribaldiy against the monasteries which have produced St.
' M. Mart. Lipenius, co-reotor of the Lutheiaa academy ofLubeck. — Biblio-
tlieca realis Theologica^ torn. i. p. 148.
* Strasburg, Joiias Bichel. We find in it three hymns :
" Ex more docti mystice
Servemua hoc jejunium." . • ,
tend,
" Audi, benigne oonditor.
Nostras preces com fletibns
In hoc saoro jejunio.
Pusas qoadragenario.^
which have been omitted in every Lutheran Oesangbnch.
' These Affendas were a collection of the ceremonies used in the Tarions
dioceses for the celebration of baptism, confirmation, and the other sacraments.
Agenda in usum EoclesisB Aquitdnsis : Venetiis, 1495 ; Episcopatus Herbipo-
lensis, 1480 ; In usimi EcclesisB Magdeburgensis : Magdeb. 1497, 4to. ; In
usnm Eeclesie Moflruntinensis : Mogunt. 1480 ; In usum Ecclesin Patayiensis:
Pat. 1400, etc. Vfe quote, Summa de Eucharistis Sacramento : Ulm«, 1498 ;
De Eucharistiffi Sacramento Sermones XXXII. : Colon, imp. per Joh. Gulden-
■ohaf ; Sermones aurei de Sacrosanoto Eucharistiaa Sacramento : Colonic, 1474 ;
Summa de Officio Missse et Sacramento Eucharistiae : Argent. 1439.
296 HISTORY OP LUTHBB.
Francis Xavier, St. Ignatius Loyola, and St. Dominic ; their joked
against the papacy, which, according to them, would have stran-
gled learning, civilization, and morals, if Luther had not come.
There are worthy Lutherans in Saxony who still repeat the sin*
gular exorcism, the invention of which is assigned to the Catholics
by Jodocus Hooker, in his " Theatrum Diabolorum," on the
authority of the doctor.* These simple people have never read
the ** Tisch-Reden," which they believe to be a prayer-book, in
which their master has dififused a spiritual manna, the nutriment of
pious souls ; and in which not a word occurs that can offend the
ear, or shock modesty.^ Mathesius, Luther's disciple, has spoken
thus of them ; and people believe him, for Mathesius was one of
the guests who met at the ^' Black Eagle/'
CHAPTER XXIIL
THE CONFERENCE OF MARBURG. — DISPUTATION ON THE
EUCHARIST. 1529.
Tlie Catbolio dognuk on the real presence. — Carbtadt "was the first who denied
it. — His exegesis. — New spirit which rises in the church of Wittembex^. —
Bj whom excited! — Zwinglius attacks the sacrament. — His dream. — The
fignratiye sense of Zwinglius is determined bj his doctrine on the sacra-
ments.— ^Lnther's theory on the Lord's Supper. — Hatred of popery the great
argument of the Swiss for rejecting the real presence, combated by Luther. —
Conference of Marburg. — Luther refuses to call Zwinglius brother. — ^Ana-
themas exchanged between Wittemberg and Zurich. — ^Appeal of the two
schools to authority. — ^Lesson derived from that appeal. — Melancholy end of
Carlstadt. — Schwenckfeld separates from Luther, and in his turn attiMsks the
real presence.
On the night before his death, Christ, seated at table with his
disciples, took bread, blessed it, broke it, and gave it to the
apostles, saying : " Take ye and eat ; this is my body, which
shall be delivered for you.'* - And then blessing the chalice,
* Amasatonte, Tiros, Posthos, Cicalos, Cicaltri, .^liapoli, Starras, Polen,
Solemque, Livarrasque, Adipos adnlpes, Draphanus, XTlphajius, Trax, caput
Orontis. Jacet hoc in virtute mentis.
* " Ich habe so lang ich umb ihn gewesst, kein unschambar Wort ans seinem
Munde gehort." — In der xii. Predigt, p. 137.
THE COKFBREirCE OF HABBUBa. 297
Baid : " Take ye and drink, this is the new testament in my
blood, which shall be shed for yon and for many, for the remission
of sins/' It is the constant and nnanimons tradition of all the
Chnrches ; it is the invariable teaching of the fathers, doctors,
and martyrs, that Jesns Christ is really present in the Encharist,
and that God, who changed water into wine at the marriage in
Gana, changes in the Sacrament the substance of the bread and
the wine into the body and blood of onr Redeemer.^
Garlstadt, as we have seen, was the first who called in ques-
tion the dogma of the real presence, in a volume which he pub-
lished, in 1524, by the title of '^ The Anti-Christian use of the
Body and Blood of Jesus Christ."' His explanation of the
words of institution has not even the merit of being serious.
The archdeacon supposes that Christ, in saying, '' This is my
body ; this is my blood," pointed with the hand which held the
bread and the wine to his own body, which was soon to be deli-
vered to save fiJlen man. It must be admitted that never was
greater violence done to a dearer text. Carlstadt, nevertheless,
led away some simple people, as there are always some to be
found who believe every novelty to be a truth.
Wittemberg, on the appearance of this pamphlet, which it
sought to ridicule, learned, with mingled sorrow and alarm, that
henceforward any one might probe and deny every article of the
Lutheran creed. Scientific doubts then entered the Church,
which had been founded with so much difficulty by the Saxon
apostle.
But in this insurrection of Carlstadt there was something quite
difierent from a calculated disobedience to the Ecclesiastes of
Wittembeig. It was evidentiy the awaking of a new spirit that
sought to escape firom the exdusive principle of justification by
futh, and to found its belief upon Rationalism. Carlstadt was
the precursor of Calvin.
Besides, if the ex^esis of Carlstadt is foolish, the principle
whence it is derived is serious ; for the archdeacon proceeds
logically from Luther and Melancthon. If every sacrament, as
Luther has so often repeated, resembles the sign set in the
* Moehler's Symbolism, translaied bj Bobertson, vol. i. p. 888.
* "Von dem widerchristlicben MiaBbraaoh des Herrn Blot vnd Kelch.*
298 HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
rainbow ; if it produoes no fruit except by faith ; if there is no
personal yirtne in it ; wherefore should Christ be in the
£achari8t 7 If, as Melancthon says, Gideon would have ob-
tained the victory without any external phenomenon,^ wherefore,
once more, should Christ be in the sacrament of the Eucharist ?
And, besides, is it comprehensible, if it is true that the Catholic
Church has been for so many centuries in error, that Christ
should descend upon the altar at the yoicd of a priest who
believes in the pope, that is to say, in Antichrist ?
Zvdnglius boasted of having been the first to understand the
real sense of the words of the Supper. " Carlstadt/' said he,
*' although a novice, deficient neither in cottage nor arms, but
in brains, had lifted aside one of the veils which conceal the
truth ; but I have torn it oS."^ It is unquestionable that Zwin-
glitts, in 1523, had maintained against Thomas Wittenbach
that the belief in the real presence waa positive idolatry. More-
over, he modified Carlstadt's theoiy in this sense, that the
expression of Christ seemed to him entirely figurative ; he
accordingly translated '^ This is my body," by '' This signifies
or represents my body.''*
It was said that Zwinglius learned the mystery of the eucfaa-
ristic text in a dream. Now this is the vision which the Con-
fessionists of Augsburg ridiculed as much as the Swiss did
Luther's conference with the devil.
'^ About the first day of April, it seemed in my sleep that I
was again disputing with my adversary the registrar (for on the
previous day he had been disputing on the Eucharist with the
registrar of Fribourg), and I waa so puzzled that I knew not
what to reply. I was quite overcome with vexation > for dreams
often oppress the sleeper ; and yet, although it was but a dream,
that which I have learned is of no nnall impcnrtance, by God's
blessing. In this state, I thought that I saw some one approach-
ing me, borne upon some machine, and I could not say Whether
he was white or black, for I narrate a vision. He told me that
I could easily answer my adversary, and close his mouth, by
quoting the text of Exodus xii. : ' For it is the phasis, that is
' " Sine fligno Gedeon Ticturus erat, si oredidisset, et aino rigno jastificari
potes, inod5 credas." — Mel. Loot Theologioi, p. 142.
' Historia de CcbdA : Augsb. p. 42. ' Carl Hagen, 1. c. p. 204.
THE CONFEB£NOE OF MABBUBG. 299
to say, the passage of the Lord/ &c. I awoke with a starts and
got out of bed ; I took the yersion of the Septnagint, and firom
that time I have preached and explained it openly, and before
all/'* — " A wonderful interpretation," says the Lutheran Weat-
phal, ^' discoY€ared by a black or white interpreter ! "
This dream, wonderful as it was, could not have had the
influence upon Zwinglius which Catholics assign to it Long
previous to the appearance of a black or white aa^el, Zwinglius
had taught that tiie Sacrament was merely an external sign.*
Now, if such be the nature of the Sacrament, what need was
there for an invisible being to prove to the curate of Einsiedlen
that Christ is not really in the Sacrament ?
The doctrine of Ulrich Zwinglius spread in Switzerland, espe*
dally in the dioeese of Basle, where (Eoolampadius taught it
publicly, in defiance of the authority of Erasmus. The new
churches were disturbed ; minds in a state of suspense knew
not what doctrine to believe, or what explanation to adopt
Carlstadt ridiculed Luther's impanated Qod, made by a baker.^
Here, as we perceive, was reproduced the main theory of
Luther's teaching as to the external sign. In rejecting the real
presence, that is to say, the visible sign, Carlstadt, Zwinglius,
(Eoolampadius, and idl the Swiss, only deduced the strict
consequences of the principle laid down by the head of the new
school ; so that while refiising to fetter themselves by the Saxon
dogma, they exalted the right of that free inquiry whidi Luther
had wished to establish in Oermany. In what an unfortunate
situation the father of Protestantism had voluntarily placed
himself ! Evai in defending the truth, he could not logically
demur to the error, unless he could pretend that an argument is
merely composed of premises.
Luther continued all his life struck with the clearness of the
words of institution, because God, as Bossuet remarks, does not
always permit innovators to afflict his Church as much as the;
' Florimond de lUmond. Schlnssenb. in Procemio Tlieol. OaIt.
* "Sunt ergo saenunenta aigna Tel eeremonue, qnibnB se homo Eecletia
probai aut can^datum ant milt tern esse Christi, redduntqne Eccletiam totam
potiiis certiorem de tnA fide quhm te." — ^De Verft et FalsH Religione, Comm.
Op. tom. ii. pp. 197> 199.
' " A pistore &cins, imponatua Deus."— Op. Lath. Jen», tom. iii. p. 284.
I
300 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
would. He conld never persuade himself that words so simple
were susceptible of so violent a metaphor, or could have any
other meaning than that which was natural to the minds of all
Christians both in the East and West
" He was determined, however/' continues Bossuet, " to mix
with it something of his own. All those who, to his time, had well
or ill explained the words of Jesus Christ, had acknowledged that
they wrought some sort of change in the sacred gifts. Those that
would have the body there in a figure only, said that our Saviour's
words wrought a change which was purely mystical, so that the
consecrated bread became a sign of the body. Those that main-
tained the literal sense, with a real presence, by an opposite
reason, admitted accordingly an effectual change, for which reason
the reality, together with the change of substance, had naturally
insinuated itself into the minds of men; and all Christian
Churches, in spite of whatever sense could oppose, had come into
a belief so just and so simple. Luther, however, would not be
directed by such a rule. * I believe,' says he, ' with WicUff,
that the bread remains ; and with the sophists (so he called our
divines), I believe that the body is there.' He explained his
doctrine in several ways, which for the most part were very gross-
One time he said the body was with the bread, as fire is with
red-hot iron. At other times, he added these expressions : —
' That the body was in the bread, and under the bread, as wine is
in and under the vessel ;' from this the celebrated propositions,
in, sttby cmn ; importing that the body is in the bread, under
the bread, and with the bread. But Luther was very sensible
that these words : ' This is my body,' required something more
than placing the body in this, or with this, or under this ; and
to explain ' This is,' he thought himself obliged to say that
these words, — ' This is my body,' imported, this bread is
substantially and properly my body ; a thing unheard of, and
embarrassed with insuperable difficulties."^
Luther, in the controversy which he was about to enter on
with the Sacramentarians, had logic on his side ; and we ought
not to refuse him our admiration in that memorable discus-
sion, in which he has brought to the service of truth his whole
* Variations, torn. i. p. 58.
THE CONFEBEKOB OF MABBUBa. 301
Energy, eloquence, style, and too firequently temper. He is mag-
nificent, as is admitted, when he treats of the old dogmas to
which he yet clings, and the eagle-eyed Bossuet seems daaszled
by the splendours of that genius, which wanted nothing but the
regulation that can only be had in the Church, and under the
control of a lawful authority.
"We have Bibles in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, and German,"
wrote the Wittemberg Reformer to his brethren at Frankfort ;
" let the Swiss, then, show us any version in which it is written :
* This is the sign of my body/ If they cannot do this, let them
be silent They are incessantly exclaiming : ' The Scriptures,
the Scriptures ! ' but the Scriptures as loudly and distinctly
proclaim: 'This is my body;' and these words defy them.
There is not a child of seven years old who would give a different
interpretation to the text.^ These wretches do not understand
themselves ; may God, for our instruction, let them bite, tear,
and devour each other ; for we know that the Spirit of God is a
Spirit of unity, and that his word is one ; a strong evidence
that these Sacranwntamagi come not firom God^ but from the
devil ! "«
' Luth. Befensio de Coenft Dom.
' An einen UngeiiannteD, 5 Jan. An die Christen su BeutlingeD, 5 Jan.
1526.
In 1527i Luther already reckoned eight different interpretations of these
words of Christ: "Hoc est oorpns meum." Thirty years after there were
eighty-five. The following were some of the most widely-spread meanings
assigned to them : —
" Hoc est oorpns menm." Hk: sive in hoc loco est corpus meuip : Geneva
Bible. — Corpus meum est hoc, nemp^ panis : Schwenckfeld. — Corpus meum
est hoc, id est, oibus spiritualis, ut Joh. vi. dicitur caro mea verb est cibus :
Joh. Lang, in Comm. ad ApoL 2 Justini. — Hie mens est panis. Anabapt. — In,
cum, sub pane est corpus meum, ut ptlula in oyo : Brencius, in Syntagmate
contra GSoolampadium. — Circa panem est corpus meum, ut aer circumrasus :
Schwenckfeld, quoted by Luth. in Confessione Bucharistias. — Corpus meum
est hoc quatenhs mensss accumbit : Carlst. in Dialog, de EucharistiA. — Hoc
significat corpus meum : Zuinglius, in Subddio Eucharistiia, Beza oontrik
Westphalum. — Hiec est mea humana natura : Zoinglius, in Expositions rei
EucharisticiB. — Hsbc est mors et passio mea: Zuinglius, lib. ii. De Instit.
CoeuK. — Haec est commemomtio corporis mei : (Eoolampad. ad Theobaldum
Billicanum. — ^Hec est protestatio et fivtifiti meoxum beneficiorum : Bucerus,
In Apol. de DoctrinA Coene Dominice. — Hoc est corpus meum quod de vobis
animo edendum, sicut panem ore : Petrus Martyr, In Tractatu de EucharistiA.
— Hoc est corpus meum panis : Campanus h Lnthero notatus in Confessione
de Eucharistift. — Hoc est roysticum corpus meum, sen Eoclesia sanctorum
redempta meo corpore : Bulhng. In Tractatu de EcclesiA, Sacramentis ; Cal-
vinns. In cap. v. ad Ephes. — Hspc ccsna est tessera et arrhabo corporis mei :
j^tancarus. — Hoc est corpus meum in divinitatem transformatum : Schwenck-
feld.— Hoc est corpus meum si fides adsit^ hypothetic^ : Melanchlh.
302 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
The doctrine of ZwingliuB possessed the twofold advantage of
not shocking the senses, and of opposing the Catholic dogma
much more than Lather's theory of impanation. Hatred of
the papacy was Zwinglios's great argument against the real
presence.
" Wretched argument/' said Luther. " Deny the Scriptures
also, for we have received them from the papacy. Ridiculous
folly ! Christ found Scribes and Pharisees among the Jews,
and he did not reject all that they taught. We must acknow-
ledge that in the papacy are the truths of salvation, yes all the
truths of salvation, and which we have inherited ; for it is in
the papacy that we find the true Scriptures, true baptism, the
true sacrament of the altar, the true keys which remit sins, truo
preaching, the true catechism, which contains the Lord's Prayer,
the articles of faith, the Ten Commandments ; nay, the whole
essence of Christianity."^ A noble admission, which would cause
us to rejoice, if almost immediately thereafter, when opposed to
the Catholics, Luther was not ready to deny the very words which
he hurled against Zwinglius.
There was a time when Luther would have made use of the
argument of hate so familiar to the Zwinglians ; as when he
wrote : '^ Had Carlstadt, or any one else, five years ago, been
able to prove to me that there is nothing but bread and wine in
the Sacrament, he would have done me great service ; it would
have been a great blow to the papacy ; but it is all in vain ; the
text is too precise."'
Thus, a few minutes in time, the striking of a clock too late,
^ ** Sacramentarii vemm panem et yinum habere volant in despectum papfB,
arbitrantea se hoc pacto rect^ Hubvertere poese papatam. Profectb friyoluni
est hoc argumentom snprk quod nihil boni sdifioaturi sunt. Hoc enim pacto
negare eos oporteret totam quoque Scripturam aaoram et prsdicandi offioium :
hoc enim totum nimirum h pap& habemus. Stultitia eat hoc totum. Nam et
Ghristus in gente Judaicft invenit Pharisasorom abusus : non tamen proptereA
rejedt quod illi habuerunt et docuenmt Nob autem iatemur sub papatn
plurimum esse boni Christiani, im6 omne bonum Ghriatianam, atque etiam
illinc ad noe deveniBse. Quipp^ fatemur in papatu yenun esse Soripturam
aaoram, yerum baptiamum, verum sacramentum altaria, yeraa olavea ad remia-
stonem peccatorum, yerum pnedicandi offioium, yerum oatechiamum, ut aunt
oratio dominica, articuli fidei, deoem pr^cepta. Dioo inauper in papatu veram
Ohriatianitatem ease, imo verum nuoleum Chriatianitatia eaae." — De Rebua
Encharistiie oontroveraia per 01. de Sainctea, Epiaoopum Ebroioenaem in Nor-
manise Provincift : Paria, 16751 See Op. Luth. Jenie, Germ. fol. 408, 409.
* Op. Luth. edit. Walch, torn. xv. p. 2448. Ad. Mensel, 1. o. tom. L
pp. 269, 270,
THE CONFERENOB OF MAKBURQ.
a caprice or a touch of bad hmnoiir, have decided a dogma for
Lnther. By rejecting the real presence, he would have given a
blow to the papacy ; this idea makes Luther smile.
The Sacramentarians were not satisfied with disseminating
their doctrines by oral teaching: they published writings in
which the real presence was denied with an ability of argument
which for an instant startled and put in peril the faith of Eras-
mus.^ The Lutherans perceived the danger, and one of them,
Brenz, printed, in opposition to Zwingiius's doctrine, the " Byn-
gramma,'' which originally appeared in Latin, and was then
translated into German by Bugenhagen, and published with a
pr^iace by Luth^.' 'This theological work is written with mo-
deration ; its style and diction are calm ; its reasoning close ;
and the gravity of the subject is tempered iftith a genteel irony.*
** Luther warns his readers against a sect which has as many
bodies as the beast of the Apocalypse ; the one represented by
Carlstadt, who builds his system on the rovro of the Oreek
version ; the other by Zwinglius, who holds that the Latin est
should be translated signifies ; the third by (Ecolampadius, who
pretends that the reality is but an image^ and that the body is
only a figure of the body."*
" Say to Luther that he is mistaken," wrote (Ecolampadius ;
Luther exclaims : " Blasphemy ! " — *' Tell him that, as a man,
he may be mistaken ;" Luther laments, and sighs. ^' But, dear
brother, you will never convince us that the Holy Ohost is con-
fined to Wittemberg any more than to Basle, in your person any
more than in that of another."*
Zwinglius complained bitterly of the attacks of the Lutherans,
' HypeTMpiteB, rab fina.
'18 Feb. Job. Agrioolsd. Seckendorf, lib. ii. sect yi. § 11.
' ZwiDgHas at first praised the eloquence and style of tbe Syngramma*
" Etwas Eloqnenz und Sprachenkenntnise mag ihm nun wobl nicbt abzuepre'
oben seyn." — Letter to CBoolampadius, quoted h^ Hess, in bis Life of CEco*
lampadius, p. 123. A few weeks later, he calls its author's fellow-labourers,
'* Tenebriones, triviales episoopulos," and BrenZj "iuCTatum animaL" — Ibid.
In a letter to Pellican and Urbanus Rbegius (ad Tbeobaldi Bellicani et
Urbani Rhegii epistolas responsio Huldrichi Zwingli, 4 to. Tig. 1526), Zwin-
glius plainly says, that the Syngramma has been written under Satan's inspira-
tion : " Ut illomm halitus Satanam ubique spirat."
* Op. Luth. Jente, torn. iii. p. 284, b. In opposition to the Syngramma,
CEoolampadius wrote an Antisyngramma, which was published at Basle.
* CEoolampad. Antwort auf Luther's Vorrede zum Syngramma.
304 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
in a Oerman work whioli he printed towards the end of 1526.
" See, then," said he, " how these men, who owe everything to
the word, wonld wish now to shut the mouths of those who
differ from them. Christians like themselves. They cry out that
we are heretics, who should not be listened to ; they proscribe
our books, and denounce us to the magistrates ; is not this to
do as the pope did formerly, when truth endeavoured to raise her
head?"^
The discussion waa no longer confined to the pulpit : it en-
tered into books, quite as violent as those of Luther against the
Catholics ; and in like manner as the monk of Wittemberg
had delivered his adversary to the devil, ^ Zwinglius, as a last
argument, handed over Luther to Satan. The Zwinglian called
the Lutheran a devourer of God's flesh, " Gottesfleischesser," or
^Hheophagus;" the Lutheran called the disciple of Zwinglius
a '^ Sacramentarian."^
The landgrave of Hesse, who dreaded fresh disturbances in
his unhappy country, wrote to the two leaders of these sects,
inviting them to a conference at Marburg. Luther at first
refused ; ' but he yielded to Melancthon's entreaties, and
accepted the interview. The prince appoint^ the 23rd of Sep-
tember for the opening of the conference.
This was the first time that Luther and Zwinglius, these two
apostles of Germany, as their disciples called them ; these two
children of Satan, as they called each other, had met. Zwinglius,
the cold and formal orator, the dull dialectician, the dry theolo-
gian, was to be opposed to the fiery and impassioned Luther.
That he might have no look of the papist about him, Zwinglius
wore a sort of French military cloak, with a baldrick, from
which depended a long rapier. In this costume he appeared at
Marburg.*
That he might come to the conference all barbed with argu-
ments, Luther devised a preliminary debate, in which two of his
' Eine klare Unterrichtuiig vom Nachtmahle Christi durch Hnldrichen
Zwingeln, Tutscfa, als vormals nie, urn der einfaltigen Will«n, djunit de mit
iiieiDandfl SpttzfUDdigkeit hiutei^ngen mogen werden : Zurich, 1526.
* Seckendorf, 1. o. lib. ii. Myconius, BefbrmatioiiBgeflchichte, p. 90.
LiDgke, 1. c. p. 180.
' Oper. Luth. Jensd, torn. ii. fol. 460.— Letter to the Landgrave, 23 July.
* Ulenberg, I. c. p. 350.
THE GONFEBENCB OF MABBUBG. 305
disciples veie to act the parts of Zwinglius and (Ecolampadios,
iprho were to accompany the minister of Zorich. These were
Vitus Theodorus and Hermann,^ both W9II trained in scholastic
disputation, who were completely beaten by their master, aSd con-
fessed their defeat with an abnegation of self-loye which could
not have been found in the Sacramentarians, still less in Zwin-
glius than in (Ecolampadius, who was wavering in his opinions,
and would readily have abandoned his master's creed, could he
have retracted without too much shame in the eyes of his co-
religionists. He had been a Bridgettine monk, and had thrown
ofiF the cowl without being able to divest himself of its spirit.
(Ecolampadius was a man of fine intellect, but a subtie sophist,
who had more reliance on the in£EdIibility of Aristotle than of
Zwinglius, and who had taught Erasmus all that he knew of
Hebrew, which, says Richard Simon,^ was " very little."
(Ecolampadius had published at Basle the explanation of the
words of institution of the Holy Supper, according to the authors
of antiquity ; and his work was so eloquently persuasive, that
the elect themselves, had God permitted it, might have been
seduced.'
Luther brought with him Philip Melancthon, Justus Jonas,
and G. Creuziger ; Zwinglius, (Ecolampadius, Martin Bucer,
and Gaspard Hedion, whom he took up when passing by Stras-
burg. Andrew Osiander came from Nuremberg, John Brenz
from Halle, and Stephen Agricola from Augsburg, to assist
at the conference. All these theolo^ans met for the first time
at the residence of the landgrave, where the former curate of
Einsiedlen nobly maintained, it is said, the reputation of the
Swiss topers. Luther, before dinner, amused himself by scratch-
' Luiheri Op. Jens, torn. iv. p. 867 ; Wittem. torn. iz. p. 288. Historia
Rei Sacnunentaris ab HoBp'miano, pars altera, fol. 109 et seq. : Geneyie, 1681.
Hoepinian is a fitnatical Sacramentarian, who treats Luther very ill, and
repreaentB him, thronghont his work, as a person devoid of fSuth and oonacience.
' Hifltoire Critique du Nouveau Testament^ 4 to. p. 41. Lope Stunica, a
learned Spaniard, has pointed out the numerous errors into which (Ecolam-
padius led Erasmus.
' " Exortum est novum dogma, in EuoharistiH nihil esse prater panem et
vinum. Id ut sit difficillimum refellere fecit (Ecolampadius qui tot testimoniis,
tot ai^mentis eam opinionem communivit, ut seduci posse videantur etiam
elect!."— Erasmus, Kich. Budse, Epis. Ligonensi, Epist. 766, edit. Cler. The
work of CEoolampadius is entitled, De genuine Yerborum Ghrlsti Signifioa-
tione : hoc est coipus meum.
VOL. IL X
306 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
ing upon the table, with the point of his knife : " This is my
body."* The table was splendidly served, " plan^ /3a(rcXiic<^ "
[quite regally], says Justus Jonas.* It was arranged during
dinner, that, in order to please the landgrave, before the public
disputation, they should discuss in pairs ; — Luther against
(Ecolampadius, and Melancthon against Zwinglius. Next day
the double disputation took place, and went off quietly. The
dispute turned on some points controverted by the Church of
Zurich : original sin, — the efficacy of baptism in r^rd to
guilt, — ^the operation of the Holy Spirit by the word of the
minister, — the divinity of Jesus Christ, and the mystery of the
Holy Trinity. Zwinglius's profession of faith was clear and
explicit, and agreed with Luther's doctrine. But when the
question of the Eucharist was mooted, the debate became ani-
mated ; (Ecolampadius and Zwinglius were obstinate, and
refused to allow any weight to the argument of their opponents.
The landgrave then summoned them to a public controversy, at
which he promised to be present with some of his courtiers.^
Much has been written about the proceedings at Marburg,
but the accounts given by the Lutherans and Zwinglians are
both partial. A writer, Rodolph Colli, who was present at the
conference, has traced the animated and impassioned appearance
of the discussion, without letting us be aware to which side he
inclined. We shall extract from his narrative some of the most
conspicuous parts.
The first argument of the Sacramentarians was drawn from
the 6th chapter of St John.
(Ecolampadius. — The important passage of the apostle, " Ego
sum p£^nis vivus,'' deduces the spiritual from the carnal mandu*
cation.
Luther. — The 6th chapter of Si John must be entirely set
aside : there is not a word in it which speaks of the Sacrament ;
not only because the Sacrament had not been then instituted,
but because the meaning of the expression shows that the apostle
* Pfixer, Dr. Martin Lather's Leben.
* Epist Jnfit. JontB ad BeiffeDstein.
' Selnec. in Hist. Lath. p. 85. Cochlffius, Act. p. 170. Sleidan, lib. vi.
Schlttsa, p. 298. Osiander, Hist. Eoclea. lib. ii. cap. x. Annales Eocl. p. 296.
Matthes. p. 71 et seq. Ulenberg, p. 359.
THE CONFEBEKOE OF MABfiURa. S07
speaks of faith in Jesus Christ. I acknowledge^ however^ the
metaphor ; hut *' hoc est corpus meom '^ is a demonstratiYe
proposition.
OEcoLAMPADiTJS, — But " panis vivus " is demonstrative also.
LuTHEB. — And far from inferring the spiritual from the
carnal manducation, I see that the Jews believed that they
should eat the body as bread and meat are eaten, off a plate,
'' sicut panis et caro editur ex patin&.''
(EcoLAMPADius. — That idea is too gross : besides, to believe
that Christ is bread is an opinion, and not an article of faith.
There is danger in attributing too much to the element or
appearance of the Sacrament.
LuTHEB. — ^When God speaks, man — a mere earth-worm —
must listen with fear ; when he commands, the worm must obey.
Let us embrace and lay hold of the word, without seeking else-
where a deceptive meaning.
(EcoLAMPADius. — But, since we have the spiritual food, of
what use is the corporeal ?
LuTHEB. — That is not my business ; that is God's concern.
There is the " aocipite," I obey and bow : " Man muss es thun"
[it must be done]. Were God to say to me, " Take this bit of
dung and eat it,'^ I would take and eat it ; for I am certain that
it would be for my salvation.
ZwiNGLius. — But, in the Scriptures, is not the sign frequently
taken for the thing signified, the trope for the reality, the image
for the substance ? For example, the Fasch of Exodus, and the
wheel of Ezekiel. Do you mean that God proposes things incom-
prehensible to his creatures ?
LuTHEB. — The Fasch and the wheel are all^orical ; I do not
wish to dispute with you about a word ; that " is " [est] means
" signifies,"' I appeal to Christ, who said : " Hoc est enim corpus
meum.'' The devil cannot get out of it (" Da kann der Teufel
nicht fiir"). To doubt, is to fall from the faith. Why do you
not also see a trope in " ascendit in coelum" [he ascended into
heaven] ? " God made man," — " the word made flesh,'' — " God
suffering death,'' all these are incomprehensible things, which
nevertheless you must believe, on pain of everlasting damnation.
ZwiNGLius. — Tou do not prove your theme ; there must be
no begging of the principle. You must vary your note (" Ihr
x2
308 HISTOET OF LUTHER.
werdei mir anders singen'"). Do you think that Christ (St. John
vi.) wished to accommodate himself to the ignorant ?
Luther. — Do you deny it? "This is a hard saying/' —
" Durus est hie senno/' — muttered the Jews, who spoke of it
as a thing impossible and obscure. This passage cannot serve
you.
ZwiNQLius. — Bah ! it breaks your neck (" Nein, nein, brecht
euch den Hals ab").
Luther. — Softly ! do not be so haughty ; you are not in
Switzerland, but in Hesse, where they do not break the necks of
their opponents in this manner (" Die Halse brechen nicht
also").
ZwiKQLius. — But I read in your annotations that Christ
said : " Caro non prodest '' [the flesh profiteth nothing] ; and
in Melancthon, that the body eaten corporeally (" corponJiter ")
is an erroneous expression.
Luther. — It matters little what I or Melancthon have taught.
The word of man and the word of Ood have no resemblance to
each other. Were St. Peter to come to life again and be among
us, I should not ask him what he believed. It is the word of
God that sanctifies a man, and not the pure life that he has led.
In a word, the priest, even if impious, produces sanctification.
ZwiNGLius. — What an absurdity ! the impious can do nothing
good.
Luther. — Does not the wicked man baptize ?
(Ecolampadius wished -to bring back the question to its
original subject. " Ton make a great work,'' said he, " about
a trope which you will not grant to us, and you yourself make
use of a synecdoche against the Catholic meaning."
Luther. — There is a synecdoche also ; it is the sword in the
scabbard ; the body is in the bread, as the sword is in its sheath ;
the text requires this figure, but there is no metaphor in it ; the
body is not put for the figure of the body.
Zwinglius then began to quote Fulgentius, Augustine, Lac-
tantius, and a great number of Catholic authorities, to prove that
the body must be in one place, and cannot be in several*
" Therefore," said he, " Christ, who is seated at the right hand
of the Father, cannot be in the Sacrament of the altar."
Luthbr. — What a mathematical argument ! divisibility*
THE OONFEBENCE OF MARBUBa. 309
^extension ! it is not a qaeetion here of what flails under the
ZwiNGLius.— *0c iv juo/o^y Otov virapxfov — Philip, ii. —
[Who being in the form of GodJ.
Luther. — Read in Latin or German, but not in Greek.
ZwiNGLivs. — Excuse me ; for during the last twelve years I
have exclusively used the Greek text. I sieiy, then, Christ is
finite inasmuch as we are finite.
Luther. — " Concede." For example ; the nut and the shell,
so also the body of Jesns Christ. God cannot make it be and
not be " in loco " [in place].
ZwiNQLius. — But if you admit that the body of Jesus Christ
is finite, therefore it is local ; if it is local, therefore it is in
heaven, and not in the bread. I repeat: the body of Jesus
Christ is finite, " ergo in loco" [therefore in place].
Luther. — " Non est in loco " [it is not in place]. When it
is in the Sacrament, it may be in place and out of it ; for
example, the world is a body, and is not '' in loco " [in place] ;
moreover, let God explain this mystery, it concerns me not
ZwiNGLius. — You are b^ing the question ; it is as if you
were to maintain that John is the son of Mary, because Jesos
said to her on the cross : " Woman, behold ihy son."
Luther. — An article of faith does not prove itself like a
mathematical axiom.
ZwiNGLius. — But, in fine, give us a precise answer. Is the
body " in loco " or not ?
Brekz. — The body is " sine loco" [without place].
ZwiNGLius and ^golampadius both exclaimed, St. Augus-
tine has written : '' In uno loco esse oportet" [it must be in one
place].
Luther. — St. Augustine does not speak of the Supper ; but
what, if I grant that Christ is not in the Sacrament, ^' tanqulun
in loco" [as if in place] ?
(BijOLAMPADius (smiling). — Therefore he is not there corpo-
really with his true body.
The question again changed. Zwin^us and (Ecolampadius
quoted a multitude of texts from the fathers of the Church,
which they said confirmed their doctrine ; and Melancthon and
Luther to each human text opposed another from the same
310 HISTORY OF LITTHEd.
author. The question was becoming perplexed, and Luther
threatened his adversaries. The landgrave requested that they
Vrould bring the matter to an end.
'' In the presence of God/' said (Ecolampadius and Zwinglius,
" Christ is only spiritually in the Supper."
'' He is there oorporeaUy/' said Melancthon and Luther.
'' At least/' said Zwinglius, clasping his hands, '^ you do not
refuse to consider us as brethren, who wish to die in the com-
munion of Wittemberg V^
" No, no," replied Luther ; " cursed be such an alliance,
which would endanger the cause of Ood and men's souls ; begone,
you are possessed by another spirit than ours ; but beware, for
before three years the anger of God will fall upon you."*
This awful prediction, say the Lutherans, was literally ful-
filled ; for Zwinglius perished miserably on the field of Cappel,
where his body was exposed to the sacrilegious mockeries of the
Catholic soldiers ; and (Ecolampadius was strangled in his bed
by the devil, that good master who had instructed him how to
interpret the words of the Supper.*
'' This wretched man," says Zwinglius, speaking of Luther,
'* by his jealousy, caused the schism of the Sacramentarians.'^
The devil tempts us by obstinate men, who, vexed to see the
truth of the Lord's Supper discovered by others than themselves,
like madmen and fools, cease not to cry out more unreasonably
than the Papists."
Before the reformers parted, the landgrave wished them to
dine with him. A formulary was drawn up, which the two
Churches signed ; both parties declared the most lively charity
for each other, although they might not agree as to the presence
of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist.
Zwinglius returned to Zurich, and Luther to Wittemberg;
and for some time there was a constant exchange of maledictions
and anathemas between these two cities.
" Wretched and wicked Zwinglius," exclaimed those of Wit-
'ZwiDgl. in Pr»&t. De Yerft et Faint Beli^one.
' Ensmi. Ep. ad CochlflBom.
' Lath. De Miasft PrivatA^ in Defeasione de Ooend.
* Transl. of Florimond de B^ond.
THB COKFEBENOE OF HABBUBG. Sll
temberg, " do you wish to destroy Christianity with your new
interpretation ? Listen not to these Sacramentarians ; fly from
them as if they were Satan ! You Zwinglius are a false prophet,
a mountebank, a hog, a heretic !" ^
Zurich answered by the mouth of Campanus : '^ It is as certain
that Luther is a devil, as it is that God is God.'^
Zurich and Wittemberg simultaneously celebrated the victory
of their respective apostles.
" See,'' said Zurich, " it is not now as formerly at Leipsic,
where the Saxon had the papists only to oppose : at Marburg
he warred with a servant of God, inspired and filled with his
Spirit. Hence the darkness could not bear the light. What a
wonderful intellect is that of Luther, who is afraid of Greek,
who cannot distinguish a trope, and confounds the shadow with
the substance !" *
Basle added : '^ Thanks be to Jesus Christ, who assisted his
servant against the crafts of Luther ; who now holds his peace,
either because he has lost confidence in his cause, or because he
wishes to crush us with his contemptuous silence. His ape,
Bugenhagen, now takes his place.'' '
Luther soon broke silence in these words of insult and
defiance : '' They say that they have overcome me. In this they
lie, as is their wont : a race of hypocrites and impostors ! Did
they not retract at the conference all that they previously
taught as to baptism, the use of the Sacraments, the power of
the word, and so many other pestilent doctrines ? I had no need
to retract Although perplexed, pressed, and defeated, they
would not confess their error as to the eucharist, because they
were afraid of the rabble of the canton, who sooner or later
would have made them pay dearly for their courage. And how
could they have resisted me ? Zyringlius incessantly reiterated
the same argument : that a body cannot be without space and
' Luther, De Goenlt ; liber oontiit Sacramentarios.
' Pasko, Letter to the King of Poland. Hosp. Hisiorin Sacramentaris
pars altera^ p. 109 et seq. Stnrmins, p. 197. Consult^ on this dispute. Me-
lanchthon. Epist. ad Elect. Sax. de Marpnrg. GoUoquii AoUs ; Responsio
Tigurins Eoclesitd Ministromm ad Lutheri nJumnias de Marpuigensi col-
loqoio.
* " At nunc prodit Bugenhagins illius sixnius afferens et ipse oonfessionem
nltimam."— (Eoolampadius ZwingUo, 1. c. p. 516.
312 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
dimension. But does not philosophy teach ns that heaven is
naturally without space ? They could not answer this ; and
(Ecolampadius quoted the Fathers, who call the* sign the body,
therefore it is not a body ! They were anidous that we should
give them the name of brethren. Zwinglius, with tears in his
eyes, took the landgrave and his court to witness that there were
no men in the world with whom they would wish to live on
better terms than those of Wittemberg ; but I would never
consent to call them brethren. ' Go,' said I, ' you are possessed
by another spirit than ours !' They were furious. Those
hypocrites affected humility and modesty with us, because they
wished to make us the participators and patrons of their heresy.
Diabolical cunning ! But Christ shielded us with his buckler.
I am not astonished that they lie so impudently : falsehood is
their element, although it covers them with shame." ^
What an important lesson the Reformation teaches us in tbe
conference of Marburg I It had declared that we could attain to
truth only by the Bible, and that there was no other infallible
tribunal but the written word. At the present day it gives men
this advice, " Search the Scriptures, examine, reflect, judge for
yourselves ; do not suffer yourselves to be swayed by any authority,
neither by the Fathers, the councils, your ancestors, nor even by
the Reformers, who were faulty and fallible like yourselves ; nor
by confessions of faith, nor by synods." ^
And to arrive at what ? To this double manifesto, — of
Loescher, that the devil was the author of Carlstadt's interpreta-
tion ; ^ of CEcolampadius, that the devil revealed to Luther the
real presence ! *
In 1617, when he posted his theses ; in 1518, at his interview
with Cajetan ; in 1619, at Leipsic, when opposed to Doctor Eck ;
in 1621, at Worms, in presence of the emperor, — Luther always
pointed to one awful word. Scripture, traced by the finger of God
on the wall, as was the sentence of Balthazar. That word.
' Epist. Luth. ad. Jacobnm pnopoBitum Bremens. Selnec pp. 241, 262.
Ulenberg, pp. 864—366.
' Des Causes qai retardent, ohes lea Bdform^, les Progrbs de la Th^logie,
par M. Cheaevibre, p. 24.
' Hist. Motuam, p. 89. Plank, Geschichie der Enistehung, &c. torn. ii.
p. 297.
* Plank, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 297.
THE OOKFEBEKOS OF MABBURO. dl3
written in a language often unintelligible, and which he wished
every one to read because the Spirit of God would explain its
meaning ; that word, which in rousing the worst passions of the
human heart, has for ever disturbed the peace of Germany.
And now that there is a combat, no longer between Protestant
and papist, but between Luther and Zwinglius, two brothers
nourished with the same milk, and who have grown up under
the same sun, the Reformation no longer appeals to the word
of God ; it becomes a monk, and in order to explain a text
of the apostle, invokes, not the celestial ray which illuminates
the souls of all who read with faith, but the authority of the
Fathers ! Zwinglius invokes the Fathers ! He who in his
exposition of the Christian faith has said, that *^ if it depended
on himself, he would prefer to be where Seneca and Socrates are,
than be with the popes of Home, the doctors, emperors, and
popish princes ; for, although these heathens did not believe in
Jesus, tiiey were more holy and pious than all the Dominicans
and Franciscans/' ^
Luther, too, invokes the Fathers,' and even Si Augustine,
" who has firequently erred, and whom it is not safe to trust I"
But how shall the Reformation get out of the pit which it has
dug for itself? This same word of God, to which it appeals, is
a sign for Zwinglius, a reality for Luther ; a trope, according to
(Ecolampadius, and flesh in the opinion of Melancthon : it is a
double word, carnal and spiritual ; a multiple figure, synecdoche
and metaphor. Tou appeal then to the word of God, which
conceals two mysteries, two creeds in one unity! Tou make
then the Holy Ghost descend to reveal to Zwinglius a myth,
which Luther treats as Satanic, and to Luther an interpretation
which Zwinglius considers a damnable anthropomorphism i And
if the Reformation abandons Scripture, it is only to fall into
another pit ; for what is the text of St. Augustine, of St. Ful-
gentius, and other Fathers, upon which it rests when the language
of Scripture embarrasses them ? a dead and fallible letter, since
* Tranal. of Florimond de B^mood.
* To show that the Fathers were on his side, in the qnestion of the real
presence, Lnther collected all the testimonies of thq Catholic doctors, of which
he formed a sort of elenchos, or epitome, and dedicated it to the landgpraye of
Hesse.— See Riederer, Nachricht zor Kirohenhist. torn. yii. pp. 849 — 852.
314 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
it comes to us from men : as they have asserted it to be. Now
raise that haman letter as high as the word of God, there is
still another difficulty ; for that letter, like God's word, has
a multiple signification ; it is at the same time single and double,
since Luther and Zwinglius derive from the very same word their
evidence that Christ is, and is not, corporeally in the Sacrament
Let the Beformation do as it will ; without authority it can
never found a creed. It will only make comments ; and when,
unfaithful to its principle, it shall have recourse to human
traditions for explaining or justifying its belief, it will condemn
and destroy the work of him who, in founding it, rejected
authority aa a blasphemy.
Somewhat later, Luther is obliged to fall back upon authority
in order to defend himself against the Sacramentarian interpre-
tations. A magnificent retreat, which amply proves all the
weakness of that reason which he at first rated so highly, but
which, in the hour of danger, he finds is nothing better in his hand
than a blunt sword. Listen now to him who used to deify reason,
proclaiming that there is neither safety nor shelter but in tradi-
tion. Luther writes to the Margrave Albert of Brandenbuig :
^* Since the institution of Christianity, the Church has never
lield any other doctrine, and its constant and uniform testimony
ought to satisfy us, and prevent us from attending to the spirits
of trouble and error. There is danger in rising up against the
voice, the belief, and the teaching of the holy Church, which for
sixteen centuries has never varied upon this dogma. To doubt
them, is nothing else than to disbelieve the Church, and to
condemn her as &lse, and, with her, Christ himself, the apostles,
and the prophets. Is it not written, ' Behold, I am with you all
days, erven to the consummation of the world ;' — St. Matthew ;
and in St. Paul, * The house of God is the Church of the living
God, the pillar and ground of the truth ?' ^ I think, then, that
since the dispute is becoming eternal, silence must be imposed on
the dissentients ; and it is not I only who give you this advice, but
the Holy Ghost, by the mouth of the apostle : ' Avoid him who
is a heretic, after the first or second admonition ; knowing that,
* Luther*8 Sendbrief wider edicbe Rottenffeister, an Markgraf Albrecht zu
Brandenburg, 1532. See Adolpbus Menzel, Kenere Geschiohte der BeutKhen,^
torn. i. p. 263.
THE COKFEREKOB OF MABBUBQ. 315
^ch a one is perverted, and that he speaks like a mait who
condeoms himself hy his own judgment' "
Thus, then, we see Luther reduced, after having yidnly
invoked against his adversaries the Bible, the Fathers, and
Tradition, to demand that they should be treated as veritable
heretics ; that is to say, that their tongues should be tied, and if
needful cut out. He returns to the heroic remedy of which he
bragged in the peasants' war : ^ ** Give the ass the whip, and, if
he kicks agaiuBt it, the ball/'
Death relieved Luther from two powerful enemies, Z winglius and
(Ecolampadius. Carlstadt dragged out a lifeof suffering andsorrow.
Driven from Saxony at Luther's instigation, he went from city to
city, living upon alms, which he repaid with doctrines that killed
the soul, and persecuted, less by remorse than by the renown of the
success of his former pupil. Weaiy of wandering about, like Gain,
pointed at by the people, an object of pity to the Lutheran clergy,
and of contempt to the learned and the great, he halted in his
course, and be^ed his enemy to give him breatL Luther acted
generously, say his biographers : he sold him his native air at the
price of his retractation. Imagine what this must have cost Carl-
stadt, who had only the word for his consolation ! He resigned
himself to his fate, promised to preach and teach no longer, and to
make an end of all theological controversy. On this condition, he
was permitted to lead an exile's life in Eemberg and Bergwitz, two
little villages, from which the spires of Wittembeig are visible.
There he went with his wife ; and both lived for scmie time, like
the children of Adam, by the sweat of their brow : the former
tilled the ground ; the latter sometimes sold cakes in the evening,
and sometimes carried wood to the market, in a dirty jacket,
with an old rusty sword in a broken scabbard, and was known
by the name of " Neighbour Andrew." * At length Carlstadt
forgot his promise, and took up the Bible. It is said that the
tempter introduced himself into the theologian's apartment in
the guise of a councillor of Wittemberg, who came to propose to
him his pretended doubts on the sixth chapter of St John, and
that this spirit of darkness was sent by Luther himself,' who
1 See the chapter entitled The Peasants' War.
' Ulenberg, Vita Lutheri. Cochlsens, etc.
' Ulenherg. Menzel, Neuere Geschiohte der Deutsohen, torn. i. p. 269.
316 HISTOBY OF LUTHER.
began to be distrustful of Garlstadt's patience ; but the trick
has not been so well proved as to admit of our staining the
Reformer's memory with it Besides, the archdeacon carried
about him a devil who, sooner or later, was to triumph over his
vows of obedience, the same which had seduced his first parent —
pride ! He listened to his suggestions, doffed his frock, resumed
his moth-eaten black gown, which he had worn at Orlamiinde,
and began to sermonize again on the last supper, to him an
exciting subject.
At Wittemberg had been residing recently two theol<^ans
who, for having rebelled against Luther, were obliged to leave
Saxony : these were Erautwald and Schwenckfeld, who had pre-
sumed to ridicule the monk's theory of impanation. Carlstadt
wrote to them a letter, wherein he complained bitterly of the
intolerance of the Saxon Ecdesiastes, and drew a painful picture
of his own poverty. " I shall soon be compelled to sell all I
have to support existence : my moveables, my clothes, my
crockery, my whole furniture ; nobody has compassion on me, I
believe that they will see me and my child die of hunger." At
the same time he addressed a long statement to Chancellor
Bruck, in which he detailed all that he had had to suffer from
Luther, who forbade him to preach or teach. Luther heard of
Carlstadt's complaints, and determined to silence them for ever.
The archdeacon was accordingly compelled again to quit Saxony,
and seek for hospitality in Switzerland. Basle opened to him
the gates which it had closed against Erasmus.^
After Zwinglius came another explanator, who also boasted of
having received from the Holy Ghost a revelation of the meaning
of the words of the Sacrament This was Schwenckfeld the
Silesian, an imaginative youth, fond of disputation, wherein he
delighted to scatter the treasures of a mind rich in lively
fancies.* When we read Schwenckfeld, we can understand how
a philosopher so original could aspire to be the leader of a sect,
a position which he would have successfully occupied, if he had
only had men of learning for his disciples. Schwenckfeld is
ingenious and spirited ; he seeks for effect, has a strong desire to
' See the chapter entitled Ensmus.
' Schroeckh. L o. torn. !▼. p. 618.
THB OOHFERENCE OF MARBUBQ. SI 7
startle his readers, and delights in paradox : as if Rousseau and
Beaumarchais were united in a religious propagandism. We
should have thought that this Latin est, which for six years had
suffered so many tortured explanations, would have been allowed
at last to rest in peace ; but Schwenckfeld stirred it again, to
remove it from the place which it bad held in the Gospel for
fifteen centuries. Instead of " This is my body," he said,
'' My body is this ;" that is to say, '' This bread is my body,
my body is this bread ;" and he ventured gravely to lay to the
charge of the apostle St. John this inversion, infinitely more
ridiculous than the explanation of Garlstadt, of which he made
so much sport.
Would it be believed that Schwenckfeld, by dint of wit, con-
trived to bring over to his opinions some men of consequence,
among the rest a duke? Besides, '^ papists" and Lutherans
were equally the object of the Silesian's raillery. The former
believed they would have been honouring Schwenckfeld too much
by attacking his transposition, and so they preserved a dignified
sUence. But Luther re-appeared in the arena, and avenged the
dogma of the real presence with indisputable eloquence. It is
to be regretted that in playing upon the name of the interpreter,
he should have sought in Schwenckfeld a filthy fiM, in which
the Silesian might have found his inversion.^
At the time when, wearied of disputation, Zwinglius and
Luther rained, the one his beautiful lake of Zurich, the other
his green mountain of Poltersberg, a theologian left Marbuig,
regretting that he had been prevented from entering the field
with either of those distinguished controversialists ; this was
John Campanus, who had taken to Marburg a new explanation
of the meaning of the words of the sacrament. According to
him, neither Zwinglius, (Ecolampadius, nor Luther knew any
more than the pope did about the institution of the eucharist :
they were a set of blockheads, whose understandings the Lord
had blinded. They treated his opinion with silent contempt ; and
for this he revenged himself by making them the objects of his
insulting buffoonery.^
* Menzel, 1. o. torn. i. p. 469. See Die Gkgenwart des Leibes und Bluiea
Christi im Sacnunent des heiHgen AbendnuUilB.
* Lather's TiBch-Beden, p. 496. As to ihe interpretation of Ganipano^ see
318 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
In reading the yarious ridiculous attempts at interpretation
which entered the head of every sectary at that time, one might
belieye in the allegory of Swedenborg, a yisionary equally
enlightened as his predecessors. The Swede represents the word
as inclosed in a tabernacle : if a pure spirit attempts to touch it,
it shines like Christ on Mount Thabor, and his garments seem
resplendent with flame ; but should an evil spirit stretch out his
hand to it, the demon, suddenly enyeloped in dense darkness,
falls struck with lightning.^
Schelhoro, AmcBoit. Lit. torn. ix. pp. 1 — 92 ; and Lather^a Works^ Halle^
torn. XX. p. 2204.
' '' Si autem id tang^t Terbiini, fit exploaio cam fragore, et iUe projioitnr ad
angnliim oonclayis et per honilam ibi jacet sicut mortuus."
A very curioas work might be made of The Keformers agunst the Reformers.
CEcolampadiiu said of Luuier : '* De Lutheri libello scribnnt Capito et Baoenis
cni6d nihil magis aophisticum vol calummosam viderint. In nos ambos debac-
chatnr." — (Ecolam|MMdiuB, Zwinglio, 16 April. Lebensgeechichte Dr. Johann
(Ecolampads : Zurich, 1798, 8vo. p. 808.
" Jam opus erit Luthero at reupondeaj, placido et quieto animo, non at ille
calanmiandi magieter et sophistonim prinoeps meretur, sed at yeiitatis patro-
ciniom postalat. — ^Ibid. pp. 510, 511.
Lather writes ae to Zwinglios : *' Ferox ille Helveticas qai rem Christi patat
agi Helvetic^ ferociil,'' 1527, 31 May. " ZwiDglium credo sancto dignisBimam
odio, quo tam procaciter et neqoiter agit in aanoto Yerbo Dei." 27 Oct., to
Melancth. 1527.
The foUowine works relating to the real presence may be consulted :
Martini Lutheri Sermo Elegantisshnus super Sacnmento Corporis et San-
guinis Christi, in quo respondetur obiter et ejusdem Sacramenti oalumnia-
toribus : Item, Quateniis Moses k Christianis accipi debeat. Sermo Martini
Lutheri, ehm pro oondone legeret Exodum, dictus in cap. xix. et zx. Epi-
stola ejusd. adversus Bucerum, sacramentarium errore m novum refellens.
Oratio Job. Bugenhagi qu5d ipsius non sit opinio ilia de EuoharistiA, quae in
Psalterio sub nomine ejus G^ermanio^ translate legitur. Querela Fidei, auctoro
YinoentioObsoopoeo, skI Dominicum Sleupnerum, Korimbergte, ad S. Sebaldum
dirini verbi ministrum : Haganose, 1527.
Dass diese Worte Christi (das ist mein Leib^ &c.) noch fest stehen wider die
Schwermgeister. Iklartin Luther, 1527.
Ein Bericht an einen guten Freund von beyder Gestalt des Sacraments, au&
Bisohoflb zu Meissen Muidat. Martin Luther : Wittenberg, 1528.
Yom Abendmahl Christi, Bekantniss Martin Luthers : Wittenberg.
Ex yetustiss. orthodoxorum Patrum, Cypriani, Hilarii, Ambrosii, AugustiDi,
Hieronymi, Isichii et Pascasii, de genuine Eucharistiss negotii intellectu et
usu, libellus. Contrit omnes veeano sacramentario spiritu Yertiginosos (qui ctim
ipsi Patrum opinionibus pertinacissim^ innitautur) plan^ Achilleum telum.
Nuper ex perretusto exemplari bonis oTibus in &aatioorum omnium intemi-
ciem depromptus. Cum pr»&t. Jobi Gastii ad D. Johannem Brentium,
pneceptorem suum : Hagan. 1528.
Unterricht warum die Thum-Prediger zu Magdebui^ nicht disputiren wolleo,
and doch uns <Jffentlich auf der Kantiel geeisohet und gefodert haben. Nidas
AmsdorfF: Magdeburg, 1528.
Job. Bugenhagi Pomerani publica, de Sacramento Corporis et Sanguinis
Christi, ex Christ! institutione, Confessio, qu& suae fidei de coenA Domini
reddit rationem, et dicit vale iis, qui audire nolunt. Cum epistolis ejuad. ad
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 319
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE DIET OF AUGSBUBG. 1530.
State of Germany prior to the opening of the Diet — Charles T. leaves Italy
to restore peaee to the empire. — His entry Into Angsburg. — Prooession of
the Blessed Sacrament. — ^The Protestant princes refuse to assist at it —
Who these were. — ^Augsbarg is distnrbed by the preaching of the inno-
Yators. — Acoount of a Lutheran comedy performed in presence of Charles Y.
— Catholic orators who take part in the proceedings of the diet
It would be impossible not to feel aiBicted, on surveying
Germany at that time. Every religious and social tie had been
dissolved : the voice of Clement VII. was no more regarded than
that of the emperor. Luther had made of the great feudatories
of the empire so many tyrants, who tormented the body and
outraged the conscience ; soul and body, all were compelled to
obey them. They reigned despotic in the electoral palace as well
as in the sanctuary ; they y^eaee the police of the community and
of the Church. It was under their inspiration that the minister
of the Gospel was chosen, anointed, consecrated, preached and
administered the sacraments; as judges of the orthodoxy of
the pastor, they could turn him off when they had decided that
he did not preach the pure word of Christ : ^ they were the
infallible interpreters of the spirit and letter of the Scriptures.
Melancthon has told us with sorrow what the Grospel became
after theology had found its way into court The pulpit then
became a mere tribune, which some ignorant apostate ascended
to distribute the bread of life to the lambs of his official flocks
Avarice, pride, and depravity, were the prominent vices of the
new clergy. The benches of the universities were deserted, and
Job. Brentinm, Hale Suevomm concionatorem ; Hessnm XJratislaTiensii
Ecclesie pastorem ; Johannem Agricolam, Islebianse schols archididascalum :
Wittembeiig, 1528.
Yergleichnng Dr. Lathers nnd seines Gegentheils Torn Abendmahl Christi,
Dialogns, das ist, ein . fireundlich Gesprach, gar nah alles so Dr. Luther in
seinem letzten Buoh, Beki&ntniss genennet, flugebracht hat, wird hierin.
g^andelt» wie das zu Erkentniss der Wahrheit und ohrisUiohen Friede dienet^
Cum prsBf. Buoeri. 1528.
* See chapters xiy. and xy. of this volume.
320 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
DemoBthenes was obliged, by means of his learned interpreter,
to beg for pupils. Melancthon, that iUustrioos son of the muse
of antiquity, had not even wherewith to purchase a new dress as
a new year's gift for his wife. In the estimation of the petty
theologians who swarmed in the smallest towns, a scholar was
a mere pedant: the professor of rhetoric held out his hand,
and received, with averted head, thirty florins of annual charity.^
Wherever the doctrines of Luther prevailed, art, science, lite-
rature, and even liberty was extinct. From Meissen to Basle
nothing was to be seen but burnt cottages, demolished monas-
teries, and ruined palaces : every bush of the Black Forest was
tinged with the blood of a peasant. If the eyes looked along
the banks of the Rhine for the airy spires which Gothic art
had reared, it found them prostrated by the blows of fanatical
peasants. If by some miracle an ancient church remained with
its four walls standing, not one of its statues in stone, its paint*
ings on wood, its chased plate or storied missak, that once
ornamented it, could be seen. All such treasures, when not
destroyed, had become the property of some elector, to whom
Luther delivered them as the price of an apostasy, and who suffered
to die of hunger, both those to whom they formerly belonged
and the disciples of the person who had given him their prepay.
The printing presses were no longer occupied in the reproduction
of the works of the ancient authors, but of wretched pamphlets
suggested by ignorant fury.
We speak not of the Catholic clergy, who only met with their
deserts : remaining futhful to their God, banishment and spolia*
tion was the justice done to them by the conqueror: but ot
Schwenckfeld, Garlstadt, and so many more, who, on Luther's
authority, took upon them to interpret the Bible, and wera
condemned to beg their bread on the highways, because they
translated a monosyllable in a different way from the doctor !
Let us not be accused of slandering the Reformation. Whoever
has perused our pages, must have seen that this sad picture of
Germany, in 1530, is drawn from the writings of Luther,
Melancthon, Pirkheimer, Jonas, and other evangelists.
Charles V. could not remain long in Italy: he left it to
See chapter xyi. of this Tolume.
THE DIBT OF AUGSBURG. 821
suppress, if it were possible, the disturbances which devastated the
empire.
Od the 15th of June, 1530, he made his entry into Augsburg.
It was one of the finest sights that had ever been witnessed in a
German city.*
Every eye was on the emperor. Young, handsome, well-
formed, mounted on a white Polish steed, which he managed
with all the grace of a perfect horseman, he saluted with hand
and smile the people that crowded the way. Three hundred
bells rang at once, and mingled their sounds with the roaring of
cannon, the flourishes of the trumpets, the music, and shouts of
the people, which were louder than all together. Never did
prince appear invested with so much glory.* He wore a Spanish
cloak, embroidered and sparkling with precious stones : the
saddle of his horse was ornamented with topazes and rubies, and
his stirrups were of silver gilt. He advanced under a canopy of
crimson velvet, interspersed with golden bees, and borne by
the senators of Augsburg, clad in Spanish costume. The order
prescribed by the Golden Bull, and the regulations issued by
Charles IV., in 1356, were observed. John, the elector of
Saxony, as grand marshal of the empire, preceded the emperor,
between the count palatine, represented by the marquis of
Erbach, and George, margrave of Brandenburg: he held the
imperial sword in his right hand ; the count palatine carried
the apple, the margrave of Brandenburg the sceptre, all three
abreast, clothed in scarlet cloaks, lined with ermine, and blazoned
with their arms. The elector of Saxony bore party per fesse
sable and argent, two swords in saltier gules, quartered with
all the provinces which he possessed, as well as those to which he
laid claims, such as the duchies of Juliers, Gleves, and Berg ;
the margrave of Brandenburg, hereditary great chamberlain of
* Georg. Sabin, Carmen de Ingressu Cisflaria Aug. Georg. Goeleetin. His-
toria Comitiorum Au^. torn. i. p. 105, &c. Maimbourg, lib. ii. Diasertatio
Inauguralis et Histonca de D. Martino Luthero, h comitis Angufitanis ann.
1530, corpore quidem absente, in illis tamen animo prsasente, Thesis, h Christ.
Mauritio Lochnero, Altorf, 1783, 4to.
• See Melanothon*8 letter on this subject to Charles V., Epistolae Selectiores
aliquot Philippi Melanchthonis editse k Gasparo Peucero, 1565, p. 263. And
compare his opinion of it with that of Luther. "In my opinion," writes
Melancthon, ** the gods, as Horace says, could not make the earth a more
precious gift, even were they to bring back the golden age."
VOL. II. Y
822 HI8T0BT OF LUTHER.
the Holy Empire, bore azure, a sceptre in pale, or, with arms
quartered. Ferdinand, archduke of Austria, hereditary arch-
butler of the empire, elected king of Bohemia in 1527, walked
by himself, immediately after the emperor, wearing the crown,
and escorted by three hundred guards, clothed in jackets of red
and white velvet The archbishop of Mayence, dean of the
ecclesiastical electors, preceded the princes who carried the Aulic
insignia ; they were surrounded with two hundred guards, clothed
in jackets of yellow and black velvet ; and on the left appeared
the archbishop of Gol(^e, at the head of another guard in full
airmour. The ecclesiastical electors wore scarlet caps, turned up
with ermine. The streets were hung with tapestry, and strewn
with leaves. On the emperor's appearing, the people knelt to
receive the legate's benediction. Among the crowd it was easy to
recognise the Lutherans, who contented themselves with inclining
the head, but did* not bend the knee. At the gates of Augsbuig,
when Charles mounted the state horse which was provided for
him, and which Cardinal Campeggio had blessed, the prince-
electors uncovered their heads, but did not bow.^
The eye looked in vain for him who had excited this great
multitude, who had torn the emperor from the scene of his glory,
and whose name and image filled all minds. Luther was absent.
He kept himself retired in the citadel of Coburg, whither the
elector of Saxony ^ had taken him, lest his presence in Augsbui^
should have roused the anger of Charles V., for he was under
the ban of the edict of Worms.'"* Spalatinus, Jonas, and
Melancthon had accompanied him, and then continued their
journey to Augsburg, singing the first verse of the Psalm,
" Deus in adjutorium," previously translated into German verse
' Menzely 1. o. torn. i. ^
* Cochlsus in Actis Latheri, p. 124 : ** Elector Lntberam ad Augustam
tamen usque non perdaxit, eo quod esset k Cssare in edicto WormatienBi pro
haeretioo notorio damnatua^ et proecriptuB ; itaqne reliqnit enm in mnnitissiniA
aroe suA Gobnrg.'' PaUavicini in Hist. Cone. Trid. lib. iii. cap. iii. : *' Lntbenia
Angostam addncttui non est) ne tarn aperto deepicatu CRsar ofiendereiur, eo
ante ipdns oonspeotiun obtruso, quern Bererissimo edicto WormatieDBi pro-
Bcripserat.'' Maimburgius in Hist. Lutheranismi, lib. ii. sect. xzi. : " Elector
veritns, ne imperatorem prsesentia bominis, quern in edicto Womiatieniii
nominatim proscripserat, irritaret> reliquit eum Coburgi, in munimento, quod
habebat, prsecipuo : translated by Locbner, 1. c.
' Muller, Yon der Evang. Stamme protest, und Auffsbnrg. Confeflsion,
lib. il. cap. vii. § 6, p. 456. OyprianuB, In Hist. Aug. Conf. cap. yi. § 8, p. 59.
THE DIET OF AUGSBURG. 323
and Bet to music by Lather, and which was sung in the evan-
gelical chnrches daring the diet.^
However, if we are to credit Protestant accoants, it depended on
Lather to tarn all this triumphal pomp into mourning. The elector
of Saxony and the Protestant princes, who feared the emperor's
wrath, were assembled to avert the storm. The elector was of
opinion that they should go with sufficient troops and await the
emperor at the foot of the Alps, to prevent him from entering
the Tyrol : this was a desperate measure, which would have been
&tal to the Beformation. Luther perceived the danger, and
Wrote to the duke : *^ Prince, it is not by arms that we must
defend our cause, but by patience and resignation, and above all,
by unbounded confidence in the Lord and his all-powerful arm/'
This was prudent counsel, and the elector followed it* Maim-
bourg and other Catholic historians have allowed themselves to
be caught by this worldly wisdom of the Reformer ; * probably
they had not read his appeal to the German nation.
The procession advanced towards the cathedral, where the
'* Te Deum " was sung in thanksgiving, and the legate gave his
benediction to the assembly. The following day was a festival of
the Church, — the feast of Corpus Christi, when the blessed
Sacrament was to be carried in procession through the streets of
Augsburg. Charles invited the Protestant princes to this cere-
mony : they had previously arranged their reply, which was quite
a scenic exhibition. George, the margrave of Brandenburg,
putting his hand to his neck, declared that he was ready to
mount the scaffold and lose his head, sooner than renounce the
Gospel* The emperor smiled, and said, " No head ! no head i"
but nothing more ; either because he was not very well ac-
quainted with the German language, or disliked long conver-
sation, or perhaps because, in accordance with the usage of the
Spanish court, he let his lieutenant, his brother Ferdinand, king
of Bohemia, speak for him. The Protestants could not com-
prehend how this prince, who remained mute before them,
motionless as a pagoda, and only expressed his feelings by
' Coelestin. lib. i. fol. 20.
' CceleBtin. torn, i, fol. Id. Luth. Epist. ad Elect. Sax. apud Ckslest. p. 20.
' Maimbourg, lib. ii. p. 174. * Adolph Mensel, 1. c. torn. i. p. 441.
y2
324 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
wagging his head or contracting his eyebrows, could have made
the world tremble. They thought they would have to address a
man, and they found only a statue. More than one Protestant
noble was indebted for his courage next day to this taciturnity
on the part of the emperor.
''What a fine fellow V said Luther; ''he speaks less in a
year than I do in a day." *
The Protestant princes held a council at night, and resolved
not to assist at the procession. Next morning they attended the
emperor's levee, and presented him with their written protest
The margrave of Brandenburg was again the spokesman :
" Rather,'' said he, putting his hand to his neck, " than deny
the Gospel " Charles interrupted him, saying, "No head!"
and relapsed into his habitual silence.' Ferdinand attempted to
overcome the margrave's obstinacy, but in vain. The cannon
and church-bells soon announced the setting out of the pro-
cession.
It was prehaps more magnificent than the triumphal one of
the previous day. George Sabinus [Schalten] has exhausted all
the treasures of poetry in describing it. The archbishop of
Mayence carried a massive gold remonstrance, sparkling with all
sorts of gems. Six princes, who relieved each other, bore a
canopy worked with gold and silver, and decorated at the four
comers with plumes of ostrich feathers. In every public place
an altar was raised, adorned with flowers, lace, and valuable
paintings. King Ferdinand walked on the archbishop's right, and
on his left Joachim I., elector of Brandenburg : before the canopy
were two lines of priests and choristers ; then the two masters
of the ceremonies of the imperial and royal households, followed
by the heralds, trumpeters, and other musicians ; next came
the senators of the empire, the members of the Aulic and royal
councils, the magistrates of the city, and the official members of
the palace. Behind the canopy came the emperor, clothed in a
large purple mantle, lined with cloth of silver, carrying a torch,
bareheaded and unprotected by parasol from the heat of the
summer sun. In his majesty's train were the legate, the arch-
bishops and bishops, the deputies of the imperial cities, the
1 Tiach-Reden, ch. xlv. p. 842. > Seckendorf, 1. c. lib. ii. p. 162.
THE DIET OP AUGSBURG. 825
grandees of Spain, the Italian and Flemish nobility^ and lastly,
the guards of the emperor and the king of Bohemia. The
assistants carried torches, walking silently and slowly, and knelt
whenever the archbishop elevated the Blessed Sacrament, and
presented it for the adoration of the faithful. The choir
children strewed flowers on the path of the procession. The
Protestant princes awaited the emperor in the church, which they
had received permission from Luther to enter. John the elector
carried the imperial sword, in discharge of the duties of his
office. However, he had thought it right to consult ii^me theo-
logians, and among others Doctor Martin, who allowed him to
perform his duties as grand vassal, after the example of Naaman,
who supported with his hand the king of Syria, his master, when
he went to adore the idol Rimmon.^ The reformed theologians
did not cloak their language. The emperor was the infidel prince
of Syria ; the Catholic church the pagan temple ; and Christ,
whom the people were to adore, was the idol Bimmon.
The Protestant princes, after his majesty entered the church,
took the places assigned to them. Charles was seated on his
throne, facing the altar. The choir was hung with crimson
velvet ; on the right and left of the high altar were six chairs,
each inscribed: "Mayence,"' "Cologne," "Bohemia," "Bavaria,"
" Saxony," " Brandenburg ;" one chair was left vacant, and
marked the place of the elector of Treves, then absent. The
officers of the electors stood before them, with their swords
resting on their shoulders. As soon as the electors were seated,
various princes and counts entered the -choir ; then the count of
Pappenheim closed the doors, and handed the keys to the
chamberlain. The archbishop of Mayence then intoned the
" Veni Creator," and all present rose simultaneously : next followed
the Mass of the Holy Spirit, according to the constitution of the
Golden Bull. After the Gospel, the two assistants, followed by
priests and preceded by two acolytes, bearing tapers, advanced,
made three low obeisances to the emperor, and thrice incensed
him : and the same once to the electors of Mayence and Cologne,
' XJleiiberg, Historia de VitA, Moribus, &c. Martini Lutheri, p. 374.
Calvin, in his Nicodemites, has examined the question of the presence of
"Christians" in a Catholic church, and has come to a different conclusion
from Luther : the example of Naaman appears to him of no value. See our
History of Calvin.
326 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
the king of Bohemia^ the elector of Saxony, and the maigrave of
Brandenhurg, to all of whom they gave the Gospel to kiaa.
During the " Agnus Dei/' the assistants carried a silver cross to
the emperor and the electors to kiss. When the Mass was over,
the archbishop took off his vestments behind the altar, put on a
cope, and kneeling down intoned a hymn, which the emperor's
band finished.
The procession then, in the same order, returned to the
episcopal palace, where his majesty resided.
Let us see who these scrupulous parties were who were afraid
of sullying their innocence by entering a Catholic church with-
out Luther s permission. There was, first, the elector John, one
of the greatest gluttons of his time, whose overcharged stomach,
laden with meat and drink from mom to night, required an iron
girdle to support it, lest it should fall ; the devoted adherent of
a creed which abolished fasting and Lent, and permitted flesh to
be eaten on Friday and Saturday. The sideboard of this elector
was considered to be the most richly furnished in Germany, with
vessels of aU kinds, stolen from the monastic refectories or the
sacristies of the churches.^ There was his son Frederick, who
spent his time and health at the table or in hunting, and, like
his father, a jolly companion, devoted to wine and good cheer,
and scarcely acquainted with his catechism. There was the
landgrave of Hesse, whose lechery had become proverbial, a
shameless adulterer, who, to resist carnal temptations, demanded
and obtained leave to cohabit with a couple of wives,^ and who
caused himself to be waited on at table by servants upon whose
sleeves were embroidered these five capital letters: " V.D.M.LiE.''
^'Verbum Domini manet in SBtemum ;" — "The word of the
Lord endures for ever." There was Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt,
so grossly ignorant, that he never knew, it was said, how to
make the sign of the cross. There were Ernest and Francis of
Luneburg, who did not give their servants the trouble of robbing
the churches, but stole, with their own hands, the sacred vessels.
Such were the princes whose consciences were alarmed at the
very idea of entering Catholic churches.
' Ber ChurfUrst war ein Freund des Weines und der Jagd. — Adolph Menzel,
torn. i. p. 338.
* See chap. xxx. Bigamy of the Landgrave of Hesse.
THE DIBT OF AUOSBURO. 327
As soon as the emperor was seated, the archbishops and
prelates came after each other to say grace. The archbishop of
Mayence laid the seals of state on ^ the table ; and the emperor
handed them to the chancellor of Angsbnrg, who suspended the
great seal from his neck. Then came the margrave of Branden-
burg, carrying a damask napkin, and silver basin and ewer,
which he presented to the emperor to wash his hands. Next the
count palatine, carrying four silver dishes, each weighing three
marks, filled with warm viands, which he laid on the table;
lastly, the king of Bohemia, grand butler, with a silver jug
weighing twelve marks, full of wine and water, which he
offered respectfully to the emperor.
The edict of Worms expressly forbade the innovators to preach
their doctrines. The edict had not beenrecaUed, but the Pro-
testant princes, under the pretext that they could not do with-
out spiritual nourishment, had, on arriving at Augsburg, opened
in their private chapels a course of sermons, which the people
attended in crowds. They went to hear the papists insulted, the
pope and the bishops nicknamed Antichrist, and the celibacy of
the clergy anathematized. An order of the emperor, proclaimed
by sound of trumpet in all the public places, was necessary to
silence these preachers, as Augsburg was menaced with the same
scourges which desolated the lower empire, where every inhabitant
had become a controversialist The city swarmed with Zwinglians,
Anabaptists, Garlstadians, Illyrians, and Lutherans, all affirming
that they were sent by God to preach his word. This cloud of
gospellers settled here and there, and converted every stile into a
pulpit to harangue the multitude, who, drawn from all quarters,
knew not to whom to listen. Erasmus, with his usual sarcasm,
has sketched this medley of doctrines, this confusion of subjects,
this incessant hum of interrogatories, this deafening knell of
Bible texts. " Here comes one, with the New Testament in his
hand, and cries out: * Show me purgatory ;' another, * Where is
infant baptism V a third, ' Where is the Trinity ; the divinity of
Jesus V another, if there be in the hypostatic union this thing
or thai Wait, it is not all over : I see one who asks how there
can be accidents in the eucharist ; another, if the bread and
wine are reduced to nothing, or changed into his body by alte-
328 HISTORY OF LUTHEE.
ration ; a third, if the body subsists in him who receives it, or is
changed into his substance/' ^
Truly Erasmus was fortunate in being sick in Switzerland ;
for at Augsburg, whither Melancthon had invited him, his ears
would have been cruelly tortured, and his head, already over-
worked, would have turned giddy.
He would not probably have been more satisfied with certain
Catholic preachers who, before the arrival of Charles V., had
publicly denounced many of the great men of the age. Such,
for instance, was a Franciscan, whose name was not bestowed on
him by the resentment of Erasmus,^ and whose sermons were in
great repute, because he spared in them neither priests, bishops,
pope, emperor, nor the learned, to which latter he attributed all
the evils that desolated Qermany. " My brethren," said he, " I
announce to you a new luminary, which has just dawned in our
horizon ; my tongue sticks to my palate ; I wish to tell you of
a long-eared doctor, a thorough ass, who has the impudence to
attempt to correct the * Magnificat,' a canticle inspired by the
Holy Ghost ! This precursor of Luther has corrupted the
Gospel, and infected Germany." It was Erasmus whom the
friar meant. John Faber,' confessor of Charles V., and the
cardinal of Trent, imposed silence on him, and forbade him to
preach, to the great dissatisfaction of the people of Augsburg,
who loved his vituperative discourses.
Erasmus has preserved for us the sketch of a comedy which
savours of Lutheranism, and was audaciously performed before
the emperor, who did not discover its meaning until the close.
The court was assembled in the hall of the diet, where the
king of Bohemia, the prelates, and the reformed princes were
present. Suddenly appeared a man with a mask, in the long
gown of a doctor, having inscribed on his back in large letters
the name of Keuchlin. He held in his hand a faggot, the
branches of which were bent in the form of a fan, and which he
placed in the middle of the hall. Then appeared a masked
ecclesiastic, with a sharp nose, twinkling eye, and sneering lip.
* Enusmi Epistol®, ep. 1094.
' Concio, sive Merdordus. The Franciscan^s name was Merdard.
' " Joh. Faber, scortatioDis patronns ei unus ex prsecipuis papistis, qui beaio
Luthero, vel veritis Spiritai sancto, restiterunt/' aays a disciple of Luther.
THE DIET OF AUG8BURa. 329
who was immediately recognised for Erasmus. He advanced,
bowing on each side, with a mincing gait, and looked with a
smile at the bent branches, which he endeavoured to bend back ;
but his efforts being vain, he was obliged to throw them aside in
disgust, and departed, muttering between his teeth some unin-
telligible words, and grinning with a diabolical leer. A monk
succeeded him with a large forehead, and blown-up face, purpled
with wine, who bellowed with a deep voice, and set fire to the
faggot : then came an emperor with a large sword, with which
he stirred the fire, which crackled and threw out sparks on all
sides : then a pope in full pontificals, carrying in each hand a
cruet ; in the right one of water, in the left one of oil. He
approached for the purpose of extinguishing the fire, but unfor*
tunately by mistake threw the oil instead of the water on the
fire, which blazed up and consumed the faggot Charles was
offended, and ordered the culprit to be sought for ; but he could
not be found.*
The diet opened on the 20th of June, in the presence of
the emperor, King Ferdinand, the electors, princes of the empire,
and deputies of the imperial cities, in a vast hall hung with
velvet. In the middle of a semicircle, the sides of which were
furnished with crimson velvet arm-chairs, prepared for the
sovereign princes, — rose the emperor's throne, covered with cloth
fringed with gold and silver. On either side were pages dressed
in the Spanish costume. Charles wore a mantle which swept
the ground, and on his head the imperial crown ; the elector of
Saxony, who discharged the functions of grand marshal of the
empire, carried the imperial sword ; the hand of justice was held
by the margrave. The cushion on which the crown was to be
laid when Charles uncovered himself was kept by two pages.
On the second row of the semicircle were the seats of the arch-
bishops and bishops, the papal nuncio, and the ambassadors ;
below these were the folding chairs reserved for the Catholic
doctors, Eck, Cochlaeus, and Nausea. Eck we already know.
CochlaDus bore no resemblance to Eck ; instead of laying nets,
he wove a spider's web, in which he waited patiently until his
adversary was caught. " He was a nettle which flourished amidst
* Life of Erasmus, by De Borigni, torn. ii. p. 272.
330 HISTOET OF LUTHBE.
roses and lilies/' says the poet : ^ moreoyer, he waa a brare
cavalier, of noble appearance, who sometimes sounded the trampet
admirably, and hurled a bold defiance at his adversary. This
cartel of Gochl»us was not unworthy the acceptance of Luther.
" Cochl«us to Luther. — If you are a man, come with arms
and not with insults ; take up the sword of the Holy Spirit,
which is the word of Grod, and let us measure our strengtL
Here is one prepared to fight for the faith and the honour of
religion. Gome, if you have courage : come, and dispute in open
day, in any place that the emperor may appoint, clearly and
intelligibly : come, and let us harangue without circumlocutions,
evasions, or reservations. If I &il, I shall not refose exile,
imprisonment, the wheel, the stake, or the sword, or any punish-
ment that the arbiters of the contest may please to inflict on the
vanquished. It will be a glorious thing for me to fight, conquer,
or die for my faith. Come, then ; struggle, contend, triumph,
or fall in returning to the truth. I send this challenge to you,
or such of your disciples as may wish to maintain the honour of
your Babylon. None but a womanish soul would, in such a case,
make use of jokes and jests, ridicule and offensive similes.
Men have other arms. Come then, armed eap-i-ptef — ^you, or
your second, in your name. I await you. I have said it,
and my act shall make good my word. May God assist me !
Amen."«
The Beformer 8 disdain for Cochlaaus is singular. He did
not condescend to reply to him even once. He must have con-
sidered him unimportant, since Cochlseos never provoked him to
anger.* When his celebrated work, " The Seven-headed Beast^"
appeared, Luther said, " I have but one, which they cannot cut
ofiF ; what would it be if I had seven of them ?" *
* ** Attamen annumerat tantis quoque mu8a mereniem
Luminibus ; virtas qu6d vel in hoste placet,
Lilia sic inter crescens urtica, rosafique
Geiininat et fruitnr floris honore boni."
* Cochlseus died at Breslau, 10 January, 1552. He is especially known by
his history, De Actia et Scriptis Martini Lutheri.
' See Articuli ccccc Mart. Lutheri, quibus sinji^latim responsum est k
Job. CocblsDO : Colonise, 1525, 4to. Sept. Lutherus, ubique sibi suis scriptis
contrariuB, per Cochleenm editus. Lipsise, Schumann, 1529, 4 to.
* "Job. CochlsBUS multijugft instructus eruditione, et sacris totus deditna
litteris,'* according to the testimony of the Lutheran Reusner, in his Icon.
Virorum, &c. p. 85.
THE DIET OF AUOSBUBG. 331
Frederick Nausea, Cardinal Campeggio's Becreiaiy, had been
for four years one of the great Catholic polpit orators of May-
ence ; he was somewhat diffuse, destitate of fire and feeling, but
deeply read in the Scriptures and the Fathers. After severe
study^ he had receiyed the doctorates of law and theology. He
was a scholar devoted to classical literature, a taste for which he
endeavoured to diffuse in Qermany. Like all men of intellect
at that time, he possessed a vast deal of information ; and was
at once physician, lawyer, philosopher, poet, and astronomer.^
John Faber was a theologian of the renaissance, who knew
Aristotle and St. Thomas by heart, devoted like a laureated
student to Horace and Virgil, a man of the world, and as par-
ticular in his dress as in his language. At Rome, he had
disputed with Hortensius the prize for memory ; and had it been
necessary would have recalled to Luther, if he had forgotten it,
everything that the monk had written for fifteen years, without
even foigetting the offensive portions. He had good luck.
Instead of growing pale over books to reftite his adversary, he had
made himself acquainted with him, and was then about to compose
Luther's '* Antilogia.'' Open the book, you meet Arius, Manes,
Berengarius: turn the page, you find Scotus and Durandus;
and often on the same leaf, Huss and Cajetan.
Faber's work had caused amusement.
But Luther was jpigry. " I shall not reply," he said, " either
to CochlsBus or Faber : there is not an ass that does not obtain
the degree of doctor as soon as he attacks Luther. Luther is a
god who makes beggars lords, asses doctors, scoundrels saints,
and changes dirt into precious atones: it was I who raised
Adrian to the tiara, and you shall see that I will make Faber a
cardinal." *
Faber was an able controversialist, who, according to Melanc-
thon, displayed no less learning than zeal to reconcile parties at
Augsburg. It was he who said in the pulpit at the diet of
' He wrote: Consilia de Puero Litteris instituendo ; Disticba in Omnia
Capita Librorum Lactaotii ; Principia Dialectioes ; De NaturA CommoDda-
tioneqne Thennamm ; Lib. VII. Renim Mirabilium ; Orationes, Epi^rammata,
&o. Dnpin, Bibl. des Aut. Ecd. du Seizi^e SihcLe, Senurii Mogunt. Ber.
lib. i. cap. xl. No. 18, p. 176.
' Adyersus iteratnm Edictum Episcopi Misnensia pro Commanione sub unft
Specie : a pamphlet which Seckendorf ealla " yehemeoB et aculeatum."
332 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Spires : '^ I would sooner believe in Mahomet than in Luther ;
for the former has preserved fasting, abstinence, prayers, and
good works." " I fear much," replied Luther at table, " that
he may have prophesied like Caiaphas, and may one day become
a Turk." * Luther was mistaken, for Faber died in his diocese
of Vienna, which Ferdinand conferred on him as the reward of
his literary labours. ''Here is another elevated by this poor
fellow Luther," exclaimed Erasmus, on hearing of the nomination
of Faber, whose piety and learning he, however, revered.*
CHAPTER XXV.
THE CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG. 1630.
Opening of the Diet. — ^The Protestant princes present their confession of faith
to the emperor. — The confession of Augsbni^ is a manifesto against the
original creed of Luther. — ^The doctor's contradictions. — Melancthon gives
an account to his master of the deliberations of the Diet. — Luther at Cobuig.
— Melancthon's dispositions of mind at Augsburg. — Various concessions
which he makes to the Catholics. — ^Luther, from Cobuig, opposes every kind
of dealing with the " papists." — Spalatinus and Jonas desire a reconciliation.
— Anger of Luther, who will have peace at no price. — Bruck is of a similar
way of thinking. — Melancthon's chagrin and discouragement. — Cries of
reprobation against the attempts at reconciliation made by the professor. —
Luther's appeal to popular hatred. — ^The elector of Saxony clandestinely
leaves Augsburg. — Melancthon, to be reconciled with the Swiss, who could
not obtain a hearing at the Diet^ alters the text of the confession. — ^The
confession, considered as a dogmatic creed, does violence to the principle of
free inquiry.
When the Count Palatine, in the name of the emperor, had
pronounced the opening discourse, all present standing uncovered,
a herald-at-arms sounded the trumpet on tlie steps of the palace.
At this signal the gates of the great hall were opened, and the
most distinguished of the citizens entered, and took their seats
in the places which had been prepared for them. The emperor
had reserved several of them for the theologians of his own party:
— Justus Jona8 and Spalatinus, who died, it is said, in the faith
» Tisch-Reden, pp. 364, 865.
* Hist, de la Reformation, par Sleidan, lib. vii. torn. ii. p. 202.
THB CONFESSION 07 AUGSBURG. 333
of their maater ; Melancthon, who rejected some of the doctrines
of the Saxon school ; and Agricola of Eisleben, the leader of
the Antinomians, who abandoned and afterwards returned to
Latheranism, and died at Berlin, half Catholic and half Pro-
testant.^ Zwinglians, Anabaptists, and Carlstadians, were
mingled in the crowd. The Lutherans, who came to Augsburg
to demand liberty of conscience, were ready to co-operate in any
rigorous measures which the authorities might adopt against the
dissenting innovators.
Then the elector of Saxony, the margrave of Brandenburg,
Duke Francis and Ernest of Luneburg and Brunswick, Philip,
landgrave of Hesse, and Wolfgang, prince of Anhalt, rose from
their seats, and approached the emperor's throne. Then Oeorge
Pontanus (Bruck), chancellor of John the elector, requested his
majesty^s permission to read openly before the Orders the con-
fession of faith of the Protestant princes ; in the view of opening
the eyes of those who ascribed heretical opinions to them. The
emperor appointed them to meet him on the following day in the
hall of the episcopal palace.
In the mean time, he requested them to send to him the con-
fession ; but the princes excused themselves, under the pretext
that the copy had been hastily made, was full of errors, omis-
sions, and words deleted and illegible.'
The bishop's palace could not hold all the reformers ; many of
them were obliged to remain in the adjoining apartments, and in
the lobbies, where they waited with inexpressible anxiety the
effect of the reading of the reformed creed. The chancellor.
Christian Baier, who waa commissioned to read Mdancthon's
confession, had a sonorous voice. His words, listened to in
profound silence, were heard, it is said, in the court of the
castle, where numerous Protestants drew, from the silence which
was accorded to the reader, bright auguries for the future
prospects of their confession.'
When the confession was read, the emperor, whose counte-
nance evinced no emotion, gave a copy of it in German to the
* Sleidan, L c. lib. vi. p. 232, note.
' Goelestin. torn. iii. fol. 1 et aeq. MaimboiiT|f, lib. ii. p. 189.
» GiiBtaT Pfizer, 1. o. p. 628.
334 HISTOBY OP LUTHBE.
archbishop of Mayence, kept for himself the Latin one, which
he had received from the chancellor, Christian Baier,^ and dis-
missed the princes, after exacting a promise from them that they
would not publish the confession without his express permission.
Notwithstanding their promise, the princes caused five editions
of it in German and two in Latin* to be printed in the course
of that yery year, all presenting marked variations from each
other.
In the whole history of the Reformation, there is no more
luminous manifesto against Luther's mission than the creed of
Melancthon, known by the name of the '^ Augsbui^ Confession/'
A monk announces himself as the priest of God's word, as anew
Ecclesiastes or Eliseus. He desires that his authority should
prevail over that of the Catholic Churcbp; and people, either
misled or surprised, have walked in its light. At intervaJfl, God
raises up doctors who undertake the defence of the truth ; but
evil passions stifle their voice, and their profession is the great
obstacle which prevents their being listened to. But now the
Jeremias of the Reformer, the disciple on whom Luther has set
his affections, the child of his heart and teaching, when com-
pelled to show to the world the creed of the new teachers, pre-
sents, after many days of labour, a confession which smells of
the lamp, so much has it been read, reperused, corrected, and
blurred Luther countersigned and noted it with these remark-
able words : '' Let whoever teaches the contrary to this be con-
demned ! " Tet let it not be supposed that this was a faithful
exposition of the doctrines which he had hitherto taught. We
remember his violence towards Erasmus on the subject of free-
wiU,' which the divine prescience destroys in creatures; that
enslaving of man which he discovered in the Scriptures, and
which he imposes on our belief under pain of damnation. Well !
he consents to subscribe to the eighteenth article of Mdancihon's
confession, wherein it asserts " that free-will is to be acknow-
ledged in all men who have the use of reafion ; not for the things
' The originalB of the oonfessioii are lost. The Latin one was for some time
belieyed to be preeenred at Ma^enoe ; but Weber has proTed (Critisohe Qe-
schichte der Augsbarger Confession), that it was only an inAconrate transcript.
^ Schmidt^ History of the Germans, toI. yu p. 414.
' See chap. viii. Erasmus and Free Will,
THE CONFESSION OF AUOSBUBQ. 335
of Qoi, which cannot be b^on or completed without Him, but
merely for the things of this present life, and the duties of civil
society." Melancthon adds, in his '' Apology,'' to render more
intelligible a passage already so clear : " For the exterior works
of the law of Ood."^ But this is what Erasmus said, and which
excited Luther's brutality.
" I do not want your free-wiU," said the Saxon ; " keep it ;
if God were to offer it to me, I should refuse it/'* And now
he accepts it, and makes it an article of his faitL
It reminds us of that desolating axiom which he sought to
enforce with all his erudition : " That God works sin in us."
This was also a luminous ray which he derived from the Scrip-
tures, and which he accused us of rejecting ; and yet he declares,
in the nineteenth article, *^ that the will of man is the cause of
sin ! " Emser, Gochlaeus, Eck, and Erasmus, — ^poor doctors !
— ^it is scarcely five years since yon denounced that doctrine of
despair I What, then, had the Holy Spirit done ? — what so
disturbed the mind of the father of the Eeformation ? Was it
the letter that killed his understanding ? Whom, then, are we
to believe ? — Luther, in his pulpit at Wittemberg ; or Melanc-
thon, at the diet of Augsburg ? Let them now boast of the
illuminations which the Bible suddenly emits, and which are
possessed by any one who reads it. Either Luther was deceived
himself, or deceived others.
We have not forgotten the doctor's theories as to good works,
which he considers sinful, although done by a righteous person.'
To delude us, he corrupted the text of St Paul* by interpreta-
tions which made the Catholics remonstrate ; but he ridiculed
those Papists whom he dismissed to the schoolmen. If, to em-
barrass him, the epistle of St. James was quoted : '' What an
authority ! " he would say : " An apocryphal epistle, — an epistle
of straw ! " And yet, after all, we were right. It was Luther
who erred ; for now he says : " Good works are worthy of great
praise ; they are necessary, and merit reward."'
» Bo8BQet» Vamtiona, yoL i. p. 111. Conf. Act. 18, ApoL ad eund. loo.
* Lath. De Lib. Arb. adyer. Eras. Bot. torn. i. fol. 226.
* Lath. Assert. 86 omnium art. Op. torn. ii. fol. 525, 6.
* Mcehler, Symbolism, translated by Bobertson^ vol. i. p. 289.
» Synt. Gen. art. vi. pp. 12, 20.
336 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Let, then, all those sleep in peace whom Luther condemned
when, resting his elbow on the table of his alehotise at Wittem-
berg, between two pots of Torgau beer, he answered one of his
companions, who asked him whether a Papist could be saved, —
" Really, I do not know/'* Now Anthony, Bernard, Dominick,
and Francis, are reckoned among the saints by Melancthon's
" Apology ;" consequently they were sons of the true Church.-
It was only St. Thomas Aquinas whom he damns without mercy,
" probably," says Bossuet^ " because he was a Dominican/' We
may even henceforth, in all safety of conscience, assist at mass^
— that invention of Satan ;* — for, says the " Apology," the
Reformers have not abolished it.
" It is celebrated among us," continues Melancthon, " with
extreme reverence ; and all the ordinary ceremonies are pre-
served in it/'* At that time, indeed, a Catholic would have
been deceived on entering some of the reformed churches near
Wittemberg. With his missal, he might have followed the
priest, and recognised the introit, the kyrie, the collect, epistle,
gospel, credo, preface, sanctus, words of consecration, elevation.
Lord's Prayer, agnus, communion, and thanksgiving. The
tapers burned on the altars, the incense smoked, they sang in
Latin and German ; the priest had his vestments, the chasuble,
with the embroidered cross, the surplice, and the amice. Melanc-
thon had insisted on retaining the Catholic liturgy, which partly
remained in some remote provinces until his death, and then
was abolished, with the few truths which he had preserved. In
Bavaria, at certain Lutheran masses, you might still have prayed
for the dead, as was done in the primitive church ; this is
acknowledged by the " Apology," which does not prohibit these
pious efiusions. Mark this ! the veneration of the departed, the
belief in the expiation of souls in the next life ;^ these two great
superstitions, against which Luther had declaimed ; these prac-
tices of yesterday's growth, sprung from a papistical brain ! But
there is yet something more astonishing : '' Sodom and Qomorrha,
> Ttflch-Reden, p. 499.
' Apol. Reap, ad Argam. p. 99 ; de votis mon. p. 281.
» Von der Mease, Tiaoh-Reden, p. 886.
^ Forma Miasas, cap. iL Boaauet, Variations, book iii. p. 144.
* Boaauet, p. 135. Apol. cap. de Vocab. Mias. p. 284.
THE CONPESSIOK OF AU08BUR0. 337
the great whore of Babylon/' — ^the CathoKc Ghnrch, in short, —
IB restored to favour, justified, and glorified by Lather ; " for,"
says the ^ Apology/ " this is the soimnary of oar creed, in which
nothing will be found contrary to Scripture, the Catholic or
even the Roman Church/'^ What more can be wished? here
is an eulogy on tradition, an appeal to the doctors of the fiedthi
an ofiPering to the saints whom we revere. '' We do not despise
the dogmas of the Catholic Church, nor do we wish to maintain
the impieties which she has condemned ; for it is not irregular
passions, but the authority of (Jod's word and of the ancient
Church which has led us to embrace this doctrine to augment
the glory of God ; the doctrine of the prophets and the apostles,
the holy fathers, of Saints Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, &c/'*
But when did the reign of the ancdent Church terminate?
Neither Melancthon nor Luther have informed us. *It could not
have been in the fifteenth century, since Luther elsewhere calls
Gerson, who had condemned Wiclif and John Huss at the
Council of Constance, "in every respect an admirable man."'
So, remarks Bossuet, the Roman Church was still the mother of
saints in the fifteenth century.^
What, then, are we to think of this confession of fidth of
Augsbuxg ? Had Luther made it at the disputation at Leipsic,
wodd heresy have rent the Church, or Saxony been deluged with
the blood of the peasants ? Had there been a Melancthon in
1519, the religious revolution would not have taken place ; had
there not been a Luther in 1530, the revolution would have been
ended ; at least, we believe so.
On hearing this confession, the Catholic doctors were struck
with astonishment. They looked at each other, exchanged silent
.signs, and could not comprehend this guarded language, which
* Conf. Aug. Genevse, pp. 22, 23. Apol. Besponno ad Argmnent., p. 441
etseq.
* Besponsio ad Argument, edit. Geneyie, art. 21, p. 144.
While at the diet Melancthon, in the name of the reformed prinoes,
spoke thus of our Fathers, Luther wrote to Brenz : " Ben^ cum indignatione
admiror qnomodo Hieronjmus nomen doctoris Eoclesite, et Origenes magistri
ecdesiarum poet epistolas meruerint, chm in utroque auctore non fiusilb tres
versus invenias de fidei justitiA docentes, neoue Christianum uUum facere
fneas ex universis utriusque scriptis. Neque alius fuisset Augustinus,'* &c. —
trentio, 26 Aug. De Wette, tom. iv. p. 150.
^History of Variations, hook iii. p. 182.
VOL. II. Z
338 HISTOBT OF CUTHBE.
the Beformers ha4 always disdained ; this sober and cahn arga-
mentation ; this candid exposition, in which the ear vainly
expected an angry expression ; in which occasionally some
leaven of novelty fermented, or some heresy rose, but concealed
under the graces of a phraseology of which the model had been
for some time lost.
The princes were told that their confession would be carefully
examined, and that a formal refutation of it would be given to
them, at the time appointed by the emperor.
The Protestants wished that the Catholics should also draw
up their confession. '' What need is there for it V said Faber ;
'' we believe to-day what we believed yesterday, and what we
will believe to-morrow."
Luther, to whom Melancthon communicated the deliberations
of the diet, was sick at Coburg. With his imagination, which
coloured everything, he had given a poetical name to his new
prison. Wartburg was the Patmos of the new evangelist, the
citadel of Coburg was his Sinai. He had, as we see, grown
mighty. At Wartburg, he was an evangelist ; at Coburg, he is
Jehovah ; in the morning enveloped in clouds, in the evening
among owls.^
Luther was then suffering from pains in his ears and head,
and dizziness to such an extent that he could not even dwell
on serious subjects. ^' My head rings, or rather thunders,'^ said
he ; '' if I did not give over work, I should faint ; my head is
nothing but a small chapter, it will soon become a paragn^h,
and end by becoming a period."'^ ^' It is not a natural malady/'
■ He writes to Melanothon : " Wir sind endlioh einnud in nnsenn 8inai
an^relanget. Wir wollen aber auch diesem Sinai ein Sion machen..'* — ^L other's
8&nmtUche Werke : HaUe, torn. xv. p. 2827.
In the chamber occupied bv the doctor in the citadel of Coburg, and
adjoining a plantation, is the following inscription set to music : —
^
Sa^^^ag??
Kon mo-ri-arsed Ti-rametnar-ra-bo o - pe-ra Do • - - mi-ni.
M. Luiherus D. 15, c. 80.
> Lutberus ad Cordatum d. d. 23 Sept. ex arce Coburg. in Cosiest, torn, iii .
fol. 89, et Bttdd. Suppl. n. clxxzii. p. 211. " Totum hoc tempus, quo hlc fiii,
pend dimidium periit mihi otio molestissimo ; jam violentitis et pertinaeiiia
caput meum oppressit et vexavit tinnitus, sen bombus potiiis yentorum tnr-
bini similis." Ad Melanchth. d. d. 12 Maii ap. Budd. num. cxviii. p. 92, et
THE dONFESSIOK OF AtJGSBUBO. 339
he \nrote to his friend ; '^itia the finger of Satan that presses on
me. Bat if I cannot read or write^ I can at least pray, and
resist his arm. God permits me to sleep, walk about, sing and
play."' And elsewhere : " I have received yonr letter ; I was
learning to know Satan. I was alone, Veit and Cyriacns had
left me The devil did his business so well, that he forced me to
leave my chamber, and mingle with the residents.'" Sometimes
he sought refuge from temptations in the chapel of the castle, at
the foot of the cross.^ But a visible power tormented him more
than the prince of darkness; this was the emperor, whom he
studiously flattered in the letters which he wrote to his friends,
and which they might show to the prince. But from Melancthon
he concealed neither his fears nor his despair.
When at intervals the pains in his head become easier, and
his brain is free from. that misty atmosphere which conceals
from his eyes all the objects of creation, and even God himself ;
then, like Gcetz von Berlichingen nailed to his chair, he resumes
his pen to write to his friends letters in which all the fresh ideas
of his youth appear, and that poetic style which he alone of the
Beformers of his period possessed ; as in this jesting letter to his
companions : —
*^ A small orchard is above my window, quite a miniature forest,
in which the crows and rooks have established their diet. They
come and go, croak and scream incessantly, by day and by night,
as if they were drunk or mad. Both old and young scream
together, so that it is a miracle that their breath or voice does
not fail them. I should like to know if you have those noble
birds ; I believe they have assembled here from the four quarters
of the world. I have not, as yet, seen their emperor, but fre-
quently their margrave and barons. They hover and fly con-
stantly before me ; their attire is not veiy handsome ; they have
but one colour, and that is black. They all sing the same air,
but with slight variations, suited to their ages and ranks. I believe
that they are not very fond of fine palaces. The hall of their
Coelest. torn. i. fol. 41, 6. ** Caput tmnitibus, im5 tonitruls coepit impleii et
nisi f ubitb deaiissent, statim in syncopen fuissem lapsus, quam segrd hoc bidno
evBsi. Itaque jam tertia dies est, quod ne liiteram quidem inspioere volui,
nee potui. Caput menm &ctum est capitulum, perget rero fietqae paragra-
phus, tandem periodus."
' Gustav. P6zer, 1. c. p. 644.
Z2
340 BISTORT OF LUTHBB.
conference has for a ceiling a large and magnificent sky, and the
ground on which they rest their feet is a field, in which strong
branches serve for a table ; their boundary is infinity. They
have no need of horses ; for they have rapid wheels at ^eir com-
mand to escape firom the gun, or provoke the sportsman. They
are high and mighty lords ; but what they decide in their diet I
do not yet know. As £Ar as I am able to learn from a skilful
interpreter, they come to arrange a crusade against com, barley,
oats, malt, — in short, against all cereals ; and their knights
threaten to do wonders. This is my diet, in which I take great
interest ; these orders of the empire sing admirably, I assure you,
and live still better. It is a pleasure to see these noble knights
hovering in the air, sharpening their beaks, and preparing their
arms to plunder as they go along. Oo, and may the thorn be your
blazonry ! To conclude, I believe that these flights of crows and
rooks represent the sophists and papists, with their concerts of
preaching and writings, of which I must bear the assaults, and
listen to their chants and lectures ; a notable example, which
teaches us that this rabble has been created to cat whatever is
on the earth, and to yelp and scream for a long time yet."^
The Catholic doctors assembled, examined Melancthon's con-
fession, and condemned it, as opposed in many parts to the
d(^mas of the Church of Rome. They have been reproached
with acting more as scholars than masters in theology, in hold-
ing up with too bitter irony and too clamorous exultation the
versatility of the Lutheran doctrine. They would wish that the
heart of a theologian should be proof agaiiist vanity, and that he
could change his nature, and cease to be a man ; but that is
impossible ! A monk, who has been represented as an imp of
Antichrist, who for many years has employed- his learning to
prove that he has nothing to do with the spirit of darkness, and
that the pope is not the angel of the abyss foretold by St John ;
a monk, to whom his very enemies now open the gates of heaven,
while they bow before the pontifif whom until now they have
been constantly abusing, — may not this monk feel a little proud ?
And may he not be forgiven for having committed the sin of vanity,
* Gustav. Pfizer, Dr. Martin Luther*8 Leben, pp. 669, 670.
Luther has reproduced the same picture, but vrith different details, in a letter
to Justus Jonaa, 22 April, 1530.
THE CONFESSION OF AUOSBURO. 341
when his adversary has committed those of envy and wrath ? Sub-
sequently, Luther regretted that he had so readily agreed to ^ve the
kingdom of heaven to these wretched Papists ; and in his " Tisch-.
Rcden/' he cannot find enough of fire in hell to bum them.
The answer of 4;he Catholics was reconsidered at the emperor's
express desire.*
During the whole of Luther's existence, chequered by so many
controversies, sorrows, sicknesses, and temptations, there was no
time in which he suffered so much as at the diet of Augsburg.
On that occasion, his afflictions were the more acute, because
they proceeded not from the Papists, but from those who were
dearest to him in the world, his disciples, who were to watch
during his exile at Goburg over the common interests of the
Reformation.
Melancthon was weary of controversy. He was desirous of
peace for the remaining years of his master and for Germany,
which for fifteen years had shed so much blood and tears ; for
the head of the Church, towards whom his youthfrd prepossessions
drew him ; for that holy army of Catholic prelates, who fer so many
years had stood in the breach, and who, by an unbroken chain,
remounted to the very cradle of Christianity. At Augsburg we
were shown the doister where at evening he loved to walk,
recalling to memory that ancient legion of bishops whose remains
were covered by some sculptured slabs. To Melancthon's eyes,
antiquity presented something solemn. As he could not pass an
ordinary ruin without emotion, so he could not think without r^ret
that the Catholic edifice would crumble away one day like the
stones of the material building, for he had the weakness to believe
in his master's vaticinations of the approaching end of the papacy.
He wished to prevent that papacy from perishing, by preserving
the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Tradition, then, must be a beautiful
thing, since in that atmosphere of passions in which the Lutherans
at the diet were involved, Melancthon trembled at the bare idea
of laying hands on it. He wished to put an end to the schism,
and return without too much shame to the bosom of the Church
which he had left ; we know not what he might have done, if
the devil had not tormented him from his prison at Coburg !
* The firot report of the Cathdio commifiBion is partly to be found in CkskS'
tiuufi, Uistoria Comitiorum August, torn. ii. p. 234.
S4& HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Lather was ill ; a prey to pains which split his head as with
an axe, which hissed in his ears like snakes, and stmck on his
brain like thunderbolts or avalanches — ^for such are the similes
he employs to express his sufferings ; — ^yet, at the mere mention
of reconciliation, at which his disciple hinted in. one of his letters,
he gets up, takes his pen; and at the terrible word restitution,
heaps insults and calumnies on the Catholics. '' What ! we
restore ? Let them begin by restoring to us Leonard Eeyser,
and the many victims whom they have slain ! Let them restore
to us the souls who have been lost by their impious doctrines !— ^
the noble intellects destroyed by their fraudulent indulgences !
Let them Restore the glory of God, obscured by their blaj^phemies ;
— the clerical purity, which they have sullied and insulted ; then
we shall reckon and see to whom the balance is due ! '" ^
Melancthon felt his soul moved, and communicated his secret
griefs to the bosom of his master. Luther forgot his own suffer-
ings to revive the courage of his disciple. For a moment, a
blush had covered Philip's cheek when Faber quoted the passages
in which the Reformer maintained the necessity of auricular
confession. He had no answer to give. They could not be
rejected. The books were there, with the pages folded down at
the different places where the Catholic doctrine had been defended
by Luther. He could not answer, as Jonas did, when hard
pressed by his opponents, — that Lutiier, when he wrote them, was
then in the swaddling-bands of the papacy ; for he had by that
time burst them. Melancthon contented himself with candidly
laying the objection before Luther, who answered it in a singular
manner.
'' My adversaries quote my contradictions to make a parade of
their learning ; blockheads ^t they are ! How can they judge
of the contradictions of our doctrines, who do not understand the
texts which clash with each other ? How can our doctrine appear
to them otherwise than embarrassed with contradictions, when it
demands and condemns works, rejects and authorises the neces-
sity of rites, honours and censures the magistracy, affirms and
denies sin ? But why carry water to the sea ?"*
' JusiuB Jonas, 13 July. Do Wette, torn. iv. p. 89.
- '' Ciun Bimul exigat et (Uimnet opera, simal tollat et restituat ritus, simul
THB OOlfFSSSTON OF AUQSBUBG. S43
Is not this a strange refdtation i Melancthon was certainly
in no Iiuny to show it to Faber. There was not a Catholic in
all Germany who woold have attempted a similar justification in
answer to Luther.
At night, after the conference with the Catholic doctors waa
over, Melancthon returned to his lodgings with a heavy heart
and tearful eyes. His letters to Luther frequently conclude
thus : '^ We are in grief and despair." ^ '^ Brenz, who accompanies
and tries to console me, unites his teats with mina"'
Jonas was alarmed with these tears, as a sign of discourage*
ment, or perhaps of despair, and wrote to Luther intreating him
to rouse his disciple's courage ; but the master's voice was power-^
less. Melancthon was a victim to doubt His friends foresaw
afjEuilure ; and Obsopffius writes to Gamerarius : *^ They say, my
friend, that Melancthon behaves as if he were in the pope's pay,
and that, indeed, it would be impossible to find a better advocate
for the cause of popery than he. He acts like Architophiles,
say some ; like Erasmus, say others ; but I, like Melancthon
himself." »
Melancthon agreed that it was necessary not to strip the
bishop of his authority, to leave him the r^ulation of the cere-
monies of worship, and the maintenance of certain observances
and practices in use among his flock. Luther, without rejectmg
the bishop, denied his right to establish rules, which he gave to
what he called the Church or assembly of the faithful, and which
he made sole queen and mistress^ of the external or liturgical
ceremonials. ^'But," said Faber, ''who, then, will assemble
and convoke this Church, since you reject the pope's authority ?"
— " The bishop," replied Luther, "who is, in reality, nothing
magistratom oolat et arguat, simnl peccatum asserat et neget. Sed quid aquas
i& mare t"— Ph. Melanclktlioiij, 20 July, 1580.
' "Venamur hlo in uuBerrimia curia et planb perpetuis laorymis."— £p.
Mel. Mens. July, p. 21.
' " Brentius aasidebat bso scribenti et quidem laorynuum." — Ep. Mel. 25
Jan. 1530. Chytr. in Hist. Aug. Conf. p. 73.
' " Aiunt omninb : si conductus quanta ipee voluiHaet pecuniA It napA easet,
nunquam illius dominationem melitis potuisset asserere. Yooant quiaam Archi-
tophilica concilia ; alii qui modestiores sunt, Erasmica : ut ego puto> propria
ilhua."— Cam. in VitA Lulh. p. 135. Chytrseua, 1. c. p. 308. Ulenberg, 1. c.
p. 57.
844 HISTOBT OF LUTHER.
but a steward/'^ And seiiotig difficulties began to embanass
the mind of his disciple ; fiist, from the interference of the £sdth-
ful in mattexs to which they were strangers, the danger to the
doctrines from a popular action unrestrained by any authority, and
the degradation of the sacerdotal character from its dependence
on the multituda For example, if the people prescribe or reject
fasting, to whom is the appeal from their decision ? Melancthon
was folly aware that such a constitution directiy led to a denial
of the Lutheran apostieship ; for Luther had not assembled the
communion of the faithful to preach against indulgences, to
abolish monastic tows, to abrogate the mass, to mutilate the
Catholic teaching, to proscribe prayers for the dead, purgatory,
and some of the sacraments. If the bishop had not the right
to establish external practices, processions, or pilgrimages, could
a monk, of his own personal authority, efiface from the catechism
three principal dogmas, and like Luther give a new creed to the
Christian world ? Were not Eck and Faber justified in exclaim-
ing: '^ Oh ! misery of the human heart I"
Let justice be done to Melancthon. If the schism had been
represented at Augsburg only by conciliatory persons like him-
self, it would have been extinguished. He knew weU that large
assemblies are only calculated to foment party hatreds ; and he
therefore proposed to select from the two communions theologians
who should debate upon the controverted questions, without
calling any one to their discussions. This proposition had be^
received.
There were on both sides select individuals,— orators who were
accustomed to debate, and casuists versant in all the niceties of
controversy. The different articles of the Lutheran confession
were successively examined ; — ^faith, the merit of works, penance,
the sacrament of the Eucharist. The memories of Faber and
Eck were prodigious ; they knew Luther's works by heart
Eck, in his figurative language, assigned to the fiither of the
Reformation many heads, whose several tongues taught, according
to the times, different doctrines on the same dogma. The Reforma-
tion was no longer so haughty ; its language was less assuming.
The morning was devoted to matters of dogma ; the evening, to
those of discipline. Melancthon was present at all the conferences,
* MelanchthoDi, 20 July. De Wette, torn. iv. p. 105.
THB G0HFES8I0K OF AUGSBUBO. 345
and often repressed by his mildness the feelings which were
frequently on the point of breaking forth to destroy the work of /
conciliation, with which he connected all his reputation. Unfor- ^
tonatelyy what he effected with so much difficulty in the mom- \
' ingy was at evening submitted to the derisive and stem review '
of some Protestant puritans who desired neither peace nor tmce /
with Kome. Luther was the leader of these intractable men.'
Mdancthon, for example, acknowledged the authority of i
bishops for the advantage of political and religious society.
They had expelled the bishops from their sees, — ^he consented
that they should be restored. ^' And how dare we be so bold/'
said he, ^'to consecrate this triumph by bmtal violence, if,
the bishops leave us our doctrines ? Must I say what I think ?
Well, then, I should wish to restore to them both episcopal
power and spiritual administration. Without the Church had a
governing power, we should langtiish under a tyranny more in-
tolerable than the present.''^
He went still further ; he wished to preserve the pope as the w
visible head of the Church. On the 6th of July, he wrote to ^
the legate Camp^gio the following letter, the tone of which
bears a strong contrast to Luther's habitual acrimony : —
'^ We have no other doctrine than that of the Roman ChurcLi
We are ready to obey her, if she will extend to us those treasures
of good-will whereof she is so lavish to her other children. We
are ready to cast ourselves at the feet of the Roman pontiff, and
acknowledge the ecclesiastical hierarchy, provided iiiat we are
not repulsed. And why should he reject the prayer of sup-
pliants ? — why employ fire and sword, when the mptured unity
can be so easily hesded V '
Unfortunately the princes had advisers whose interest it was
to baffle the plan of pacification. They were courtiers who had
gained a brilliant existence since the Reformation, and who could
play the despot, under cover of their master's name, like the Chan- i
cellor Bmck, who concealed his hatred to the pope under zeal for
' Menzel, Keuere Geachiohte der Deutsohen, torn. i. p. S75 et Beq.
• "Video pofltea multo fore kitolerabiliorem tynumidem qu2un antea un-
quam fuit." — Ep. Camerorio, pp. 148, 151.
* CcelesL Hiat. August. Confesaioms, torn. iii. p. 18. Pallavicini, Hist.
Concil. Trid. lib. iii. cap. iii.
34^ UISTOBY OF LUTHEB.
region, and said, with a hypocritical tone of oompnnction, " that
he could not conscientiously acknowledge the Antichrist who had
been predicted by the apostle St Paul/'^
Melancthon replied to him : ^' Take care, it is dangerous to
overturn an edifice that has stood for so many centuries ; even
if the pope be Antichrist, we can live under him, as the Israelites
did under Pharaoh/' *
But Bruck's voice was more powerful His friends, formerly
in orders, but now occupying fine situations at court, repeated
with him : ''No peace with Antichrist^ and the beast of the
Apocalypse/' The magistrates joined the priests ; a numerous
faction, who had only embraced the Reformation to throw off
the sacerdotal yoke, and who had gained honours and wealth by
changing their religion. For a time Melancthon was decried,
and accused of treachery and venality. The meek disdple
yielded to the storm. He saw with sorrow that he had under-
taken a task which the evil dispositions of his brethren rendered
impossible ; " for," as he said to his master, in exposing to him
the wounds of the Reformation, '' it is not for the Gospel that
they contend, but for power. They give themselves small concern
for instruction and religion, and only aim at despotism and
licentiousness.''*
Bruck knew well that Melancthon's attempt to reconcile the
two religions would be defeated, for Luther was opposed to it
Every idea of peace appeared to the Saxon an impiety, a sacri-
lege While Philip employed his energies, his fervour of mind and
pen, and even his tears — ^which Gochlsaus unjustly considers hypo-
critical,^— to effect a reconciliation ; Luther, in his '' Commen-
tary on the Second Psalm," dedicated to that great martyr of
Catholic constancy, the archbishop of Mayence, appealed to the
hatred and stirred up the wrath of the German princes against
' Seckendorf, Comm. de Lutheranismo, lib. ii. p. 176.
' Coelest. Hist. Aug. Confess, torn. iiL p. 82. Miiller's Historie von der
evangelischen Stande Protestation. Melancthon's original reply and the anno-
tations of Bruck and Luther are in the archives of Weimar, £. t 87, n. 1.
Act. fol. 83 et seq.
' ''So sehr streiten unser^ Genossen fUr ihre Herrschaft, nicht fiir das
Evangelium."
* Cochlaei de Fraudulently Httsreticorum, Philippica I. apud Raynolduni^
ad ann. 1530, n. 85.
/
THE CONFESSION OF AUaSBURQ. 347
the papacy, and offered his blood as a holocaust for the triumph
of his passions.^
'' Let the king rage/' said he, ^' the pope roar, and the princes
storm ; our King reigns, and the Son of the house. My dear
masters, you shall leave him quiet, or else send him a challenge,
and throw in his hce your anger and defiance, so that he may take
precautions, don his armour, and build for himself a fort. But
shall we Germans not cease to believe in the pope until he has
provided us with a bath^ not of warm water, but of blood ? It
is fine fiin for the pope when our princes take one another by
the hair ; he laughs in his sleeve, and says : ^ These German
blockheads will not have me as pope, but here I am/ I am no
prophet, but I beseech you to take care that you have not to do
with the pope and his adherents, but with the devil and his
tricks, which I know/'
And as Melancthon seemed intimidated, he addresses him in
these contemptuous and insulting terms: '^ Whoever dies of
fear, should have the braying of asses for his funeral dirge ; but
for you, who die of sheer cowardice, what requiem should be
intoned?''
Spalatinus, like Melancthon, was anxious for peace. He waa
old, broken, and infirm ; the storms in which Luther had in-
volved him had worn him out. He only sought the grave, and
wished to descend to it quietly before Luther, for whom he sought
to procure some hours of repose.
At Augsburg, the Catholics anxiously urged the restoration
of the Mass. Spalatinus was inclined to restore the Sacrament^
but he was afraid to offend Luther. He accordingly wrote to
him a friendly and deferential letter ; and Luther thus rudely
treats him : —
'' It is Jesus Christ who has instituted the Mass, but he has
not spoken to his Church of private masses. It is not enough
to say : 'I have a good intention,' but rather, ' I have God ob
my side/ Let no new worship be introduced without the express
command of the Lord, as I have so often taught. You will say,
on the same principle : ' I wish to become a monk, on grounds
of piety;' but monks and private masses have all been con-
^ Menzul, Neuere Getachichte^- &c. torn i. p. 382.
S48 HISTOBT OF LUTHBB.
demned; they must not be again pardoned, lest they shotdd
revive. Let the robber be hanged ; it is his desert''^
What an immense advance towards peace ! Melancthon con-
sents to acknowledge the power of the keys and the supremacy
— consequently the infallibility — of the pope, episcopal jurisdic-
tion, the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and expiation in the present
j and future life by prayer and repentance. Justus Jonas is
willing to restore the property of the clergy, to give back his cell
I to the monk, his parsonage to the curate, and his palace to the
'] bishop ; and Spalatinus wishes to re-establish private masses
'and conventual life! Thus the Reformation was inclined to
conciliation ; it renounced Luther, and only preserved some old
grudges against doctrines which cost the self-love of its theo-
logians too much to disavow ; while it ended by agreeing with
Faber on the efficacy of works sustained by faith in Jesus Christ
But Luther was there, ready to extinguish and stifle all thoughts
of reconciliation : he desires neither peace nor truce, but war to
the knife ; one of the two must die. Woe to him who inter-
poses between Luther and the pope ; he renounces him as a
brother. Neither the blood which had flowed in Germany for
the triumph of doctrines which his disciples themselves are then
ready to disavow, nor that which is to flow in a no distant
future, the term of which Luther foretells, makes him tremble.
He is determined to carry out his design, and advance till he
finds no Catholic to oppose him ; until he has trampled under
his foot the old serpent, who is called the pope ;* and until the
pope has abolished the papacy.' " A pretty work you have un-
dertaken,'' he writes to Spalatinus, '' to reconcile the pope and
\ Luther ! The pope wishes to have no more to do with Luther,
\' than Luther with the pope ! If you succeed, I shall imitate
>you, and endeavour to reconcile Christ with Belial.* Let Pha-
raoh perish, provided Israel be saved. No peace with the
murderers who are choked with the blood of the just Abd,
and cannot Uve without drinking that of their brethren."^
' SpalatinuB, 27 July. De Wette, torn, iv. p. 113.
' Brentio, 26 Aug. 1530.
' ** Summa mihi in totum displicet tractatuB de doctrinas coiicordi&, ui qus
plaD^ sit impoaaibilifi nisi papa velit papatum aboleri." — Melauoth. 2(5 Aug.
' * Spalatino, 20 Aug. ^ Joh. Agricols, 30 June, 1530.
THE CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG. 349
When Charles V. is about to enter Angsbnig, Lather takes
care to sound his praise among the Catholics : according to him
he is a man of God, an ambassador from heaven, a new Augustus,
whom the wishes of the whole world attend ; and his friends do
not forget to ask the Papists if this is the austere theologian
who is constantly represented as the emperor's enemy. But
wait ; the emperor then has need of peace, and is desirous to
put an end to those religious dissensions which the Reformation
caused in Gkrmany. He allows the Reformers to live in the free
enjoyment of their churches, creed, and books ; and only de-
mands that they shall be silent until the council which they had
sought for so many years shaU have pronounced its sentence.
Then all is changed; no more hope must be placed in the
emperor's clemency ;' he and his councillors are no longer men,
but gates of hell ; judges who canno't judge his cause, and to
whom he will not give up a single bristle of his beard.^
The princes, influenced by Luther, were only watching for an
opportunity to quit Augsburg, and protest against the decree
with which the Reformers were threatened. They soon contrived
one. In a quarrel which was intentionally raised, a soldier was
killed ; the citizens concealed the murderer ; and during the
tumult, the elector of Saxony made his escape by the eastern
gate, at the very instant when the emperor, who had suspected
the intention of the princes, ordered a guard to be set there.^
Some days afterwards appeared the imperial decree, in which
Charles allowed the Protestants until the end of April, 1531,
'^ to examine whether they would return to the Catholic com-
munion, rather than persevere in their schism ; and to draw up
a statement of their grievances, to be laid before the council,
which was to be held in six months."
The princes protested against the refutation of their doctrines
1 Joh. Agriools, 80 June, 1580.
^ Melancihon, 18 June.
Oochlsns in Actis Lutheri, p. 282. " Interek dum h»c Hgerentur Angiistset,
Lntheras Tsurios edidit libellofl Teiitonioos, qnibns et Oesarem Germanisy et
episoopoB plebi ac nobilitati, odioeos reddere studebat^ et ii libri non solum
per diyersas Germanise urbes spargebantur ; sed et Augustam mittebaotur,
atque etiam palam prop^ curiam elecioris Siuonis interdum vendebantur." —
Be interdicto Gesaris d. 27 Julii promu]gato, yid. Auctor. Apologia mat. in
Mulleri Hist. Protest, et A. 0.
' CoBlest. 1. c. torn. iii. p. 187.
350 HISTORY OP LUTHEE.
by texts from the Bible. They complained of the silence with
which their reply to the Catholic doctors had been treated.
These complaints were presented by Brack to the emperor, who
would not receive them. The deputies from Strasburg, Mem-
mingen, Constance, and Lindau, refused to subscribe the decree
of the diet. Strasburg had embraced Buoer s confession, and,
a&aid of open violence, had formed a league with Berne, Zurich,
and Basle. The treaty bore, — that if the emperor or the princes
threatened their religious liberty, these three cities should send
troops to their assistance ; that Strasbui^ should famish 20,000
crowns of gold monthly for every thousand infantry ; that if the
Swiss cantons should be disturbed, it should pay a monthly
subsidy of 3,000 crowns of gold ; and that if the allies were
attacked, it would provide 10,000 measures of gunpowder, and
Zurich 10,000 of wheat, which were to be stored in Basle.
This convention was signed without the emperor's consent, and
was a felonious act, which Luther vaunted as a divine inspira-
tion. He forgot that he had stigmatised those Christians who,
under the name of peasants, had resisted the civil magistrates,
and shed their blood in defence of some obscure texts of
Scripture.
The confession of faith of the reformed Churches, which had
been presented to the emperor, was published in Germany.
Then were renewed the doubts, anxieties, and we must say
the merited chagrin of Melancthon. We are less severe, how-
ever, than a Protestant author, M. Charles Hagen, who does
not hesitate to accuse the favoarite disciple of Luther of having
deceived the Swiss.^ Melancthon said, in a letter to Egidius :
" If I seek to make peace with the Catholics, it is because I am
afraid of a union between the Wittembergians and Zwinglians ;
such an alliance would be the ruin of ail our Christian dogmas."^
Thus it was that he exerted himself to the utmost to prevent the
Zwinglians being heard at the diet ; and he was successful. But
he soon regretted having silenced the dissentients, and sought
to unite himself with the Swiss, although at the sacrifice of his
private opinions ; foj it must be admitted that Melancthon
* Man kann nicht laugneo, dam sich Melanchthon gegen die Zwinglianer
iiberbaupt perfid benommen, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 445.
* Egidio, 80 Aug. Corpns Reform, torn. ii. p. 382.
THE OOKFESSION OF AUGSBURG. 351
had never any settled conyiction, as is the case with irresolute
and gentle individuals. Place Melancthon before Sadoletus,
and he will renounce one by one the doctrines of the Saxon
school ; bnt we should not wish him to meet Luther on leaving
the conference ; one look or word from the doctor of Wittem-
berg will make him relapse.
The Swiss deputies returned in sorrow to their native moun-
tains, bitterly complaining of Luther's intolerance. Were they
not justified in so doing ? Like Luther, they had found in the
Bible that confession which, in the name of truth, they had gone
to make triumphant in the imperial city ; their sole crime con-
sisted in translating the Greek i<mv diiOTerently from the Saxon
apostle. Melancthon reproached himself on account of the
crying injustice which he had done to his brethren of Zurich.
There was but one way of pacifying them, and this was, if not
to remodel, at least skiUully to modify the confession which they
came to present to the Orders of the empire. Like an imperfect
scholar, be accordingly corrected his theme : we shall see how.
The 10th article of the original confession was as follows:
" With respect to the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, we hold
that the body and blood of Christ are reaUy present under the
species of the bread and the wine, and taken and distributed :
aJl doctrine to the contrary we reject."
The Catholic theologians were disposed to adopt this article,
on which they merely made a few verbal alterations to render it
still more distinct It was much too strong for the Swiss theo-
logians ; so Melancthon retired, and endeavoured to engraft upon
the unlucky article some learned obscurities, in which he was
successful.
The article, as we see, contains three propositions : the first,
wherein the real presence, and distribution, and manducation of
the body and blood are formally enunciated ; the second, in
which the change of substance or Catholic transubstantiation is
set forth ; the third, in which the trope of Zwinglius, Schwenck-
feld, and Carlstadt is rejected.
In the first proposition Melancthon cancelled some terms which
deprived it of its strong affirmative character. He took away
the second member, the conversion of the blood and wine, as
savouring of " popery," and substituted for it this ambiguous
352 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
formtila : that the body ancL blood of Christ are offered with the
bread and wine to the communicants. And with a stroke of his
pen he deleted the third member^ the visible sign of the condemna-
tion of the Sacramentarians.^
At Zurich, Melancthon's mutilations of the confession were
highly applauded, as inspired by the Holy Ghost ; the rignificcU
of the former curate of Einsiedlen preponderated over the Latin
est and the Greek i<mv. At Wittemberg, the rigid Lutherans
cried shame ! The elector was alarmed, and thought it his duty,
with a view to pacify their murmurs, to send George Pontanus
(Bruck) to Melancthon, to inquire of the professor the motives
for these doctrinal contradictions. Luther was present at the
interview, and did not spare his disciple. '' Who has given you
authority to alter a public confession?" he asked; ''the con-
fession of Augsburg is neither mine nor yours ; it is the creed of
all who bear the name of Christians in Wittembei^." *
The confession of Augsburg, considered as a dogmatic creed,
— the point of view under which Protestant historians have
j examined it, — attacked the principle of free inquiry laid down
/ by the Saxon monk, by giving to the Reformation a unity of
/ doctrine which it ought necessarily to have rejected. Catechisms
are inconsistent with the right of interpretation. In this con-
fession of £uth, the Reformation dethroned the individual reason
which it had so gloriously crowned. That reason is no longer
sovereign when dogmas, faith, and a creed are given to ha*,
s/ Luther had said to her, " Thou art free -" and now he damns
/ her, both in this life and the next, if she rejects the real presence.
He has given wings to thought, permitted her to soar to heaven,
investigate mysteries which God conceals from his creatures,
sound depths where no eye dares to penetrate, reject the authority
of centuries, the teaching of the &thers, the unvarying doctrine
of the bishops, and to believe what she pleases. But now he
clips her wings ; he makes her fall from heaven, and stretches
her on the bed of Procrustes. If she endeavours to stir, Luther
accuses her of rebellion and disobedience, and is ready to denounce
her as an infidel It was free inquiry that produced the Sacra-
^ Jacob And. in Cone, de Gone. D. 4. b.
* Selnec. in Praefat. uU. Conf. de Gcend, p.
\
THE CONFESSION OF AUOSBURG. 353
mentarians ; and when these sectaries come to Augsburg to
demand liberty of conscience, they constrain them, and seek to
impose a formula of £uth upon them : is not that authority ? ^
In Catholicism, at least, the mind willingly obeys, since it
believes that the Spirit of Qod rests in the pope, the living
image of Christ on this eartL But what are we to think of a
creed like the confession of Augsburg, written on parchment, and
which Melancthon elaborates, makes, unmakes, polishes, corrects,
restores, and transmits to Luther, who criticises, reviews, extends,
curtails, prunes, and patches it, to forward it by the first mes-
senger to his disciple, who proclaims this work of the Keforma-
tion as the manifestation of the truth and inspiration of the Holy
Spirit ? This singular gospel bears no resemblance to itself, for
in the five times that it was published within half a century, on
each of these five occasions it appeared with new variations ; ^
'^ until, after six successive overrunnings, it acquires the width
of a boot or Polish cloak, in which the good God and the devil
might easily conceal themselves.'"^
At present, every logical mind in the two Protestant and
reformed communions rejects confessions. Such, as M. De la
Harpe has lately remarked, '^ are contrary to the principles of
the Reformation. The principle of the Reformation is liberty,!
the right to choose, the right to place the Bible beyond thai
authority of men : a confession of &ith is the pope.''^
Melancthon's work is therefore condemned. Let us for an
instant consider him who took so much trouble to write it.^
' Pbilipp Niooki in seiner Yerantwortong an Petnun Plancimn, pp. 288,
289, 408.
* Andrew MubcuIhb, a Lutheran, said at the oonference of Hertzberg, that
the oonfeesion had twelve times changed its appearance. ** Dass die Augs*
burgiache Confeflsion wohl zwolfmale seye geandert worden." Calvin called it
a brand of discord. £p. fol. 524.
* " TJnd dadurch zu einem polnischen stiefel nnd weiten Mantel geworden,
hinter welchem der liebe Gott and der Tenfel gar bequem sich veigraben
konnte.** — ^Henke, quoted by Hoeninghaus, Das Besultat, &c. p. 476.
* First sitting of the Council of Lausanne, 1887.
* The religions question, agitated in 1580 at the Diet of Augsburg, is treated
at length in the following works : —
Vermahnung an die GeistUchen, versamlet auf dem Beiohstag zu Augsburg,
ann. 1530. Martin Luther : Wittenberg, 4to. 1530.
Confessio ezhibita CsBsari in comitiis Augustie, ann. 1530. Psalm czix. :
'' £t loquebar de testimoniis tuis in conspectu reg^um, et non confiindebar."
^ne Ermahnung Beimens-Weis, an ujisem allergnftdigsten Herm Carolum^
VOL. II. 2 A
354 HISTOET or IiUTHBB.
CHAPTER XXVI.
MELAKCTHON.
Melanothon at the oniTersity of Wittemberg. — Portrait of tbe profesBor.— Hit
mode of living. — Luther comprehends Melancthon.— Hia opinion of his dis-
ciple's commentaries. — Melanothon by his mother's death-bed. — ^His dombta
and weaknesses. — Luther's illness at Sohmalkalden. — ^Melanothon at Hague-
nan. — His influence on the Beformation. — His philosophical (pinions.
In 1518, Reuchlin wrote to Melanothon : —
" I send you the letter of our dear prince, entirely written by
his own hand, and in which he makes such kind mention of yon.
I will not speak to yon poetically; but I will speak as a prophet,
and nse the words which God addressed to his servant Abraham:
' Go forth out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and out of
thy father's house, and come into the land which I shall show
thee. And I will make of thee a great nation, and I will
bless thee, and magnify thy name, and thou shalt be blessed.'
((Jenesis xii.) Such is my prophecy, such are my hopes, my
dear^Philip. Courage, then ! send me your clothes to Stuttgart.
Then we shall see what you will want at Wittemberg : that is my
concern. If you will take my advice, you will go by Pforz-
heim and salute your mother, and after having taken leave of
your friends, you shall come to me. But do not tarry on the
Bomischen Kayser, Ferdinandum Seiner Majestat Bruder, KSnig lu Hunffem
und Behem, alle geistliche und weltliche Thurfursten und Fttrsten des heil.
BSmiscdien Reichs, den loblichen Bund su Schwaben, alle geist- und weltlich
Obrigkeit, damit ihnen Gott, der AUmachtige, in diesen jetst angehenden and
llbfgenommenen kayserlichen Reichstag und concilio an Augsburg den heil.
Geurty das Wort Gotten zu erhalten, geben und senden woUe, mit Auzeigung
der Heil. Schrifit gar htipsch, lieUic^ andachtig zu lesen und zu horen : 15S0.
EiD knrzer JLuszug aus dem piipstlichen Bechten, Decret und Decretalen, in
den Artionhiy die ungefahrlioh Gottes Wort und Evangelio gemass sind, oder
sum Wenigsten nicht widerstreben : 1580.
Auf den deutschen Ausszug ttbers Decret, von unbenannten Leuten gemacht,
Antwort D. Job. Coclei, ad senatum Lipsiensiem : Dressden, 1530.
Ad Oarolum Roman, imperatorem, fioei Huldrichi Zwinglii ratio. Ejusdem
que ad iUustrissimos Germanin prindpes Augustos congregates epistola.
Absdiied dee Reichstags zu Augsbuiv, ann. 1580 gehalten : Mayntz, 1581.
Romischer kayserlicher Mijesti&t Oranung und Reformation guter Polizey
in heil. romischen Reich, ftc 1530 zu Augsburg aufgertcht : Mayntz, 1584.
MBIANCTHON. 355
way, lest the place slip from yon. I have pledged myself for
your arrival. And that yon may see in what light you are con-
sidered at court, I send yon a letter from Spalatinns, the prince's
friend: this is all of importance that I have now to write.
I repeat ; pack up all your clothes, and send them to me to
Stuttgart; and that as soon as possible. Remember, first to
Tubingen to see your friends, then to your mother, then to Pforz-
heim to salute Augustine and my sister, and then fly hither.
Princes- are inconstant. Take courage, and act like a man. No
one is a prophet in his own country. I salute you. — Stuttgart,
the eve of St James. John Reuchlin." *
This was a fine letter from Beuchlin to his cousin Melancthon,
then not yet twenty-two years old,^ and whom Frederick the
elector invited to the professorship of ancient languages in the
university of Wittemberg. Schwartzerde, whose name Reuchlin
had gr»cised,^ mounted his horse and set out to Nuremberg,
where he contracted friendship with Bilibaldus Pirkheimer, a
noble youth much devoted to literature. He soon reached
Leipsic ; where he found Mosellanus, who filled the place of
Richard Groke in the Greek chair, and became acquainted with
Andrew Frank Kamitz, a youth of great promise, who subse-
quently became counsellor of Duke Oeorge Henry, and the
elector Maurice.
He arrived at Wittemberg on the 25th of August, 1518. A
few days after he delivered his inaugural discourse ; the subject
of which was the improvement of the studies of youth, " De
corrigendis adolescentise studiis." He was eloquent and diffuse.
Luther, who was one of the audience, frequently interrupted him
by his murmurs of approbation. Melancthon declared himself a
reformer, and denouncM^d the old scholasticism, the worn out form
of teaching, and the traditions of the past From that day a
* Dr. Fimnz Yolkmar Bamhard's Bammiliche znm Theil noch tmgedrackto
Beformatioiis-Predigten, part ii. p. 11 et seq.
* He was boni at Bretten, a small town of the Palatinate, 16 Feb. 1497.
On the town-house of Bretten is the following inscription :
** Bretta» qu6d egregii patria ea prsdara Fhilippi,
Hoc satis ex nno nobilitatis nabes."
* Beformations-Almanaoh, 1817, p. 24. Melancthon called himself PuUi-
Bolns, h pullns, Schwartz, et soliim, Erde. He only signs Melanthon, Heu-
mann, De Oausft cur Philippos Melanchthon fuerit creatus Doct. Theologiee :
Gottingae, 1757.
2 a2
366 HISTOBY OP LOTHBR.
secret Efympathy attracted to each other these two persons so well
formed for a feUow-feeling.
In a short time the large hall of the university could not
contun the numbers who crowded to hear his lectures.^ Among
them were to be seen counts, barons, margraves, princes, knights.
Melancthon successively explained the comedies of Aristophanes,
the orations of Demosthenes, Hesiod, Homer, Theocritus, Thucy-
dides, and ApoUonius. He was proud of his title of professor.
<< The life of a professor,'' he said to John Sturm, " is not so
brilliant as that of a courtier ; but how much more useful and
serviceable to mankind ! 0 sacred profession, which: teaches
us to know the nature of God, the duties of man, and the
wonders of science !" •
At Wittemberg they were astonished to see this delicate young
man, who kept his eyes fixed on the ground, beardless, pale com-
plexioned, and with a voice so weak that he could scarcely be
heard. ** Imagine,'' says one of his contemporaries, ^^ a iJiin,
spare youth, buried in the ample robe of a professor with hanging
sleeves ; a scholar apparently but fifteen, who, when he walked,
scarcely reached Luther's shoulder, but who is a perfect giant in
learning and languages. A fragile frame which contains we
know not what treasures of wisdom and erudition !"
When seated for the first time at his cousin Reuchlin's table,
he was served with some Rhenish wine, with which he scarcely
moistened his lips, but which violently affected his head, as him-
self informs us. Reuchlin had never more than two dishes for
his dinner, and one for his supper. He loved the society of
young people, especially when they were fond of study, and
opened to them his library, which was rich in fine editions of
the ancient poets. After two hours spent in silent study»
Melancthon and his companions walked in the garden, then
returned to table, where each guest had set before him a bottle of
white wine of the marquisate, which he emptied cheerfully, while
Reuchlin contented himself with drinking piquette (loram).
Philip suffered from wakefulness, of which he was cured by
attention to his diet and the use of Rhenish wine, which he
* Heerbrand's Leichenrede auf Melanchthon.
* Rainhard, 1. c. torn. ii. p. 15.
MELANOTHOlir. 867
gradually came to like. He vent rc^arly to bed after supper,
and rose at three in the morning to study. When it became
known that wine had been prescribed for him, he was supplied
with it on all hands. The elector Frederick, on presenting
him with a cask of Rudesheimer, said to him : ^' St. Paul
recommends good wine, and we must obey the apostle/' Melanc-
ihon obeyed. He preferred fish and vegetables to meat. When
at Tubingen, he used to have a plate of vegetable soup substi-
tuted for his plate of meat He liked his meat warm, and new-
laid eggs, and complained of the elector's table, where the dinner
was neither hot nor cold.^
At the first glance Luther saw what Melancthon was. At
their first interview, which lasted several hours, Melancthon
became Luther's, body and soul ; the treaty was signed. The
young professor brought to the monk a letter from their mutual
firiend Reuchlin. Some days had scarcely elapsed when Luther
wrote to one of his disciples : ^' I concur in all you say of our
Philip. He has delivered his first lecture with so much eloquence
that every one is charmed with him. I wish no other professor
of Greek ; what concerns me is to know how this delicate young
man will agree with our mode of living, and how he will be able
to support himself with the small income he receives. The
people of Leipsic already talk of taking him away from us.
He is indeed a man worth having." Some weeks later he wrote :
— " Philip is a much abler Greek scholar than you imagine ;
what an audience he has ! he has inflamed all theologians of
high and low degree with a sudden desire to learn Greek." *
In return for all those Grecian treasures which Melancthon so
liberally bestowed on him, Luther opened to his favourite the
sources of theology, a science full of attraction, which served as
an aliment to his religious reveries. His mind was naturally
inclined to contemplation. It was to satisfy his own inquiries,
and not to magnify the Reformation, that he devoted himself at
first with all the zeal of a convert to the study of scholasticism.
His progress was so rapid that Luther ceased to fear lest death
should interrupt the work which he had commenced : Melancthon
* Reinhard, 1. c. torn. ii. pp. 1 9, 23.
^ G. Pfizer, Dr. Martin Lnther's Leben, p. 610 et seq.
358 HISTOBY OF LUTHEB.
would doubtleBS complete it. " If I die," said he, " my work
will not be lost ; for my dear Philip will take it up, and with
Clod's aid finish it gloriously/^ In 1522, Melancthon had com-
pleted his scholia on three Epistles of St Paul ; it was this
commentary which Luther a^hnired so mucL Master Philip
(the name he bore at Wittemberg, for he was too poor to purchase
a doctor's degree) would not consent to publish it. " What does
it signify,'' said Luther, anxious for the glory of his disciple,
'* whether it pleases you or not, if it pleases me ? I tell you that
the commentaries of Jerome and Origen, compared with yours,
are nothing but absurdities." ^ But Luther could not overcome
Melancthon's timid modesty: his entreaties, reproaches, and
anger were unavailing. He then stole his Mend's manuscript,
and caused it to be printed clandestinely. But whether tiie
printer was too much hurried, or that Luther was not yet prac-
tised in revising proofs, the work appeared disfigured with errors
which caused its author much torture. He had not courage to
be angry, but he laughed with a melancholy which his master fully
comprehended. It was the first time that the eaglet left Luther's
wing to fly in the open air. Imagine then his confiision when
he fell heavily to the earth. The Catholics rejoiced at his fall,
and, in the mythological style of the time, compared Melancthon
to Icarus and St. Paul to the sun, whither the young fool had
flown to bum himself alive. Luther's voice alone could rouse
the commentator's spirit ; the master's praises compensated the
disciple for the criticisms of the learned world. What is truly
admirable is the composure of Melancthon, who did not become
angry with his adversaries, but received their blows as a merited
chastisement. Luther would not have treated his opponents bo«
Philip revised his work carefiodly, corrected the oversights of the
reader, upon whom he did not even frown for an instant, and
paid no regard to the exaggerated commendations of firiendship.
He firmly believed that St. Jerome was a more able commentator
than the professor of Wittemberg ; and he was right
It must be admitted that Melancthon throughout life was but
an indifferent theologian. When he endeavours to fathom the
' Die Commentare des HierooymuB und Origenes lautre Possen aeynd gegen
deine Aumerkungen.
MELAlffCTHON. 359
great problems of original cdn, the ML and the redemption of
mankhidy or the ori^n of moral evil, he does not comprehend
that the strictly supernatural character of the GathoHc £uth
rests npon a solid basis. He subjects all human actions to
necessity, and to humble the wise, proclaims that God teorks all
thtHffs,^ He imputes as a crime to the mediflBval theologians
that which is their best title to glory, — the position and a£Brma-
tion of the doctrine of liberty; subsequently he became sensible
of the abyss into which his fiitalist doctrines plunged mankind,
and to save them from it combated his former opinions.' Melanc-
then was a genius more accurate than fertile, a professor more
solid than brilliant, a rhetorician more simple than eloquent.
He loved euphemistic language ; his phraseology is especially
limpid and clear, free from imagery, but proper in the selection
of words. If the ear was pleased, it was as much by the harmony
of the sound as by the accuracy of the expression.
" The fond search for expressions which distinguishes Melanc-
thon,'' says a learned organ of modem Protestantism, " explains
also, to a certain extent, the perturbation of words, and conse*
quently of doctrines, which he threw into more than one of the
Wittemberg commentaries."' To attribute them to an excessiye
devotion to euphemistic language, is to colour awkwardly the
marked contradictions into which the professor fell.
The soul of Melancthon was superior to all the seductions of
vanity. Luther was his whole glory, his happiness, and adora*
tion. He always continued to be the ingenuous scholar who left
Thuringia to teach Oreek at Wittemberg, and who was caught
by Luther's doctrines like a bird by lime. The youth had
ever before his eyes the legend which he borrowed from his
professor of grammar, John Ungher of Pforzheim : '^ Cave ac
cede." ^ Never did the yoke of this great renown seem weighty
to him. It must also be acknowledged that Luther omitted
nothing to make it light for him. With Spalatinus, Amsdorf, and
> Melanchth. Loci Theologioi, ed. Ang. 1522.
' In 1522, Melanothon reproached the Bchoolmen with having taught the
doctrine of absolute necessity ; in 1536, of daring so far as to maintain that of
liberty.
* AnU Theod. Effner, Dr. Martin Luther und seine Zeitgenossen, part ii.
p. 16.
360 HISTORT OF LUTHER.
Jonas he had squabbles^ quarrels, and even threats ; he soolded,
pestaredy and frowned at them : bat for Melancthon he had only
words of sweetness and affection. " Isaias/' said Spalatinns,
'^ neyer raises his voice as in the Scripture : he neither thunders
nor lightens when his Jeremias appears to quit the road marked
out for him ; he is a &ther, who carries his weakness so fiur as
to shut his eyes to the faults of his child^ lest he should make him
weep.'' Melancthon was often culpable ; his heart was so tender
that when he turned a look to the past he could not, even before
Luther, conceal his sadness. If his grief was too acute, Melanc-
thon would hang oyer the bed of his little Anna, whom he would
fold in his arms, and who would stroke his beard, when he would
for a moment forget his sorrow.^ He had known the truth ; and
when he looked to heaven with an indescribable melancholy, he
would recal the image of his old &ther, the smith, as he rose at
night to kneel and pray to his Maker ; ^ and that last prayer of
his mother who, on her deathbed, had said to him : " My son,
you see your mother for the last time : I am about to leave this
world, and you also must die, and have to give an accoxmt of
your actions to the Supreme Judge. You know that I was a
Catholic, and that you induced me to abandon the religion of
my fore&thers. WeU, I adjure you by the living Ood, tell me
unreservedly in what &ith ought I to ^e V To which Melanc-
thon had answered: "Mother, the new faith is the most
convenient ; the other is most secure." ' Now, from the memory
of his old dying mother, and of his father, praying with so much
fervour to the saints, whom the Reformation would have wished
to make deaf to our devotions, there rose something to serve as
an antidote to the murmurings which his heart might have made
against the belief of those who had given him life : a ray of light,
that dissipated all the shadows which Luther had gathered with
such cruel care in a soul where faith and doubt contended so
strongly ; an ambrosia of truth which attended him, without his
1 Ant. Theod. Effner, torn. ii. p. 59 et »eq. Anna married the poet G.
Sabinus, and was unfortunate in her domestio relations.
^ "Geoi^us Schwartzer fuit vir pins et penb nsqne ad superstitionem
religiosus ; singulis noctibus hora 12 consuevit ^ lecto snrgere ad nsitatarum
precum recitationem." — ^Vitus Winshemius, in Orat. funebr. Melaochthonis.
' " Dieses ist zwar anuehmlicher, der Catholische aber sicherer." — ^^gidius
Albertinus, im 4. Theile des deutschen Lusthauses, p. 143.
MELAKCTHOlir. 361
4
being consdous of it, and caused him to be distinguished among
the rest of his brethren. Read his writings, and yon will see
that therein he teaches that eclipses, constellations, meteors, and
especially comets, are messengers sent to announce to men the
will of Qod ; ^ bnt never that the pope is the devil's vicar.
Twice or thrice he joined in the coarse anger of Luther, as, for
instance, in the caricatures of the pope-cus and monk-calf; but
he very soon repented of such complicity.
He wrote from Augsburg to one of his fiiends : ^* At Bome a
cow has brought forth a calf with two heads, the sign of an
approaching revolution.^' ^
He was at Torgau with other reformers to treat of the
pacification of religious matters. Despair had possessicm of
their minds : and Melancthon partook of their common fears.
During the debate, he went into a chamber adjoining that of the
assembly and saw a woman there suckling an infant, while at
the same time she was hearing a little girl say her prayers, and
was putting some vegetables into a pot for her husband's dmner.
Philip immediately returned to his friends with a beaming coun-
tenance. '^ What is the matter V asked Luther. '^ Courage,
master,^' replied Melancthon, " the women and children are on
our side ; I have seen them at prayers in the next apartment
God will not be deaf to them." *
While a youth Melancthon had sated his thirst at Catholic
fountains, and to them, in spite of Luther, in his riper years, he
■ Weislinger. Epist. Lutheri, paarim.
' AH the reformersy -without ezoeptioiiy belieyed in &8tnl inflnenoes ; An-
drew Osiander, more than all the rest. Not content with diaooTering in the
akies the signs of God's wrath against Borne, he sought for them in old pio-
turesy mannscripts, and popular legends. At Nuremberg, he met with some
▼erses of the end of the fourteenth century, and immediately wrote to his
friend John Petrens : " Tou have seen, I think, the old book in the senatorial
library, in which the future destiny of the popedom is clearly written and
foretold. In glancing through it, I. met these prophetic lines, which I hasten
to send you." And he transcribed :
** Papa cito moritur, Gtesar dominatur ubique
Bub quo tunc van! cessabit gloria cleri."
Osiander's original letter belongs to M. Al. Martin.
Consult, on the subject of astrology, the Tisch-Beden, pp. 570, 580, et seq.
Luther believes in the immobility of the earth, and bugha at those fools who
pretend that the sun is fixed.
^ Goes, quoted by Hosninghaus, p. 274. See Melancthon, Declamatio,
vol. i. p. 334 : Strasburg, 1558, De Dignitate Astrologi».
S62 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
felt tenderly attracted. He i^CBembles Dante's dove, ever
retoming to its nest, but with drooping wings. Probably had he
not been afraid of the world's censure, he might have retnmed
to Catholicism. To become reconciled to the Church he had
not, like Luther, to cast off an enormous weight of hatred, pre-
judice, and fanaticism. He was not far from the fold of the good
shepherd, when he wrote to Cardinal Campeggio, in 1547 (the
date is important, as at that time there was a complete rupture
between the Catholics and the Reformers) ; " We would acknow-
ledge the supremacy of the pope and the hierarchy of the
bishops, if the pope would not reject us \' ^ and to the chaplain
of Charles V. : " We would all be ready to obey the holy Roman
Church, so gracious to us as she has been in all ages to her
children, if she would concede to us a few unimportant points,
which with every inclination we cannot retract.'" ^ How much
then must Luther have loved Melancthon, when he forgave him
00 many doubts, hesitations, yearnings, and regrets for the past,
and so many failings and lapses ! Melancthon was led away by
every specious novelty that appeared in the religious world ; as
when Didymus discovered in a passage of the Oospel the neces-
sity for a second baptism of adults ; when Carlstadt invented
for the Christian a life of manual labour ; when the angel of
unknown hue appeared to Zwinglius ; or when Erasmus, in his
^' Hyperaspites," defended the liberty of man against Luther's
fatalism. And yet all these lapses, and many more besides, were
instantly forgiven ! There was -something so pure in the disciple's
devotion to his master, that Luther would have regretted to
disturb the youth's conscience ; and he left him in peace. There
were Amsdorf, Jonas, Spalatinus, Linck, and many other fiiends
also, upon whom the monk could vent his ill-humour when he
chose : but they knew how to retort when they required ;
especially Spalatinus, who sometimes had the obstinacy of a
Saxon, and suffered himself to be well smitten, on condition of
being heard, for which Luther could not foi^ve him. Melanc-
> Oonrad Scblusselburg. Theol. GalT.
' Wir sind erlnetig der heiligen romischen papstlichen Kircbe gehonam
Eu seyDj wofem sie oach ihrer Gelindigkeit, die sie zu alien Zeiten gegen alle
Volker gebraucht hat, etliche geriDgschatzige Dinge Iftsst hingehen, oder
nachgiebt, die wir jetzund, wann wir lUlbereit wollten nicht andern koonea.
X
MBLAKCTHOH. 86
thon, in the like circamstances, would have suffered in silence ;
his heart would have been broken with grief, sooner than he
would have breathed a single complaint. But how paternally
Luther concealed himself from his much-loved friend ! Once
only was nature stronger in him than friendship, and then it was
but a vague murmur which escaped him in Mekmcthon's absence,
and which he had confided to some friends, whom he had not
bound to secrecy. This was on occasion of the diet of Augsburg,
in reference to that confession which Philip had undertaken to
present to the emperor, and of which, like a skilful painter, he
had softened the strong colours, so as not to offend the eye of the
Catholics. He was so anxious for peace, that he would have
purchased it at all sacrifices, even of his self-love. When he
hears that his incessant revisions of the text are regarded by
Luther as indications of real weakness of mind, he then becomes
troubled, and humbly intreats pardon of his father. And Luther
immediately forgives him, and repents of his momentary irrita-
tion, as of a sin !
'^ I was bom to contend with the devil," said Luther ; ^' hence
my writings are full of fury. It is my destiny to roll rocks and
masses, to eradicate thorns and briars, to fill up marshes, and
trace out roads ; but Philip has another mission : he walks
silently and softly ; ^nd builds, plants, waters, and sows in peace
and joy of heart." *
There are two scenes in the history of the reformers, of which
Lucas Cranach might have made two exquisite paintings : this
was when death threatened to separate them.
Luther feU dangerously iU near Schmalkalden. Melancthon,
at his master's request, wrote to George Sturz, physician at
Wittemberg : ** I implore you not to lose a moment, that such a
man as Luther may not be without advice. It is a duty to hasten,
when we are called to assist our neighbour, and you know that
the Lord will look on whatever you do for Luther, as if you had
done it for Ood himselt"
The physician came. While he was feeling the sick man's
pulse, tears streamed from the eyes of Melancthon. Luther
observed his disciple's affliction, and raising his hand, said :
R4)formatioDB-Almanach, p. 26, note.
364 HISTORY OP LUTHBE.
" Do not weep, Philip. Do you not know what Hans Loescr is
wont to say ? ^ It is no hardship to drink good ale ; bnt to drink
bad, — ^that is the difficulty/ I am accustomed to the apothecary's
draughts. God be praised, I shall not lose my courage in this
struggle with death.''
The danger passed away ; and Melancthon, on the assurance
of the physician and at his friend's express wish, had returned to
Wittemberg, whither, in a few days after, a letter from Luther
followed him. " God be praised, my dear Philip ; in this night
of trial the Lord has had pity on you, your tears, and your
prayers, and has come to my aid." " God be praised I" replied
the disciple to his beloved master ; ^' from the bottom of my
heart I return thanks to the Father of mercies, and the Saviour
of all, that he has sent a remedy to your sufferings and your
sorrows. I rejoice in your convalescence, both for your own
sake and that of the Church of Christ : and my joy increases,
because I see, in your restoration to health, a sign of the mercy
of God on our little flock.''
In 1540, Melancthon set out for Haguenau : he fell sick at
Weimar. Before leaving Wittemberg he had consulted the
stars ; ^ the stars were silent, but he had a dream and fancied
that he should die on the way. He accordingly made his will,
in which Luther was not forgotten. '^ I thank the worthy doctor
Martin Luther for having taught the doctrines of the Gospel ;
and especially for the proofs of affection which he has showered
upon me from day to day : I desire that all my friends may
honour him as a father, for no one better than myself knows
with what heroic courage, what strength of mind, and what
remarkable virtues God has endowed him ; let all love, honour^
and trust him with their whole heart, as I have ever done."
At the first intelligence of his friend's indisposition, the
elector ordered his carriage : Luther accompanied him. When
they entered his chamber an alarming sight presented itself to
the Reformer's view : the eyes of the eicpiring man were closed,
his reason gone, his tongue cold ; and he was quite unconscious.
Luther took the elector aside, and said with heavenward look,
" See how the devil has spoiled our work !" While the prince
' Herrnscbmidt, Yit. Lutb. ch. xii.
MELANCTHOK. 865
was looking on the livid countenance of the dying man for some
sign of hope, Luther turned towards the window, and prayed.
When he was done^ he returned to his friend, took him by the
hand, and inclining to his ear said to him : " Courage, Philip,
you shall not die ; Qod could take you from us, but he desireth
not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should be converted
and live. He will not abandon or forsake you; he will not
permit pestilence or despair to triumph over you, my friend.
Gome, then, no despondency or self-sacrifice ; but turn to the
Lord, the giver of life and of death.'' ^ Then, according to some
historians who do not believe in the miracles worked by the
intercession of the saints, God heard the prayer of his servant.
Melancthon opened his eyes, recovered his senses, sat up in his
bed, and took the doctor by the hand. " I should have died,"
he said, ''if Luther had not snatched me from the grasp of
death." ^ Luther also believed that a miracle had been wrought
on this occasion by the omnipotence of prayer. " Prayer," said
he, '' does wonders : in our days has it not raised the dead, —
me, my Eetha, and Master Philip Melancthon ? It is a trifling
miracle, if you will, to deliver the body from its sufferings, but
it must not be kept secret for the sake of weak souls." ' It
would be difficult to reconcile the power attributed by Luther to
prayer with the jhtalism which he professes in his treatise '' De
Servo Arbitrio." How, in his system, could a few words articu-
lated in a low voice arrest that inexorable destiny, that necessity
which urges and impels man with its leaden hand, which nothing
resists, and which shall itself be broken against the tomb-stone ?
What is become of his double anthropomorphism of good and
evil ? There again he is unfaithful to his own doctrines. If his
* Unschnldige Kaohrichten, torn. xzv. p. 859.
* " Qni nisi ad me venisset, mortuoB eaaem." — HerrnBchmidt, 1. c.
' " Dtts Kirchen-Gebet thiit grosse Mirakel. Es hat zn unserer Zeit drei
▼on Todten anferwecki : mioh der idi oft bin todt krank gelecen ; meine HauB-
fran Ketha die auch todt krank war, und Magistrum Philippum Melanch-
thonem, welcber Anno 1540 im Winter todt krank lag."— Tiash-Reden: Els-
leben, fol. 436, 496.
See also the chapter, Vom Gebet, l^h-Reden, p. 207 et aeq., wherein the
doctor, daring a season of drought, implores the Lord for rain, and is imme-
diately heard.
Eben dieselbige folgende Nacht damach kam ein sehr guter firuchtbarer
366 HISTOBT OF LUTHER.
appeal to tradition in his dispute with the Sacramentarians is a
triumphant refutation of his principle of free inquiry, his prayer
by Melancthon's death-bed is quite a Yolume against his slave*
will.
Melancthon has rendered few services to the Reformation as a
theologian, and many as a writer. Augusti has remarked that
the Lutherans borrowed from him a portion of their terminology.
We must beware, however, of exaggerating the influence which
the professor exercised upon literature. People are mistaken
when they say that he was the first in Germany to perceive the
utility of elementary works for the use of the scholar.- We have
seen that the Catholic schools, taught by the monks, all possessed
Greek and Latin grammars and lexicons prior to the Keforma-
tion. Hip love for antiquity may be commended, but not at
the expense of truth. Our feelings are frequently excited by the
passionate accents with which the professor of Wittembeig hails
the triumph of the Muses. But long before him, doctor Eck,
Luther's great antagonist, exclaimed at the sight of that holy
flame which he contributed to light : '' Oh happy age, in which
Ignorance is sent back to its obscurity, sophistry falls under the
merciless shafts of ridicule, so many Latin, Greek, and Hebrew
works are brought to light, and in which our eyes are dazzled by
that literary pleiad composed of Erasmus, Wimpheling, Pirk-
heimer, Cuspinian, Peutinger, Beatus Bhenanus, and Henry
Bebelius : oh, how happy we ought to be that we live in such a
golden age as ours I" ^
Melancthon had studied at Tubingen, with Stadianus, Aris*
totle's philosophy, and conceived the intention of introducing it
at the university of Wittemberg ; where it was then only known
by the exposition of Master Peter Tartaretus.® Melancthon
did not admit without restriction the celebrated axiom, '^ nihil
est in intellectu, quod non prills frierit in sensu :"" he believed
with Plato that the images which the senses supply to the mind,
are only the occasional causes which develope general ideas. He
acknowledged the existence of three minds, the reasoning, the
' Eiederer, Nachiichten zur Kirchen- uod Gdlehrtengeacbiohte, torn. iii.
p. 44.
* Expositio magiBtri Petri Tartareti super rammiilas Petri Hispani cum
allegatione paasuum Sooti, Doctoris subtilissimi.
hjther's policy. 867
sensitive, and the y^etative. His arguments in favonr of the
immortality of the incorporeal substance, are partially borrowed
firom the moral harmony of the world : metaphysical arguments
appear to him of small value to prove the non-materiality of the
mind. He calls astrology, physical destiny; and his opinions
considerably strengthened the £uth which people then had in
that pretended science.^
CHAPTER XXVII.
LUTHER'S POLICY. 1581, &o.
League of Sohmalkalden. — Lntber attacks the Diet of Augsburg with his pen.
— ^His Warning to the Germans, to which Mehmcthon sappHes a prelaoe.— >
How can Luther's audacity be explained ? — An anonymoufl writer answeri
Luther. — ^His reply. — His theoxy on the right of resistance. — His letters to
the abbess of Bissa. — ^The Anabaptists rebel, and have recourse to anns.
Melancthon's efiForts to restore peace to the Church of Oer-
many had been rendered abortive by Lather. It was at the
latter's instigation that Philip of Hesse suddenly left Augsburg,
in defiance of the emperor's orders. The Protestants entrusted
their destinies in the hands of this prince, whose character his-
tory has described as an alehouse hero, very valiant when there
was no danger, and a thorough cowaid when it in the least
approached him.^ Under his auspices a league, offensive and
defensive, was concluded at Schmalkalden by the Protestant
princes, from which he broke off at the first demonstration of
the emperor's wrath, and which he renewed until Charles V.,
after the battle of Muhlberg, so fatal to the Reformation, made
the landgrave expiate his perpetual waverings by throwing him
and John Frederick into prison, where they would have died,
had Maurice of Saxony not delivered them.'
The league of Schmalkalden must have been fatal to the repose
of the country. Luther had impelled the princes to rebellion.
* Histoire de la Philosophic, par Buhle, trad, par Jourdan, torn. li. p. 424
et. seq.
* Reformations- Almanach, 1817, p. 411 et seq.
' Schmidt, History, &c.
368 HISTORY OF LUTHBR.
Scarcely had the diet of Augsburg been closed, when Luther
wrote to denounce it in a sort of savage war-song, which he
entitled : " Warning to my dear Germans/'^
" Woe to you/' he said, " who have defended the papacy at
Augsburg ! Shame fall on your heads ! Posterity will blush
for you ; it will scarcely believe that it had such ancestors.
Oh ! infamous diet, such as never had and never will have your
equal ! you have covered with infamy our princes and the
nation, and stamped your seal on the brow of our Oermans
before God and men. What will the Turk, what will the
Muscovites and the Tartars say, on hearing such a scandal ?
After this, who will fear or respect us Germans, when they
know that we have permitted ourselves thus to be insulted,
ridiculed, treated as children, as stocks, as stones, by the pope
and his gang, and that, to amuse this rabble of Sodomites,
we have suffered truth and justice to be crushed under the
weight of this scandal of scandals ? Every German must be
ashamed of the name of his country/' ^
After the diet of Augsbui^, a Protestant casuist asked if it
were consistent with a Christian's duty to wage war with the
emperor ? He wished a reply that might set at rest the remorse
of his conscience ; and he found it in Luther's " Warning."
'^ When," said the monk, " cut-throats and bloodhounds have
only one desire, — of killing, burning, and roasting, — there is no
harm in rising up against them, in opposing force to force, and
sword to sword. We must not regard as rebellion what these blood-
hounds call rebellion. They would wish to shut our mouths and
bind our hands, saii prevent us from employing against them either
pen or fist. That they might preach at their ease, and live
without fear or danger, they would like to make use of violence,
and alarm the world by the cry of rebellion. Very fine, my
friend, your definition is worthless ; I tell you so, and I shall
prove it. Whoever resists the law does not rebel; rebellion
only is when neither magistrates nor justice are tolerated, —
when they are openly attacked, — ^when Uie insurgents seek to be
masters and tyrants, as was the case with Munzer : ^ aliud est
* ViTaraimg an meine lieben Deutschen; in Latin, Gommonitio ad Germanos,
with a prefieiM by Melanothon.
* Lather's Werke : Altenb. Menzel, torn. i. pp. 428, 424.
luthbb's policy. 369
invasor, alind transgressor ;' such is rebellion. To resist, then,
these bloodhounds, is not rebellion ; papist and oppressor are
synonymous terms. That is rebellion which has neither human
nor divine law on its side, but wickedly resembles a murderer
and madman.'^ ^
How quickly have dried these tears which Melancthon shed
at the diet of Augsburg, when that fierce puritan Bruck opposed
all plans of reconciliation with the Catholics ! Were they not,
then, merely hypocritical, as Gochlisus said ? At Wittemberg,
Luther dares to ask his disciple for a pre&ce to his '^ Warning
to the Germans ;''* and Melancthon unhesitatingly complies with
the request ! He consents to inscribe his name on the first page
of a diatribe, in which the red hat of a cardinal is constantly
called a hat of blood ; in which the pope is designated a mad
dog; and Catholics are insulted, anathematized in this world,
and damned in the next as idolaters and murderers ! He ought
to hide his fiice.
Were we less acquainted with the Saxon monk, we should
perhaps be astonished by his appeal to rebellion, drawn up in
terms so transparent by one who, instead of a manger, cradled
his Christianity in ducal ermine. But of whom has he to be
afiraid ? if necessary, to defend him we should see arise all the
princes whom he has enriched with the plunder of the churches
and the monasteries, the great and powerful lords, who would
prefer open revolution to restitution. The Protestant princes at
Schmalkalden have concluded a league offensive and defensive.
They have protested against the elecjaon of Ferdinand to the
title of king of the Romans, and on all sides are preparing for
battle.' Already some of the electors are privately arranging an
alliance with Francis I., thus sacrificing the greatest glory of a
people, — ^its nationality. Daily new cities withdraw firom the
Teutonic confederacy ; Eslingen and Heilbronn have agreed to
the convention of Spires ; Henry VIII. has renounced Catholi-
' MenzeFs Nenere Geaohichte, &o. torn. i. p. 425. Luther's Werke : Leipzig,
torn. zx. p. 807.
* Dr. Martin Luther's Wamang an seine lieben Deutschen, Fhilippi Me-
lanchthon's Yorrede.
' M. Michelet^ M^m. de Luther, torn. iii. p. 22.
VOL. IL 2 B
870 HtSTORT OF LUTHER.
cism, and the Turks are within a few days' march from the capital
of Austria. Accordingly, Lather has nothing to fear.
A Catholic of Dresden had the courage to denounce to Oer-
many the seditious doctrines of the " Warning." He attacked
Luther to his face, stripped the wily monk of his serpent-skin,
exposed the latent venom of his pamphlet, and held ,\if to con-
tempt the political and doctrinal versatilities of his adversary.
This Dresden writer was a deep thinker, a warm-hearted German,
a prophet for whom God, as He often does, had lifted a comer
of the veil which conceals futurifcy.
Luther answered him in his usual style, steeped in gall and
wormwood ; ^ he revived his exhausted chimera of popery to alarm
the Germans.
** The Papists/' says he, '' vend at Leipsic a disgraceful and
anonymous pamphlet against me ; from whom it proceeds no one
knows, and I care not to know either ; for once I wish to have
the catarrh to he unable to smell the rascal. But I shall beat
upon the sack ; let the ass beware ! If I hit him, it will not be
the ass but the sack that I have beaten.
'^ When my adversary says that I urge the Germans to rebel-
lion, he lies like an arrant knave, like a real Papist My books
are publicly sold with my name distinctly attached to them. What
have I said ? — that if the emperor wishes to war against God, we
ought to refuse him obedience. What of that ? He translates
this as if I had taught that we ought in every case to refuse
to obey the emperor and the authorities. Tou will see that
St Maurice and his glorious knights are eternally damned for
having refiosed to obey the emperor, and fight against the Lord.
But know, that when Luther speaks of disobedience, it is towards
the tyrants who set themselves against God."
Luther sets himself to depict the outrages of the Catholic princes
agsdnst the disciples of the Gk>spel. He points out these dogs who
thirst for the blood of the Christians, and are known by the name
of pope, cardinab, bishops, priests, and monks, as ready to strangle
every Lutheran ; and he asks if these martyrs whom they seek to
cast to the beasts of the amphitheatre should sit with their arms
* Wider den Menchler in Drefiden, Luther's Werke : Leipzig, torn,
p. 38a«
Luther's policy. 371
folded, and suffer themselves to be slain like sheep led to the
slaughterhouse. '^ No, no/'*>he says, '^ I, the priest of the Lord,
ought to bear all that, but for the others I cannot allow the
i^rants so to use them : expect, yon bloodhounds, to be treated as
murderers. No, no, you know well that a Lutheran who pro-
tects himself against these murderers is not a rebel.
'' For more than ten years I haye caressed them and humbled
myself : to what purpose ? Has not my patience only made them
worse, as it once did the peasants ? Well, since they continue
impenitent ; since their only desire is evil ; since they are
abandoned by God, henceforward let them not expect from me
one word of pity ; I shall follow them to the grave with my
imprecations and anathemas ; I shall ring their fnneral-kneU
with the thunders and lightning of my wrath ! ^
'' For I can no longer pray without cursing. If I say, ' Hal-
lowed be thy name ! ' I add, ' Cursed, 0 my Ood ! be the name
of Papist, and all those who blaspheme Thee I' If I say, ' Thy
kingdom come,' I add, ' Cursed and destroyed be the papacy, and
all the kingdoms of the earth who rise ikgainst Thee, 0 my Gh)d l'
If I say, ' Thy will be done ! ' I add, ' Cursed and annihilated
be the designs of the Papists, and of all those who fight against
Thee, 0 my Gk>d ! ' Such is my daily prayer, the prayer of my
lips and of my heart, and I hope it will be heard ; for I am a
gentle, mild, and loving Christian, as my enemies know by
experience."*
To what must we ascribe these transports of fury which inces-
santly recur in the Reformer's polemics ? To that feverish over-
excitement in which his struggle with the Catholics always kept
him, say the Protestant historians of our time. They know not
Luther ; anger with him is not always the spontaneous effusion
of a distempered brain ; it frequency falls from his pen like a
cipher. Read attentively his '' Warning to the Oermans,'' his
reply to the murderer of Dresden, his commentaries on the edict
of Charles V. at Augsburg, and you will find in them a display
of coarse expressions, a parade of furious epithets, a proud luxury
of insulting synonyms, which savour of the orator, and which he
* " Hoc oonvitiorum ezecrationiimque tonitm ao fulgar erit mibi campa-
narum instar, quibus ad sepolturam ipsoram insonabo."
' Luther*8 Werke : Leipzig, torn. xx. p. 344.
2b2
372 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
has collected in his dictionary by dint of search ; he is a scholar
who labours at his theme with his lexicon in his hand.
Germany was not duped by the art with which Luther handled
insults, pretty much as the sculptor handles stone, — ^plasticly.
From all quarters he was asked to express himself more clearly,
and to reply distinctly to this question : " Are we entitled to wage
war with the emperor ? " They remembered that a few years pre-
viously it had been submitted to Luther in nearly similar terms,
and that he had declared that, as subjects of Caesar, the princes
could not war with Gsesar, not even with Caesar's subjects.^
They accordingly waited wi& mischievous curiosity for Luther's
answer : they soon received it.
" If the emperor wars with us, he either wishes to destroy our
religion, or prohibit the free exercise of it If such is his design,
Charles loses his right as emperor, and becomes a mere tyrant.
It is, then, useless to ask if we may have recourse to arms to
defend our &ith, in other terms, the word of Christ It is a
duty to fight for our wives, our children, our servants, and our
dependants.
'^ If I live a little longer, I shall demonstrate that we are obliged
to defend ourselves against a powerful injustice. First, let us
not forget that the emperor is the head of the body in the tem-
poral kingdom, and that each individual is a member of the social
body, which he is bound to defend and protect ; for, if he for-
sakes it, he in a manner commits suicide.
" The emperor is not the only monarch in Oermany ; there are
other princes who are the living members of the empire. The
duty of each of them is to watch over the welfare of the state.
If, therefore, the emperor should invade the liberties of Germany,
it is the duty of the princes to resist him.
*' But can the emperor depose the prince electors ? and can
these princes, in their turn, depose the emperor ?
** Here an important distinction presents itself. There is in
every person a real duality : he is a Christian and a citizen. As
* " Aller FUraten TJnterthanen Beyen^ach des ELajsera Untertbanen, ja mehr
denn der Ftinten, and es schicke sioh nicht» daas Jemand mit Gewalt des
Kaysen TJnterthanen wider den Kayeer, ihren Herm, Bchtitze. Gleichwie
dich'a nicht zieme, dais der Btlrgermeister in Torgau woUte die Burger mit
Gewalt aobUtzen wider den CbarfUisten zu Saohsen^ so laoge erChurfUrst sei."
— ^Menzel, torn. i. p. 290, note.
Luther's policy. S73
a Christian, he neither eats, drinks, prosecutes, nor has any part
in the temporal government of the nation ; he mnst therefore
suffer and endure eveijthing.
'' As a citizen, he must protect and defend himself and all
belonging to him, in virtue of the obedience which he owes to
the laws of the kingdom.
'^ Let a wretch attempt to offer violence to my daughter, I kill
him, or call for assistance : the duality becomes effaced ; in my
person there is nothing but an individual, the outraged father,
the citizen.
'' Then let us remember, that if the emperor attacks us, he
does not act motu proprio, but is the instrument of tyranny, the
slave of the pope and the Soman idolatry ; it is therrfore against
the pope that we rebel, and not against the emperor.
** They will say : * But David, chosen by God to be king, and
consecrated by Samuel, would not resist King Saul; therefore
we ought not to resist the emperor.^
''Once more let us observe the distinction. David at that
time was not king, he had only the sovereignty in expectation ;
so, in a similar case, we do not take arms against Saul, but
against Absalom, with whom David went to war, and who fell by
the hand of Joab/'^
It seems that Luther could not determine more clearly the
right of every citizen to rebel against his prince. Some of his
disciples, however, who felt their consciences affected, urged him
again to express himself categorically.
• Luther replied to Linck : '' No, my dear friend, I have not
given advice to those who ask me if they may resist the emperor.
But as they say that a theologian has nothing to do in this
matter, of which the solution belongs to the jurist, I have said :
' If the jurists can demonstrate that they can lawfully make war
with the emperor, I am of opinion that they should obey the law.'
I admit that the prince, as prince, represents a political indivi-
duality, and that, in the sphere of his princely rights, he does
not act as Christian."*
To Spongier : " ' Render to Caesar the things which are
1 Propos de Table, translated by M. G. Bronet, p. 183 et aeq.
' Wenceelao Linck, 15 Jan. 1831. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 213.
374 , HISTOBY OF LUTHEB.
Caesar's/ Now, what is Gsesar's is to resist him when he pre-
scribes what is unjust. I say : We must obey all that G»8ar
or the law has established. Now the law in each case prescribes
resistance ; ergoy &c. We lay down the major proposition, —
that we must obey the sword in matters poUticd ; the minor
we neither maintain nor wish to know. I therefore draw no
conclusion ; that is the province of the jurists. If they prove
the minor, — ^and that does not concern us, — we cannot reject
the conclusion, since we prove the major." ^
And somewhat later, to John Lubeck, minister of the '' Word"
in Gotbus, when the question of right of resistance is before
him : —
'^ If it is lawful to resist or make war with the Turks, much
more is it with the pope, who is worse than the Turks. Now if
Caasar should enrol himself in the service of the Turks or of the
pope, let him reap the fruits of his conduct. In such a case, our
friends are of opinion that Caesar is no longer Caesar, but the
constable and soldier of the pope. When King Joachim wished
to slay Jeremias, the princes of Abikam resisted his sanguinary
orders. Now, our German princes are more independent of the
emperor than the princes of Abikam were of King Joachim ; he
is not an absolute monarch ; he cannot confiscate to his own use
the authority of the electors, and alter the constitution of Ger-
many, without their being entitled to resist him."*
We confess that we are unable to understand how Doctor de
Wette, who has collected with such pious care the letters which
we have quoted, was not afraid to write, in the face of Germany, •
* '' I^ate Ccesari qu» sunt Gssaria, et Ceeaaris est sibi reBistendum esse in
notorib injustis. Qiiiquid statuit Cesar seu lex Cssaris, est servandmn. Sed
lex Btatuit resistere sibi in tali casa. Ergo resistendum est, etc. None mi^'o-
rem nos haotenus doouimus : qubd sit obediendum gladio in rebus politieis.
Sed mlnorem nos neque asserimus, neqne soimas. . . . Qn6d si juristss minorem
probaverint de quo nihil ad nos, non possamus conclusionem negare qui docui-
mus majorem."— Lazaro Spenglero, 15 Feb. 1581. De Wette, torn. iu. p. 222.
* "Si igitar licet contra Turcam bellare, seu se defendere, malt6 magis
contrk papam qui pejor est. Qu6d si Gassar sese misouerit inter pape vel
Turcae militiam, expetet sortem tali militiA dignum. Ideb nostri judicftmnt
Os«arem in hoc casu Ceesarem non esse, sed miUtem et latrmiem pape. . . . £t
cum rex Joiaklm vellet Jeremiam occidere, restiterunt principes Abikam et
alii. Jam principes Germaniie plus juris habent contrk Csesarem quam popu-
lus Abikam contrit Jo][akim."-^ohanni Lubeck, ministro verbi in Cotbos,
8 Fob. 1539. De Wette, 1. c. fom. v. pp. 159—161.
luthbe's policy. 375
'' The Gospel makes obedience even to unjust powers a duty,
and Luther incessantly preached it/'^
At the time when Luther fatigued his hand in heaping up
against the Catholics the worn-out abuses of Gelsus and Por-
phyry, he addressed to the nuns of Bissa two letters, in which
his filthy fancy difiuses itself in imagery exclusively his own.
We recognise in them the priest who five years ago discoursed
upon marriage. He again descants upon those painful neces-
sities for sexual intercourse, which he so warmly painted in the
pulpit ; and, to show that the creature is obliged to give way to
those carnal appetites which impel the sexes irresistibly towards
each other, he sketches the life which he supposes to be led by
the sisters at Rissa. We shall only give here the superscription
of one of those letters : '' To the mother abbess of the brothel at
Rissa !"* On hearing of this epistle, which a market-porter at
Wittemberg would not have dared to write, George of Saxony
felt his face flush, and complained like a soldier to John the
elector of this outrage by Luther. The elector was ashamed,
and sharply reprimanded his prot^g6^ who on this occasion had
the courage to lie and deny the letter.
Now the original, entirely autograph of the monk, remains
between two blank leaves in the historical archives of Weimar.
While writing these lines, we have before us some eloquent
pages firom the pen of C. H. L. Poelitz, of Leipsic, on the spirit
of liberty which the Reformation developed.
" Hail, 0 sacred liberty ! " exclaims the doctor. ** It is for
thee that the apostles contended, the martyrs shed their blood ;
for thee Arnold of Brescia and Peter of Vaud raised their voices ;
for thee John Huss was burnt ; for thee Luther was put to the
ban of the mpire."'
M. Poel; z has not, then, heard the cries uttered simultaneously
by the Sacramentarians, Anabaptists, and all the sects who
^ " Grelionam gegen die Obrigkeit, nnd selbst die nngerechte, gebietet freilich
dii8 Evangelium, und Luther weiBS dies nicht genug einziucharfen." — Ueber
den seltlichen Greist der Refbrmation in Beziehung auf nnsere Zeit. Before
matjona- A Imanach, 1817, p. 257.
' An den Hurenwirth, an die Hurenwirthin in Riiusa.
' Die Aebnlicbkeit des Kampfee um bttrgerlicbe und politische Freiheit in
unsenn Zeitalter. SO Oct. 1817.
376 HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
demand firom Luther that liberty of conscience which he pro-
mised at the banning of his apostleship ?
The Anabaptists, weary of waiting, came to the determination
of making prevail by force of arms tiiat " Word of God" which
Wittemberg desired to stifle.
CHAPTER XXVIII.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 1584—1586.
Foroed to leave Augsburg tmlieard, they enter Westphj^ia.— Minister reoeiyes
them. — Rothmann diaturbB the city hj his preachings. — Description of him.
— Melchior Hoffinann. — John of Leyden is proclaimed king of Mnnster. —
Riots caused by the Anabaptists in tiiat city. — ^They establish community of
goods there. — It is besieged by Bishop WaJdeck. — Is captured. — ^Execution
of the prophets. — David Gkorge or Jons.— The Anabaptists chatge Luther
with the evils which stain Germany with blood.
Anabaptists, Zwinglians, Lutherans, Caxlstadians, and Buce-
rians, all assembled at the diet of Augsburg.^ The Anabaptists
were the most fervid ; on the very day of their arrival, without
having obtained permission from the senators, who were nearly
all Lutherans,^ they opened conferences, whence they sent
forth a daring defiance to those who differed from them. A
Lutheran having accepted the challenge, inquired of the Ana-
baptist, " From whom have you received mission to preach V —
"Prom whom?" replied the Anabaptist; "do you not, then,
know the book which your master says he has been reading all
his life ? Now, what is yrritten in this inspired volume ? — that
the charity of Christ is a sufficient warrant to preach his word/'
To prove that the Lutherans had not this testimony of which
the apostle speaks, the Anabaptist gave a satiric sketch of the
morals of the Reformers. He represented the disciples of the new
gospel scaling convents and carrying off the nuns, making merry
with them in taverns, cramming themselves with meat and wine,
and indulging in all licentiousness. The people laughed.
' Mesh. lib. v. cap. xv. xviii. &c.
^ Senatus eoim ferb totus Lutheranus. — Ibid.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 377
But the Lutheran seized the moment when the laugh ceased
to answer his adversary.^
'' Apostle of iniquity, you corrupt St. Paul, you blaspheme the
Gospel Doubtless all Christians ought to practise the works of
charity ; but every Christian is not called to announce the divine
word. To disseminate it, you must have other titles and another
mission than holiness and love for your neighbours/'
"Vocation, without doubt," returned the Anabaptist; "I
understand you ; but tell me from whom you have it ?"
" From the magistrates ; it is from them that we have received
authority to publish the Gospel"
" And I from our churches ; are not our churches as good as
your magistrates ? Open, then, our common book, which is for
you a dead letter, but for us the life ; where do you find in it
that Christ has bestowed on the magistrates the power of sending
apostles, and of saying to them, ' Go, preach, announce the word
of life, in the name of Christ, the Saviour of men V "
Then the Anabaptist became inspired, lifted his eyes, seemed
as it were absorbed, and then, with the voice of a prophet, an-
nounced that he came in the name of the Lord, who had appeared
to him in a dream, and said : " Arise, take the road of Augsburg ;
lo, I shall be with thee on the way, I shall precede thee, as the
bright star went before the wise men. I shall put wisdom in
thy mouth ; thou shalt preach my word to the people of the
imperial city ; I shall soften their hearts, and streams of honey
shall flow from thy lips."
Generally some police, sent by the senate, put a stop to these
religious exhibitions ; the Anabaptist descended from the pulpit,
and went to excite the people in some other quarter.
Elsewhere another preacher, who came from Munster, assem-
bled his audience to a conference in the open air. He was one
of the thousand theologians called into life by the sun of this
new Sion of modem times, which was reverenced in their dreams
by all those sectaries whose minds Luther had unsettled. These
fanatics wished to play the part of the Saxon, called themselves
prophets, and gave themselves the names of Elias, Enoch, and
' All theee arguments had been recently repeated in a disputation which took
place at Strasburg, in 1532, between the Lutherans and Anabaptists. See
Bullinger, Adversus Anabaptistas, lib. ii. cap. xiii.
378 HTBTOBY OF LUTHBR.
Moses ; poor creatares^ whose brains had be^ tamed by the
'' Captivity in Babylon ;" uninstracted minds, who had suddenly
emerged from the obscurity in which they should have died, and
who, perverted by reading heretical works, fiincied themselves
called to regenerate the world.
From being, before Luther's appearance, a perfect Thebais,
quietly resting under the direction of its pastors,^ Munster
suddenly became a city of confusion and disturbance, restless,
uneasy in its obscurity, and aspiring to be the rival of Wittem-
berg. It was rich and commercial, and had cultivated literature
with considerable success. Its university had acquired some
fiEune in the learned world. It loved antiquity, especially Greece,
whose poets it had interpreted or elucidated. This was its
passion, until the time when it opened its gates to the Saxon's
disciples ; then that city — half-Oreek, half-Latin, by its man-
ners and instincts — ^threw itself into the theological controversy,
and its professors abandoned the study of Cicero and Homer,
to become interpreters of the sacred volume. God knows
what novelties they discovered in these inspired writings which
our priests had never taught ! Then, dl the classic divi-
nities fled from Munster, like swallows in the spring, but
never to return to it; and in their place came a punctilious
theology, to disturb the peace of students, professors, and
people.
At this moment appeared a pretended restorer of the Oospd
text. Bernard Rothmann, curate of St. Maurice-without-the-
walls, had for some time begun to teach Luther's doctrines.
The senate, who dreaded his seductive preaching, ordered him to
leave the city and go to Cologne to study theology, which he
had not sufficiently cultivated. Rothmann departed, taking
with him a considerable sum which he had received for com-
pleting his studies, and which he spent on the way. He went
to Wittemberg, where he frequently saw Luther. On his return
to Munster, he resumed in his church his religious conferences,
less to attack the doctrines than the person of the Catholic priest
On the feast of St. Lambert, the Franciscan John of Deventer
had preached upon purgatory : at the conclusion of his discourse
* Meshovius, lib. vi.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 879
Rothmann excited the passers-by agaixmt the firiar, whom he
denounced as an infidel and son of perdition. The bishop sus-
pended him^ but Bothmann set the prelate's threats at open
defiance, and sketched out thirty articles of belief which every
Christian must adopt if he wished to gain heayen. The
rector of St Maurice closed the church doors against the mad
preacher ; but beside the church was a charnel-house, in which,
by means of some rotten planks, Bothmann soon erected a tem-
porary pulpit, whence he thundered against the images. Scarcely
had the preacher concluded his dithyrambic, when his audience
rushed into the churches, and broke down the altars.
But Bothmann had be^ in a special manner seduced by
Zwinglius. He was a thorough fanatic of the tropical sense
revealed to the curate of Einsiedlin. To defame the Catholic
d(^ma, he mixed in the same dish bread and wine, of which he
made a sort of porridge, which he distributed to his communi-
cants. On one occasion, to prove that the body of Christ is not
under the species of bread and wine, he took a consecrated wafer,
which he broke and trampled under foot, exclaiming, ^^ Where
then is the flesh and blood ? If God were there, you would see
him rise from the ground, and take his place on the altar." ^
Generally of an evening, Bothmann and some of his disciples
met in the gardens of the syndic Wigger, to discuss the articles
of the new creed which should rule the heavenly Jerusalem, the
empire of which God was to give to his disciple? Among his
auditors was the syndic's wife, who was seized with a violent
passion for Bothmann, whom she married after getting rid of her
husband by poison.^
* " Anfimgs hatte er Semmel and Wein in eine groBBe SchiiMel geiluui, nnd
die Communicanten darauB zugreifen laaeen. NachmaU hielt er das Abend-
mahl mit Oblaten, war aber so eifrig dabei die Lehre von der leiblichen
Gegenwart zu widerlegen, dan er wohl die Oblaten zerbrach nnd mit den
Worten zur Erde warf : Seht, wo ist hier Blut und Fleisoh ? Wenn das Gott
ware, wUrde er sich wohl von der Erde aufheben and an den Altar stellen/'— -
Bopii^ Wahrhaftige Historie wie das Evangelium zu MUnster ange&ngen :
1536.
' ''Habebant conjogem mirabilem qnie coepit inaanire amore Bothmanni,
quapropter et Tiram yeneno interemit." — Looorum commanium collectanea
k Johanne Manlio exoerpta, p. 488. M. Banke, in the third volume of his
History of the Reformation, p. 657, note, finds a mat analogy between the
religious doctrine which Rothmann professed in his von tidliker nod irdischer
Gewalt, and that which Robespierre proclaimed on 8 June, 1794.
380 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
Meanwhile some Anabaptists, expelled from different parts of
Qennany, came for shelter to Monster : they were disciples of
Melchior Hofimann, the prophet of Soabia, who for some time
had exhibited his foolish ecstasies in Belgium and Holland.^
They had several conferences with Rothmann, who, convinced by
their aigoments, or perhaps irritated with Luther for condemning
the disturbances at Monster, became a convert to Anabaptism
and one of its most enthusiastic aposties. Bat this fresh
apostasy injored his fortunes. John Bockelson, tailor at Leyden,
and John Mattys, brass-foonder at Haerlem, who had recently
come to Monster, and boasted of an intimate commonication
with the Deity, soon became the idols of the popolace. As Hoff-
mann, who had for some weeks retomed to Monster, had a
ready, ornate, and extempore flow of langoage, and was pretty
well versed in the Scriptores, Bockelson, who soon assumed the
name of John of Leyden, selected him f(v his (»rator and
secretary. Henry Rolle, a monk of Haerlem, gave the signal
for those epileptic scenes, in which the wretched inhabitants of
Monster were for so long to discover divine manifestations. He
rolled on the groond, twisted aboot his arms, roared, foamed, and
with mod-stained lips called upon Christ ; and Christ, according
to the fanatics, immediately descended from heaven. The crisis
ceased, and the demoniac announced that God had appeared to
bim, and ttjat it was now time to do penance. To do penance,
m\E to demolish the churches, raze the monasteries, break the
imag^, and melt the sacred vessels to distribute the money
obtained for them to the poor ; to pillage the rich, and hasten
the kingdom of the heavenly Jerusalem, where the children of
God should have community of goods and wives. Another
prophet fell with his face to the ground, and from the gutter in
which he rolled, announced that God commanded the people of
Monster to choose John of Leyden for their head ; and Munster
had its king.^
John of Leyden soon had a royal mansion ; before him walked
two young men of family, one bearing his majesty's crown, the
other hm bare sword ; and in the public square was set a
* Bjinke, 1. c. tort. iii. p. 631.
Meozel, Neuere Geschichte der Deutschen, torn. ii. p. 52.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 381
tbrone, covered with cloth of gold, on which he sat to administer
justice.
On the 27th February the Anabaptists assembled at the town-
halL Whilst they knelt in prayer, the prophet appeared to be
plunged in a deep sleep ; suddenly John of Leyden awoke, and
casting a wild look on the multitude, declared that Ood had
revealed to him his divine will. '^ Away with the children of
Esau,^' he exclaimed, '^ the Lord's inheritance belongs to the
children of Jacob/' Then the multitude, as if it had received
a message from heaven, cried with one voice : '' Away with the
children of Esau !" and all the Anabaptists precipitately
descended the ste|» of the town-hall, burst open the doors which
were closed upon them, and drove before them all who refused to
be re-baptized. Eersenbroik, an eye-witness of those frightful
violences, committed at the time when a hot sun was melting the
snow that covered the ground, depicts to us the poor little
children holding their fathers' hands, mothers carrying in their
arms their new-bom infants, and old men leaning on their
staves, who at the city-gate were forcibly deprived of their last
fruiihing and last morsel of bread.^ The Anabaptists were
masters of Munster.
An edict was issued which, in the name of Christ and his
Gospel,* commanded that all the churches should be razed to the
ground. The people obeyed ; and a mob, who asserted them-
selves to be filled with the Spirit of Gk>d, might be seen breaking
with axes the church-doors, burning the organs and pulpits,
dn^ng the statues and pictures into the market-place, where
a huge fire soon reduced them to ashes, tearing the relics from
their shrines, tossing to the winds the bones of the early martyrs,
drinking out of the sacred vessels, and ending, by the light of
the altar candles, by frdfilling in the sanctuary the injunction
given to our first parents to increase and multiply.
On this day of profanation, Munster was styled the new Sion,
and a rescript posted by order of John of Leyden, decided that
as only one book — the Bible, was necessary for salvation, all
others should be burnt as useless or dangerous. Two hours after
' Keraenbroik, Historia Anabaptistica, MSS.
* Catron, Hist, des Anabaptistes, book ii.
382 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
the library of Rodolph Langins, almost entirely oomposed of Greek
and Latin manuscripts, perished in the flames.^
After this doable victory over the living and the dead, the
Anabaptists bethought them of organization. An order of the
prophet, posted and proclaimed in every street, commanded each
inhabitant to carry to the town-hall iJl the gold and silver he
possessed: this was obeyed without mormnr. In the new
society no one conld any longer have private property : all goods
were common, and woman was considered a treasure which eyery
member might enjoy. The titles of smith, tailor, and shoe-
maker were considered as honourable distinctions. At mid-day
and evening large tables were spread, at which they ate together.
To eyery table a brother and sister were appointed to serve the
guests by turns, while from a wooden pulpit one of the number
read porfcions of the Bible.^ Meanwhile, a few of the citizens,
under the guidance of a goldsmith named Mollenhoech, endea-
youred to organize an opposition to the prophets. At first they
were somewhat successful ; but the people, especially the opera-
tives, who had tasted the sweets of life without labour, united,
attacked, and routed Mollenh(ech's associates, after a sanguinary
combat. The prophet's vengeance waa terrible. EnipperdoUing
was appointed executioner : and every morning he cut off the
heads of some of the vanquished.^
But at length Ood hstd compassion on his old church of
Munster. She had for her bishop a man still young, of masculine
courage, ready if needs were, when his chapter made it a law for
him, to gird on the soldier's sword in defence of his flock. At
the sight of those German prelates, armed from head to foot
and bestriding their war-steeds, our surprise is great : but this
astonishment ceases when we have studied the constitution of
the German empire. We then know that at the yoice of the
* MesbovitiB. Catron, Hist, des AnabaptisteSy book v. p. 101.
* Ordinatio politicl Begiminis k 12 senioribua reoeDS introducta (§ 9). " lit
in rebiiB administrandifl legitimus seiretur ordo, pnefecti hujus rei, officii sai
raemores, ejtisdem generis fercula usi hactenus, fieri oonsuevit dngulis diebua
fratribuB sororibiuqne in disjunctia et disparatis niensis modesii et cum vere-
cundift sedentibns apponent."->KerBenbroik, p. 218.
% * '* PoBne exeontio Knipperdollingo committitur, qui singulis diebus aliquoe
pro arbitrio sno productos et tandem ad unum omnes capite plecUt." — Ker-
senbroik, 1. o.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 383
chapter, the bishop, who, in those remote times, both blessed and
fought, had in his stables a horse always saddled, and armour
ever ready, to defend, even to bloodshed, the rights of those
under his authority. The new bishop was the count of Waldeck,
who laid siege to Munster.
The besieged believed themselves bound to strict obedience to
John of Leyden, as to another Moses. He mustered them in
the public square, and offering to them a piece of bread : '^ Take
this," he said, " and announce the Saviour's death." And
men, women, and children threw themselves on their knees,
munched the bread which the prophet gave them, drank the wine
which the women distributed to them, and rising up, exclaimed,
"Here we are!" "Will you obey Gods word?" "Yes!"
"Well then, our heavenly Father orders that twenty-eight
doctors immediately go forth to teach the nations. And of the
thousand who offered themselves, six set out for Osnabui^h, six
for Warenburg, eight for Susat, and eight for Coiffeld. They
were all captured, put to torture, and led to the scaffold, pouring
forth with their dying breath anathemas on all unbelievers.
The city was sore pressed : the people were famishing, and
one of John of Leyden's wives murmured and complained. He
led her to the market-place, made her kneel down, cut off her
head, and then intoned a canticle of thanksgiving, in which his
other queens joined.^
Munster could hold out no longer : the garrison, decimated by
jhmine, was soon reduced to eat vermin, and men were appointed
to hunt for rats. Every sick person who died was immediately
devoured ; and people even killed their children and ate them.^
• Spring had covered the ramparts and the gardens of the city
with a little verdure. John of Leyden caused it to be cut and
distributed to his soldiers ; but a violent wind, accompanied with
snow and firost, swept away those blades of grass ; and had the
besi^ed not made a successful sally, in spite of the prophet's
orders, they would have perished with hunger. Not one voice,
* Sleidan, lib. z. Ghytneus, 1. o. lib. ziv. Conr. Heresbach, Blst. Anab.
Van de Yomftemste Hoost-Ketteren : Lyden, 1608.
* ** Sdo pueroe comesoB ibi ease, id quod ab lis aaditum mihi est qai in
roliqiuaB qoaadam oi^tA urbe ejus rei testes inoidenmt." — Corrinns ad Spa-
latinum.
384 HI8T0RT OF LUTHES.
however, from among the famished crowd was raised for mercy.
The bishop who pressed the siege had compassion on these
wretches, and sent a soldier to John of Leyden, to summon him,
in God's name, to surrender ; but in vain. The Anabaptists
encouraged each other to die : one of them, mounted on a white
horse, like that of the Apocalypse, sounded a trumpet, and pro-
claimed that the dead would rise from their grayee and come to
the assistance of the town. But the dead slept their eternal
slumber. For a month the cannon battered the walls of
the rebellious city without effect; when treachery opened its
gates, and the bishop's army marched into the great square.
There remained no more than three hundred Anabaptists, who,
intrenched behind wa^ns, sought death singing hymns.
Hunger made their arms faJl from their hands ; and they were
spared.*
John of Leyden still fought : the lance of a soldier unhorsed
him. He was seized, bound with cords and chains, and dragged
before the bishop. The prelate was on horseback, upon an
eminence from which his eye could command the whole town,
and his ear catch the groans of the dying. '^ This is your
work," he said to John of Leyden ; '' look at all these churches
and palaces reduced to ashes, those houses destroyed, the grass of
the streets moistened with the blood of your brethren." " Wal-
deck," replied the Anabaptist, " what great harm have I done ?
Tour city was dismantled : I have fortified it. Do you wish to
know an excellent plan whereby to reimburse yourself for your
outlay in besieging Munster ? Put me in a cage and take me to
all the cities of Europe, and, at a florin per head to see the
king of Sion, you will have as many spectators as will give you
wherewith to pay off your debts and increase your revenue."
" That I shall do," said the bishop.
John of Leyden and the other leaders who were intended for
execution, were taken to the castle of Bevergen.* The people
crowded from all quarters to see and insult the vanquislied.
' Lamb. Hortensius, Tamnltuiim Anabaptistanun liber nntu ; in Echard.
Script. Ber. Genn. torn, it
* Gatrou. Ant. Cory. De miaerabili Moniifiteriensium Anabaptistarum
Obridione et Ezcidio, memorabilibtiB rebus tempore obsidionis in urbe geatis
regis Knipperdolli, ao Kreohtingi confessione et exitu. Epistola Antonii
Corrini ad Georg. Bpalatinum. De Wette, 1586.
THB ANABAPTISTS. 386
To quench their thirst, a man presented them a phial filled with
hlood. The Lutheran preachers sometimes made them halt,
and, snrrounded by their disciples, offered to dispute with these
wretched creatures. The prophet accepted the challenge of
Gorvinus, one of the ministers of the landgrave of Hesse : the
debate principally turned on the plurality of wives. '^ Read
St. Paul,'' said John of Leyden ; " what does he teach ? that a
bishop should be the husband of one wife : therefore, in the time
of the apostles, he who was not a bishop might have two or three
Wives.
" But," replied Corvinus, " marriage is a matter of policy, and
the civil law, which regulates the present state of society, not
being the same as that in the times of the apostles, we can only
lawfully have one wife : you condemn yourself/'
*' I fulfil the precept of the old law," said John of Leyden ;
"jrere I to listen to your doctrines, I should be clearly mad."
" But," continued Corvinus, who left both the Church and
tradition to shelter himself in the civil law, " the authority
which comes from God having power to regulate the external
policy, it is much better to obey it than the old law, which is
abrogated." ^ Then, as if he felt he had done wrong in exalting
a matter merely human, he added : '^ Is it not written, that a
man shall leave father and mother, and cleave to his wife ;
to his wife, and not to his wives ; and has not St. Paul said :
* Let every man live with his wife ;' and not with his wives ?"
" Ah !" replied the king, " St. Paul did not speak of all wives,
but of each in particular : the first is my wife, I live with her ;
the second is my wife, I live with her ; the third is my wife, I
live with her ; that is very simple ; and besides is it not much
better that I should have several wives than several concubines?"*
The last argument of the king of Leyden is precisely that
which will soon be made use of by PhiHp, the landgrave of
Hesse, and to which neither Luther nor Melancthon will be able
to reply I
Three men were to terrify the world by their awful punish-
' This was the docirme of Luther, who only looked upon marriage as a civil
oontract. — ^Ranke, 1. o. torn. iii. p. 452.
' Gesprach oder Disputation Antonii Corvini und Johann Kymei mit Johann
▼on Leiden.
VOL. IL 2 0
386 HI8T0BT OF LUTHER.
ment — John of Leyden, Enipperdolling, and Erechtingk — ^for
Rothmann had died fighting. A scaffold was erected in the
market-place of Munster, opposite the yerj palace where John
of Leyden used to appear in all the splendour of his regal attire,
and surrounded with a seraglio of wives.^ He was then between
his two accomplices, a little more elevated, that he might be seen
at the greater distance. The executioner had burning pincers,
with which he tore off his flesh, while John of Leyden prayed.
The punishment lasted for nearly an hour; and at last was
ended by a sword thrust through his body. His two companions
suffered the like death. The remains of John of Leyden were
placed in an iron cage, which was placed on the top of the tower
of St. Lambert, as a terror to the Anabaptists. The ashes of
Enipperdolling and Erechtingk were scattered to the winds.
The Protestants could not conceal their joy at the fall of the
Anabaptists at Munster : they hoped to get possession of the
ruins of that unfortunate city ; but the old worship, which had
suffered so much in its struggle with John of Leyden, was, by a
decision of the diet of Worms, restored in all its rights ; only it
had to restore the ruins which heresy had made. For a time the
name of Anabaptist was a mark of reprobation, and whoever
bore it could not find an asylum in any Protestant city.
One of BrOthmann's disciples adopted, with considerable modi-
fications, the doctrines of the prophets of Munster : like J^hn
of Leyden, David Gteorge or Joris boasted of being in commu-
nication with the Holy Spirit. He asserted that the Holy Spirit
which had descended upon Mary, had, in like manner, over-
sbadowed him ; and that he was the son of God in body and
souL He had many followers ; but being expelled from Germany,
he took refuge in Switzerland, where for some years he taught his
reveries undisturbed. He had predicted that on the third day
after his death he would rise from the grave. At sunrise, on the
day foretold, some simple souls joyfully watched the prophet's
tomb : but the tomb did not open.^
' Des Miinsterischen Kbnigreicbs An- und Abgaog, Bluthandel nnd Ende.
Samstag nacfa Sebastiano, anno 1586.
* David Georgen aus Holland, dee Erzketzers, wahrbaflige Historie : Re-
gensburg, 1560, 4to. Aufgedeckte Larve ^avids Georgii, von M. Fried.
Je ^' '
Kiel, 1670, 4io. Lanr. Surius, Ghr. ann. 1556, p. 254. Nicol.
Blesdikias, in Hiatoria D. Georgii, edita per Jacob. Revium, p. 15 et seq.
THE ANABAPTISTS. 887
The Anabaptists still refer to these stormy times, in which
their constancy wearied the arm of the civil power, as times of
trial sent by God in fevour to the Church of his predilection.
They recall with pride the names of some of their confessors who
preferred to suffer imprisonment, exile, and even death, rather
than deny the word of Jesus : they have hymns for their first
martyrs, and words of contemptuous pity for the Saxon monk,
who, in 1628, in his book " De GodxA Chrisfci," * and in another
treatise, ^' Contra P»dobaptismum,'' had at first so energetically
defended liberty of conscience. And their only revenge is to
recall to memoiy the tears which Luther one day shed, when
Balthazar Hubmayer, one of their brethren, was executed by
order of Ferdinand of Austria, and the language, even more
eloquent than his tears, of his letter to his parishioners : * "In
God's name, let there be no flames or gibbets, no bloodshed
among us ! let every one believe as his conscience dictates. Are
not the flames of hell sufficient punishment for the heretic ?
Wherefore punishments in this world, if he has committed no
other crime than error in faith ?" *
Anabaptism would never have ensanguined Germany, had
Luther ts^en it under his protection, and left its disciples at
liberty to teach their visions. In the Catholic point of view,
the question is quite different: Anabaptism, at the bar of
authority, is a rebel which the law must punish; but in the
eyes of Lutherans, what is -an Anabaptist ? at most, a Christian
who deceives himself, and not a heretic ; since his faith is the
result of his reason, and the light of his own intelligence explains
every interpretation of the controverted texts. Rothmann at
Augsburg, is Luther at Worms.
At Worms, Luther was permitted to be heard before a Catholic
tribunal : at Augsburg, Luther imposes silence on Rothmann.*
' Op. Luth. torn. iii. Jenn, p. 458, a.
3 Op. Luth. torn. iv. Jene, p. 819. Coohl. in Act. p. 198.
' "Cuilibet penniitendam ene libartatem oredendi quod lubet Quod el
quisquam db fide non rect% seniiat, eum in inferno sataB habiturum supplioiiy
ubi mt iffnibus sempiteniifl oremanduB."
like Melancthon and Luther, Brenz was of opinion that fire and Rword
miffht be uaed against the Anabaptists. See Unterricht Philipp Melanchthons
wider die Lehre der Wiedertaufer duroh Feuer und Schwert vom Leben sum
Tod richten laraen. Johann Brenz. 1585.
* Consult, Der Wiedert&ufer, Lehre und Geheimnisse aus Heiliger Schrift^
2o2
388 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
CHAPTER XXIX.
LAST EFFORTS OF THE PAPACY. 1535—1541.
EffortB of Clement YII. to restore peace to the (^urcfa of Gennany. — Piaul 111.
aends Yergerio to Lutber. — His interview with the nuncio. — He laughs at
the legate. — Diets of Sohmalkalden and Batisbon. — ^Yain attempts of the
Catholics to reconcile the Protestants with the Church. — Melancthon strives
in vain against Luther's obstinacy. — Luther's rage against Charies Y. and
EriCj duke of Brunswick. — ^Death of Qeorge, duke of Saxony.
At the diet of Augsburg, the emperor had engaged to request
from the pope the session of a council, to bring back, if possible,
the dissenters to unity.^ The Catholics, simple souls, deluded
themselves into the belief that an oecumenical council of the
prelates would extinguish the last germs of rebellion. Luther
was always appealing _to a future council. How often, since his
theses, had he proclaimed to his country that he was ready to
give an account of his faith in a national synod ! The reformers,
who knew not these alehouses in which Luther laughed every
evening at what he had taught during the day, believed in his
sincerity. The emperor had great projects : but at the very time
when he was about to realize them, he found himself impeded by
a monk. To put an end to the schism which increased daily, he
had tried his imperial authority, which was slighted, and in the
Low Countries even executioners, who were braved. There
remained yet one means, — the voice of the Church in a general
council. He wished his Germans to hear it, in the hope that it
widerlegt duroh Justum Menium, in the Works of Luther : Wittemberg,
torn. ii. p. 262 ; Dass weltliche Obrigkeit den Wiedertaufern mlt leiblicher
Strafe zu wehren schuldig sey : Etlicher Bedenken zu Wittenberg. 1586.
Nene Zeitung, wie die Stadt MUnster erobert und eingenommen durch die
Landskneohte, am Freytag nach Johannis, zu Mittemacht, mit einem An&U.
Hermann von Mengeriffen : 1585.
Widerlegung der Munsterisohen neuen Yalentinianer und Donatisten Be-
kenntniss. An die Christen zu Ossnabruck in Westphalen. Durch D. Ur-
banum Begium. Mit einer Yorrede Dr. Martin Luthers : Wittenberg, 1535.
Widerlegung etlicher undhristlicher Artikel, welohe die Wiedertaufer fUrge-
ben : Wittenl^rg.
Eil'che Proporitiones wider die Lehre der Wiedertaufer, gestellt durch
PhU. Melanchthon : 1585.
1 Osiander, Hist. Eccles. lib. ii.
LAST EFFORTS OF THE PAPACY. 389
would work some miracles, as in the primitive Church. Twenty
years before, when Luther stormed against indulgences, perhaps
this sovereign voice might have been omnipotent : now it had
been too long silent : would it not demand the restitution of
ecclesiastical property ? and all, princes as well as subjects, had
stolen the property of others. The most difficult commandment
was, not to render to God the things that were Ood's, but to
Cffisar the things that were GsDsar's. Luther himself would not
have been heard, for the German nobility had already sold the
bishops' horses, the tapestries of the churches, the sacred vessels,
the pictures, the statues, and, for future subsistence, expected
that the Reformation would make farther progress and feirther
ruins. It was the sincere wish of the pope, that the session of
one of these great assizes, in which the voice of the Church
could be heard, should show to the Christian world all thtft her
visible head on earth had done for twenty years, by persuasion
and tears, to bring back her rebellious children to her pale.^
If the tiara has ever been honoured, it was by Clement VII. ;
an unprejudiced and dllpassionate pontiff, gentle and high-
hearted, the sincere friend of learning, learned in sciences un-
impersonated in preceding popes, — at once mechanician, engineer,
and architect ! And yet he was unhappy : his policy was timid
and anxious ; and he was afraid both of France and of Charles V.
He was always haunted by the idea of weakening the empire by
France, and France by the empire. He threw himself into the
arms of Charles when the Biai of France Beemed to bum too
brightly, and in those of his rival when the emperor's star pre-
vented him from heeding France. He died (^ grief; having
as vicar of Jesus Christ, no cause for self-reproach, and sleeping
in the Lord after a life of purity ; but as a temporal sovereign,
mourning over that timorous policy which he had adopted for
the sake of his earthly crown.^ And see, remarks Ranke, the
powerful vitiility of Catholicism ! it seems that it must have
* AU the Catholics were unanimoiia in demiuiding a general counoiK Goch*
hdvA, the warm opponent of Luther, said to the pope, in dedicating to his
Holiness his treatise, De Matrimonio Serenissimi Regis Anglias : " Si quando
dederit nobis Sanotitas tua generale concilium, id quod omnes pii ac fidelea
Christiani longis desideriis, magnisque gemitibus et suspiriis abs te petunt ei
efflagitant," etc. 1525, 4to.
^ Maimbourg, Hist, du Luih(^ranisme, 4 to. pp. 123, 131, et seq.
390 HISTOBT OF LUTHEB.
perished or become enfeebled in the weak hands of this pontiff,
and yet it springs np with increased splendour nnder his soo-
cessor, Panl III. Scarcely had he ascended the throne, whea
kings and nations eqnally admired his noble and easy manners,
his elegance without pomp, and mildness without infirmity.
The papacy was exalted by that noble reply of Paul to the
emperor, who asked him for the cardinal's hat for his two grand*
sons : '' I shall give it,^' he said, ^'when I hare been shown that
children have been made cardinals/' Clement left to his
successor a great task to perform : to overcome Protestantism, or
at least to oppose a barrier to its encroachments, to repair the
Catholic edifice, restore what it had lost of vitality and renown
in men's eyes, and stamp it with unity. He had to rouse the
Catholic south against the Protestant north ; to oppose a
Catholic to a Protestant league, and when this should be effected,
to impel Europe against the Ottoman Porte, and extinguish the
quarrels of princes friendly to the Holy See, which did injury to
the cause of Christianii^, by reconciling France and Spain. Of
almost all these grand thoughts which %ere present to his mind,
he had the gloiy to labour in the accomplislunent.-' Time, more
powerful than Paul, prevented him from triumphing everywh^e
in the same degree ; but his great work, which has crowned him
with honour, even in the eyes of honest Protestants, is the
council which he opened at Trent,^ and of which the name will
for ever be associated with the fame of his pontificate. If at
Trent an insurmountable barrier arose between the two religions,
Catholicism acquired new strength and force, by uniting, with an
indissoluble bond, all the nations that belonged to her. The
North might detach itself from the union ; but the chidn which
bound the South was for ever riveted. Next to the creed of
St. Athanasius, no book is more revered among Catholics than
the " Catechism of the Council of Trent," which is itself but
the luminous devdopment of that creed ; by it the inviobbility
of doctrine, the papal supremacy, and Christian unity have
been secured from all the assaults of error and novelty. Ranke,
^ Fessler has^ in like manner, commended the importance of the Council of
Trent. " Auch das Werk der zn Trient versammelten ehrwurdig^n Paters
war die durchaus folgerichtige Festsetznng der katholisch-kirchlichen Glau-
benslehre ausgemittelt aus der H. Schrift und Apostolischer UeberiieferangBn.**
LAST EFFOBXS OF THE PAPACY. 391
whom we love to quote, justly observes that the Saxon hammer
seemed to have broken the last stone of the modem Babylon, but
at Trent it was clearly seen that the Catholic edifice had not even
been chipped. Then it was that, to compensate for the defection
of Germany, there arose religions orders whose mission was to go
to all parts of the globe, to bring souls to the Holy See, to fill
up the places which the Reformation had left vacant, and carry
to the verge of creation the glorious name of Rome. What*
ever is great in modem history, says the same autiior, is the
work of these orders, and especially of the Jesuits, a republic
which equals in power and wisdom that of Romulus. If Luther
took firom Rome two millions of Christians, Ignatius of Loyola
gave her ten.
Paul III., of the family of the Famese, sought to efiect a
work of conciliation which unforeseen events had prevented his
predecessors from accomplishing. Vergerio, his legate, had orders
to go to Germany and announce to Charles V., his brother
Ferdinand, and the princes of Christendom, that the council
which the people had so long demanded would at length be opened
at Mantua.
In the beginning of November, 1535, Vergerio arrived at
Wittemberg, and evinced at once a desire to converse with Luther.
The doctor waited for the legate, and laughed with his friends at
him : '^ They have announced to me," he vnites to.Melancthon,
** a most reverend cardinal, a legate, who will resemble all other
legates, a sharper, a robber, the devil in person. I wish that
there were many kings like Henry VIII. of England, who knows
so well how to get rid of this rabble.'' ^
An old Protestant writer of the time has preserved an account
of this interview : " As soon as Doctor Martin Luther knew the
hour of meeting, he called his barber. ^ Master,' said the barber
to him, ' what means this, that you call me so early to shave
you ?' The doctor replied : ' Because I am about to be received
by the envoy of the holy father ; and you see, I must appear
with a smooth chin, that I may resemble an Adonis, and the
legate will think : The deuce, if Luther who is so young has
* " UtinAm haberent plures reges Angliee qui illos oociderent." — Melancbth.
1535. Im Dezeraber. Martin Luther'a Leben von Gustav Pfizer, p. 705.
HiBtoria de Vitft Martini Lutheri, p. 515, Aut. Ulenbergio.
HISTORY OF LUTHBB.
caused us so much trouble, what will he do in the vigour of
age V When Henry had soaped and shaved him, Luther put on
his best coat and a gold necklace. ^ But you are going to joke/
said the barber, stifling a laugh. ' Tou are right/ replied the
doctor ; ' they have laughed at us long enough, it is now our
turn to rouse them. Thus foxes and serpents must be treated.'
^ Oo in peace/ added the barber ; ' May the Lord be with you
and convert them by your lips.' ^ I shall not do that/ said
Luther, ^ but that might happen, and I propose to rebuke him."'
This said, he and Pomeranus entered the carriage which the
legate had politely sent for him, and drove to the citadel As
he took his seat in the vehicle he laughed, and said to his com-
panion, ''Here is a real miracle; the pope of Germany and
Cardinal Pomeranus seated side by side !"
Luther omitted the cerem<my usually paid to the papal l^tes.
He caused himself to be announced ; Uie legate took him by the
hand and led him into his apartment After some indiffi^ent con-
versation, Vergerio began to speak of the counciL " Bah ! " said
Luther, shaking his head, '' your council will be nonsense : if the
pope holds one, it will be to treat of monks' cowls, the tonsure of the
clergy, meats and wine, and other such trivial fooleries ; butnothing,
absolutely nothing of faith, repentance, justification, or the bond
of charity which should unite all who lead the same life ; with
which grave and solemn doctrines the Breformation has hitherto
been occupied, illuminated by the light of the Holy Spirit
What need then have we of your council, which is only good for
the poor nations which you hold in captivity ? You papists do
not even know what you believe. Qo on, go on : assemble your
council if you will ; I shall go to it, I promise you, even if I
knew that the gibbet or the stake awaited me."
The l^ate did not retort by any harsh word ; he merely bowed
his head in sign of satisfaction, as if he had obtained all that he
wanted from Luther. '' But tell me, doctor," he asked, " where
would you wish the council to be held?" ''I," replied the
Saxon, smiling, ''where you please; at Mantua^ Padua^ or
Florence, it matters littie to me." " Or Bologna ?" said the
legate. "To whom does that city belong?" inquired Luther.
" To the pope," replied the l^te. " Good God !" exclaimed
Luther, " this is another city which the pope has stolen. Well,
LAST EFFOETB OF THE PAPACY. 393
I will go to Bologna." '^ The pope himself would come to
Wittemberg,'' returned the l^te, '' if the salvation of souls
required ii'^ " Oh, by Q — ! let him come," said Luther, " we
shall receive him as well as we can." ** And how would you
wish him to come," asked Vergerio, " with or without armed
attendants ?" . " As he pleases," said Luther, interrupting him,
'* he will be always welcome."
The conyersation changed. The l^te asked Luther if there
were any ordinations among the Protestants. " Certainly, we
ordain, since the pope forbids his subjects to confer the priest-
hood on us. And there, my lord," said he, pointing to Pome-
ranus, '' is a bishop of our making, Doctor Pomeranus, who has
received episcopal consecration."
The whole of this interview was an insolent mockery,* in
which Luther treated the papal nuncio as '' a sharper and a
rogue." When Vergerio mounted his steed to leave Wittemberg,
he gave his hand to Luther, reminding him of his promise on
the preceding day. '^ Adieu, my lord," said Luther ; '' I shall
go, and bring my head on my shoulders." Next day he related
to Melanothon and Justus Jonas his interview with the l^te.
" Our legate has gone away : he only showed himself here.
This man flies, and does not mlk. He asked me and Pomera-
nus to breakfast ; I had refused to sup with him. I have eaten
at his table. No human being can recount i^hat took place
between us : during the whole time I was Luther." '
It is certain that he wished to amuse himself at the expense
of the Catholics, and that he had no intention of keeping his
promise to be present at the council. In his view this council
was a work of Satan, to which he refused to be instrumental The
pamphlets which he published at that time clearly demonstrate
that he would not be reconciled with Rome at any price.'
The Protestant princes had an interview at Schmalkalden to
oppose every effort that Rome might make for the sake of peace
' PaUavioini, lib. iii.
* Justo Jons, 10 Not. 1585. Vei^rio afterwards apostatized from the
Chiuroh, and from that moment was ranked among fidthzol and enlightened
men. — ^M'Orie, History of the Beformation in Italy.
3 Locus ex jure canonico do Donatione Gonstantini Magni. Epistolie
aliquot J. Huss. Narratio de Johanne Chrysoetomo.
894 HISTOBT OF LUIHEB.
of confluence. At the instigation of the elector of Saxony,
Luther, Justus Jonas, Gaspard Greuziger, John Bugenhagen
(Pomeranus), Nicholas Amsdorf, Melancthon, and John Agricola,
met at Wittemberg to draw up a formulary of belief, that should
thenceforward be the unalterable basis of the doctrines of the
new church.*
Luther examined one by one the twenty- four articles of the
Protestant creed, which he approved and sent to Spalatinus, who
transmitted it to John the elector.
Melancthon subscribed the formulary, but with this express
reservation, that if the pope would acknowledge the (Jospel,* he
would admit the pontiff's supremacy over the bishops. It was
somewhat bold in the professor to recognise, even in the terms
which he laid down, the spiritual jurisdiction of the pope, whom
hislnost moderate colleagues looked upon as Antichrist.
Luther, although unwell, then went to Schmalkalden in ord^r
to maintain the Saxon creed,-^ 4k human work imposed on the
consciences of all who bore the name of Protestants, but which
beyond the Rhine was resisted as an outrage on the liberty of
thought On this occasion he no longer travelled on foot : he
had horses of his own,^ which he lent to Bugenhagen and
Melancthon, who accompanied him.
On the 2nd February, 1537, the travellers reached Altenbui^,
where Spalatinus entertained them sumptuously: this hospi*
tality Luther repaid with a few indifferent verses.* At Weimar
he preached on the 4th of February, Sexagesima Sunday, a
Dan. Lanr, SalfcheniuB, de Art Smalk. p. 15.
* " Ego PhilippuB Melanchthon faos articulos suprk poeitos probo tanqoam
veros. Ad pontificem autem quod attinet sic sentio : Si admittere velit Evan-
gelinm, qnod tunc pacis et publicse ooncordise gratift propter Christianoa qui
sub ipso jam sunt et fdturis temporibus esse forsau possunt, superioritas in
episcopos, quam alioquin habet, jure bumano per noa ilU sit quoque coace-
denda." — Oper. Lutb. Jeuse, Germ. fol. 622.
* Laurent. Reinbard, Comm. de Vitft Jonae, cap. vii. § 4.
* Und zwar mit seinen eignen Pferden, Lingke, 1. o. Lutber's Sammtlicbe
Bcbriften : Halle, torn. xzi. p. 892.
' " Ut tua sunt Cbristo gratissima £M;ta, Georgi,
Sic sit grata cobors bsec peregriua tibi.
Tendimus ad celebrem pro nostro Gbalcida coetu ;
Magna Dei cogit causa per istud iter.
Tu quoque nostrarum pars magna, yir optime, rerum,
Nobiscum venies duxque comosque vise."
LAST BFT0RT8 07 THE PAPACT. 395
yiolent seimon agamst the kings and bishops. He accused them
of conspiring to destroy the word of God ; and insisted that the
pope was worse than the Turk, and wished to extinguish the
Gospel.^ His holiness's nuncios heard the monk's insults, without
the power of suppressing them.
On the loth of February, Luther was at Schmalkalden, where
a great number of persons of distinction were assembled ; — ^the
elector of Saxony, the Undgrave of Hesse, Dukes Ernest and
Francis of Luneburg, Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, Princes
Wolf, Geoi^ and Joachim of Anhalt, Counts Gebhard and
Albert of Mansfeld, the counts of Nassau and Beichlingen, Duke .
Henry of Mecklenbui^, Princes Bupert of Denx-Ponts and Philip
of Grubenhagen. Among the Protestant theologians were Gabriel
Didymus, Urbanus Regius, Frederick Myconius (Mecum), Brenz,
John Langius, Martin Bucer, Paul Fagius, Boni&ce Wolfart,
John Fontanus, and Ambrose Blaurer, nearly aU of whom aban-
doned the doctrines which they came to defend at the diet.'
Mathias Held, vice-chancellor of the emperor Charles V., who
was preparing to go from Genoa to Spain, left Vienna in Jan-
uary, and on the 15th of the following month opened the diet
with a long harangue. To the complaints and demands drawn
up by the Orders since the former diet, on *the question of
liberty of conscience, and expressed so energetically by certain
people of Germany, he replied that the emperor his master would
take them into consideration ; but, in the meanwhile, he de-
manded that the treaty signed at Nuremberg should be observed.
He added, that at the counoil summoned by the pope they would
soon have an opportunity of discussing religious matters, and that
it was his majesty's intention to be personally present there, as a
guarantee to his subjects of his desire for their liberties.'
At Schmalkalden, we find Melancthon timidly endeavouring,
but in vain, to excite a desire for peace in the theologians ani«
mated with Xuther's sentiments. Melancthon did not object
I " Er klagte dass die Kbniffe und Biscbofe gegen das Evangelium in den
ffriJflsem Haas hfttten, als die TOrken, welches die Gefahrten des piipstlioheii
Nunoti mit anhdrten."^LiQgke, 1. o. p. 234. Melanchth. Ep. lib. ▼. p. 40.
' Lingke, L o. pp. 236, 237. Acta Hist. Ecd. torn. ii. p. 372 et seq.
' Sleidan, Hist, de la R^foimation, torn. ii. pp. 4, 5. Christ. Mttnde, Hist.
Vorbericht zu den Schmalkaldischen Artikeln.
396 HI6T0BT OF LUTHEB.
to a council ; he admitted the pope's right to snmmoii it^ but he
denied the pontiff's right to be supreme judge. His opponents
declared, in opposition to his counsels, that a reconciliation with
the Catholics was impossible ; and then Melancthon, lus he
usually did, returned to his lodgings sick in head and heart,
and consoled himself by embosoming to a firiend his grieft and
fears.*
Meanwhile the Holy See, with the emperor's, ooncurrenoey
once more attempted a reconciliation between the two religions.
They hoped, by means of words, to reunite the parties whom
. words had separated. To this end the emperor multiplied
diets, and the pope constantly changed nuncios. At the diet of
Ratisbon, the Catholic speakers were all either profound theo-
logians or brilliant orators. To Faber, Nausea, and John Eck,
was intrusted the defence of Catholicity. All arrived by differait
routes at the place of rendezvous ; and at the same time might
be seen leaving Wittemberg Luther's beloved disciple Mdanc-
thon, who without murmuring set out, after tenderly embracing
his father, to endeavour to perform that which was impossible.
Had you looked in his face, you would have beheld it emaciated by
afflictions of the heart, of all others the most cruel, his eyes dim,
his beard grey and unshorn, and his whole frame moving painfully :
he walked to martyrdom. At Wittembeig one man remained,
an evil spirit, who had previously given his lesson to this Pro-
testant messenger ; let there be no peace with the wicked, he
had said to him ; and lest while at Ratisbon he might be worked
upon, he ahnost daily sent to him a fresh courier with written
orders, so implacable, that we suffer while we read them.
" Away with-C»sar," he writes, "such is my advice ; hasten
to leave that Sodom, for in the end the wrath of God will fall
upon our heads. I have prayed enough for the emperor ; if he
will not have our blessing, let him be accursed ! There is no
one more guilty than this devil of Mayence ; Ca^ar is of no con-
sequence, he is a hypocrite who pretends to be deaf, and to have
' *' Nostra sententU semper fiiit ne simplioiter recoaaretur synodus : qnift
etiamsi pap» non lioeat esse judicem, habet tamen jus indioeude synodi,
deindb judicium constitui h synodo. Bed homines acutiores disputabant has
meas rationes argutas quidem esse et xens, sed inutiles. . . . Pericakim esss
video ingentiB motfts, nisi Dens succurrerit." — Epist. ad Oamerarium, p. 279.
TJlenberg, Vita et Kes gestiB Ph. Melanchth. 1. c. pp. 135—137.
LAST EFFORTS OF THE PAPACY. 397
gone to Batisbon to listen to debates which he has no intention
to hear ; as if, for the sake of religion, he was not sometimes
forced to eat or . . . ."^
At Ratisbon, the dispute on the Eucharist was resumed.
Calvin came from Geneva to mix in the controversy, with a view
to promote his own doctrines, and, if possible, convert Melanc-
thon to the figurative system which he had succeeded in making
prevalent in Switzerland ; he was an incarnation of the serpent's
cunning and wiles, who was never more happy than when he
had succeeded in involving his opponent in the folds of a cap-
tious argument. Melancthon was like one entangled. If he
struggled, it was because the eye of his master was upqn him,
and that he was more afraid of his anger than of the Genevan
reformer's craft. It is easy to perceive, in reading the formula
as to the real presence which he laid before the conference, that
the figure or trope perplexed him. Had Luther died at that
moment, Wittemberg would have had a fresh apostasy to deplore.
Charles V., who presided at the diet, often saw Melancthon,
who invariably returned from his conferences with a more pro-
found respect for the qualities of the prince, whom he admired,
and/ almost loved. Wherefore Luther, who knew Philip's blind
side, omitted nothing which might ruin Charles in the opinion
of the deputies from Wittemberg, and of his dear disciple espe-
cially. His threat of cursing the emperor was merely momentary.
Five days after, it was no longer a question of leaving ofiF prayer
in behalf of his majesty, such punishment would not be enough ;
he threatens him with his hatred, and the sword and arm of all
his adherents.
" The people," he writes to Melancthon, ** will soon be unable
to bear Caesar's pusillanimity longer. I hate this CsBsar, who,
spoiled by our praises, torments us daily more and more. I shall
do against him as much as I have done for him."^
' " Spero TOfl ATOcari k prindpe, id enlm oonsulni. . . . Cogitate et festinate
egredi ez istA Sodomft, veoit ira JDei saper nos in finem. Oratum eat satis nro
Cassare ; ri noUt benedictionem, ferat znaledictionem. Non potest esse culpa
solins cUaboli Mogantini, si ipse non esset purus hypoorita. Tot querelas
faausit surdft anre, fingens se religionis cansft istlinc deferre, qnas nunqaam
cogitat andiTOy quasi pro religionis causft non interim etiam comedere oogatur,
aut oacare."— Be Wette, torn. y. pp. 340, 369. Melanchthoni Epistola.
' " Ego plani odium conce^i in GsBflarem yer^ . . . et agam, si qua potero,
contrk eura, quanta pro eo feci."— De Wette, 1. c. p. 872.
HISTOBY OF LUTHBE.
The efiFecfc of these instJts to the royal dignity of Charles V.
was, that some princes who had at first been earned away by
Luther's theories, ended by deserting his doctrines and returning
to the Church ; such was Eric II., duke of Brunswick, who, not
satisfied with making a rough onslaught on the Protestant
princes, attacked in a writing, of which the tone doubtless might
have been more moderate, John, the elector of Saxony, and
Philip, the landgrave of Hesse, both of whom were the warm pro-
tectors of the Saxon monk.^ It was a daring act in Duke Eric to
bewail as he did that old faith of his ancestors, which was out-
raged and insulted openly in that Germany which the Catholic
religion had rescued from pagan darkness. He was well aware
of the castigation which Luther would bestow upon him ; but he
said, like his father, Brunswick Calemberg, ^' My conscience is
above Poltesberg, and God above my conscience." Luther took
his revenge ; but who will venture to employ the language in
which he did so ? Daring for daring, that of Luther is the most
startling *
Next came the turn of his &ther, lately deceased. The
decorator of Pompeii would never have represented in his mosaics
such images as the monk of Wittemberg does not hesitate to
use. In honour of the Latin language, we would not be com*
peUed to reproduce them ; we leave it, therefore to the Oerman :
at least, we shall not injure the dead.^
Tou remember that generous Catholic who, at the diet of
Worms, when Luther was exhausted with fatigue, sent him a
huge can of ale, which the monk swallowed at a draught ? — ^that
was Eric I., duke of Brunswick.
Luther now attacked Henry of Brunswick Wolfenbuttd, and
* Sleidan, Hiet. de la lUfonn. torn. ii. p. 120, 4to.
^ QSere, as in previous instanoes, the text must remain untranslated. — ^T.]
"VvL Herzog yon Braunschweig soUtest nicht ehe ein Buch schreiben, du
hattest denn ein Fortz yon einer alten Sau gehort, da soUtest du dein Maul
gegen aussperren und aagen : Dank habe, schone Naehtigall, da hore leh einen
Text der ist flir mioh."--<)p. Luth. Jens, torn. vii. foL 428.
* " Ein schonea Ebenbild deines englischen Yaters ; dieser verzagte Sdielm
. . . w^lre besser ein Frauenhut, der nicht thun soil, denn wie ein Eunuckus,
das ist ein Frauenhut, stehend in einer Narrenkappen mit einer Kugelwedel.
. . . Der beste Begen des Ehestands sind die Kinder, welcher er hat niemahls
wieder&hren mogen, so die schonsten FtLrstin mit Dreck schwangerten :'* Jena^
torn. vii. fol. 488, 489, 441. Nuremb. fol. 425, 426, 428. Altenb. torn. vii.
fol. 465, 466, 468. Ann. 1662.
LAST BFPOBTS OF THE PAPACY.
his langQage^ which previonslj wallowed in the mire, is now
steeped in blood. To all who bear the name of Christian, he
cries : " Henry deserves not the name of prince ; it is not with ^
wine that Henry drowns himself, but with devils ; he has been
condemned by God after this life as a thief, a cut-throat, an
incendiary, a hangman. If in this* world he escapes the halter
or the stake, let all take care to have nothing to do with such a
pestilence.'' On this denunciation, the Protestant princes united
to persecute him whom Luther called a " mad dog," took posses-
sion of Wolfenbuttel, his most important fortress, and then of his
states, in which they abolished the Catholic religion.^
When the old Teutonic royalties thus fell under the blows of
a German monk, did no prince come forward to defend them ?
Duke George of Saxony was dead, and had died as he lived,
fearless and irreproachable. Shortly before his death, he received
from George of Anhalt a long letter, beseeching him to cast
aside the superstitions of popery, and become a convert to Pro-
testantism. The duke thought it not enough to have practised
for sixty years the faith of his fathers ; he considered that a
Catholic of his quality ought to die with the pen in his hand,
since he could no longer serve his God with the sword. And
he replied : "I will die faithful to my Redeemer. A single
word added to the text of St. Paul, sola, has plunged my
country into an abyss of misery ; Luther wiU have to answer
for the bloodshed which he has occasioned. I am old, and about
to depart, and you know that old dogs are unbreakable : ' Alte
Hunde sind ubel handig zu machen.' "^ The old Saxon dog died,
acknowledging and licking the hand of him who had trained,
and fed, and caressed it. At the moment when death stared
him in the face, he rose upon his couch, his eye beaming with a
heavenly light, and turning to the priest who watched beside
him : " 0 Lord, my God ! " he said, " by Thy blood and death,
have mercy upon me ! " and he fell back on his pillow to rise no
more. He was an admirable prince, a model of virtue, know-
ledge, and courage ; who never once faltered before an insult of
Luther, or a menace of his foes.^
* Ulenberg, Vita Mart. Lnth. pp. 588—590. Osiander, lib. ii. cap. xlviii.
* Seckendorf, 1. c. torn. iii. p. 510.
' Seckendor^ 1. c. torn. iii. p. 510. Seckendorf has said of this prince :
400 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
The landgrave of Hesse,, to be free from the emperor's yoke,
associated himself to all Lather's wicked designs ; and so, by
his compliances with the Reformation, procured that license
which was granted him to be at one and the same time the hus-
band of two wives.*
CHAPTER XXX.
BIGAMY OF THE LANDGRAYE OF HESSE. 1589—1540.
The LaiuJgnve'B morals. — ^His letter to Luther, desiriDg thJit the Wittemberg
refonners would sanction his intended bigamy. — ^Motiyes which he aesiguB
for haying two wiyes. — Consnltation and reply of the members of the Eyan-
gelical Church. — The Landgraye's marriage with one of his wilb Christina's
maids of hononr. — ^Luther's repentance.
Philip had been sixteen years married to Christina^ danghter
of George dnke of Saxony, and was the father of eight
children. The marriage was not a happy one, as the dnke was
violent and passionate, debauched and superstitious.^ He was
afflicted, while at the religious synod of Frankfort, with a name-
less disease.' Like all the Protestants, he was fond of reading
the Bible, which he always had by his bedside. He opened it at
the chapter of the New Testament where St. Paul threatens for-
''Hono finem habtdt Geor;prius, princeps multis yirtntibus indytos, sed ob
spretam lucem eyangelicam mfeUcissimus*' (1. o. p. 212).
' Consult^ as to the Diet and religions questions of the time, Acta in Con-
yentn Ratisbonensi, ftc. omn Pne&tione l^hjl. Melancbthonis : Witt. 1541 ;
Von der Condlien Gewalt nnd Antoritat, durch Ant. Coryinum. 1537 ;
Dialogofl^ ein Instig nnd ntttslich Gtospriich yom zukUnftigen Concilio zn
Mantua^ dnrch Urrannm Begium : Wittenb. 1587 ; P^uillns noyus, Rome
bis diebns loco solito exsoriptns, hie festinanter yeniens de rebus Caroli :
Witt. 1587 ; Consideratio Artioulorom Lntheri qnos nomine suo ynlt Concilio
proponi : J. Codihens ; Epistolss B. D. Cardinalis Jacobi Sadoleti ad Job.
Stnrminm; Epistola CoohliBi ad Mauritinm ab Hntten, Cathedralis Eoci.
Herbipolensis pnepositnm : Misnas, 1589 ; Vom Tag zu Hagen an, nnd wer
yerhindert babe, oaas kein Gespriich yon Yergleichung der Eeligion daaelbst
ftirgangen: Audh was aus BilOgkeit man den Protestirenden der Kircben
Gliter Beetitntion oder in ffetraute Hand-Erlegung, oder Bewilligc^g im
Bechten begehret hat : Durch Waremnndi Lnitholben. 1540.
* Menzel, Neuere Gesohiobte der Dentsohen, torn. i.
' The prince had caught it at Schmalkalden.— -Melancth. Epist ep. ii.
lib. xiy.
BIQAMT OF THB LAKDaBAYE OF HESSE. 401
nicatoTS with eternal fire, and he was afindd. On his recovery,
he continued in his nsoal course of life ; but the apostle's sen-
tence constantly alarmed him ; he oeased to go to communion,
and he had no rest He was then desperately enamoured with
Margaret de Saal, maid of honour to his sister Elizabeth. This
young lady, pretty, coquettish, and versed in the intrigues of
courts, repelled his advances ; and the landgrave's passion
became more and more violent He could neither eat nor
sleep, and even foi^t his ordinary debauchery. Christina felt
aggrieved, and openly complained. The courtiers who profited
by the prince's adulterous amours encouraged him in his licen-
tiousness ; and he was resolved, cost what might, to have
Maigaret
He again turned to the Bible, and this time it opened at the
fourth chapter of Genesis, where he read : '^ Now Lamech said
to his wives." Philip bdieved it to be an admonition from
Heaven, and, like the patriarchs of the old law, he wished to
have two wives.
It was necessary to legalize this bigamy. The landgrave
wished that some powerful authority would stifle in his heart the
germs of remdrse, and banish those visions which he dreaded as
much as death. He knew what he had done for the work of the
new gospel, and that if he withdrew his support it would be in
great danger. The leaders and apostles of the Reformation lived
on his bounty ; to some he had publicly given money, to others
church-plate, to several bishops' mitres, to enable them to marry.
He had only to appeal to his courtiers, and there were plenty of
them ready to absolve, and, if necessary, eulogize his adultery ;
but he wished the sanction of the Wittemberg doctor and his
disciples.
A Catholic priest, formerly a Dominican, then a Lutheran,
and next a Zwinglian, undertook to draw up the case, which the
prince was to submit to the Saxon Church. But Philip himself
wished to write. His letter was short, haughty, and indecent ;
he said that he required a wife, and if Margaret refused him, he
could find others to consent.^
Luther was angry at this insolence, having been accustomed
^ Mensel, 1. o. tonu iL p. 181.
VOL. II. 2 D
402 HlfiTORY Ot ItTHEB.
to greater obsequiousnees on the part of the civil power. In his
reply, he expressed his desire that the question shotdd be care-
fnlly examined by the clergy of Hesse. The landgrave wished to
carry a high head, and desired to have some other approbation
than that of this inferior clergy, who submissively obeyed his
humours, but whose ignorance the people despised.
Buoer again came to the landgrave^s assistance. He was a
learned theologian, a mellifluous and florid speaker,* a thorough
serpent, who changed his creed, as the reptUe does its skin, every
spring. He had betrayed the mona^ry in which he had learned
all that he knew of theology ; betrayed the poor priests, who had
clothed and fed him in his infancy ; betrayed the Church, which
had made him a priest ; betrayed Luther, who had fostered^
praised, and introduced him to notice ; betrayed Garlstadt, whose
creed he had embraced ; betrayed the Sacramentarians^ whose
doctrines he had cried up. Once more the disciple of Luther, he
had recently left him to join those of Strasbuig. It was this
mouth, stained ¥dth so many peijuries, that was soon to pro*
nounce the most awful wish that ever escaped from the lips of a
priest, — ^that he might behold the entrails of Servetus, who
thought differently fi*om him on the Trinity, torn out and
scattered.*
Bucer, who was never at ease and could not rest, was fond of
money. The landgrave, who lavished it on his mistresses, treated
Bucer as one of th^oa, and Bucer drew up a memorial to the great
theologians of Wittemberg, which he undertook to present to
them and support. It was a soldier's confession.'
'^ Now, acknowledging that although I have a wife I cannot
abstain i&om women, I must expect, unless I change my life, te
be eternally damned.
'^ When I married Christina, it was neither from inclination
nor passion. The officers of my court and her maids of honour
may be examined as to her temper, her charms, and her love for
wine.
* "Id Buoero oalliditas yiilpiiia."-'-JuBt. Jonte Bpiai. «d Beiflbiuftauam.
* OalTini Epist Farello^ torn. li. p. 9.
* " Instractio qnft Martmua Baoeras ^nd D. M.Xuthernm et Pb. Melanch-
tbonem Bollicitare debeat, et si id ipais rectum yidebitnr, postmodiim apnd
Electorem Sazoms." — ^Boflsnet, Hist des Variations, torn. i. p. 281.
BIGAMY OF THB LAKDORATE OF HBSSE. 403
'' I am of a warm temperament. Accustomed to the irr^olar
Hfe of a camp, I cannot exist witbont women. I have not kept
my conjugal fidelity more than three weeks. My clergy wish me
to approach the holy table, but I shall exercise my judgment
there, because I do not wish to change my life.
** If I must fight for the sake of the confederation, a stroke
or a shot may kill me, and then I say to myself, ' You will
go straight to the deylL'
'' I have read in the Old Testament that holy persons, such
as Abraham, Jacob, David, and Solomon, had many wives, and
yet all beUered in the coming of Christ
" Neither has God in the Old Testament, nor Christ in the
New, nor the prophets or apostles, forbidden a man to have two
wives ; never have the prophets or the apostles blamed or
punished bigamy, and St. Paul has never excluded from the
kingdom of heaven him who has two wives. The apostles, in
laying down a rule of conduct to the Gentiles what tiiey ought
to practise and what they should avoid when they had received
tiie fiuth, as we read in the Acts which bear their name, never
forbade them to have two wives. Whoi St. Paul tells us so
expressly that a bishop should be the husband of one wife, be
would have laid the same injunction on the laity, had he wished
that a layman should have one only also.^
" Besides, I know that Luther and Melancthon have advised
the king of England not to divorce his first wife, but to take
a second : ^ Prseter aliam ipsam ; prseter," that is a counsel.
'' But let them not suppose that, because I should have another
wife, I shall treat the first one ill, cease to cohabit with her, or
show her less friendship than before ; as hitherto, I should resign
myself to carry my cross, to render her every kind of duty, even
the conjugal debt ; let them, then, in God's name, grant me
what I demand, so that I may live and die cheerfully for the
honour of the Gospel, and as a good Christian ; all which they
ask that is just and reasonable I shall grant to them, even the
property of the monasteries, or similar things.
'' Further, I only wish and ask for two wives. What matters
it what the world says ? we need not pay attention to it ; we
' Hie landgraye stole this argument from John of Leyden. — See the chapter
entitled The Anabaptists.
2d2
404 HTBTORY OF LUTHER.
must look to God in all this, what He prescribes, prohibits, or
permits. The emperor and the public would allow me to keep
concubines, but never to have two wives ; what (xod allows they
forbid."
The landgrave wa0 pressing. The opinion of the clergy of
Wittembeig soon appeared, divided into twenty-four articles.*
The 21st article is in these terms : '^ If your highness is
determined to marry a second wife, we judge that it ought to be
done privately, as we have said on speaking of the dispensation
which you ask ; that is to say, that there should be no person
present but the celebrant and a few others as witnesses, who
shall be bound to secrecy, as if under the seal of confession.
Hence there will be fear neither of opposition nor of great scandal ;
for it is nothing uncommon for princes to keep concubines ; and
although the common people wiU be scandalized at it, the more
enlightened will suspect the trutli. We need not be very anxious
about what the world will say, provided the conscienceis at rest.
Thus we approve of it
" Your highness has therefore in this writing not only our
approbation of your wish in all the exigencies that may occur,
but also the reflections which we have made on it"
This advice is signed by Luther, Melancthon, Bucer, Gor-
vinus, Adam F , John Leningen, Justus Winther, and Dio-
nysius Melander, that is, by all the distinguished Protestants of
Wittembeig and Hesse.
The marriage-contract between Philip and Margaret de Saal
was undoubtedly drawn up by a Lutheran doctor ; the notary
merely appeared to affix his signature ; the theologian, to justify
the landgrave's bigamy.^
His highness therein declares that he does not take Margaret
lightly, nor for singularity, nor contempt of the civil law, but
for certain necessities of body and soul, and because without two
wives it would be impossible for him to live godly and merit
heaven.
All the respectable members of the reformed party were
grieved at this great scandal. John, the elector of Saxony,
■ Bossoet, Hist des YariaiioDS, torn. i. p. 289.
' " iDfltnunentiim oopulationis Philippi Landgravii et Margarit» de Saal."
— BoBBuet, 1. c. p. 806.
BIGAMY OF THE LAKDORAVB OF HESSE. 405
covered his face the fiist time he saw Bucer, on his return from
Wittemberg. " If the landgrave required women," he said,
shm^ng his shoulders, '^ he had enough of them at his
court r'
Bucer, like a man of tact, allowed this indignation to eva*
porate. He then eulogized the prince's piety, his love for his
people, and, in Philip's name, promised the elector the aid
which he required to oppose the emperor, and ended by showing
him a writing in which the landgravine herself consented to
the marriage. The elector was inflexible, and Bucer was in
The marriage was celebrated on the 3rd of March, 1540, at
Rothenburg on the Fulda, in presence of Melancthon, Bucer,
and other theologians. They wished to keep it a secret ; but
the yoxmg lady and her mother, tempted by the demon of vanity,
divdged it The prince's family, Duke Henry of Dresden and
his sister, were offended, less on the ground of morality, than
for these vain worldly considerations which are so much thought
of in Germany. Margaret's mother, at Dresden, was subjected to
the ridicule and mortifications of a haughty court, that sought
to make her expiate the elevation of her daughter, by all that
could wound the heart of a mother and a woman.
.The landgrave had closed his Bible, and, at peace with God,
his conscience, and his Church, walked with his two wives
publicly to service, sat between them at table, and presented
them at the same time to his courtiers. Christina, after this
second marriage, made him the father of two sons and a
daughter, and Margaret of six sons, who bore the title of counts
of Diez.
The Protestant Church was dumb. She wished to throw a
veil over this shameful proceeding, too happy that no Catholic
hand drew it aside.
Melancthon kept the secret ; but indiscretions and appear-
ances blabbed ; and, about June of that year, it was rumoured
that the queen's former maid of honour was confined. Lauter*
bach, the pastor of Pirna, greatly concerned, hastened to inquire
of Luther, not if another child had been really bom to the
■ Menzel, torn. ii. pp. 179—192.
406 HI8T0BT OV LUTHEB.
landgrave, but if the prince's marriage with the young lady
was not a mere fable ? Lather's reply is both singular and
embarrassed.
'^ My dear^ Antony, I can give yon no precise information as
to the landgrave's marriage ; I have only heard that one of the
queen's yonng women has been confined of a son. Is it true ?
If it is so, and the father acknowledges the child, and supports
it and the mother, he will do well. If the report is very cur-
rent, there is probably some foundation for it ; all that I know
is, that the official declaration of the marriage has not been
shown to me."*
It was certainly not ftank ; but Luther very dexterously
punished the curiosity of Lauterbach, who, not seeming to fed
his punishment, continued his indiscreet qumes, and invariably
received the same answer, — " I know nothing about it."'
There was yet a greater disgrace to conceal, — that of the two
staes of the Reformation, Luther and Melancthon, who autho-
rised the prince's bigamy, and in God's name said to him:
^^ Sleep in peace, approach when you will the communion-table,
eat the flesh and drijik the blood of your 6od." This page they
would have wished to tear out at any cost ; and for awhile they
thought they had succeeded, when God permitted it to be drawn
from the archives of Hesse. It was a Protestant hand who thus
revealed the dishonour of the sect.'
> " De novis nnptiis Landgravii quod petb nihil possniD Bcribero, mi Antoni.
Hoc qnidem andivi esse natum pneralum ex yiiginalibiiB de Sala. An sit
▼emm nesoio, et si Teram esset, et ipse agnosoeret se esse pstrani, et matrem
et prolem aleret, jure -videretur &cere. Si hino natas est mmor, non sine
caofift est rumor. Tantum sdo, et publica testimonia nuptiarum non sunt mihi
ostensa." — ^Venerabili Antonio Lauterbach, pastori in Pim&. 2 Jan. 15i0. —
Pe Wette, 1. c. torn. v. pp. 290, 291.
^ See De Wette, 1. o. p. 304.
' Daphnaeufi Arcnarius (Laurence Berger) was the first to make known
Bucer's memorial, the opinions of the \^ttembeiv doctors, and the contract
of marniige, in a work which speared in 1679, under the title of Kune, doch
unpartheiiBche und ^ewissenhafte Beurtheilung des in dem Nature und ^tt-
fichen Becht gegrUndeten heiligen Ehestandes, in welcher die eeither streitigen
Fmgen vom E^ebruoh, der Bhesoheidung, und sonderlich von dem vielen
Weibemehmen, mit allem beiderseits gegebenen Beweissthumb dem christ-
lichen Leser vorgestellt werden. It may be seen in Latin, and translated, in
Boflsuet's History of the Variations, &c. vol. L p. 242, edit, of Dublin, 12mo.
1845. M. de Wette has also given the opinion, in his Collection of Luther's
Letters, voL v. pp. 237, 242. This version, more accurate than that iu
BosBUet, we include among the Confirmatory Evidenoe, at the end of this
LUTHB&'S APFUOTIONS. 407
. Fartber, Protestaiito have xmited with the Catholics in stigr
matiaoBg ike oowftrdioe of Luther and Mehmcthon, whpae hands
should haye witheied sooner than have signed that seandaloos
deed. Both suffered in this life the punishment due to their
&ult Melancthon attributed to it his sudden ilbess; and
Luther attempted to deny his own work, b; proclaiming on all
occasions the indissolubility of marriage !
When a person vile enough was found to defend the land-
grave in a pamphlet which appeared under the name of Hul-
drich Neobulus, the doctor of Wittemberg cast from him the
infamous book^ and ezclaimed : '^ Bascal that you are ! may
the devil prepare a bath of fire in the lowest part of hell tor
whoever listens to you, and is tempted to take more than one
wife ; this is my fixed opinion ; and though you, you wicked
wretch, and all the devils were to teach me another doctrine, I
would not listen to you ; I hold that a man cannot leave his
wife, unless for flagrant adult^/'^
He forgot, then, what he had said formerly, — that there was
no text in the Bible which prohibited polygamy !
CHAPTER XXXL
LUTHER'S AFFLICTIONS AND SUFFERINGS.
Luther fidls 8i<^ at Sohmalkiilden. — ^Hia wishes againit the papacy. — Ke
never knewhow to pray. — ^Deathof Ms&ther. — ^His eenrant Dietrich. — Death
of Magdalene. — The Other's affectionate care for his child. — ^His last will.
Old age came prematurely on Luther. For his latter days
were reserved the greatest afflictions which he had yet expe-
rienced : — the death of his father and mother, to whom he was
much attached ; the loss of two of his daughters, especially
volume. It will be found, likewise, in the edition of Altenbnrg', vol. viii.
p. 977 ; of Leipsic, vol. xxii. p. 469 ; and of Halle, vol. x. p. 886. [See also
the remarks of the high-hearted, impartial, and illustrious Sir William Hamil-
Um, in his Discussions on Philosophy, &c. p. 497 : London, 1852.— Tr.]
■ " Wer diesem Buben und Buche fblget . . . dem gesegne der Teufel das Bad
im Abgnind^ der HoUeik"
408 HISTORY OF LUTHEA.
Magdalene^ whom he ever after lamented ; the banishment of
some of his Mends ; the conversion of many of his disciples ;
the deterioration of his doctrines, and constant sickness. These
strokes of Heaven, which succeeded each other at brief intervals,
cast him into a sort of despair, which sometimes vented itself in
complaints wherein it is difficult to recognise the ''child of
Chrisf In 1537, when sick of the stone at Schmalkalden, in
momentary expectation of death, he found sufficient strength to
sit up in bed and address to Qoi a prayer, the modd of which
he certainly did not find in the Bible : *' Master of heaven, my
Qoi and my Lord !" he exclaimed, " I, the enemy of thy ene-
mies, the terror and the scourge of Antichrist, am about to die,
and thou art now to pronounce our sentences. Give to the pope
endless pains and sufferings ; to me, thy poor creature, who have
proclaimed thy name and majesty, glory and eternal happiness !"^
The deathbed, which ordinarily inspires us with such tender
wishes for all whom we must leave behind us on earth, was for
Luther a pulpit, whence he preached his hatred. In the midst of
all the ki^es of peace which he sent from his bed to her who had
always ''served him as a faithful attendant,"' to his domestics,
his (Usciples at WitJ;emberg, and all whom he had loved in this
life, he found room for the name of the pope, but only to curse
him ! " I am ready to die,'' he writes to Pomeranus, "when it
shall please God, my Saviour ; but I would wish to live only till
Pentecost, that I might stigmatize before the whole world that
Boman beast whom they call the pope, and his kingdom ! " That
Roman beast was Paul III. His pains were so acute, that he
one day said to his nurse : " I wish there was a Turk here to
kill me !"^ His friends despaired of his recovery ; they looked
on his return to Wittembeig as a miracle ; the veiy physicians
despaired of him.
Luther had never known how to pray. Prayer implies love,
and he could only hate. In the midst of his effusions to Qoi
there always arises something of the old man, which chedcs the
pity that we are disposed to feel for his sufferings. How is it
that the prayer which at first comes from his lips like pure
1 "Dieser dein Feind and '^derchrist sor ewigen Sclimach and Pein ; ich
aber, deine anne Creator, sor ewigen Gloria and HeniicULeit." — Gagtav Pfiser.
* " Wenn nor ein Tiirke da ware, der mioh flohlaQhtete."— Ibid.
luthbb'b AFFLlonOKB. 409
incenBe, becomes changed so soon into wormwood ? ** My sms^
deaths Satan^ and all his angels, neyer leaye me any rest ! What
remains for my consolation and my hope, but thy grace, 0 my
Qoi ! Ah ! let it not abandon the most miserable of men, the
greatest of sinners.''
Does it not seem as if the heavens will open, and that the
mercy which he so fondly invokes will descend on him with
angels' wings ? Bnt the heavens are of brass, because he who
implores it has so mnch gall in his heart that it escapes in words
of hatred. ''Oh! my Ood,'' he adds, ''how I wish that
Erasmus and the Sacramentarians did for a moment experience
the pains which I suffer ; I should then become a prophet, and
foretell their repentance and conversion l'^ We prefer the prayer
of St. Thomas of Canterbury, who as he fell at the foot of the
altar under the assassins' blovrs, raised his eyes to heaven and
said, as he expired : " Forgive them, my Ood, they know not
what they do/' And yet this Thomas was a papist, whom
Luther more than once damned !
Luther was at Goburg when he learned the death of his
old father, Hans.^ To support him under this heavy blow,
his wife had sketched their children in a letter full of conso-
lation. As Luther read it, he lifted his eyes to heaven. He
believed in the Lord, and the sight of tlukt firmament where
he hoped that his father rested sufficed to assuage his grief; for
he loved his father mucL And Hans was proud of his son, and
spoke of him with enthusiasm.
In the letter written on this occasion by his servant to
Catherine, we find some interesting details : —
" My dear and good lady, my beloved ^mistress, be consoled,
and do not firet about your husband, the doctor. Thanks be to
CK)d, he is well, and received the account of his fether's death
with firmness. As soon as he had broken the seal of Hans
Reinicke's letter, he turned to me, and said, ' My poor &ther
is dead/ Then he took his psdm-book and retired to his
1 He died on 20th May, 1580. See, in De Wette, yol. iii. pp. 82, 88, two
letten which Luther wrote on the Bubjeot, on 5Ui Jone^ to liin<^ and to
Melancthon, of nme date. Hans died in his son's creed. " Gaudeo sanb
vixisse enm in haso tempera nt luoem Teritatis videret," says Lather to Me-
Uncthon.
410 HISTOBT OF lUTHSB.
chamber, where he wept so much, that next day his head appeared
swollen : after that he was as before/' ^
Some weeks before his death, and when stretched pn the bed
from which he was never to rise, Hans had received this last
letter from his son : —
'^ My brother James tells me that you are very sick ; * the air,
the season, all make me tremble. God has truly blessed you
with a robust frame and an iron constitution ; but your age
alarms me. None of us are sure of an hour's existence. I
should have been very glad to go and see you ; but my fidends
advise me not to tempt Ood by risking the journey ; you know
how I am beloved by the nobles and the peasantry. There would
not be much difficulty in going, but the danger lies in returning ;
if it were possible, I should prefer that you and my mother would
Gome to me ; my Eetha desires it with tears.''
Every morning and evening Luther recommended to Ood in
his prayers, his father, mother, and Mends, especially Melancthon,
and his excellent and old servant Veit DietricL
This was a devoted domestic, who almost worshipped his
master, looked after all his wants, carefully brushed, his clothes,
and repaired them when necessary, dusted his booke^ and put in
order the papers with which his table was always covered.
During his preaching Veit Dietrich sat opposite to him, listened
with silent admiration, seemed annoyed when the door of the
church was opened too noisily, and retained with wonderful
memory his master's discourse.' Luther readily admitted him to
his table, and he was a disciple rather than a servant. It was
Dietrich's duty to replenish the empty glasses ; he possessed the
knack of pouring out- ale, like a thorough German toper, to the
very brim without suffering a drop to overflow. Dietrich, firom
his custom of sitting at the same table with Luther, Melancthon,
Jonas, and Aurifaber, became imbued with the theological atmo^
sphere amidst which he had spent every evening during ten years.
^He abo discoursed upon indulgences, purgatory, and church
matters. He delighted to attack some servant of a Catholic
clergyman whom he would boast of having nonplused, ad saccum
* Oust Pfizer, Martin Lutli«r*B Leben, p. 676.
> Gust. Pfizer, p. 676. ^ Mathesina.
I^UTUBB's AFFjUCTIONS. 411
fedueere, becange he had poured upon hia head the epithets of
Antichrist, lecher^ ass, theologaster, Thomist, that fell from the
lips of the party at every bumper. Luther had perverted him,
li'ke all the rest in his service. He was one of thosp worthy
Germans such as we find in the romances of Augustus Lafon-
taine, who devote to their master an affection which even death
does not dissolve ; for at his master's death, the domestic retired
from service, and lived in some obscure abode, where he mourned
and blessed the memory of his benefiEustor.
Dietrich wrote to Melancthon : '' Pray do not glance lightly
over the lines which the doctor has written to you. I cannot
sufficiently admire his constancy, his fidth, and his hope, in
these evil days in which we live: these gifts he doubtiess
obtains by prayer. No day passes, in which he does not mutter
three long hours between his teeth. I have had the good fortune
to see him pray. My God ! what faith, what soul is in every
word ! it is like a son addressing his f&ther. * Ah ! yes. Lord,'
he prays, ' I know tiiat Thou art our Father and beloved Saviour ;
therefore have I confidence in Thee ; I firmly trust that Thou
wilt cause thy servants to overcome temptation, and, if Thou
wilt not permit it, whatever happens, it is Thou who hast wished
it, and we ought to submit to thy will.' ^
''The first time that I heard the doctor's powerful voice
pronounce these beautiful words, my whole heart was moved
and inflamed with a holy gladness. I doubt not but that
his prayer was a mighty aid to us in that unhappy diet at
Augsburg."
That prayer which a zealous servant has preserved, and to
which he attributes such might, could not, however, calm the
agonies of him who addressed it to God. It is very remark-
able that prayer, the balm for all tiie wounds of a Christian's
heart, could never iustil a drop of roseate dew in that of Luther.
He himself it is who tells us of tiiat unaccountable sterility of
prayer. Was he then abandoned by Qoi, who refused to listen
to him ? Is not this the mark of a conscience which seeks God,
but cannot find Him, because it flies from the light which God
sheds upon it ?
I Gtisi. Pfiier, Msrtin Luther*! Lebes, pp. 677, 678.
412 HISTOBY OF LUTHBB*
The most severe trial to which he had to submit was the death
of his little Magdalene.
Luther bore the blow with admirable oouiage. He tenderly
loved his little daughter ; but, lifting his eyes to heaven, he said :
** My God, if Thou desirest to take her fiom me, Thy will be
done !" One day when she was in much pain, he drew near the
child's bed, and covering her small wasted hands with kisses :
'* My little Magdalene, my good dear child,'' he said, ^' you
know well that you have a fond father on earth ; but in heaven
there is one waiting for you who is still fonder. Is it not so ?"
'' Oh yes, dear father," answered the little sufferer, '^ let the will
of God be done !" " Poor dear ! " said Luther, " the flesh is
weak, but the spirit is strong. Oh, how I love you !"
Then turning to one of his friends who sought to console him :
" See," said he, " there is not a bishop in all the world whom
God has blessed like me ; but I feel that I cannot acknowledge
his mercies."
Meanwhile the agony came on, and the dark shadows of death
passed over the child's face. When the doctor perceived these
mournful signs, he threw himself on his knees, clasped his
hands in prayer, and burst into tears. The child lost all con-
sciousness, and was leaning on her fisither's arms, when death
sealed her eyes for ever. Catherine was in a comer of the room,
not daring to look upon her daughter's bed. This aflUcting
event happened at nine o'clock of a Wednesday morning, in
1642.
The doctor laid her still lovely head gently on the pillow :
'* Poor child !" he said, ** you have a father in heaven. 0 God,
thy will be done!"
She was interred on the following day. Luther accompanied
the body to the cemetery. As the body was lowered into the
grave : — ^' Adieu," he said, '^ Lennichen, adieu : we shall meet
again, my sweet little star ; you will rise again, and sparkle in
heaven as a diamond, as a beautiful sun !" The sexton had
made the grave too small. ^' Your bed here is very narrow, my
dear child," said Luther, *^ but that which is above will be much
better."
The people who crowded to the cemetery entered into the
father's sorrow, and endeavoured to console him, by saying,
luthbb's afpliottons. 413
*• Poor friend, you suffer much !" *' I iliaiik you for your
sympathy/' said Luther ; ^' I have sent a beautiful angel to
heaven : I wish you all such a happy death, and myself also/"
** Amen/' said a bystander. To whom Luther replied : ** Flesh
is flesh, and blood is blood ; joy in the heart, and sorrow in the
countenance ; it is the flesh that weeps and mourns.''
Others drew nigh to console him : " No, no," he said, *^' I am
not sad ; my dear angel is in heaven." Some labourers came to
fing at the verge of the grave : '' Lord, remember not our former
iniquities." "Lord, Lord," mutter^ Luther, "neither our
gins of to-day, nor those of to-morrow."
When the sexton threw the earth on the coffin : " See," said
Luther, "the resurrection of the flesh: my daughter is in
heaven,-— body and seal. That is God's order and promise ; why
should we repine ? Is it not His will that is accomplished ? We
are the children of eternity ; I have batten a saint for the
Lord."
When the coffin was covered with earth, a small stone was
placed on the grave, bearing the name of the child, her age and
day of death, with a text from Scripture. Some time after,
when Luther could apply himself to work, he composed for the
monumental slab the following Latin inscription, which breathes
a spirit of tender melancholy and resignation to Ood's will : —
" Dormio com sanotiB hlc Magdalena Lntberi
Filia, et hoc stnto tecta qniesco meo ;
Filia mortis eram, peccati semine nata^
Sanguine sed vivo, GhriBte, redempta tao."
Here with the Mdnte repose I, Magdalene,
Great Luther's daughter, in this peaceful bed :
The child of death I was, begot in sin,
But now redeem'd by Christy our living head.*
We sought for this tomb in the cemetery of Wittembeig, but
could not find it This affliction struck Luther to the heart.
He looked on it as an admonition frx>m heaven : it was another
thunderbolt. The first had carried oflF the young Alexis, the
friend of his youth ; the second had deprived him of an idolized
daughter, the joy of his age. From this moment, all his letters
> Tiflch-Beden, pp. 495, 496.
414 HISTO&T Oil tUTHfifi.
are tinged with melancholy ; the wings of dei^ are stretehed
oyer all his thoughts.
On receiving a letter from the elector, who wished him many
years of long life, he shook hia head, and replied to his royal
friend : " The pitcher has gone too oftea to the well ; it will
break at last/' ^
One day while while preaching, he drew tears from his audience
by announcing to them his approaching end. " The world is
weary of me,"' he said, " and I am weary of the world : wq
shall soon be divorced. Tlie traveller will soon quit his
lodging.'*
For some time he had wished to regulate the aflairs of his
family ; and shutting himself up in his room he wrote his
testament.
" I, Martin Luther, doctor, by these presents, signed by my
hand, give and bequeath to my dear wife Catherine, for her life-
rent, and subject to her disposition, 1st, my small property of
Zeilsdorf, such as I purchased it, fumidied and fitted up;
2ndly, the house of the fountain (zum Brufmen)^ which I pur-
chased under the name of Wolf; 3rdly, my goblets, jewels,
rings, and chains, and my ornaments of gold and silver, which
may be worth about 1,000 guilders.
'^I make these dispositions: 1st, Because she has always
loved and cherished me; because she has always conducted
herself with dignity and propriety ; and because, by special
grace from the Lord, she has given me and brought up five
children, still alive, whom may God preserve !
'^ 2ndly, That she may take upon herself to discharge my
debts, if I am not able to do so before my death : these may
amount to 450 guilders, and perhaps more.
" 3rdly, And especially because I wish that she shall not be
dependent upon her children, but her children upon her,
according to God's precept.
'* I beseech all my good friends to act as protectors to my dear
Eetha, and to defend her against the evil tongues which may
accuse her of keeping for herself the money to the injury of my
poor children ; for, excepting the said goblets and jewels, I
* Der King ist zum Brnnneb getragen worden, ond wird anf eimnal brechdo."
TEMPTATIOKS A17D DOUBTS. 415
declare that I have no treaenne of any kind. That may be very
easily nndeistood ; for there is not a single particle of my revenues
which has not passed away in building, purchasing, or house
expenses ; and it is truly a great blessing of Heaven that I have
been able to do all without contracting more debts.
" Finally, I demand that, if I have not employed the forms
of law in drawing up this testament, the handwriting of a man,
well known in heaven, earth, and hell, may possess more credit
than that of any notary. If Ood has been pleased to trust me,
a poor creature laden with sins and stains ; if He. has per-
mitted me to announce the Gospel of his dear Son ; if He has
blessed my fidelity ; if, by my means, many have embraced the
Gospel and recognised me as their apostle, notwithstanding the
excommunication of popes, emperors, kings, princes, and monks,
and the wrath of the devil ; my testimony is well worthy of
credit in these trifling dispositions, especiaQy as my signature is
so well known. I hope that it will suffice to say : ' This is the
handwriting of Luther, notaiy of God, and witness of His
Gospel' ^'1
CHAPTER XXXII.
TEMPTATIONS AND DOUBTS.
Donbt, the most cniel temptation to wliich Lather is a prey. — ^The doctor's
mental proetration. — ^DisclosareB on this subjeot, deriTed from his private
coTTeapondence. — ^His fihreweU to Borne.
Op all Luther's sufferings, doubt was the most cruel. There
are two great epochs in the life of the Reformer ; the one,
which dates from the time of his posting his Theses on All Saints
at Wittemberg, and extends to the rebellion of Carlstadt, his
first apostle ; the other, which begins at the cradle of Anabap-
tism, and ends at Augsburg. In the first half of his li£s of
incessant warfSsure, he has no adversaries but the " Papists,'' and,
as he had previously damned them both in this world and the
I Seokendor^ lib. iii. p. 651.
416 HISTOBT OF LUTHBB*
next, he is not much moYed by their criticism or their aiga-
ments : they are so many eyil spirits. In the latter period, he
has for anta^nists his own children, those whom he belieyes he
has begotten for his Christ It is only then that donbt^ with
his agonies, bodily and mental, torments him incessantly : and
hence those moral tempests which he has described with snch
truthful poignancy.
In vain does he endeavour to delude (Germany as to the nature
of his aifections : it is doubt which nails him to his coucL At
every fresh neology that is produced in the religious world, we
see that an invisible hand throws around his bed clouds which
he vainly tries to dispel He must see at the same time Denck,
Hetzer, Eautz, and others rebel against the dogmas which he
has constantly defended : the divinity of Christ, justification by
fidth, redemption by the blood of Christ Such audacity, the
source of which lies in the rationalism to which he opens the
gates, causes him almost to lose his senses. He lies on his couch
stupified, and unable to read or write. Justus Jonas and Bugen-
hagen, who sit by his pillow, think to console him, but they are
ignorant of the cause of this prodi^ous depression of body
and mind in their mutual friend ; they treat the complaint as
bodily, while it is the mind that is diseased. Luther, in two
lines, explains to us the cause of his mental prostration : '' I
have almost lost Christ in these great billows of despair in which
I am as it were engulphed."" ^
From all his friends, present and absent, he entreats their
prayers: these are not refbsed, but they do not ascend to heaven.
There are moments when, fEdliug back upon the bed which he
has watered with his tears, he seems to acknowledge that he has
tortured the meaning of various passages of the Bible. ^' In
truth," he writes to Nicolas Hausmann, "it is not a mere
soldier, but the king of heU whom I have for antagonist, so
great is his power, so formidable is his knowledge of the Scrip-
tures. If I had not other arms to defend me, my knowledge of
them < would be insufficient"' He is so dejected, that he is
^''AmiHO ford toto Christo agebar fluctibiiB et prooellia desperatioms et
bksphemuB in Demn.'*— Melaoohthon], 2 Aug. 1627. De Weite, torn. iii.
p. 189.
' ''Ego atitkh BOBpioor non gr^gariam aliquem, aed principem istum Das-
TEMPTATIONS AND DOUBTS. 417
nearly casting away the Bible and ceasing to write ; " for," he
gays to Linck, '^ Satan wishes me to split my pen, and follow
him to hell." ^ Then a thick veil falls from his eyes ; it appears
to him that his doctrines are condemned by God, and that his
apostate disciples have discovered the truth. " 0 my God !"
he murmurs in Brisger's ear, ^' it is wonderful how Satan trans-
forms himself into Christ : if I yield, if I have so often obeyed
Satan, I hope that the Lord will forgive me/'' At that moment
he no longer relies upon the Redeemer's blood ; Satan strives to
snatch Christ firom him.' What then has become of that pearl
which he found in the dunghill of his monastery, and which he
styled Faith, by the light of which he was to attain to heaven ?
" I" says he, "who have saved others, yet cannot save myself !"♦
Strange avowal ! He has, therefore, either ceased to believe, or
his pearl has lost its redeeming virtue : he no longer knows what
idea to attach to his great word — Faith. Here, faith is a con-
cealed, incomprehensible knowledge; there, faith is the true
confidence and assurance of the heaf t ; elsewhere, it is dialectics,
and hope is rhetoric ; which of the first makes something spe-
culative, and of the second something purely practical^ Thus
it is that, notwithstanding all his efibrts, he slips upon the
descent on which he first took his stand, and which necessarily
casts him into the &tal abyss of rationalism, into which the most
of his disciples have abeady &llen. Listen to him endeavouring
to sift the words of the Apostle : " And as in Adam all die, so
also in Christ shall all be made alive." (1 Cor. xv. 22.) But " it
is a ridiculous commentary which St. Paul has given us there in
his death and resurrection by Adam and Christ. In the eye of
reason, it is a mockery that the whole human race should be
monioram is me insaiTexisse, tanta est ejuB potentia et sapientia Bcriptnris in
me annatissima, ut nid alieno verbo h»ream, mea scientia in scripturis non sit
eatiB.''— Niool. Hanssmann, 27 Nov. 1527. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 222.
' "Satan agit et vellet ut nihil amplitiB ecriberem, sed secum ad inferos
desoenderem." — Be Wette, torn. iii. p. 225.
' " Etiamai mnlta feci et fiusio qusB Satanas maxt, ipse enim miserioors est et
ignoscit."— 27 Nov. 1527. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 225.
• " Nam Satan solntns in me mihi Christum eripere tentat." — Brenzio,
28 Nov. Be Wette, torn. iii. p. 280.
* ** Ego alios salvos feci, me ipsam non possum salvum fiioere 1 *' — Germ.
Vitokam. 1 Jan. 1628. De Wette, torn. iii. p. 24.
' Mcehler, Symbolism, translated by Robertson, vol. i. p. 214, note,
TOL. II. 2 B
418 HISTOBT OF L0THEB.
inyolyed in tlie Bin of one man ! It eeems nnjost and absuid
to suppose that God had played a similar oomedy, and that on
account of one apple which Adam ate, he should have condemned
to eternal death generations upon generations. But Adam was
innocent either of murder, adultery, theft, or blasphemy. He
ate an apple, enticed by his wife, who allowed herself to be
deceived by the tempter. What ! for a single apple, is the whole
human race, even the saints, prophets, and sons of Ood, to be
doomed to death ? Even, if it were not death, still it is suffering
and damnation which we all incur on account of the sin of
another. Such injustice causes the heart to rise: it is a
gratuitous cruelty which we ascribe to a just and good God !
This is the incredible enigma which St Paul proposes to us, in
affirming that death and life depended on one man ; so that to
avoid the sentence, virtue, wisdom, good works, all are powerless.
Nothing can save us or preserve us from it ; neither the piety of
monks, the holy teaching bf the apostles, nor the blood of the
martyrs.
'^ When we reflect on it, this seems very astonishing, and very
often surprises me ; it is very difficult to convince the human
heart ! In the eyes of every one, such a doctrine is fiEdse.
Nobody can believe that God has been so foolish or unjust, as to
damn all men for the sake of one ; or should for one have saved
all the rest, who have done nothing to deserve their lot !
Common sense teaches us that every creature here below must
live or die according to his works. But to maintain that one
man is to be accountable for all, that we are all to live and die
in consequence of the deeds of others than ourselves, is irony as
cruel as it is ridiculous.'^ ^
You will soon see him pass under review the whole dogmas of
Christianity, and start back from them alL The Trinity appears
to him a great scandal ; three Gods who only form one : one of
* See the entire passage in Waloh's edition, vol. viL p. 1290. M. Karl
Haflen has quoted it at pp. 412, 414, of his work on the Spirit of the
Be&rmation, vol. i. ; and he remarks on this subject, that '' tnere are in
Luther's writings, various pages in which he adopts the rationalistic ideas
of his opponents." "Aus diesen Anfechtnngen Lutbers sind nun manche
Stellen m seinen Schriften entsprungen, wo er uoh in die Anriohten der
G|egenpartei in die YorsteUungen des gesnnden Menschenverstandes so gut
hineindenkt, daas wohl keiner dieselben hatte besser wiedeiveben kdnnen."
~P. 412.
TEMPTATIONS AKB DO0BTS. 419
these, the Son, a man bom of a virgin, and this man, who suffers
as God without the Father or Holy Ghost, causes no change in
their being ! And the incarnation and resurrection of Christ
are extravagant absurdities against reason, which no one can
understand without a grace from the Holy Spirit ; no one, any
more than he, who has so often lost God and Christ
He must have been grievously troubled by these temptations,
since he is ready to forgive his dissenting brethren. '^ As if,"
he says in a fit of compassion, which denotes in him a complete
disorganization, ** it would be just to punish those who think
differently from us^; as if heU had not flames enough to torment
poor wretches, without our delivering them to the hands of the
executioner/' *
From the time of the diet of Augsburg, these great troubles,
which so often assailed Luther, seem to subside. Inured to the
assaults of doubt, he voluntarily, and almost without effort,
closes his eyes to the light. He will not understand all these
severe blows with which God at intervals smites hiuL He enjoys
a calm which he regards as a gift of the divine mercy, bnt which
is only the punishment of a wilful blindness. It is certain that
in this providential somnolence, he has lost his original strength
of mind : when he takes up his once fervid pen, his fingers can
scarcely hold it : he seeks to stimulate his brains, but his head
is dull : he would make his style impassioned, but his fury is
prosaic.
Suddenly, in 1545, both mind and body become rejuvenescent
He resumes his pen, but it is to write his last will
See him at his desk, labouring on his farewell to Rome.'
Paul III. is at this time endeavouring to bring back the wan-
derers to their ancient mother the Church. Luther is in arms ;
■ 14 July, 1528. De Wette, vol. iii. p. 347. Planck has acknowledged that,
whfiD asBuled hv cruel maUdiea, Luther more than onoe fell into error and
injustice. *' Una der Mamigun^ hmaui riBS, und selbet in manoher Verletzung
der Wahrheit und Gerechtigkeit verleitete." — Oeschichte der Entstehung, &a
p. 85.
* A fine work has been published m Germany, by the title of Seitenstiiok snr
Weisheit Dr. Martin Luthen, aufgestellt von einem Katholischen, sum Jubel-
jahr der Reformation Luthers : 1 817, 8vo. It is a oommentary on the last pages
of Luther's Cont^ Pontificatura k Diabolo fundatum ; wherein the author shows
the gross blunders of the reformer, in relation to history, chronology, ciril and
canon law, and the Holy Scriptures.
2e2
420 HISTOBT OF LVTHEB.
he desires to die in battle with Rome ; and here are some of the
last accents of a voice that is abont to expire in a torrent of
blasphemies.
'' The miller's ass that eats thistles can tell what Bome is ;
for the ass knows that he is an ass, and not a cow ; that he is a
male, Und not a female. A stone knows that it is a stone ;
water, that it is water ; and so with every other creature. But
these furious pope-asses do not know that they are asses, or
whether they are mal^ or females. . . . Now then, in the name
of all of us, I ask if you are men or women ? If you ^re men,
prove that you are so, to us heretics. If you are women, I tell
you in the words of St. Paul, that a woman should be silent in
the Church. What find you at Rome ? The kings and queens
who live there are hermaphrodites, androffyni, cynosdi et paxUcanei
.... Now then, emperors, kings, princes, and lords, lay hands
upon the pope ; may God withhold his blessing firom lazy hands !
I^ake from him Rome, Romandiola, Urbino, Bologna, and all
that he possesses : he is a possessor by erroneous title. .... He
has robbed the empire. Hang up the pope, the cardinals, and
all the Roman rabble, tear out their blaspheming tongues, and
fix them on a gibbet, as they clap their seals on their bulls.
" Truly, if I were emperor, I know well what I should do.
Of all this rabble of pope, cardinals, and the papal tribe, I should
make a bundle, and stuff it into a sack. At Ostia, about three
miles firom Rome, there is a small river, called Jfar^ Tyrrhenum^
an excellent bath for the cure of every kind of papal disease.
There I should gently drop them in. If they were afiaid of
the water, for persons possessed and fools are hydrophobic, I
should add to them a rock, thai^ on. which the Church is founded,
and then the keys which bind and loose all things in heaven
and on earth To their necks I should hang the decrees^
decretals, Clementines, Extravagants, bulls, indulgences, butter
and cheese, and I answer for it that in half an hour they would
be cured of all their diseases.
" Glory to (Jod I I have shown that the pope, who boasts of
being the visible head of the Church, and Christ's vicar, is only
the head of the church accursed, of the wicked wretches of this
world, the vicar of Satan, the enemy of God, the adversary of
Christ, a doctor of lies, blasphemy, and idolatry, an arch-thief, a
TEMPTATIONS AND DOUBTS. 421
regicide, a keeper of brothels. Antichrist, the Man of Sin, the
Son of Perdition, a bear-wolf. So help me God I Amen V *
' " Si imperator forem, scirem profeotb quid eesem actaros. Scelestos
aebulonesy papam, oardinales, el oniyenam pape familiaiD, unk simul omneo,
oolligarem et cingerem, nee nltrib tria ab urbe RomA milliaria distantia Tibe-
rina Ostia ducerem (nam non dncti et non dncti, ituri non easeni, qa5 nollent)
ibidem est aquula qiue Latin^ Mare Tyrrhenum dioitur, pretiosum vzldh bal-
neom contra omnem laem, ynlnua, morbom pontificin eanctitatiB, omnium
cardinalium, et totiua Sedis, Huic vellem eo8 aenrim immittere ei balneare.
Quod si horrerent aquam (nam oommuniter energumeni et &tui aquas horrent)
eifl pro securitate adderem petram, super quam eorum Ecolesia fundata est ;
uti et claves, quibus omnia ligare possunt et solvere, qa» sunt in coelo et in
terrA ; ut aquis possent iroperare, Jungerem et pedum pastorale clavemquey
qui aqua fiioiem valerent percutere, ut sanguinem per os et nares emitteret.
Postremb et pascua secum duoant pro haustn refocillatorio et exhilaratorio in
balneo. Omnia quoqne decreta, Deoretales Sexti, Clementine, Extravagantee,
bulls, indulgentiiB, butyrum, caseus cum Epistolis lactearibus, h collo suapen-
dantur, ut undique essent aecuri : quid valet, si horn unius dimidium in
aalutifero hoc balneo transegiasent^ omnium eorum luem, vulnera et morboa
essent oessaturi I Fro eA re me prtBdam sisto, et Dominum meum Christum
oppignoro. . . .
*' Tam clar^ et potenter demonstravi, papam non esse caput Christianorumy
ut, laus Deo nulla boni Cliriatiani conacientia aliter credere possit, qukn qubd
papa neo sit> nee esse possit caput EodeaisB, nee vicariua Dei aut Christi ; sed
sit caput maledictie EoolesisB, omnium pessimorum nebulonum terra ; vicarius
dsmonia, inimicua Dei, adversariua Christi, dissipator Eocleeie Christi, doctor
omnium mendadorum, blaaphemiarum et idoloUtriarum ; Eodesis arohiftir,
Ecclesiae ezpilator, clavis omnium bonorum, tam eocleeiasticorum, qukm
scacularium ; latro regum, incitator ad omnigenam sanguinis efflisionem, leno
omnium lenonum, ao omnigeni etiam innominabilis lenocinii ; Antichristus,
homo peocati, filius perditionia, verus ursolupus. Hoc qui nolit oredere peigat,
qu6 velit, cum suo Deo, papA. Ego tanquam vocatus doctor et pnedicator
Eoclesiad Christi, qui ad dicendam veritatem obstringor, feci mea. Qui vult
fcetere, fostat : qui perire vult, pereat : sanguis ejus super caput ejus. Asino-
papavult esse Eoclesie dominus, quamvis non sit Christianus, nihil credat,
nihil amplibs possity qukm crepitus ventris edere instar asini. Petms pape
est, sub nomine S. Petri, diemon infemalis; siout Christus papaa eet, sub
nomine Christi, mater diaboli.
" Papa-asinus furit in suis drecketis. Est spectrum diabolionm, bhisphemus,
actor totius idololatrisa, homo peccati, filius perditionis, cujus opera sunt opera
diaboli. Propterea quilibet infans in baptismo est oonstitutus judex non solius
duntaxat papaa, sed et papalis Dei, diaboli. Hinc praaoeptum est baptizato
qubd judicare debeat et poesit papam, diabolum, et omnem ejus appendicem,
eum condemnando, declinando, fngiendo, conculcando, juxta Paal. xci. Super
aspidem et basilisoum ambulabis, et concnlcabis leonem et draoonem, etc.
** Est aperta Veritas, papam, cardinales, univeraam aulam Romanam et
turmam, uiud non esse, quam stabulum plenum magnia, crudia, rudibua pro-
brouaque aeinis, qui nihil intelligunt in 'S. Scriptur& ; qui ignorant, quid sit
Deus, quid Christus, quid Eccleeia, quid episcopus, quid verbum Dei, quid
Spiritus, quid bapUsmua, quid aacramentum, quid daves, quid bona opera.
Hujns ignorantiaa testes aunt aat fortes, eorum ubri, decreta^ decretales, Sex-
tins, Clementine, Extravagantes, bulle, et libri innumeri.
"Testantur jurists publida verbia, jus canonicum foatere meram ambi-
tionem, hororem et violentiam, ac oanoniatam esse aainum ; et utrumque
est verum. Jurists hoc judicium habent ex humanA et natural! ratione, qn6d
papa sit ambitiosus, superbus, inaatiabilis helluo, servus ventris et Maonons,
422 HISTOEY OF LUTHBE.
We know not who at this moment may be reading these words
of Lather. If he has received the sacred waters of baptism, it
&cto et doctrinA k diemone obeessus et actus. Magister fidei, regula Eode-
sianim, hoc est, doctor MamoiuB, avarituB et meriMimn idololatruB, doctor
luxnris.
*' Naturalis aBiouB, qui saccos in molendinam asportat^ et Bpink veBcitar,
potest S. Aulam Romanam judicare, quin et creatarsB omnes cam ipso. Etenim
asinufl novit, qu6d sit aainuB, et non yaoca ; idem novit ae eiBe maBcvlam, et
non foemellam : lapia Bcit se esse lapidem ; aqua eat aqua, et sic deineeps per
omnes creaturas. Ast furibundi pape asini Komaoi nesoiunt se esse asinos ;
quin imo neaciunt, an mares 8int> an foeminn. Summa : nihil possnnt, nisi
nmdationes monasteria, et bona mundi vorare, r^bus ooronam rarari et pre-
dari, meiaque innaturalia opera perpetrare : propter qu» omnia ereatura per-
terretur, tremit, concnlUtur, et vooiferatur super hoc stabulum aainorum ad
eum, qui iUam huic ezitiali servitio addizit. Bom. viii. ut liberet earn.
'* Sufficit nobis ndsse papa-asinum k Deo ipso, ab omnibus angelis, ab
omnibus Christianis, ab omni ioteUigentiA, ab omnibus creaturis, k proprUL
oonsdentiA suorum, ab omnibus quoque diabolis esse oondemnatum : ut nos
ab ipso^ et ejus idololatrift et blasphemiA liberi, jucundA oonsoientiA oontiik eum
▼aleamus dooere et orare, ac eum conspuere, declinare et fngere veluti ipsum
demonem, et ex toto oorde deponere, et in abyssum infemi demergere, et
dootrinam ejus maledictam, quft clamat (qui Komanas Sedi non obedit, non
potest fieri salvus) evertere, et oontrarium ponere. Qui obedit papo, non
potest salvari: qui Tult salvos esse, dediuet, fugiat, damnet piqjani, Telut
diemonem, cum omnibus operibus et substantik ejus ; prout noa saactom bap-
tisma nostrum docet et hortatur.
** ProTooo et appello omnium nostrilm nomine ad sanctam Sedem Bomanam,
iUam scilicet^ in quft explorantur papa», an sint Yin vel mulieres ; si sunt viii
oetendant testes oontiib nos hsereticos. Si sunt mulieres, dicam illud Pauli :
Mulier in ecclesiA taceat. Hoc fiMsere oogit vulgata &ma per oomem jam
yeterem Europam, quae mores extiipat honestoe. Beges enim et rMrime in
curift BomanA dicuntur ut plurimum esse palkm hermaphroditas, androgyni,
cjn&oedi, pssdicones et simiha monstra in naturft. At illis non oompetit judi-
cium de haereticis fiuwre. . . .
" HsBC verba non ausus est invereoundissimus impostor Germanic^ scribere,
sed Latin^ ; ne, dum quia suorum tam nefimda et evidentia legeret mendacia
ac convitia, oompelleretur ad detestandum eorum auotorem.
" Hie etiam papa k siiis theologis judicatur et reprehenditur velut mendaz,
qubd nos dicat ha&reticos : illi autem negant. Nee ego judioo et reprehendo
papam, ohn dass ich sage, er sey vom Teufel hinten ausgebohren, voUer Teufel,
Lugen, Gottes-Lasterung, Abgotterei, Stifter derselben, Gottes-Feind, Wider-
Christ, Verstohrer der Cbristenheit, Kirchen-Bauber, Sohliissel-Dieby Horen-
Wirth und Sodoma-Vogt^ Das heisst aber nit geurtJieilet, gericht> noch ver-
dammt^ sondern seynd eitel Lobe-Spriiche, und Ehren-Wort, damit niemand
zu ehren ist ohne der Sataniasimns der Papst^ und vrare fein, dass er sie miiste
an seiner Cron und Stim begraben und gebrandt tragen, da« solt seiner
Satanitati viel ehrlicher anstehen (weil es die lauter reine Wahrheit ist) denn
dass er ihme die Filss kiissen Iftsst. Hoc est : Nee ego judico et reprehendo
papam, quin dicam, eum ex posterioribus diaboli natnm esse, plenum daemoniia^
mendaciis, blasf^emiis, idololatrib, auctorem earum, inimicum Dei, Anti-
Christum, turbatorem Christianitatis, Eoclesiae expilatorem, furem olavium,
lenonem, et prsepositum Sodomas, et csetera plnra, quae superitis dicta sunt.
Hoc autem non est judicare aut oondemnare ; sed sunt meri tituli honoris et
encomia, quibus nemo exomandus est, nisi solus papa Satanissimus ; pal-
ehruDjque foret, si ea deberet ooronas et Ironti suas inscmpla et inusta portare :
TEHPTATIOKS AND DOUBTS. 423
is impossible but that his heart, like onrs, beats with fear at
these expressions of a dying man who thus preaches robbery and
murder!
And yet, even in the present time, people write and print, that
Lnther was an apostle blessed by Ood !
idqne sase Sataoitati miiltb honestins aocideret (ctim dt pura purissiina Veritas)
qoam obcqIuxd pedum.
" Ait papa : Non ita intelligo pascere. Liebes Jungferlein B&pstlein, wie
yeniehest dn es deon T Dilecta TirgUDcnla papista, qnomodo er^ ioteUigis !
Sic iDtelligpo, ut sab nomine S. Petri vellem omnes reges et totnm mundnm
perterrefaoere, ut se mihi pascendos, et ad mihi serviendam traderent, egoqne
mde dominus mundi evaderem, atque ita antic^nam Romanorum monarchiam
Rom» restituerem, eamque potentiorem et majorem, qnkm fuerit temporibus
Angusti, sen Tiberii : egoque verus Romanorum imperator appellarer : domi-
nns omnium dominantiumi et rex omnium regum, Apoc. six. prout mei mihi
prophetsB dioebant. Ja ja, Jungfer Bapstlin, bist du da zemssen, so flicke
dich der Teufel und seine Mutter. Ita, ita, yirgo papissa, hie ne laoerata es,
eigo resarciat te diabolus, et mater ejus.
''Eia! Injiciant manus papte, imperatores, reges, principes et domini, ao
quiounque injicere potest! Deus pigras manus non fortunetl Et quidem
prim5 auferatur papas Boma^ Bomandiola^ Urbinum, Bononia, et omnia que
quk papa possidet ; est enim possessor pessima; fidei : mendaoiis et dolis omnia
aoquismt. Quid dioo : mendaoiis et dolis ? blasphemiis et idololatrift eunota
acquisivit et imperio furatus et prodatus est, sibique subjedt. Pro meroede
autem ad letemum incendium innumeras per idololatriam suam animas traxit ;
prout ipse eloriatur. Sic papa Christi regnum dissipavit : unde vooatur
abominatio molationis, Matth. xxiy. Post hsc papa, cardinales, et universa
ejus idololatries ac papalis sanctitatis coUuyies arripiantur, eisque ceu bias*
pfaemis lingue per oervioem eripiantnr, et in patibulo per ordinem suspen-
dantur, siout ipsi sigiUa sua bullis per ordinem affigunt. Et hoc totum nimis
leve est blasphemiarum et idololatnarum papalium supplicium. Deinde per-
mittantur concilium, vel plura, quotquot velint, oelebrare in patibulo, vel inter
daemones in inferno." ...
The following is the judgment of the Reformed Church of Zurich on Luther,
in 1646:
" Neminem unquam mortalium Luthero vel fodihs, yel incivilihs, yel inho-
nestitis idque prsster omnes ChristiansB modesti® ac sobrietatis terminoe in
negotio illibatse religionis nostras et aliis magnis et arduis disputationibus
scripsisse luce darilis constat, nee k quoquam etiam negari potest. In omnium
manibus enim versantur Lutheri Heinzius Anglicus, contrli regem Angliae
editus, et alius nescimus quis Heinzius cum Meinzio c^uodam in spurco suo
libro quem Hannswurst appellari yolunt. Accedit his eiusdem contrik Judseos
libera ubi fceda et spurcissima qusedam deblaterat. feSxistat prasterea ejus
SchemhamphoTBB liber prodigiosus, porcornm frequenti mentione, et oleU ac
sterquilinii crebrft ac foedA commemoratione spurcus ac foetens, quem si fort^
subulcos aliquid scripsisset aliquam fortassis, quamyis non adeo splendidam
excusationem mereretur.'* — Orthodoxa Tigurinso Eoclesias Ministrorum Con-
fessio, folio, 1646, p. 10.
424f HISTOBY OF L0TUEB.
CHAPTER XXXIIL
LUTHER'S LAST MOMENTS. 1546.
Quarrels in tlic TinnUj of Uie Counts of Mansfeld. — Luther goes to Eislebea
to suppresH tlieiu. — ^Incidents on his jouraey. — ^He sits for the last time at
table with his disciples. — His prophecy regarding the papacy. — His last
moments and death. — His funeral.
Enmities, which arose out of some wretched questions of ter-
ritory^ divided the noble house of the counts of Mansfeld. In
1545, Count John George, on a visit to Wittemberg, requested
Luther to use his influence in reconciling the princes. Luther
promised to mediate; but Albert repelled his interference as
offensive. It was a melancholy spectacle for the Protestants that
such quarrels should defy all exhortations. The elector of
Saxony, who was desirous of peace, entreated the doctor to go to
Eisleben ; a noble mission, which Luther might have refused,
for his health was bad. Some days before, he had written to the
pastor of Bremen : " I am old, decrepit, indolent, &tiguedy
tremulous, and blind of an eye ; I hoped for repose in my old
age, and I have nothing but suffering."* He set out on the
evening of the 23rd of January, the weather being cold and
rainy.*
Luther trembled for the fate of his creed. There was only
one man who could support it, and that was Melancthon, whose
incessant vacillations alarmed him. He said to him with a
sigh : " Brother, I am about to leave this world, and God's work
will depend entirely upon you. Should the Church relapse into
popery, it will be your fault. All that we have constructed
together will perish ; and woe, then, to the poor souls whom we
have taken so much trouble to preserve from it !''^ Melancthon
was silent
* Seckendorf, Comm. Hist, de Luth. lib. iii. sect xxxvi. § 158, p. 634 etseq.
* Lingke, 1. c. p. 277.
' ** Wenige Tage vor seinem Tode ssffte Luther zu Melanchthon in ermah-
nendem Tone : Bruder Philipp, ich sterbe bald, und die Sache Gotten beruht
auf dir. Wirst du die Kirche wieder unter des Fapstes Gewalt bringen, so ist
lutheb's last moments. 425
Luther had not much confidence in physicians, and had never
been very willing to follow their advice. At length, he became
so weak, that he conld not move a step without fear of falling ;
his eyes became dim, and his brow hot as a burning coal. He
was obliged to allow a blister to be applied to his leffc 1^ ; when
the dizadness left him, his head became clear, his language un*
embarrassed, and his ideas luminous and copious.
On leaving Wittemberg, he neglected the prescriptions of the
faculty, and suffered the issue to close which had been opened to
cany off the humours, as medical science then so expressed it.
His headaches returned, accompanied by the whole train of
inconveniences which he had suffered during the preceding twelve
years; the peccant humours flowed back to the brain. The
disease with which Luther was affected was an erosion of the
ventricle.
There was at Landsberg a small chapel which Catholic piety
had built on the summit of a hill, whence the eye, after the
heart had been raised to God's throne, could survey a scene of
magnificent verdure. Luther ascended this hiU, entered the
little chapel, knelt down, and wrote upon a marble pillar this
prayer to God : —
" Lieber Grott von Ewigkeit^
Erbarm dich deiner Christenheit :
So seu&et mit Hand und Mund
Martin Luther. D.'*»
That God, who reigns eternally,
May watch o'er Christianity,
Is Martin Luther's latest sigh !
The weather was cold, with a violent wind. Halle, whither he
journeyed, was inclosed, as it were, with a girdle of glaciers ;
for the Mulda had overflown its banks, and its waves floated
down enormous masses of ice, which impeded the progress of the
boat in which the doctor was seated. Luther calmly surveyed
this stormy scene. Under each mass of ice he saw at one time
the shoulders of Satan, who raised them up to immerge the boat ;
es deine Schnld. Alles was wir gearbeitet haben, ist dann verloren, und die
Seelen die kaum aus dem Blende heraus sind, werden unglllcklich." — Effher,
1. c. torn. i. p. 95.
' Sachs. PriesteFBch. torn. ii. p. 685.
426 HI8T0BT OF LUTHEB.
at another, the ann of some Anahaptist, who would have wished
to administer for a second time the purifying waters to him who
had warred so fiercely with the prophets. He narrated to his
wife, with a charming liveliness which reminds us of Sterne, this
elemental warfajre against his little skiSl^
At Halle, he dined with Justus Jonas, who had invited the
burgomaster Beyer, Joachim Uhlemann, and Gr^ory Pareit to
meet him. Each guest brought with him a book, in which
Luther wrote a few lines of valediction or remembrance.^
After being detained three days at Halle, in consequence of
the inundation of the Sal, Luther left that city, accompanied by
Justus Jonas and his three children ; his wife being unwell, could
not go with him. As they were crossing the river, the boat
inclined to one side, in consequence of the swell of the waves,
which alarmed the children, who clung to their father. Luther
smiled: "You must acknowledge, Jonas," said he, "that the
devil would laugh heartily if Luther, his children, and Doctor
Jonas, were to be drowned in the Sal."'
The princes of Mansfeld awaited his arrival at the gates of the
city with a military escort ; the banners of the city were unfurled,
and more than a hundred knights were under arms ; while the
cannon roared, and trumpets clanged, as if a dignitary of the
empire had arrived.
He had scarcely discerned the steeples of his dear Eisleben,
when he was seized with a sort of fednting-fit ; his heart sank,
and he fancied himself dying, and looked up to heaven as if his
last hour were come. They immediately conveyed him to a
neighbouring house, where they chafed his body with warm cloths
to restore circulation. He opened his eyes, and bade the by-
standers not be astonished at this swoon, as it was " the work
* "Eb begegnete una eine grosse Wiedertauferin, mit WasserwogeD nnd
grossen EisschoUen, die- das I^nd bedeckteo, die droheten nns mit der Wie-
dertaufe ; so konnten wir auch nicht wieder zurdck kommen von wegen der
Mulda, nmssten also an Halle zwischen den Wassem stille liegen."— ^alch,
torn. zzi. p. 506.
* Laur. Beinhard, De YitA Jonte, cap. z. § 8. Unschuld. Nachriohten,
ann. 1712, pp. 945, 953.
' " Ctim non procul ab nrbe abesset horridis Tentis enm afflanfibus, qnestns
est yehementer, se foedi ssevitift frigoris et ventoram et sentire se pericnloeas
angustias pectoris. Adfuit Melchior (Kling), qui dicit earn quoqne yiz ]
turn sumptis aromatis." — Melanchth. Epist. lib. iii. p. 176.
LUfHEB's LAST MOMENTS. 427
of the devil, who never failed to assail him whenever he had a
great mission to fulfil/'
Next day he forgot his sufierings, ascended the pnlpit in
St. Andrew's church, and to a crowded congregation, collected
from far and near, poured forth against the pope and the
hierarchy the whole series of insults contained in his publica-
tions for nearly twenty years.
He was under the impression that, by dismissing the lawyers
to whom the princes had committed their interests, he could
restore peace to the &mily of Mansfeld ; but his efforts were
ineffectual.
The princes entertained him magnificently, and regaled him
with the finest Rhenish wines, and the best game which the
neighbouring forests could produce. Luther did honour to their
hospitality, and on this occasion drank like a true German, but
without becoming intoxicated.^
In these laige goblets, which he emptied as in his younger
days, Luther r^ained all his juvenile animation, and looked as
when at Wittemberg, in the time of Prierias and Miltitz. The
merry guest vented his humour in sarcasms against his natural
enemies, — the pope, the emperor, the monks, and also the devil,
whom he did not forget. " My dear friends,'' he said, " we
must not die until we have caught Lucifer by the tail .... I
saw him yesterday morning ; he showed me his hinder parts on
the castle-turrets."^ Then, rising from the table, he detached
from the wall a piece of plaster, and with trembling hand wrote
upon the partition this Latin line : —
" Pestia eram Tiynfl, moriens toa mors ero, pap*.**
Living, O pope I I ever was your bane ;
And, dying, your destruction shall obtain.'
He sat down amidst the uproarious laughter of the company,
who looked as if God had pronounced sentence upon the papacy.
But the mask fell soon, and Luther's count'Cnance assumed an
inexpressible character of concern. He felt that he was soon to
-•
' "Cibo atque potu hilariter usus est et facetiis indulsit." — Seckendorf^
Relatio JuhU Jon», lib. iii. p. 636.
' " Wir miissen so lang leben, dass wir dem Teufel in den Arsch sohen nnd
in den Schwantz."— Tisch-Reden : Eisleben, p. 67.
' Razebergius, in Hist. MSS. Seokendorf, lib. iii. sect, xxzvi. § 134.
428 HISTOBT OP LUTHBB.
bid farewell to the world, and said to his companions, who spoke
to him of the long life which God had promised him : '^ Men do
not live to grow old as they did formerly."
'^ Master/' said Jonas, interrupting him, ^' shall we recognise
each other in heaven V — " Adam," replied the doctor, " when
he awoke from sleep, did not say to Eve, whom he had never
before seen, 'Whence art thou? Who art thou?' but said,
* This is bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh.' How, then,
did he know that this woman did not come out of a stone, unless
the Holy Spirit told him ? And we shall put on a new existence
in the next world, and shall recognise our parents and friends.
To your health, Jonas," he continued, perceiving the sadness of
his friend, — ''to your health ;" and, handing him a bumper of
ale, he extemporized this Latin line, an anacreontic allusion to
the shortness of life : —
" Dai ▼itrum viiro Joiub, vitrom ipse LutheroB." '
Glass unto glass : let Luther Jonas give
This brimming cup, emblem of all who lire !
One of the guests, wishing to change the conversation, b^an to
speak of the style of the Scriptures. Luther interrupted him :
" It is a great and difficult thing to understand the Scriptures.
It requires five years' hard labour to understand Virgil's (Jeorgics,
twenty years' experience to be master of Cicero's epistles, a hun-
dred years with the prophets Elias, Eliseus, John the Baptist,
Christ and the apostles, to merely taste the Scriptures .... Poor
human nature !"*
As they rose from table, one of his disciples arrived from Frank-
fort, bringing with glee the news of the death of Paul III., which
was reported in that city. " This is the fourth pope that I have
buried," said Luther gaily ; " I shall bury many more of them. If
I die, you will find a man who will not be so easy with the monks
as I have been. I have given him my blessing ; he will take a
sickle, and will shave them as with a sword."'
" Did you remark," said Coelius to Jonas, on going out of the
dining-room, " how our father's eye gleaflled with a dull fire,
' Uleuberg, p. 643. ^ Colloq. Mens. £ 4, a and b, £ 290, ab.
' Florimond de Esmond, book iii. c. 2, fol. 287. Bozius, Be Sign. £ccL
lib. xidii. c. 3. Ling, in Vitft Luth. fol. 4.
Luther's last moments. 429
and how his chest was oppressed ? The pnlpit will ineyitably kill
him/' They advised Luther to give over preaching at so cold a
season. At first he would not listen to his friends' counsels ;
but the request of the count of Mansfeld was so pressing, that he
was obliged to yield. He appeared no more in public.
On the 17th of February, 1646, Luther, wrapped up in a
dressing-gown lined with fur, sat warming himself by the stove ;
his three children were sitting at his feet Goelius and Jonas
w^e conversing with him about the future world, and laughing
at that '^ papacy" whose last hour was about to strike.
Luther interrupted them, shaking his head. " If I leave
Eisleben," he said, ''it will only be to buiy myself alive, and
give food to the worms." ^ At tibat instant he felt severe pains,
and his countenance shrivelled up. Aurifaber now came. Luth^
squeezed his hand affectionately, and pressed it to his heart. " My
father," said Aurifaber, '' the Countess Albert has an excellent
remedy for pains in the chest ; it is a mixture composed of
brandy and powdered horn ; if you wish it, I will go to the
castle." Luther signified that he did. In the meanwhile,
Goelius and Jonas warmed cloths and applied them to his
stomach.
Count Albert soon arrived with the potion. The immediate
danger had passed off, and their fears were removed. Luther
expressed his thanks in a low voice. The count went away ;
but Aurifaber, Coelius, and Jonaa remained with their father,
whom they made to swallow the potion. He breathed softly,
and expressed a wish to sleep : " Tou will see," said he, '' that
a little sleep will do me a d^ of good." It was nine o'clock in
the evening. They laid several feather pillows in the chair.
The patient soon closed his eyes; his children slept by the
stove. At ten o'clock the striking of the castle-clock awoke
him. He looked round, and saw his firiends asleep. '' Why
did you not go. to bed?" he asked. Jonas replied that they
must watch and take care of their master.
The sick man wished to lie down ; the bed had been warmed,
and was ready. Luther rose, and refused to accept the arm of his
disciples. At the door of his room, he said in a smothered voice :
Ulenberg, 1. c. p. 646.
430 HISTORY OP LUTHER.
'^Loid, into thy hands I commend my spirit ;"' and tnming to
his friends, whose hands he sought : '^ Doctor Jonas and Master
CobUus, pray for our God and our Gospel, for the wrath of the
council is enkindled." Those present ranged themselyes round
his bed ; Goelius was at the right, AuiifiEiber and Jonas at the
left of his pillow ; at his feet were the three children ; some
domestics and counsellors of Prince Albert were seated at the
bottom of the room.
Luther slept till an hour after midnight, when he awoke and
sat up in his bed, inqtiiring if the sitting-room was warmed,
because he wished to return to his chair. Jonas asked if he
still suffered : " Very much," said Luther. " Ah ! my friend,
my dear doctor, I clearly see that I shall die at Eisleben, where
I was born and baptized." — '* Reverend father," replied Jonas,
^' call upon Jesus Christ, our Saviour, our Father, and Mediator,
whom you have confessed. You have perspired, God will comfort
you." — " A cold sweat," said Luther, passing his hand across
his brow, '^ it is the forerunner of death ; I am going : ' In manus
tuas, Domine' (Into thy hands, 0 Lord, I commend my spirit) ! "
His forehead and face had now become cold. He was placed
in his chair, but spoke no more. The physician was imme-
diately sent for, as well as Count Albert, who with his countess
hastened to the room ; the count of Schwartzburg was already
with the dying man. His friends and disciples murmured,
" Father ! " Luther heard them not The countess rubbed his
temples, and applied smelling-salts ; but he gave no signs of
life. The physician raised his head, forced open his teeth, and
poured into his mouth some powerful liquid. Luther openol his
eyes. '' Father," asked Jonas, " do you die in the Ccdth and
doctrine you have preached?" — "Yes," muttered Luther,
turning on his left side, as if to sleep. The countess's face
began to beam with hope ; but the doctor pointed to his feet,
which the cold of death had already benumbed, and to his
face, which was becoming blue. The noble lady still hoped ;
she rubbed the body, which grew cold under her hands ; and the
breast, which made a hollow rattling. At that instant the lips
of the dying man opened, and a slight breath escaped which
made his friends grow pale, and interrupted the pious labour of
the princess : — the heresiarch was before the tribunal of God.
lutusb's last mohsnts. 431
The corpse waa coffined and bronght in great state to the
church of St. Andrew at Eisleben. Justus Jonas pronounced
the funeral oration. The sobbing of the bystanders frequently
interrupted the orator, who wept bitterly. Ten citizens watched
the bier during the night On the following day, February
20th, the body was placed in a hearse and conveyed to Wittem-
berg. During the whole journey the people ran in crowds
uncovered, chanting the prayer for the dead.^
By the elector's orders, the professors, clergy, senators, and
citizens of Wittetnberg, came to receive the body at the
Elster gate, and accompanied it to the church, passing along
College-street and the market-place, while the bells of all the
churches were tolled. The procession advanced in the following
order : the clergy, composed of four deacons and Doctor Pome-
ranus ; the officers of the elector's household on horseback ; the
two counts of Mansfeld, with their servants and esquires. The
corpse was inclosed in a leaden coffin covered with black velvet,
and drawn on a four-wheeled car. This was followed by Luther's
widow and some ladies in a small open vehicle ; his three children,
his brother James, the two children of his sister, George and
Syriac the merchant, the Chevalier Magnificus, Philip Melanc-
thon, Justus Jonas, Gaspard Creuziger, Jerome Schurf, and
other professors, doctors, and masters. The procession was
closed by counsellors, students, citizens, noble ladies, young
women and children ; all of whom were bathed in tears. The
crowd was immense ; aU the streets were filled, and the roo& of
the houses covered with spectators. When the body reached
the church of the castle, and was deposited at the foot of the
pulpit, the funeral service was intoned, and Pomeranus pro-
nounced a discourse, which he firequently interrupted by tears
and sobs. He compared Luther to the angel of the Apocalypse,
and recalled the prophecy of Huss when at the stake, and the
voice of the " martyr," who foretold the advent of Doctor Martin.
He spoke of Luther's Christian death, sufferings, and sickness,
the wishes which escaped from his half-closed lips, and the
accomplishment of which God would hasten. He recorded the
^ Balthazar Mentz, Syntagma Bpitaphioram Wittenbei^DBiam, lib.
p. 76 et seq.
432 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
anecdote of Lather writing upon the wall " Pestis eram ;" and
he reckoned with joy the few remaining years of the papacy !
Mclancthon followed him, and gave a long description of the
labours of " the apostle of Germany."
The fiineral chants were resumed. On their being ended, the
body was lowered into a newly-opened grave opposite the pulpit.
The grave was then closed and made fast, and surmounted with
a plate of copper, on which was engraved the following Latin
inscription : —
"Martini Lutheri S. Theologiea doctoris corpus h. L s. e.
qui anno Christi MDLVI, xii CaL Jf artii Eyslebii in patria
S. M. 0. C. V. ann. LXII MUD X."*
Next year Wittembeig was besieged and taken. Charles V.
wished to see thp Reformer's tomb. With his hands crossed on
his breast, he was reading the inscription, when one of his officers
asked permission to open the tomb and scatter the heretic's ashes
to the winds. The monarch's eye flashed fire. '^ I have not
come," said he, '^ to war with the dead ; I have enough of living
enemies." And he left the church.
CHAPTEE XXXIV.
CATHEEINE BORA.— LUTHEJl'S RELICS.
DintraNi of Catherine Bora. — Her death. — Relics of Luther at ESdeben,
Erfdrty &c.
The Protestant princes soon forgot Luther's widow ; after some
years, the neglected Catherine Bora had not bread to give her
children. The widow of the Reformer was reduced to beg alms ;
but her prayers and tears were unheeded. In a letter to his
friend Justus Jonas, Melancthon complains of the hardhearted-
ness of the great of this world : " They rise up against us," said
* Dr. Franz Yolkmar Reinhard's sammtliche Reformationspredigtexi, torn. iii.
p. 441.
Melancthon had suggested the following inscription for his master's tomb :
" Qui Christom docuit pur^ et bona plurima fecit
Lutheri bfto um& molliter ossa cubant"
OATHERIKB BORA. 433
he, " or forget us. One only has had pity on us, — the king of
Denmark, who has lately sent a small sum to the widow of our
departed friend.''*
It appears that the monarch's pity was soon exhausted. A
letter addressed by Pomeranus to Christian III. remained un-
answered, notwithstanding the urgent terms in which it was
expressed : '' May your majesty condescend to cast your eyes
upon a poor widow who has not wherewith to feed and bring up
her children ! We entreat you in the name of Luther, whose
memory will live for ever."*
Catherine then resolved to move the prince's heart. She
wrote to him a letter, in which, thanking him for the fifty
thalers which he had sent her some few years before, she again
appealed to his majesty's charity in behalf of a widow whom the
misfortunes of the times had reduced to extreme misery, and
who had not bread for her children.
This letter, which is dated 6th of October, 1550, was not
more successful than those of Melancthon and Pomeranus.*
Catherine sorrowfully remembered the prophetic words of Luther,
on the abandonment to which the princes would consign all that
was dearest to him on earth.
In 1547, Wittemberg was besieged by the army of the
Emperor Charles V. Bora was sick and starving ; no one came
to give her the bread which she called for. The pestilence com-
pelled her to quit the city where the doctor's ashes reposed.
In 1552, on the feast of St Thomas, the following notice was
posted on the door of the parish church of Torgau, signed by the
pastor, Paul Eber : —
** Catherine Bora is dead. This noble lady was exposed to all
kinds of affliction. It was for her a great privation that she
could not attend her husband in his last illness, or close his
eyes, or pay him the last duties. . . . Then came war which drove
her into exile, attended by the more bitter scourge, the ingra-
titude of her fellow-citizens. To escape the pestilence, she was
obliged to take her children into another country. On her
* Epist. 98, Jnflt. Jone.
* Bebki. mAnnsc. omnis JEvi, Joannis Petri de Ludewig.
' Daniflch. Bibl. p. 160.
VOL. II. 2 P
434 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
joamey, the horses took fright, and the carriage was upset ; skd
was thrown into a ditch, in conseqaence of which, fear, rather than
the fall, soon brought on a sickness, whereof, at the end of three
weeks, she died. During all the time of her illness, she found con-
solation in God and His word, calmly aspiring after another life,
recommending her children to the Lord, and imploring the Holy
Spirit to re-establish that unity of doctrine which was the object
of the efforts of her pious husband, and which, since his death,
has been so unhappily broken.
"The funeral will take place to-day at three o'clock. We
therefore implore our parishioners to assemble at the residence
of the deceased, in the street leading to the castle, to pay the
last duties to this worthy lady."^
The remains of Catherine lie in the parish church of Torgaa.
They are covered with a stone, whereon Luther's companion is
represented as large as life, holding in her hand an open Bible.
Over her head, to the right, are Luther's armorial bearings ; to
the left, those of her own family, — a lion on a field of gold, and
in the helmet a peacock's feather. On the four sides is the fol-
lowing inscription in German : —
" On tlie 20th December, 1552, Catherine de Bora, widow of
Doctor Martin Luther, fell asleep in the Lord."*
The " Petites Affiches" of Altona, of 15th November, 1837,
contained an advertisement headed, ^' Luther's Orphans."
" These are the children of Joseph Charles Luther, who was
bom at Erfurt, 11th November, 1792, and who returned to the
Catholic Church. He died in Bohemia.
" M. Keinthaler, administrator of the institution of St. Martin,
erected at Erfurt to Luther's memory, has taken these orphans
under his care.
" On the 6th May, 1830, Anthony, the eldest, bom in 1821,
* Meyer, in Intimationibus Wittemb. ann. 1558. Nas, tom. i. Scriptoram
public^ Propomtoram : Wittemb. p. 441.
* " Anno 1552, den 208ten December, ist in Gott selig entschlafen allhier xu
Torgau, Herm Dr. Martini Lntheri selige Witt we, Gatharina von Bora." —
Bredow, in the Almanack (Minerra) for 1813, has given a detailed aocoont of
Catherine's life.
This sepulchral slab has been engraved in Jnncker's work : Ehrengedachtniss
Lntheri, p. 247.
CATHEBIKE BORA. 435
came to the old Angastinian monastery. Being instnicted in
the principles of the Reformation, he made his first communion
at Easter. He has since been apprenticed to a cabinet-maker.
Mary and Anne, his sisters, are servants in an inn ; Theresa,
the youngest, is at school."
M. Reinthaler appealed to the sympathy of his co-religionists
for the descendants of Luther. The subscription was not suc-
cessful. Frankfort-on-the- Maine and Leipsic sent fifty thalers ;
and that was all.
Old Schoepfer, in a book entitled, *' On Luther's Incombus-
tibility,"^ mentions seven great conflagrations which broke out
at Eisleben in the seventeenth century. Six times the house
in which the doctor was bom was preserved, he says, by a special
miracle from heaven. In 1693, the municipal council of the city
set on foot a subscription among the Protestants, the produce of
which was destined for the preservation of the Reformer's house.
On the door of the small apartment in which Luther came
into the world, is the following inscription : —
'' Consecrated for ever to the great man who first drew breath
herein." «
Among the objects of curiosity with which the room is fur-
nished, are to be seen a desk, supported by a swan, and which
he used when a child ; a pamphlet of forty-one pages, entitled,
" On the Marriage of Doctor Martin Luther /' and his portrait,
" miraculously saved firom the flames."
Long after his death, the bed in which Luther lay and the
table at which he studied, were shown at Eisleben. People
came firom a distance to touch these relics : and every devout
Lutheran carried off with him a portion for the cure of the
toothache and headache.' Arnold, who visited Eisleben in the
seventeenth century, observes that the walls of the Reformer's
chamber were broken in a thousand places by his superstitious
disciples, who detached from them some grains of plaster, to
> Part i. p. 100.
' " Die Siatto^ wo ein ffroMer Mann die Wdt betrat^
Bleibt eingeweiht nlr jetzt and ixnmerdar."
* De Beliquiifl Lntheri diveniB in loots asaeiratifl, ft GiMTg. Henr. Goetcio.
Fabrioiiu in Centifblio Lutherano I. Job. Knxa, In den curioien Naob-
ricbten, p. Z, §§ 28, 89.
2f2
436 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
which they attributed extraordinary virtues. This Protestant
pilgrim, on witnessing such evidence of an idolatrous worship,
could not help exclaiming, " May God destroy this house of
Luther, where superstition has been introduced !*' '
Christopher Juncker, in a work dedicated to the memory of
Luther, speaks in the gravest manner of a portrait of the
fieformer, at Ober-Rossla, the forehead of which was covered
with perspiration at the very time when the minister was
lamenting over the melancholy fate of literature in Germany ; '
and of another portrait of the doctor which he saw at Artem, in
the county of Mansfield, and which was found unhurt by the
flames that totally consumed the apartment of which it formed
the greatest ornament
Every traveller who goes to Erfurt, visits the old Augustinian
monastery, which Luther entered on 27th July, 1505, where,
two years 'after, he was ordained by John Lasphus, and which
he left to become professor in the university of Wittemberg.
The places as well as tne times are much altered. There are no
longer any monks in the old Augustinian monastery, but poor
orphans who sing the praises of the Lord in German, and a
Protestant school, in which are taught other doctrines than those
of the Reformer.
Luther's small cell still remains in its original state. The
walls have been whitewashed, and, upon the plaster, the hands of
pilgrims have written a number of Bible texts, and sentences in
prose and verse in honour of the Reformer. On the right of
the entrance hangs Luther's portrait, as large as life, with this
Latin inscription : —
'' Martinus Lutherus S. Theolog. D. Natus Islebiae, anno
1483, ibique in Christo obiit anno 1546, d. 18 Feb. et Witten-
bergsa sepultus est, setatis 63. M. L. Northusanus, P."
The likeness was taken when he was in the flower of his age.
His eyes are bright, and his lips slightly curled with a smile.
We might fancy that he has just finished one of his impassioned
letters against the papacy. The unknown artist has evidently
< In der Kirchen- und Ketaer-Historie, part ii. lib. an, cap. v. § 22, p. 501.
' Ehren-GediiclitnisB Lntheri, 1707, qpoted by Fred. Keyser, in the Befor-
mationi-Almanaoh, 1817, p. 76.
CATHEBIKB BOBA. 437
intended to depict the inward satisfaction of an exasperated
individnal who has just avenged himself.^
Unquestionably the most valuable relic in the oratory of
Erfurt is Luther's travelling writing-case : a small article, which
is carefully preserved in its original state, and in which he
kept his money, and two inestimable treasures, — ^his pen and
ink. *' Golden ink," as one of his admirers terms it, " such
aa no chemist ever composed, in which Luther dipped his pen to
trace those characters which have shone like the sun for three
centuries, and will only be extinguished with that luminary :
a diamond pen which he discharged like a dart against the then
raging lion, and which deprived him of the triple crown that
encircled his brow." *
The history of this writing-case, which the doctor carried
with him when he went to the diet of Augsbuig, and visited
princes and legates, is this : —
When Luther, in February 1546, went to Halle, he took with
him his writing-case well stored with ink, but very scant of money.
He resided in the splendid mansion of the director of the salt
mines, Joseph Tentzner, in the street called Schmeerstrasse, and
on his departure forgot his writing-case and walking-stick, some
family letters and loose papers on which he had written a few
straggling thoughts. Luther died at Eisleben : war soon after
broke out, and his executors never thought of asking for these
valueless articles, which remained in the £ftmily of Tentzner, as
res derdictWy according to the law of Germany.
Martin Hessen, who had married a Tentzner, was reduced to
extreme want, and obliged to sell the writing-case to Schuler, a
schoolmaster at Lutzendorf. This relic subsequently passed into
the hands of John George Zeidler, who was employed in the
university of Halle, and then into those of Buttner, counsellor
On the door of the cell are these lines :
** Gellnla divina magno habitata Luthero,
Salve, vix tanto cellula digDa viro,
Dignus erat regum qui splendida tecta subiret
Te dedignatuB non tamen ille fuit."
[Hail, sacred cell, the mighty Luther's home !
Unworthy of such occupant as he ;
Who, meriting a palace* gilded room,
Soorn*d not to npend his humble life in thee.]
Friedrich Keyser's Reformations Almanach, p. Ixxx.
438 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
at Weisflenfels, who gave it to the society of Natural Sciences.
Finally, in 1 754, it was placed in the museum-cell at Erfurt, where
it has ever since been exhibited to the curiosity of travellers.
After having for some time contemplated this writing-case,
and listened to the exclamations of the cicerone, we were shown
another wonder. This is a copy of the Old Testament trans-
lated by Luther, to which are attached several leaves of paper
containing the autographs of Luther, Melancthon, Bugenhagen,
Greuziger, and Philip Agatho. They are Bible-texts, with a
short interpretation. The following is Luther's on a verse of the
Epistle to the Corinthians : —
1 Cor. XV. (55).
Absorpta est mors in victoriam.
Isaiae xxv. (8).
" With Adam who lives, that is to say, sins, death swallows
up life ; but when Christ dies, that is to say, justifies, life
swallows up death. Praise be to God, because Christ has died
and effected our justification.
" Martin Luthbr, d. 1543."
The autograph is now glazed, and hung like a picture on
the wall of the house. Beside it is another of Melancthon:
a paraphrase of the 21st verse of the 59th chapter of Isaiah.
Those who are of opinion that a man's character can be traced
in these mute signs which serve as the instrument of his
thoughts, may find some support of their system in the dif-
ferent handwritings of the two Reformers : that of Luther is
firm, straight, hard, and dashing ; that of Melancthon indicates
his indecisive, gentle, and pliable diposition.
It has been long intended to enrich the Lutheran museum with
a wonder which would surpass all others ; — ^his two rings ; the one
called the ring of his espousals, the other that of his nuptials,
although both of these events occurred on the same day. But
the proprietors of these two trinkets have hitherto resisted all the
brilliant offers made to them for the sacrifice.
The spousal-ring belongs to a rich private individual at
Leipsic : it is of gold, set with a ruby, and encircled with
emblems of the Passion engraved with much skill : the dice, the
reed, and the cross to which the Man-God is nailed ; on the inside
OATHEBINE BOBA. 439
is the name of the spouse and date of the espousals^ 13th June,
1525. Will it be believed that long disputations have been
written upon this ring, which German learning has treated with
as much prolixity as would have been required for a text of
Scripture or some verses of Orpheus ? ^ This ring belonged to
Catherine Bora, who, when in want of the necessaries of life,
pledged it' to avoid starvation.
The marriage-ring opened in two, and was surmounted with a
ruby and a diamond. Within were the initials of the spouses,
C. V. B., M. L. D. ; on the outside was engraved the German
device : " Whom God hath joined let no man separate/*
The family of Mesen, of Zittau, preserves a crystal glass
which Luther used : it is a beautiful piece of workmanship, and
wa£ purchased in the seventeenth century for sixty thalers.
At Dresden they show the doctor's spoon, which belonged to
J. And. Gleich. It is of silver. On the handle is engraved,
" Da Gloriam Deo." In the middle is the date 1640, and the
letters D. L. united.
Dresden also preserves the ring which Luther received on the
day of his obtaining the degree of doctor, and the medal which
Catherine Bora wore round her neck.
At Frankfort-on-the-Maine the Reformer's shoes and walking-
stick are shown in the library.
We have not been able to find the seal which he described in
a letter to Spongier, and on which he had caused to be engraved
a black cross, a symbol of his faith in Christ, and of a Christian's
trying life ; and a burning heart in the centre of a white rose,
in an azure field within a circle of gold ; emblems of the peace
resulting firom faith and hope in eternal happiness.
In the centre of Wittemberg, a statue of Luther has. been
erected. He is represented standing, with the Gospel in his
hand. On the left side of the pedestal is this inscription : '* If
the work is of God, it will live ; if of man, it will perisft."
At Wittemberg, the only article of Luther's creed which has
been preserved is that in which the pope is transformed into
Antichrist.
' Junker's Ehren-Gedachtniss, p. 235. ReformationS'Almanach, p. Ixxi.
H. de Hardt, Annulus Lutheri Doctoralis et Pronubus : Helmstsedt, 1704, 4to.
440 HISTOkY OF LUTHER.
CHAPTER XXXV.
LUTHEB CONSIDERED AS AN ORATOR, AUTHOR^ MUSICIAN,
AND TRANSLATOR.
Luther as an orator : he is the great preacher of the Reformation. — ^His style
in the pulpit. — ^His Uaus postils. — ^Luther as an author.—As a musician. —
Has he, as has been allegedi effected any improvement in religious music ! —
As a translator. — His version of the Bible.
LuTHEK holds a high and distinguished place in Grerman
literature. After he had become a doctor in theology, Scripture
interpretation bqpame his constant occupation. To facilitate his
researches, he had not yet the resources which his subsequent
knowledge of Greek and Hebrew laid open to him. He h^
commenced by studying the Latin language, by means of which
he first attempted to comprehend the sense of the Sacred
writings, so often obscure. It was not a simple interpretation
which he sought, but a knowledge of the manners, customs,
discipline, and traditions of the Christian Church, with the pre-
existing idea of making the old and new laws contradictory of
each other. His commentaries on the Sacred text assume the
form of the familiar preaching of a country curate. His oral
instructions were produced without any order, and made sub-
servient to the caprices of the orator's imagination : like the
sermons of a missionary. Somewhat later, Luther combined the
treasures of the Oriental languages with the riches of the Latin :
hence the marvellous success which he obtained by means of this
language, which borrowed fascinations from Homer, Cicero,
David, and St. Paul. Lest the diamonds which fell from the
lips of the preacher should be lost, there were under the pulpit
able reporters, who collected them as they fell, to set and arrange
them afterwards under the artist's eye. On leaving the church,
when the recollection of his discourse was fresh in their memory,
Protestant neophytes hastened to commit it to writing, and
hand to the printer the extempore effusions of Luther as soon as
they were transcribed. It was in this way that the notes on the
epistle to the Galatians were collected and given to the world.
LUTHER AS ORATOR. 441
where they acquired extraordinary celebrity. Lather corrected
the proof-sheets. At the beginning of St. Paid's epistle is a
preface, wherein he explains the appearance of this work, for
which he always preserved a marked predilection. '' I am
astonished," says he, " and can scarcely believe that I have over-
whelmed St. Paul's epistle with such a delnge of words ; and
yet, in this epistle I find all my thoughts carefully collected by
some of my brethren ; they might have been still more verbose.
Although I have not been wanting in words, I find that I have
given but an imperfect, bare, and spiritless representation of
those doctrines which are so lofty, profound, and so full of
wisdom. I have only extracted a few crumbs of bread from the
rich mine of gold which I had to work. Indeed, I am ashamed
to add my barren commentaries to the inspiration of this mag-
nificent apostle.''
Luther did not become vain or rich by his writings ; he infi
nitely gave the preference to those of Melancthon, — that writer
so elegant, but so cold, who never fires us with any inspiration ;
that finished rhetorician, who never extemporized, but took as
much time to compose a prayer as his master did to write a book.
Language was a favourite study which Melancthon misemployed.
Luther took it such as it came to his lips, without troubling
himself about its origin or etymology, without taking any pains
to adorn it ; like those old German chiefe of the time of Hermann,
who threw themselves on their enemies in disorderly troops,
and frustrated the tactics of Polybius. We must not expect
to find in his phraseology the graceful drapery of a Grecian
statue. He despised art ; he spoke because he required to
speak ; and if he reviewed his labour, it was not to erase a word
which might ofiend the ear, or a repetition, which might accuse
him of carelessness. He treated his language as he did the
Papists. Provided that he hit the monks, he cared not how ;
provided he excited his hearers, it was of no moment to him
that he violated all the rules of grammar, or the precepts of
rhetoric.
Luther is the great preacher of the Reformation. He pos-
sessed almost all the qualities of an orator ; an inexhaustible
store of thought, an imagination as ready to receive as to pro-
duce its impressions, an inexpressible abundance and flexibility
442 HISTOET OF LUTHEB.
of style. HiB voice was clear and sonorous, his eye sparkled
with fire, his head was of the antique cast, his chest large,
his hands singularly beautiful, and his gestures graceful and
abundant. He did not neglect his external appearance ; his
robe was always exceedingly neat, buttoned to the neck ; his
hair, which he turned back, fell in dark ringlets over his
shoulders. He was particularly careful of his teeth, which he
preserved white till the end of his days. With him it was the
thought which produced the language ; if the thought was grand
or common, the expression which conveyed it was noble ot
familiar. As he required to live with the people, because he
perceived that every lasting revolution proceeds from the masses,
he borrowed from -the different occupations of the citizens a
technical language which attracted the multitude, and from their
old German idiom numerous expressions of startling simplicity.
He was at once Rabelais and Montaigne ; with the droll humour
of the former, and the polished and brilliant elegance of the
latter.
Sometimes Luther had to preach thrice a day ; but he was
never unprepared. He has been seen to ascend the pulpit,
collect himself for an instant with closed eyes, open the New
Testament, and from the first verse that caught his eye, take
the text of an extemporaneous discourse which astonished every
one by the suddenness of its expression, and the richness of its
development. *' I should imagine that I offended Providence,"
said Sterne, '^ if I thought on what I was about to write
when I take up the pen.'' Luther felt like Sterne. Tou must
not expect from him a discourse conformable to the rules of
art ; it is not a sermon that he wiU give you, but a &miliar
conversation, in which the laws of rhetoric will perhaps be
violated, but which will be warmed by the glow of inspirar
tion ; in which all will proceed from the heart, and nothing from
the lips ; where the language will not be required to conceal the
sterility of the writer under vulgar ornaments ; where the speaker
will never hunt after novelty, and yet where everything that will
drop from his lips will possess the freshness of originality. ^
* " Nie dem Heize der Neuheit niicfajagend, nnd doch immer neu und frisch.'
— ^Martin Luther's LebeD, von Gustav Pfizer, p. 828.
LUTH£E AS ORATOB. 443
His sermons often resemble an ode in irregnlarity ; his text
does not chain him down to the precision of the Catholic priest.
Scarcely has he commenced, when he forgets his subject, and
treats of the first that occurs to him ; a word is a flash of
lightning, which discovers to him a new path into which he leads
his auditory, until he abandons it a minute after, to follow
some new inspiration. His disciples must have been very
familiar with his language, or most vigilant in their attention
to follow him through all his caprices. From heaven he
suddenly descends to earth. When his eye rests on Germany,
and becomes moist at the view of the evils which desolate it, it
is impossible to remain unconcerned ; the heart is touched, and
sympathises with the orator. The Saxon is then overwhelmed with
grief ; we perceive that he has studied Jeremias, and knows the
language of pathos.
The few specimens of his pulpit eloquence which follow will
give us at once an idea of his style, and perhaps of the morals of
his audience.
" When I was young even the rich drank water and lived
sparingly ; at thirty few had ever tasted vrine. But it is very
different nowadays, when they give to children even the fiery
and brandied wines of the South.
*' We Germans are regular beer-bellies {Bierbduche), jolly
topers, ever feasting and drinking. To drink, in Germany,
means not merely to drink after the manner of the Greeks, who
made gods of their bellies, but to cram ourselves to the throat
until we discharge all we have eaten and drunk.
" Every country has its own devil ; Italy, Prance, Germany,
have theirs, — ^the bottle. What we call drinking, means dis-
tending ourselves with wine and ale ; we shall go on drinking,
I am afraid, until the day of judgment. Preachers denounce it
from the pulpit, and appeal to the word of God against it ; lords
make ordinances, and sometimes the nobility make noble reso-
lutions against it ; scandals, disorders, and all sorts of evils to
body and soul come in their course as warnings to us ; but all
to no purpose ; drunkenness, 0 Lord ! goes on like the ocean,
which swallows up the rivers, and is ever athirst.
'' I should wish to speak to you to-day of the &tal propensity
to drunkenness which our poor countiymen have ; but where
444 HISTOBT OF LUTHER.
can I find language sufficiently strong to eradicate from us that
hellish leprosy, which daily spreads more and more in every class
of society, high and low, to such an extent that preaching and
teaching are entirely useless ? What can I say of it, when we
see this child of the devil glide from the inhahitants of great
cities into the cottages of the peasant, from the alehouse into
the private abode ? In my youth, to be drunk was accounted
disgraceful in a nobleman ; now the nobleman drinks even more
than the clown. The princes and the great have received
excellent lessons from their knights, and they drink unblush-
ingly : drinking is a princely virtue. A nobleman or citizen
who does not drink with them like a blackguard, is considered a
contemptible fellow ; he who gets drunk with those knights
of the bottle, wins his armour and spurs in sleeping himself
sober. 1 ,
'' Peasants, citizens, nobles treat ministers as they please.
The preacher is not better treated, he cannot complain ; if he
does, he is not listened to. They give him just what they please,
and rob him of his wheat and his fruit ; the nobles make of him
a thresher, a courier, a factor, and rob him of the means with
which he should support himself and his family."^
Sometimes we might fancy our own Menot in the pulpit ; as
in this passage from his sermon on the last trumpet : —
"When Sodom and Gomorrha were overwhelmed in the
twinkling of an eye, all the inhabitants of these cities, — men,
women, and children, fell down dead, and rolled into the pit of
helL There was then no time for counting money, or gadding
about with prostitutes ; but in an instant every living thing
perished. This was the drum and the trumpet of God ; it is
thus that it makes its poumerl^, poump 1 poumerl^, poump I pliz,
plaz ! schmir, schmir ! This was the beat of drum of our God,
or, as St. Paul says, * the voice of the archangel and the trumpet
of God.' For when God thunders, it is like a beat of the drum,
poumerl^, poump ! This will be the war-cry and the taratan-
* Kirchenpostille, Lather's Werke : Walch, vol. xii. p. 784. Tmnslation is
impossible here.
^ Doppelte Hauspostille. For an idea of society under the reformation,
consult Luther's Schilderung der sittlichen Verderbniss der Teutechen zu seiner
Zeit, aus Luther's Schriften zusainmengestellt, von D. Bretschneider.
LUTHBH AS OBATOR. 445
tara of God. Then all the heavens will resound with the noise :
kir, kir, pomnerH ponmp ! " ^
On Sundays and feast-days, Luther was accustomed to
assemble under his fine pear-tree, or, if it rained, in his
study, his wife, children, and servants, and a small number
of privileged friends, to whom he extemporized some pious
instructions. These familiar effusions of the heart were not
lost. Veit Dietrich has collected them under the title of
" Hauspostille.^' When the Reformer published them, in 1545,
he added a preface, in which he explained his motive for doing
so : " These," said he, " are family sermons, the instructions of
a grandfather to his children and servants, to teach them to
lead a Christian life. God' grant that they may not only reach
their ears, but* their hearts! I flatter myself that they will
bear fruit ; and I repeat with Isaias : ' My word shall not
return." The patriarchs were accustomed to preach in this
manner. How is it that Veit Dietrich, my old table-companion,
has been able to collect these commentaries ? truly, I cannot
say ; still less can I conceive how they will be spread among
the people. I thought that they would be condemned to
oblivion. May those who read them find there the bread of life
and celestial manna ! God be praised ! the Bible gains ground.
The proverb says, * The cow has grass up to the belly.' We
also, in our time, have found rich pasturage in the word of God.
God grant that we may seek our nourishment there before the
day of the Lord arrives, and the wrath of Heaven punishes our
infidelities ! May we not be again condemned to grind the stone
with our teeth, as formerly under the papacy ! "^
Luther foretold the decline of the Protestant pulpit, but
without assigning its causes. He could not foresee that one day
the Protestant preacher would dread to speak of dogmas, and
that the minister of the Gospel would not venture to disturb the
consciences of his auditory by exhibiting to their eyes those great
images which alarm the soul, and make it pass from terror to
repentance. This is a power which the Protestant minister has
left to the Catholic priest. Listen to a Lutheran preacher, and
* Fldgel, Geachichte der komischen Literatur, torn. i. p. 258, quoted by
M. Peignot, Predicatoriana, p. 105.
* Gufitay Pfizer, Martin Luther's Leben, p. 881.
446 niSTOBY OF luthbr.
say if you feel moved by his discourse. Ltither had preserved
the old traditions. He was not afraid to speak of the last judg-
ment, of the wrath of God, of eternal pains. His eloquence
frequently resembled that of Bridaine ; his reproaches to sinners
from the pulpit were impassioned and impetuous.
He loved to talk upon an art in which, notwithstanding his
affectation of modesty, he knew that he excelled. At table, his
Sunium, his garden of the academy, his tribune of oratory, we
see him often interrupt a conversation to speak about the poetiy
of preaching. Then the attention is redoubled, the silence is
profound. The ale-cups stand on the table untouched ; Melanc-
thon, Justus Jonas, Dietrich, Amsdorf, incline the ear, watchful
to catch everything that he is going to say. On such a day they
retire home earlier than usual, to commit their recollections to
paper while fresh in their memory, lest they should be lost to
posterity.
Luther would then say : '' It is a dijficult and perilous thing
to preach Christ ; had I known it sooner, I should never have
attempted it ; and, like Moses, would have said to Ood, ' Send
whom thou wilt.' Nobody could have forced me to undertake so
great a responsibility.''
One day, when seated under his great pear-tree, he asked his
neighbour Lauterbach how he liked the profession of preacher ?
Lauterbach complained of his infirmities, temptations, weariness,
and fears.
" My dear friend," said Luther to him, " you are telling my
history ; I am as much afraid of the pulpit as you are ; but we
must be resigned, and preach ; it is an imperative duty on us.
Tou perhaps wish to be master, and wiser than me and others ?
you look for glory, and are beset with temptations. Endeavour to
preach Ood our Saviour, and do not care for what the world will
think of you.
" What matter is it to me," he added, " if people say that I
know not how to preach ? My only fear is that before God I
may appear not to have spoken of His majesty and wondrous
works as I ought. An enlightened, wise, and prudent preacher
ought to announce the word of Ood with simplicity, and adapt
his instructions to children, servants, and the poor ; to treat
them as a mother does her child, whom she caresses and plays
LUTHEB AS AUTHOB. 447
with, and nouriBhes with milk instead of Malmsey wine. Snch
onght the eyangelical preacher to do.
'^ I do not like to see Melancthon at my instructions or
sermons. I cross myself then, and say, ' Avannt, Philip ! '
Then I take conrage, and fancy myself the first orator of
Christendom.
" Sometimes, on coming down from the pnlpit, I spit upon
my preacher's gown : * Fie ! how you have preached ; you have
spoken long, without saying anything -that you proposed to treat
of.' The astonished people exclaim, ' What a fine sermon ! we
have not heard the like for a long time.' It is very difficult to
keep to the text which one proposes to expound."
When Luther ascends the pulpit, a spectre rises before his
eyes ; it is the image of the pope, whom he sees as Macbeth does
Banquo's ghost, where a corporeal eye cannot perceive it These
apparitions furnish him with striking images.
When he has to judge a majesty which has betrayed its trust, —
at least in his eyes, — then his eloquence is splendid ; then is enacted
a drama in which the Christian believes he is a spectator of the
judgment of the dead. The judge is there with flashing eye,
holding in one hand tibe Bible, and in the other the pen with
which he is to write his sentence. The crowned culprit appears
in all his pomp of robes and insignia of royalty, which Luther
strips from him one by one ; — ^first the diadem, then the mantle,
next the hand of justice, the sceptre, and, lastly, the sword.
Nothing of the monarch Remains, but a body of dust and clay,
who has incessantly ofifended God, and whose iniquities and most
secret thoughts are now laid bare. The earthly sovereign con-
ceals his fiftce, but he must drain the chalice to the dregs. He
cries for mercy, but Luther stirs the wormwood. The monk's
language bums and emits flames and lamentations which harrow
and alarm. The illusion — ^for such it is — ^must needs be dis-
solved, else you would be completely fascinated.
Luther wrote in German and Latin ; but his mother-tongue
had most attractions for him. In proportion as he advances in
years, and his labours become consolidated, he abandons the
Latin idiom, notwithstanding its great services to him in his
stru^le with the papacy, and returns to the German. When
he gets into a passion, — ^and that is very often, — he has need
448 HISTORY OP LUTHEB.
of the langaa^ of artisans, street-porters, and soldiers, with
which no Roman lexicon could provide him, and then his native
tongue does not fail him. It possesses words for all his feelings,
images for all his excesses, figures for all his rage.
The Latin style of the Beformer has neither the elegance,
harmony, nor melody of the classic writers ; it is laboured and
difiuse, like that of the schools ; it by turns copies St. Thomas
and Scotus, and occasionally descends to barbarisms. When he
wishes to contend with the scholars of the court of the Medici,
as in his quarrel with Leo X., then, not to speak an ordinary
language, he accumulates epithets, rounds his periods with re-
dundancies, and fancies that he has found images when he falls
into bombast. So Claudian would have written, had he been a
theologian, or Lucan, had he magnUoquently sung of common-
place matters. Anger alone inspires him ; but then he ceases
to speak Latin, and uses a language that belongs not to the
age of Augustus or the decline in the days of Quintilian, to
the period of the schools or of the revival of literature ; it is
semi-Saxon, semi-Roman, and resembles the Oerman soldier,
who, after the conquest, puts the sagum upon the toga.
Luther makes use of expressions which are to be found in no
writer of antiquity, and which Ducange, with all his lexicogra-
phical patience, could have found nowhere, and besides, would
not have ventured to introduce into his glossary. He becomes
low in expression in proportion to the greatness of the person
whom he attacks ; if he wears the diadem or tiara, like
Henry VIIL or Leo X., his style creeps and rolls in the
mire.
Never, in so short a time, was the human mind more fertile.
Three hundred works, of which the greater part may pass for
perfect treatises on their subjects, were produced in thirty years ;
and among them we do not include either his correspondence or
his table-talk, which of themselves would form a sufficient repu-
tation for a literary person of that period. This copiouBness
explains itself ; Luther wrote nothing except under excitement,
and his whole soul was diffused in each of his works. He had no
fear or anxiety for human eye ; he required no rest for his brain,
nor to rub his forehead for ideas ; his pen could scarcely keep
pace with his imagination. In his manuscripts no trace of
LUTHEE AS AUTHOR. 449
fatigue or hesitation is to be fonnd ; no embarrassment or erasures,
no ill-applied epithet or unmanageable expression ; and by the
accuracy of the writing, we might imagine him to have been the
transcriber rather than the author of the work. It is true that
he had many sources open to him whence he could draw inspira-
tion,— the fathers, the doctors of the Church and of the schools,
the writers of Rome and of Athens, Moses and St. Paul, and
the human heart, that volume of his predilection, but in which
he often read what was not written there, especially when that
heart beat within a Catholic bosom. Yet, notwithstanding
this unheard-of consumption of ink, we cannot reproach him of
sameness ; auger is at most the one sin into which he relapses
when he speaks of the monks, the bishops, or the pope ; and he
speaks of them always. From the day when Leo fulminated
against him the bull '' Exsurge," the pope is always an ass or
Antichrist ; the monks, libertines and blockheads ; the bishops,
men without faith and Ood ; and Latomus or Prierias, fools and
rogues. Put a fallen angel, if he agreed to it, in Luther's place,
and the angel will be condemned to turn in the same circle ; we
only doubt if he would possess, like the Reformer, the poetry of
insult. To heighten his insolence, Luther has new and bold
turns, sallies which make a Catholic laugh, unwonted combina-
tions of words, picturesque archaisms, which he scatters on his
paper as others would gold-dust. Age did not correct him :
when he had one foot in the grave ; when God intimated to him
by various signs his approaching death ; and when he himself
foretold his last hour ; he wrote, at the iustigation of his friends,
especially of the Elector, a pamphlet, in which he asserts of the
then successor of St. Peter, that the devil enters into the body
of the pope the day on which he puts on the tiara.*
His fHends, especially Melancthon, were afflicted at this
choleric monomania, which no remonstrance could cure. Some-
times Luther himself let expressions of regret and repentance
escape him : he said to Mathesius : '' My writings come down
like a heavy shower ; I wish they would drop as gently as those
of Philip and Brenz ;" and, again : " I have often left the
highway ; the paternoster of which I make use, as a kind of
* Das Papfltthum, zum Toufel gesiiiUt
VOL. II. 2 a
450 HISTORY OP LUTHEB.
bridge, is too flinty ; do not imitate me, but keep in the beaten
track." 1
We may give tmreserred praise to the hymns which he
translated from Latin into German, and which he composed for
the members of his communion. He did not travesty the
Sacred Word. He is grave, solemn, simple, grand, and endea-
vours to reproduce the Latin image, without ever disfiguring it
by capricious ornaments.
This collection had prodigious success ; the Latin hymns
ceased all at once, and in the divine service nothing was heard
but the musical stanzas of the Reformer, for Luther was at once
the poet and musician of a great number of his hymns ; but the
part of the poet is always better sustained than that of the
musician. He arranged, rather than composed ; his most beau-
tiful airs are Catholic reminiscences ; it is not even certain that
the hymn which he sung with his companions on entering Worms,
" Bin feste Burg ist unser Gott I " is entirely his own composi-
tion. It is a sacred melody, which he probably borrowed from
the old Saxon Church, as he did from it his hymns and Latin
We may consider the question of the improvement which
Luther is said to have made on religious music in the douUe
light of harmony and melody.*
As a harmonist, Luther, who was only imperfectly skilled in
the knowledge of counterpoint, as his biographers admit, cannot
be put in the same class with the Catholic composers, his con-
temporaries, or immediate successors. In Belgium, Josquin
Deprez, who died in 1515, and Orlando di Lasso, in 1593 ; in
France, Claude Goudimel, director of the pontifical chapel, the
master of Palestrina, and who died in 1572 ; in Spain, Christopher
Morales, cantor of the papal chapel, who flourished about 1540,
are infinitely superior to the father of the Reformation with
respect to musicsd science.
Luther, we know, so little understood music, that the greater
' "Pass seine Sohriften so ranschten, wie der Platzregen, tind er habe
gewlinscht, dass er so fein, und lieblich konnte regnen wie Philippus und
' For this appredation of Luther, considered as a musician, we are indebted
to the Abbe Jouve, canon of Valence, and composer of varioos pieces of sacred
music of high merit.
LUTHER AS MUSIOIAN. 451
part of his chorals were arranged by his friend John Walther,
and by Loms Senfel, master of the chapel of Louis dake of
Bavaria.
As to melody, Lather's claims, less disputable, are never-
theless inferior to those of his rivals. In the first place, the
Reformer is the real inventor of only a small number of musical
phrases among all those which have been gratuitously attributed
to him. He has derived many of them from the Catholic liturgy
itself, and was inspired frequently by the popular airs which the
children at that time used to sing beneath the windows of the
rich for their daily bread. It is one of those airs, impressed with
a gentle melancholy, which he one day heard under his window,
and adapted to his hymn, ** Es ist das Feil uns kommen.'"^
But has the ancient solemnity of religious song gained by
introducing into divine worship pro&ne tunes adapted to pious
words ? We do not think that it has ; and we cannot participate
in the opinion of some writers, who perceive an improvement in
an unfortunate innovation which still in our own time stamps
the Lutheran service with a character different from that of our
sacred office.
We have said that the most of Luther's melodies were remi-
niscences of musicians who had preceded him. Indeed, who is
there that is ignorant that Rupf Selneccer, Speratus, Hermann,
and many more, supplied him with numerous descants which he
introduced into has lay hymns, without his even thanking the
composers for them ? He did not even his friend Walther, who
regulated the melodies which Luther composed and sang to
him, before adapting to them a very careful harmony besides.^
It results from the preceding : 1st, that Luther was not in a
condition to stamp a successfrd movement on choral harmony ;
2nd, that he had borrowed the greater part of the tunes attri-
buted to him either from Catholic hymns already existing, or
from popular tunes, or the personal inspirations of preceding or
* Mortimer, der ChonL-GeBang sur Zdt der Befonnation : Berlin, 1821,
4to. p. 8.
' " Luther selbst war ein Liebhaber and Kenner der Mtwik, and hatte tiich-
tige OehUlfen an Walther, Rap( Sehieocer, Nic. Hermann and andem mehr."
— ^Mortimer, der Ghoral-Gesang zur Zeit der Reformation : Berlin, 1821,
4to. p. 8.
2a2
452 HISTOEY OF LUTHBK.
contemporary composera ; Srd, that by a compulsory result of his
religious tendencies he suppressed, to the injury of sacred music,
a great number of really beautiful hymns, particularly those of
the offices of the dead and the Blessed Sacrament, and replaced
others with hymns in the vulgar tongue.
Now, we would ask whether, on such grounds, Luther is to
be considered as the restorer of sacred music ?
In justice, we must acknowledge that the Reformer, who was
gifted with a fine voice, had studied sacred music successfully,
and that we more than once meet with happy inspirations in his
melodies. He had frequently musical parties at his monastery,
where the works of the most celebrated Catholic composers, —
Josquin Deprez among the rest, — were performed. But we may be
certain that, unless it were for the extraordinary reputation which
attached to all the Reformer's works, his reputation as a musi-
cian would never have crossed the boundaries of Upper Saxony.
And even making every possible concession to his enthusiastic
admirers by admitting that Luther was a musical genius, would
his influence on the destinies of religious art, and his &me as
a composer, have ever equalled that of a Palestrina or AU^ri,
and the other celebrated masters whose purely Roman inspira-
tions have nothing in common with his ?
Placed between the great religious composers who immediately
preceded or followed him, and whose works are intimately con-
nected, and present a gradual succession of changes and improve-
ments, he could neither arrest nor accelerate the movement of
change and progress which would have been effected without
him, and to which he could only have contributed his individual
share, even though he had been forced to compete with the great
masters of the Roman song. Consequently, the revival of music,
which has been attributed to him exclusively, is one of those
historical errors that will not bear strict examination.
In several chapters of this work we have considered many of
the Reformer's works in a literary point of view. We cannot
forget that of which Germany is so justly proud, — ^the German
Bible, the noblest monument which ho ha;3 raised to his native
country. We shall be pardoned for recurring to this work,
which engaged a considerable portion of his life.
As soon as he conceived the idea of translating the Bible into
LUTHBB AS TRANSLATOR. 453
the Tolgar tongue, he applied himself with a youthful ardour to
the study of Greek and Hebrew.'
It was in the solitude of Wartburg, — of that castle " where
he breathed like an eagle," that he commenced his translation
of the New Testament ; ten years later the complete version of
the Scriptures appeared. In 1522, he wrote from his prison to
Amsdorf : '' I intend to translate the Bible, although it is an
undertaking beyond my power. I know, however, the profession
of a translator, and I understand why no one hitherto has wished
to put his name to a translation of the Bible. I should never
attempt to publish the Old Testament, if I did not reckon on
your assistance. Oh ! if I had a little comer near you, with
your assistance, I should complete my task ; I hope to enrich my
Germany with a better version than the Latin one. It is a great
work, which deserves to occupy our minds, and which will serve
our common salvation/'
Luther has initiated us into all the secrets of his torments as
a translator ; it will easily be seen that he must complain of the
difficulty of the original, for the man always passes before the
Christian, and faith does not impose silence on vanity.
'* I am at length finishing," he writes, in 1528, '' the second
part of the Old Testament, and I am at the most extraordinary
portion of it. We are now endeavouring to make the prophets
speak German. Great God ! what a labour ! to employ force to
make the Hebrew poets express themselves in German. They
resist, and are unwilling to forget their beautiful language to speak
our barbarous idiom. It is as if you would force a nightingale to
cease her charming melody, and sing like a cuckoo."
Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Amsdorf, and Spalatinus, who were
learned Hebrew scholars, in their turn offered him the tribute of
their knowledge. Luther did not stand on ceremony with his
friends ; he borrowed from them when he had need, and he con-
cealed neither his debts nor the number of his creditors. " The
New Testament is finished," he writes to Spalatinus, " Philip and
I will occupy ourselves in polishing the work ; it will be beautiful,
if God wishes it ; we have need of your assistance, that we may
' Th. Eccard has written a Diesertation on the Greek Manuscripte, of which
Luther made use in translating the Bible (LipBiie, 1723, 4 to.)- See, on this
subject, Jani Lib. Hiat. de Luthero Studii Bib. Instauratore : Hall», 1732, 8vo.
454 HISTOEY OF LUTHBR.
give the exact translation of some terms. We want some words
in common use ; of courtly or refined language we have no need ;
we wish this translation to be clear and comprehensible to eveiy
one. And therefore, to commence, give me the names and tli^
colours of the precious stones described in the Apocalypse. Your
court, if God pleases, will aid you ; you have the model before you."
In another letter to Spalatinus, Luther inquires the names and
species of certain animals, night-birds, and other inhabitants of
the air, for which he cannot find synonymous terms in German.
He did not know what the text meant by tragelaphos, pygugus,
oryx, camelopardus.
He divided his great Bible work into several parts, of which
each contained a particular subject, and might be considered as a
complete work. To each firagment of this composition he added
a prefiice, in which he examined the original as a rhetorician,
and his translation as a grammarian. In the preface to his
translation of the five books of Moses, he thus expresses himself:
** I recommend all my readers to Christ, and I beg of them to
obtain for me of God that I may successfully accomplish my
difficult task of translating the Old Testament The Hebrew
language is but of little use here ; the Jews themselves do not
always understand it, and I have found by experience that it is
not always safe to trust to them. If the Bible is to be trans-
lated, it can only be by Christians possessed of the knowledge of
Christ, without which all knowledge of language is absolutely
worthless. If I cannot flatter myself with possessing all the
necessary qualifications for the translator of so divine a work,
I venture to say that this Gkrman Bible is clearer and safer than
the Latin version. If the carelessness or ignorance of the printers
does not spoil my work, I am sure that it will be preferable to
the Septuagint. Now the mud sticks to the wheel, and there is
not a tyro who would not give himself airs and remonstrate with
me. Let them mind their own business ! I am prepared to find
detractors. If any one boasts of being more learned than me,
let him take the Bible and translate it, and then show me his
work ; if it be better than mine, why should it not be preferred ?
I believe that I have some knowledge. I have thought that —
thanks to God — I could give lessons to all the high schools of
the sophists, and now I find that I do not know even my mother-
LUTHEE AS TBAN8LAT0R. 455
tongae ; I declare that I have never seen a book or letter in
which the German was written pnrely. Who can speak German
well? No one, and least of all the lawyers: great preachers,
puppets of writers, who persnade themselves that they have the
power to change the language, and daily invent new words ! In
sh<^, although we should combine aU our efforts, — some their
learning, others their language, — ^the Bible would give us enough
to do to translate it properly. For mercy, then, a truce to
calumny ; come to my aid, and be my auxiliaries in the work.
If you refuse, take the Bible and translate it ; for all those who
bark at me, and seek to scratch me with their nails, are neither
pious nor learned enough, and are incapable of appreciating a
pure text of the Bible ; only they would affect the mastership in
a strange language, when they do not know even their own.''
Job presented so many difficulties to him, that he was often
on the point of abandoning his work ; nevertheless he had asso-
ciated with him two great scholars, Melancthon and Aurogallus ;
but, in spite of the aid of those two strong bulls, — as he termed
his fellow-labourers, — ^the earth which they ploughed was so hard
that they could scarcely make any daily progress.
Sometimes, in these short prefaces, setting aside the theo-
logical ideas of the Reformer, we are pleased to meet with the
cultivator of art and poetry. In these slight sketches, which are
models of style, the genius of the translator is tinged with the
colours of the original. There are pages which flow spontaneously
from his pen, so full of inspiration, that you might fancy you
heard the prophet himself. For example, in this estimate of the
Psalms, a book of which he was passionately fond : —
'^ The heart of man is a vessel on a lonely sea, agitated by the
tempest. At one time fear and anxiety for the future urge him
on ; at another, disappointment and present evils afflict him ; some-
times hope, or the d^esire of future good excites him ; and some-
times he is moved by the joys of this world. All these emotions
are a grave lesson for man, who ought to learn to cast anchor on
a firm word, and steer out of this life to a land of safety. In
such tempestuous sea, what better pilot than the Psalmist?
Where else can he find sweeter language than in these hymns
which exhale praise and gratitude ? There all the saints appear
to us as in a garden, as in heaven itself, which will be open to
456 HISTOEY OF LUTHER.
US, and their thoughts are like so many sweet flowers which
bloom and expand for God their Creator ! Where can we find
a more affecting and acute melancholy than in the penitential
Psalms? there we can read in the heart of the saints, as in
death ; there the face of the Eternal is covered with a sombre
veil of wrath. If he wishes to express hope or fear, no painter
has such brilliant colours, and Cicero would envy his treasures of
imagery and eloquence. If you wish to see the Christian Church
in all the pomp and garniture of life, although in a narrow
compass, take and read the Psalms, the faithful mirror of Chris-
tianity ; if you wish to know both God and his creatures, again
turn to the Psalmist."^
He did not dissemble his own importance, and his high and
magisterial tone gave lessons to his critics : ^' I have taught
them,'' he said, '' the art of translating ; I have taught them
how to write ; they rob me now of my elegant language, and in
place of showing me gratitude, they abuse me. I foi^ve thenu
It is delightful to have taught my enemies to speak. God knows
that I have not sought a vain reputation ; that I am not stained
with any earthly thought ; and that I have not asked or received
a single thaler for my work. This I call God to witness."
If Luther was unjust to some Catholic critics, who, like Emser^
detected in his translation a great number of errors, which disap-
peared in a new edition, though his fury towards his opponents
increased, it cannot be denied that he took advantage of the
friendly corrections which he received. He solicited them, and
loved to extol the modest merit of some poor scholar who, to find
a new interpretation, restore a word, point a passage more happily,
or hit upon the meaning of an obscure paragraph, would often
deprive himself of food and sleep.
Mathesius has recorded all that Luther did to improve his
work. " When the Bible was finished, the doctor resumed his
labours, revised it, and read it over page by page, comparing
the texts, praying and meditating long. And as the Son of
* The whole of these short pre&cea are contained in the select edition of
Luther's Works, published at Hamburg by Frederick Perthes. But in order
to form a judgment of the Reformer, we must not have recourse to such a
eoUection, from which the editor has excluded idi the angry and insulting
expressions. Luther is made to write as if he had lived in the nineteenth
century.
LUTHEB AS TBANSLATOK. 457
Ood has promised that he will always be where two or three are
gathered in his name, Lather determined on instituting a sort
of Sanhedrim, composed of select friends, who met together
weekly in his room for some hours before supper. These were
Doctor John Bugenhagen, Doctor Justus Jonas, Doctor Creu-
ziger, Philip Melancthon, Matthew Aurogallus, and George
Roerer, and sometimes foreign doctors and learned men/'^
Meanwhile Luther gave himself neither peace nor rest He
questioned B4ibbins, Hebrew and Greek scholars, and Germans
who knew all the mysteries of their mother-tongae. He some-
times visited a butcher's slaughterhouse, where he would cause a
lamb to be cut up before him, that he might learn the name of
each part of the animal, and then repair to the assembly of his
Mends, carrying his new version under his arm. Melancthon
brought with him the Septuagint, Doctor Greuziger the Bible in
Hebrew and Chaldee, Doctor Bugenhagen the Vulgate, and
other professors rabbinical commentaries. ""When these ex-
pounders had assembled, the president selected a verse of the
Bible, which he read in a loud voice, and each present gave in
turn his interpretation. If some happy gloss was proposed, it
was carefully noted, and afterwards appeared in the maigin of
the printed Bible, opposite the text which it explained or com-
mented.
All such crumbs which fell from these banquets of the learned
were carefully collected by Luther, and termed by him a celestial
manna, while the Catholic interpreters have often rejected them
as poison. Why should they have had more respect for these
commentaries than Luther had for the glosses of the Catholic
doctors ? These doctors in like manner had obeyed the divine
precept, had assembled in the cloister after imploring the light
of the Holy Spirit, and laboured in common to elucidate God's
word, just as the Sanhedrim of the Reformation did.
Luther compared the Catholic critics " to flies, who never
light on the noble parts of an animal, but lodge, to torment him,
* According to a letter from Luther to Spalatinus, three presses of Hans
Lufit threw off daily ten thousand sheets (Bogen) of the New Testament ; in
this statement there is either a mistake, or the printer worked a miracle.
Each copy was sold for a thaler. From 1534 to 1574, Hans Lufft would have
printed a hundred thousand copies of the complete Bible. — Effner, 1. c. part i.
p. 101, note.
458 HISTOBT OF LUTHBB.
in some secret spot : so they do with me ; they pry into my
?rark until they hare found a place where they can bury their
sting in my flesh/' The comparison would have been more
complete, if he had added that the lion with his mane and his
tail knew yery well where to find the insect This importunate
insect \rhich stung him till he bled, and often made him cry
for mercy, was Emser, who fastened upon the sore, and never
left till he was filled with blood. It waa of no use that the
doctor cried out, '^ Papist, you are an ass ; if it is a fiiult,
let it remain ; it is my wilL'^ The hvlt was discovered, and
afterwards, whether he would or not, it was effisu^ed.
When Luther had laid aside his translator's robe and returned
to his conventual solitude among his disciples, and Eetha, his
doctress, brought him his folio Bible bound in vellum, then he
privately acknowledged the imperfections of his work.
After three centuries, see the state of matters ; the German
language has passecl firom the grammarian to the poet and the
philosopher, who have treated it each according to his caprice. It
has been altered, r^enerated, transformed, grown old and become
young again, so that Germany now complains of the insuffidency
of Luther's translation.^ The monk's production has been
treated as he treated the Vulgate : a reform has been called for.
The doctrines of Luther have long since had the fate of his
translation. ■ •^' ' ;. » - ^^-^ ^-^d*^^^^^A t-
V^,..... \.4^'\^ »-
r-t Ofo
CHAPTER XXXVI.
THE TRIBUNAL OF THE REFORMATION.
We had intended to conclude our work by an examination
into the influence which the Lutheran Reformation has had on
the morals, learning, arts, and polity of Germany and Europe.
But such an inquiry would demand a volume rather than a
chapter ; besides, the subject has already been profoimdly treated
' Roeasler (Oarolus GodofreduB philos. D. et diaconus), De ScriptanB Sacraa
Versione A Laiheri temporibus ind^ ad nostra tempora usque in EcdeeiA
Evangelico-Lutheran& constanter usitatll, cautd paasim emandandA: Lipfliie,
1837.
THE TRIBUNAL OF THE REFORMATION. 459
by Dr. Marx and M. Bobeloi We onrselYes, in proportion as
the &ct8 of history appear to ub, have endeayoured to penetrate its
causes, and judge of its effects. NeverthelesB^ it has seemed to us
that a rapid analysis of the principal features of the Befoimation,
as traced by Protestant pens, which even the prejudiced reader
cannot reject, should find a place here ; and this evidence of
dissentients must serve as a final jud^ent in favour of the
Catholic historian. Once more, therefore, the Beformation shall
judge itsel£
The Beformation was a revolution, and they who rebelled
against the authority of the Church were revolutionists.^
However slightly you look into the constitution of the Church,
you will be convinced that the Reformation possessed, the cha-
racter of an insurrection.^
What is the meaning of this fine word Reformation f Ame-
lioration, doubtless. Well, then, with history before us, it is
easy to show that it was only a prostration of the human mind.
Glutted with tiie wealth of which it robbed the Catholics, and
the blood which it shed, it gives us, instead of the harmony and
Christian love of which it deprived our ancestors, nothing but
dissensions, resentments, and discords.'
No, the Beformation was not an era of happiness and peace ;
it was only established by confusion and anarchy.'* *
Do you feel your heart beat at the mention of justice and
truth? Acknowledge, then, what it is impossible to deny, —
that Luther must not be compared with the apostles. The
apostles came teaching in the name of Jesos Christ their Master ;
and the Catholics are entitled to ask us from whom Luther had
his mission ? we cannot prove that he had a mission direct or
indirect.*
Luther perverted Christianity ; he withdrew himself crimi-
* Bemerk. einoB Protest, in Preuasen ttber die Tzkkirner^tcken Anfein-
dungen, &c. 1824, p. 62.
* SteffenB, quoted by Honinghaus, p. 354, torn. i.
» Cobbett, History, &c. p. 4.
* Lord Fitz William's Briefe des Atticus. In's Deutsche tibersetst von
Ph. Miiller, 1834, p. 33.
^ Bemerkungen eines Protestanten.
460 HISTOEY OF LUTHBB.
nally from the communion in which regeneration was alone
lie.'
It has been said that all Christendom demanded a reforma-
tion ; who disputes it ? But, long before the time of Luther,
the papacy had listened to the complaints of the faithful ' The
Council of Lateran had been convened to put an end to the
scandals which afflicted the Church.^
The papacy laboured to restore the discipline of the early
ages, in proportion as Europe, freed firom the yoke of brute force,
became politically organized, and advanced with slow but sure
step to civilization. Was it not at that time that the source of
all religious truth was made accessible to scientific study, since,
by means of the watchful protection of the papacy, the Holy
Scriptures were translated into every language? ' The New
Testament of Erasmus, dedicated to Leo X., had preceded the
quarrel about indulgences.'
A Reformer should take care that, in his zeal to get rid of
manifest abuses, he does not at the same time shake the faith
and its wholesome institutions to the foundation.^ When the
Reformers violently separated themselves from the Church of
Rome, they thought it necessary to reject every doctrine taught
by her.* Luther, that spirit of evil, who scattered gold with
dirt, declared war with the institutions, without which the
Church could not exist : he destroyed unity .^ Who does not
remember that exclamation of Melancthon : " We have com-
mitted many errors, and have made good of evil without any
necessity for it ?"7
In justification of the brutal rupture of Germany with Rome,
the scandals of the clergy are alleged. But if at the period of
the Reformation there were priests and monks in Germany whose
conduct was the cause of regret to Christians, their number was
' Novalis, Honingbaus, 1. c. p. 856.
' Menzel, Neuere Geachichte, pp. 3, 5, et Beq.
' Schrockh, 1. c. torn. iv. pref. * Vogt, Historisches Testament, torn. ▼.
' Scbrockh, 1. c. torn. ix. p. 1805.
^ Kirchhoff, Auch einige Gedanken iiber die Wiederheretellung der protes-
tant. Kirche, 1817.
7 Melanch. lib. iv. cap. xix.
THE TBIBUNAL OF THE BEFOBMATTOK. 461
not larger than it had been previously. When Lather appeared,
there were in Germany a great number of Catholic prelates whose
piety the Reformers themselyes have not hesitated to admire.^
What pains they take to deceive ns ! In books of every
size they teach us, even at the present day, that the beast, the
man of sin, the w of Babylon, are the names which Qod has
given in his Scriptures to the pope and the papacy ! Can it be
imagined that Christ, who died for our sins, and saved us by his
blood, would have suffered that for ten or twelve centuries his
Church should be guided by such an ab6minable wretch ? — ^that
he would have allowed millions of his creatures to walk in the
shadow of death ? — and that so many generations should have
had no other pastor but Antichrist ? *
Luther mistook the genius of Christianity in introducing a
new work to the world ; the immediate authority of the Bible as
the sole criterion of the truth.*
If tradition is to be rejected, it follows that the Bible cannot
be authoritatively explained but by acquired knowledge ; in a
word, human interpretation based upon its comprehension of the
Greek and Hebrew languages. So, by this theory, the palladium
of orthodoxy is to be found in a knowledge of foreign tongues ;
and living authority is replaced by a dead letter, a slavery a
thousand times more oppressive than the yoke of tradition.*
Has any dogmatist succeeded in drawing up a confession of
fiuth by means of the Bible, which could not be attacked by
means of reason ?^
This formula, that the Bible must be the "unicum princi-
pium theologise,'' is the source of contradictory doctrines in-
Protestant theology ; hence this question arises : " What Pro-
testant theology is there in which there are not errors more or
less V^ It was the Bible that inspired all the neologists of the
sixteenth century ; the Bible that they made use of to persecute
and condemn themselves as heretics.^
■ Bretacbneider, der Siznonismus, p. 168. * Cobbett.
* Novalis, Fr. von Hardenberg's Scbriften, 1826.
* Scbell'mg, Vorlesungea tiber das akademiscbe Studium, p. 200.
' Fiflcber, Zur EinleituDg in die Dogmatik, p. 219.
* Von Langsdorf, BlUzzen der protest Theol. 1829, p. 623.
' Jenar's AUg. Literaturaeitung, 1821, No. 48.
462 HISTOBT OF LUTHBB.
When Lather maintained that the Bible contains the ennnci-
ation of all the truths of which a knowledge is necessary to
salvation, and that no doctrine which is not distinctly laid down
in the Bible can be r^arded as an article of fsAth, he did not
imagine that the time was at hand when everybody, £rom this
very volume, would form a confession for himself, and- reject all
others which contradicted his individual creed. This necessity
for inquiry so occupies the minds of men at the present day, that
the principal articles of the original creed are rejected by those
who call themselves the disciples of Jesus.^
But what are we to understand by the Bible ? The question
was a difficult one to solve even at the beginning of the Reforma-
tion, when Luther, in his preface to the translation of the Bible,
laid down a difference between the canonical book, by preferring
the gospel of St John to the three other evangelists ; by depre-
ciating the epistle of St. James as an epistle of straw, that
contained nothing of the Gospel in it, and which an apostle
could not have written, since it attributed to works a merit which
they did not possess.^
It was in the Bible that Luther discovered these two great
truths of salvation which he revealed to the world at the b^in-
ning of his apostleship, — the slatery of man's toill, <mA the impeo-
cabiUty of the bdi&oer.
It is said in Exodus, chapter IX., that God hardened the heart
of Pharaoh. It was questioned whether these words were to be
construed literally ? This Erasmus rightly denied, and it roused
the doctor's wrath. Luther, in his reply, furiously attacks the
. fools who, calling reason to their aid, dare call for an account from
God why He condemns or predestines to damnation innocent
beings before they have even seen the light. Truly Luther,
in the eyes of all God's creatures, must appear a prodigy of
daring, when he ventures to maintain that no one can reach
heaven unless he adopts the slavery of the human wilL And it is
not merely by the spirit of disputation, but by settled conviction
that he defends this most odious of all ideas. He lived and
died teaching that horrible doctrine, which the most illustrious
' Wiz, Betrachtungen Uber die Zweckmusigkeit, 1819.
' Menzel, 1. c. p. 165.
THE TRIBUNAX OF THE REFORMATION. 468
of his diflciples, — among others Melancthon and Matthew Albert
of ReutHngen, — condemned.*
"How rich is the Christian!'' repeated Luther; ** even
though he wished it, he cannot forfeit heayen by any stain ;
belieye, then, and be assured of your salyation : God in eternity
cannot escape you. Believe, and you shall be saved : repentance,
confession, satisfaction^ good works, all these are useless for sal-
vation : it is sufficient to have faith." ^
Is not this a fearful error, — a desolating doctrine ? If you
demonstrate to Luther its danger or absurdity, he replies that
you blaspheme the Spirit of Light.^ Neither attempt to prove
to him that he is mistaken ; he will tell you that you offend
God. No, no, my brother, you will never convince me that the
Holy Spirit is confined to Wittemberg any more than to your
person.*
Not content with maledictions, Luther then betakes him to
prophecy ; he announces that his doctrine, which proceeds from
heaven, will gain, one by one, all the kingdoms of the world.
He says of Zwinglius' explanation of the Eucharist : " I am not
afraid of this fanatical interpretation lasting long." On the
other hand, Zwinglius predicted that the Swiss creed would be
handed down from generation to generation, crossing the Elbe
and the Rhine. Prophet against prophet, if success be the test
of truth, Luther will inevitably have to yield in this point.*
The Keformation, which at first was entirely a religious
phenomenon, soon assumed a political character: it could not
fidl to do so. When people b^an to exclaim, Uke Luther, on
the house-tops, " The emperor Charles V. ought not to be
supported longer, let him and the pope be knocked on the
head" (Opera ; Jen», tom. vii. p. 278) ; then, " he is an excited
madman, a bloodhound, who must be killed with pikes and
» Pluik, tom. ii. pp. 113—181. The work of Albert Reutlingen is entitled,
Vom recbten Braucb der ewigen Yorsehung Gottes wider die hoobfi^irendeo
Geister, fleischUcbe Klugheit und FUrwitz : Angast, 1525.
* Lutber, De Captivitate Babyl.
' Y. MathissoD, Proaaiscbe Schriften.
* (Eoolamp. Antwort auf Luther's Yorrede zam STDgramina : E. HaUe,
tom. XX. p. 727.
* Plank, 1. c. tom. ii. p. 764, note.
464 HISTOBY OF LUTHBB.
clubs ;" * how could civil society continue subject to authority ?
It was natural that the monk's virulent writings against the
bishops' spiritual power should be reduced by the subjects of
the ecclesiastical superiors into a political theory. When he
proclaimed that the yoke of priests and monks must be shaken
off, we might expect that this wild appeal would be directed
against the tithes which the people paid to the prelates and the
abbots.* The Saxon's doctrine being based solely on the Holy
Scriptures, the peasant considered himself authorized in virtue
of their text to break violently with his lord : hence that
long war between the cottage and the castle. This it was that
made Erasmus write sorrowfully to Luther : ^' You see that we
are now reaping the fruits of what you sowed. You will not
acknowledge the rebels ; but they acknowledge you, and they know
only too well, that many of your disciples, who clothed them-
selves in the mantle of the Gospel, have been the instigators
of this bloody rebellion. In your pamphlet against the peasants
you in vain endeavour to justify yourself. It is you who have
raised the storm, by your publications against the monks and
the prelates ; and you say that you fight for Gospel liberty, and
against the tyranny of the great ! From the moment that you
began your tragedy, I foresaw the end of it." '
That civil war, in which Germany had to mourn the loss of
more than a hundred thousand of her children, was the conse-
quence of Luther's preaching. It is fortunate that, through
the efforts of a Catholic prince, Duke George of Saxony, it was
speedily brought to an end. Had it lasted but a few years
longer, of all the ancient monuments with which Germany was
filled, not a single vestige would have remained. Garlstadt
might then have sat upon their ruins, and sung, with his Bible
in his hand, the downfall of the images. The iconoclaflt's
theories, all drawn from the word of God, held their ground in
spite of Luther, and dealt a fatal blow to the arts. "
" When a gorgeous worship requires magnificent temples,
imposing ceremonies, and striking solemnities ; when religion
presents to the eye sensible images as objects of public venera-
' Kern, Der Protestantiamus und Kathol. p. 32.
» Menzel, I. c. torn. i. pp. 167—169. » Ibid. pp. 174—178.
THE TRIBUNAL OF THE BEFORMATION. 465
tion ; when earth and heaven are peopled with sapematoral
beings, to whom imagination can lend a sensible form ; then it
is that the arts, enoooraged and ennobled, reach the zenith
of their splendour and perfection. The architect, raised to
hononrs and fortune, conceives the plan of these basilicas and
cathedrals, whose aspect strikes us with religious awe, and whose
richly-adorned walls are ornamented with the finest efforts of
art These temples and altars are decorated with marbles and
precious metals, which sculpture has feshioned into the simili-
tude of angels, saints, and the images of illustrious men. The
choirs, the jubes, the chapels, and sacristies, are hung with
pictures on all sides. Here Jesus expires on the cross ; there
he is transfigured on Mount Thabor. Art, the friend of ima-
gination, which delights only in heaven, finds there the most
sublime creations, — a St. John, a Cecilia, above all a Mary —
that patroness of tender hearts, that virgin model to all mothers,
that mediatrix of graces, placed between man and his God, that
august and amiable being of whom no other religion presents
either the resemblance or the model. During the solemnities,
the most costly stuffit, precious stones, and embroidery, cover the
altars, vessels, priests, and even the very walls of the sanctuary.
Music completes the charm by the most exquisite strains, by
the harmony of the choir. These powerful incentives are re-
peated in a hundred different places ; the metropolises, parishes,
the numerous religious houses, the simple oratories, sparkle with
emulation to captivate all the powers of the religious and devout
mind. Thus a taste for the arts becomes general, by means of
so potent a lever, and artists increase in number and rivaby.
Under this influence the celebrated schools of Italy and Flanders
flourished ; and the finest works which now remain to us testify
the splendid encouragement which the Catholic religion lavished
upon them.
" After this natural progress of events, it cannot be doubted
that the Reformation has been unfavourable to the fine arts,
and has very much restrained the exercise of them. It has
severed the bonds which united them to religion, which sanc-
tified them, and secured for them a place in the veneration of
the people. . . . The Protestant worship tends to disenchant the
material imagination ; it makes fine churches, and statues, and
VOL. II. 2 H
466 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
paintiDgs nnnecessary; it renders them unpopular^ and takes
from them one of their most active springs." ^
The peasants' war was soon succeeded by the spoliation of the
monasteries ; '^ an invasion of the most sacred of all righta, more
important, in certain respects, than liberty itself, — property."*
From that time not a day passed without Luther preaching up
the robbery of the religious houses. To excite the greed of the
princes whom he wished to secure to his views, he loved to
direct their attention to the treasures which the abbeys, cloisters^
sacristies, and sanctuaries contained. '^ Take them," he said ;
" all these are your own, — ^all belong to you," Luther was con-
vinced, that to the value of the golden remonstrance which
shone on the Catholic altars he was indebted for more than one
conversion. In a moment of humour he said, ^' The gentiy and
princes are the best Lutherans ; they willingly accept both
monasteries and chapters, and appropriate their treasures." ^
The landgrave of Hesse, to obtain authority for giving his
arm to two lawful wives, took care to make the wealth of the
monasteries glitter in the eyes of the church of Wittembei^, so
that as the price of their permission he was willing to ^ve it
to the Saxon ministers.* The plunder of Church property,
preached by Luther, will be the eternal condemnation of the
Protestants. Though Naboth's vineyard may serve as a bait
or reward for apostasy, it cannot justify crime.
A laureate of the Institute has discovered grounds for palliating
this blow to property. He congratulates the princes who em-
braced the Beformation for having, by means of the ecclesiastical
property, filled their coffers, paid their debts, applied the con-
fiscated wealth to useful establishments, clubs, universities,
hospitals, orphanages, retreats, and rewards for the old servants
of the state.*
But Luther himself took care, on more than one occasion, to
denounce the avarice of the princes who, when once masters of
* Charles Villera, Essu but TEsprit et Tlnfluence de la B^rmatioii,
pp. 267—269.
' J. J. Bousseaa, Diacours siir TEcoiiomie Politique.
3 Von beider Qestalt des Sacraments : Witt. 1528.
* See the chapter of this volame entitled Bigamy of the Laodgrave of Hesse.
» Charles Villera, Essai, p. 104.
THE TRIBUFAL OF THB REFORMATION. 467
the monastic property, employed its revenues for the support of
mistresses and packs of hounds. We remember the eloquent
complaints which he uttered in his old age against these carnal
men, who left the Protestant dei^ in destitution, and did not
even pay the schoolmasters their salaries. He mourned then,
but it was too late. Sometimes the chastisement of Heaven fell,
even in this life, on the spoiler; and Luther has mentioned
instances of several of those iron hands, who, after having
enriched themselves by the plunder of a monastery, church, or
abbey, fell into abject poverty.*
Besides, we will admit that Luther never thought of consoling
the plundered monks by asserting, like M. Charles Villers, that
'^ one of the finest effects of these terrible commotions which
unsettle all properties, the firuits of social institutions, is to
substitute for them greatness of mind, virtues, and talents, the
fruits of nature exclusively." «
If the triumph of the peasants in the fields of Thuringia
might have been an irreparable misfortune to Germany and
Christianity, we cannot deny that Luther's appeal to the secular
arm, to suppress the rebellion, may have thoroughly altered the
character of the first reformation. Till then it had been esta-
blished by preaching; but firom the moment of that bloody
episode, it required the civil authority to move it The sword,
therefore, took the place of the word ; and to perpetuate itself
the Reformation was bound to exaggerate the theory of passive
obedience.'
One of the distinguished historians of Heidelberg, M. Carl
Hagen, has recently favoured us with some portions of the
political code in which Protestantism commands subjects to be
obedient to the civil power, even when it commands them to
commit sin.*
Thus the democratic element, first developed by the Reforma-
tion, was effaced to become absorbed in the despotic. It was no
longer the people lut the prince who chose or rejected the
Protestant minister. When the landgrave of Hesse consulted
' SympoBiac. c. iv. ' "Eatai, p. 108.
' Carl Hagen, Neues Yorbaltniss zu den offent. Gewalten, torn. it. p. 151.
^ " So miisse der Unterthan gehorcbeD, audi wenn die Obrigkeit etwas wider
das Gebot Gottes befehle," 1. c. p. 155.
2 U 2
468 HISTORY OF LUTHER.
Melancthon, in 1525, as to the line he should porsne in the
appointment of a pastor, the doctor told him that he had the
right to interfere in the election of ministers, and that if he
surmoanted the struggles into which the word of God had in-
volved him, he ought not to commit that sacred word but to
such preacher as seemed best to him {vemilnjiiffen) ; in other
terms, observes the historian, to him whom the civil power thinks
competent {den tcelchen die Obrigkeit dafur halt). And Martin
Bucer contrived to extend Melancthon's theory by constituting the
civil power supreme judge of religious orthodoxy, by conferring
on it the right of ultimate decision in questions of heresy, and
of punishing, if necessary, by fire and sword innovators, who are
a thousand times more culpable, he says, than the robber or mur-
derer, who only steal the material bread and. slay the body, while
the heretic steals the bread of life and kills the souL^
Intolerance then entered into the councils of the Eeformation.
It was no longer with the peasants that Luther declared war.
Whoever did not believe in his doctrines was denounced as a
rebel ; in the Saxon's eyes, the peasant was only an enemy
to be despised ; the real Satan was Oarlstadt, Zwinglius, or
Erautwald.^
His disciples were no longer satisfied with plundering the
monasteries, they desired to live in ease ; they must have servants,
a fine house, a well-supplied table, and plenty of money.^ We
are initiated into the private life of the Reformers by ^a zealous
Protestant, a patrician of Nuremberg.
The struggle then was no longer with piety and knowledge,
but with power and influence. Every city and town had its own
Lutheran pope.* At Nuremberg, Osiander was a regular pacha.
Those who among the Protestants endeavoured to reprove his
* Carl Hagen, 1. o. pp. 152, 154, et seq.
> " Und nun erst habe man mit dem eigentlichen Satan zu kampfen." Lather
an Joh. H68S, 22 April, 1626.— De Wetto, torn. iii. p. 104,
' ''Sunt apud nos concionatores bini, qui sub initinm centum aureorum
Btipendio ao victu tanto pro ae et &muli8 suis professi, csetenim quiim vidis-
sent, se jam populo persuasisse, centum quinquaginta exigerunt, ac paulo post
ultra habitationem propriara et victum splendidum duoentos petiere aureos,
aut se abituroB sunt minati."
*,.,'* Fast jede Stadt und jeder Or 6 hatte seinen lutberischen Papst." —
Carl Hagen, 1. c. p. 187.
THE TRIBUNAL OP THE REFORMATION. 469
scandalous ostentation were abased and maligned.' When he
ascended the pulpit, his fingers were adorned with diamonds
which dazzled the eyes of his hearers.^ ^
The religious disputes which disturbed men's minds in Ger-
many retarded rather than advanced the march of intellect.
Blind people who fought fariously with each other could not find
the road to truth. These quarrels were only another disease of
the human mind.^ Although printing served to disseminate the
principles of the Reformers, the sudden progress of Lutheranism,
and the zeal with which it was embraced, prove that reason and
reflection had no part in their development.*
M. Villers has drawn a brilliant sketch of the influence which
the Beformation exercised over biblical criticism. It may be
said that criticism of the Scripture text was unknown previous
to the time of Luther ; and if by this is meant that captious,
whimsical, and shuffling criticism which M. de Wette has so
justly condemned, — certainly so. But that which relates to lan-
guages, antiquities, the knowledge of times, places, authors, — ^in
a word, hermeneutics, was known and practised in our schools
before the Reformation, as is proved by the works of Cajetan and
Sadoletus, and a multitude of learned men whom Leo X. had
encouraged and rewarded. We have seen besides, in the history
of the Reformation, what that vain science has produced. It
was by means of his critical researches that, from the time of
Luther, Carlstadt found such a meaning of '^ semen immolare
Moloch,^' as made his disciple shrug his shoulders ; that
Munzer preached community of goods and wives ; that Melanc-
thon taught that the dogma of the Trinity deprives our mind of
all liberty ;^ that at a later period Ammon asserted that the
resurrection of the dead could not be deduced from the New
Testament ;^ Voter, that the Pentateuch was not written by
■ ''Bieoigen, welche Bich iiber dieees Feilachen mit dem Worte Gottes
aufhielten, warden Yon ihnen gescbolten.'' — Ibid. p. 187.
' . . . " Er tmg immer Binge an den Fingern, selbst wenn er predigle." —
Epist. Erasmi : Lend. Carl Hagen, 1. c. p. 188.
^ Voltaire, Eaaai snr les Moeurs des Nations, quoted by M. Maleville, Dia-
cours sur I'lnfluence de la Information, p. 141.
* Hume, History of the House of Tudor under Henry VII. cb. iii.
* Loci Tlieol. 1621.
^ Biblische Theologie, torn. iii. p. 367 (1841).
470 HI8T0BY OF LUTHER.
Moses ; that the history of the Jews to the time of the Jadges
is only a poptilar tradition ; Bretschneider, that the Psahns
cannot be looked upon as inspired ;^ Augusti, that the true doc-
trine of Jesns Christ has not been preserved intact in the New
Testament ;' and Geisse^ that not one of the four gospels was
written by the evangelist whose name it bears.^
^' Since the days of Semler, Germany presents a singolar spec-
tacle; every ten years, or nearly so, its theological literature
undergoes a complete revolution. What was admired during the
one decennial period is rejected in the next, and the image which
they adored is burnt to make way for new divinities ; the dogmas
which were held in honour fall into discredit ; the classical trea-
tise of morality is banished among the old books out of date ;
criticism overturns criticism ; the commentary of yesterday ridi-
cules that of the previous one, and what was clearly proved in
1840 is not less disproved in 1850 ; the theological systems of
Germany are as numerous as the political constitutions of France,
^-one revolution only awaits another/'*
' Bretiichneider, Handb. der Dog^matik, topu i. p. 98.
> Theol. Monatacfar. No. 9.
3 Geisse, PaitMloxa iiber hoohwichtige Cregenstande des GhristeaihamB, 1829.
* Le Semear, June, 1850.
CONFIRMATORY EVIDENCE.
No. I.
Epithalamia Martini Lutheri WiUeibergentia Johannit Jle^si
VraiislaviensiSf p. 216.
HTHB^US FAlLUmCPHOBUH.
lo, lo, lo, loy Dulces Lutheriaci cum jubilo
Ghtudeamus cum jubilo ; cascus cascam ducit.
lo, lo, lo,
Gkiudeamus cum jubilo
Dulces Lutheriaci
Cum jubilo.
Koster pater hie Lutberus,
Nostrs legis hie sincems,
Nuptam ducet hodie
Cum jubilo.
Qui cum sacra sacer junctus,
Quse docebat est perfunctus,
Et confecit omnia
Cum jubilo.
lo, lo, lo,
Gaudeamus cum jubilo
Dulces Lutheriaci
Cum jubilo.
Tali namque jacta basi
Nuptiantur nostti rasi
Cum jubilo.
472 CONFIBMATOBT EYIDBNOE.
Sed imprimifl noster Hessos,
Cui spiiat ut cupressus
Uxor
Gum jubilo.
Foster est et Fellicanus
Osiander, Pomeranus,
Zwingel cum Dominico,
Cum jubilo.
Et tu, bone Spalatine ;
NostrsB simul es farina
Indite Pomilio ;
Cum jubilo.
Noater luscus Gabrielus,
Et cellensis Michaelus,
Straus et Carlostadius
Cum jubilo.
Lynck et Mizisch ventrioosus,
Lang et Erizenhaus pannosus,
Et CEcolampadius,
Cum jubilo.
TTia magistris licet nobis
Omne nefas : licet probis
Omnibus obstrepere ;
Cum jubilo.
Conculcare jura^ leges,
Infamaie licet reges,
Papamque cum Cadsare ;
Cum jubilo.
Sed et ipsos irridemus
Chrifiti sanctos, et delemus
Eorum imagines ;
Cum jubilo.
At Priapum Lampsacenum
Veneramur, et Sylenum,
Bacchumque cum Yenere ;
Cum jubilo.
Hi sunt veteres coloni
Nostri ordinis, patroni
CONFIRMATORY EVIDBNCB. 473
Quibus ille militat
Gum jubilo.
Septa daustri dissipamus,
Sacra vasa oompilamus,
SancfniB ante suppetat,
Cum jubilo.
I cuculla, vale cappa,
Vale Prior, Gustos, Abba,
Gum obedientia,
Gum jubilo.
Ite vota, preces, horae,
Vale timer cum pudore.
Vale conscientia,
Gum jubilo.
No. II.
Erasmuses Letter to Darnel Mauch, p. 226.
Amantem non redamare, Daniel optime, vix ferarum est. Amas
Erasmum ex litteris cognitum. Ego redamo Danielem ex huma-
nissimis modestissimisque litteris non ignotum. Dictus est Dani.el
vir desideriorum. Quid itaque mirum, si Desiderius Desiderimn
desideras P Sed quid narraa P cffiteri quietis desiderio relinquunt
principum aulas, et tu yelut e fluctibus temet in aulam, velut in
portum tranquillum contulisti P Nausea sui sinulis est, tantum
me faciens ubique suis laudibus, quantum esse me immodice
amanti persuasit amor. Montini lepidissimis litteris nescio an
yacet nimc respondere. Nunciabis illi rem l»tam. Lutherus,
quod felix faustumque, deposito pbilosophi pallio, duxit uxorem,
ex clara familia BomsB, puellam eleganti forma, natam annos 26,
sed indotatam, et qu» pridem desierat esse yestalis. Atque ut
scias auspicatas fuisse nuptias, pauculis diebus post decantatum
hymensBum nova nupta peperit. Jocatur ille in crisin sanguinis ;
verum ea crisis Oreo dedit agricolarum plus minus centum millia.
Nunc remisit paroxismus, et Nausea si venerit, reperiet malum
aliquanto moderabilius. Bene vale, et mens esto, debes autem,
si Nauseam diligis. Datum Basil®, 6 d. Oct. anno 1525. Eras.
Bot. tuus.
474 GONFIBMATOBT EYIBBIYCE.
No. in.
On the Tisch-Beden, p. 264.
In 1566, John Aurifaber, one of Luther's disciples, published
at Eisleben the doctor's table-talk, " Tisch-Beden." He dedicated
this collection to the burgomasters and councillors of the imperial
cities of Straaburg, Augsburg, Ulm, Nuremberg, Lubeck, Hamburg,
Lunenburg, Brunswick, Frankfort-on-the-Maine, and Batisbon.
In the preface to this work, which forms a folio volume of 1,254
pages, Aurifaber tells us that he has collected, for the instruction
of his readers, everything which fell from Luther's lips at table, —
questions, answers, anecdotes, opinions, thoughts, prophecies, con-
solations, and jokes ; pious treasures, which ought not to remain
buried, and which he publishes for the glory and triumph of the
Beformation; — celestial eood, which fell from the doctor's table,
and which will serve for the nourishment of those who hunger
afber God's word ; a source of consolation and instruction for all
Christians.
Aurifaber compares his master to Moses, Elias, and St. Paul,
and with tears in his eyes complains of the discredit into which
Luther's doctrine falls daily more and more. '* These are the days
when phrases," he says, "verbal disputation, — ^ beUum grammati-
cale ' — are in fashion. Our universities and schools decay, and
scholasticism revives. Politicians, jurists, courtiers, seek to gpvem
the Church, assume the place of pastors, and rule the religious
world as they please. Luther was a prophet. He said : ' I tell
you that dense darkness will succeed to the pure light of the
Gospel; the day is at hand when the Gospel will cease to be
preached.' Luther was a prophet. His teaching is at the present
moment despised, — Germany has had enough of it, — his very name
almost fatigues the ear." ^
So, then, it was for the sake of men's souls, for the advancement
of the reign of light and the triumph of the Gospel, that the pious
disciple collected and published these pages, of which we have
quoted only a few imperfect scraps.
The imperial cities to which Aurifaber dedicated his work had
' ** Hierinnen ist nu Bokior Martinus Lutherus ein wahrhaftiger Prophet
gewesen, den seine Lehre ist jetzt also verachtet, man ist ihrer anch also
Uberdriissig, miide und satt worden im deutschea Lande, dass man seines
Namens schier nicht gerne hort gedencken."
GONFIRHATOBY BYIDENGE. 475
all received the light of the QospeL Luther incessantly boasted
in his correspondence of their zeal and love for the truth. There
was not one who objected to Aurifaber's collection when the
" Tisch-Beden" appeared ; all were edified by the conversations at
table, and the zeal of the disciple who had taken so much pains to
preserve them. Aurifaber tells us that he has formed the " Tisch-
Beden" from the notes taken by the customary companions of
Luther, — Lauterbach, Dietrich; Besoldi, Schlagenhaufien, John
Mathesius, Eorer, John Stoltz, and James Weber. In 1566, when
Aurifaber's collection appeared, several of Luther's messmates
were still alive, and none of them made the least protest against
that publication, or accused Luther's disciple of unfaithful re-
porting.
Prederick Mecum, clergyman at Gotha, wrote to the publisher
of a re-impression of the " Tisch-Beden :" — " In my opinion, you
have done a good deed in reprinting these comforting and affecting
conversations which our' beloved friend held at table, and which
ought to be circulated among the people."
Now this Frederick Mecum (Myconius) was one of Luther's
friends ; his learning and piety have been praised by Seckendorf.
In 1667, two new editions of the " Tisch-Eeden " appeared at
Frankfort ; one in octavo, the other in folio ; in 1568, a fourth
impression was published in the same city. Prefixed to this latter
is an advertisement by Aurifaber, who congratulates himself on
the success which his work has obtained.
The '* Tisch-Eeden" continued to be sold throughout Protestant
(Germany ; Luther's disciples laboured to disseminate them ; the
booksellers loaded their stalls with them at the fair of Frankfort-
on-the-Maine ; the apostate monks hawked them in the monas-
teries ; the binders clothed them in the richest style, as in the
copy we possess, of which the vellum cover is embossed with the
portraits of John Huss, Erasmus, and Luther. Listen as atten-
tively as you will, you will not hear at that time any voice raised
against the daring or unfaithfulness of Aurifiiber.
This was because Aurifaber was still alive, and could, if neces-
sary, summon as witnesses a crowd of frequenters of the Wittem-
berg alehouse, who at night, by the gleam of a small lamp, had
heud with their own ears the conversations which one of the
guests has faithfully reported. Prefixed to all the new editions
of the collection was a dedication to the imperial cities of Pro-
testant Germany ; but the imperial cities were silent, like every-
body else.
476 CONFIBMATORY BVIDBNCB.
In 1569, John Finck published a new edition of the " Tisch-
Eeden," with an appendix. The book is dedicated to the CouncU
of the citj of Eauschemburg, in a letter dated 24th of March, 1568.
At the end are ^^ Fropheceyen, Prophecies of Doctor Martin Luther,
to call and exhort to Christian repentance, collected with great
care and order, by Master GTeorge "Walther, preacher at Halle, in
Saxony."
The "Tisch-Beden" was the "book of the season," and Einck's
edition was soon exhausted.
Then appeared two others, also in folio, at Eisleben, in 1569
and 1577, which Fabricius has described in his '' GentifoUum
Lutheranum," p. 301.
Still Germany preserved the same silence, and the " Table-Taik "
continued to be the &yourite book of that nation.
Stangwald, one of the continuators of the " Centuries of Magde-
burg," met with a copy of the original edition of the "Tisch-Eeden,"
annotated on the margin by Joachim Merlin, one of Luther's
friends. He published two editions of it at Frankfort, in 1571,
by the heirs of Thomas Bebai't, and another in 1590, dedicated to
the Council of Mulhouse. In his preface, Stangwald promises, if
God wills, to give another part of the "Table-Talk :" this con-
tinuation never appeared.
Stangwald's text, revised and corrected, — ^for Aurifaber's edition
is very faulty, — ^was published at Jena in 1603, and at Leipsic in
1621, in folio ; but the editor substituted Aurifaber's prefsice for
that of Stangwald.
In 1700, Andrew Zeidler published at Leipsic a new edition of
the " Tisch-Eeden," with George Walther's " Prophecies," and the
two prefaces of Aurifaber and Stangwald. Zimmermann and Ger-
lach reprinted the " Table-Talk," still in German, in 1723, with the
imprint of Dresden and Leipsic.
One of Luther's contemporaries, Nicolas Selneccer, who died in
1592, and who was a disciple of Melancthon, wished in his turn to
give a more careful edition of Luther's conversations. He had
equal admiration and gratitude for the doctor. Prefixed to his
labour, which appeared in 1577, is a biography of the Wittemberg
ecclesiastes, whom he considers to have been a man sent from
heaven, another St. Paul. Selneccer' s edition is deemed superior
to that of Aurifaber.
The German language could not make the " Table-Talk" suffi-
ciently popular ; the Latiu was employed to communicate these
CONFIBMATORT EVIDENCB. * 477
tavern confidencefl to the learned beyond the Bhine, who were not
familiar with the German idiom.
The first very complete edition of the "Table-Talk" in Latin
was published by Bebenstock, minister of the Gospel at Echer-
sheim. He was assisted in the work by the " Silvula Sententi-
arum Beverendi Martini Lutheri ac Philippi Melanchthonis,"
published by Etriceus at Erankfort in 1566, in 8vo. Bebenstock's
book forms two volumes, entitled, " Colloquia, Meditationes, Gon-
solationes, Gonsilia, etc., D. Martini pi» ac sanct® memorise, in
mensa prandii et cobusb et in peregrinationibus observata ac
fideliter transcripta, 1571 ;" a curious book, which only contains a
portion of Aurifaber's, but several things not to be found in the
German text, — the famous story of the bull, inter alia.
Bebenstock participated in Aurifaber's devotion to Luther. He
calls these conversations divine food, living waters, from which the
Christian may draw, as from a sacred fountain, the pure word of
God.i
For more than a century, the " Table-Talk " continued to be
circulated in Germany without any one thinking to question their
authenticity. Only, as the ear became more refined, the mosfc
complete text, that of Aurifeber, was subjected by the Lutheran
editors to singular mutilations. Weislinger, in his " Fris Vogel
oder Stirb," has noted some curious alterations of the original
text.
Li the Frankfort edition, which "Weislinger had under his own
eyes, we read, at page 830, " Ich will ihnen die nehrlichsten
Worten geben und sie heissen Marcolphum im Ars lecken ;" and
in that of Dresden, folio 619, " Ich will ihnen die narrischten
"Wort geben, und sie heissen Marcolphum in der lateinischen
Kunst lecken." " Lambere Marcolphi clunes " were Luther's
words, which at least are intelligible ; but the modem Protestant,
in their room, writes something incomprehensible: "Lambere
Marcolphum in Latino Sermone."
In the Eisleben edition, folio 360, Luther says of the pope : " If
the pope were St. Peter himself, we should account him a rascal
and a devil." This, by means of an interpolation, is entirely
changed in that of Dresden : " If the pope were the devil himself,
we should account him a rascal and a devil, so long as he persevered
in his idolatrous practices."
' Latherus in mensA Dei verbum thesaurum pretiosisaimiun fideliter docuit
suisque diatribuit.
478 GONFIRMATORT BYIDENCE.
If you wish to know what the apostles were, Luther tells you
in the Eisleben edition (1566), p. 133, " They were sinners and
arrant rogues, ' gute, grobe, grosse Schalke ;' " but in the Dresden
edition of 1723, the three epithets are expunged ; " the apostles
were merely ordinary sinners."
And the jurists, " brokers, botchers," as you will see in pp. 657,
659, 561, 662 of Aurifaber's edition ; but in that of Dresden,
fol. 781, 782, they are the executioners of great works, because at
Dresden, as at Frankfort, what we call a hangman is a magistrate.
And woman, " The sweetest thing on earth, when we can please
her," as you will find in Aurifaber's edition, p. 442 ; but, adds
that of Dresden, p. 679, " in Gottes Furcht," — in Dei timore, in
the fear of the Lord.
The '^ Tisch-Beden " has been printed in England also : the
translation appeared in 1652, in folio, by the title of ** Luther's
Divine Discourses at his Table." The translator was Henry Bell.
Bell, as he mentions in his preface, had a friend in' Germany named
Guspard von Sparr, who discovered in the foundations of an old
house occupied by his ancestors, the " Tisch-Eeden " carefully
wrapped in a thick cloth. He opened it, and sent it secretly to
his friend, who was well acquainted with German, urging him to
translate it into English. Six weeks affcer, between twelve atid
one at night, an old man with a white beard suddenly appeared in
the captain's bedroom, and taking him by the ear, said : " Sirrah !
will not you take time to translate that book which is sent unto
you out of Germany ? I will shortly provide for you both place
and time to do it ;" and the apparition vanished.
" Fifteen days after," says M. Brunet, " Bell was thrown into
prison. During his five years' confinement, he occupied himself
in translating the ' Table-Talk.' Archbishop Laud being desirous
to know the work on which the prisoner was engaged, sent for the
manuscript, and after perusing the book procured the captain's
liberty."
Li 1646, the House of Commons ordered his translation to be
published. The order was somewhat in these terms : " Whereas
Captain Henry Bell has strangely discovered a book of Martin
Luther's, called his * Divine Discourses,' which was for a long
time marvellously preserved in Germany ; the House wills that this
book shall be printed in English." And the translation appeared.
We are now at the seventeenth century, and Germany does not
object to the zeal of the booksellers who multiply impressions of
CONFIBMATOBT BVIDBNOB. 479
the ^' Tisch-Beden.** Should it happen, that a Catholic endeavours
to expose to the world the incredible temeritj of these private
gossipings, the pastor of Hamburg, Albert Fabricius, castigates
the calumniator, and says : *^ Such effrontery is too bad ! In the
' Table-Talk' there are no unmannerly expressions, no calumnies
against the princes and magistrates, no scurrilities, no contradic-
tions.^ This ha^ been completely proved by John Gerhard in his
theological disputations." ^
And the Protestants who, although they have read the book,
have such faith in the modesty of the guests of the " Black Eagle"
tavern, accuse the popes of having destroyed all the copies of the
** Tisch-Beden" which they could find for sale. A singular charge,
undoubtedly, of which Sparr was the organ, and which Captain
Bell has simply recorded in the prefiEice to his *' Divine Dis-
courses."
It is indeed very true that, notwithstanding the numerous edi-
tions, the " Tisch-Beden" have become scarce even in Germany !
Who, then, has been at the trouble of destroying the copies ?
The question is of no consequence.
In our own time the Protestants, bolder perhaps than in the
days of Fabricius, Juncker, and Gerhard, attempt to dispute
the authenticity of the *' Tisch-Beden." It is not long since we
read in a journal conducted by learned Protestants, Le Semeur^
that the "Tisch-Beden" were apocryphal. A minister of the
Gk)8pel in La Yend^ has not hesitated to accuse us of having
made use of a collection of fictions by some anonymous editor for
the purpose of maligning Luther! Fictions by Aurifaber, who
closed the doctor's eyes ; twenty times reprinted by his favourite
disciples, magnified as another gospel by Bebenstock, glorified by
Fabricius, reprinted by Walch, but with alterations in his large
edition of Halle ; quoted in his " Lessons of History" by Hagen-
bach of Basle, — by De Wette, in his edition of Luther's corre-
spondence,— ^by Carl Hagen, in his " Spirit of the Beformation !"
But wherefore this tardy disclaimer of a book which for so long
a while was considered to contain the living waters of the Gospel ?
HaveMecum, Aurifaber, Mathesius, Fabricius, and Albertus deceived
us in inviting us all, such as we are, regenerated by Christ's blood,
* " Ab his oolloqulis qnoque abeme spurcitiem, calumnias contiit prinoipes,
et mivgistratas, Bcurrilitatem, et pngnantia invicem abaonaque dicta, ostendit
Dr. Job. (xerharduB." — In Centif. Luiherano, part. i. cap. Ixzxviii. p. 807.
' Disput. Theol. pp. 1210, 1222.
480 CONPIBMATOBY EVIDENCE.
to revive our faith in a collection capable of offending the eyea of
a Christian ? We imagine, then, the shame of our adversaries ;
but in that case, let them disavow also the works of the Beformer
himself, for there are more than two thousand folio pages in which
we find all the grossest portions of the " Tisch-Eeden." Let them,
then, tear out the Eeformer's letters to the archbishop of Mayence,
his epistle to Henry VIII., his letter to the murderer of Dresden,
his pope-ass and monk-calf, his long faction against Duke Hans
Wurtz of Brunswick, and his papacy possessed by the devil, Ac.
Then, but only then, shall we say that the " Tisch-Eeden" are
not Luther's !
No. IV.
Consultation of the Theologians ofWlttemberg, addressed toPhilip^
Landgra/ve of Hesse, p. 406.
Gratia Dei per Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum pnevie, Sere-
nissime Princeps et Domine ! Postquam Yestra Celsitudo nobis per
dominum Bucerum diutumas susb conscientisB molestia nonnullas,
simulque considerationes indicari curavit, addito scripto seu in-
structione, quam illi Vestra Cels. tradidit, licet ita properanter
expedire responsum difficile sit : noluimus tamen dominum Buce-
rum, reditum equo maturantem, sine scripto dimittere. Imprimis
sumus ex animo recreati, et Deo gratias agimus, quod Yestram
Cels. difficili morbo liberavit, petimusque, ut Deus Cels. Yestr. in
corpore et animo confortare et conservare dignetur : nam prout
Cels. Yestra videt, paupercula et misera Ecclesia est, exigua et
derelicta, indigens probis dominis regentibus, sicut non dubitamus,
Deum aliquos conseryaturum, quantumvis tentationes diversse
occurrant.
Circa qusBstionem, quam nobis Bucerus proposuit, haBC nobis
occurrunt consideratione digna. Cels. Yestra per se ipsam satis
perspicit, quantum diiferat, universalem legem condere, vel in
certo casu gravibus de causis, ex concessione divina, dispensatione
uti: nam contra Deum locum non habet dispensatio. Nunc
suadere non possumus, ut introducatur publico et velut lege san-
ciatur permissio, plures, quam unam, uxores ducendi. Si aliquid
hac de re prselo committeretur, facile intelligit Yestra Cels., id
prsBcepti instar intellectum et acceptatum iri, unde multa scandala
CONFIRMATORY ETIDENCE. 481
et difficultates orirentur. Consideret, qusesumas, Cels. Vestra,
quam sinistre acciperetur, si quia conVinceretur hanc legem in
Germaniam introdaxisse, quse aBtemarum litium et inquietudinum
(quod timendum) futura esset seminarium.
Quod opponi potest, quod coram Deo SBquum est, id omninQ pcr-
mittendum, hoc certa ratione et conditione est acdpiendum. Si
res est mandata vel necessaria, verum est, quod objicitur : si nee
mandata nee necessaria sit, alias circumstantias oportet expendere.
Ut ad propositam qusestionem propius accedamus : Deus matrimo-
nium instituit, ut tantum duarum et non plurium personarum
esset Bocietas, si natura non esset corrupta : hoc intendit ilia sen-
tentia: Srunt duo in came una, idque primitus fiiit obser>'atum.
Sed Lamech in matrimonium pluralitatem uxorum invexit, quod
de illo Scriptura memorat, tanquam introductum contra primam
regulam. Apud infideles tamen fuit consuetudine receptum :
postea Abraham quoque et ejus posteri plures diixerunt uxores.
Certmn est, hoc postmodum lege Mosis permissum fuisse, teste
Scriptura, Deut. xxi., ut homo haberet duas uxores : nam Deus
fragili natursB aliquid indulsit. Cum vero principio et crentioni
consentaneum sit, unica uxore contentum vivere, hujusmodi lex est
laudabilis, et ab Ecclesia acceptanda nee lex huic contraria statu-
enda. Nam Christus repetit hanc sententiam : Erunt duo in came
una. Matt, xix., et in memoriam revocat, quale matrimonium ante
humanam fragilitatem esse debuisset. Gertis tamen casibas locus
est dispensationi. Si quis apud exteras nationes captivus ad
euram corporis et sanitatem sibi alteram uxorem superduceret, vel
si quis haberet leprosam : his casibus alteram ducere cum consilio
sui pastoris, non intentione novam legem inducendi, sed bu®
necessitati consulendi, hunc nescimus qua ratione damnare liceret.
Cum igitur aliud sit, inducere legem, aliud uti dispensatione :
obsecramus Yestram Cels., sequentia velit considerare. Frimum
ante omnia cavendum, ne^sBC res inducatur in orbem ad modum
legis, quam sequendi libera omnibus sit potestas. Deinde consi-
derare dignetur Vestra Cels. scandalum, nimirum quod Evangelio
hostes exclamatiiri sint, nos similes esse Anabaptistis, qui plures
simul duxerunt uxores : item, evangelicos eam sectari libertatem
plures simul ducendi, quae in Turcia in usu est. Item principum
facta latins spargi, quam privatorum, consideret : item consideret,
privatas personas hujusmodi principum facta audientes facile sibi
eadem permissa perauadere, prout apparet, talia facile irrepere:
item considerandum, Cels. Yestram abundare nobilitate efferri spi-
VOL. II. 2 I
482 CONFIRMATORY KVIDENCE.
ritUB, in qua raulti, ut in aliis quoque terris, sint, qui propter
smplo8 proventus, quibus ratione catbedralium beneficioruin per-
fruuntur, valde Evangelio adversantur. Non ignoramus ipu mag-
norum nobilium valde insulsa dicta : qualem se nobilitas et subdita
ditio erga Cels. Yestram sit prsbitura, si publica introduetio fiat,
baud difficile est arbitrari. Item Cels. Yestra^ que Dei singularis
est gratia, apud reges et poteutes etiam extemos magno est in
honore et respectu, apud quos merito est quod timeat ne hflDC res
pariat nominis diminutionem.
Cum igitur bic multa scandala confluant, rogamus Cels. Yestram,
ut banc rem maturo judicio expendere relit. Illud quoque est
verum, quod Cels. Yestram omnimodo rogamus et adbortamur, ut
fomicationem et adulterium fugiat. Habuimus quoque, ut, quod
res est, loquamur, longo tempore non parvum moerorem, quod in-
tellexerimiis Yestram Cels. ejusmodi impuritate oneratam, quam
divina ultio, morbi, aliaque pericula sequi possint. Etiam rogamus
Cels. Yestram, ne talia extra matrimonium levia peccata yelit
sstimare, sicut mundus hsdc ventis tradere et parvi pendere solet.
Yorum Deus impudicitiam sspe severissime punivit. Nam poBua
diluvii tribuitur regentum adulteriis : item adulterium Davidis est
severum divin» vindictsB exemplum : et Paulus saspius ait : Beta
non irrideiurj adulteri non introihunt in regnwn Dei : nam fidei
obedientia comes esse debet, ut non contra conscientiam agamus,
primo Timoth., et prima Job. iii. : Si cor nostrum non reprehenderit
noSy possumus lati Deum invocare : et Bom. viii. : Si eamaUa do-
nderia spiritu mortificaverimue^ vkfemus : si autem secundum oamem
amhulemus, boc est, si contra conscientiam agamus, moriomur,
HiBC referimus, ut consideret, Deum ad talia non ridere, proot
aliqui audaces fiunt et etbnicas cogitationes animo fovent. Libenter
quoque intelleximus, Yestram Cels. ob ejusmodi vitia angi et con-
queri. Incumbunt Cels. Yestr» negotia totum mundum con-
cementia: accedit Cels. Yestr» complexio subtilis et minime
robusta, ac pauci somni, unde merito corpori paroendum esset,
quemadmodum multi alii facere coguntur. Legitur de laudatis-
simo Principe Scanderbego, qui multa pneclara faoinora patravit
contra duos Turcarum Imperatores Amuratbem et Mahometum, et
Grseciam, dum viveret, feliciter tuitus est ac conservavit. Hie
ssBpius sues milites ad castimoniam bortari auditus et dicere:
nullam rem fortibus viris aequo animos demere, ao venerem. Item
quod si Yestra Cels. insuper alteram uxorem baberet et nollet
pra\'is affectibus et consuetudinibus repugnare, adhuc non esset
veHtrsB Cels. consultum ac prospectum.
CONFIRMATOKT EVIDENCE. 483
Oporiet unumqiiemque in extemis istia suorum membrorum
esse dominum, uti Faulus scribit : Curate, ut membra vesira sint
arma justitug, Quare Cels. Yestrft in consideratione allatarum
causarum, nempe scandali, curarum, laborum ac soUicitudinuin et
corporis infirmitatis, velit banc rem sBqua lance* perpendere, et
simul in memoriam revocare, quod Deus ex modema eonjuge pul-
cbram sobolem utriusque sexus dederit, ita ut contentus bac esse
possit. Quot alii in suo matrimonio debent patientiam exercere
ad vitandum seandalum P Nam nobis non sedet animo, Cels.
Veatram ad tam difficilem novitatem impellere aut inducere. Nam
ditio Cels. Yestrsd aliique nos ideo impeterent, quod nobis eo
minus ferendum esset, quod ex pnecepto divino nobis incumbat,
matrimonium omniaque humana ad divinam institutionem dirigere,
atque in eo, quoad possibile, conservare omneque seandalum
removere. Is jam est mos saBculi, ut culpa omnis in prsedicantes
conferatur, si quid difficultatis incidat, et humanum cor in summie
et inferioris conditionis bominibus instabile ; unde diversa perti-
mescenda.
Si autem Yestra Cels. ab impudiea rita non abstineat, quod
dicit sibi impossibile, optaremus, Cels. Yestram in meliori statu
esse coram Deo et secura conscientia vivere, ad propri» animas
salutem et ditionem ac subditorum emolumentum. Quod si
denique Yestra Cels. omnino concluserit adhuc unam conjugem
ducere, juramus id secreto faciendum, uti superiua de dispensa-
tione dictum, nempe ut tantum Yestne Cels., illi personiB ac
pauds personifl fideUbns constet Cels. Yestrsd animus et consci-
entia sub sigillo confessionis. Hinc non sequuntur alicujus
momenti contradictiones aut scandala : nibil enim est inusiUti,
principes concubinas alere: et quamvis non omnibus e plebe
oonstaret ratio, tamen prudentiores intelligerent, et magis placeret
hiBc modesta vivendi ratio, quam adulterium et alii «belluini et
impudici actus : nee curandi aliorum sermones, si recte cum con-
scientia agatur, sic et in tantum boc approbamus.
Nam quod circa matrimonium in lege Mosis fuit permissum,
Evangeliuip non revocat aut vetat, quod externum regimen non
immutat, sed adfert letemam justitiam ad eetemam vitam, et
orditur veram obedientiam erga Deum, et conatur corruptam
naturam reparare. Habet itaque Cels. Yestra non tantum om-
nium nostrum testimonium in casu necessitatis, sed etiam ante-
cedentes nostras considerationes, quas, rogamus, ut Yestra Cels.
tanquam laudatus, sapiens et Christianus princeps yelit ponderare.
2i2
484 GONFIBMATOBY EVIDENCE.
Oramus quoque Deum, ut yelit Cels. Yestram ducere ac regere ad
suam laudem et Yestrsd Cels. animsB salutem.
Quod attinet ad consilium banc rem apud Cffisarem tractandi,
existimamus, ilium adulterium inter minora peccata numerare:
nam magnopere verendum, ilium Papistica, CardinaUtia, Italica^
Hispanica, Saraoenica imbutum fide, non curaturum Yestne Cels.
poBtulatum et in proprium emolumentum vanis verbis sustenta-
turum, sicut intelligimus, perfidum ac fallacem virum esse, mo-
resque Germanici oblitum. Yidet Cels. Yestra ipsa, quod nullia
necessitatibuB Christianis sincere consulit. Turcam sinit imper-
turbatum, excitat tantum rebelliones in Germania, ut potentiam
Burgundicam efferat. Quare optandum, ut nuUi Ghristiani prin-
cipes iUius infidis macbinationibus se misceant. Deus conservet
Cels. Yestram. Nos ad serviendum Yestr» Cels. sumus promp-
tissimi. Datum WitenbergsD die Mereurii post Festum Sancti
Nicolaiy hdxxxix.
Yestrs Celritudinia
parati ac subjecti servi
Martinus Lutberus, Pbilippus Melancbtbon,
MartinuB Bucerus, Antonius Corvinus,
Adam F , Jobannes Leningus, Justus
Wintber, Dionysius Melander.
INDEX.
ACCOLTI is reoeived by Leo X,, I 258.
ADRIAN YI. His character, ii. 88. His portrait as drawn by Protestant
historians, ii. 84. Writes to Erssmus to engage him to labour for the paci-
fication <^ the Churchy A. Beform which he wishes to introduce among
the clergy, ii. 86. Sends Cheregatus to the diet at Nuremberg, ii. 41. His
death, ii. 48.
AGRIOOLA, Luther's disciple and successor. His commentary on the Ave
Maria, ii. 116.
ALEANDRO. His masters and Btudiei^ i. 278. Piorio proposes a literaiy
disputation with him. It is accepted, i 279. Appointed nuncio to Hun-
gaiy, ib. Is the friend of Erasmus, i. 281. At Pftris, ib. At Rome, i.
282. Described bv Luther, i. 288. Repels the accusation of Judaism
brought against him, i. 286. Studies the causes of the success of the
Reformation, i. 288. The awakening of matter and not of mind which
strikes his observation, i. 289. Appomted nuncio from Leo X. at Worms,
i. 290. His speech at the diet, i. 294.
AMSDORF, one of Luther's friends, ii. 260.
ANABAPTISTS. Their origin, ii. 1. Their doctrines, ii. 2. Expelled
from Wittemberg at Luther s instigation, ii. 15. Attack the Lutherans at
Augsburg, ii. 876. Received at Munster, ii. 880. Riots which they cause
in that city, ii. 881. Orcanixe community of goods, ii. 882. Besieged in
Munster by Bishop Waldeck, ii. 888. Defend themselves desperately, ib.
Their punishment, ii. 885. Accuse Luther of the calamities wluch desolate
Germany, ii. 886.
ARETINO at Rome, i. 257. His letter to Francis I., ib,
AVE MARIA, The, commented by the Protestants, ii. 116.
BIGAMY of the landgrave of Hesse, ii. 400.
BORA, Catherine. Her origin, ii. 288. Carried off from the convent of
NimptBchen by Leonard Koppe, ib. As described by Werner and Krauss,
ii. 289. Her portrait by Lucas Crannch, ii. 240. Was Luther happy in his
home with her t Her character, ib. Regretted the happy life of tiie con-
vent, ii. 242. Conjugal scenes, ii. 244. Her distress after Luther's death,
ii. 422. Her death^ ii. 488.
BUCER carries off a nun and marries her, L 889. Justifies the attempts of
the reformed princes on the civil and religious liberties, i. 192. Draws up
the petition of Philip of Hesse to the theologians of Wittemberg, in which
this prince requests that he may be permitted to have two wives, iL 402.
BUGENHAGEN, the monk, embraces the Reformation, ii. 27. Approves of
Luther's polemics against Henry YIII., ii. 59.
BUNDSCHTJH, Association of the, ii. 129.
CAJETAN, Cardinal, obtains from Leo X. that Luther shall be tried in Ger-
many, i. 126. As dc8cribed by a Protestant, t6. His youth and studies, i.
486 INDEX.
129. Promiaes to treat Luther paternally, i. 180. Receives him, and tries
to make him retract^ i. 134. Vainly attempts to bring back Lather to the
way of truth, i. 188.
CAMPEG6I0, Cardinal, at the diet of Nuremberg, ii. 118. His speech, ti.
At the diet of Ratisbon, requires that satisfiMstion should be given to the just
demands of the Orders of Nuremberg, ii. 124.
CABBEN, Victor de, a learned Rabbi, converted to Catholicism, publishes a
pamphlet against the Jews, i. 62.
CARLSn'ADT accepts the proposal made to him lyy Eck to dispute upon the
questions which disturb Qermany, i. 169. His portrait, i. 178. Theses
which he maintains at the disputation at Leipsic, L 181. CompoeeR a Mass,
and celebrates it on Christmas-day, i. 887. Breaks the images, i. 397. Con-
sistent with the spirit of the new worship, i. 899. His revolt against Luther,
i. 401. Only applies the hitter's prind^es, i. 402. Endeavours to prevail
over Luther, i. 416. Expelled from Wittemberff on demand of Lather ;
his books are confiscated, ii. 16. At Orlamlinde, li. 126. Renews the war
against the doctrines of the Wittemberg Church, ii. 160. His challenge to
Luther, ii. 163. Disputes with him on the Supper, ii. 164. Finds Luther
again at OriamUnde, ii. 172. Preaches l»g«my, li. 185. Driven from
&xony at Luther's instigation, ii. 815. Takes refrige in Basle, ii. 816.
CATHOLICISM. Ito attitude since Luther's rebellion, i. 299. Its cere-
monies and festivals praised by Protestants, ii. 205.
CELIO CALCAGNINI. His letter to Erasmus, i. 251.
CELLARITJS, Martin, tries to defend Luther's doctrines, which are attacked
by the new prophets, i. 418.
CHARLES OF AUSTRIA, a candidate for the empire, i. 147. Means
which he uses to obtain the imperial crown, i. 148. His pretenuona
are supported by Frederick, the elector of Saxony, i. 149. Is elected
emperor, ib.
CHARLES Y. His portrait, i. 152. His coronation, i. 158. Goes to
Worms to be present at the debates of the diet, !• 265. Political motives
which prevent him from listening to Luther, i. 276. Enjoins the latter to
present himself before the diet, i. 299. How he could judge Luther's creed,
1. 885. His edict against the Reformer, i. 886. Insists after the diet. of
Nuremberg on the execution of the edict promulgated at Worms, ii. 119.
Leaves It^y and arrives at Augsburg, with the intention of restoring peace
to Germany, ii. 821. Opens the diet in person, ii. 829.
CHEREGATXJS, the pope's nundo, at the diet of Nurembeig, ii. 41.
CHURCH, The Catholic, had transited the Bible into the vulgar tongue
before Lather, ii. 113. Has it ever concealed the Divine Word, and where-
fore ? ii. 114. Daoffers which the revealed word would run if she did not
watch over the truths of the faith, ii. 115.
COCHIx^US at the diet of Augsburg, ii. 829.
CONFERENCE OF MARBURG, ii. 296.
CONFESSION OF AUGSBURG, The, presented to Uie Emperor by the
Protestant princes, ii. 338. Considered as a dogmatic creed, is an attempt
on the principle of free inquiry, ii. 352.
CONRAD organizes the confraternity of the Tun, ii. 130.
CONVENT OF THE AUGUSTINIANS AT ERFURT in 1838, ii. 254.
CORVINUS disputes with John of Leyden on the plurality of wives, ii. 885.
COTTA, Ursula, takes Luther into her house, i. 4.
CROI, William, prime minister of Charles V. His character, i. 266.
DEVIL, The. His ap[)eanuice to Luther, i. 354. Protestant theologians
IMBBX. 487
have affiraned the truth of the Reformer's narratiTe, i. 865. Claude seea in
the apparition a sort of myth ioTented by Luther, i. 366. Polemics excited
by the conference first denied and afterwards admitted, i. 867.
DIALOGUE, They bronght into &8hion by Luther, i. 873. Is at first reli-
gious, then political, i. 880.
DIET OF AUGSBUBG. Arrival of Charles V. at Augsburg, ii. 821. Pro-
cession of the Blessed Sacrament, ii. 828. The Protestant princes refuse to
assist at that ceremony, f&. Who these princes were, ii. 826. The city is
disturbed by the Protestant preachers, ii. 827. Maedartus the Franciocan,
ii. 328. Lutheran comedy performed in presence of Charles V., ih. Open-
ing of the diet, ii. 829. Catholic orators who take part in the proceedingH,
ib. The Protestant princes present their confession of fiiith to the Emperor,
ii. 338. It is condemned by the Catholic doctors, ii. 840. Dispute between
them and the Protestants, ii. 844. Brack opposes all negotiations with the
Catholics, ii. 846. Imperial decree, — ^tfae Protestant princes refuse to sign
it, ii. 349.
DIET OF NUREMBERG. Dispositions of the princes, ii. 41. AttempU
at agreement made by the papacy, ii. 42. They mil in consequence of the
hostile dispositions of the pnncee, ii. 48. Edict passed in the name of the
Emperor, ii. 44. Publication of the grievances known by the name of
"Centum Gravamina,'* ii. 46. New aspect of the States, ii. 119.
DIET OF RATISBON. The Catholic princes unite to oppose the progress
of Protestantism, ii. 128. Decrees pronounced for the defence of the Catholic
fiiith, ii. 124.
DIET OF SCHMALKALDEN. Speech at the opening, ii. 896. Fruitless
efforts made by the Catholics to reconcile the Protestants to the Church,
li. 396.
DIET OF SPIRE. The assembly decrees that the edict of Worms shall be
rigorously enforced, ii. 285. The Lutheran princes protest against this
decision, ib. The Protestants refuse to. giant the supplies voted for repelling
the Turks who besiege Vienna, ib.
DIET OF WORMS. The opening, i. 266. Opposition of different mem-
bers of the assembly/ L 267. Debates upon the Annats, i. 268. Parties
that divide it, i. 291. Speech of Aleandro, nuncio from Leo X., i. 294.
What were to be the questions put to Luther, i. 298. Aspect of the
assemblv, i. 810. Luther is heard, and the Orders deliberate, i. 816. The
imperial rescript read, i. 818. Character of the assembly, i. 826. Examina-
tion of the debates, i. 881. The edict directed against Luther cannot restore
peace to Germany, i. 888.
DIETRICH, Luther's servant, ii. 410.
DISPUTATION OF LEIPSIC. The opening, i. 180. Character of the
assembly, i. 186. The effects produced by it, i. 194.
DISPUTATION upon the Supper between Luther and Carlstadt at the
*' BUck Bear" hotel, ii. 164.
DISPUTATIONS upon the Eucharist between Luther and Zwinglius, ii. 804.
ECK maintains the Catholic doctrine as to tradition against Luther, i. 108.
Proposes to Carlstadt to dispute upon the questions which disturb Gennany,
i. 169. His portrait, i. 171. Reftites at the disputation of Leipsic Carlstadt*s
propositions, i. 181. Proves that Luther's doctrines as to the spiritual and
temporal supremacy of the pope are the pame as those of John Huss and the
Bohemians, i. 184. His letter to Erasmus, i. 190. Proves the heterodoxy
of certain doctrines of John Huss, i. 209. His theses are attacked by
Melaacthon, i. 210. Charged with the publication and circulation of the
bull fulminated against Luther, i. 231.
ELECTION of an Emperor. The electors .issemble at Frankfort-on-the-
488 INDEX.
Mune, i. 147. Policy of the court of Rome, i. 148. Opening of the diet
by the archbishop of Mayence, ib. His ad^-ess, tb. Gapitolations drawn
up by the States, i. 151.
EMMETS, The book of, I 60.
£MS£R disputes with Luther, i. 100. Maintains against him the CSatholic
doctrine on tradition, i. 110. Criticises Luther's translation of the Bible,
ii. 111.
EOBANUS, Hessus, applauds the destruction of Tetzel's theses, i. 106.
ERASMUS at first appears to approve of Luther's theses, i. 96. His letter on
this subject, reprinted by Hutten, but with alterations, i. 97. Accuses the
Reformer of invading the morals, dogmas, and faith of fifteen centuries, i. 204.
Visits Italy, i. 253. His recollections of Leo X., i. 254. Leaves Rome for
England, i. 262. Attaches himself to Aleandro. His opinion of that scholar,
1. 281. Protests against Carlstadt's fanaticism, i. 399. Tliinks Luther*s
sermon on marriage merely an indecent jest, and does not perceive the secret
object involved in it, ii. 23. Requested by Adrian YI. to undertake the
defence of the Church, but hesitates, ii. 34. Censures Luthers violence,
ii. 49. His literary fame, ii. 71. His war ¥dth the religious orders, ii. 73.
Jealous of Luther's popularity, ii. 74. Receives a letter from him, ii. 75.
He answers it, ii. 76. His pusilhmlmity, ib. Thinks of writing a pamphlet
against Luther, ii. 80. Adrian VI. again urges him to come to the aid of
the Church, ii. 82. Refuses to act openly against Luther, and continues to
attack him clandestinely, ii. 84. How could he reply to the Reformer's
attacks ? ii. S5. Examines the principle of free-will, ii. 89. Publishes the
"Hyperaspites,"ii. 103. His death, ii. 104. His correspondence, wherein
he accuses the Reformer of intolerance, fiilsehood, and obscuring facta, ii. 209.
Has not said all that be might have said, ii. 211.
ERICH II., duke of Brunswick, abandons the Reformers, and returns to the
Church, ii. 398.
FABER, John, at the diet of Augsburg, ii. 381.
FIRN, Anthony, curate of St. Thomas at Strasburg, marries his servant,
i. 889.
FISHER, bishop of Rochester, defends Henry VIII. against Luther, it 61.
FRAlNCIS I. a candidate for the empire, i. 147. Means which he employs to,
procura the imperial crown, i. 148. His pretensions are supported by the
elector of Treves, i. 149.
FRANKENHAUSEN, BatUe o^ ii. 147.
FREDERICK, elector of Saxony, founds the university of Wittemberg,
i. 35. Appoints Luther professor of philosophy, ib. Advises him to
recant the propositions condemned by Rome, i. 293. Replies to the pope's
nuncio at the diet of Worms, i. 298. Causes Luther to be conducted to the
castle ofWartburg, i. 339. Appoints a commission to examine the question
concerning the Mass and celibacy of the clergy, i. 385. Invites Melancthon
to confer with the Anabaptists, ii. 8. Endeavours, but ineffectually, to
prevent Luther from retiring to Wittemberg, ii. 7.
FRITZ, Joseph, leader of the members of the '' Bundschuh," ii. 129.
FROBEN, bookseller at Basle, ii. 183.
GEORGE OF SAXONY, Duke, at the disputation of Leipsic, i. 185.
Denoimces to the elector Frederick Luther's sermon on the Eucharist, as
tainted with the heresy of Huss, i. 204. Opposes the arrest of Luther sug-
gested by some members of the diet of Worms, i. 319. Denounces Luther's
pamphlets at the diet of Nuremberg, ii. 37. Detects the knavery of Othu
Pack, who pretends the existence of a Catholic coriKpiracy against the Pro-
tcstants, ii. 125. Repels Luther'b advances, ii. 107. Hiu death, ii. 399.
INDEX. 489
GERMANY ie disturbed by Luther^s propositions, i. 112. State of the public
mind in 1524, ii. 126. Its situation at the opening of the diet of Augsburg,
ii. 319.
GIDLIO ROMANO, a pupU of Raffitele, i. 248.
GLASSON, FrftDciscan monk, endeavours to reconcile Luther with the pope,
i. 291. Endeavours, but in vain, to engage the elector Frederick, I 29^.
Visits Sickengen at Ebernburg, i. 293.
GUICOIARDINO the historian, i. 248.
HANS, Luther's fitther, wishes to prevent his son from embracing a monastio
Ufe, i. 9. Assists at the first mass said by Luther, i. 15.
HENRY YIII. attacks Luther's pamphlet on " The Captivity of the Church
in Babylon,'* U. 50. Sketch of his '' Defence of the Seven Sacraments
against Dr. Martin Luther," ii. 51. Luther replies to him, IL 56. De-
nounces the Reformer's insolence to the elector Frederick, ii. 60. Ener-
getically condemns Luther's marriage, ii. 229.
HOFFMANN, Melchior, sumamed the prophet of Suabia, ii. 380.
HUTTEN, XJlrich von, attacks Pfefferkom, a converted Jew, i. 66, Cele-
brates the victory of Reuchlin over Pfefferkom, i. 68. His studies, i. 70.
His letters judged by wi'iters of the Protestant school, i. 71. Quotations
from his writings, i. 72. Comments upon the bull hurled against Luther,
i. 227. Labours for a long time to destroy the papal authority in Germany,
ii. 187.
INDULGENCES^ The. The produce of their sale apx)lied to the completion
of St. Peter's at Rome, i. 46. Preached in Germany by Tetzel, ib. Accord-
ing to the Catholic doctrine, i. 50. Examination of Luther's sermon against
the preaching of them, i. 55.
JOHN OF LEYDEN proclumed king of Munster, ii. 380. Besieged in that
city by Bishop Waldeck, ii. 883. Urged by hink to surrender, but refuses,
Ii. 384. Is made a prisoner and taken before Waldeck, ib. Disputes with
the Lutherans on the plurality of wives, ii. 385. His execution, ii. 386.
JONAS, Justus. His letter to Spalatinus, informing him of Luther's mar-
riage, ii. 220.
JORIS adopts, with some modification, the doctrines of the prophets of
Munster, ii. 386.
JULIUS II. wishes to reform the Church, i. 79.
JUSTIFICATION according to Boasuet, i. 20.
KCBPPE, Leonard, carries off Catherine Bora from the convent of Nimptschen,
ii 338.
LANDGRAYE OF HESSE, The, interferes in the organizing of the Pro-
testant worship, and suppresses the elevation of the chalice at the Mass.
ii. 190.
LEAGUE OF SCHMALKALDEN, The, ii. 367.
LEO X. publishes the indulgences, i. 46. Condemns Ulrich von Hutten's
" Epistolfe Obscurorum Virorum," i. 74. Is occupied with reforms which
he wishes to introduce into the Church, i. 80. Protests against certain
superstitions, i. 84. Hears of Luther's rebellion, i. 117. Hopes to win him
back to obedience, and causes him to be written to by Staupitz, i. 120.
Summons Luther to Rome to answer for his doctrines there, i. 123. Sends
Meltitz to Germany to put an end to the religious disputes, i. 154. Still
hopes to bring back Luther, i. 196. Affectionate letter to him, ib. Fulmi-
nates a bull against him, i. 224. Reserves to Luther a means of reconcilla-
490 IHDXX.
Him, i. 225. DesigoB the oomplefeion of St. Peter'i, and cfaarget Raphael
with that great work, i. 288. ConoMves the proiect of restoring Bome to
its ancient splendour, i. 240. Prefers Raphael to Michael Angelo, and
why, i. 248. His derotion to the sciences, i. 245. His proteotion of the
learned, i. 247. Entertains Paul Jovins, i. 249. His portoait by Erasmns,
i. 258. His receptions at the Vatican, i. 255. Receives a deputation from
the Dominicans, who come to lay before him their complaints of the suffer-
ings which are inflicted on ^e Indians by the conquerors of the New World,
i. 256. His benevolence, i. 261. At the Roman academy, ib. Described
by Roscoe, i. 263. Allies himself to the policy of Charles V . for the sake of
the fiuth and the nationality of Italy, 1. 277.
LIBERTY, Christian. Examination of this book, i. 218.
LINDEMANN, Maigaiet, Lather's mother, i. 1.
LUTHER. His birth, according to Melanothon, i. 2. His in&ncy, i. 8.
hiB &ther^B house to study at Magdeburg, ib, OUiged to beg his
Leaves
way, and is adopted by Ursula Cotta, i. 4. Studies at Eisenach, i. 5~; at
the Academy of EzfUrt, i. 6. His delight on finding a Bible, L 7. His
fnend Alexis killed at his side by lightnmg, i. 9. Enters the Au^^ustinian
monnstery at Erfurt, ib. His terrors, i. 14. His life in the cloister, ik,
Receives Orders, and says his first Mass, i. 15. Beset by new troubles^ i. 18.
Faith is explained to him by one of the brethren, ib. Peace seems to be
restored to him, i. 19. Draws up a system of iustification, L 20. Leaves
for Rome, i. 28. His sensations on entering Italy, i. 25. Arrives at Milan
and Florence, i. 26. His impressions and prejudices, i 27. At Rome, i. 28.
Does not understand the new scene which he visits, ih. His account of it,
i. 82. He leaves Rome, i. 88. His &rewell to that city, i. 84. Appointed
professor of philosophy in the University of Wittemberg, L 85. And
preacher of that city, i. 86. Specimen of his disoourses, i. 87. As bachelor
in theology he gives lectures on the BiUe, i. 88. Takes his degree of doc-
tor, i. 89. Preaches before Duke Geoiige at Dresden, i. 40. Erected by
Htaupitz to visit the monasteries of his order, i. 41. His temptations, i. 42.
His conduct during the plague at Wittemberg, ib. Is he still a Csthotie ?
i. 48. His doubts, i. 44. Preaches against indulgences, i. 58. Fragments
of his sermon on Uiis sulject, i. 54. Efiiact produced on the people by hin
preaching, i. 58. Attacks Aristotle, i. 62. Alanned at the excitement
caused by his preaching, i. 87. Writes to the archbishop of Mayence, de-
nouncing Tetzei's sermons, ib. Hie bishop of Brandenburg entreats him to
be silent, i. 88. Posts his theses on the doors of All Saint^ Church at Wit-
temberg, i. 89. Fury against those who attack bis theses, i. 95. Disputa-
tion at Heidelbei^, i. 99. Enters the lists with Emser at Dresden, i. 100.
Accused of having made Tetsers theses be burnt by the students at Wit-
temberg, i. 105. Renounces the Catholic doctrine on tradition, L 108.
Replies to Eck and Emser, who defend it, i. 109. Alarmed at the excite-
ment against him, and protests that he never intended to attack the Church's
authority, i. 118. He writes to this effect to the bishop of Brandenbuig,
who makes no reply, ib. Attadu the sacrament of penance, i. 115. Treatwi
as a heretic, he appeals to the pope, i. 118. Pretended submission to the
Holy See, i. 119. Urged by Staupitz to be reconciled to Rome, but re-
fuses, i. 120. The princes of Germany endeavour to disseminate his doc-
trines, and their motive for so doing, i. 121. Summoned to Rome by Leo I.
i. 128. Hesitates to respond to Uie pontiff's call, i. 124. Ridicules the
excommunication with which he is tiireatened, ib. Wishes to be tried in
Germany, i. 125. Declares beforehand tiiat he will not reti-act, i. 126.
Calumniates the pope and the cardinals, i. 128. Departs for Augsburg,
i. 131. At Weimar and Nuremberg, i. 182. Arrives at Augsburg, i6.
Refuses to present himself before Cajetan until he has received a safe-conduct
from the emperor, i. 183. Before, the legate, i. 134. Urgeil by Cajetan to
retract, but refuses, i. 186. Exhibits his temper to the legate, i. 188.
INDBX. 491
Moved 1^ Caietan'a mildneM, he (XMifieiises his Tiolenes and temper, ib.
Appeals from him to the pope, and flies from Adgfuhurg, i. 189. Beceiyee
on his way Leo's brief to GajetsD, ib. His letter to Spalatiuus, i. 140.
Backed by the Germaiipeople, i. 142. Denies the pope's infiJlibility, i. 144.
New works, i. 145. His conduct during the election of an emperor, i. 158.
Writes to Tetsel ; what we must think of his letter, i. 157. Caused Tetzel's
death, by attributing to him language which he did not use^ i. 158. His
interview with Miltitz, i. 160. Promises to write a letter of submission to
the Holy See, ib. Agrees to accept of the archbishop of Saltzbuig as judge
of his doctiines, i. 162. His letter to Leo X., ib. He alters his language,
i. 168. Beplies to the monks of Juterbodc, i. 167. Settles the terms of a
disputation between Eck and Carlstadt, i. 170. Appoints the disputation
at Leipsic as to the pope's supremacy, i. 177. His entoy into that city with
Melancihon and Carlstadt, i. 179. Argues the question of the pope's
spiritual and temporal supremacy, i. 188. When pressed by Eck, defends
some articles of John Huss's confession as orthodox, i. 184. Leaves Iieipsie
precipitately, i. 192. State of his mind, i. 198. Beceives a letter from
Leo. X., i. 196. Renews his protestations of submission to the Holy See,
i. 199. Again promises Miltitz to write to the pope, ib. Endeavours to
secure the protection of Charles Y. ; his letter to that prinoe, i. 200. The
pope now appears to him only Antichrist^ i. 201. Endeavours in his new
writings to destroy the Catholic doctrines, i. 204. Beal character of his
doctrines, i. 205. His theses are condemned by the universities of Louvain,
Leipsic, and Cologne, i. 210. After having agreed to abide by the decision
of these universitiesy he refuses to submit to their sentence, i. 211. Pro-
I)hetic fury, i. 212. His letter to Leo X., with his book on Christian
liberty, i. 216. His doctrines on &ith, works, the sacraments, and priest-
hood, i. 218. His rage on hearing that a buU is fulminated against him,
i. 226. Means which he takes to destroy his opponents in the opinion of
Germany, i. 228. Renews his appeal to a geneiml council, i. 284. Bums
Leo's bull publicly, ib. Proclaims that eyent to the Catholic worid, i. 235.
Encouraged in his rebellion by the nobility, i. 287. Carlstadt endeavours to
disturb the religious and national feelings, i. 269. His pamphlet entitled
** The Walls of Separation," i. 270. Engaged with new adversariesy i. 278,
Publishes a defence of the arttdes condenmed by Leo X., i. 274. Endea-
vours to excite a double insurrection, i. 275. Could he hope to win
Charies Y. t i. 276. His portrait of Aleandro, i. 283. His reply to the
elector Frederick, who urges him to retract his propositions combated by
Rome, L 293. Sets out for Worms, protected by two safoHxmducts, i. 800.
At Eriurt, i. 308. Preaches in that city, ib. Effects of his discourse, i. 804.
Refuses Sickengen's proposal that he should go to Ebembonr|^, i. 805.
Arrives at Worms, singing ** Ein feste Burg," i. 806. His reception there,
i. 807. Summoned before the Diet, i. 808. Effect produced upon the
assembly by his appearance, i. 311. His examination, ib. Demands time
to reply, i. 312. Appears next day, and answers the questions which were
put to him, i. 313. Refuses to retract, i. 816. The sympathies which he
excites, i. 319. Summoned by the archbishop to appear, obeys the sum-
moos, i. 321. Again refuses every kind of retractation, i. 822. First
conference with John Eck, i. 823. Everv means of reconciliation being
exhausted, the official of the Archbishop of Treves r^s the imperial sen-
touce to him, i. 825. Returns to Wittemberg, i. 326. His conduct at the
Diet of Worms is judged differently, i. 327. Resumes the Wittemberg
creed, which he had expounded before the Diet of Worms, i. 328. It is
his own opinions, and not free inquiry, which he wishes to triumph, i. 334.
Preaches at Hirschfeld and Ei^euadi in defence of the emperor's prohi-
bition, i. 338. Takes lefuge in the castle of Wartburg, i. 339. Falls sick,
i. 341. His mind appears to be restored to tranquiUity, i. 342. Returns
to his ordinary excitement, {'6. Wishes to abolish celibacy, and his motives
for so doing, i. 346. Writeti against the focrifice of the Ma^, i. 348. His
492 INDBX.
doctrine oomDared with' the Catholic, i. 849. Sends hit pamphletB to
Spalatinus, who is »t first afraid to puhlish them, i 350. Pablishee the
"Idol of Halle,** i. 851. His letter to the archbishop of Mayence, i. 355.
The prelate's reply, L 853. Conference with the devil as to the Mass, ib.
Perverts Satan's character, i. 863. Visited by Ar^a Stan( i. 868. Several
of his propositions are oondemned by the Sor bonne, i. 870. Replies to that
tribunal, i. 871. Dialogue against Eck, i. 374. Disorders occasioned in the
religious houses of Saxony by his preaching, i. 884. Excites his disciples to
the destruction of Catholicity, i. 393. Wishes to preserve infimt baptism,
attacked by Carlstadt, i. 894. Enraged at the mnaticism of the latter,
i. 400. Wishes to return to Wittemberg to combat the Anabaptists there,
ii. 4. The elector Frederick vainly endeavours to keep him at Wartburg,
ii. 7. Letter on that subject, ih. Arrives at Wittembeig, ascends the
pulpit, and preaches against the Anabaptists, ii. 10. Confers with Stnbner
and Cellarius, but cannot bring them back, ii. 18. His interview with
Munzer, ii. 15. Causes the Anabaptists to be banished from Wittemberg,
ib. Abolishes the Mass, notwithstanding the elector Frederick wishee to
preserve it, ii. 18. Endeavours to supply a new aliment to the intellectual
activity caused by free inquiry, ib. Ascends the pulpit and preaches against
marriage, ii. 19. Sketch of his sermon, ib. Erasmus considers it merely
an indecent jest, ii. 23. What he intends by employing carnal imageiy in
the pulpit, ib. The princes are silent, with the exception of Duke George,
' who is alarmed at the monk's boldness, ii. 24. Luther's attempts at pro-
selytism in the refagious houMS, ii 29. Pamphlet against the clergy, ii. 81.
Publishes the ** Secular Magistracy," ii 88. Issues new writings, intended
to keep up defiance and hatred to Borne, ii. 45. Enraged at the canoniza-
tion of Benno, bishop of Misnia, ii 49. His pamphlet, entitled "Hie Cap-
tivity of the Church in Babylon," is refuted by Heniy YIIL, ii 50. Replies
to the king of England's attack, ii 56. Apologises to Heniy Yin., and
why 1 ii 68. Makes use of pictures to destroy Catholicism in Germany,
ii. 65. Endeavours to gain Erasmus ; letter on that subject, ii 75. Shows
indifference to that learned individual, ii. 78. Attacked by Erasmus co-
vertly, ii. 85. Wishes to have done with the philosopher, ii 86. Estimate
of his philosophical system, ii. 98. Replies to the " Free Will" of Eraemua,
ii. 102. Hears of lus rival's death, li. 104. Endeavours to arrange the
elements of his creed, ii. 105. Translates the Bible into the vulgar tongue,
ii. 107. Commentates the Ave Maria, ii 116. Protests against the decrees
passed at the Diet of Nuremberg, ii 120. His manifesto aeainst the bishops
drives the peasantry into rebellion, ii. 181. Declares for them against their
lords, ii. 189. Addresses the nobility, ib. Change of language ; his mani-
festo to the peasants, ii. 142. Accused by Osiander and Erasmus of having
fomented the peasants' rebellion, ii. 144. Preaches to the lords the murder
of the peasants, ii. 145. He must be accused of having induced the latter
to rebel, ii. 152. Preaches the theory of despotism, ii 154. The Protestant
princes, who had been for a while divided, unite at his preaching, ii. 156.
Preaches at Jena against Carlstadt's doctrines, ii 163. Disputes with him
upon the Supper, ii. 164. Leaves Jena and arrives at OrlamUnde, ii 169.
Finds Carlstadt there, ii. 172. Disputes with a shoemaker, ii 174. Ex-
pelled from OrlamUnde, ii. 176. Endeavours to legitimate the banishment
of the monks, ii. 179. Disorders proiiuced in the monasteries by his writings
against celibacy, ii. 180. His opinion as to bigamy, ii. 184. Offers the
Sroperty of the religious houses to the princes, to gain them over to his
octrines, ii. 186. Effects of his preaching on the great vassals of the
empire, ii. 187. Draws up a code for the use of the pnnces, who covet the
church property, ii. 189. His tardy indignation against the spoilers of the
churches and the monasteries, ii. 195. Useless advances which he makes
to some of his adversaries, ii. 196. His complaint of the neglect shown by
the Protestant princes to the instruction of youth, ii. 198. Deplores the
degradation of the reformed ministers, who are only tools in the hands of
INDEX. 493
the ciyU power, ii. 201. Labours, along with the prinoee, for the disor-
ganization of the Catholic religion, ii. 202. Substitutes German songs for
our hymns and proses, ii. 204. Was he the first to glorify the SaTiour's
blood in his lay hymns t «6. Various causes make him still remain single,
ii. 216. Resists the advice of Argula, who uiges him to marry, ii 217.
Writes to the archbishop of Mayence, and presses him to take a wife, ii. 218.
How he reyenges himself on the cardinal for refusing to listen to his sug-
gestions, ib. Suddenly resolves to marry, ii. 219. Marries Catiierine Bora,
tb. His friends' letters on this subject, ii. 220. Apprises Amsdorf and
Koeppe of his marriage, t&. Erasmus impeaches Catherine's chastity, ii. 225.
Controversy between Catholics and Protestants as to her confinement, ib.
His marriage condenmed by Henry VIII., ii. 229. Influence which his
marriage with Catherine Bora has on Germany, ii. 280. Proclaimed pope
at Rome, when that dty was sacked by the Imperial troops, ii. 288. Insta-
bility of his opinions, it 286. Was he happy in hia domestic life t ii. 240.
Conjugal scenes, ii. 248. Informs Spalatinus of the birth of his first child,
ii. 246. Loses his daughter ElizabeUi, ib. When at Coburg, writes to his
son John, ii. 247. His gardening, ii. 248. His apartments in the Augus-
tinian monastery, ii. 250. His taste for music, ii. 258. Remains of hia
residence in 1838, ii 254. At table, ii. 255. His opinions on dancing,
usury, &c., ii 256. Case of conscience, ii 257. Besieged by monks aud
nuns, who wished to get married, ib. Is an insolvent debtor, ii. 259.
Courage which he displays in his poverty, ii. 260. Loves to give alms, ib.
His pnde in his indigence, ib. His love for the muses, ii. 268. Letter to
Eobanus Hessus, ib. At the Black Eagle tavern, ii 264. Gossip of the
evening : on the devil, witches, the pope, the decretals, the bishops, the
papists, the deaths of some papists, monks, diseases, lawyers, Jews, the
primitive Church, the Bible, heretics, the Sacramentarians, St. Gregoiy,
St. Jerome, St. Augustine, the Fathers, Eck and Sadoletus, paradise, God,
the ball, woman, the tempter, ii 266 et acq. His theory on the Supper,
ii 800. At the conference of liarburg, ii. 805. Refuses to call Zwinglius
brother, ii. 810. His anathemas and maledictions against the church of
Zurich, ii 811. Obliged to appeal from it to authori^, ii. 314. The Con-
fession of Augsburg is a maiunato against his original creed, ii. 884. Is
sick at Coburg, ii. 888. Opposes eveiy kind of agreement with the Catholics,
ii 842. His appeal to the hatreds, ii 847. His opinion of Melancthon's
"Commentaries," ii. 857. Wiih the latter when sick at Weimar, ii. 364.
Persecutes the Diet of Augsburg with his writings, ii 868. How the bold
language of his " Warning to the Germans " can be explained, ii. 869.
Replies to a Catholio of Dresden, who denounces his seditious doctrines to
Germany, ii 370. His theoiy of the right of resistance, ii. 871. His let-
ters to the nuns of Rissa, ii 875. Replies to the attacks of the Anabaptists,
ii. 877. Accused by them of being the author of the evils which afflict
Germany, ii 887. His interview with Vergerio, the legate of Paul III.,
ii 892. Leaves Wittembei^g to be present at the Diet of Schmalkalden,
ii 894. His rage against Charles V. and Duke Eric of Brunswick, ii. 396.
Grants liberty to the landgrave of Hesse to many a second wife, ii 404.
His repentance of this, ii. 406. Is sick at Schmalkalden, ii. 408. His
wishes against the papaqy, ib. Has never known what prayer is, ib.
Hears of the death of his fether Hans, ii. 409. By the death-bed of his
daughter Magdalene, ii 412. Writes his will, ii 414. Is a prey to doubts
and temptations, ii 415. His adieux to Rome, ii 419. Goes to Eiiileben,
to allay the family quarrels of the counts of Mansfeld, ii 424. Incidents of
his journey, ii 425. His reception at Eisleben, ii. 426. At table for the
last time, ii 427. His prophecy regarding the papacy, ii. 428. His last
moments, ii 480. His death, ib. His mneraf, ii. 482. Relics of the
Reformer at Eisleben, Erfurt, &c., ii. 435. Luther as an orator, ii 440.
The great preacher of the Reformation, ii. 441. His manner in the pulpit,
ii. 442. As a writer, ii 447. As a musician ; has he stamped any
494 INDEX.
improTement on religious mono? ii. 450. As a tranBUtor; his Teraion of
the Bible, u. 452.
MACHIAVELLI, i. 248.
MAGDALENE, Lather's daughter, her death, ii 412.
MAGISTRACY, The Secular. Pamphlet by Luther, ii. 38.
MAXIMILIAN I. denouDces Luther to the pope, i. 122. His death, I 147.
MELANCTHON, Luther's disciple. His portrait, i. 121. At the disputation
of Leipsio, i. 189. Attacks the theses of Eok, the professor of Ingolstadt,
i. 209. Refutes the sentence of the Sorbonne, which condemns sundry of
Luther's propositions, i. 370. His attacks ujion Bome^ i. 383. Charged by
the elector Frederick to confer with the Anabaptists, ii. 3. His opinion of
that new pect^ ib. Attempts to justify Luther's conduct, ii. 49. Approves
the latter's controvert^ with Henry VlII., ii. 59. Unites with Luther in
insulting the papacy, ii. 69. Justifies the attempts of the Protestant princes
on dvil and religious liberty, ii. 191. Deplores the &tal influences of Pro-
testantism on morals, ii. 214. Disapproves of Luther's marriage, 11. 220.
The " Confesdon of Augsburg" is his work, i^ 334. Wishes to nraerve
the Catholic litur^, ii. 386. Gives an account to Luther of the delibera-
tions of the Diet of Augsburg, ii. 338. Disposed to make ooncessions to the
Catholics, ii. 341. Regrets and discouragement^ ii. 343. Wishes to restore
the authority of the pope and the bishops, ii. 345. Aiters the text of the
Confession to reconcile himself with the Swiss, who could not obtain a
hearing at the Diet of Augsburg, ii. 350. Called by the elector Frederick
to the chair of ancient languages in the university of Wittemheig, vL 355.
His portrait, ii. 856. Besides with' Reuchlin, ib. His chancter, ii. 359.
At his mother's death-bed, ii. 360. His doubts and wesknesses, it 361.
With Luther when sick at Schmalkalden, u. 363. Is sick at Weimar,
ii. 364. Influence which he exercises on the Reformation, ii. 366. His
philosophical opinions, tb. At the Diet of Schmalkalden, ii 895. At that
of Ratbbon, ii. 396.
HILTITZ. Arrives at Altenbuig', to put an end to the religious disputes,
i. 154. Wishes to reoonciJe Tetzel and Luther, i. 155. Arrives at Leipaic^
and threatens Tetael with the pope's displeasure, 1. 157. His interview
with Luther, L 160. Mocked by him, i. 165. Sees Luther again at Alten-
burg, i 198. And is again ridiculed by the reformer, i. 199.
MINERS OF MANSFELD, The, rise at Munser's call, ii 141.
MINISRTERS, The Protestant, remarkable for their pride and intolerance,
u. 212.
MONASTERY of the Augnstiniana of Erfixrt in 1888, ii 254.
MONASTERIES OF THE MIDDLE AGES, The, the services which they
rendered to the sdenoee, literature, and the arts, i. 10.
MONKS, The, when attacked by tJlrich von Hutten could not defend them-
selves, and why ? i. 74. Leave their monasteries and embrace Protestantiam,
ii 28. When attacked by Erasmus, make a poor defence, ii 73. Many
when expelled from their monasteries, ii. 180. Active auxiliaries of the
Reformation, ii. 181. Their bigamies, ii. 184. Their joy on hearing of
Luther's marriage, ii. 221. After ti^eir secularization, the education of the
people is entirely neglected, ii. 198.
MORE, Thomas, defends the cause of Henry VIII. against Luther, ii. 61.
MOSELLANUS. His description of the three rivals at the disputation at
Leipsic, i. 191.
MULLER, Hans, head of the gospel league, his depredations, ii. 133.
MUNZER, at Zwickau, ascends the pulpit, and rdterates Luther's attacks on
the papacy, i. 215. Attacks indulgences, the Mass, purgatory, and clerical
\
INDEX. 495
oelibaey, is expelled from lilie city, »nd takes refiige in Pragoe, i. 887.
Draws other deductions, entixely social, from the tree inqniir established by
Luther, i. 407. Effect of his preaching on the people, i. 412. Exaggerates
the principle laid down by Luther, i. 418. Rebels against the temporal
authorities, L 416. Rejects the Scriptures, i. 417. His interview with
Luther, ii. 15. Expelled from Wittemberg, seeks to raise the peasantiy,
ii. 17. His bold preaching, ii. 127. Excites the miners of Mansfeld, ii. 141.
His letter to the count of Mansfeld, ii. 146. His challenge to the count's
brother, ii 147. Harangues the peasants at Franckenhausen, ii. 148. Is
wounded and made prisoner, ii 150. Is reconciled to the Catholic Church,
and dies cursing Luther, ii. 151.
MYCONIXJS, Frederick, embraces Protestantism, ii. 27.
NAUSEA, Frederick, at the Diet of Augsburg, ii. 881.
OSIANDER accuses Luther of having fomented the revolt of the peasants,
ii 144. Is remarkable for his pomp and intolerance, ii 212.
PACK, Otho, deceives the Protestant prinoes, by inventing a Catholic oon-
spiraey against the Protestants, ii 125. His knavery is detected, t6.
PAPACY, The. The watchftil care for the interests of the people which it
exerolBed oyer feudal Germany, ii. 187.
PAXJLU8 J0VIU8, i. 249.
PAUL III. His attempts to restore peace to the German Churdi, ii 891.
PEASANTRY, The, under the feudal rule, ii. 127. Partial revolts, ii. 128.
Luther's manifesto to the German nobles forces them to a general rebellion,
ii 182. Thev rise, ii. 188. Their manifesto, drawn up by Christopher
Schappeler, ii. 184. Make war with the nobles, ii. 185. Encouraged by
Luther, they vise ever^here, ii. 140. Progress of the rebellion, li 145.
They are defeated at Franckenhausen, ii. 149. Pursued and hunted down
in the forests of Germany, ii 154.
PENANCE, The sacrament o£ The Catholic and Lutheran doctrines, i 115.
PFEFFERKORN, John, a Jew oonverted to Catholicism, attacks his former
co-religionists, i 68. Disputes with Reuchlin, i 65. Proposes to him the
ordeal by fire, i. 67.
PHIFFER. His visions, ii. 141.
PHILIP OF HESSK His interview with Luther at Worms, i. 807. The
league of Sohmalkalden is formed under his auspices, ii. 867. His morals,
ii. 400. Wishes to have two wives, and solicits Luther to legitimate his
ny, ii. 401. The motives which he alleges for this, ii. 402. Marries
' , maid of honour to his wife Christina of Saxony, ii 405.
PLUNDER of the Church property, ii. 185.
POPE-ASS, The, » caricature and fiction by Luther, ii (^,
PREACHINGS against the Mass and celibstcy, i 888.
PRIERIAS, MaswUni, attacks the Lutheran novelties, i. 110.
PROFESSORS, The, of the Academy of Erfurt, i. 7.
RAAB, Hermann, provincial of the Dominicans, defends Tetzel to Miltitz,
i 166.
RAPHAEL-SANZIO, appointed by Leo X. to complete St. Peter^s at Rome,
i 288. His reception (^ the pope, i 259.
RAPHAEL D£ SAINT-GEORGE, Cardinal. His welcome of Erasmus,
i. 254.
REFORMERS^ The. The old Catholic institutions fidl under their strokes,
i 389. What they make of the Bible, i 890.
496 INDEX.
REFORMATION, The Catholic, demanded by Christendom, i. 77. Com-
plaints of the disorders of the clergy, made by Cardinal Julian at the Council
of Basle, i. 78. Acts of the Council of Lateran, i. 79.
REFORMERS, The Protestant. Their ideas as to the images, i. 399.
Anarchy caused by the appearance of the new evangelists, i. 410. Fatal
influence of the Reformation on learning, ii. 213. Their delight on the fall
of the Anabaptists, ii. 385.
REINICK, John, Luther*s friend, accompanies him on his journey to Mag-
deburg, i. 3.
REUCHLIN. His calumnies against the monks, i. 40. Harangues the
embassy sent by Leo X. to the duke of Wittemberg, i. 64. Takes the part
of the Jews when attacked by Pfefierkorn, i. 65. Some scholars rauge
themselyes on his side, ib. His pamphlet is examined and condemned at
Cologne, Louvain, Erfurt, Mayence, and Paris, i. 67. In a new pamphlet
treats his judges as slandereni and forgertf, ib. The affivir is taken to Rome ;
he finds in hep X. and Cardinal Grimani two distinguished protectors, ib.
His "Epistolffi Obscurorum Virorum" are condemned by the court of Rome,
ii. 74. His letter to Melancthon, ii. 345.
ROTHMANN, Bernard, disturbs the city of Munster by his preaching,
ii. 878. His portrait, ii. 379. Becomes an Anabaptist, ib.
SACRAMENTARIANISM. Its rise, ii. 161.
SANSOVINO, sculptor, i. 243.
SCHAPPELER^ Christopher, priest, draws up the peasants' manifissto, ii. 134.
SCHWENKFELD deserts Luther, and attacks the real presence, ii. 316.
SCULTETUS, Jerome, bishop of Brandenburg, writes to Luther wishing him
to be silent, i. 88. Receives a letter from the Reformer, in which he pro-
tests that he has no intention to attack authority, i. 118. Does not reply to
it. Reasons for his silence, i. 114.
SEBASTIAN DEL PIOMBO presents his sketch of Lazarus to Leo X.,
i. 260.
SERMON ON MARRIAGE, preached by Luther in the chucch of All
Saints, ii. 19.
SHOEMAKER OF ORLAMUNDE; The, disputes with Luther, ii. 174.
SICEIENGEN in vain attempts to make Luther go to Ebembui^, i. 805.
SORBONNE, The, condemns various propositions extracted from Luther*s
works, i. 870.
SPALATINUS. Pamphlets sent to him bv Luther, which he is at first afraid
to publish, i. 350. Urges upon the Reformer the restoration of the Mass,
ii. 347.
STAUPITZ, vicar-general of the Augustinian monastery at Erfurt. Hift
erroneous views of grace, i. 13. Sends Luther to Rome, i. 24. ChargeM
him to visit the monasteries within his province, i. 40. Vainly tries to
make Luther reconciled with Rome, i. 120. Alarmed at the Reformer's
daring, lie returns to the Church, ii. 25.
STORCH, Nicolas. His portrait, i. 412. Endeavours to prevail over Luther,
i. 414.
STRAUSS, James, at Eisenach, ii. 127.
STUBNER, Mark. His portrait, i. 411. Confers with Luther, ii. 113.
STUDENTS, The, at Wittemberg, disturb the divine service, and expel the
celebrants, i. 384.
TETZEL charged to preach indulgences in Germany, i. 46. Calumniated by
Protestant writers, i. 47. Strange propositions which they impute to him.
INDEX. 497
i. 48. His sermons, i. 49. At Juterbock, i. 52. Refutes Luther, i. 56.
His challenge to him, i. 67. At Frankfbrt-on-the-Oder, maintains his theses
in opposition to those of Luther, i. 103. Examination of one of his propo-
siUons, lb. Wishes to post his theses at Wittemberg, i. 104. The students
rise and bum them, i. 105. Ordered by Miltitz to reconcile himself with
Luther ; excuses himself that he cannot obey. His letter on the subject,
i. 155. Hermann Kaab, provincial of the Dominicans, undertakes his
defence, i. 156. Threatened with the pope's displeasure by Miltitz, i. 157.
Being sdready in bad health, he takes to his bed and dies, t6.
THESES, The. Some quotations, i. 91. What has misled some Catholic
writers as to Luther's intentions, i. 95.
TISCH-REDEN, The, ii. 264.
TUN, Confraternity of the, ii. 180.
VALERIANIJS, jurist, professor of eloquence and archaeology, i. 249.
YEHUS, at the conference with the archbishop of Treves, urges Luther to
retracVi. 321.
VERGERIO, legate from Paul III., is sent to Wittemberg, ii. 891. His
interview with Luther, ii. 392. Mocked by him, leaves Wittemberg, ii. 898.
WALLS OF SEPARATION, The. A pamphlet by Luther, i. 270.
WITTEMBERG, The senate of, appoint Luther preacher to the city, i. 86.
ZELL, Matthew, curate of tlie cathedral of Strasburg. Attacks the celibacy
of the clergy, i. 389.
ZWINGLIUS attacks the real presence, ii. 298. Complains of the violence of
the Lutherans, ii. 808. At the conference of Marburg, ii. 804. His ana-
themas and maledictions against the Church of Wittembei^, ii. 811.
EEEATUM IN VOL. I.
Page 395, line 7 from top, for " was their belief," read " ought to have
been their belief."
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