History of Logie-Coldstone and Braes of Cromar

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FROM THE FUND BEQUEATHED B
ARCHIBALD GARY COOLIDGE
AB1887 PROFESSOR OF HISTORY
1908-1928 DIRECTOR OF THE 4
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 1910-1928 ~|

4^\/^./^ ^y^-r^ A^

//

HISTORY OF LOGIE-COLDSTONE
BRAES OF CROMAR

I. J^hat custom wills, in all things should ive do 't !
The dust an antique time would lie unswept,

Coriolanus, II. 3.

U. Instructed by the antiquaay times.
He mu^t, he is, he cannot but be wise.

Troihu and Cressida, II. 3.

UJ

(/)

D
O

X

o

LU

HISTORY

OP

LOGIE-COLDSTONE

BRAES OF CROMAR

Rev. JOHN G. MICHIE

M.A., COR. MEM. S. A. SCOT.

AUTHOR or " DIESIDE TALES," " HISTOKY OF LOCK XINHORD," ETC.

ABERDEEN

D. WYLLIE & SON

1896

re>ju '^i^D?.:!©

ABKBDKEM UNIVERSITY PRESS.

PREFACE.

When requested to tmdertake the compilaUon of
a book for the benefit of a Bazaar to be held
at Blelack in Atigtost of this yea/r to provide
funds for the erection of a Public Hall for the
Parish of Logie-Coldstone and Braes of Cromar
— a district in which^ ever since I became School-
master there (now nearly forty yea/r s ago), I
have had the warmest interest — although I could
not refuse^ I felt the time at my disposal too
limited to enable me to produce svxih a volume
as I should have desired. I had therefore to
content myself with such a work as is now pre-
sented, the materials for which were already to
hand, or not far to seek. Nevertheless, I m/ust
hwve failed to have had it ready in time but
for the kind and efficient assistance received from
Mr, James M^Pherson Wattie, B.A,^ Lecturer,
E.G. Training College, Aberdeen, in seeing the
work through the press ; and the obliging and
prompt attention bestowed on its preparation by
the Messrs. Wyllie d Son^ and Mr. Thomson of
the University Press.

J. a. M.

Manse of Dmnet,
August, 1896.

INTRODUCTORY NOTICE,

LOGIE-COLDSTONE.

The district, a short account of the early history
of which it is proposed to give in the following
pages, is situated within the vale of Cromar,
locally bounded by its four hills — Morven on the
west. Press n' dye on the north, Ledilick on the
east, and MuUoch on the south. By these and
their connecting ridges the vale is so isolated
from the surrounding straths and valleys that at
an early period it was recognised as possessing a
community of interests peculiar to itself ; and in
some respects it continues to be so regarded to
the present day. In these circumstances, although
minor details have been generally confined to the
parish of Logie-Coldstone and the district of the
Braes, the more important events occurring any-
where within the said four hills could not be
excluded from notice, and have received some

attention.

I

Derivation of Names,

NAMES.

The name of a district is obviously its earliest
definition ; and, though subject to many varia-
tions and corruptions arising from change of
language and other causes, it is always of interest,
if ancient, as showing some striking feature in
its topography, or commemorating some event in
its history. In the district under consideration
we have the names of two ancient parishes —
Logie and Coldstone. In regard to the meaning
of the former there is no difficulty.

LoGiE is a derivative of an old Gaelic word,
Lagan, and means a stretch of low-lying land,
generally beside a stream, having high ground
on both sides — just such a strath as lies between
Culblean and Knockargety, locally known as the
Bumside of Logie. At first the name was applied
only to this little district ; but after a long time
the district became a parish which embraced a
much larger area. Of this we shall have to speak
afterwards. Meantime we observe that the name
would be descriptive of a great many localities in
Scotland. Accordingly we find no fewer than ten
parishes called Logie, besides a great number of
gentlemen's residences scattered over both High-
lands and Lowlands. In order to prevent our
Logie from being mistaken for any of the others,
it came to be distinguished as Logie-in-Mar,
shortened into Logie-Mar, just as Logie-in-Buchan

Derivation of Names,

got shortened into Logie-Buchan. So much for
the etymology of Logie.

CoLDSTONE, though seemingly so plain, is much
more difficult of explanation. Certainly it has
nothing to do with a cold stone. It has been
corrupted into its present spelling through several
forms. Although Logy or Logie has always
retained the same form, Coldstone has at different
times been spelt in no fewer than five difterent
ways — CoUessen, Colcoyn, Codilstan, Colquhold-
stane, and the present. The reader will see that
there is a great diflFerence between the first and
the last, more, we think, than between the old
Qaelic name and the present form. An eminent
antiquary, the late Mr. Jervise, states it thus :
" The first of these spellings appears in the Old
Taxatio of 1275 a.d., in which the kirk is rated
at twelve merks ; and the last of the old forms is
in the Register of Ministers, etc., for 1574 A.D.,
when the Kirks of Coldstone, CouU, Kincardine
O'Neil, and Banchory-Teman were all under the
superintendence of one minister. In 1402, when
Isabella, Countess of Mar and the Qarioch, gave
the patronage and advocation of the Kirk of
Coldstone to the Monastery of Lindores, it is
described as * Codili^tane in Cra Mar * ; and, when
it was added to the Chanonry of Old Machar in
1424, it is called ' Coldstane '. Coldstone and
Coull may be said to form respectively the west
and east comers of Cromar; and, as water is

Derivation of Names.

much more abundant in the former district than
in the latter, * Collesen * is probably the closest
to the true etymology of the name, since the
Gaelic compound Cul-esaan means a comer or
district which abounds in streams." Now, we
think this is very near the truth ; and you will
also be of the same opinion, if you could picture
to yourself what this north-west comer of Cromar
really was like before the hand of man had ever
put a drain in it ; what was, till lately, the Bogs
of Einaldie, then a swampy loch with streams
flowing into it from Groddie round all the hill-
sides to Loanhead; the Bum of Migvie, then
making its way first into a loch below the manse,
and thence, with the outflow from Kinaldie loch,
the Cunloch Bum, and other streams, falling into
a large lake which extended from Mill of Newton
to Milton of Whitehouse on the one hand, and
round Tamcar on the other — if you could draw
such a map of the district as this represents, you
would say it richly deserved the name of Cul- or
Gol-esacm, or the " watery comer ". We would
propose but a very little change on Mr. Jervise's
derivation.. We prefer atnuan to essan. Both
mean streams ; but ess means a stream with
rapids or waterfalls in it, while struan is the
common name for a stream of any kind.

CoLDSTONE then, by interpretation, means
" the comer of much water and many streams " ;
but when it became a parish it extended to other

Prehistoric Period.

comers, such as Watereme, Bogg, and Melgum,
all well enough supplied with streams of water.
The Gaelic names of both Logic and Coldstone
are very old, probably dating back to about
1100 A.D.

PREHISTORIC REMAINS.

Those found within this district are principally
the following: Hill forts, strongholds, circular
foundations, crannogs, and eirde houses; and
such implements as balls, spear and arrow heads.

Hill Forts. — Of these there seem to have
been three principal forts — on the summit of
Morven, on the Hill of Mulloch, and at Hillhead
of Glentanar, all within sight of each other. Pro-
bably they were also used, especially that on
Morven, as watch towers, to signal the approach
of an enemy from any quarter. The remains
of other strongholds or entrenchments within
the valley are discernible on Knockargety (" the
treasure height") behind Ruth van, and at the Blue
Cairn on the hillside near Pitelachie. The Cairn-
mores had each one ; two were near Leys — one
still waiting examination; there were several on
the Moor of Dinnet, though some there and else-
where have wholly disappeared. In short, every
large roimd cairn may be fairly assumed to be
the ruined remains of some old prehistoric fort
or castle.

CiBCULAB Foundations. — These are generally

Prehistoric Period,

found in clusters, and are the vestiges or larachs
of hamlets, villages, or towns. They are of all
sizes, from 100 feet to 5 or 6 feet in diameter,
and quite circular in shape where the ground
will permit of their taking that form. The
smaller were the dwellings of the common people,
and are most numerous around the big cairns,
which were probably the strongholds of their
chiefs, to whom they looked for protection
when they were in trouble. They may be seen
at Knocksoul, at Knockice, and especially at
Einnord.

Crannogs. — Besides castles on almost every
hill and hillside, these primitive people built even
islands in lakes and morasses, called by anti-
quaries crannogs, as the securest of all retreats.
One of the best in Scotland is in Loch Einnord.

EiRDE OR Earth Houses are common in
Cromar, and need not be particularly described.
Good specimens may be seen at Culsh and Migvie,
and more ruined ones at Crossfold. One was
very recently discovered and skilfully excavated
by Mr. George Gauld, on the farm of Milton of
Whitehouse in the Braes. Numerous others have
been found in ruins ; and some, after being exca-
vated and' described, have been again filled up.
They have so much attracted the attention of
archsBologists that we know the shape, size, and
manner of construction of hundreds of them ; the
difficulty is to conceive what purpose they served.

Prehistoric Period,

It is now generally agreed that they were places
of concealment of some sort; but whether for
human beings or for their goods and chattels, or
for both, it would be hard to say. One writer
facetiously represents their use in this wise : that
when a band of wild barbarians invaded the
country the inhabitants betook themselves to
these earth houses, like rabbits to their burrows
during a himt. This of course is a fanciful
picture, and not quite true ; but for safety and
concealment of some sort they were evidently
intended.

Such, then, being the dwellings of high and
low in remote prehistoric times, we naturally ask
what sort of implements or weapons they used.
Many of these are found within the district —
cups, bowls, and knives for domestic use, some
very rude, others artistically finished; axes,
called celts by antiquaries ; hammers and wedges
for cutting, splitting and shaping timber, some
rough, some polished, but all of stone ; spear and
arrow heads of flint for hunting and war, some
small, others large, some of the former barbed
and beautifully shaped ; round stones also for the
same purpose, some plain, some with grooves
round them, and some ornamented with figures
and knobs, and of different sizes, from two to
eight pounds in weight — these were the principal
implements and weapons of the Stone Age, the
era of the eirde houses, crannogs, hill forts, and

Early Historical Period.

other structures. The people did not wholly sub-
sist on animal food, though most of the weapons
found are those used in war and hunting. They
had rude mills for grinding corn, at first merely
a hollow scooped out of a gritty stone, with a
round one for a pestle, till some ingenious person
discovered the quern, a form of mill that has
only lately gone out of use. And if' they had
com to grind they must have had agriculture.
Yes, and there remain traces of that, too, on the
high grounds here and there, and even on the
low hilltops. Some antiquaries have called the
people who made and dwelt in these crannogs
and eirde houses Troglodytes, some call them
Picts, and some maintain that you may still see
a few of their descendants in the Hebrides, where
they go under the name of Sgalag, slaves, or
stinking fellows.

EARLY HISTORICAL PERIOD.

Up to this time nearly all that we can learn
from the remains left us is mere guesswork. We
now come to matters of fact, — we do not say of
truth altogether, for there are legends and tradi-
tions even in historical records that are only to
be believed so far. The ecclesiastical history is
always the earliest ; for Churchmen were the first
to know anything about letters and learning,
and they, of course, concerned themselves first
and chiefly with their own affairs, and these

630 A.D. Early Historical Period, 9

were necessarily the conversion of the heathen
Picts.

About the year 630 A.D., St. Nathalan, whose
principal mission field was Tullioh and the
country round, had also a station at Coull ; but
he has left no trace in the west end of Cromar,
so that we may pass him over, and come to the
next missionary associated with the district.

St. Walock, or, as his name is written in
Latin, Volocus, has a pretty long record in the
Saints* Kalenda/r. The following is the sub-
stance of what is written of him in the Aberdeen
Breviary. The account assumes a certain coarse
form of Christianity as existing amidst a bar-
barous people, among whom the worship of idols
still obtained. The legend, from the style of the
Latin, is of great antiquity. St. Walock is a
foreigner. He leaves his native land and his
parents. He inhabits a little house woven
together with reeds and wattles. Even the day
of his death is recorded. '' More than 400 years
after our Lord had suffered for us, while the
Christian faith had not been received throughout
all Scocia on account of the paucity of teachers,
St. Volocus (Walock) the bishop, a distinguished
confessor of Christ, is said to have flourished
with remarkable miracles in the northern parts
of that country, and to have chosen for himself
a place of dwelling among the high rocks. He
followed the example of our Lord as far as the
2

lo Early Historical Period,

frailty of his nature allowed, voluntarily sub-
mitting himself to the greatest hunger, thirst,
and cold, that in this life he inight satisfy for his
own sins and for those of others in his Church.
For he preferred a poor little house, woven
together with reeds and wattles, to a royal
palace. In this he led a life of poverty and
humility, on all sides shunning the dignities of
the world that he might achieve to himself a
higher reward in heaven, and for eternal guerdon
receive a perpetual crown. But the race whom
he preferred to convert to the faith of Christ,
and whom actually by his preaching and ex-
hortation he did convert, no one would hesitate
to describe as fierce, untamed, void of decency
of manners and virtue, and incapable of easily
listening to the word of truth, whose conversa-
tion was rather that of the brutes that perish
than of men. For they had neither altar nor
temple, nor any oratory in which they might
return thanks to their Creator, but, like brute
beasts, were given to eating, sleeping, and gorg-
ing.'* . This is a deplorable character given to the
Pictish population of the days of our eirde
houses, crannogs, and hill forts ; but probably it
is not very far from the truth. The legend pro-
ceeds: "Nor in the meantime, by the divine
power, were wonderful miracles wanting in their
presence ; but, notwithstanding that these miracles
belonged not to the human race, but were of God,

733 A'^- Early Historical Period. 1 1

more than I can count were by the means of
blessed Volocus converted to Christ. At length,
in extreme old age, on the fourth day before the
kalends of February, with angels standing around,
his soul passed away to Christ ; and in his honour
up to this time the parochial churches of Tumeth
and Logy, in Mar, are dedicated." Bishop Forbes
of Brechin, the editor of the Brevia/ry, adds : " In
the popular rhyme we have this commemoration :

Walack-fair in Logie Mar
The thirtieth day o' Januar '*.

The old parish of Tumeth is now included in the
parish of Glass. The Church historian, Came-
rarius, assigns his death to 733 A.D., and places
his mission at Candida Casa (which is probably
Braemar), as well as in Balveny, Strathdon, and
Mar. '' Two miles below Beldomy, in the parish
of Glass, are St. Wallach's Baths, a ruined chapel
ciOled Wallach's Kirk, and St. Wallach's Well.
The w^ till very lately was visited as a place of
pilgrimage." This practice was only put a stop
to by the Presbytery of Strathbogie.

The only monuments in Cromar that can with
any degree of probability be referred to the age
of St. Walock are the sculptured stones. One of
these was found and for long stood on the north
shore of Loch Einnord, but is now removed to
the policies of Aboyne Castle for safe preserva-
tion, and wisely so, seeing what a sad fate has
overtaken some other relics of antiquity in the

12 Early Historical Period.

Kinnord quarter. Another of the same age, or a
little older, is the sculptured stone in the church-
yard of Migvie. Both are figured in the Sculp-
tv/red Stones of Scotland, There is also the
rude unsculptured monolith beside the gate of
the churchyard of Logie, still known as St.
Walock's Stone, thus preserving the Saint*s name
in the traditions of the people. It was, however,
never honoured with superstitious observances,
as the well at Beldomy was, though St. Walock's
Fair was observed as a high holiday till very
lately. But that also is going out of fashion, if
it has not already gone entirely.

It would, however, be a mistake to suppose
that the heathen Picts, or Pichts (which latter
form has a sinister look about it, being too like
the Gaelic word for thieves), were so very
ignorant of art as the Brevia/ry describes them,
and that they knew nothing about stone sculp-
ture till they were taught it by the early Chris-
tian missionaries. Their skill in forming spear
and arrow heads and polishing celts would go far
to prove the contrary ; and we have still better
proof in the sculptured stones of pagan times,
only one of which is known to be within the four
hills of Cromar. It was found on the Tomchar
Hillock, which means " the chair-mound " and is
supposed to have been the site of the High Court
of Justice. It was carefully preserved for some
time by being built into a wall near the public

Early Historical Period, 13

road, where it might be readily examined, and is
now within the policies of Tillypronie House,
under the safe guardianship of Sir John F. Clark,
Bart. It contains only pagan symbols ; and, to
judge from the clearness with which they are
cut and the symmetry of the figures — ^whatever
they may mean, — ^the art of sculpturing stone
was far from being unknown to the Picts of that
time. Nor were they altogether ignorant of
letters, for they had a curious sort of alphabet,
which we call " Ogham," which they incised on
stones. If they wrote on any other material it
has perished. Stones were their books. After
much study learned antiquaries have contrived
in part to decipher the writing. At their head
in this department is the Right Hon. the Earl of
Southesk, K.T., LL.D., who thus expounds the
writing on the Aboyne stone:—** (The body) of
the son of Talore, Fineach of Aber-F(o)-tha, rests
here". This is the only Ogham stone known in
the west of Aberdeenshire.

There is a remarkable sculptured stone, which
may easily escape the attention of visitors, in the
churchyard of Coldstone, and which is thus
noticed by Mr. Jervise: **The churchyard of
Coldstone is situated on the south side of a hiU
from which there is a good view of Cromar and
the surrounding country. A granite stone, about
24 by 12 inches in size, roughly dressed on one
side, presents a beautifully incised cross within

14 Early Historical Period. 733 a.d.

an ovaL It is an object of considerable anti-
quity, and had probably marked the grave of an
old ecclesiastic." Mr. Jervise was so impressed
with the appearance of this stone that he made a
drawing of it and had it inscribed on the cover
of his volumes of Epitaphs and Inscriptions.
While we are quoting from him we may give his
measurements of the old church : " The site of
the kirk, which can still be traced, is about 58
feet in length by about 30 in width, and has a
chancel or burial aisle on the east of about 26 by
30 feet in size ". One of our most learned anti-
quaries, the late Dr. Joseph Robertson, was of
opinion that the stone belonged to the eighth
or ninth century, or, in other words, is about a
thousand years old. If it is of this great age, it
might have been coeval with St. Walock, who
died, as we have seen, in 733 a.d. But it is not
likely that it had any intimate connection with
him, for it is of the lona or Culdee type ; and, so
far as we know, he did not belong to that
fraternity.

We now come to the reign of Alexander III.
(1239-1286 A.D.), a time of great prosperity in
Scotland. The Norsemen bad been conquered
in the great battle of Largs (1263) ; the kingdom
enjoyed peace within its borders; trade and
agriculture flourished ; the barons grew rich, and
made such gifts to the Church that it grew rich
also. It was then that the country was divided

I200 A.D. Early Historical Period, 15

into parishes, the extent and boundaries of which
depended upon the lands belonging to the great
lords and their vassals. Hence many of them
have curious shapes and detached portions.
Logie-Coldstone is not singular in this respect,
though not so scattered as some of its neigh-
bours. Besides parishes, there were in various
parts of the country, mostly in towns and
populous places, great ecclesiastical establish-
ments — cathedrals, abbeys, monasteries, canon-
ries, and such like. Very wealthy they were ;
kings and nobles made them great gifts of lands
and tithes for the right of sepulture or burial
within their consecrated ground, and for saying
masses for the salvation of their souls. The
manner of supplying ordinances in the churches
was this : — Each parish had its own property in
lands and tithes, the patronage of which belonged
to the great lords of the district, who generally
gave it in charge to one of these ecclesiastical
establishments on condition of its being respon-
sible for the supply of ordinances. This obliga-
tion could be easily performed, as there were
always in such places a large number of unem-
ployed priests and monks. Thus we find that
about the year 1200 a.d. Gilchrist, the then Earl
of Mar, gave the Church of Logic to the Priory
of Monymusk, which he had himself recently
founded and largely endowed with the benefices
of other churches. But his successor, Duncan,

1 6 Early Historical Period.

Elarl of Mar, took it from that priory and gave it
to Old Machar (1239-44), and provided that his
body should be buried in that cathedral.

This Gilchrist, Earl of Mar, was one of the
greatest men in the kingdom in the reign of
William the Lion ; and it would seem that it was
in his time (1178-1211) that a long-standing
dispute between the Earls of Mar and Allan Dur-
ward, another of the Scottish magnates, was
brought to a peaceful conclusion, Durward getting
the superiority of all the lands between the Dee
and Don from the parish of Skene westward to
the parish of CouU, where he built a great castle,
the ruins of which may be seen to the present
day ; and Gilchrist, Earl of Mar, retaining pos-
session of both Dee and Don Valleys from Bogie
and CouU upwards. He had his principal resi-
dence at Kildrummy ; but when Allan Durward
built at CouU he built at Migvie. It is not
known whether this was for friendship or for
defiance, but the Earls of Mar ever afterwards
took their tenants in Cromar bound to appear
three times a year at a head court to be held
{apud lapideTu de Migveth) at the stone of
Migvie. Much inquiry has been made as to what
stone was meant and where it was situated. The
eminent antiquary, the late Dr. John Stuart, did
not think that the sculptured stone was meant ;
the writer is of a different opinion.

1275 A'°' ^^ ^^'^ Taxatio, 17

GENERAL HISTORY.

We have now come to the period when parishes
were attached to their respective churches, and
the secular history properly begins. The churches
were before the parishes, the origin of which was
due to a desire to accommodate the people and
prevent disputes about ecclesiastical rights and
privileges. Thus a specified district was given to
every church vicar or priest, beyond which his
jurisdiction did not extend ; and this district was
called a parish. From the old charters we learn
that there were five such parishes set apart in
Cromar, viz,, CouU, Tarland, Migvie, Coldstone,
and Logic.

To some extent at least the area of a parish
depended on its valued rental, while the boun-
daries, as we have said, were mainly determined
on proprietary considerations. For the purpose
of ascertaining the valued rental, the king caused
an estimate to be made, primarily for raising a
tax, but also for such local objects as regulating
parish areas. This measure or act is now known
as **The old Taxatio". We give a few of the
values of neighbouring parishes, mainly to show
the curious spelling of some, and tlie change of
name of others, as recorded in this very ancient
document of date 1275 a.d. : —

Kyndrouchit (Braemar), valued at 3J merces.
Creychyn (Crathie), „ 7 „

3

12

merees

12

>»

6

»

8i

>i

10

»

9

»i

13

)i

7

V

124

}l

12

»

H

»

12

»

14

»»

1 8 TA^ Battle of Culblean, 1335 a.d.

Kynmuk (Glenmuick), valued at 12

Brass (Birse), „

Migmarr (Midmar), „
Clony (Cluny),

Loychel (Leochel), „

Cussheny (Cushnie), „

Taruelun (Tarland), „

Migveth (Migvie), „

Kynbethoc (Towie), „

Inuernochtyn (Strathdon), „
Cule (CouU),

Colessen (Coldstone), „

Logyn Rothuen (Logie), „

In regard to the last, it has to be observed
that Rothuen or Riven, the derivation of which
is Ruth-Ben or fortified hill, was in early ages
the most important place within the parish of
Logie, which is nearly as often called Logie
Ruth van as Logie Mar; and indeed to the
present day it gives its name, **The Dauch of
Riven," to what was a very considerable portion
of the ancient parish. It is also associated with
the next historic event that occurred within
Cromar-

THE BATTLE OF CULBLEAN (1335 a.d.).

This decisive action, which has been described at
some length in the History of Loch Kinnorct,
took place on St. Andrew's Day (30th Novem-
ber), 1335. It may be said to have settled the
war between England and Scotland for a genera-
tion. The opposite commanders on the occasion

The Battle of Culhlean, 19

were David Comyn, Elarl of Athole, on the
English side, and Sir Andrew Moray, the Regent,
on the side of the Scots. Comyn, Earl Davy, as
the historian Wynton calls him, marched from
Athole with 3000 men to attack the Castle of
Kildrummy and capture King Robert Bruce's
sister, the wife of Sir Andrew Moray, who then
held the castle with only a small force. Sir
Andrew was himself in the south of Scotland at
the time ; but, hearing that his wife was besieged
in Kildrummy, he made all haste to come to her
relief. Elarl Davy got word of it, withdrew his
army from the siege, and tried to avoid the
Regent by a rapid march by the Deskrie, over
the Birk hill, through Coldstone, and on to Cul-
blean, where darkness overtook him, and where
he rested his soldiers for the night. Meantime
Sir Andrew pushed on with forced marches, and
reached the Ha' of Ruthvan a little before mid-
night. He could see the bivouac fires of the
Athole men on the opposite slopes of Culblean
just beside the path that leads over the hill. He
lighted no fires himself, but refreshed his men —
to the number of 800 — in the big Ha', made a
circuit round by Carew and Galton, and came on
the enemy from behind in the grey of the morn-
ing before they were aware of his approach. The
fighting was desperate for a short time, but the
victory was complete. Earl Davy was slain
fighting bravely after all hope was lost ; but his

20 Feudalism, 1500 a.d.

followers ran for their lives and hid themselves
in the wood, so that many of them escaped, Cul-
blean being then covered with oak« and birches
from Cambus O'May to the Red Bum.

It is a long time before we again meet with
the name of either Logie or Coldstoue in connec-
tion with any event of public importance. The
country was quiet. It was a great way from the
Elnglish border, where raids and forays were still
frequent ; and the plundering caterans from the
hills, though occasionally troublesome, did not
keep the peaceable and industrious in much
alarm. A hundred years later they became much
more formidable. The state of society in such
country parishes as Logie-Ck)ldstone was feudal
to the core. There was the great lord superior,
who at that time (1434-1565) was a member of
the royal family, the dignity and estates having
been usurped by the Crown on the failure of a
male heir, and bestowed first on a court favourite,
and then assumed as a title belonging to the
royal family. During this time, as may well be
supposed, this royal personage did not often visit
his north country estates. Next under him were
the big lairds, who held their lands under charters
granted by him, and bonds of man-rent, i.e.,
obligations to give military service when re-
quired. They were pretty independent, however,
and did very much as they pleased. Under them,
again, were a set of bonnet lairds, who held their

Feudalism, 21

propertieH under the same conditions. Their
services were oftener requii'ed. In all tribe or
district quarrels they took, and were ready to
take, an active part. Under them, again, were
the tacksmen, gentlemen farmers, who would not
put a hand to any kind of work, but had servants
to do it all. They held their farms and grazings
under leases, but their military obligation was
not to their own immediate landlord, but to his
chief or superior. They paid rent to their land-
lord, but man-rent to their chief. Then, lastly,
the tacksmen sublet a great part of their hold-
ings to numerous crofters and cottars, who paid
rent mostly in kind — service, grain, meal, hens,
sheep, and oxen. Of money they had scarcely
any, and had but little use for it. They were a
quiet-living and industrious class. But there
was another not so peacefully disposed. They
had no fixed place of residence, but went about
the (Jountry begging, poaching, and thieving.
Sorners or masterful beggars they were called.
Their hands were always in some mischief. If a
raid or a midnight spulzie was on foot, they were
the men. If an insult or injury was to be
revenged, they were ready to be hired for that
also ; indeed, there was no deed of darkness or
blood that some amongst them were not equal to
the perpetration of. When they committed any
robbery, or spulzie, as they caUed it, and were
pursued, they fled to the hills, whither it was not

22 Feudalism. 1500 a.d.

safe to follow them. The landed gentry and
chiefs, too, often found employment for them ; so
that they were in some measure protected and
patronised by those in high places. Further, to
defend themselves from each other's invasions,
chiefs not unfrequently entered into leagues or
obligations, whereby they put themselves under
the protection of some great lord whom they
were not bound legally to obey. Those engage-
ments were known as bonds of fidelity, and were
very common under the Stuart kings. We give
one of date 1490 A.D. as a specimen, retaining
the original spelling : —

. "Be it kende till all men be thir present
lettres, me Schir Jonhe Rutherfurd, of Tarlane,
knicht, to be bundyne and straitlie oblist and be
the fatht of my body leley and treulie bindis
and oblissis me to the stratast stile of obligation
tile ane nobill & mychtie lorde, Alexander lorde
Gordon, in leill, ayfalde, & trew marirent,
homage, & seruice, for all the dayis of his ly we,
that I salbe redy to ryde ande pass witht my
saide lord at his warning in al his lesum and
honest querelis ande gif him leill ande trew con-
sail ande his consall ande prevaties consale con-
seill & abide & reman witht his lordschipe
agannis quhatsumeuere, my allegeance to oure
souerane lorde, & my seruice of law aucht to my
forfeftouris alanerlie exceptit, because my said
lorde is bundyn to defende me, and gif me ane

1507 A.D. Land Charters, 23

fee at his plesour, as in his bande maid to me
tharapon mare fuUely is conteinit. In witnes of
the quhilkis, I haue affixit my sell to this present
lettres at Aberdeen the VIII day of December,
the yer of God M. four hundretht & nynty
yens."

It is to be observed that hardly one of the
gentlemen giving these bonds could write his
own name; and even the learned lawyer who
drew out this one — ^and it is rather above the
average — is scarcely to be complimented either
on his orthography or his grammar. The great
number of such documents which every baron's
charter chest contains shows too painfully the
insecurity of life and property in these old dark
days.

In the year 1507, when James IV. was King of
Scotland, a Sir Alexander Elphinstone, who was
a great favourite with the king, obtained from
him a gift of certain lands belonging to the Earl-
dom of Mar in Cromar. The charter, which is
in I^tin, gives infeftment of the following pro-
perties : — Inuemochty, Bellebege, with its mill,
field, and woods, and the glennya of Glennochty ;
Inuemechty, Ledmakey, Colquhony, Culquhary.
These possessions were in Strathdon, the whole
of which belonged to the Earl of Mar. To these
were now added the following in Cromar: —
Mekell Migvie, Easter Migvie, Tilliprany, Blelok,
and Corrocrief. These are all names of places

24 Land Charters. 1507 a.d.

easily distinguished to the present day. Along
with these the charter conveys many old privi-
leges, some of which are better disguised under
their Latin names : the right to hold courts, and
to carry armorial bearings — bludewitis, mer-
chetis mulierum, cum furca, fossa, sok, sak, tholl.
theme, infangthief , outfangthieif,pitt and gallouss.
These were the usual rights and privileges of a
baron ; and so we find that these lands were to
be conjoined in all time coming into a free and
heritable barony, to be called the barony of
Invemochty. We shall see how long it lasted.
The charter is signed at Edinburgh, 8th August,
1607.

Another charter follows, adding to the barony
seventeen more possessions, all, however, on
Donside. Such was the favour in which Elphin-
stone was held by the king. These were the
first lands he held in the north, and he does not
seem to have been easily satisfied with getting.
The second charter is signed at Edinburgh, 10th
December, 1507. Another charter almost doubles
the previous gifts. It bestows on this same
Alexander Elphinstone and his wife, Elizabeth
Barklay, large estates in the parishes of Kil-
drummy and Auchindoir, with the custody of
the Castle of Kildrummy, for which, however, he
had to pay the Crown a good round sum as rent ;
and the lands are neither raised into a new
barony nor annexed to that of Invemochty.

1520 A.D. Matters Ecclesiastical. 25

Thus the old estates of the Earls of Mar were
greatly dilapidated. Elphinstone's Cromar pro-
perties (the two Migvies, Tillypronie, Blelack
and Corrachree^ do not seem to have given him
any trouble or to have received much attention.
It was different with his last acquisition on Don-
side. John, Lord Forbes, had for many years
held the bailliewick of these lands of Mar, and
would not give it up ; and so bad blood arose
between the Elphinstones and Forbeses. The
lands in Cromar were afterwards (1518) resigned
by Lord Elphinstone, he receiving others on
Donside in lieu of them.

** In the year 1520 the Church of Kildrummy,
with the Church of Logy in Mar, was leased
by the Dean and Chapter of Aberdeen for
£94 13s. 4d., Cloveth (now a part of Kil-
drummie) being leased at the same time for
£10."

A considerable portion of the lands in Cromar
had for long belonged to various cadets of the
House of Forbes. One of these, Alexander
Forbes of Tollies (Towie), having died without
male issue, his daughter, Margaret, disposed of
such lands as pertained to her, namely, to John
Coutts the lands of OuchtiroowUe, Taynlie, Stra-
weltis, Tanamoyne, Stramor, with the mill and
multuris of OuchtircowUe, and also the village of
Blakmyll, with its mill and multuris ; and like-
wise Ouchtiram, TuUocht, and Tannamoyne.
4

26 Matters Ecclesiastical, 1549 a.d.

This disposition was confirmed by a charter
granted by Queen Mary, 7th September, 1660.
This John Coutts of Wester CouU, as it is now
called, afterwards married this same Margaret
Forbes, so it is to be supposed she knew what
she was doing in granting him a charter of her
lands. ** Auchtercoul remained in the family of
Coutts till 1729, when it was acquired at a
judicial sale by William, second Earl of Aberdeen,
for the sum of £66,937." Those who may wish
to follow the chequered fortunes of the several
branches of the family of Coutts may consult
their Oenealogical MeTnoirSy published by the
Cottonian Society, London, 1879.

An event now (1649 A.D.) occurred that very
intimately concerned the parish of Logic. " Glen-
bucket was of old a chapelry of the Church of
Logy in Mar. It was erected into a parish in the
year 1473 A.D. by Bishop Thomas Spens, with
consent of the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral
and of Sir Edward Makdowel, Vicar of Logy.
The deed of erection recites the perils of storms
and floods which beset the inhabitants in passing
and repassing between Glenbucket and Logie
through an uninhabited tract of hill and waste,
where in one day at Easter five or six people
perished on their way to the Church of Logy.
The Church of Glenbucket was to be served by a
resident parochial chaplain, who was to have the
church land of Chapeltone with the great tithe

The Mar Family. 27

as well of Chapeltone as of the town of Balna-
both in Olenbueket and others, which belonged
to Logy, but were leased by the Dean and
Chapter of Aberdeen. He was also to have the
altarages and other small emoluments, which also
of old belonged to the Vicar of Logy; with
twenty shillings Scots yearly from the Vicar of
Logy in respect of his release from the cure of
Glenbucket." This arrangement seems to have
worked well till the year 1549, when the son of
the chaplain, now dead, put in a claim for some
of these lands as his personal property, to which
the Vicar of Logy naturally objected. There was
much disputing about it. In the first instance it
was carried to the Bishop's Court, and from that
to King James V.'s new Court of Session, and it
was not settled till 1686, when the lords of the
congregation— The Reformation having in the
meantime taken place — relieved both parties of
all trouble about either tithes or land.

The year 1665 is memorable in the annals of
the Earldom of Mar. As the greater part of the
lands of Cromar and almost the whole of those in
the parishes of Logic and Coldstone were of old
subject to that earldom, and much of them held
in personal property, it is necessary to take a
brief retrospect of the fluctuations in the fortunes
of that ancient family in order to understand
their position and that of their vassals and
tenants at the date at which we have arrived.

28 The Mar Family.

The male line of the old earls ended in 1377,
when the estates and honours devolved on Mar-
garet, the sister of the last earl. She married,
William, first Earl of Douglas, who in her right
became Earl of Mar. He fell at Otterbum, 1388.
As there was no issue of this marriage, his sister,
Isabella, became Countess of Mar. She married,
first, Malcolm Drummond. He died, or rather
was starved to death, in prison, by Alexander
Stewart, son of the " Wolf of Badenoch," who
next took the widowed countess prisoner in the
Castle of Kildrummy, and forced her to marry
himself. He then, as Earl of Mar in his wife's
right, assumed the title and secured the revenues.
At his death in 1435, the Crown claimed the
earldom and lands, he being of the blood royal
(the king's first cousin) and dying without legiti-
mate issue. But the Crown had no right to it :
it was a clear usurpation, the legal and rightful
heir being Sir Robert Erskine, whose mother
was directly descended from the old earls. He
claimed it ; but it was too good a thing for the
Crown to let slip through its fingers, and he
was denied his undoubted rights. The earldom
remained as a Crown property administered by
the Lords-lieutenant of the north, who were the
Earls of Huntly. For two generations they were
virtually Earls of Mar, though they could not
assume the title, that belonging to the royal
family, or being usurped by them. The immense

1565 A.D. The Mar Family. 29

estates, from CouU 011 the Dee and Cloveth on
the Don to the sources of these rivers, were as
much under the control of the third and fourth
Earls of Huntly as if they had been their own pro-
perty. George, fourth earl, an ambitious man,
made vigorous attempts to procure a royal
charter conferring upon him the estates and
honours of Mar, and was so stung with revenge
when he discovered that both had been bestowed
upon James Stewart, Queen Marys natural
brother, that he rose in rebellion, and was slain
in the battle of Corrichie, 28th October, 1562.
James Stewart, better known as the " Good
Regent Moray," held the Earldom of Mar for
only four years dating from the bestowal of the
charter, or three dating from the battle of Cor-
richie. But during these three years he effected
many changes on the estates, a few of which we
have noticed. In the year 1565 — that at which
we have now arrived in our narrative — he in-
duced his sister, the queen, to confer it on John,
Lord Erskine, to whom it of right belonged, after
his family had been deprived of it for 130 years.
After the restitution of the lands much had to
be done in the way of count and reckoning for
the intromissions with them during 130 years,
and especially during the sixty years they had
been under the management of the Earls of
Huntly. The queen herself had intromitted with
them. The following extract from an obligation

30 The Mar Family,

betwixt the new earl and the Abbot of Halie-
rudhous will show the nature of some of these
arrangements : —

*' Be it kend till all men ... me Johne Lord
Erskine that forsamekill as it hes plesit the
Quenis Majestie to gif and dispone to me here-
tablie the erldome of Mar and landis pertening
thereto propirte and tenandrie as in the infeft-
ment maid thairapoun at mair lenth is contenit,
Nochttheles I bindis and oblissis me and my airis
that I nor my airis sail neuer clame nor pretend
entres no heretable right to the landis of . . .
and the landis of Logy and Dawane within the
boundis of Mar whilkis hes been pairt of the said
erldome of Mar disponit alreddy by the Quenis
Maiesty to Robert commendator of Haliruidhous.
And declaris that the samin is nocht sail nocht
nor suld nocht be oomprehendit under the said
infeftment maid to me. ... In witnes heirof I
have subscryvit thir presentis with my own
hand 27th June 1565 at Dunkeld.

** JoHNNE Lord Erskyne."

So the lands of Logie and Dawan were made
over to this Robert, Abbot of Holyrood. They
were, however, not Church land ; the renuncia-
tion makes them personal property. It is
interesting to notice that this property, after
having formed for long ages an integral portion
of the estates belonging to the Earldom of Mar,
has now (1565) been alienated from it and con-

Reformation Period, 31

stituted a separate property ; and that, after the
lapse of three and a quarter centuries, during
which it underwent many changes of fortune, it
has again resumed the position assigned to it by
Queen Mary, under Dr. Alexander Ogston, its
present owner, with the appropriate name of
Glen Da van.

The first General Assembly of the Protestant
Church of Scotland was held at Edinburgh in
December, 1560, and proceeded to appoint minis-
ters, exhorters, or readers to the vacant parishes.
The north was much neglected. Ministers could
be got only for a very few, exhorters were
hardly more numerous, and readers were gene-
rally appointed. A list has been preserved of
date 1570, from which we extract the following,
with their salaries : —

CouU, George Lauson, reader, £20.
Aboyne, James Cusnye, reader, £20.
Towie, David Arrot, reader, £20.
Crathie, Rychart Christesoun, reader, £20.
Tullich, Lorence Cowttis, reader, £20.
I Archibald Irwyn, reader, £16.
irse, \ ^„(jpQ Hoige, reader, in his rowme.
Glentanner, Johnn Ross, reader, £16.
Glenmuick, Archibald Wilsoun, reader, £16.

/ Henry Spark, reader, £16.
Coldstone, < David Stewart, reader, in his rowme, £20.

' Novr., 1570.

Logiemar, Arthur Skene, reader, £16.
Braemar, James Hanye, reader, £20.

32 Reformation Period,

Tarland, John Irwyn, reader, £20 (left the office in

Novr., 1570).
Migvie, James Ross, reader, £20, since the said time.
Mr. Robert Skene, exhorter, £40.

In a fragment, of date about 1572, setting
forth the value of churches "which were not
annexed to the Cathedral, and so belonged not to
the Chapter " of Old Machar, the value of the
Vicarage of Logymar is set down at £5 48. 4d. ;
whilst Caldstane, which did belong to that
chapter, is rated at £4. The neighbouring
vicarages entered in the roll as belonging to the
cathedral are Kincardine O'Neil, valued at
£5 4s. 4d., and Strathdon, at £6 13s. 4d. ; and
those not belonging to the cathedral are CouU,
at £3 4s., and Aboyne, at the same sum. It is
believed that this valuation was made at the
Reformation in order to ascertain the value of
Church property belonging to the great religious
houses at that time.

In another estimate (used a little before the
Reformation) it appears that of the thirty-two
churches then reckoned in the Deanery of Mar,
fifteen were situated within the bounds of what
is now the Presbytery of Kincardine O'Neil ; of
these there are nine which are not assigned to
any of the great ecclesiastical houses. The other
six are —

Braemar, belonging to Monymust Priory.

Aboyne, „ The Knights Templars.

Tullich, „ „ „

Post 'Reformation History. 33

Tarland, belonging to St. Andrews.

Migvie, „ „

Coull, „ Aberbrothock Abbey.

These patronages, however, frequently changed
hands. The Old Taxatio (1275) has ah-eady
been referred to.

*' For several years after the Reformation the
ancient ecclesiastical division into dioceses seems
in some instances to have been so far retained " ;
but in the year 1567 synods and presbyteries
were constituted over the whole country, and
before 1572 all the parishes were supplied with
either ministers, exhorters, or readers, as already
stated.

Thus the Reformation was accomplished.

POST-REFORMATION HISTORY.

We now come to some secular matters. The
feud between the Gordons and the Forbeses,
begun at the battle of Corrichie (1562), was con-
tinued with the utmost ferocity on both sides, the
battle of Tillyangus, the burning of the Castle of
Corgarff, when the lady of Forbes of Towie and
her family perished in the flames, the two battles
at Aberdeen, and the slaughter in the Church of
Kearn being some of the consequences ; nor did
the havoc cease till the death, by the bursting of
a blood-vessel, of the fiery ruling spirit in the
strife, the famous Edom o' Gordon, which took
place at Perth, 1580.

5

34 Gordon-Forbes Feud. 157 1 a.d.

Cromar was less embroiled in these troubles
than most other parts of the county, yet it did
not altogether escape. We have seen that Arthur
Forbes, better known as " Black Sir Arthur/'
had much land in Cromar besides what he had
disposed of to Coutts of Auchterfoul. He was
the prime leader of his party against the Gordons,
being on the king s side, while they were queen's
men, in the national struggle between Queen
Mary and the party who sided with her son,
King James VI. At the battle of Tillyangus
(1571) Sir Arthur was slain, and, in virtue of an
Act of Parliament passed in the same year to the
effect " that the wiffis and bairns of all slain in
our (the kings) service during the time of the
late troubles should brook (retain possession of)
their tacks, possessions, and lands for the space
of five years," his lands thereby passed into the
hands of his widow. But her title to share in
this privilege was disputed so far as "Wester
Migwie " and many other lands were concerned.
The act js curious as showing the kind of com-
pensation the Government offered for loss of life
in its service.

Although John Erskine, Earl of Mar, had
agreed not to claim the lands of Logic and
Davan, he had not given up his rights to the
teinds and patronage of the Church, for we find
him giving a lease of these to the Master of
Elphinstone, Lord Elphinstone's son and heir,

Witch Trials, ' 35

** for nynetene yeiris following the Feist of
Beltane " (Whitaimday), 1681.

WITCH TRIALS.

We come next to a subject with which the
heritors and elders of most parishes in the county
had much to do — ^the trial of witches. Some
parishes were more vexed with these creatures
than others. Lumphanan seems to have been
particularly infested vHith them. The king
(James VI). had a great horror of them, and
ordered the Church to prosecute them even to
the death with all diligence. He granted com-
missions in favour of the provost and bailies of
Aberdeen and the sheriff of the county for the
purpose of holding courts for the trial of witches
and sorcerers, and sent commissioners to every
parish with orders to the minister and elders to
examine all persons suspected of witchcraft, and
to give up a dittay or accusation against them.
" There can be no doubt that these unhappy
wretches made use of the threats of which they
were accused, and vaunted and even believed
that they were possessed of power sufficient to
carry them into effect; in fact, that they per-
formed the * cantrippis ' and charms mentioned in
the trials." In short, if they were not real
witches, it was no fault of theirs. The commis-
sicHier who was sent to Logic and Coldstone by

36 Witch Trials. 1597 a.d.

the Earl of Huntly, who was the sherift of the
county, waited first, as in duty bound, on the
Laird of Blelack, who replied in the following
letter :—

** My Lord, — Efteir my humble commenda-
tioun with seruice, forasmickle I haiff resauvit
your lordship s lettre for to bey ansuerable for
ane woman off myne, callit Bessie Paull, quhilk
I suld haif done one your lordships letter,
quhidder I haid gottine ane charge be ane offiser
of nocht, and with better will, becausse it is to
your lordships justice. As to your lordships
charge I gat fra your lordship, to assist your
lordships officer, sic moyene as I culd do for the
tyme I did, as he cane declair to your lordship,
for the tyme was schort, and he culd nocht do
mekill in that tumis, quhill he had spokin sum
off thame that knew thair names. Nocht forder
at this present to truble your lordship with
forder letter, bot the etemall God be your lord-
ships keiper. From Blelak, the secund day of
Aprill, 1697 yeris.

** Be your lordship, to be commandit with
seruice,

•* Jhone Gordoune of Blelak.

" To my were guid lord and maister, my
lord the Erll off Huntlye."

In accordance with the message from Lord
Huntly, Mr. Gordon of Blelack called a meeting
of the heritors and others of the parish of C!old-

Witch Trials. 37

stone, which took place within the church, as
the following minute shows : —

" At the Kirk of Coldstone, the 10th of April
1597. In presence of Patrik Forbess oif Pittal-
lochie ; Jhonne Forbess, in Mylne off Melgoune ;
Arthour Skene off Tulloche ; Alexander Forbess
in Dawanche; George Forbess in Melgoune;
Alexander Forbess ther ; William Forbess in
Kinnaldie ; Thomas £lmislie, in Litle Grodie ;
William Reid, in Coldstone; Jonne Tun, in
Balymoir, all elderis off the perroche of Cold-
stone ; the which day being charged by John
Coutts, messenger at arms in our Sovereign
Lords name, by a commission given and granted
to the sheriffs, provost and baillies of Aberdeen
to give up dittay (accusation) upon all suspected
persons of witchcraft ; for obedience whereof
we have convened at the Kirk of Coldstone,
and taken such trial as we find upon Kath-
erine Ferusche's dittay, given up by the elders
before named. IteTriy she being in James Lakies's
house used the Devil's sorceries, the space of
eight years bygone, a man, called Alexandr
Welche, came into the house upon whom thou
cast thy sorcery and he died. IteTriy likewise
thy own son confessed, at his death in Aber-
deen, that thou had promised him, by in-
formation of the Devil, that his blood should
never be drawn, and this he confessed before he
was hanged. Itemy suchlike, thy son and thou

38 Witch Trials.

discorded, and thou said it should be his best day
that ever he should live. Item, suchlike, thou
cast upon Robert Fyiff's wife such devilrie,
whereof thou was taken and holden two days
bound by the same man, until thou took it off,
and thou made her free therefrom. IteTn, such-
like, George Rychie being sick thou came to look
at him, and promised to his mother to take off
the sickness, and thou laid it on his sister,
whereof she died thereafter. Item, when thou
and the good wife of the Bogg being in the
house of the Bog, thou delivered to her a tablet,
making devilry and sorcery and told her to keep
that tablet and hang it about her daughters*
necks, aye, and until they. were married. Itern,
then thou delivered to her a ring, and she has the
same both together hanging yet Item, then the
said Elspet Forbess, good wife of Bogg, sent to
William Forbess, Scheill, being six miles off, and
bewitched his oxen, going in his plough, whereof
there died three that year. Item, suchlike,
Spaldairg confessed at her being put off (hanged)
that she and Trachak received a hundred merk
from the good wife of Bogg to make witchcraft,
to cut away William Forbess's com every year.
Item, suchlike, the said Elspet Forbess of Bogg
received a belt from Spaldairg, and the said
Spaldairg told her, in case that belt wore away
bearded men should greet, and there was a spirit
in that belt that spoke and whosoever would put

Witch Trials, 39

it about them the Devil should take them. Item,
suchlike, the said Elspet Forbess caused her own
husband to bring sorcery out of Cloak (Qlen-
millan, in Lumphanan) between his shoulders,
which was his own death, and the mark was
red where it lay as long as he lived, and broke
out continually and turned black till he died,
* and he cryit ay to straik it wi' reme for the
biminV

Katherine Ferusche suffered at the stake at
Aberdeen a few weeks after, as is recorded in
the Burgh Records. Very few indeed were
acquitted, but the following minute gives an
example of one.

** Minute of Meeting at the Kirk of Logie-
in-Mar. The 10th and 17th days of April, at
the Kirk of Logie-Mar, 1697 years.

" * The which day in the assembly of the elders
within the said kirk with advice and concur-
rence of various other honest and capable per-
sons, parishioners and others dwelling near the
said parish. The names of the elders are Jhone
Gordoun of Blelak : James Gordoun, in Broym-
hill ; James Boss, in Logye ; George Glas, in
Ballnistraid ; George Masoun, in Over Ruth vane ;
Villiam Cowtis and George Makcomye, in Nether
Ruth van ; Jhone Blak, in Corrachrie ; quha being
convenit, with concurrence of James Gordoun of
Pronny ; Alexander Gordoun, in Kenmaris ; Alex-
ander Smith, in Ballnistraid ; Donald Barrie,

40 Witch Trials,

Allan CJowttis, Auchan Glass, in Over Ruthvane ;
Villiam Gordoun, John and Alexander Mak-
comeis, Villiam Gillanderis and Villiam Vischart,
in Nether Ruth van ; Jhone Tumour, in Carrow ;
Thome Mechell, in Vester Blelak ; Robert Fyf , at
the Miln thair ; James Ross, Villiam Gig, and
Duncan Fyf, and Robert Mill, in Corrachry.*
The said elders and forenamed persons being also
charged by John Coutts, messenger-at-arms, in
our Sovereign Lord's name, by virtue of a com-
mission obtained by him from the sheriff, pro-
vost, and baillies of Aberdeen, directed to the
ministers and elders for trial, delation, and up-
taking of dittay upon all persons reported on or
suspected of witchcraft within the said parish in
general, and in especial touching the trial, life,
and conversation of Thomas Ego and Bessie PauU,
in Graystane, and Beak Tawis, at the Bumsyd
of Logy, who are already attached for the same
crime of witchcraft. The said elders and others
forenamed, being sworn the great oath to give
up dittay faithful and true according to their
knowledge, and being severally examined there-
anent, depone by their conscience and oaths that
neither of them knows any of the foresaid per-
sons already accused, nor others within the said
parish, criminal in any point of witchcraft, as far
as they know. And in respect that none of the
said elders could write, they have desired me to
subscribe these presents and testimonials in their

1586 A.D. The Farquharsons and Crornar. 41

names at the Kirk of Logiemar, day, year, and
place foresaid.

"George Gordoun, redar at the kirk of
Logymar, with my hand."
Sederunt certified by

" George Gordoun, reder at Logy, with my
hand.

"Alexander Gordoun off the Cammoir
with my hand."
In the genealogy of the Farquharson family
the several branches trace their origin from
Finla Mor of Invercauld, who fell at the battle
of Pinkie (1547). He was succeeded by five sons
by his second wife, Beatrice Garden ; his eldest,
William or Robert, being heir. The other four
all became heads of cadet families. The exact
dates of the acquisition of their several properties
in Cromar, mainly lying in the parish of Cold-
stone, we have not been able to ascertain. But
in a curious document of raanrenty of date 1586,
Donald Robertson, heir of Strowan and chief of
his numerous clan, grants a bond of fidelity and
military service to " the nobil and mychty Earl
of Huntly," signed at Elgin 6th day of March,
" M.Vc. four scor and five yeirs, before thir wit-
nes, Jhon Gordoun of Petlurg, Thomas Gordoun,
apparant heir of Cluney [the heads of the * Jock
and Tam * Gordons], George Farquharson in Des-
corye, and Master Frances Cheyne ". This George
was the fourth son of Finla Mor, and came into
6

42 Union of the Parishes, i6l8 a.d.

the property of Deakry by marrying the heiress

of it, Forbes. This is the first mention we

find of the Farquharson lands in the parish of
Coldstone ; and we know from other sources that
Forbeses then possessed what were called the
" Easter and Wester Baronies ".

As showing the backward condition of the
country in the beginning of the seventeenth cen-
tury as regards postal arrangements, fords, and
sanitary conditions, we quote an item of expen-
diture from the Burgh Records of Aberdeen :
" To Douguid, poist, for careing letteris direct
fra the towne to Monimusk, Petfoddellis, Drum,
Leyis, and person (parson) of Eincardin, desyring
thame to keip thair watteris and fuirdis, and
that thair tenentis resett na personis cuming
frome the Forthe, for feir of the pest. 1 lb."
Dated 1603 a.d.

The parson of Kincardine was John Strath-
auchine, or Strachan, a man of much consequence,
being a leader in the Church Courts, a member of
the Privy Council, and of the Court of High
Commission. There were many Strachans in
the Church at that time ; one, a relative of the
parson of Kincardine, was minister of Logie-
Coldstone, and. the first minister of the united
parishes.

The union of the parishes took place in 1618
A.D., in jconsequence of the "paucity of the
teinds ". After the surrender of the Church lands

1630 A.D. Book of Annualrentaris, 43

of Olenbacket, Logie was ill able to support a
minister for itself, and was generally supplied
by a reader. It was united to Coldstone by the
Commissioners for the Plantation of Churches,
17th July, 1618, as above stated, and was after-
wards known in public documents as LoGiE-

COLDSTONE.

BOOK OF ANNUALRENTARIS.

We now come to a document which shows in a
forcible manner the financial condition of the
country. It is designated The Book of the
Annualrentaris of Aberdeen, and was compiled
under the provisions of an Act of the Convention
of the Scottish Estates, held at Holyrood 28th
July, 1630. " By this statute an extraordinary
impost or tax was ordered to be levied on the
twentieth part free of all annualrents — that is,
of the interest of all * moneys ' lent on bond on
obligation to repay — beginning at the Feast of
Martinmas, 1630." In fact, it is the first instance
we have of the imposition of an income tax.

We wonder how the business of the country
was conducted without banks. There was indeed
very little money in circulation ; most affairs
were managed by barter, and rents were in great
part paid in kind. All the same, some men got
passing rich, and that not in flocks and herds
merely, but also in real cash. When a tenant
had' any money to spare, he went to the laird

44 Book of Annualrentaris,

with it ; and received from him a bond, or pro-
missory note, the interest on the amount standing
good for part of his rent, sometimes for the
whole of it. When a property was sold, if the
purchaser could not pay the whole price he made
over a part of the land to the seller till the price
should be paid in full. This was called a wddset.
A wadset was also often given as security for
money due by the proprietor of land for cash
lent him on any account The lairds were really
the bankers of the country, and these state-
ments prove that they were credited with large
amounts, from the great Marquis of Huntly
downwards. From the declarations given in to
the commissioners, so explicit are they, one could
easily make out whether any particular laird or
humbler person was or was not solvent We give
one as a sample, and we take the minister of
Logie-Coldstone's account : —

Mr. James Strauchane, minister of Goldstone, declared

that there was due to him :—

By David Barclay of Matheris . . 2000 merkis.

„ Robert Paul, burges of Aberdeen . 600 „

„ Patrik Strauchane of Kinnadie . 500 „

„ William Forbes of Pittelachie 100 „

„ George Gordon of Tullachowdie 200 „

„ Mr. John Reid, minister of Tarlan 200 „

„ James Gordon of Auchmull . 200 „
„ Mr. Johne Strauchane, minister of

Midmar 100 . 1 . „

„ Mr. Alexander Gordon, minister of

Glenmuik 100 „

Parish Ministers. , 45

By John Beid in Ck)ldBtaine 100 merkis.

„ Mr. Alexander Strauchane, minis-
ter of Lumphanan . 200 ,,
„ Sir James Gordon of Lesmoir and
Alexander Qordon of Abir-

geldie 1600

Sum of free moneys, 5800 merkis.

I have selected the above out of 324 statements,
as showing that the minister was not in debt —
there was no claim against him — that he had
some money to spare, that he was ready to help
his neighbours when they were in need of a little
cash, that his neighbouring ministers were often
in need and were helped, and that the big lairds,
Lesmoir and Abergeldie, did not disdain to
borrow from him. Of such a good and compara-
tively wealthy man we might wish to learn
something more. What further we know of him
is also to his credit. After finishing his educa-
tion (when he graduated A.M.) he became a
Regent or Professor in King's College, Aberdeen ;
he was appointed to Coldstone in 1608, but could
not leave his chair in the College till next year,
and there is some reason to believe that he held
the chair for even another year. He ^as still
minister of Logie-Coldstone in 1633, so that it
was in his time, and not in that of Rev. Robert
Forbes (as is generally supposed), that the union
of the parishes took place. He is referred to by
Orem, Spalding, and Bishop Forbes of Corse. We
have, however, no account stating when or where

46 Parish Ministers.

he died His successor was his debtor in 1633,
Alexander Gordon, translated from Qlenmuick
1647.

We may here give some account of his prede-
cessors since the Reformation. Readers, as we
have seen, conducted such service as there was
from 1560 to 1573. In 1574 Mr. James Reid was
translated from Banchory to Coldstone, and he
had to take charge of CouU, Kincardine O'Neil,
Banquhory-Trinitie, and Birse. Of course he
had the assistance of readers in these parishes,
but he paid his own reader in Coldstone out of
his own pocket, although he had only *' sax scor "
lbs. (£10stg.)of stipend and the Church lands or
glebe. He demitted his parsonage and vicarage
in Coldstone and removed to Birse in 1576. In
his time there was a resident minister (the only
one recorded) at Logic. This was Mr. Alexander
Youngson, who had also under his charge Tar-
land, Migvie, Lumphanan, and Ek^t, his stipend
being £6 6s. l^d. stg. : such straits were they in
for ministers, and so little was there to give
them!

The Rev. James Reid's successor in Coldstone
was the Rev. David Stratoun, of whom nothing
more is known than that he had also Logic in
charge, and continued till 1597.

After him came Rev. James Lesk, translated
from Lonlay. He had also Crathie in charge, and
continued till 1601, perhaps some years longer.

Money Lending. 47

Next came Rev. James Strachan, of whom, aR
Spalding says, ye have heard before ; and after
him came Rev. Alexander Gordon, A.M., trans-
lated from Glenmuick, Glengairden, and TuUich,
who was admitted prior to 14th December, 1647,
and was in office in 1652.

Of those that followed we shall hear when we
come to speak of the churchyard.

A few more extracts from the Book of Annual-
rentcuria may be given to show the rank of those
that took money on loan. We have seen that
Sir James Gordon of Lesmoir and Alexander
Gordon of Abergeldie took a pretty heavy sum
from the minister of Coldstone. These gentle-
men, especially Sir James, were extensive bor-
rowers, not because they were in need, for they
were both rich as times went, but in order to
make profit out of the money entrusted to them,
just as a bank expects to make profit out of its
deposits. It was the confidence which the public
had in the honesty and means of these men that
enabled them to borrow so largely. There were
of course others who borrowed from necessity,
but the sums lent them were generally small.
" Thomas Gordon, at the Mill of Rippachy,
declared that there was due him by Sir James
Gordon of Lesmoir 1000 mks., and the same
amount by John Leslie of Pitcapel."

Millers are frequent lenders. Theirs was then
a paying trade. " William Cruickshank (a tenant)

48 Money Lending,

declared that there was due to him by George
Gordon of Newton 1000 mks." ''James Irvine
(farmer) in Dowaltie declared that he had up-
lifted the 300 mks. that was due to him by James
Gordon of Balmoral, and that he had wared
the said sum on his ' awin necessar affairis/ and
had not lent it out again for annualrent."

This James Gordon was of the lairds Gordon,
cadets of the Abergeldie family, who were pro-
prietors of Balmoral before it was sold to the
Farquharsons of Invereye.

"John Keith, son of Alexander Keith, por-
tioner of Dufies, declared that there was due him
by Alexander Gordon of Abergeldie 2000 mks.,
but that he was due to George Gordon of Tol-
foudie 500 mks., and to Robert Farquharson of
Finzeane 400 mks."

** Johne Cowtis (Coutts) in Culairlies (farmer)
declared that there was due to him by William
Forbes, heir of Corsinday, 200 mks.; by Sir
George Johnstoun of that Ilk 500 mks. ; by
William Gordon of Abirgeldie 1500 mks.; by
Thomas Paip, burges of Aberdeen, 1200 mks." ;
and by other eight parties "the sum of 5300
mks.".

A well-to-do farmer this Johne Coutts. Thomas
Paip was a wealthy merchant and money-lender
as well as borrower. William Gordon of Aber-
geldie was the laird's brother and successor.

" James Irving in Cullairlie declared that there

Covenanter Times, 49

was due to him by Sir William Forbes of Cragy-
var 600 mks. ; by Alexander Gordon of Abirgeldie
300 mks.," and by others " a sum of 500 mks.".

" Janet Skein (widow) declared that there was
due to her by William, Earl of Errell, 15,000
mks.; by John Turing (Turner?) of Foveren
10,000 mks.; by Patrik Guthrie, minister of
Logie-Buchan, 1300 mks.— in all 26,300 mks."
A rich widow this! But she was due "to
William CJoutts, younger, of AuchtercouU, 1200
mks.; and to Johne Leyth of Harthill 400 mks.".

We add a few examples of the money trans-
actions of some persons of rank.

" James Forbes, laird of Haughton, declared
that there was due to him by George Buchan of
Saak 3000 mks.; by Sir William Forbes of
Monjonusk 1000 mks.; by Johne Leslie, elder
and younger of Petcappell, 1000 mks." — in all
5000 mks. ; from which there is to be deducted
5000 mks. due by him to Mr. James Burnet of
Craigmyln. "Summa free money nihil." Sir*
Alexander Irwing of Drum is in the same posi-
tion : and so are Alexander Straquhan, laird of
Glenkindy ; the laird of Tillemorgan, the laird of
Udny, and many others — quite penniless, if they
are giving a true account of their affairs.

COVENANTER TIMES.

We now come to notice events which raised
great national commotions, but which in High-

50 Covenanter Times,

land or semi-Highland parishes, like those in
Cromar, took a different form from that which
agitated the country at large. It is amazing how
little trouble — we might almost say how little
interest — such parishes took in the great changes
in the religion of the people consequent on the
Reformation from Popery. There were no eccle-
siastical tumults, no robbery of churches, no
burning of cathedrals or monasteries. Many
causes conduced to this. But the event gave
occasion for the outbreak of deadly and wide-
spread clan feuds that had been smouldering for
years. In this part of the country it took the
form of the Gordons against the Forbeses,
queen's men against king's men. The mind of
the common people never rose above or stretched
beyond the clan feud. The Gordon-Forbes feud
may be said to have ended with the death of Sir
Adam Gordon (Edom o' Gordon) in 1580.

In the days of the Covenanters, at which our
story has now arrived, the same thing occurred.
In these parishes the question was, not who were
for the National Covenant and who were
against it, but who were for the Lowlands and
who for the Highlands. Covenanters and anti-
Covenanters were the designations used, but the
common people and most of the lairds and chief-
tains knew little and cared less about the national
question at issue — whether the king or the
Parliament should be supreme — provided they

Covenanter Times. 51

were allowed to fight out their own clan and
private quarrels after their own fashion. In the
Western Islands and Highlands the Covenanter
struggle assumed the form of a conflict for
supremacy between the Clan Campbell and a
combination of most of the other clans. In the
eastern division of the north it was at first (for
so many times were sides changed that families
were often not distinctive of party) also a contest
for supremacy between the Gordons and their
allies on the one hand, and the Crichtons,
Forbeses, Frasers, Keiths, and their allies on the
other.

Logie-Coldstone with most of Cromar, as a
kind of border ground, suffered badly from all
the belligerents. The old question of the ballad
might here be asked : ** 0, wat ye how the ply
began ? " To answer this we have to go back a
few years. The burning of the house of Fren-
draucht, when the Viscount of Aboyne, the Mar-
quis of Huntly's favourite son, perished in the
flames, may be said to have been the spark that
set the whole north-eastern counties in a blaze.
The Gordons believed that this deed of horrid
cruelty was perpetrated by the Crichtons. Sides
were taken in the prosecution that followed.
Marauders and broken men were set loose to pil-
lage and plunder wherever they chose. Caterans
from the hills came down in masterful bands and
carried away everything. "Armed with swords.

52 Covenanter Times. 1635 a.d.

bows, arrows, targets, hagbuts, pistols, and other
Highland arms, they," as Spalding expresses it,
" plundered the tenants of their haill goods, gear,
insight plenishing, horse, nolt, sheep, corns, and
cattle." The Crichtons and their friends, who
were the worst sulierers, threw themselves into
the arms of the Covenanters for protection ; and
of course the Gordons sought the assistance of
the opposite faction, the anti-Covenanters, giv-
ing, as was alleged, protection and encourage-
ment to the caterans. A band of the outlawed
McGregors from Rannoch settled in Glenlivet and
other Highland possessions of the Gordons, and
laid the whole neighbouring Lowlands under
blackmail.

This much it was necessary to premise in order
to understand the position of parties at the out-
break of the conflict. But we shall in tracing it
confine our narrative to such events as our parish,
or at most Cromar and Upper Deeside, were
specially connected with, merely indicating the
movements in other parts.

In 1635 the Marquis of Huntly was summoned
to Edinburgh to answer a charge laid against
him of hounding on these McGregors and others.
Though unwell he appeared, resting only one
night at his house of Candycyle (Dee Castle) by
the way, and attended only by a few friends and
his page, a clever little fellow, John Gordon,
otherwise called Swankie. His baillie, Donald

Covenanter Times, 53

Farquharson, of Monaltrie and Tillygarmont, had
also been summoned to appear as ''airt and
pairt" with his master, under a penalty of a
thousand pounds, but he fled. The marquis and
others were imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, but
Donald Farquharson remained on Deeside to look
after his affairs.

The leader of the McGregors was the notorious
Gilderoy, who lurked a good deal about Cul-
blean, and concealed himself often from pursuit
in the Cave of the Vat. He and his followers
raided on the lands of the Covenanters without
mercy. Sir William Forbes of Corse and Craigie-
var, a prime Covenanter, suffered severely. But
at his instance, in the month of February of the
year 1636, before the season of spulzying had
begun, eight of these McGregor " limmars ** were
caught, sent to Edinburgh, and hanged.

The marquis, being released from prison on
account of ill-health, was carried in a litter on his
way home as far as Dundee, where he died 25th
June, 1636. He was the first marquis of the
House of Gordon, and premier marquis of Scot-
land. He had fought with and beaten the great
Argyle in the battle of Glenlivet, 4th October,
1594; had been exiled for a year or two; but
returned and was made a marquis. At his death
he was seventy-four years of age ; " in his youth
a prodigal spender ; in his old age more wise and
worldly/'.

54 Covenanter Times.

Gilderoy, on hearing of the death of his men
by hanging, went and burnt the houses of the
Athole Stewarts, who had been instigated by
Craigievar to apprehend them. He and his band
ranged over and ravaged the whole country from
Argyle to the Garioch, but this year saw the end
of his career. " He and live other limmars were
taken and had to Edinburgh, and all hanged

upon the day of July." He had been a

great scourge to Cromar ; and, though it was now
rid of him, he left a pack of his clan in the north
that were well-nigh as daring and troublesome as
himself. Spalding calls them Dugars — that is,
the dark-haired, sharp-faced McGregors — to dis-
tinguish them from another race that were light-
haired — Gilderoy, Rob Roy, and othera

Before a month had passed, undeterred by the
fate of his kinsmen, perhaps in revenge for it,
** upon the 8th day of August, John Dugar (there
were at least two of that name) came with his
companions to the Laird of Corse his bounds,
and spulzied the ground ; and spulzied Mr.
Thomas Forbes, minister of Lochell's house, and
oppressed the king's lieges wherever he came " —
in Cromar and other places. ** He would take
their horse, kine, and oxen, and cause owners
compensate and pay for their own gear. He
gave himself out to be the King's man, and so
might take and oppress the Covenanters hi
pleasure." At one time, during the holding of a

Covenanter Times, 55

Bartle fair, he with his band swooped down upon
the merchants and made them pay soundly. ** He
took out of the Laird of Corse's bounds a brave
gentleman tenant there and carried him with
him ; and sent word to the laird, desiring him to
send him a thousand pounds, whilk the Lords of
the Council (the Parliament in Edinburgh) had
granted to his (Forbes's) name for taking of
Gilderoy, or then he would send his man's head
to him." That the new marquis had a good deal
of control over these banditti is evident from
what followed. " The Laird of Corse rode shortly
to Strathboggie and told the marquis, who
quickly wrote to McGregor to send back Mr.
George Forbes again, or then he would come
himself for him ; but he was obeyed, and Forbes
came to Strathboggie haill and sound upon the
15 th of August (where the Laird of Corse stayed
till his return) without pajonent of any ransom,
syne returned home. This Dugar was slain
afterwards,** and few were sorry. But there
were other Dugars left behind, equally lawless
and ferocious, and equally revengeful against the
Laird of Corse.

Scarcely had another month passed when
another John Dugar McGregor ** and his accom-
plices took Alexander Forbes, alias Plaqnie, out
of his own house of Bogside, spoiled his goods,
bound his hands, and took him sworn to pay a
certain sum of money ; syne left him at liberty.

56 Covenanter Times,

He complained to the Marquis of Huntly, who
made him free of his oath, for which he was ill
requited when the war broke out This John
Dugar did great skaith to the name of Forbes in
Cromar and Leochel and some others, abused
their bounds and plundered their cattle, because
they were the instruments of Gilderoy*s death ;
and the Forbeses concluded to watch him coming
and going, and get him if they might. This
made him oppress the Forbeses more than all the
rest of the country."

This state of matters could not be allowed to
continue. The Estates sent an army north under
Leslie and Montrose to quell the cateran and
broken men and bring the marquis to terms with
them. The leaders of the Covenanters at this
time were Argyle and Montrose. The army came
to Inverurie. Montrose and Huntly had a meet-
ing, the result of which was that Huntly was
carried prisoner to Edinburgh. Huntly thought
Montrose had entrapped him, and never forgave
him, though they were soon to be both fighting
on the same side and in the same cause.

Donald Farquharson of Monaltrie, the mar-
quis's baillie, when Huntly was in Aberdeen, on
his way to Edinburgh, went there to see him
and get his orders for the time he might be
absent. It was arranged that Monaltrie should
take a quantity of muskets, pikes, and other
armour belonging to the marquis away with him

1639 A.D. Covenanter Times. 57

to the Highlands. This he was doing when
Alexander Strachan, Laird of Qlenkindie, a great
Covenanter, came out against him, " and master-
fully took them away from him, whereat the said
Donald took great offence," and did not forget to
pay him back when he got the opportunity.

While Montrose was lying with his army at
Inverurie, there came twelve men to him from
the Earl of Argyle to say that there were 500
Argyle men on their way to join him. Montrose
sent the men back to thank Argyle, and gave
orders to the 500 men to go and live on the lands
of Pitfoddels and Drum. Accordingly they did
so, a good many of them being billeted on
Drum's tenants in Cromar. These Drum lands
were afterwards acquired by the Earl of Aber-
deen, and are still in part held by him.

"About this time (May, 1639) Donald Farquhar-
son and some neighbours of Brae of Mar came
down to the Meams and plundered the Earl
Marischall's lands in Strauchan, whereat the earl
was highly offended," and little wonder, for war
had not yet been declared ; and, though Marischal
was a Covenanter, there was no open strife
between him and Huntly. Donald, perhaps, had
some little account of his own to settle with the
Strauchan tenants.

The first blood in the civil war was spilt at
Turriff. It fell out in this wise. The Covenanters
had resolved to hold a meeting there; and the
8

58 Covenanter Times,

" barons " — that is, the anti-Covenanting lairds —
determined to oppose them. Each party met in
military array, with a considerable following.
Shots were fired and a skirmish took place, in
which some were killed on both sides. The
Covenanters had the worst of it ; and the barons
being mounted pursued on horseback ; hence the
affair was called " The Trot of Turriff". It took
place on the 14th May, 1639.

The barons, among whom was the Laird of
Abergeldie, flushed with victory, rode to Aberdeen
and carried their heads very high. They were
there joined by Lord Lewis Gordon, the mar-
quis's fourth son, who came down Deeside
with some Highlandmen from Braemar, among
whom was James Grant, the notorious outlaw
and miu-derer, and his followers. They were
about 500 in all, and on their way to Aberdeen
took and spulzied the place of Durris, belonging
to John Forbes of Leslie, a great Covenanter.
There was little in the house in the shape of fur-
niture or valuables ; " but they got good beer and
ale, and broke up the meal gimels and baked
good bannocks on the fire, and drank merrily
upon the laird's best drink, and took away as
mickle victual as they could carry ". This was a
sample of spulzies generally; the depredators in
this instance being the Farquharsons of Invereye
and a few Gordons from the lands of Abergeldie.
•* Donald Farquharson, still smarting under the .

Covenanter Times. 59

affiront put upon him by the Laird of Glenkindie,
led this strong force from Durris across the
country by Echt, Skene, and Monymusk, plun-
dering the Covenanters' houses and lands all the
way till they came to Glenkindie, which they
utterly spoiled, but got not the laird at home."

This was brave work ; after which they joined
the barons near Aberdeen, and the whole, about
600 horse and 1200 foot, marched up Deeside to
Durris, intending to attack the Earl Marischal
at Dunottar. The earl, however, did not wait
for their coming, but marched out to meet
them, having two brass field pieces in his train.
Describing the Highland contingent, Gordon in
his Scots Affairs says, " Aboyne, the late mar-
quis's third son, who now took the command of
the royalist army, was greatly blamed for taking
such a man as James Grant by the hand. But
(he adds) there was greater ground to speak
against him by Aboyne's taking under his pro-
tection one John McGregor, a Rannoch man bom
(known by his Gaelic name of Johne Dow Geare)
and a notorious robber; yet was he and his
fellows, arrant thieves and cut-throats, taken into
the party." These were the comrades of the
Invereye men under Donald Farquharson, now
styled Colonel In the action which followed
they behaved as might have been expected.
Gordon {Scots Affairs), a great supporter of
Huntly and a stout anti-Covenanter, does not

6o Covenanter Times.

hesitate thus to write : " Some few shots did
happen to light among these Highlanders, whereby
two or three were either maimed or killed, which
so frightened them, though they stood farthest
off, that, without waiting any word of command,
they ran off all in confusion, never looking behind
them till they were got into a moss half a mile
distant from the hill of Meager. Nor could they
be withheld from running by any means or per-
suasion of such as Aboyne caused to ride up and
down amongst them for to reclaim them, albeit
all in vain.*' When afterwards upbraided for
their cowardice, they said they had come to fight
against men with swords and muskets, but not
against men who had got " muskets' mither," the
term they applied to the two pieces of cannon
brought against them. Thus ended the " Raid of
Cowie *" in the total rout of the raiders.

Of the conduct of the Highlanders during their
stay in Aberdeen Spalding gives the following
brief account : " John Dugar, of whom you have
heard before, with his lawless followers (about
twenty-four in number), was in this company,
and lodged in Old Aberdeen in George King's
house ; but he was shortly discharged as a runna-
gate limmar, bloodshedder, and murderer ; and
in whatsomever company he was the same could
not well prosper, as was most evident.

" James Grant, sometime rebel, and now re-
mitted, came in with his followers (about the

1640 A.D. Covenanter Times. 61

same number) and takes up his lodging on
Donside in Patrick Leslie's house. Donald
Farquharson and his Highlandmen (500 in num-
ber) also came to the towa Thir soul-less lowns
plundered meat, drink, and sheep wherever they
came ; they oppressed the Oldtown, and brought
in out of the country honest men's sheep, and
sold at the Cross of Old Aberdeen to such as
would buy a sheep upon foot for a groat (four-
pence). The poor men that owned them followed
in, and bought back their own sheep again ; such
as were left unslain (unsold ?) were for their
meat." Such were Donald Farquharson s men !
Elsewhere the same painstaking and truthful
annalist, though his political leanings were
strongly in favour of Huntly and his party, states
that his baillie's Highlandmen lived at free
quarters and paid for nothing when they left,
and Aberdeen was very thankful to be quit of
them at any cost It is really not certain that
Donald Farquharson did not owe lus death in
Aberdeen, some years later, to the displeasure
excited against his followers on this occasioa

Meetings of Covenanters, meetings of anti-
Covenanters, and plunderings by both parties
make up the record for the rest of this — ^the first
— year of the civil war in the north.

So ends 1639.

In the month of March, 1640, the Earl of
Southesk, Mr. James Fairlie, the Bishop of

62 Covenanter Times,

Argyle, Sir Lewis Stuart, Advocate, Mr. James
Farquharson, Writer to the Signet, were appre-
hended in Edinburgh on suspicion of being en-
gaged in a plot to overturn the Government and
restore the King to power. This James Farqu-
harson was the brother of Donald of Mdnaltrie,
and the founder of the family of Whitehouse in
the Braes of Cromar, the last of whose male line
was the late Andrew Farquharson of Whitehouse,
in the parish of Tough.

Both parties, Covenanters and anti-Covenan-
ters, as the summer advanced, were, as Spalding
expresses it, " drawing to a head ". The Coven-
anters of the south, hearing how their friends of
the name of Forbes were oppressed by Highland
limmars, broken men out of Lochaber, and the
clan McGregor from Athole, Braemar and other
parts, gave a commission to the Earl of Argyle
to put them down and to punish them. For this
purpose he raises an army of 5000 men, and
marches towards Aberdeenshire, plundering the
" Bonnie House o* Airley " on his way.

All the anti-Covenanters flee before him. The
Lady Irvine fled from her castle of Drum and
sought shelter among her tenants in Cromar, of
whom she had many. The army took measures
with the ministers; and all who would not sign the
Covenant were deposed. But there was a vacancy
at that time in the church of Logie-Coldstone,
and so no minister in that parish to deal with.

Covenanter Times, 63

The Royalists, that is the anti-Covenanters,
were now rather the oppressed than the op-
pressors, and all of them who had been very
forward in the cause had to look to their safety.
Among others, Donald FarquharSon and the
young laird of Drum, being specially odious, had
to take flight by sea into England. The Master
of Forbes, Lord Forbes's eldest son, was much
blamed for allowing them to escape; but he
could not help himself. Nearly all the leading
Royalists were now out of the country.

So ends the second year of this Covenanter
war. Little was done in it but the holding of
meetings everywhere to compel all classes of the
people to sign the Covenant ; while, on the other
hand, the Highland limmars had a time of it
quite to their own mind. The approach of
Argyle changed this, and they had to consult
their safety for a time. It was not long, how-
ever, till the freebooters began to show them-
selves again in their old ways. The Argyle men
returned to their own country, and Leslie with-
drew his army to the south ; and, worse than all,
the Master of Forbes s regiment, which had acted
as a kind of police force or Black Watch, was
disbanded. This gave the caterans their desired
opportunity, and they were not slow to embrace
it They carried their depredations to such an
extent that the authorities in Edinburgh " entered
into an agreement with John Farquharson of

64 Covenanter Times.

Invercauld, for a certain sum of money, to de-
fend the Sheriffdoms of Angus, Meams, Aberdeen
and Banff (which were the counties in which
they did most injury and oppression) for a year
to come from all rief and spulzie ; and what was
taken by this robbers from them, he was obliged
to repay the same to the complainer within the
space forsaid". This was very much the same
charge as had formerly been entrusted to the
Master of Forbes, but Invercauld discharged it
with more effect, for he kept the caterans more
in check than they had been kept for several
years before. It is to the period of his juris-
diction that the tradition of those numerous
skirmishes with the freebooters of Lochaber for
the recovery of stolen cattle is to be referred.
Spalding says that " for executing this oflSce the
laird himself was appointed captain, and gathered
together out of his own friends (his kinsmen and
clansmen) and others about 250 men, and kept
the said four shires both day and night so care-
fully that none suffered skaith, theft, or oppres-
sion, but lived in all peace and quietness ". In
this work, so dangerous, but so excellently per-
formed, John of Invercauld was greatly assisted
by his son Robert, a man of great learning,
valour, and prudence, who, though he had then
no property in Logie-Coldstone, soon afterwards
acquired not a little, and was even then in
possession of the considerable Lowland estate of

Covenanter Times, 65

Wardhouse in the Garioch, so that he had much
personal interest in restraining the caterans and
broken men.

Spalding adds : " The Estates (the Covenanting
Government), perceiving the quiet he had estab-
lished, discharged him of his office, but gave him
not good payment of what was promised at the
making of the bargain, thinking that the country
would be free of any more vexation. But the
limmars, hearing of his discharge, brake out
again under John Dugar to trouble and molest
the country."

The above will give a good idea of the public
condition of this part of the country during
Covenanting times. Of the private or domestic
life the following presents only too faithful a
picture. The writer was a Roman Catholic
priest of the J. S. order, and his views must
therefore be taken with considerable modifi-
cations when they relate to the conduct or
opinions of political parties. His name was
Gilbert Blackhal, and he was now secretly
wandering about the country visiting Roman
Catholic families. In the discharge of this
mission he was on his way from Strathbogie to
Aboyne, when the adventure thus described
occurred to him at the village of Rhynie:
" Passing by Moor of Rhynie, I intended to
give my horse a measure of oats there on my
way to Cromar, because there was no place
9

66 Covenanter Times,

after that hostelary where I could get oats to
him ; and I had eight miles to ride over the
Cushnie Hills — as wild a piece of ground as
is in all Britain. Coming to the gate of the
hostelary, I did meet a carter driving out a
cartful of horse dung to lay upon the land. I
asked him if I could get there good oats for my
horse. I had never been in that hostelary before
that time, although I had gone by the same gate
(way) above a hundred times. The unhappy
rascal said, * Yes, sir, and good ale and beer
also,' but did not tell me that the house was
full of men, as drunk as men could be.

" I entered the court, suspecting nothing ; and,
as I descended from my horse, a gentleman,
called John Gordon, did embrace me very
kindly. He was exceeding drunk. When I
did see that, I was sorry that I had entered that
house, but there was no remede. I could not
retire then, neither with honour nor with
decency ; for I would have been taken for an
enemy in these troublesome days, when every
unknown man Was suspected ; therefore I
thought it best to go forward with him, who
heartily prayed me to enter the hall with him.
I condescended, but would first put my horse in
the stable; and, through good fortune for me,
the door of the stable was low, so that I was
forced to take off my valise from behind the
saddle, which, being big and full, was higher

Covenanter Times,

than the saddle, and could not enter the door.
My valise being off, John Gordon called a
servant to carry it into the hall, which I
would not suifer, but would carry it in mine
own hand, because there was in it a suite of
my clothes, which being seen would have dis-
covered ma How soon as I had given my
horse straw to eat waiting for oats, John
Gordon would have me go into the hall,
which was full of soldiers, drunk as beasts;
and their captain, William Gordon of TiDy-
angus, was little better. [It is to be noted that
Blackhal's narrative is in the form of a letter to
the daughter of that Lord Aboyne who was
burnt in the House of Frendraucht.] This Tilly -
angus had been page to your father ; and at this
time whereof I speak had gotten a patent to list
a company for the then holy but now cursed
Covenant, and John Gordon^ was his lieutenant.
They had both been of that company of light
horsemen who spoiled the lands of Frendraucht,-
and had been ever banished since that raid till
the troubles were begun — and then every cove-
nanting man was more loyal than the King
himself.

" John Gordon and I entered the hall, my valise
in one hand and my hat in the other, to salute
the company ; and, as I was making my courtsie
to them, the captain in a commanding way said,
* Who are you, sir ? * which did presently heat

68 Covenanter Times,

my blood, which was not yet to a good tem-
perament after the death of your mot)ier, but
a matter of three weeks before. And as I
thought he spoke disdainfully to me, I answered
in that same tone, saying, * That is a question,
sir, to have been asked at my footman, if you
had seen him coming in to you*. He said it
was a civil demand, and I said it might pass
for such to a valet, but not to a gentleman. He
said it was civil, and I said it was not. John
Gordon, seeing us both very hot, and ready to
come to blows, taking me by the hand, said, * Go
with me, sir, to a chamber, and let this company
alone, and we shall be by ourselves '. * With all
my heart, sir,' said I ; for I did not desire to
offend any man. So we went together; and,
as I thought, we had been delivered from the
importunity of the captain. He followed us to
the chamber, and jjid sit down by my side ; I
made him welcome, and prayed him to drink
• with us, which he would not do, but said, * I
pray you, sir, tell me what you are*. And I
answered him, saying, *Sir, if you would have
had but a little patience, until I had been set
down among you, and my heart warmed with
a cup as yours hath been, and then asked me
through kindness who I was, I would, at the
very first word, have told you; but you did
begin in a disdainful way to question me, as if I
had been some country fellow, and that manner

Covenanter Times. . 69

of proceeding did at the very first heat my blood,
and obliged me to refuse your demand And
now I cannot, with my credit, accord unto you
that which I immediately before refused ; for
you will think that you have forced me to it,
and that not complaisance, but fear, hath made
me give you satisfaction ; and, therefore, I pray
you for my honour's sake defer to another time
the curiosity of knowing who I am, since I
cannot with honour tell you now ; and I am
resolved not to do anything prejudicial to my
honour, neither for fear of death nor hope of
reward. But at the next meeting, whensoever
it arrive, I shall freely tell you, for then I hope
our party will not be so unequal as it is now ;
and therefore it will not then be ascribed to fear
or baseness, as it would be undoubtedly now/

" With this answer he went from us t9 his
company, and, as we thought (that is Leicheston
and I), if not contented, at least paid with reason.
In this, meantyme, Leacheston did call for Finden
hadocks (or fishes like whitins, but bigger and
firmer) ; the mistres did give four to her servant
to roste and bring to us. When they were rosted,
the captain did take them from her and eat them
with his souldiers. The servande came and told
us that the captain would not sufi'er her to roste
any for us, nor bring to us theis that she had
rosted for us.

" Wherupon I said to the mistresse in great

70 Covenanter Times,

anger, ' Goodwyf , I pray you give me some had-
docks, and I will go into your hall and rost them,
or some better thing for them, for I will not be
so brauved by your captain : my moneyes are as
good as his are ; and, therfor, I wil have hadocks
for my moneye or know wherfor not \ She said,
* You shall have, sir ; but you shall not go in
among them who are bent to kil you. I pray
God deliver my housse from murther. I would
give al I have in the world to have you saiife out
of my housse. I shall go and rost hadocks and
bring them to you myself.* Which she did, and
we did eat them and drink to the health of one
another without any trouble, for our resolution
was taken to selle our skines at the dearest rait
that we could, if it behouved us to dye; for
Licheston had alreadie swome to dye or live
with me."

After a good deal of quarrelling, the captain
getting more and more angry, they came at last
to blows, and some shots were tired, but no
serious damage was done. By this time the
wily priest had got over to his own side not a
few of the party, and was almost a match for the
captain and those who clave to him. Blackhal
winds up the atiair in this manner : " You may
judge if I would not have bein a good pryse to
theis soldiours of the unholy Covenant. . l^hey
would have bein better rewarded then for taking
a priest nor for a lord, because thes rebelles

Covenanter Times. 71

covered their traison with the cloak of religioiL
But my resolution was all the tym that I was in
Scotland to defend myself as long as I could
stand, and in myn own defence dye rather by
th« handes of gentlemen then of the hangman.
But my day was not yet come to dye at that
occasion ; and God changed their hatred in love,
for we became the greatest friends that could be,
and made promise of brotherhoode one to another ;
and when I did go to my hors, the captain and
the minister and al the soldiers embraced me,
and the captain would nedes help me to tye my
valise unto my saddle and hold my stirope, but
I would not suffer him to do the last, although I
could not get him hindered from the first, and I
had much adoe to hinder him from the last.
For when I did put my foote to the stirope, he
reached his hand to the other to hold it, which
obliged me to draw my foote bak again from the
stirope two divers tymes, and at last I was forced
to accept the service which one of his soldiers
offered me, for to be delivered from the compli-
mentious civilitie, shall I call it, or rather ofBcio-
sitye of the captain ; and when I was mounted
to my hors, I behouved tak every man by the
hand again, and drink to the good health of the
captain, the lieutenant, and al their soldiers."

Having got rid of his friends about five
o'clock in the afternoon, he rode through the
wild hills of Cushnie to the house of Robert

72 Covefianter Times.

Coutts in Cromar, where he expected to find the
daughter of the Lady of Aboyne, who was there
lying ill of the smallpox. He thus continues his
letter ; —

" I stayed with you but the mater of seaven
or eight houres, from two of the clock in the
morning or after midnight (for it was that much
when I arrived at your logia). I would not have
spent the half of that tyme by the way, if I had
had any light to see the way, or to know when I
was out of the right way or in it, or wher I was :
but the night was so dark that I could not have
sein the head of my hors, if it had not been
wheyt, until tenne. I had about me, in a box of
silver, two consecrated hosties, and did communi-
cat you in your bedde, and your woman in the
chamber, and then did go to Robert Farquharson,
the sojor in Belletrach, over Dye, and ther I
stayed but one night ; and my horse was stinged
by an edder or serpent in the breast, lying in the
stable in that hieland roume. I, not knowing
anything of his paine, did ryd away upon him ;
but, before I was three miles from thence, he
could not put his further foote to the ground. I
did make remove the shoe of that foote at the
churche of Birs, to see what did hurt his foote.
The smith did not discover anything, nather in
his foote or legge, and therefore set on the shoe
again; and so I did sometimes lead him and
sometimes ryde upon him to Aberdeine, wher

1641 A.D. Covenanter Times. 73

the ministers were holding their General As-
sembly. The next day appeared upon his counter
a lump as bigge as a ballone, the venime had so
swelled his flesh. How soone I did know what
it was, I did bathe it with warme water, in which
I raded a little earth of malte, and cured him in
two dayes, and advertised George Setoun of
Caniebroggie to send for him and money to me
for him, to wit, four score pounds, not the half
that he was worth, but at such tymes removers
must be loosers."

"Upon the 23rd of March, 1641, the place
(mansion) of Kandechyle — now Dee Castle —
pertaining to the Marquis of Huntly, by a
sudden fire was recklessly burnt and destroyed,
the haill plenishing destroyed and consumed,
to his great skaith. However, Crowner (Major)
Garden happened to be dwelling at this same
time in this house, who was compelled to agree
and pay the Marquis therefor."

The mansion of Kandechyle was not rebuilt
till long after, and then on a far less extensive
scale. A portion of the walls of the old house
still forms a part of the west gable of the present
building. They were much thicker than those
of its successor. The house afterwards went
through several transformations. It was long
used as a Roman Catholic chapel ; the mission
was afterwards transferred to Ballogie, and
ultimately to Aboyne ; but from that date tiU
10

74 Covenanter Times.

very recently the lower flat remained unin-
habited, and the upper, though occupied, was fast
falling into decay. It is now, through the care
of Sir William Brooks, Bart, of Glen Tana, con-
verted into a comfortable and even elegant
habitation, while the ground floor serves as a hall
and library for the district of Inchmamoch.

The year 1641 passed without any general
disturbance of the peace in the north. Caterans
and broken men still gave trouble in the
following year, when the commission to Inver-
cauld to keep them down was withdrawn;
and throughout that year (1642) there was
much bickering and some bloodshed in
Cromar between Sir William Forbes of
Craigievar and Farquharson of Invereye. The
latter exacted blackmail from the tenants in
Cromar even more rigorously than their land-
lords required their rents ; and it was as
punctually paid, ^nd in many cases to even a
greater amount. It was a reign of terror, in
which Invereye was the ruling spirit. His
property came to the very borders of Cromar,
the lands of TuUich being his; and it was not
safe to go there with any request for the resti-
tution of stolen goods or gear ; so that it became
a proverbial 8a)dng of his when fears of pursuit
were expressed : ** Put Culblean between you
and them, and let me see who will touch
you". If any sturdy farmer refused to pay

1643 A.D. Covenanter Times. 75

his blackmail, and was strong enough to resist
an open spulzie, he might, as the sajring was,
"look for the red cock to be crawan' on his
bam riggan' any morning" — ^the caterans' ex-
pression for the crackling of flaming material.
In this unhappy state passed the year 1642 in
the parish of Logie-Coldstone.

Upon the 11th of May, 1643, the Justice-
depute held a Court at Elgin, which the Marquis
of Huntly and nearly all the great barons of the
north attended. Their object was to take into
consideration the unsettled state of the country,
and to adopt measures for the suppression of
the bands of robbers that molested and spoiled
the peaceable and industrious inhabitants. Why
Invercauld was not re-commissioned for this
work does not appear. He had discharged his
duty to very good purpose during the year he
held oflSce. Probably the country to be defended
was considered to be too distant from his
residence. It was to extend from Dunottar
north to the Moray Firth. At any rate he was
not appointed, and Cromar was left in the
miserable position in which it was before.
William M'Intosh, alias William M'Lauchlan,
captain of the Clan Cattan, was appointed,
with great powers of raising men, and a large
salary ; but he did little good in the north,
and none at all in Aberdeenshire.

The great civil war now broke out in England,

76 Covenanter Times.

and many of the Scotch anti-Covenanters flocked
thither to assist the king. Donald Farquharson
of Monaltrie, Huntly s baillie, with some others,
shipped at Aberdeen, as if for France, eighty
soldiers, who were destined, however, for the
king in England. Some say Monaltrie went
with them, and got into great favour with the
king, Charles I. ; but this is not certain. Tradition
ascribes to him many brave deeds done in that
country, on account of which he was called " the
king s man ". In his own country he was
known as Donald Oig, that is, the younger, to
distinguish him from his father, who was also
a Donald.

The breaking out of the war in England was
the signal for warlike preparations throughout
the whole of Scotland. The General Assembly
joined with the Convention of Estates (the
Scottish Parliament) to issue ordinances to the*
several shires to levy taxes, raise soldiers, and
purchase arms and ammunition. The commis-
sioners appointed for this purpose were, of
course, all Covenanters. For Aberdeenshire
they were Robert Farquharson of Invercauld,
Sir William Forbes of Craigievar, and some
twelve others, Invercauld being convener ; while
on the other side were arrayed the Marquis of
Huntly, the great body of the Gordons, and
almost all the titled nobility of the county.

The marquis was summoned to appear before

Covenanter Times. 77

the Elstates to answer for his conduct, but refused
to obey. But they had soon to deal with a
greater genius than the marquis. The Earl of
Montrose left the Covenanters and went over
to the king, and soon set the whole country in a
blaze. Huntly, who disliked Montrose, and had
good reason, thought himself overlooked by the
king, and went to Sutherlandshire to be out
of the way. This action divided the Gordons,
and many of them held back from taking part
with Montrose ; but all the broken men and
outlaws — McGregors, Dugars, Roys, et hoc genus
omne — joined his standard. Of course Invereye
went to him, and that at an early stage ; and the
country of Cromar was for a time well rid of
such neighboura

Donald Farquharson, now returned from
Elngland — if ever he went there — also joined
Montrose with the marquis's consent, and brought
in a large body of men from Braemar and the
Abojnie estates. They were mostly idle fellows
that the country could easily spare. Montrose,
now the leader of the royal army, took up his
camp at Aberdeen, swept the county ' of the
Covenanters, who went south for protection, and
grievously ravaged their belongings. Parties of
troops were sent out to bum and plunder, and
som on their lands. Patrick Strachan, tenant
of Kinaldie, a relative of the Laird of Glenkindie
and of the minister of Coldstone, was fined

78 Covenanter Times.

heavily for being a Covenanter ; and, because he
would not, or could not, pay the fine, his goods
were plundered and he himself taken prisoner.
It was Sir John Gordon of Kelly (Haddo House)
who had command of the party sent into Croipar.
Sir John — an ancestor of the E^rls of Aberdeen
— carried poor Strachan prisoner to Haddo
House, and from that he transported him to
Towie Barclay, " where he fairly wan away *' .

Spalding calls Patrick Strachan "a discreet
gentleman,'' and gives this account of his escape :
"This Patrick Strachan (tenant of Kinaldie, in
Coldstone) made quiet friendship amongst the
soldiers, took the captain (prisoner), and kept I

the house (Towie Barclay) manfully till the army |

came ; and syne came bravely out, and gat his
horse and arms again, which Haddo had
plundered from him". This was a bright
exploit on the part of Kinaldie.

While Montrose was raising the Highlands
for the king, the Gordons, with Donald
Farquharson of Monaltrie as their colonel, were
busy, along with the Braemar men, plundering
the Covenanters in Aberdeenshire. Cromar did
not escape their ravages ; but most of the lairds
there were then on the kings side, and, of
course, their tenants escaped. The time, how-
ever, was coming when they in their turn were
to be the sutferera A great Covenanter army,
with the Marquis of Argyle at the head of 800

1644 A.D. Covenanter Times, 79

Highlandmen from the west, advanced to
Aberdeen. For months they were unopposed,
and were billeted on the lands of the anti-
Covenanters all over the county. A large body
of the Campbell Highlandmen were sent into
Cromar ; others were quartered on the tenants
of Aboyne, Strachan, Birse, Glenmuick, Glen-
tanner, and Abergeldie. Spalding, who knew
everything that was going on, says that they
had an allowance ilk day to be taken off these
lands of 24 bolls of meal, 120 wedders, and —
marts, with 60 dollars of money. This was in
the beginning of May, 1644 ; we shall hear more
of their doings before they left, early in July.
Bad as the times may now be for the farmers,
there were worse days in these olden timea

This regiment of Argyle's men were called the
Cleanaera, and richly they deserved the name,
" for they cleansed all from their coming, which
was upon the (16th) day of May, till the Ist of
July, when they departed, leaving only behind
them a captain with eighty soldiers, who followed
soon after. They spoilzied and plundered the
haill Birse, Cromar, Glentanner, Glenmuick, with
the house of Aboyne, and the house of Abergeldie,
and left neither horse, sheep, nolt, ky, nor four-
footed beast in all these brave countries, nor
victuals, com, goods, or gare that they might lay
their hands upon." They were cleansers indeed.

It was not long, however, till fickle fortune

8o Covenanter Times,

took the other side. The brief but brilliant
career of Montrose drew to his Highland army
all the cateran bands and broken men; and,
while his operations were going on in a distant
part of the country, Cromar had a respite from
their depredations. After gaining the battle of
Tippermuir, near Perth, Montrose marched north
to Aberdeen, where he was joined by Donald
Farquharson and his Highlanders, some of whom
came from Cromar — a good many indeed ; for the
young laird of Drum, the largest landowner then
in Cromar, with Coutts of Auchterfoul and
others, were very active in the cause, and had
many injuries to revenge.

Argyle followed north after Montrose, who
was by this time on Speyside. Not caring to
follow him further, he again sent his soldiers,
both foot and horse, to quarter on the lands of
Drum and Auchterfoul in Cromar, and the others
where the Cleansers had been in the early summer.
It was now a better part of the year for getting
a great booty, being in the early days of October,
when people were busy with their harvest. Young
Drum, during the stay of the army of Montrose
at Aberdeen, had come with a considerable body
of horse to Cromar to punish the Covenanters
there, and to recoup his own tenants at their
expense for the losses they had sustained from
the Cleansers; and he was not sparing in his
exactions. But he had to make ofi* when the

Covenanter Times. 8i

Covenanting army drew near ; and, as Spalding
says, " here were the Campbells again to begin
where he left off\ He adds : " They (the Argyle
men) cutted down the pleasant garden planting
to the huts, destroyed the corns, and left not a
four-footed beast in the lands of Drum and
Auchterfoul in Cromar".

The Covenanters also succeeded in making
young Drum prisoner, and put him into the jail
in Aberdeen, where, it is said, they would not
allow his young wife to see him. He had only
been married a few months, his wife being the
Lady Mary Gordon, fourth daughter of the Mar-
quis of Huntly. The rents of Drum and of all
the anti-Covenanters on Deeside were uplifted
and given to the supporters of the Covenant. Sir
William Forbes of Craigievar got those of Drum
and Auchterfoul, and Lord Eraser got those of
Abergeldie, Donald Farquharson, and the Baron
of Braickley. But Donald Farquharson's career
was near its close.

Montrose, in the beginning of the year 1646,
was now in Lochaber, where he was joined by
the Farquharsons of Invereye and all the loose
men on Deeside from Culblean upwards ; but
Monaltrie was not with them. He was attending
to the interests of his master, the marquis, and
his own, up and down the country. In discharge
of this duty he had to come to Aberdeen after
the Covenanters had withdrawn to the Meams ;
II

82 Covenanter Times, 1645 ^-^^

and, in company with aome other oflSoers and a
troop of about eighty horsemen, expecting no
danger, was holding rather a high time of it in
the town. However, a Major Hurry, then in the
service of the Covenanters — though he often
changed sides, and was afterwards hanged — did
hear of it, though he was then twenty miles south
of Aberdeen, instantly got ready a troop of horse,
and, galloping back, surprised the carousing
party, who made but little resistance. Some
three or four were slain, and among them Donald
Farquharson of Monaltrie, baron-baillie to the
Marquis of Huntly over his Highland estates,
and in his day a man of the greatest power and
influence among the loyalists. This event took
place on Friday, the 25th of March, 1645.
" Upon the mom, being Saturday, the said
Donald Farquharson s corps was found in the
street stripped naked, for they tirred from off
his body a rich stand of apparel that he had only
put on for the first time that day. Donald was
buried in the Laird of Drum's aisle with many
woe hearts and doleful shota" Many tributes
were paid to his worth, and Montrose much
mourned his loss. He was the hero of many a
legend as Domhnull Og Na IT Alba; but in
real history he appears eminent only as the faith-
ful baillie of the powerful Marquis of Huntly.
Last year (1895) there was placed in Drum's aisle
of St. Nicholas Church, Aberdeen, a brass plate to

Covenanter Times, 83

his memory, with suitable inscription, by the
last male representative of the family to which
Donald Og Farquharson of Monaltrie belonged,
the late Andrew Farquharson of Whitehouse — a
name which originally belonged to his ancestral
property in the Braes of Cromar, the first pos-
sessor of which was Jamas Farquharson, brother
of the commemorated hero, and the last, he who
fell on the field of CuUoden.

In the month of April following Montrose sent
McDonald, one of his officers, with a body of
soldiers into Cromar for maintenance, and to
keep the Covenanters from plundering the lands
of his friends. They lived there in free quarters
till they were joined by the main body of the
army, which, passing over the Capel Munth,
crossed the Dee at Crathie, and thence marched
into Cromar. Baillie, the Covenanters' general,
had about the same time crossed the Grampians
by the Caimie Munth and was in Birse. Mon-
trose hastily lifts from Cromar, marches first
down the north road to Skene, and then north
through Strathbogie to Morayshire. He had
scarcely been two days gone from Cromar when
in comes Baillie with his whole army, estimated
at 2000 foot and 120 troopers, and encamps on the
flat ground betwixt the kirks of Coull and Tar-
land, compelling the anti-Covenanters to supply
them with food for man and beast ; and here they
remained from their incoming on Saturday the

84 Covenanter Times.

10th to Monday the 19th of May, plundering the
goods of their enemies. Baillie then lifts and
goes north after Montrose.

Thus was poor Cromar within the space of
one year ' seven times plundered — three times by
the Covenanters and four times by their enemies.
But the troubles of the poor tenants were not
yet at an end. Montrose, after defeating Hurry
at Aldearn, turned south, got past Baillie who
was in Strathbogie, and again pitched his camp
in Cromar. He did not, however, think himself
safe here, and soon removed to Corgarff" to wait
the return of his Highlandera When he was
ready, he came down Donside, attacked Baillie
at Alford, and totally defeated him. His High-
landers were off again of course to carry home
the spoils won in battle, so he retreated again
into Cromar ; but it would appear that by this
time the whole vale had been so cleansed that
nothing was left to support his diminished army.
" He therefore lifts his camp, crosses the Dee at
Dinnet, out the Fir Munth, and to the south goes
he."

Cromar now enjoyed for a short space a much
needed respite from the ravages of opposing
armies. It is not necessary for our purpose to
follow the fortunes of the different actors in the
great civil war. That belongs to the general
history of the natioa Enough here to note that
after five successive and brilliant victories in

1647 A.D. Covenanter Times. 85

pitched battles, besides skirmishes, Montrose was
at last defeated at Philiphaugh (12th September,
1645), and never again was able to take the
field The Marquis of Huntly, the power of the
Gordons being completely broken, was hunted
down among the mountains, captured, sent a
prisoner to Edinburgh, and beheaded by order of
the Parliament, a fate that overtook the gallant
Montrose about a year later, and Argyle also
twelve years after. Indeed, all the great leaders
on both sides perished on the scaffold.

To return to Cromar. For the purpose of
utterly quelling the Gordons, who had risen in
considerable bodies to avenge their losses. General
David Leslie, the Covenanting commander, was
in 1647 sent north with a sufficient force to put
down any probable insurrection. He took up
his quarters in two divisions. One of these was
located for a time in Cromar, and was employed
in demolishing the strongholds of the Gordons.
The principal of these were the Castle of Strath-
bogie and the fortress on Loch Kiimord, both
of which they utterly dismantled and wrecked.
The other division took in the Bog o' Gicht
(Gordon Castle), and captured the marquis where
he was in hiding near Tommantoul. These things
done, Leslie withdrew his army to the south;
but, during the time the soldiers were operating
against the fortress of Kinnord, they lived, as
we shall see, very much at free quarters on the

86 Covenanter Times,

Drum tenants in Cromar and other anti-Cove-
nanters, though it would seem they paid for what
they got or took from other tenanta

No sooner, however, had Leslie's soldiers taken
their departure than a worse evil befel poor
Cromar. The caterans and broken men, who for
two or three years had taken up arms for Huntly
and were engaged in regular warfare under Mon-
trose, burning for revenge for the loss of their
leaders and protectors, and hankering to return
to their old trade of spulzie, burst from the hills
upon the Lowlands, and in particular upon
Cromar as the district which had harboured the
regular Covenanting armies. To put a stop to
their depredations. General Middleton was sent
to the north with a party of soldiers, mostly
troopers. * And where could he go to be of any
use but to the country that was being plundered ?
As we shall see, it does not appear that his
troopers were very particular about paying their
way, though they were very effective against the
caterans.

On comparative peace being secured, a petition
or rather two petitions were presented to the
Scottish Parliament in order to obtain some
compensation to the poor tenants for the losses
they had sustained at the hands of the soldiers.
Several acts were passed by the Parliament for
this purpose. The one under which the Cromar
petitions were presented was for consideration

Compensation Courts, 87

of the losses sustained at the hands of the
Government troops by inoffensive persons who
had taken no part in the late troubles. Other
aets provided compensation to other classes of
sufferers ; but with them we are not concerned

The petitions for compensation under the pro-
visions of the former act resulted in an order of
the Estates to hold local courts for the trial of
the validity of the claims put forward, and for-
tunately there has been preserved a report of
the proceedings of these courts. Of course the
Cleansers were in a manner Government soldiers;
but, according to Spalding, were very rapacious,
and by no means particular about the politics of
those they plundered. These lists are in many
respects very curious and interesting, as showing
the sort of goods that attracted the greed of the
West Highlanders, and the value put upon them
at that date, 1647 A.D., or just about 250 years ago.
The value is reckoned in Scotch money; but,
considering the change in the commercial circum-
stances of the times, it may be held to be fairly
represented by the sterling money of the present
day.

The first court held was in respect of goods
taken by the Cleansers, and is thus described : —

" A note of such gair as is plundered by the
Argyle men out of the Laird of Drum's lands of
Cromar, given by the tenants, cottars and grass-
men of the said lands, upon their great oath

88 Compensation Courts,

sworn judicially in a fenced court holden in
Tarland upon the 5th day of July, 1644, by
Alexander Roes, in Miln of Coull, bailie of the
said lands; James Fyffe, notar public, dark;
Wm. Name, officer; John Middleton, dempster,
the court lawfully fenced and affirmed," etc.

Seven cases as samples are recorded Four
are those of farmers, two are of grassmen, and
one is that of a poor widow. " Duncan Calder
deponed (that over and above forty such loss as
was ordained him to pay by the gentlemen of
the country) that they had taken from him four
mares worth £100; secondly, his oxen being
taken from him by them and kept until he was
forced to pay 9 merks for them; and thirdly,
they took his cruick (the chain that suspended
the cooking pots over the fire), and a barked
hyde from him worth 8 merks ; and lastly, they
took himself and his wife and bound them like
thieves, and took hLs whole goods with them-
selves bound, to their camp at Auchterfoul, until
they forced him to pay 82 merks for his relief
and the relief of his goods, although he was an
old man of three score and ten years."

The above is a sample of the treatment meted
out to the inoffensive tenants on the Drum- estate
in Cromar — and the lines were hard enough — by
the Argyle men.

" The whole loss that the Laird of Drum's men
of Cromar paid to the Argyle men extended to

Compensation Courts, 89

1700 merks money, and 42 bolls of meal, which
was given them, and duly paid for, over and
above the unwritten plundering.*'

Merks seem even then to have been a current
coin in Scotland ; and, being 6s. 8d. in value, are
easily converted into the more common reckoning
of £ s. d

We now give an extract from the report of
one of the courts held to consider the compen-
sation to be given to tenants for the unpaid
exactions of the men under General Leslie,
when they were engaged in demolishing the
fortress on Loch Kinnord in 1647.

" John Gordon, in CouU, deponed that thei had
takin from him ane meir worth fourtie lib., and
ane horss quhilk cost him fyiftie-twa merkis,
and sex vedders vorth sex doUaris, with other
small things in his houss, worth aucht lib.

"And Vm. Ross, in Coull, deponed that thei
had takin from him his haill scheip, and had to
thair camp, and he was forced to pay fourtie
merkis for them, and likevayss plundered his
houss, and tuik sik as they could get, worth sex
lib.

" And Patrick Vischart deponed that thei did

take his ten oxin, and had to ther camp, and he

payed nyne s. sterling for nyne of them, and the

tent they slew, being worth twenty lib., and brak

his doris, and abussed his houssis.

" And George M*Come, ane puir grassman,
12

go Compensation Courts,

deponed that thei did take his scheip, and ane
meir, and had to ther camp, untill he was forced
to pay twentie-sex merkis for them, and did take
twa bands from him of twa hundred and ten
merkis.

" And Robert Bruce, grassman, deponded that
thei did take tway meirs from him, worth
fourtie merkis.

" And Elspet Buchan deponed that thei did take
hir horss from hir and had to ther camp, until
she did pay ten merkis for him, and ane garkin
of lining, scho being bot ane puir vidow."

" The haill loyce (loss) that the Laird of Drum
his men of Cromar, peyed to the Argill men,
extended to sewintein hundreth merkiss money,
and fourtie tway bolls meill, quhilk was giffin
them, and dulie peyed for, by and above the
unwritten plundering."

At another court, held at Tarland, eight tenants
of the Laird of Drum, in the parish of CouU, put
in claims for compensations to the amount of
£570 6s. 8d. At another held at the same place,
and presided over by " Mr. Andro Gray, minister
at CouU, Alexr. Boss, in Milne of Coull, Patrik
Durvard, in Myll of AuchtercouU,*' the following
cases from the parish of Logie-Coldstone came
before the arbiters, the minute of which runs
thus : —

" Ane roll of the losses susteined be the Laird
Drum his tenentis in Cromar, be quartering and

Compensation Courts. 91

utherwayis, be Qenerall Majur Midiltoun his
army in Maij and Junij last, 1647 yens, giffin
up in fensed Courtis upon thair oathis.

" In the first, Isabel Elphingstoun, relict of
Umquhill Allan Og, in Leyis, deponed, be wertew
of hir aith, that scho had takin from hir sex
firlotis bear to thir horsis, worth ten merkis
the boll, half ane boll meill, at aucht merkis
the boll, half ane boll of malt, at ten merkis the
boll, ane young kow worth ten lib., thrie lambes
worth four lib., mair in the said moneth of Junij,
twey lambes pryss forsaid, thrie pekis meill
pryss forsaid, thretein s. four d. for aill, thrie
quarter of chesis, twente sex s. aucht d., mair
plundered and takin from hir man, Alexr.
Midiltoun, sex wedders at four lib. the peice.
Inde ... 59 lib. 13s. 4d

" Item, John M^Comy, in Ruthven, deponed that
he had plundered and takin, from the tym for-
said, six firlotis meill, ane firlot malt, and ane
lamb, pryss forsaid, and twenty merkis for ailL
Inde ... 12 lib. Gs. 8d.

" And George M*Comy, in Ruthven, deponed,
that he had qwortered with him at the tym for-
said fywe hors and men four nicht, quhilk spent
to him ane firlot malt, ane firlot meill, pryss for-
said, ane quarter of beiif, worth fywe lib., ane boll
gr3rt aitis, aucht merkis, and had quartered to
him fywe men, who spent to him twey pekis
meill, pryss forsaid, ane merk for aill, and ane

92 Compensation Courts,

merk for other vivers. Inde ... 15 lib.
6a Sd.

'* And William Dukison deponed that he had
quartered with him fywe men and hors four
nicht, quhilk spent to him ane firlot malt, ane
firlot meiU, pryss forsaid, ane quarter beiff, worth
four lib., ane merk for fisches, half ane boll aitis,
four merkis, ane firlots beer, twey merkis and
ane half, and to their futman ane uther nicht ane
pek meill, ane quarter of cheis, pryss forsaid, and
ane merk for aill Inde., 14 lib. 12s.

" Suma ... 101 lib. 18s. 8d."

" Ane Boll of the losses done to the Laird
Drum his tenttis in Cromar be Generall Major
Midiltoun's army, at ther being in Cromar the
last of August till the 12 of Sepr., 1647.

" Imprimis, Georg Ekiward deponed that he
had fywe horsemen during the spac of twelf
dayis, who spent thrie boUis aitis, at aucht
merkis the boll, sex firlots meill, aucht lib., half
ane boll bear, fywe lib., ane dollar for twey
nichts thei war in Braemar. Inde ... 30 lib.
4s. 8d

" And Alexr. Ross, ther, deponed that he gaiff
them thrie boUis aitis, worth sixtein lib., him-
self being absent, and wis fre of forder quarter.
Inde ... 16 lib.

" And William Ross, ther, deponed that he had
fywe men and hors during the said space, who
spent thrie bollis aitis, at pryss forsaid, ane boll

Compensation Courts, 93

meill, fywe merkiss for aill, twey wedderis, ten
merkis. Inde ... 32 lib.

"And Qeorg M'Comy deponed that he gaiff
them during the said spac twa boUis aitis, thrie
firlotes bear, half ane boll meill, ane fir lot malt,
at pryss forsaid, ane merk for aill, forty twey a
for their quarteris when thei war in Bramar, ane
quarter butter 208., half ane stean of cheis 208.,
twey merkis for beiff. Inde ... 26 lib. 2a

"And Isobell Elphinstoun deponed that scho
gaiif them during the said spac four boUis quhyt
aitis, ane boll meill, ane boll malt, pryss forsaid,
and thrie doUoris for beiff and mutton to them.
Inde, 41 lib. 2a 8d.

" And Patrik Mill deponed, that thei spent to
him during the said spac sewin pekis gryt aitis,
ane firlot meill, at pryss forsaid, and fywe merkis
fur beiff, mutton, and aill. Inde ... 7 lib.

"And William Dukison deponed, that thei
spent to him during the said space ane firlot meill,
sewin pekis gryt aitis, at pryss forsaid, and fywe
merkis for aill, beiff, arid kitchin. Inde ... 7 lib.

" And Beatrix Vischut deponed that thei spent
to her during the said spac half ane boll gryt
aitis, ane firlot meill, and sex merkis and ane
half for beiff, mutton, and aill, and twelff'
threifiis gryt aitis eittin be theiss that came to the
[ ] esteimed at thrie bolls aitis, pryss forsaid
inde ... 26 lib.

"Suma . . . 185 lib. 18a 4d."

94 Compensation Courts,

At another court, held at Tarland in October,
1647, seven of the leading tenants on the Drum
estate in Coull put in claims for oompensatioa
These claims are in several items very curious,
but all show the oppression of the soldiers while
lodging amongst them. As, however, they refer
to the parish of Coull, it is not thought necessary
to record them here in detail. Before these
claims could be considered by the proper authori-
ties, it was necessary that they should be certi-
fied by the local courts. Accordingly a meeting
for this purpose was held at Tarland, from
the finding of which the following is a quota-
tion : —

" We, Mr. Alexander Gordon, minister at Cold-
stan and Logic, and Mr. Andro Gray, minister of
Coull, do testifie that the Laird Drum his tenantis
within the parochins of Coull, Tarlen, and Logic,
hes susteinit gryt losses sen the tent of Merch,
1647, be frie quartering both of fut and hors, and
be peyment of money and uther dewes to the
captan of the watch and the garisons of Loch-
keandor and Kildromi ; bot for ewerie ones par-
ticular loss we tuik thair oathis, quhilk particular
losses ar set doun in the former compt, except
quhat thai haif peyed to the watch and the
garison of the Loch at Auchtercoul, the fourtein
of December, 1647.

" Mr. And. Gray, Minister at CoulL
" Mr. A. Gordon, Minister at Coldstan
and Logie."

Compensation Courts, 95

" We, John Smith and John Couts, elders,
withm the parochin of Logie, and William Reid
in Newmill, and Alexr. Gordon of Eineraigie,
elder, within the parochin of Tarlen, and Mr.
Robert Coutts, and Alexr. Ross and John
Durward, elder, of the parochin of CouU, do
testifie be thir presentis that the forsaids compts
of quarterings susteined be the Laird of Drum
his tenentis, within the said thrie parochis, is
trew and off veritie, and thet everie particular
person in the former compt haiff deponed ther
oath of veritie at the upgiving of the samen. In
witness quhereof, we haiff subscrivit ther pre-
sentis with our hands, at Tarlen, the fourtein day
off Februarii, jai vie. and fourtie-aucht yeiris.

" Jon. Smith, elder, at Logie.

" Jon. Coultis, elder, at Logie.

"Alexr. Gordon of Kincragey, elder,
at Tarlen.

" Mr. R Coultis, elder, at Coull.

" Alexr. Ross, elder, at CoulL"

" W^e, Wm. Reid, in Newmiln, elder, in Tarlen,
and John Durvard, elder, in Coull, with our
hands at the pen led be the nottar underwritten
at our handis, because we cannot vreat ourselflSs."

The Rev. Andrew Gray above referred to was
a very busy man in his time, not to say some-
what meddlesome. In a case that was brought
before the Synod, 20th October, 1622, he was

96 Satirical Epitaphs,

ordained " not to medle with the exerceiss of any
other minister his charge, as he will be anser-
able".

He was of little stature, as shown in his char-
acter, given in an epitaph said to have been
written by the first Earl of Aboyne : —

. . . little Mr. Andrew Gray,
Though void of wit, yet full of years.
To point him forth requires some skill,
He knew so little good or ill.
He had a church without a roof,
A conscience that was cannon-proof.
He was Prelatic first, and then
Became a Presbyterian ;
Episcopal once more he turned,
And yet for neither would be burn'd.
Of whom I have no more to say.
But fifty years he preach' d and dy'd.

This practice of composing witty and satirical
epitaphs continued for long to be a favourite
amusement with clergymen at their presbyterial
dinners. The then (1818) minister of Kildrummy
was rather famous for his skill in these com-
positiona A co-presbyter had written a work
on the history of Scotland, which had not been
attended with much success. This was Mr.
Lowe, minister of Keig, who had the misfortune
to lose an arm through an accident in early life.
This is how the minister of Kildrummy would
have him immortalised : —

.^-i

1653 A.D. Glencairn Rising. 97

Beneath this stane within this knowe,
Lies single-handed Sandy Lowe ;
He wrote a book nae ane could read,
And now the creater's wi' the dead.

A minister of Logie-Coldstone, nick-named
" Red Rab," was still more severely handled. He
bore a somewhat doubtful character, and was of
an overbearing disposition. The two last lines
of his epitaph ran thus : —

When at the last trump the dead shall rise,
Lie still, Red Rab, if ye be wise.

From the fall of Montrose and Huntly in 1647,
nothing of any special moment occurred in
Cromar to disturb its peace for several yeara
Much that had been done during the previous
troubles had to be settled for, and there were
many lawsuits between neighbouring proprietors;
but Cromwell soon came in and with a high hand
distributed justice, and kept the caterans effec-
tually in order. People were settling down into
the condition they had been in twenty years
before, when an unexpected outbreak occurred,
known by the name of the " Glencairn rising ".
Farquharson of Invereye, a professed black-
mailer and oppressor of the Lowlands, was the
means of bringing into Cromar this short-lived
insurrection. He incited the Earl of Glencairn
to come north, assuring him of great support in
the district of Mar. For fully a month he went
13

g8 Glencairn Rising.

through the country, forcing people everywhere
at the point of the sword to join his band of
caterans and " cut-throats " that under Glencairn
were to drive Cromweirs soldiers out of the
country, and put the king upon his throne.
Deluded by this prospect, Glencairn did come
north with a regiment of Perthshire Highlanders,
and at In vereye's advice they took up their quarters
in Cromar. Invereye had two reasons for send-
ing them there : first, to save his own tenants in
TuUich and Upper Deeside the expense of main-
taining them ; and, secondly, to punish the Cromar
people, who had refused for two years bygone to
pay him blackmail. We have not been able to
ascertain the exact position of Glencaim's camp.
It was somewhere in the west end of the district.
There they abode for several weeks — one histo-
rian says five, but it was not so long as that, not
quite four as we reckon, yet long enough to give
the honest people a thorough hatred of their
company. There was a small garrison of soldiers
at Kildrummy, but too weak to assume the
offensive; and Glencairn made no attempt to
disturb them, although he was at this time about
2000 strong and daily receiving additions.
General Morgan, one of Cromwell's officers,
had a force of about the same number in
Aberdeen, but he was supposed to be too
distant to know what was going on in
Cromar. Morgan, however, was not ignorant

Glencairn Rising. 99

of Invereye's movements ; and one early morn-
ing he briskly attacked Glencaim*s outposts,
which was the first intelligence they had of his
approach. It was a case of " Hey, Johnnie Cope,
are ye wakin' yet ? " and exactly similar to what
took place nearly forty years later on the
Haughs o' Cromdale. This fight could hardly
be called a battle ; for Glencaim's force, though
stronger numerically than Morgan's, were so
taken by surprise that they at once took to
dight. So meagre are the accounts we have
of Glencaim's campaign, especially that portion
of it that lay in Aberdeenshire, that it is difficult
to determine the exact localities. All that is
certain is that " he retreated with his army in
some disorder through a long narrow glen into
the forest of Abemethie on Speyside, pursued
from morning to night by Morgan's victorious
troops ". Although this is by no means the last
time that bodies of armed soldiers passed through
and were quartered in Cromar, it is, we believe,
the last battle, in which firearms were ased, that
took place within its bounds, unless a brush with
the gangers in the smuggling days be counted —
in which, however, the belligerents only came
near to shedding blood

Glencaim's raid into Aberdeenshire, which
took place in the summer of 1653, in some
respects resembled Dr. Jameson's invasion of
the Transvaal; for he came at the solicitation

lOO Glencaim Rising,

of Invereye to help the outlanders there — who,
however, did join him, though not in great
numbers — and General Morgan played nearly
the part of President Kruger and the Boers.

For the next seven years — that is, to the
restoration of Charles II. in 1660 — Cromar
enjoyed profound peace, comparative prosperity,
and entire immunity from the depredations of
the caterans and broken men ; and for some
years after — so great was the influence of
Charles, first Elarl of Aboyne, with the Govern-
ment and in the district — that, like a true
magistrate, he was a terror to evil-doers. These
evil-doers — caterans and broken men — were,
however, not easily restrained. Invereye
became headstrong and committed raids on
Glenmuick and the Meams. In one of these he
killed the Baron of Braickley and drove away
his cattle, for which murder he was tried in the
High Court of Justiciary, but acquitted on the
plea that the Baron*s death was accidental and
not intentional

The next twenty years was a bad time for
most of the lairds and the clergy, but a grand
time for the lawlesa The lairds who had taken
the king's side during the twenty years of the
civil war, and had been utterly ruined in purse
and property, looked for compensation when the
king was restored, and got only thanks for all
they had done for him.

1689 A.D. Dundee Rising. 10 1

The Laird of Drum was one of the heaviest
sufferers in this way ; and, though he held on
to his Cromar property for many years, it was
under a heavy burden of debt, which ultimately
compelled him to part with it : and there were
many lairds in a like position. Nor were the
Covenanter lairds any better off. Their day of
prosperity — ^such as it was — came to an end with
the Restoration, and now they found themselves
heavily fined for the part they had taken against
the king. They were, however, glad to get off
with a fine, for many were imprisoned and some
executed. The Forbeses generally suffered ; and
it was not long till Forbes of Kinaldie and
Forbes of Daugh had to part with their fertile
acres.

Then came the Revolution, but it came too
late to be of much help to the old families. It
indeed relieved the ministers who had been
deposed because they would not become Epis-
copalians ; but few of them lived through the
hard times of the persecution to be again
restored to their churches. None of the
ministers in Cromar were actually evicted, but
the stipends were diverted to other purposes
than to their maintenance — for one thing the
bishops' revenues had to be provided out of
them.

The Jacobite rising under Viscount Dundee —
or, as he was popularly known in the south of

I02 Dundee Rising.

Scotland, " the bloody Claverhouse,*' on account
of his fierce persecution of the Covenanters —
did not much affect Cromar. The scene of active
hostilities between him and his opponent, General
Mackay, lay along the Highland border in a
circuit from Elgin to Killiecrankie in Perthshire,
Dundee holding to the Highlands and organising
the clans behind him, while Mackay was able
only occasionally to disturb him by incursions
up the glens. John Farquharson of Invereye
— better known as the " Black Colonel *' — the
son of that Invereye, sumamed William Maol,
or the " bald-headed," who had played such an
active part under Olencairu, was, next to
Evan Dhu Cameron of Lochiel, the most active
and daring of Dundee's supporters. Mackay
made several attempts to invade his stronghold
in Braemar, but with little effect Upper Dee-
side for a whole month became a kind of
skirmishing ground, during which divisions of
Mackay's anny must have passed and re-passed
through Cromar; but no written account of their
marching and counter-marching remains. It is
thought, however, that the large number of
silver coins of the reign of Charles IL, which
have been picked up from time to time within
the district, must be ascribed to the presence of
Mackay's troops. The romantic stories told of
that daring freebooter, the Black Colonel, do not
all deserve credit; but he was certainly the

1690 A.D. Battle of Cromdale. 103

worst enemy as a blackmailer that Cromar ever
had. .

Dundee's fall at Killieerankie (27th June,
1689) did not altogether put a stop to the
war, and there were wild doings within and
on the borders of the Highlands for another
year at least. The country was swarming with
red-coats for the Government, and kilted caterans
and ragged Irishmen for the Jacobites. Virtually,
however, the war was closed one misty May
morning (Ist May, 1690) " upon the Haughs o'
Cromdale," where a troop of horse utterly routed
the main body of the Highlanders, who fled to
the hills and were not found in arms again in
any formidable body for the next twenty- five
years. A ballad was composed, and much sung
at the evening firesides in Cromar a generation
or two ago, on the action at Cromdale,
beginning : —

As I came in by Auchindoun,
A little wee bit frae the toun,
When to the Highlands I was boun*

To view the Haughs 0' Cromdale,
I met a man in tartan trews ;
I spierd at him what was the news :
Quoth he, ** The Highland army rues

That e'er they came to Cromdale," etc.

There was also a strathspey, still popular,
composed to older words than these, the refrain
of which was : —

I04 Poll Book of Aberdeenshire. 1695 a.d.

Oh, wat ye how the ply began,
Oh, ken ye how the ply began,
Oh, wat ye how the ply began

Upo' the Haughs o' Cromdale ?

For the next six years (1690-1696) no event
of note is recorded as taking place in the
district. The estate of Invereye had got a
new laird of a more peaceful character, and his
Tullich and other tenants took after him.

We now come to consider a highly instructive
document.

The Poll Book of Aberdeenshire has been
printed from a manuscript which belonged to
General Gordon of Caimess. The tax to which
it refers was intended to pay the arrears due to
the country and army. The roll was made up
in 1695, and the tax was made payable at Martin-
mas of the same year ; but, it is believed, was
never exacted. It is the most complete of any
roll of the kind previous to the modem valua-
tion rolls, and contains information of a varied,
curious, and interesting character. From it we
cull the following particulars. The section refer-
ring to Logie-Coldstone is described as follows : —

" Ane List of the Polable Persons within the
Pariochin of Logiemar and Coldstone, given up
by the Laird of Invercauld and Peter Dugid of
Logiemar, two Commissioners, for that effect
nominat and appointed, and be John Kelt in
Knocksoul, within the Prfriochin of Coldstone,

Poll Book, 105

Clerk and Collector appoynted be them for the
said Pariochin ".

As the two old parishes of Logie and Cold-
stone are taken separately, we are enabled to
discover approximately what were the boundaries
of each — a point which, though of little interest
now, was long held to be of considerable import-
ance. It also determines for us the values of the
different properties, gives the names of the farms
on each and of the tenants who occupied them,
as well as their sub-tenants and other depend-
ants, just 200 years ago.

The Laird of Invercauld was the greatest
heritor in the said parish of Coldstone, his valua-
tion being £1250. The following farms are
enumerated on his estate : —

KiNALDiE. — James Forbes is tenant here ; but
he, classing himself as a gentleman, is for his
master s share liable. He has a wife and two of
a family living with him ; he has also four male
servants, four sub-tenants, with their wives and
families, and two cottars with families.

Coldstone (now Parks of ).— The tenant here is
William Ross ; he has two servants, a male and a
female ; two sub-tenants and four cottars.

Mill of Kinaldie. — The tenant here is Alex-
ander Esson ; he has two servants, a male and a
female; a miller with his family, and one sub-
tenant.

LoANHEAD. — The tenant here is William Reid ;
14

io6 Poll Book.

he has but one servant, to whom, however, he
pays no fee ; he has one sub-tenant and one
cottar, and there resides with him a John Forbes,
who has no trade.

Wester Loanhead. — The tenant here is
William Thorn ; he has two sub-tenants and two
servants.

Newton. — The tenant here is William Reid;
he has three sub-tenants and two cottars.

PiTLOYNE. — The tenant here is John Fyfe, who
has neither wife nor children. He has one female
servant, one sub-tenant, and two cottara

Knocksoul. — The tenant here is John Moir,
who has six sub-tenants, several of whom seem
to have considerable holdings, as they have
families and servants. He has but one cottar.

Belguwie — Balgreny . — The tenant here is
John Emslie ; he has no children come to the age
of sixteen years, and no servants. He has no
sub-tenants, but six cottars, one of whom is a
weaver to trade.

BoosTOUNE. — The tenant here is William Bre-
sich; he has no children come to age, and no
servants. He has only one sub-tenant, but five
cottars, two of whom are shoemakers and one a
blacksmith.

Panteland, near Boltingstone. — The tenant
here is Peter Michie ; he has two servants, two
sub-tenants, three cottars, all with families, and
two men live about him who have no trade.

Poll Book. 107

This comprises what was long known as the
Wester Barony. The population must have been
considerable, as is evident from the number of
farmers and cottars, all of whom had grass for
one or more cows. The sub-tenants had often
small holdings, and many of them were accounted
farmers, though they farmed under the principal
tenant and paid their rents to him.

We now come to the Easter Barony, also
belonging to Invercauld.

LoANHEAD, now MiUhead (?). — The tenant here
is Arthur McConachie, who has one sub-tenant
and one servant.

BoGO. — The tenant here is John Gordon, who
has three servants and four cottars, two of whom
are weavers.

Daach (Daugh). — The tenant here is Isabel
Coutts, who has two male servants, four
sub-tenants, three cottars, one of whom is a
Wright.

John Couper is another tenant, who has a
family, a servant, and a sub-tenant.

Alexander Adam is another tenant, who has
one sub-tenant.

John Berrie is another tenant, who has a male
servant and a sub-tenant.

John Wadie is another tenant, who has a wife,
but no children or servants.

The population of the Daugh would thus seem
to approach that of a considerable hamlet or

io8 Poll Book.

Hinall village. Besides the above mentioned, there
were two weavers and one shoemaker.

WiNDSEYE. — The tenant here is John Forbes,
who has one sub-tenant and two cottara

Melgum. — Tlie tenant here is John Farquhar-
son, who has two servants, a male and a female,
and one cottar, who is a weaver, and one sub-
tenant.

William Gordon is another tenant, with one
servant.

Duncan Coutts is a third tenant, with one
cottar.

Mill of Melgum. — The tenant here is James
Forbes, who has three servants, two male and
one female, three sub-tenants, and three cottars,
one of whom is a miller and another a wright.

The above tenants, sub-tenants, and cottars
comprise the settled population on the Invercauld
estate as it existed in 1696.

The proprietor was John Farquharson, who
was then a young man, residing with his wife at
Invercauld — the same who was forced by the
Earl of Mar into the Rebellion of 1715, taken
prisoner at Preston, conveyed to London, and
after eighteen months' imprisonment released,
when he returned to his paternal estates, which
he largely augmented by purchases in Glenshee,
Glenmuick, and Cromar, besides others that came
to him by inheritance.

The Earl of Aboyne is the next largest pro-

Poll Book. 109

prietor, with a valuation of £136 6s. 8A The
account of his farms is as follows : —

Old Groddie. — Allan Coutts is one tenant
here. He has three servants, but no sub-tenants.

William Gilenders is another tenant here. He
has one female servant, two sub-tenants, and
three cottars, one of whom is a shoemaker.

New Groddie. — William Emslie is tenant here.
He has two sub-tenants, several grown-up sons
living with him, two having families, and two
cottars, one without a cow.

The next proprietor in the parish of Coldstone
is Mr. William Douglass, his valuation being
£100, and his farms as follows: —

Waterern. — John Morgan is one tenant here,
with one sub-tenant.

John Thomson is another tenant, with a son
and a daughter grown up, and one male servant
and one cottar.

John Wadie is a third tenant, with a sub-
tenant and a cottar.

Blackmill. — Peter Rsson is tenant here. He
has a grown-up family living with him, a female
servant, a sub-tenant and a cottar, both with
families grown up.

The next proprietor in the said parish of
Coldstone is the Laird of Skeen, whose
valuation is £60. He has but two tenants —
John Esson with one sub-tenant, and James
Littlejohn with one cottar.

no Poll Book.

The next proprietor in the parish is Master
Alexander Shirrise, but he not dwelling within
the parish is not poUable there. His valuation
is £26 13a 4d He has but one tenant, Lachland
Fyfe, who has one female servant, a sub-tenant
and a cottar.

The above comprise the holdings in the parish
of Coldstone. From the names of the farms it
would not be difficult to draw the boundaries of
the old parish.

" The valuation of the parish of Loggiemar is
£1210." The valuation of the Laird of Drum's
land in the said parish is £500 ; and his farms
are: —

Bellastbaid. — John Cattanach * is tenant
here. He has a wife and three grown-up
children living in the family, one male servant,
two sub-tenants and four cottars.

Mains of Riven.— John M'Combief is tenant
here. He has six sub-tenants, most of whom
have servants and families, and seem to be in

♦ He was the ancestor of a race that proved them-
selves somewhat turbulent in the subsequent troubles
in the country.

t It was a general belief that these M'Combies, of
whom we find several in these lists and in good
positions, had come originally from Glenisla — ilia
officina gentium during the Covenanter troubles ;
but this does not seem probable, as they are too
many and too well established in the country for
the short space of time which this would allow.

Poll Book. Ill

good drcumstancea He has but one male
servant. There are four cottars, one of whom is
a blacksmith.

Leys. — Peter Reid is tenant here. He has a
wife and family, with two male servants and one
female, and one sub-tenant

Nether Riven (1). — Alister M*Combie is
tenant of one of the two farms under this
name. He has a family, and one male and one
female servant. He has five sub-tenants, all of
whom have also families and servants, and five

cottara

«

Nether Riven (2). — George M^Combie is
tenant here. He has a family and two servants,
a male and a female, four sub-tenants and one
cottar.

The above constitute the indwellers on the
lands of Drum, within the old parish of Logic.
These lands were, not long after, acquired by the
Earl of Aberdeen, with much more extensive
lands in the parish of Tarland, the Drum
family having fallen into pecuniary difficulties
on account of the part they took in the civil
wars. From this they never recovered their
former position, although at the Restoration
Charles II. offered Irvine (who was the son-
in-law of the second Marquis of Huntly) com-
pensation for his losses by proposing to confer
upon him the dignity of Earl of Aberdeen.
Irvine, however, declined the honour, on the

112 Poll Book,

ground that his revenues were not then
sufficient to support it. It is worthy of
remark that the nobleman on whom it was
conferred soon after became the possessor of
these lands, which in either case would thus
have been the property of Earls of Aberdeen.

LooiE. — The Laird of Logic held lands within
the parish to the value of £280. He lived with
his lady and five children in the Ha' of Logie,
some fragment of which still remains, while some
of the fine old ash trees that lined the approaches
still continue to be an ornament to the country.
He seems to have lived in great style, for he had
five men servants and three maid servants, all
with good wages. His farms were as follows : —

Ordie. — Alexander Ross is tenant here. He
has a wife and grown-up family. " No servants
but one littell boy, whose fee is £4 per annum.**
He has four sub-tenants, all with young families,
and one cottar.

The Ordie has quite clianged character since these
old days, and is now occupied, greatly to the benefit
of the country, by tenants and tradespeople, who in
the olden time would have filled the position, though
not the tenure, of sub-tenants.

Davan. — James Ross is tenant here. He has
a wife and young family, and no fewer than
seven sub-tenants, with wives and families, and a
tradesman (the trade is not stated) with his wife
and family.

Poll Book. 113

It is evident that what is now the village of Ordie
was then situated at Davan.

Mill of Looie. — James Fyfe is tenant here.
He has a wife and grown-up family, two sub-
tenants with families, and two cottars, one of
them with a family, the other a widow without
childreiL

Broomhill. — William Ross is tenant here.
He has a wife and family, three sub-tenants
with families, a man servant and two cottars.

The above named constitute the tenants on the
Logic estate.

The Laird of Blelack's valuation of lands
within the parish of Logiemar is £290. He
resides on his property with two daughters, a
friend, one man servant and two maid servants.
His farms are, besides the home farm, which he
keeps in his own hands : —

Greystone. — Alexander Smith is tenant
here. He is married and has two servants, a
male and a female, three sub-tenants and one
cottar, all with families.

Mains of Blelack. — William Reid is tenant
here. He is married and has a grown-up family
living with him. He has also two sub-tenants,
two cottars, and a miller, all of whom have
families.

MosTONNE OF Blelack. — John Robertson is
15

114 -P^^^ ^0^*-

tenant here. He has a wife and family, with
three sub-tenants, who also have families.

Cairnmor. — Alexander Webster is tenant
here. He is married and has a young family.
He has no fewer than five sub-tenants with
families, but no cottar and no servant.

The above named were then the tenants on
the Blelaek property, owned at that time by
John Gordon, a cadet of the Abergeldie family.

CoRRACHREE. — The Valuation of the Laird of
Achindor's lands within the parish of Logiemar
is £140. He has two tenants, the names of
whose farms are not given. The property, how-
ever, was long before this time well known as
Corrachree.

Patrick Clerk is the first mentioned of these
tenants. He is married, has a man servant, two
sub-tenants and two cottars, all apparently with
families.

George Smith is the other tenant mentioned.
He has a wife and family and four sub-tenants,
all in the same position in regard to dependence.
The Laird of Achindor has a lady and four
children in family, with but one male servant
pollable. He is not said to be resident at Cor-
rachree, though that is probably implied, at least
occasionally.

The above constitute his tenants and their
sub-tenants.

"5

THE CONDITION OF THE COUNTRY AT THE
BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.

The main features that characterised the con-
dition and conduct of the Lairds of Cromar at
this date were extravagance and impecuniosity,
or, as it was more frequently phrased, " Highland
pride and poverty". The extravagance con-
sisted, not so much in expensive personal habits,
as in a vain display of importance. This has
been pithily satirised by Bon Qualtier in one of
his ballads : —

First came Grant o* Rothiemurcus,
And on his thigh a sword and durk is ;
Every man as proud's a Turk is.
And next came Grant o' Tullochgorum,
Wi' a' his pipers ga'an before him ;
Proud the mithers were that bore them.
Fee-fa-fum.

This childish parade was not confined to the
Grants. Bonnet lairds and others, wadsetters,
portioners, and even farmers, tacksmen styling
themselves gentlemen might be counted by the
dozen in Cromar, who brought ruin upon them-
selves in the same way. There were some

Ii6 Social Condition, 1700 A. D.

notable exceptions, wise and sensible men, who
made or much increased the fortunes of their
families, rising on the ruins of the wild and
thriftless.

The industrious classes also had their own
troubles and difficultiea The country was over-
run with idle slungs, somers, and masterful
beggars, whose demands for food and lodgings
could not be refused but at the risk of incurring
greater losses. There were also bands of pro-
fessional thieves and robbers, habit and repute,
infesting the public highways, plundering tra-
vellers and sometimes making inroads on peace-
ful homesteads. Egyptians, gipsies and tinklers
were their usual designations, but they were
really for the most part broken men and out-
laws. Three or four of these banditti became
very notorious — the Greybeards, who were really
McGregors, and looked to Rob Roy as their chief;
a tribe of the name of Young, or Oig ; another
under the leadership of Alister Mor, who was
supposed to be a broken M'Donald or M'Intosh ; *
and lastly the band led by James MTherson,
who, if very wild and lawless, was held to be
rather a romantic character, and for his mis-
deeds was tried and hanged at Banff, 1700, going
to his death as described in the ballad with such
bravado that —

• For an account of this robber see Dr. Allardyce's
volume, Misc, N. S. C.

The '15. 117

He played a spring and danced it round
Beneath the gallows tree.

To put down these disorders the heritors in
different districts formed themselves into com-
mittees, but to little effect. John Farquharson
of Invercauld was representative for Cromar on
these committees and a leading spirit amongst
them.

The Jacobite rising under the Earl of Mar in
the year 1715, so far from being a calamity, was
felt to be a relief to the oppressed tenantry. It
drew by inclination or compulsion almost the
whole of the loose and lawless characters into its
ranks ; and thus, for the time it lasted, relieved
the country of their noxious presence. The
lairds did not fare so well as their tenants. By
the tenure of their lands they were bound to
give military service to their lord superior, who
at this time was the Earl of Mar himself. John
Gordon, Laird of Blelack, and John Farquharson,
Laird of Invercauld, then the largest proprietor
in the parish of Logic- Coldstone, were specially
unfortunate: the former on account of his re-
lationship with the Skellater family, who were
not only vassals, but official servants of the earl ;
and the latter because the earl had made himself
his guest, and lived in the House of Invercauld.
The Earl of Aboyne was almost in the same
position. Mar also sent a very threatening letter
to Blelack if he did not come out and bring his

ii8 The '15.

men with him. He did go out, and so did Inver-
cauld ; and Lord Aboyne gave his support, if he
did not also give personal service ; not much to
the advantage of any of them, but least of all to
Invercauld, who was taken prisoner and kept
long in jail, and only released on humble peti-
tion and other influence, as was thought, of a
pecuniary character.

The tide of war swept rapidly southward and
left the north in comparative peace. It is true
that the notorious Rob Roy paid a flying visit to
Aberdeenshire to raise such of his clansmen as
were located in its Highland glens, specially in
Morven and Glengaim. But this, instead of
giving trouble, relieved Cromar of their disagree-
able vicinity.

Mar's rebellion did not affect injuriously, but
rather the reverse, the interests of the indus-
trious and peaceably disposed inhabitants of this
district. . The lairds who joined in it had to take
to hiding for a time, and lost their rents, but
that was all that came of the forfeiture of their
estates. If they were deep in debt before, they
were now much deeper, and little able, even if
they had been so disposed, to advance the inter-
ests of agriculture. But the two greatest suf-
ferers in Cromar were perhaps the schoolmaster
of Coldstone and the Rev. William Idell, minister
of the parish of CouU, a native of Upper
Deesida For aiding and abetting the rebellious

The '45,

119

cause both were deposed from their offices and
never reponed. It is presumed that Mr. Idell,
being a Braemar man, was under the influence of
the great earl ; while the Coldstone schoolmaster
was too near Blelack to escape contagion.

THE REBELLION OF 1745.

It would be beyond the scope of the present
work to follow the course of this gallant but
hopeless adventure in detail. To get an intelli-
gent view of the connection of this part of the
country with the insurrection it is only neces-
sary to remind the reader of its progress and
main incidents. The Prince, " Royal Charlie," as
he was familiarly styled, set up his standard in
the extreme west of Inverness-shire, on the 19th
of August, 1745. He was there joined by a
number of the West Highland clans, and with
them he marched southward through Athole,
gathering the midland clans on his way to
Perth, Stirling, and Edinburgh, near which he
fought and won the battle of Prestonpans on
22nd September.

Up to this date the only contingent his army
had received from Aberdeenshire was the troop —
mainly of horse— under Old Gordon of Glen-
bucket, the " Prince Rupert *' of the expedition,
as he has been called, on account of his daring and
dashing exploits. He was a veteran soldier, and

I20 The '45.

had been out with Mar in the '15, since which
time he had sold his estate of Glenbucket — under
redemption, as it was called — to the Earl of Fife,
who was now in possession. Though Gordon
was styled of Glenbucket, the only following he
had from that glen consisted of the loose men
and masterful beggars who still looked to him as
their chief. The body of cavalry he commanded
came from Banffshire and belonged to the regi-
ment being raised there by Lord Lewis Gordon,
brother of the Duke of Gordon, an early and
active partisan of the Prince. This small body,
with some vagabonds from Braemar who joined
themselves to the M*Intoshes, were the only
Aberdeenshire men who had any part in the
defeat of " Johnnie Cope *' at Prestonpans. But
victory gave a great impulse to the spirit of in-
surrection in and around Cromar.

Before the Prince's army left Edinburgh for
the invasion of England on 31st October, 1745,
Lord Lewis Gordon, who had been appointed
his lieutenant and representative in the north,
had assumed the authority of the Duke of
Gordon, and was busy collecting men and money
for the rebel army. He appointed Francis
Farquharson of Monaltrie and James Moir of
Stoneywood to be colonels, under whom, in
various positions of command, were Charles
Gordon of Blelack, young and rash ; Gordon of
Pronie, from his great stature styled " Muckle

The '45. 121

Pronie *' ; Harry Farquharson of Whitehouse in
the Braes ; James Farquharson of Balmoral,
and some others of less note. These, however,
did not go into England, nor did they join the
Prince's army till about the 15th January, 1746,
when it was laying siege to Stirling Castle. They
were all present at the Battle of Falkirk on 17th
January, and shared in the victory over General
Hawley. They formed with the men of Athole
and Angus the second line of battle, and the victory,
was almost complete before they were brought
into action. Pronie, who had been despatched
from the front with orders for their advance, came
galloping up, shouting at the top of his voice —
and he had a voice that could be heard amid the
roar of a battle — " Forward, men ! the day's our
ain; the day's our ain!" Balmoral was badly
wounded, the only casualty recorded among the
officers of Monaltrie s regiment, which comprised,
as already indicated, the Deeside and Cromar
men.

Although this was their first engagement with
the English army, it was not the first time they
had been in action and obtained a victory. It
may well be asked what they had been doing
all the previous four months that they had been
under arms. The following excerpts from the
Stoneywood papers will show the nature of their
occupation and throw not a little light on the
condition of the country.
i6

122 The '45.

Lord Lewis Gordon writes to his lieutenant-
colonel to stop the mouths of the Presbyterian
ministers thus : —

" To James More of Stoneywood, Esq. :

*' Att Aberdeen,
'* These

"HuNTLY Castle,
" October the 29, 1746.

" Dear Sir,

" I have one thing more to recom-
• mend to you, whicli is, that I am informed by
the Prince's best friends in this country, that his
affairs have suffered by the vile and malicious
behaviour of the Presbyterian ministers, who
abuse his Highness's goodness by irritating the
minds of the common people, in telling them a
parcel of infamous lies. I therefore require and
direct you to issue out an order in my name to
all the ministers in your part of the country that
if they dare to say a disrespectful word of the
Prince or any of his friends that I will punish
them as the law directs.

*' Lewis Gordon."

An attempt to do this was made at this time
in the church of Logie-Coldstone. The incident
is thus recorded by the eminent antiquary, Dr.
Stuart : " The minister of the parish of Logy-in-
Mar, on a certain Sunday during the insurrection,
was engaged in prayer to God that he would
scatter the army of the rebels, and bring their

The '45. 123

counsels to nought, when he was interrupted by
the Lady of Blel{ick, who, with an oath, asked
him : * How dare ye say that an* my Charlie wi**
them ? ' "

The lady was the mother of the young laird
who had just joined the rebels under Stoney-
wood and Monaltrie, and whose language was
often not more choice than hers.

On the 25th November, when the Prince's
army was at Kendal in England, Lord Lewis
writes to Stoneywood: —

" Dear Sir,

** I received, last night late, your
letter of date Tuesday night. You may be sure
the good news it contained gave me great pleasure.
Everything goes on well. I hope the event
people wait for, will soon come on. I am
glad Blelack and some men are with you ;
and we all think here that you have men
enough for collecting the cess of the shire.
There is not .one Highlander come here yet.
You will easily be convinced that it is impossible
for us to march southward with a body of 600
or 700 men without a certain fund to pay
them punctually. I am sorry of the delay of
the Highlanders; and you will be much sur-
prised to hear that it is owing to the Duke of
Gordon, who has been so rash as to send
advertisements for his people not to obey my

124 ^^ '^'

orders. You will see by the eucloHed letters that
fifty men were to have marched to you, if the
information of Blelak's men being with you had
not made us alter our measures. I hope in God
we shall soon be able to leave this country.

** Your assured friend,

" Lewis Gordon."

" The good news " he refers to was the capture
of Carlisle. What the Highlanders were wanted
for was to compel the tenants at the point of the
sword to pay the cess money — the rents — to
these officers instead of to the proprietors of the
lands. The Duke of Gordon was Lord Lewis's
elder brother. He felt that he was impoverish-
ing the country, and could not restrain his wild
men from plundering even his brother's tenants.

In a letter on the following day dated from
the same place he writes : —

" I ame to send you fifty or sixty men from this
place which I hop will be suficient, with what you
already have, to enable you to reduce the outstand-
ing people to reason. I find it is the opinion of
every bodie that base tryed the recruiting in that
way, that there is no receding from demands, or
giveing the least concessions ; and I doubt not
but you will find it the best way to threatne a
great deall, and even do some strong things to
those who are most refractory. I have a letter
from Blelack, who base execute his orders to very

The '45. 125

good purpose, notwithstanding what opposition
he met with from Invercale, whose people, as
well as Lord Bracos in that countrey, he hase
oblidged to comply. No pains shall be spared lo
raise the men, as proposed, from the valued
rent : and for that end, as soon as I finish this,
am to make out leters to the severall gentlemen
in ten or a dozen parishes round to have there
different quot€ts of men here, under the pain of
military execution, which I ame resolved stricklie
to execute against every deficient heritor.

" Lewis Gordon."

The above is a fair specimen of the mode
adopted to raise men and money for the service
of the Prince, and of the literary attainments of
his lord lieutenant in the north. After this, how
silly must appear the talk afterwards indulged
in by Jacobite writers regarding the enthusiasm
of the people in the cause of the Pretender !

Next day he writes : " The sooner you give
your direction to raise the men it will l>e the
better ; and you will soon find that all the lenity
you can use will be to little purpose, and that
some severity will be absolutely necessary ".
Fancy a press-gang of 350 men under Stoney-
wood, Monaltrie, and Blelack scouring the country
from Braemar to Midmar, compelling the pay-
ment of money and the enlistment of men for
the service of the Prince under pain of fire

ifl6 Th€ '45.

and sword, and you will have some notion of the
enthusiasm with which his cause was supported
in this part of the country.

On the 10th December, when the Prince's
forces were at Manchester in England on their
retreat from Derby back to Scotland, Lord
Lewis wrote from Fy vie to Stoneywood a long
letter, urging more strongly than ever the adop-
tion of severe measures to bring in the men,
and to prepare for a march southward.

A week earlier Stoneywood had received a
letter from Blelack, which we reproduce
literatim : —

" To Colonell James Moer, Stoimiewid
" At Aberdeen.
" Dear Sir,

" Imedeatly upon recept of yours,
I set owt for Strathbogie, but, to my great dis-
appointment, I foind he [Lord Lewis Gordon]
is at Bamph, or some other way through the
cuntrie. I have an express in quest of him,
who is not returned ; but for what I can learn
hire, his Lordship will not be soon redie, and,
by God, its almos sertain we will be left
Whither Lord Luies has coresponded with Lord
John Drumman or not, is what I cannot yet
learn ; but theres wan thing that I must beg of
you, in the most earnest maner, that yowl
acquaint me when ye have any return from

The '45. 127

Lord John Drumman, as I am perphitly sbour
ye have not negleckted to write him, and learn
when or how he designes to march, for if we
are left behind him our case will be lamentable;
in short the fear of being left is tormenting me.
Let me hear all the news ye can. This bearer
promises yow this leter to morows night, and
I beg yowl let me hear from yow, per express,
with one of my own men upon Thursday, and
by that same express I shall let yow know
what I dow with Lord Luiea My complaments
to Lonmay. And hoping to hear from yow
soon, I shall onlie ad, that I most sincearly am,
dear Sir,

" Your most sincear humble servant, while I am

"Charles Gordon.
" Huntly, 3rd December, 1746.

" For God sake don't faill to write me."

Blelack was in mortal terror of being left be-
hind; and well he might be, for his vagabond
soldiers had raised a storm of indignation that
might burst upon him in retaliatory action when-
ever he was weakened by the departure of the
main body of his supporters. Then, indeed, he
would be in a " lamentable case '\ He is so ex-
cited over this apprehension that he cannot re-
strain himself from introducing profane swearing
even into his letter ; and we do not wonder at it,
seeing that his mother could not refrain from

128 The '45,

that evil habit in church during divine service.
She was a daughter of the house of Skellater, a
rude and warlike race, and the aunt or grand-
aunt of the celebrated " Red Jock," whose ad-
venture with the notorious John Wilkes and
subsequent romantic career is, we believe, forming
a subject of inquiry by Dr. James Neil, the results
of whose painstaking investigation may, it is to
be hoped, soon be published, presenting as it does
a picture of the life of a soldier of fortune as
eventful and strange as any in the region of
fiction.

Blelack again writes to Stoneywood from Tar-
land, where, it would seem, he had taken up his
headquarters. We do not trouble the reader
with his somewhat oblique orthography : —

" To James Moir of Stony wood, Esq.

" Dear Sir,

" I have yours just now with Mr
Mackie, and would very readily complied with
your desire in giving him the party ye desire, if
Monaltrie and I had not sent a good many of
the men we had upon foot with Mr. McGrigor
of Inverenzie to Aberdeen, which will be with
you before this comes to your hand ; in short any
number of men in the country are such a plague
that it is a torment to manage them ; and we
have just now but scrimply as many as serves to
raise Lord Aberdeen's men in the country ; and

The '45, 129

as to the gentleman's project of getting volun-
teers, I'm afraid his success will not be great, for
the method of feeing has put an effectual stop to
that ; in short, as ye have an inclination to serve
the young man, the most effectual method ye can
take is to give him an order to raise some parish
or other, and a party to assist him, and in that
case, he may get a good many. I'm obliged to
you for good news ; God increase them, for every-
thing goes on most dilatorily. I shall acquaint
the gentlemen in this country of your cess.
Monaltrie wrote the Governor to send out dis-
charges for the cess of several parishes up and
down through the country ; so ye may do in this
as ye think fit. I shall write you fuUy in a day
or two. And, on great haste, I most sincerely
am, dear Sir,

" Your most sincere humble servant, while
" Charles Gordon.

" Tarland, 9th December, 1745."

Inverenzie, now Glenfenzie, is a tributary glen
of Gaimside. These McGregors were all of the
Gilderoy sept, and had got settlements in the
Highland glens under Huntly during the civil
war. The Earl of Aberdeen had several years
before this, some time about 1728, purchased the
extensive lands of Drum and Wester Coull in
Cromar ; and, as he supported the Government,
his tenants were preyed upon by the insurgents.
17

130 The '45.

The same was true of the Invercauld tenantry in
the Easter and Wester Baronies.

In his next and last letter to Stoneywood
Blelack still expresses his fear of being left
behind, and, what is still more to his credit, his
detestation of the work in which he was en-
gaged.

" To James Moir of Stoneywood, Elsquire,
" At Aberdeen.
" Dear Sir,

"At my desire the Earl of Aboyne's
tenants send in their cess by the bearer. They,
and those concerned for them, incline to have a
discharge in terms of the enclosed copy ; there-
fore, providing the cess be paid, I think it is but
a matter of indifference how the cess is conceived
[obtained] ; so that I expect you will satisfy
them by sending the discharge in terms of the
copy. I have sent the list of the cess Lonmay
enclosed to Monaltrie up the country, where he
is just now, who will certainly act conform to
the directions.

'* I am just now sending a part of our men off
to Aberdeen with a line to Mr. Ross, who will
give you an exact list of their numbers, and
receive pay for them, as he does for those that
were formerly sent. I was indeed heartily vexed
that I could not have the honour of waiting of
[on] Lord John and Lord Lewis Gordon. I'm

The '45. 131

indeed impatient if they have taken any resolu-
tions oonceming the time of our marching,
which I beg you will let me know as soon as
possible ; for, although we were to be here till
Whitsunday, there would be a good deal to do
at the last; only I must, in the most earnest
manner, guard against our being left behind,
for, by God, I*d rather almost be a hangman, or
I drove this trade longer.

'' I have minded your commissions as to your
plaids and tartan, which shall be sent you in
the beginning of the week. Pray, be so kind
as continue to give me what news occurs to you ;
it is most refreshing here. I refer my most
humble service to the governor, and I always
am, dear Sir,

" Your most obedient humble servant,

" Charles Gordon.

" Mill of Gellan, 14th Dec, 1745."

Blelack was kept on at this detestable work
of raising the cess at the point of the bayonet
for another week only. This cess, or war tax,
was a heavy one, £6 stg. for every £100 Scotch
of rental; that is, for every £8 6s. 8d. stg.
Monaltrie, his superior officer, was at the same
work further up Deeside, where, if he got little
money, he succeeded in raising a force of 300
men. These were to be sooner engaged in active
service than they expected.

132 The Skirmish at Inverurie, 1745 a.d.

To put a stop to these exactions the Laird of
McLeod was despatched from Inverness. Lord
Lewis Gordon thereupon assembled his forces
at Aberdeen. Monaltrie was there with his 300
Farquharsons and Blelack with 100 followers,
fifty of whom he had raised in Cromar ; the
other half had been sent him from Kildrummy
and the country around. In a short time Lord
Lewis found himself at the head of a little army,
1200 strong. Meanwhile, McLeod, marching
from Moray, was kept in complete ignorance
of his lordship's movements and strength. In
fact, he was led to believe that he was on his
march southward to join the Highland army on
its return to Scotland. On the other hand. Lord
Lewis had the fullest information regarding
McLeod's movements and the disposition of his
force, and was lying in wait for a favourable
opportunity to attack him.

THE SKIRMISH AT INVERURIE

McLeod entered Aberdeenshire at the head of
700 men, and, in his fancied security, had the
temerity to divide even this small force into two
parties, leaving one, numbering 200, under Colonel
Munro at Old Meldrum, and marching at the
head of his own clansmen to Inverurie, where he
quartered them partly in the village, and partly
in the neighbouring farmhouses. On a bright

The Skirmish at Inverurie. 133

moonlight night, 23rd December, 1745, Lord
Lewis Qordon, having marched his whole force
from Aberdeen in the afternoon, fell unexpectedly
upon the McLeods, who were only 300 strong,
200 being cantoned in the country around The
fight was unequal, even if they had not been
taken by surprise; yet McLeod succeeded in
getting his little band together and made a
gallant stand for half an hour, and might have
continued it longer had not his ammunition
failed Even during that short space of time
prodigies of valour, if we are to believe some
accounts, were enacted McLeod himself showed
an example of bravery that elicited the respect
of his foes ; while another, a near kinsman,
** setting his back to the gable of a house, kept a
number of assailants at bay until a tailor of the
place, thinking to gain favour with the stronger
party, mounted the roof of the house at the other
end, and, crawling onwards, stabbed McLeod
from above". It is added that, so far from
giving the tailor a reward for this exploit, Lord
Lewis ordered him to be shot.

Another story relates a combat between
Gordon of Blelack and young McLeod of Assynt,
which ended in a similar way. They had known
each other in boyhood, and in their frequent con-
tests with foils it was hard to say which was the
more expert Now they had met seemingly in
mortal combat ; and for a time it appeared doubt-

134 The Skirmish at Inverurie,

ful which would fall by the other's hand. There
they plied their weapons " by the misty moon-
beam's glimmering light," none venturing to
interfere, till at last Blelack's henchman, observ-
ing his master sore pressed and falling back,
stole in behind his antagonist and struck him be-
hind the knee, hoping he would fall backwards,
instead of which he stumbled forward and fell
on the point of Blelack's sword. Some say the
henchman hamstrung McLeod, but that is not
believed. When it was found that his wound
was mortal, Blelack was deeply moved, and
taking him by the hand exclaimed : " Oh,
McLeod, McLeod ! What would not your mother
give to have you beside her to-night ! "

It is needless to say that the McLeods were
defeated. Among the Gordons there was immense
jubilation over their victory. They marched
back to Aberdeen in triumph, pipes playing, and
banners flying; seized the provost in his own
house, dragged him to the plaiTistanea ; and, as
he still refused to drink King James's health,
they poured the liquor down his breast, some say,
his throat

An amusing incident occurred during the
scenes of revelry that followed the skirmish at
Inverurie. A wandering minstrel, by name
Charles Leslie, a natural son of the Laird of
Pitcaple, on hearing of the victory, composed a
ballad on the occasion, which he sang or lilted

The Skirmish at Inverurie, 135

through the streets of Aberdeen, for which per-
formance he was seized by the magistrates and
clapt into jaiL On the return of the victors from
Inverurie, he was of course liberated He is
described as a thin, spare man, with red bushy
hair, small red eyes, out-set chin, and a small
mouth, so small and puckered as to cause him
to be known by the name of " mussel-mou'd
Charlie ". He was a rabid Jacobite, and travelled
the country selling story-books, songs, dying
speeches, small almanacs and ballads of his
own composition. He was the prototype of
"Stachie Laing" — who by the way lies buried,
but not commemorated, in the churchyard of
Coldstone — or of the still more recent " Johnnie
Milne of Li vet Glen ". Mussel-mou'd Charlie
had some consolation for being laid in prison in
being a witness of the scene with the provost on
the plainstanes. He lived to be over 105 years
of age. Here are a few verses of his ballad,
which he was no sooner down the prison stair
than he again began singing : —

Gome, countryman, and sit awhile.

And listen to my Bang, man ;
I'll gie my aith 'twill gar ye smile

And winna keep ye lang, man.

How godless Whigs wi* their intrigues,

Together did convene, man,
At Inverurie, on the Biggs,

On Thursday's aifterneen, man.

136 The Skirmish at Inverurie, '

j
McLeod cam' doon frae Inverness,

Wi* a' his clan an' mair, man, .

The loyal Gordons to suppress,

An' tirr their hurdies bare, man.

I
The second chieftain of Monros

Gam' 'cross the Moray Firth, man ;
But ye shall hear, before ye go.

The Gordons marred their mirth, man.

Lord Lewis for the Royal cause.

He fought wi' courage keen, man,
His clan behaved as in the Raids,

On Tuesday aifterneen, man.

Blelack, wi' his trusty blade,

A heart as stout as eteel, man,
He lion-like about him laid,

An' gart the rebels reel, man.

Brave Avochie the water wade,

While Crighton pap'd them down, man.
Monaltrie and Stoneywood

Drove them quite through the town, man.

The pickets bold the field did grace,

M'Dermond eek'd the slaughter ;
Had ye been there to see the race,

Ye'd rived yer chafts wi' laughter.

McLeod that nicht got sic a fricht.

Rode af! by break o' day, man,
He tint his bridle in the fecht,

Rode af! wi* ane o' strae, man.

'Mang other things McLeod forgot,

Was found upon the field, man,
A guid claymore and tartan coat,

An*8 luckydady's shield, man.

Tke '45. 137

Chalmers too, the Logic scholar,
Was there to show his zeal, man,

But frichtened wi' a hempen collar,
His terrier phiz grew pale, man.

There was mair than ten times six
Were brought to Bon-Accord, man,

Which did perplex and greatly vex
The people of the Lord, man.

Sir James Kinloch he marched them on
To Perth, that stands on Tay, man,

Where I shall leave them to ^xy- oh ! hon !
The day they crossed the Spey, man.

John Chalmers, here referred to, was a pro-
fessor or lecturer in King's College and Uni-
versity, not, as some have supposed, the founder
and first editor of the Aberdeen Journal, The
prisoners taken did not number " ten times six " ;
they were forty-one in all, and the slaughter
was not great.

Not much time was wasted at Aberdeen ;
and very soon the whole force was on its march to
join the Prince's army now returned to Scotland.
The junction took place at Stirling, while the
army was engaged in besieging the castle. The
battle of Falkirk was fought on the 17th of
January, 1746, a brilliant but fruitless victory
for the Highlanders. After the action they
returned to prosecute the siege of Stirling Castle,
where Monaltrie and Blelack's men had much

hard work in the trenches, work which the
18

138 The '45.

other Highlanders did not at all relish. Finding
their efforts to take the Castle in vain, they
raised the siege and on the 1st of February set
out on their retreat to the nortL At Crieff
the army broke up into two parties, one follow-
ing the Highland road through Blair Athole.
This division was commanded by the Prince in
person. The other party under Lord George
Murray took the Lowland road to Aberdeen.
At Coupar-Angus, where they arrived on the
3rd February, the contingent under Stoneywood
and Monaltrie took the short way over the
Capel Munth. It is a mistake to suppose, as
some writers have done, that the Prince was
with this division ; and that he was for a time
storm-stayed in Clova. He was then with the
West Highland division, having only Glenbucket
and his company — mostly horsemen-^f East
Highlanders in his train. On their arrival at
Cortachy on the 4th February, the colours were
lodged and the men dismissed, to shift for them-
selves for two days. On the 6th they assembled
in Clova ; but, the weather being bad, they re-
turned to Cortachy. On the 9th the colours
were again up the Glen in Clova. Here they
were storm-stayed for two days ; but on the 12th
they succeeded in crossing the Capel Munth
and reaching the Spittal of Glenmuick. From
this, on the 13th, they proceeded to Glenmuick
Kirk, and thence next day — being Friday— to

The '45. 139

Colstone in Cromarr. Here the men were
rested for only one day, the colours being con-
veyed to Tarland On the 16th February they
marched all the way to Reny (Rhynie) and next
day to Keith. After this there was a good deal
of marching and counter-marching, mostly in
Morayshira The English army under the Duke
of Cumberland was now following on their
track, and detachments were scouring the
country with the view of cutting off straggling
partiea Fondly would Blelack's company and
Monaltrie's have stayed behind or returned ;
but they could not with safety do so now.
They had not a moment's rest till the fatal 16th
of April, 1746. The northward march had in-
deed been so contrived as to enable most of
them to visit their homes and deposit their
booty; and in the remoter glens not a few
remained safe from the English pickets for
several weeks. The following letter clearly
shows the condition and discipline of the High-
land army after its return to the north. A
considerable number of the Farquharsons had
reached Braemar by the Caimwell, while Stoney-
wood and Blelack were still storm-stayed in Glen
Clova. They had quartered themselves on the
Invercauld tenants, and taken in the mansion
of the chief.

"The Laird of Auchriachan to the Laird of
Stonnywood.

I40 The '45.

"Colonel James Moir of Stonnywood, At
Aberdeen.

"Honoured Sir, I was very sony to have
missed you at Braemar, where I expected to
have received orders, as I was within 12 miles of
my own country (Glenlivet) and wanted to get
home and raise more men, particularly my de-
serters; however my men declined going to
Aberdeen, and would by no means condescend
to go until they once got home to see their
families, and my going without them alone was
losing them for good and all, so that I presumed
to go along with them in hopes of making some
few more, and to keep them together. However
I thought it my duty to run you this express, to
receive your orders, and to learn where I am to
meet and join battalion, which I can do at
Strathbogy or Fochabers (if you march to Inver-
ness), as both these places are within sixteen
miles of my housa

" I spoke to Mr. Abernethy this morning, call-
ing for this week's pay, but he had it not, so
that if you please to remit me a week's pay or
so, by this bearer, this shall serve as receipt
for the same; for, as I design to raise men, I
must have my men dose on duty and on
parties.

" If you want any Highland plaids or tartans
for the men acquaint me, and I will endeavour
to provide some. I beg you'll forgive this free-

174^ A.D. Battle of Culloden, 141

dome, and believe me to be, honoured Sir, your
affectionate humble servant,

"Donald Farquhabson,

" Invercauld, 9th February, 1746."

Donald Farquharson of Auchriachan was a
captain in Monaltrie's regiment and an ancestor
of the Alargue family. It is easy to see where
he was to get the Highland plaids and tartans.
The House of Invercauld was well stored with
these articles, and Donald had no scruples in
making free with them. He supposed that
Stoneywood had gone to Aberdeen, and did not
know that he was storm-stayed in Clova. As we
have seen, he did not go to Aberdeen at all on
this occasion.

In the battle of Culloden, which took place on
the 16th day of April, 1746, the Farquharsons
were not present in full force. Most of the
Invereye men had remained at home after reach-
ing their own country from the south ; and when
called out were too late to take part in the
battle, only being in time to meet the fugitives
some five or six miles from the fatal field. Those
who were in time were joined to the M'Intoshes
and were the first to make the attack on the
English Monaltrie — the "Baron Ban" as he
was sumamed — with Blelack, Whitehouse and
the other Cromar men formed a body by them-
selves, and took their station on the right centre

142 Farquharson Family.

of the front line of battle ; while Glenbucket and
Lord Lewis Gordon formed the rear, and with
them was the Prince. There is no need to
describe the battle, which only lasted about forty
minutes ; every one knows how it ended Ble-
lack and Stoney wood escaped, Monaltrie was
taken prisoner and Whitehouse slain on the field.
The havoc among the rank and file was fright-
ful ; but no account has survived of the slaughter
in the Cromar contingent As Lord Lewis
Gordon and Mr. Moir of Stoneywood, under
whom some of them served, composed the rear
guard, where the Prince was stationed, their
losses were less severe than those of the
Farquharsons under Monaltrie, who were in the
front line.

Harry Farquhabson of Whitehouse in the
Braes of Cromar, who fell in the battle of
CuUoden, was succeeded by a nephew, Peter
Farquharson, whose father was long an eminent
physician in Dundee. He sold the ancestral
property in the Braes to the Earl of Aboyne,
and bought another property in the Parish of
Tough, to which he transferred the name of
Whitehouse. Bred to the law, he became
an advocate in Aberdeen ; and, being held in
high esteem for his integrity and business
capacity, was appointed by his chief, Mr.
Farquharson of Invercauld, managing trustee on
his extensive estates. In his own property he

Local Leaders in the '45, 143

was succeeded by his son, the late Andrew
Farquharson, who was the last of all known
male representatives, not only of his own family
of Whitehouse, but also, with perhaps one
exception, of the elder house of Monaltrie and
the Farquharsons of Invereye. Some of the
CuUoden hero's relatives emigrated to Jamaica,
where they prospered ; but they never forgot the
parish of their birth, and left considerable lega-
cies for educational and charitable purposes, the
benefits of which are enjoyed to the present day.
John Gordon of Glenbucket escaped from
Buchan to Norway, whence, after undergoing
much privation and suffering, he made his way
to France, where he was the recipient, for a few
years, of a small pension from the Prince he had
served so bravely. An old man, broken in
health through the hardships he had endured, he
did not long survive his exile. As a soldier in
the Highland army his exploits of daring and
bravery had inspired such terror into the
English mind that even King George II. was
said to have his nightly repose frequently dis-
turbed by the fear of his approach, and to start
from his sleep exclaiming, in his vernacular
accents: "Ish ta great Glenbookat coming?'*
Regarding Stoneywood's escape we extract the
following from Dr. Stuart's account of it, as
given in his preface to the first volume of the
Miscellany of ike Spalding Club.

144 Local Leaders in the '45,

It is well known how ardently Prince Charies
Edward desired an advance on the city of Lon-
don, and how severely he was affected by the
retreat from Derby The Laird of Stoneywood
had advised the march into England, and he was
of opinion that it should have been persevered in,
contrary to the opinion held by the majority of
the Prince's officers. Mr. Moir stood high in the
estimation of the Prince; and to the warm in-
terest which the latter showed in his welfare at
a subsequent period, he was considerably in-
debted Mr. Moir had believed in the popular
report of the treachery of Lord George Murray ;
and, on his regiment being broken at CuUoden,
it is said, in that moment of vexation and anger,
that he met this nobleman and upbraided him as
a traitor to the cause. After that fatal conflict,
Mr. Moir reached his house of Stoneywood,
which had been for some time occupied by a
party of English troops. He narrowly escaped
detection ; and, fleeing into the district of Buchan,
was concealed in the house of a crofter of the
name of Bartlet, in the parish of Cruden, a re-
treat which had been prepared for him by the
exertions of a faithful retainer. He found it
necessary to remove his quarters to the house of
John Clark, a cobbler, who led a solitary life in
a remote part of the country, and was father to
the wife of his late host. Here he contrived a
concealment behind his bed, to which he retired

Local Leaders in the '45, 145

on the approach of any one to the house. With
the view of amusing himself, Mr. Moir made
himself acquainted with the humble art professed
by his host, in which he soon acquired a skill
quite surprising to his teacher. It was the 5th
of November, 1746, before adequate means of
leaving Scotland could be procured by him. On
that day, Stoneywood and his brother Charles,
who had also been engaged in the rebellion, along
with Gordon of Glenbucket, Sir Alexander Ban-
nerman, and two other gentlemen of the Prince's
army, eipbarked on board a small sloop, on the
coast of Buchan, which was bound for Norway.
Having arrived in that country, he proceeded
from thence to Sweden, and having reached
Gottenburg he proposed to enter into trade.
In the meantime, he preferred a claim of in-
demnification on the French Government, from
having, at his own private expense, raised, clothed,
and victualled his regiment, in the Prince's service,
until it was ready to join the army. His claim
was not disputed, and he received 1500 livres in
payment of it, which, however, was a very in-
adequate remuneration for his outlay. Mr. Moir
had assumed the name of Jamieson, which he
deemed it advisable to retain, as he was especially
excepted from the Act of Indemnity, which was
passed at this tima After a short residence at
Gottenburg, he was joined there by his wife.
He now hesitated whether he would prosecute
19

146 Local Leaders in the '45,

his mercantile intentions or engage in the French
service, and entered into a correspondence on the
subject with James Leslie, secretary to the Prince,
who, on the 24th January, 1747, thus writes to
Mr. Moir from Paris. " In my humble opinion,
if you think you can make a tolerable livelyhood
in the mercantile way, it will be much surer,
then what you can have here ; but, if you come,
I am confident the Prince will, as it is just, doe
all his endeavour to provide for you, so you are
best able to judge yourself what will be most
convenient for you to doe ; and, if you think me
capable to rendre you any service, depend upon
it, none will be more willing*. In case you de-
termine [to settle in] the mercantil way, you
have here a letter of recommendation for the
French ambassador, who I am persuaded will
rendre you all the service he can."

The offers of assistance which Mr. Moir re-
ceived from the French ambassador determined
him to adhere to his mercantile projects ; but,
while engrossed in arrangements connected with
these, he received an order from the King of
Sweden to repair to Stockholm. On his arrival
there he found that Prince Charles Edward had
written to the Swedish Court strongly recom-
mending him. On this occasion Mr. Moir re-
ceived from the Swedish king the gift of natural-
isation, which, by freeing him from certain
taxes exigible from foreigners, materially

Stoneywood Family. 147

assisted him in his new pursuits. He was
also honoured with a patent of nobility, which,
along with other family papers, is yet in the
possession of his representative.

Mr. Moir's health began to give way in 1761 ;
and in the course of the ensuing year, after
many negotiations, he was allowed to return to
Scotland, where he again took up his abode at
Stoneywood in 1762. He died in 1782, leaving,
of a very large family, only two daughters, of
whom the elder was married to George Skene of
Rubislaw. In his absence his affairs had fallen
into considerable disorder ; and some years after
his death the inheritance of his fathers was sold.
The present representative of this ancient family
is James Skene, Esq., of Rubislaw, so well
known for his taste and skill in Scottish anti-
quities and the fine arts. The editor gratefully
acknowledges the obligations under which he
lies to the son of Mr. Skene, William F. Skene,
Esq., W.S., of the Register House, Edinburgh,
who communicated to him the valuable collection
of letters from which the present selection is
printed, and an interesting notice of the family
of Moir of Stoneywood, drawn up by his father,
from which the particulars regarding Mr. Moir
have been gathered.

Along with the family papers there has de-
scended to their present possessor a relic of a
nature so interesting that the writer cannot refrain

148 Stoneywood Family.

from adverting to it It is said that when Charles
L was on the scaffold, the unfortunate monarch
placed in the hands of Bishop Juxon, who attended
him in his last moments, a Bible, addressing to him
at the same time the emphaticinjunction, '* Remem-
ber ''. Between Bishop Juxon and Patrick Scougal,
who was Bishop of Aberdeen from 1664 to 1682,
a connection existed, the precise nature of which
has not been ascertained It is certain, however,
that Bishop Juxon bequeathed to Bishop Scougal
the Bible which he had received in such awfully
interesting circumstances from his sovereign.
Dr. William Scroggie, for some time minister at
Old Aberdeen, but who was elected to fill the See
of Argyle in 1666, married the eldest daughter of
the Bishop Scougal; and, on the 10th of July,
1683, James Moir of Stoneywood was married to
Mary Scroggie, eldest daughter of the Bishop of
Argyle. Through this channel, the Bible origin-
ally given to Bishop Juxon descended to the
Moirs of Stoneywood. A short time before the
property was sold, this valuable relic was stolen,
along with a gold piece, which had been given by
the Lady of Frazer of Muchalls to the ancestor
of Mr. Moir who first purchased Stonejrwood.
It was designed as a talisman for the preserva-
tion of the estate, so long as the family should
keep possession of the coin, and it had been
preserved for many generations in the charter
chest at Stoneywood. After being thus abstracted.

Stoneywood Family. 149

it was never again heard of ; the thief, who was
one of the female servants at Stoneywood, found
the Bible to be a less marketable article, as its
history was well known in the country. She
accordingly came by night to Stoneywood, and
deposited the volume at the foot of a large chest-
nut tree which overshaded the entrance of the
front court of the house, where it was found next
morning. It was not returned altogether in the
same state as when it had been abstracted. The
depredator had offered the volume for sale to a
bookseller in Aberdeen, who, although he declined
to purchase it, thought proper to abstract the
blank leaf on which the monarch's autograph
was thus written: "Charles Stuart, an. dom.
1649". This leaf he pasted upon another old
Bible, which, it is said, he disposed of to a noble
collector of rarities in the north, for a large
sum, as a Bible of Charles I. The family relic is
magnificently bound in light blue velvet, having
the royal arms and initials embroidered in silver
gilt on the boards. Having been long used as a
register of the births, deaths and marriages of
the family, as well as for the daily purposes of
domestic devotion, its original lustre has dis-
appeared ; but there is no doubt of its authenti-
city and of its regular descent to its present
possessor. A fine portrait of Bishop Juxon was
preserved among the family pictures at Stoney-
wood and is now also in the possession of Mr. Skene.

150 Local Leaders in the '45.

Of the other Deeside leaders in the rebellion
the following short accounts may be given,
mostly gleaned from the reports of their trials
as published in the LoTidon Jowmal of 1746.

Francis Farquharson of Monaltrie, the
"Baron Ban," was taken prisoner at CuUoden.
From Inverness he was sent in a transport vessel
to London with several others in the same un-
happy position. It was generally remarked of
him that he was the handsomest and finest-look-
ing oflScer in the Prince s army ; and, as it was
with his regiment that the Cromar and Deeside
men were enrolled and served, we venture to
give a somewhat fuller account of his trial and
romantic escape than has hitherto been published

On his arrival in London he was first com-
mitted to the Tower and afterwards to the
Marshalsea Prisoa His name appears in a long
list of attainted leaders in the rebellion issued
by the Government early in May, 1746. In this
list also are included the names of Lord George
Murray, Lord Lewis Gordon, James Moir of
Stoneywood, John Gordon of Glenbucket, and
several other gentlemen belonging to the north-
eastern shires. In a " list of the rebel oflSicers,
prisoners on board the transports arrived at
Woolwich," he is styled Colonel Francis Far-
quharson, and ranks fourth among forty-five
taken at the battle of Culloden. A bill of in-
dictment for high treason was lodged in court

Local Leaders in the '45. 151

against him on 23rd August, where he is de-
scribed as " Francis Farquharson, Colonel of his
own regiment," and along with him a "John
Farquharson, Captain in ditto". We have not
been able to discover for certain who this Captain
John Farquharson was, but think he was the
Laird of AUanquoich in Braemar. True bills for
high treason were found against them and the
other prisoners mentioned in the previous list;
and they were remanded till their trial should
be fixed

"On Tuesday, 2nd September, Mr. Justice
Foster being seated on the Bench, at St. Mar-
garet's Hill, Mr. Attorney-General moved that
the prisoners, against whom Bills of Indictment
were found, might be brought to the Bar and
arraigned thereon." This was done, when
eighteen of them, among whom were Monaltrie
and his captain, John Farquharson, pleaded not
guilty. "And then the Court adjourned to
13th October." Up to that time almost every
available day was occupied by the court sitting
at St. Margaret's Hill, Southwark, trying the
rebels, who were brought up in batches of ten or
a dozen at a time. During these trials some
curious items of information were elicited.

There had been a good deal of boasting by the
Highlanders of the deeds of arms performed by
some of them in the battle. John Mor Macgilvra,
major of the Macintoshes, was said to have killed

152 Local Leaders in the '45.

a dozen men with his broadsword, while some of
the halberts were run into his body. When
Cumberland heard of it he said he would have
given a great sum of money to have saved his
life. The boasting was now on the other side.
It was mentioned at a sitting of the court on
15th September " that there were three butchers
of Nottingham, that had entered the Duke of
Kingston's regiment, who killed fourteen rebels
each at the battle of Culloden ''. But the common
tone of the poor prisoners* pleading was that
they were forced into the rebellion against their
will Many were the charges laid against Gor-
don of Qlenbucket for the extreme measures he
adopted in bringing in recruits.

Before their trial came on, several of the
prisoners of the less prominent rank had made
their escape, sometimes by very ingenious con-
trivances. Only the leaders and those against
whom some special crime was charged seem to
have been very strictly guarded. At Carlisle,
127 prisoners were put upon trial, of whom
91 received sentence of death, but they were
not all executed. If not so many at York,
there were more in London. Before the event-
ful 13th October it had become evident that the
wisest course for the prisoners was to plead
guilty, and throw themselves on the King's
mercy. The English people had become sated
with executions, and were now more disposed

Local Leaders in the '45, 153

to mercy, especially as the rebellion seemed to
be thoroughly stamped out. Accordingly, when
put on their trial, both Colonel Francis Farquhar-
son and his captain, John, pleaded guilty; but
no symptom of mercy appeared in either judge
or jury, and sentence of death was passed upon
them. Whether the captain suffered is not
known ; but this is what we read of Monaltrie :
"The rebels who were executed on Keiyiington
Common on 28th November behaved with much
unconcern. Hamilton smiled several times
before he was put into the sledge, and Wood
called for a glass of wine and drank the Pre-
tender's health. Colonel Farquharson, Thomas
Watson, and James Lindsay were to have
suffered with them; but the two former were
reprieved early in the morning, and the last as
he was haltering to go into the sledge." Though
Monaltrie was reprieved, he was not pardoned,
and was sent back to prison to wait the king's
further pleasure. It was said that he owed his
life and liberty to the intercession of a lady, high
in favour at court ; but he himself was reticent
on the subject, as well as on that of his escape from
prison soon after. He did not, however, return to
Scotland till long after the Act of Indemnity of
1748 had placed him out of danger of his life ; but
remained in concealment with a relative in Don-
caster, where he was little sought after. His
forfeited estate was meanwhile administered by
2o

154 Local Leaders in the '45,

the Court of Exchequer, with which his uncle
of Invercauld had sufficient interest to have
himself appointed judicial factor. The " Baron
Ban " did not come again into legal possession till
1784. He died in 1791, universally respected
for his quiet life and the improvements he
effected in the making of roads and planting of
timber.

The above is the generally received account of
the " Baron Ban's " escape from prison and con-
cealment in En^and. It is, however, defective
in some respects and inaccurate in others. Through
the kindness of Mr. Farquharson of Invercauld
the writer has lately had an opportunity of
examining a portion of the large collection of
valuable historical documents deposited among
the family papers in the charter room at Inver-
cauld. In his inspection of these he was fortunate
in discovering a memorandum in the Baron's
own handwriting minutely detailing the changes
in his circumstances from his capture on the field
of CuUoden to his return to Deeside. From this
document it appears that, on being taken prisoner,
he was brought to Inverness, where he was
detained for one month and thirteen days ; and
on the 29th May was put on board a transport
ship to be conveyed to Ijondon, where he arrived
24th June. He was then lodged in Newgate
Jail, where he lay under sentence of death till
13th October, when he was reprieved, as above

Local Leaders in the '45, 155

stated A condition of his reprieve was that he
should leave the kingdom and never return — a
condition which, he states, was never sought to
be put in execution. He continued a prisoner in
Newgate till 30th July, 1747 — one year one
month and six days. He then received a pardon
for the capital offence on condition of his re-
maining in London under charge of a messenger-
at-arms. From that day till 8th August, 1748,
he was under charge of this officer, when he was
released on parole that he should not go north-
wards of the river Trent towards Scotland.
" From that day to 17 th October I was a prisoner
at large in London; the which day I came to
Berkhamstead (a town in Hertfordshire, twenty-
eight miles from London), and remained there
17 years. Liberated from Berkhamstead, I
returned to Scotland in the year 1766, having
been 19 years 6 months 1 day a prisoner in
England." During his residence at Berkham-
stead he made the acquaintance of Mr. Eyre of
Hessop in Derbyshire, whose daughter he married ;
and it was only on her decease without issue that
he sought and obtained permission to return to
Scotland.

Charles Gordon of Blelack narrowly es-
caped apprehension on several occasions. He
along with his friend and fellow-officer, Forbes
of Brux, skulked about Kildrummy for some
time after their flight from CuUoden ; but,

156 Local Leaders in the '45.

finding this mode of life uncomfortable as well
as dangerous, they sought and obtained conceal-
ment in the Manse of Towie, the occupant of
which was the Kev. James Lumsden, who was
also Laird of Corrachree in Cromar. It is a
remarkable fact, that, though the parish ministers
were the strongest opponents of the rebellion,
and did all in their power to persuade their
parishioners to take no part in it, yet when it
was quelled none more than they sympathised
with the misguided fugitivea As the manses
were places above suspicion, they generally
became asylums for hunted men. Blelack and
Brux were admitted in the silence of the night
and assigned quarters in a long unused garret.
Mary Grant, the minister's wife, was full of
compassion for their hapless lot, and took every
precaution to keep their presence in the garret a
profound secret, known only to herself and the
minister. She carried with her own hands their
victuals to them, cautioning them against making
any noise, or even moving about in their narrow
apartment during the day. A plan was also
adopted whereby they might steal out softly
when the servants were asleep and take a dander
by the river-Side ; but " they must be sure to creep
back again as gently as possible before any lum
in sight was reekan ". For a time all went well
But Mrs. Lumsden had an old maiden sister living
at the manse, who was mightily scandalised at

Local Leaders in the '45. 157

the waste of food that she saw going on and
could not account for. There were puddings
and hams and many delicacies never tasted that
failed to reappear at table, and nobody knew
what had become of them. It was in vain
to point out that there were two pigs being
fed in the sowhouse. "If the swine were
being fed on victuals like that, it was a
shame to be heard tell o'." The maid-
servants also had become suspicious that " a'
wisna richt about the manse". One of them
" had heard some stichlan ae night, an' she was
sure it wisna the rottans *\ Another had seen
" the shadow o* something gaan past the window
in the grey o' the momin* afore she was richt
wauken'd ". In short the manse was haunted ;
there was no doubt about it Mrs. Lumsden
favoured this opinion, and advised her servants
to let the ghosts alone, as they would do nobody
any barm if they were not meddled with. The
two fugitives, to keep up the guise, began to play
tricks on the girls, tossing bits of turf at them
now and again, to their very great terror. There
was another watchful, if not jealous, eye, not
altogether deceived by appearances. John, the
minister's man, was consulted by the maids about
what they had seen and heard. Miss Grant, who
disbelieved the story about the ghosts, took John
into her confidence, and expressed to him her
doubts and suspiciona "I'm like you, mem,"

158 Local Leaders in the '45,

said John, " I dinna ken about sic ghaists gaan
about cloddan the quines in the gloarain*."
Ifa short it was time for the fugitives to decamp ;
and they did so, Blelack taking refuge at Mill
of Gellan in the parish of CouU, the occupant of
which, being a tenant of the Earl of Aboyne,
was supposed to be unfriendly to the insurgents.
In this respect he was in the same position as
the parish ministers. Blelack had occupied his
house during the raising of the Cromar men ;
and, as we have seen, dated one of his letters
to Stoneywood from that place. Here he lay
concealed for some time.

Prior to the battle of CuUoden, Lord George
Murray had garrisoned a line of forts to protect
the Highlands from the invasion of the English
soldiers. The principal of these were Fort
Augustus on Loch Ness, Ruthven in Badenoch,
and Corgarff Castle in the Highlands of Aber-
deenshire. Fort Augustus fell immediately after
the battle, and was blown up; Ruthven held
out for nearly a month longer; and Corgarff
sheltered a body of Highlanders till towards the
end of June. Lord Ancrum, to whom Cumber-
land had committed the charge of pacifying the
eastern counties, resolved to displace them ; and
for this purpose marched with a select body of
horse and foot from Aberdeen, taking, as a guide
to the party, John McConnach, Blelack's former
henchman, whose part in the skirmish at In-

Local Leaders in the '45. 159

verurie we have already noticed, not altogether
with approbation. It is evident that McConnach
was now acting the part of a spy on the designs
of the English, and with this view had contrived
to get himself into considerable favour with them.
His object on this occasion was to retard the
march of Ancrum's company as much as possible,
and to give warning to his friends in the castle
to provide for their safety. Marching some dis-
tance in front of the party, he would now and
then call out : " The enemy, my lord, the enemy ! "
Lord Ancrum would call a halt and make dis-
positions to receive an attack. As no enemy
appeared, McConnach after much delay would
be sent on to reconnoitre. It is to be presumed
he would be very cautious and slow, but at length
he would return with the report : " Cattle feeding,
my lord, cattle feeding ". Having practised this
dodge as often as he thought judicious, he at last
conducted the party to Corgarff Castle, which
they found deserted.

Ancrum, however, deemed it advisable to
station a party of his own soldiers there to over-
awe the district and hunt down the fugitives
lurking in these wild parts. McConnach was
put in charge of the canteen, and kept his ears
open to the babbling of the dragoons when in their
cups. One night he learned from this source that
a party was getting ready to capture Charles
Gordon of Blelack, who, they had secret infor-

i6o Local Leaders in the '45,

mation, was in hiding at Mill of Gellan, twenty-
four miles distant. This plan must be frustrated :
Blelack was his dear master, and must be saved
at all hazards. He set out therefore as soon as
his duties permitted ; and, though the night was
short, by taking a near cut through the hills, he
reached his destination an hour before the horse-
men, and got his master conveyed to a place of
safety, and himself well on his way back to Cor-
garff, where he had never been missed. On
searching the house and finding the hiding place,
the dragoons shook their heads, saying to the
tenant : " Aye, aye, Mr. Gordon, somebody has
been here before us : the nest is warm, but the
bird is flown **.

Whither Blelack next fled is not certain ; but
it was not long till the search for him was so
much relaxed that with ordinary caution he
might easily have evaded the abated vigilance of
the military parties still left in the country. It
is generally supposed that he did not leave Soot-
land, but took refuge with his sister, Helen, then
residing with her family in the Parish of Dun-
ottar, near Stonehaven. His mother continued
to administer the estate, much to its advantage.
She was, as we have seen, possessed of a mascu-
line character, and required it ; for she had a
difficult part to perform. Being left a widow in
1724 with four of a family, the youngest an
infant, it availed her little that her jointure

Local Leaders in the '45. i6i

amounted to half the property. Her eldest son,
John, a minor, died in 1726. The second son,
Charles, our hero, would have succeeded, but he
too was a minor, so that for many years the lady
had the management of the whole estate as well
as the care of the family. Charles was married
and twenty-eight years of age when the re-
bellion broke out. The part he took in it re-
sulted in the burning of the mansion house and
the forfeiture of half the estate. About the
same time she lost her youngest son, Alexander,
who died unmarried- She was alive in 1753,
and it is believed that it was about this time
that Charles first showed himself openly about
Blelack. Soon after this the building of a new
mansion was begun on the site where the present
one stands. It was not, however, till 1784 that
the forfeited lands were legally restored to
Charles, though the administration of them,
under trustees appointed by the Court of Ex-
chequer, had been entirely directed by him for
about twenty years previously, and few knew
but that he was the laird de jure as well as de
facto. He enjoyed the legal possession for only
one year. He died in 1785, leaving an only
child, Isabel, who became the wife of George
Forbes of Skellater, and is believed to have died
without issue. Hls successor was the grandson
of hLs sister, Helen, Charles Rose Gordon, who,
" having light hair (that of the Gordons being

21

1 62

Blelack Family,

dark), was known as * the Red Laird '. He left
a half-witted son, Keith Gordon, who died
almost a pauper in 1869, aged 73, at Faimrae in
Towie." Thus ended the line of the old Gordons
OF Blelack.

GENEALOGICAL TABLE

OP

THE OLD GORDONS OF BLELACK.

John Gordon,*
d. 1668.

John Gordon, t
V. 16W.

John G. m. Marie Forbes,
V. 1715.

Charles Gordon.

I

Isabella Gordon

m. George Forbes

of SkeUater.

Alexander m. Isabel Forbes, \
d. c. 1723.

John
d. c.

i

ordon, Charles § Helen Alexander,

1726. m. Ann m. Hugh d. abroad.

Urquhart, Bose of
d. 1786. TiUyhermack.
I
James Bose.
I
Charles Bose Gordon. ||

Keith Gordon,
d. 1869.

* Of the house of Abergeldie, Blain at battle of Corrichie.
f Presided at trials of witches ; held first charter from Earl of
Mar. X Held tinder renewed charter from Earl of Mar.

§ The rebel laird.
II " The Bed Laird," who sold the property, 1794.

Blelack Proprietors. 163

The estate was sold in 1794 by the " Red
Laird " to William Gordon — no relative, though
bearing the same surname. '' He was a native of
the district, but had left it in early life for
Dundee, where he carried on the trade of a
vintner, or innkeeper, so successfully that he
bought the estate of Blelack with the profits
of his business ; and was in consequence styled
*the Vintner Laird'." Such is Mr. Jervise's
account. He adds : " Before buying Blelack, he
showed his goodness of heart by erecting a
monument (table-shaped) at Logic to the memory
of an uncle, upon which is this inscription : —

"* Donald Gordon from Ballneyan, died 11
January, 1776, aged 98, in gratitude to whose
memory, his nephew, William Gordon, Vintner,
Dundee, caused this stone to be erected.

*'' Although this tomb no boasted titles keep,

Yet silent here the private virtues sleep ;

Truth, candour, justice, altogether ran

And formM a plain, upright, honest man.

No courts he saw, nor mixt in publick rage,

Stranger to all the vices of the age ;

No lie nor slander did his tongue defile —

A plain old Britton, free from pride and guile.

Near five score years he numbered ere he died,

And every year he numbered he enjoyed.

This modest stone, which few proud Marbles can,

May truly say, Here lies an honest man ;

Ye great, whose heads are laid as low,

Rise higher if ye can.' "

164 Blelack Proprietors,

The first appearance of the " Vintner '* laird of
Blelack in the Parish Church is thus noticed
(3rd May, 1794) in the books of the church
treasurer : " Mr. Gordon, the new proprietor of
the lands of Blelack, being in the church, gave
a guinea to the poor, which made that day's
collection to be £1 38. 7d. ".

Mr. Jervise was not quite correct in saying
that it was from his profits as a vintner that he
was enabled to purchase the property of Blelack.
We have ascertained through the kindness of
his great-grandnephew, Mr. J. Forbes, lately of
the Commercial Bank of Australia, the follow-
ing particulars regarding this Laird of Blelack.
William Gordon of Dundee and Woodhaven
owned the estates of Blelack and Tilliepronie in
Aberdeenshire from 1794 till his death in 1802.
He obtained a considerable fortune by his
marriage with Barbary Stark, heiress of William
Syme of Dundee and Woodhavea The title
deeds show that Barbary Stark inherited from
W. Syme certain lands in Dundee; also the
property of Woodhaven House in the Parish of
Newport, Fifeshire; and a burial ground in
the churchyard of Kilmany, also in Fifeshire.
Woodhaven is on the Fife shore of the Firth of
Tay, just opposite Dundee. Mr. Forbes adds:
" I have further ascertained that, when Wol
Gordon returned to Aberdeenshire in 1794, he
unfortunately invested largely in the Deeside

Blelack Proprietors, 165

Roads, and so lost a portion of his wife's fortune.
Probably you understand better than I do about
these Deeside Roada'*

It was just about that time that the Com-
mutation Road Act became law, substituting
an annual money payment for the old statute
labour provision. The immediate result was
that a large sum of money was borrowed by
the Road Trustees on the security of the rates
imposed by the Act. Much road-making then
took place, without much, if any, return for
the outlay for many years. This is the only
explanation we can offer of the loss referred
to.

" Wm. Gordon's elder daughter, Anne, married
firstly Peter Lumsdaine, Esq., of Kilmaron in
Fifeshire, and was a widow in 1810. She mar-
ried secondly the Rev. A. Melville, minister of
the parish of Logic in the Presbytery of Couper.
She had no diildren, although Mr. Melville left
children by a previous marriage.

"Wm. Gordons younger daughter, Susanna,
married the Rev. P. D. Swan, minister of the
parish of Ferry-port-on-Craig, who died before
1830. She also left no children.

"None of Wm. Gordon's three children left
issue ; so that his descendants are now quite
extinct.*'

Tlie tombstones in the churchyard of Kilmany
bear out the above statements. That over Mr.

1 66 BUlack Proprietors,

Gordon's own grave is inscribed : " William
Gordon of Dundee, Woodhaven and Blelack, died
1802.

" His Wife, Barbary Stark " (date illegible).

Then follow the names of their three children,
date of death and age, as above noted.

In his article on the churchyard of Logic Mr.
Jervise records that William Gordon of Blelack
had a sister who married James Clark, farmer.
Came, by whom she had at least one son and
three daughters. The son, who was a preacher,
became schoolmaster of Daviot in Aberdeenshire,
where he died in 1849 aged forty -nine. He was
father of William, who became Vicar of Taunton
in Somersetshire.

When everything is taken into consideration,
the proprietorship of Blelack lost no prestige by
the interpolation in its ranks of William Gordon,
the " vintner laird ".

It may be convenient here to note the subse-
quent changes in its ownership to the present
tima

William Gordon, son of the last-named laird,
soon after his father's death in 1802, sold the estate
to John Forbes of Newe, who bequeathed it to
his relative, the Rev. George Forbes, D.D., minis-
ter of Strathdon, for behoof of his son, now
General Sir John Forbes of Invereman, by whom
it was sold in 1862 to Sir Alexander Anderson,
then Lord Provost of Aberdeen, who sold it in

Blelack Proprietors. 167

1869 to William Coltman, Esq., of Deskry, the
present proprietor, who has done much to im-
prove it, in whose hands and those of his de-
scendants it is earnestly hoped it may long
remain.

It may be added that the mansion house, built
by the CuUoden laird, and enlarged by subse-
quent proprietors, was accidentally destroyed by
fire in the autumn of 1868. Since it became the
property of Mr. Coltman in the following year it
has been rebuilt and remodelled on an extensive
scale, till it is now the handsome mansion repre-
sented in our frontispiece. It may be added
that it contains one of the finest private libraries
in the county.

The transference of a property from an
ancient race of owners to a new family was
very generally attended with some local legend,
often wide of the truth, but highly characteristic
of the romantic ideas entertained regarding such
transactions in the olden timea They usually
hinged on some quirk or quibble in the law,
or on some unguarded expression in the course
of bargain-making. An estate in Cromar is
reported to have been acquired in exchange for
a grey mare, and another for a tartan plaid;
while the bondage of huTi-sucken or thirlage,
due by certain tenants in the Braes and Black-
mill to the Mill of the Abbey of Lindores in
Dundee, was got rid of by slyly taking ad-

1 68 Blelack Proprietors.

vantage of an opportunity when the miller was
unable to perform his part of the stipulation.

The legend relating to the transference of
Blelack from the possession of the red to that of
the vintner laird is of a highly romantic char-
acter. It happened on one occasion, when re-
turning to Dundee, after a visit to his relatives
in the Braes of Cromar, where he had learned
that the estate of Blelack was likely soon to be
in the market, that the vintner, while riding
through an unfrequented part of the country,
overtook what appeared to be a poor old woman,
toiling along under a load with which she was
greatly oppressed ; and, being asked if he
would give her a lift on her way, as she was
very tired and foot-sore, he took pity upon her,
spread his plaid for a pillion behind his saddle,
and invited her to get up, placing his foot so as
to assist her into her seat, which she reached with
an agility that not a little surprised him. Once
there she with both hands clasped him round the
waist, to make her position secure, as the manner
of riding double then was, the bundle being at-
tached to the saddle by a cord. Night was
now coming on ; and, as they were passing
through a wood, Gordon felt himself being
clasped in so tight and uncomfortable a fashion
that he began to suspect that all was not right
with the " wifie ". He determined therefore
to be on his guard, and get rid of her as soon

Blelack Proprietors. 169

as possible. Before he could do so, however, he
observed some men moving in the wood in a
manner to excite his suspicions still more. They
were armed robbers, and his fellow-traveller
was their accomplice. The- vintner was equal
to the emergency. Shaking himself clear of
his companion, who was attempting to get hold
of the reins, he put spurs to his horse ; and,
though the bullets were whistling around him,
he succeeded in effecting his escape unhurt, and
never drew bridle till he reached his own inn
in Dundee.

He now resolved to examine the wallet, which
had remained attached to the saddle. To his
surprise he found it filled with gold pieces, the
loot of the robbers for several months past.
Only one conclusion could be drawn from the
almost miraculous manner in which it had come
into his possession. It had doubtless been a gift
sent him by Providence for the purchase of the
estate of Blelack.

He lost no time in acting on this impression.

Having learned from his friends in the Braes

that the estate was to be sold, he immediately

set out for the north ; and, after consulting with

a relative of the name of Emslie as to its value,

he proceeded to the mansion house to see the

red laird and arrange for its purchase. He

found the laird a stiff customer; and, though

Providence had in a manner given *him the
22

170 Blelack Proprietors,

wherewithal to acquire it, he, on hie part, felt
it would be contrary to all precedent and the
recognised rules of bargain-making, if he were
not to use his best endeavour to get it at as
cheap a price as possible.

Much anxiety was felt in the Braes as to the
issue. Emslie had arranged with his friend for
a signal. He was to plant himself on an emi-
nence near Knockdu, where he could see all the
way to the House of Blelack, and to be on the
watch.

It was by no means an easy matter to strike
a bargain in those days, especially in such an
important affair as the purchase of an estate.
The parties on this occasion were both stiff
hands. It could not be concluded without
personal inspection of some of the advantages
and resources of the property. Poldu was one
of them, and thither they bent their steps. The
red laird pointed out that here was a perfect
mine of wealth. " Why," said he, " you may see
the yellow gold shining in the very water. I
assure you if I had money to work it up, I
would not part with it on any account." " That
may be so," replied the vintner, " but all that I
can see is a dirty black pool." " Well, come and
see the moss. You'll admit that moss is a valu-
able possession on any estate."

To the moss they went, and from the moss
across the march to a point where a good part

Blelach Proprietors. 171

of the property was in view. The spot was the
rising ground where the eirde house was lately
discovered by Mr. George Gauld, to whom the
writer is indebted for the above particulars, and
who obtained them from persons who firmly
believed in their authenticity. One of his in-
formants was the late Meggie Emslie, a shrewd
and intelligent old lady, whose memory was
filled to overflowing with old lore, which with
other ladylike endowments made her conversa-
tion much relished by her more intelligent
neighbours. She had even been taken notice of
by Her Most Gracious Majesty, whom she
addressed in l&nguage that would not have
disgraced a trained courtier. In her latter days
she was the recipient of the bounty of the
present proprietor of Blelackj and the object of
much kindness and attention from his lady and
family. If she was, as she herself believed,
descended from the stock of the vintner laird
and the last representative of his race, it is a
singular circumstance that she should have
ended her days on the property, after it had
passed through the hands of four or five different
families, and almost under the shadow of the
mansion house.

From this digression let us return to our
bargain-makers. There on the very knoll where,
thousands of years before, our prehistoric fore-
fathers had transacted business in their own

172 Corrachree Proprietors,

way, the bargain was struck, and Blelack passed
out of the line of the old Gordons. Emslie then
received the preconcerted signal, which was that
his friend should take out his white pocket-
handkerchief and walk three steps northward
with it in his hand, returning again to his former
position. If he did this only once or twice, it
meant that the purchase had not been made;
but, if he did it thrice, it meant that he was
laird of Blelack. The third time came, and
there were bonfires in the Braes that evening.

CORRACHREE,

The earliest notice of Corrachree, as a separate
property, is contained in the charter (already
noticed) of James IV. (1507) to Alexander, son
of Sir John Elphinston of Kildrummy. Some-
time during the administration of the Earldom
of Mar by the Earl of Huntly, probably about
the year 1562, the property was conferred upon
George Gordon of Tilphoudie ; and afterwards
confirmed to his son and successor, Patrick
Gordon (1580). His son, Robert Gordon, seems
to have been the first resident proprietor, and to
have built a mansion house, whereof the
date (1611) still remains, apparently in its
original position. He had four brothers, John
and Alexander by his father's first marriage,
and Thomas and Patrick by his second. He

Corrachree Proprietors, 173

himself was the eldest son of the second mar-
riage. It would appear that one of these
brothers — but which, we have not been able
to ascertain — became laird of Logic; and that
between them there were several agreements
as to privileges and servitudes which the tenants
of the one were to receive from or give to those
of the other. One has survived to the present
day, namely, the right of the Corrachree tenants
to cut moss fuel on the estate of Logie.

The Gordon families of Corrachree and
Logie never recovered from the losses they
sustained during the civil wars ; and the former,
being under heavy money obligations to the
Laird of Auchindoir, was ultimately, about 1680,
obliged to sell him his property, which after-
wards appears in the valuation rolls as: "The
Laird of Auchindoir's lands *\ To the first
proprietor of the second family of Lumsden there
is in the old churchyard of Cushnie a tombstone
thus inscribed : " Within this wall are buried the
Ashes of Robert Lumsden of Corrachree, who
was married to Agnes Forbes of Skellater. He
died April the 20th, 1710. This stone was
erected opposite to his grave by his eldest son,
James. Solum salus per Christum."

A few years before the above date, probably
about 1700, the Laird of Auchindoir had ex-
cambed Corrachree for the lands of Caimdyne in
the old parish of Kinerny.

174 Corrachree Proprietors,

James Lumsdeu of Corrachree, above named,
was minister of Towie, and was succeeded in
Corrachree by his son Robert

This Robert wrote some clever satires, the best
known of which are, Jane of Bograore, and The
Hwmoura of the Forest^ a CoTnedy. Both are a
little grotesque, as the manner of the time was,
but the incidents are founded on facts ; and the
d/ramatia personcn are real characters only
slightly disguised. The subject of the former is
the courting of " Jane of Bogmore " — Bogmore is
now Strathmore, on the way from Tarland to
Aboyne. Jane had seven or eight suitors for her
hand, of whom the young Laird of Corrachree,
her cousin, was one ; and there was no end of
rivalry between them — all which is described in
quaint scriptural language. Jane, on the advice
of her mother, elected to marry Mr. George
Forbes, the founder of the Copper Company in
Aberdeen, whom the disappointed writer in his
spleen calls a '' coppersmith " and sometimes a
"tinker".

In the other production, The Huviov/ra of the
Forest, a Comedy, an old Deeside minister is
burlesqued under the name of *' Grumble ". It
appears that Grumble courted the daughter of a
poor clergyman while he was schoolmaster of
her father 8 parish ; but, after he got the living
of the " Pee in the Forest '' (the Parish of Birse),
Grumble gave his '* poor love " the ** go bye,"

Corrachree Proprietors, 175

and married the daughter of another minister
who was in affluent circumstances.

Many stories and anecdotes are told of this,
the last of the Lumsden lairds of Corrachree.
On one occasion, as he was sauntering along the
road near Tarland, the Earl of Fife on his
journey from Duff House drove up and asked
him the way to Braemar. Lumsden, who knew
that it was the earl, although the earl did not
know him, gave his lordship a minute description
of all the turnings and windings of the road, to
which the earl replied : " I suppose I cannot go
wrong, sir ". " Oh yes, you can, my lord, if you
be poositive," replied the laird, which answer
became a local proverb — " You can go wrong, if
you be poositive, as the Laird of Corrachree said
to Lord Fife". Lumsden then turning on his
heels ejaculated, but not so low as not to be
heard by his lordship, " That's a real Scotsman :
he speirs the wai he kens best," which also
became a proverb.

The estate of Corrachree was bought from the
executors of this Robert Lumsden by George,
ninth Marquis of Huntly — then Earl of Aboyne
— about the year 1808. In 1842 it was acquired
by the late Lieut-Colonel John Farquharson, of
the TuUochcoy family, and by him bequeathed
to his nephew, Colonel John Farquharson, the
present esteemed proprietor.

176 Other Properties.

OTHER PROPERTIES.

Of the other properties in the district there is
not much to record beyond what has already
been stated. Pittentag^art, a small lairdship,
or wadset, is held by a family of the name of
Reid. Pitellachie, sometimes called the barony
of Kinaldie, or the Wester barony, the Easter
Daughs and Melgum were purchased by the
Invercauld family about 1670-80 from the
previous Forbes proprietors. Deskry is believed
to have fallen to them by inheritance, but this
is doubtful. Easter Migvie, now Hopewell, was
also purchased by Invercauld from Dr. Fair-
bairn in 1779 ; and a jwrtion of the Moor of
Coynach fell to that family by judicial allocation
in 1828. For a long time the Invercauld family
were the largest proprietors in Logie-Coldstone.
Their lands were sold in 1865 — Pitellachie and
Deskry to William B. Coltman, Esq., the Easter
barony to the late John Duguid Milne, and
Hopewell to the late Dr. Robertson.

The Braes, as we have seen, was sold to the
Eiarl of Aboyne and by him made over to his
son, Lord Strathavon, along with Wateraim and
Blackmill. This Lord Strathavon was grand-
father to the present Marquis of Huntly, by
whose trustees the Braes and Kinnord were sold
to Mr. Wilson, shipowner, Hull.

Wateraim holds some place in literature, being

1793 A-^- ^^^ Statistical Account, 177

the scene of a short poem by Francis Douglas,
author of a work of considerable merit, entitled
History of the East Coast of Scotland, and for
some time editor of the Aberdeen Journal, The
poem opens with the lines : —

When merry Charles the sceptre swayed,
And none through fear or love obeyed,
There lived a lass in Waterairn, etc.

Mr. Douglas's, writings are now rare, and
much valued Probably the reason for his
selecting Waterairn as the scene of his poem,
was that he was descended from that family of
Douglases who were proprietors of that estate
for some generations during the latter part of
the seventeenth and earlier part of the eighteenth
century.

THE OLD STATISTICAL ACCOUNT OF
SCOTLAND.

Just about a century, or to be precise, ninety-
seven years after the date of the Poll Book, we
have a very comprehensive account of all the
parishes in Scotland, furnished by the several
ministers at the instance of Sir John Sinclair,
Bart This work is styled The Statistical
Account of Scotland. To distinguish it from
another similar work published in 1842, it is now
known under the name of The Old Statistical
23

178 Old Statistical Account.

Account. It occupied four years in its compila-
tioa The description of the parish of Logie-
Coldstone was written in the year 1793 by the
Rev. Robert Farquharson, minister of the parish,
from whose account we make the following ex-
tracts : —

" Logie-Coldstone parish is thirty-eight miles
distant from Aberdeen. It lies in the upper
part of the country called Cromar, a corruption
of the word Cruievar, which in the Gaelic
signifies 'the bught of Mar*. The country is
surrounded by a large ridge of hills, and is in
the form of a bught or fold for holding cattle.
The district is about three and a half miles from
east to west, and about six from south to north.
The soil is various. The interior part of the
country is interspersed with a number of small
hills, and large barren moors, a great many of
which retain the marks of cultivation, by the
remains of furrows and fences ; but the ground
is now so reduced by that barbarous practice of
casting muck-peat and turf (that is, the surface)
that it produces nothing in general, but a short
worthless kind of heath. Near the manse there
is a small plantation of fir wood ; to the south
and east of the church there are five of the same
kind. Some farms on the east and west side
of the manse, called the Easter and Wester
Baronies, and lands of Wateraim, are a fine rich
deep loam ; and, though very capable of im-

Old Statistical Account. 179

provement, are all in a state of nature, except
the farms of Kinaldie, Coldstone, and part of
that of Loanhead. The first is all enclosed, and
some of the fields straighted and dressed ; the
second was enclosed by the heritor about four-
teen years ago, and lies in natural grass, on
which he pastures his own cattle in summer
and harvest ; a part of the third, which lies near
the manse, is enclosed and improved. On the
east and west sides of the church the ground is
light and sandy, a great part of it of a very
poor quality ; in advancing farther from the
church, towards the south-east extremity, the
soil is of a fine rich loam. That part of the
parish called Deskrie Side, which lies on the
north side of the hills, is of a cold wet mossy
nature, and very subject to frost and mildews.

" Climate, Rivulets, Springs, etc. — The air is
accounted salubrious. The frost in winter is
often very intense, though the country is not
near so stormy as the neighbouring parishes to
the north and west of it, such as Towie, Glen-
bucket and Strathdon. There are three rivulets
in the district which fall into the Dee in the
parish of Aboyne. They are so small in summer
that they require gathered dams to drive the
meal mills, of which there are five in the interior
part of the district, and one on Deskrie Side,
driven by a bum, the one side of which, for two
miles, belongs to this parish. It falls into the

i8o Old Statistical Account,

Don about a mile below the church of Strathdon.
They all abound with fine trout. There is a loch
on the south side of this district, called Loch-
davon. It is about two and a half miles in cir-
cumference ; it abounds with pike, some of them
of a large size. A good many of them are taken
with bait in summer. There is a mineral spring
in the parish, a little to the south of the church,
called Poldow, which in the Gaelic signifies *a
black pool ' ; the water of which, some years ago,
was much and successfully used for scorbutic and
gravelish disorders. It is now much deserted,
since the wells of Pananich (which are four miles
distant) were discovered. Great crowds of the
country people still resort to Poldow, and drink
of the water for all disorders.

" Antiquities, Game, etc. — There are Druidical
fanes in different parts of the parish. Few
parishes in Scotland abound more with a greater
variety of game, such as hares, snipe, moor-fowl,
partridges, woodcock, a few blackcock, tarmagans
and white hares ; the two latter are always to be
found on the hill of Morven, which in the Gaelic
signifies * a large hill '. It is one of the highest
hills in Scotland ; it bounds a part of the parish
on the west. There are likewise great numbers
of wild ducks and geese, which in late seasons
destroy a great part of the crop which grows on
the low grounds.

" Population. — According to Dr. Webster's re-

Old Statistical Account. i8i

port (1755), the number of souls then was 1243.
The state of the parish, with respect to popula-
tion, cannot be traced far back. The writer of
this was settled here in 1779 ; the number of
inhabitants since that time is considerably de-
creased At that period, all the farms were
occupied by tenants and sub-tenants ; but at
present there are about twenty families quite
extirpated, and their possessions in natural grass.
In 1780 there were 1300 souls in the parish, at
present (1793) there are 1182. The annual
average of births since 1780 is twenty-three ; of
marriages, ten. The people follow, in general, the
occupation of husbandry. There are two smiths,
one carpenter, two shoemakers and four shop-
keepers, who sell small articles for the good of
the country. The chief manufacture, till about
1789, was that of knitting stockings by the
women, the wool brought by manufacturers from
Aberdeen. For three years past, spinning on the
two-handed wheel is much introduced and found
more profitable. The lint is given out to spin,
just in the same way as the wool, by manu-
facturers from Aberdeen, Brechin, and as far
south as Dundee. The whole inhabitants are
members of the Established Church, and speak
all the dialect of English common in the north of
Scotland.

"Agriculture. — Oats and common bear are
the principal productions of the parish; some

1 82 Old Statistical Account.

pease and rye are also raised ; but the quantity
of these kinds of grain is but small, when com-
pared with oats and bear. Potatoes are of late
cultivated by every family, whether of farmers
or labourers, for their own subsistence; a few
turnips are sown, some in drills and some in
broadcast ; but for want of enclosures, as winter
herding is not introduced, they must be pulled
before they come to much perfection. The old
Scots plough is almost universally used Some
of the most substantial tenants put twelve oxen
in the plough, others ten, others eight ; the poorer
some two horses and two cows, some of them
one horse, two cows, and two small oxen. Clover
and rye-grass have been cultivated on the farms
of Kinaldy, Blelachy, and Lonhead, with great
success; but nowhere else, except in gardens,
for want of enclosures. Many of the farmers
begin to raise flax ; and as there are now two
lint-mills erected in two of the neighbouring
parishes, Towie and Coull, it is thought it will
turn out a very profitable crop. There are a good
many sheep reared in the parish, the greater part
of them of the black-faced kind ; they sell from
£7 to £13 the score. Black cattle are very much
degenerated for want of grass. The farmers send
them all, except a few milk cows, to pasture in
glens every year about Whitsunday for three
months ; and since the sheep became numerous,
they generally return as poor as when they went

Old Statistical Account. 183

away. In 1780 there were five or six cartn in
this parish ; now, in 1793, there are about
thirty. There are at present four heritors in the
parish, Lord Aberdeen, Lord Strathavon, James
Farquharson of Invereauld, and Charles Gordon
of Blelack. The latter is the only residing
heritor. The valued rent of the parish is £2783
Scots. Real rent £782 lOs., 344 bolls 2 firlots
meal, 181 bolls 1 firlot bear. The rents of the
principal estates are demanded when due, with
certification that if the last farthing is not paid
the tenants (very few of them having tacks)
must remove at the first term of Whitsunday.
To avoid this evil, numbers of them sell meal
and bear for ready money, which they have not
to deliver, and at that instant buy the same back
from the one they sold it to at five shillings and
three shillings and sixpence the boll of additional
price, payable nine months after. Such as have
the victual to deliver, are obliged to thresh out
their crop before they have use for the straw :
by which means they lose a great deal of it,
carrying it out of their bams and building it up
in their yards, and it becomes dry and insipid
for their cattle. By this uncommon kind of
traffic, numbers are reduced to very low circum-
stances. All the consolation they have is, the
one half of them is taught by civil, the other by
moral law, that * whom the Lord loves He chas-
tises '. Lord Strathavon, who got his father Lord

184 Old Statistical Account.

Aboyne*8 property in this country made over to
him two or three years ago, has altered the terms
of payment of rents from Martinmas till the 8th
or middle of February, and from Whitsunday
till the middle of August ; by which his tenants
have an opportunity of making the best of their
victual and cattle, and now pay their rents with
much greater ease and advantage than they did
formerly. If this plan were adopted by heritors
in general in this country, it would be of the
greatest consequence to their tenants in general,
who depend chiefly on the produce of their crops
for the greater part of their rents. Improve-
ments in agriculture will never take place in
this parish until leases are granted and en-
couragement given for houses and enclosing ; till
that happen the poor farmer will be obliged to
adopt the old mode of cultivation, whether right
or wrong, though the climate and soil in general
are such as would produce good crops of any
kind of grain used in the north of Scotland. At
present the farm-houses are worth very little,
and the mode of living very mean; dwelling-
houses, when valued on the removal of a tenant,
are appreciated from 16s. to £1 5s., sub-tenants*
from 58. to lOs.

" Stipend, School, Poor — ^Logie-Coldstone is
a vice-patronage ; the Crown and Invercauld
present alternately. The annual stipend modified
in 1793 is £45 2a Id. and 111 bolls of victual,

Old Statistical Account. 185

32 of which are bear, and 2 glebes. The church
waH rebuilt in 1780, the manse and kitchen in
1783; the office houses are in a ruinous state.
There is only one school The salary is 100
merks ; the number of scholars in winter is from
fifty to eighty, owing to the school being con-
tiguous to a great part of the parish of TuUich,
which lies within Cromar, and that of Migvie,
where there is no school but that of Coldstone
adjacent to either. The school is kept in the
old manse, where the schoolmaster lives; in
summer the number of scholars seldom exceeds
ten or twelve. The number of poor on the
parish roll is usually from twenty-eight to thirty-
five. The only fund for their support, which
amounted to £35 sterling, was in the hands of a
gentleman who failed in circumstances and is
since dead All that was recovered of the money
was £6, so that the poor have nothing now but
that and the weekly collections to depend upon.
Invercauld has been in the regular practice of
sending money to divide among them annually
since 1783 ; the sum is usually £11 sterling."

The Rev. Robert Farquharson afterwards
wrote to Sir John Sinclair a rather remarkable
letter, which Sir John published as an appendix
to his report. From several entries in the
session books it appears that Mr. Farquharson
had considerable skill in medicine and gave his
services ungrudgingly as a medical adviser to
24

1 86 Old Statistical Account.

his parishioners. It would appear that at one
time opium was a drug he largely used, probably
because he was experimenting with it upon
himself. The letter is as follows : —

"There is a very uncommon and particular
circumstance in my case which I shall mention
to you (knowing you to be a friend to mankind).
I have for a long time been distressed with a
disorder in my stomach; about five years ago
I was advised to take (when much pained)
twenty-five drops of laudanum once a day, and
to increase the quantity gradually. My distress
was such, that it made me attend regularly to
the prescription, as it gave me momentary relief,
so that at the end of four years I came on to
twelve and often fourteen teaspoonfuls the day ;
the effects of which, along with my complaint,
reduced me to mere skin and bone, and made
me as yellow as an orange. I consulted Dr.
CuUen when I began to take the laudanum, who
did not disapprove of it; but on finding it
breaking in fast on my constitution (which was
originally good) I applied to Dr. Monro, who
gave me for answer, 'that laudanum was a
certain, though slow poison'. This determined
me, though in a very reduced state, to diminish
the quantity ten teaspoonfuls a day. The sudden
transition bore very hard upon me, to such a
degree that it was the belief of every one who
saw me that I could not live many days. Dr.

Churchyards. 187

Thomas Morison in London (who was my early
acquaintance) came to this country in August
last, and advised me (if possible) to abandon the
laudanum, but to do it gradually; he sent me
some doses of the shavings of steel to take three
times a day, which I continued to do with such
success that I can now with pleasure say that I
have not tasted laudanum for four months past,
and am become stout and fat."

THE CHURCHYARDS.

Churchyard of Logie. — We have already in
the preceding pages frequently referred to this
churchyard in connection with the lairds of
Blelack. We may, however, add the following
observations by Mr. Jervise — Epitaphs and
Inscriptions.

** The burial ground of Logie lies in the Vale
of Cromar, near Loch Kinnord. It is kept in
good order, protected by a stone wall, and con-
tains a number of gravestones. Within a walled
enclosure, called the Blelack Howff, lie (un-
marked by any monument) the Gordons, who
were lairds of Blelack from an early part of the
sixteenth century.

" The last laird was out in the '45, and many
anecdotes are told of his hairbreadth escapes
from the Royalists, which appear to have been
chiefly eflected by the personal strength and

i88 Churchyards.

daring of his henchman, M'Connach, whom he
rewarded by a long and cheap lease of an ad-
joining farm. The last direct survivor of
M*Connach is the Reverend Hugh M'Connach,
the ex-schoolmaster of Alford, one of the finest
living examples of the old school, whether as to
kindness of heart, individuality of character, or
honesty of purpose.

'* In speaking of the rebel laird of Blelack, it
may be added that the fairies abode in the
Seely Howe, a hollow in the Came Hillock,
upon that property, and, before leaving for the
wars of the '45, the laird determined to dislodge
them from his lands, and employed for that
purpose a reputed magician named John
Farquharson, tacksman in Parka The fairies,
however, refused to obey his spell, until he
should assign them some other place of abode,
which he did by sending them to the Hill of
Fare, near Banchory ! But, disliking their new
quarters very much (the superstitious aver), the
fairies pronounced this imprecation upon
Gordon : —

"Dool, dool to Blelack,

And dool to Blelack's heir,

For drivin' us frae the Seely Howe,

To the cauld Hill o' Fare I

" The malediction of the fairies against
Farquharson was still more eldritch: —

Churchyards. 189

** While corn and girs grows to the air,
John Farquharson and his seed shall thrive nae
mairl

" It is added that Farquharson, whose circum-
stances went to the bad from the day he dis-
lodged the fairies, left his native country and
was never again heard of. Matters also went
ill with the Gordons."

There are several other old tombstones besides
those already incidentally noticed. One bears
the following inscription : —

" Here lies John M'Laggan, who died in New-
grodie, and Margaret Ley, his spouse ; also
William M'Laggan, their lawful son, who de-
parted this life March 20, 1794, aged 28.

" Unmarked by trophies of the great and vain,

Here sleeps in silent tombs an honest train ;

No folly wasted their paternal store,

No guilt, no sordid avarice, made it more ;

With honest fame and sober plenty crowned

They liv'd and spread their cheering influence round."

The representative of this family is now Mr.
James M'Laggan, agent for the Town and County
Bank, Torphins.

Among others of more recent date may be
noticed the stones indicating the burying ground
of a family of Camerons. originally coming from
Glengaim, who settled in Cromar about the
beginning of the present century, and from

I go Churchyards.

whom have recently sprung two brothers of
considerable note. The younger, Andrew R
Cameron, M.D., was one of the most distin-
guished students of his time in the Aberdeen
University ; and, after practising his profession
in his native vale of Cromar and afterwards in
Banchory, emigrated to New South Wales, where
he died 18th October, 1876, leaving most of his
means for the establishment of a Medical Scholar-
ship in the Edinburgh University. His brother,
Rev. James Cameron, D.D., still survives, now
Presbyterian minister at Richmond, New South
Walea

Churchyard of Coldstone. — One of the
oldest legible inscriptions is that at the east end
of the chancel or aisle on a stone in the centre of
which are the Forbes* arms, with initials, R.F.
and M.C. This inscription runs round the
margin: —

" Here lies Mr. Robert Forbes, minister of
Coldstone, who departed out of this lyfe XII of
Janvarie 16-5 " (1675).

According to Lumsden of Tilliekeme, he was
a member of the Balfluig family. After the
death of two successors {Scott's Fasti) y the living
was held in succession by the ministers whose
deaths are recorded in the next five inscriptions.

" This Robert Forbes, who was the son of
James Forbes of Cloak — now Glenmillan in
Lumphanan — ^graduated at the University and

Churchyards. 191

Kings College, Aberdeen, in 1643, admitted
before 17th Oct, 1654, died 12th Jan., 1675,
aged about 52 ".

The next minister of Logie-Coldstone, who
was the Rev. John Forbes, A.M., son of Patrick
Forbes of Blackball, and great-grandson of
Alexander, sixth Laird of Pitsligo, had his degree
from the University and King s College, 9th
July, 1668, admitted previous to 6th March,
1677 ; but, as he was translated to Kincardine
O'Neil about 1680, there is no tombstone in
memory of him in this churchyard. Neither is
there one to his successor, Thomas Alexander,
A.M., who was laureated at the University and
Kings College, Aberdeen, 4th July, 1682 ; ad-
mitted before 1688 ; died 6th July, 1715, aged
fifty-three. A son, Alexander of Jackstoun, was
served heir 14th January, 1724 ; another son,
Thomas, was in Invereman, and a daughter,
Margaret, married John Forbes of Invereman.

The next tombstone to a clergyman of the
parish is thus inscribed : —

'*In memory of the Rev. John Shepherd,
minister of Logie-Coldstone, who, after he spent
his life in love to God and mankind, dyed March
1st, 1748, aged 74 ".

Mr. Shepherd, who was translated from
Midmar to Logie-Coldstone, had at least two
sons and two daughters. One daughter married
Forbes of Bellabeg, and became the mother of

192 Churchyards.

the Rev. George Forbes of Lochel, and of John
Forbes, afterwards of Newe. The second
daughter, who married Gordon of Crathienaird,
was the mother of the late Rev. Mr. Gordon of
Aboyne. The sons were both clergymen. One
was settled first at Tarland and next at New-
battle, while the other went to Bourtie. A son
of the last mentioned became minister of Daviot,
and by his wife, a daughter of Dr. Garioch of
Qariochsford, he ha<l a pretty large family. One
son, Captain John, was some time Chairman of
the Board of Directors of the East India
Company ; and another, Thomas, laird of Kirk-
ville, in Skene, was also an officer in the
company's marine service.

The next is inscribed as follows : —

** Here lye the remains of the Rev. Mr. John
Mclnnes, late minister of the Gospel at Logie-
Coldstone, who died the 10th October, 1777, in
the 62nd year of his ministry, and the 88th of
his age.

" Helen Forbes, spouse of the Rev. Mr. John
Mclnnes, minister of Logie-Coldstone, who died
on the 26th of Deer., 1774, aged 71 years."

He was translated from Crathie, being
presented by George II. in August and ad-
mitted 19th October, 1748. He died. Father of
the Church, 2l8t October, 1777, in his 88th year
and 63rd of his ministry. He married, first,
Mary, daughter of Mr. James Strachan, minister

Ch u rchyn rds. 193

of Oyne ; secondly, Helen, daughter of Mr.
William Forbes, minister of Tarves.

The next clergyman's tombstone bears : —
"Beneath this stone are interred the remains
of the Rev. Robert Farquharson of AUargue,
minister of Logie-Coldstone, who died 5th
January, 1826, in the 78th year of his age and
56th of his ministry, and also those of his spouse,
Elizabeth, daughter of the Rev. James Innes,
minister of Marnoch, who died the 31st August,
1836. aged 76 *'.

The following is an extract from Scott's Fasti,
from which work most of the above particulars
have been obtained: ** Robert Farquharson,
A.M., transl. from Kirkmichael, Abemethy, pres.
by James Farquharson, Esq., of Invercauld, 13th
Dea, 1777, and adm. 3d Nov., 1779. (Delay arose
from a competition regarding the patronage,
which was claimed also both by the Crown and
Charles, Earl of Aboyne, against whom the Court
of Session decided 5th February and 17th July
of the latter year.) Mr. F. got a new church built
in 1780, and died 5th Jan., 1826, in his 78th year
and 54th min. He marr., 14th Dec, 1779,
Elizabeth, daugh. of Mr James Innes, min. of
Marnoch ; she died 14th Nov., 1838,* and had five
sons and two daughters. Francis, Major-General
in H.E.I.C.S., Charles, George, Robert, thread

* This is the date given in Scott's Fasti, but the
correct date is that on the tombstone (as above).

25

194 Churchyards,

manufacturer, Paisley, the Rev. Dr. John, of
Rathven, Jane, who marr. Lieut. William Black,
adjutant in the Bombay Marine Service, and
Mary Ann, James Black, EJsq. — Publication —
Account of the Parish (Sinclair's St. Ace. IX.)."

The next bears the pathetic inscription : —

" In memory of the Rev. Andrew Tawse, for
7 years minister at Grey Friars' Church of
Aberdeen, who, in the 8th year of his ministry
in this parish, and 47th of his age, while con-
ducting the solemn service of God*s House, on
Sunday, 15th Dec, 1833, was called from the
faithful discharge of his pastoral duties, and
expired in presence of his sorrowing people '*.

Mr. Tawse, who was sometime tutor in the
Whitehouse family, had a taste for painting and
music, and it was through the influence of the
Farquharsons that he got the kirk of Logie-
Coldstone. He was a native of Aberdeen, where
his father was a well-to-do flax-dresser.

The next and last of the clergymen's tomb-
stones bears the following : —

" In memory of the Rev. John McHardy, for
32 years minister of this parish. Bom 13th
Jan., 1785 ; died 17th Jan., 1866."

Mr. McHardy, descended from an old family
long resident in Dalgergie in Strathdon, took
his degree of M.A. at the University and King's
College, Aberdeen, 28th March, 1803, was licensed
by the Presbytery of Caithness 19th June, 1810,

Churchyards. 195

and ordained as assistant to the Rev. Charles
McHardy, minister of Crathie, 1st May, 1816.
Here he served for many years with much
acceptance, both as assistant minister and school-
master.

In the month of March, 1834, he was presented
to this parish by Mrs. Farquharson of Invercauld,
and admitted on the 18th of June following.
He is the author of the New Stat Ace. of the
parish, 1842. He died unmarried.

Of a large family, of which he was the eldest
son, none now remain in the male line. A
sister, named Ann, married Alexander Davidson,
farmer, Torgalter, Crathie, who has left a family,
of whom the Rev. George Davidson, LL.D., now
minister of Logie-Coldstone, is the only surviv-
ing son.

Until lately, no tombstone recorded the death
of any proprietor; but on a rising piece of
ground near the gate there has lately been
erected within a railing an elegant " lona Cross "
in granite, which is thus inscribed : —

" I lay me down and take my rest.

" Sacred to the memory of John Farquharson
of Coirachree, Lieut.-Colonel, H.E.I.C.S. Died
19th July, 1871."

Colonel Farquharson married a sister of Mr.
Andrew Farquharson of Whitehouse in Tough,
whose decease is also recorded on the same monu-
ment : —

196 Churchyards.

"Sacred to the memory of Margaret
Farquharson Wife of Lieut^ Colonel John
Farquharson of Corrachree who departed this
life on the 1st May 1888 to the great grief of
her brother and sister who cordially join in
offering this humble tribute of affection ".

Mr. Farquharson of Whitehouse has now also
passed away and with him the last representa-
tive of the Invereye branch of the Farquharsons,
as transmitted through the Whitehouse family.
Colonel Farquharson of Corrachree was the re-
presentative of the same ancient branch through
the TuUochcoy family, being a grandson of the
last owner of that property. " His mother, Isa-
bella M' Hardy, who belonged to Cabrach, had a
nephew, sometime Sheriff-substitute of Lanark-
shire, and his eldest daughter is now (1875) the
wife of Mr. Merry, M.P. for the Falkirk Burghs."

On a granite obelisk : —

" In Memory of Francis Beattie, A.M., for 49
years Schoolmaster of this parish. Bom Ist
Jany., 1785, died 24th Septr., 1855. Erected by
his grateful and attached pupils who mourn in
him a zealous teacher, a wise counsellor, and a
constant friend"

Mr. Beattie, who was a native of the Braes,
had considerable reputation as a teacher, which
drew to the school many pupils from a distance.
In his youth he was accounted an athlete ; but
about the time of his appointment as school-

Churchyards. 197

master he lost the entire use of his nether limbs,
and could not in school even move from his desk
without assistance, notwithstanding which he
never failed to maintain the strictest discipline.

On a granite headstone : —

" To the memory of the Rev. James Wattie,
M.A., parish schoolmaster of Crimond from 1813
to 1856, also tenant of the farm of Bellastraid in
this parish — to which he latterly retired— where
he had been bom, and where he died 31st July,
1872, aged 83 years ".

Mr. Jervise, who knew him well, gives this
account of him: ** In early life Mr. Wattie be-
came a tutor in the Island of Eig, where he
acquired some knowledge of the Gaelic language,
and a taste for traditional lore. He afterwards
cultivated the latter gift with considerable
success ; and it is to be regretted that he did
not commit his knowledge on these matters to
writing.

" His own sayings and doings would form a
chapter rich in the curiosities of human char-
acter. He was tall and rather spare in peraon.
When he went abroad in his own neighbourhood
he generally carried a statf nearly as long as
himself — the gift of his early and life-long
friend, Sir Alexander Anderson, Lord Provost of
Aberdeen — and wore a heavy cloak, which, even
in the warmest days of summer, covered no end
of flannels and greatcoats. Although learned,

1 98 Chu rchya rds .

well read, and of a sociable disposition, he is
said t)o have been more frequently seen than
welcomed by his friends.

" Mr. Wattie was exceedingly vain of the at-
tentions of the great, and seldom lost an oppor-
tunity of thrusting himself into their presence.
It is told that, soon after he became a preacher,
he was introduced to Lord Aberdeen, afterwards
Premier, and' that his lordship signified his in-
tention to procure a church for him. Mr. Wattie
allowed few chances to pass without reminding
his lordship of his promise by letter ; but, as
writing proved ineffectual, he determined to
make personal application. In course of time an
opportunity occurred, and upon Lord Aberdeen's
remarking that the church sought after was
scarcely suited for Mr. Wattie, the latter, in his
own blunt way, is said to have inquired, * Then,
my lord, what sort of church do you think
would suit me ? ' to which it is said the earl
laconically replied, * The Lord only knows ! '

" It is pleasing, however, to have to add that,
though he did not recognise his gifts as a preacher,
his lordship perceived his skill as a farmer, and
when Mr. Wattie came to reside as his tenant at
Bellastraid he gave him every encouragement,
and left nothing undone to make his latter years
comfortable."

Although in this description Mr. Wattle's
foibles may be somewhat overdrawn, he had

Churchyards. 199

many good qualities deserving of commemora-
tion. Notwithstanding his peculiarities he never
lost his self-respect or the respect and friendship
of his neighbours. He always comported himself
with dignity ; and his intelligence and worldly
wisdom gained him much influence among the
class of farmers around him. In the promotion
of all local improvements he took a leading part,
and was generally selected to represent his parish
at the public boards of the district. The Dinnet
and Coldstone public road will long bear testi-
mony to his persevering zeal in the cause of
improvements. He gave the proprietors whose
estates were to be benefited by it no rest until
they took the matter up ; and he himself went
throughout the neighbouring parishes delivering
lectures, the proceeds of which were devoted to
this road fund. The subjects of some of these
lectures were : " The Ballads of Scotland," " Folk-
lore of Aberdeenshire," and " Manners and Cus-
toms of its Rural Population Sixty Years Ago/'
with all of which he was conversant in no ordinary
degree. Although he could not be induced to
publish these lectures, it is not quite correct to
say that he did not commit to writing the sub-
stance of several of them. To the present writer's
knowledge, he compiled a manuscript volume,
clasely and neatly written, for the purpose of pre-
senting it to the Marquis of Huntly, for whom
he entertained a very high regard. His lordship

200 New Statistical Account. 1842 a.d.

was pleased to accept the gift, and is known to
place no small value on his possession of it.

With a keen sense of the ludicrous and
humorous Mr. Wattie had stored his memory
with a multitude of racy anecdotes of eminent
persons and queer characters, which he had
always at command at social meetings ; and
which never failed of high appreciation. Most
of these have died with him ; the more is the
pity. He himself was a type of character now
rarely to be met with, of which the same obser-
vation may be made.

OTHER ANTIQUITIES.

Of the other remains of antiquity in the parish
the New Stat, Ace. takes note of a pict's house,
a little to the north-east of the church, of several
cairns, particularly one at Caimmore of Migvie,
and another at Caimmore of Blelack, both of
wluch have now disappeared, the materials
having been used for the erection of enclosures
and farm steadings in the neighbourhood Near
the pict's house referred to, Mr. McHardy states
that "during the last season (1841) the tenant
of Cairnmore of Blelack, while ploughing a field
which has long been arable, found the plough
striking against a stone which he resolved to
remove, and on proceeding to do so discovered
that it formed part of a paved road of consider-

New Statistical Account. aoi

able width, the extent of which has not yet been
ascertained In removing part of the stones
forming the pavement, numerous pieces of
charred wood were found lying beneath them."

The following particulars extracted from Mr.
McHardy's account may still be of interest : —

" Landowners. — The heritors of the parish, in
order of their respective valuations, are : —

Mrs. Farquharson of Invercauld, .

Earl of Aberdeen,

Marquis of Huntly,

John Forbes, Esq. of Blelack,
Major Farquharson of Corrachree,

" Modern Buildinqb. — The church was rebuilt
in 1780, the manse in 1783, and repaired and
enlarged in 1826.

" There are three meal-mills, one circular saw-
mill, and numerous threshing-mills in the parish.

" Population : —

Amount of population in 1801, 861

1811, 815

1821, 858

1831, 910

1841, 936

'* Number of illegitimate births within last

three years, ten.

26

£1250

781

323

290

140

£2784

202 New Statistical Account,

** Industry. — In few districts in Scotland has
agriculture made greater progress than it has
done in this parish since the former statistical
account of the country was published. At that
period, we are told that few turnips were sown,
and clover and rye grass cultivated only on three
farms. The other lands in the parish, though
capable of improvement, are said to have been
' in a state of nature '. The farms at that time, so
distinguished for enclosing, straighting, and dress-
ing, can no longer boast of superiority of appear-
ance or peculiarity of produce ; for skilful and
successful competitors have gradually sprung up
around them, and stripped them of their honoura.
There are in the parish about 3000 acres culti-
vated or occasionally in tillage, and about 900
acres under wood. The average rent of land
per acre is £1 5s. ; real rental of the parish,
£3100.

"Ecclesiastical State. — The number of
families in the parish is 190, and all belong to
the Established Church. Stipend: 128 bolLs
barley, 128 bolls meal, with £8 6s. 8d. for com-
munion elements. The glebe is about twelve
acres in extent, and may be valued at £15. The
manse was built in 1783; it was repaired and
additions made to it in 1826.

** Education. — There is but one school in the
parish — the parochial. The teachers salary is
£34 4s. 45d. ; probable amount of his school

Modern Improvements, 203

fees, £25. He receives, as session clerk, £1. 10s.
per annum, and shares in the Dick Bequest.

** Poor. — Number of poor, eighteen. Average
annual amount of contributions for their relief,
£34, whereof, from church collections, £24, from
alms and legacies, £10."

We have now reached a point in our historical
review of the district well within the recollection
of the older inhabitants and fairly within that
of those of middle age. The changes that have
since taken place have been numerous and im-
portant in many respects. Some of the more
prominent in regard to proprietorship have al-
ready been noticed ; others in regard to tenancy
are better known to the present parishioners
than to the writer, and need not be recorded
here.

The advancement in agriculture has been
mostly in the direction of improvements in im-
plements of husbandry. There may be some
old men still amongst us who can remember the
days of the teethed reaping hook, the wooden
plough and the flail, and can therefore trace the
onward progress to the reaping machines, the
steam plough and the threshing mills of the
present day. This is a mechanical age rather
than an agricultural ; and, instead of breeding and
feeding cattle, we are contriving means to bring
our meat supply from the uttermost ends of the
earth to our tables as fresh and good as if it

204 Byron's Youthful Recollections,

had been reared on our own fields ; and, instead
of seeking to improve our breeds of draught,
saddle and carriage horses, we have made a con-
siderable step to supersede them altogether.

For the improvement of the human being
himself much has been attempted, and it is to be
hoped, something accomplished. In the depart-
ments of education and sanitation we have seen
quite a revolution. Amid all these changes we
trust there is one respect in which we have re-
mained unimpaired — in the love of our kindred
and love of our country. May the day be distant
when the materialism of this cosmopolitan age
shall so blunt the sensibilities of the youth reared
under the shadow of Morven that wherever they
roam their hearts should fail to be warmed by
the strains of the youthful Byron, who sang so
sweetly : —

When I roved a young Highlander o'er the dark

heath,
And climb'd thy »teep summit, oh Morven of snow !
To gaze on the torrent that thunder'd beneath
Or the mist of the tempest that gather'd below,
Untutor'd by science, a stranger to fear,
And rude as the rocks where my infancy grew.
No feeling, save one, to my bosom was dear ;
Need I say, my sweet Mary, 'twas center'd in you ?

Yet it could not be love, for 1 knew not the name, —
What passion can dwell in the heart of a child ?
But still 1 perceive an emotion the same
As I felt, when a boy, on the crag-cover'd wild

Byron's Youthful Recollections. 205

One image alone on my boaom impressed,
I loved my bleak regions, nor panted for new ;
And few were my wants, for my wishes were bless'd ;
And pure were my thoughts, for my soul was with
you.

I rose with the dawn ; with my dog as my guide,
From mountain to mountain I bounded along;
I breasted the billows of Dee's rushing tide,
And heard at a distance the Highlander's song :
At eve on my heath-covered couch of repose.
No dreams, save of Mary, were spread to my view ;
And warm to the skies my devotions arose,
For the first of my prayers was a blessing on you.

I left my bleak home, and my visions are gone ;
The mountains are vanish'd, my youth is no more ;
As the last of my race, I must wither alone,
And delight but in days I have witness'd before :
Ah ! splendour has raised, but embitter'd my lot ;
More dear were the scenes which ray infancy knew :
ThoOgh my hopes may have failed, yet they are not

forgot ;
Though cold is my heart, still it lingers with you.

When I see some dark hill point its crest to the sky
I think of the rocks that o'ershadow Culblean ;
When 1 see the soft blue of a love-speaking eye,
I think of those eyes that endear'd the rude scene ;
When, haply, some light-waving locks I behold,
That faintly resemble my Mary's in hue,
I think on the long flowing ringlets of gold,
The locks that were sacred to beauty, and you.

2o6 Byron's Youthful Recollections,

Yet the day may arrive when the mountains once

more
Shall rise to my sight in their mantles of snow :
But while these soar above me, unchanged as before,
Will Mary be there to receive me? — ah, no I
Adieu, then, ye hills, where my childhood was bred :
Thou sweet flowing Dee, to thy waters, adieu !
No home in the forest shall shelter my head,—
Ah 1 Mary, what home could be mine but with you *?

FINia

INDEX.

Abbrdsbn, Earl of, 111, 129.
Ahoyne, Charles, first Earl of, 100.
Aimualreutaris, Book of, 43.
As8enibly. first General, 31.

Balmoral, 48.

^* Baron Ban," see Farquharson,

FranciB.
Baronies, K&ster and Wester, 42.
Beattie, Francis, schoolmaster, 196.
"Black Colonel." 102.
Blackhal. Gilbert, S.J.. 65-73.
BlackmaU, 52. 74.
Blelack. Gordons of, 162.
Blelack, Ownership of, 166-167.
Bonils of Fidelity. 22.
Book of Annualrentaris, 4S.
Braickley. Baron of, 100.
Brooks, Sir William, Bart., 74.

Camekariur, U.

Cess, or War Tax, 130, 131.

Charles I., Bible of, 148, 149.

Charters, Land, 23, 24.

Churchyards, 187-197.

"Cleansers." 79, 87.

Coltman, William, Esq,,of De.skry,

167.
Compensation Courts. 86-95.
Corrachree, Ownership of, 172,

173, 176.
Corrichie, Battle of, 29.
Covenanter Times, 49-95.
Cowie, Raid of, 60.
Cromdale, BaUle of, 103.
Culbleau, Battle of, 18.
CHiUoden, Battle of, 141.

Davidson, Rev. G«orge, LL.D.,

195.
Douglas, Francis, Editor and Poet,

177.
Dugar, John, 54.
Dundee. Viscoont, 101.

Edom o' Gordon, 33, 50.

Einle Houses, 6.

Elphinstone, Sir Alexander, 23.

Fairies, 188.
Falkirk, Battle of, 121.
Farquharson Family, 41.
Farquharsons of Whitehouse,

Family of. 142. 148.
Farquharson, Donald, of Moualtrie,

53. 56, 58, 61, 76. 77, 78. 81-83.
Farquhar8on,Francis, of Monaltrie,

120, 141, 150, 151. 153-155.
Farquharson. James, of White-

nouse, 62.
Farquharson, John, Colonel, of

Corrachree, 175, 195, 196.
Farquharson, John, of Invercauld,

64, 108, 117.
Farquharson, John, of Invereye,

74, 77, 97. 98, 100, 102.-
Farquharson. Rev. Rol)ert, 178,

185-187, 193.
Feudalism. 20.
Finla Mor. 41.

Forbes, Bishop, of Brechin, 11.
Forbes, "Black Sir Arthur," 34.
Forbes, Rev. John, 191.
Forbes, Rev. Robert, 190.
Frendraucht. Burning of, 51.

Gauld, Mr. George, 171.
Gilchrist, Earl of Mar, 16.
Gilderoy, 58, 54.
Glencaim Rising, 97-100.
Gordon, Sir Adam, 33, 50.
Gordon, Rev. Alexander, 46,47, 94.
Gordon, Charles, of Blelack, 120,

124,126-131, 133, 141,155-158,

160.
Gordon, James, of Balmoral, 48.
Gordon, John, of Blelack. 117.
Gordon, John, of Gleubucket, 143,

150, 152.

2o8

Index,

Gordon, Lord Lewis, 58, 120, 122-

125, 132, 133. 150.
Gordon , Robert, of Corrachree, 1 72.
Gordon, William, of Blelack, 163- 1

166. 168-172.
Gordons of Blelack, Table of, 162
Gray, Rev. Andrew, 94, 96. |

Hill Forts, 5.

Holyrood, Abbot of, 80.

Hopewell. 176.

Huutly, first Marquis of. 52, 53.

Huntly, George, Earl of, 29.

I
INVERURIB, Skirmish at. 132-137.

Jaoobitr Rising, Dumlee's, 101.
Jacobite Rising, the '15. 117-119.
Jacobite Rising, the '45, 119-162.
Jen'ise, Mr., Antiquar\', 3, 13, 163,
164, 187.

Kandkchyi^, Burning of. 73.
Killiecraukie. 103.
Kinnord, Fortress of, 85.
Knockargety, 5.

Land Charters, 23, 24.

Lays, 14.

Lesk, Rev. Jamen, 46.

Leslie, Charles, Balladmonger, 134-

137.
Logie-Mar, 2.
Lunisden, Roliert, of Corrachree.

Satirist, 174. 175.

McCoMBiBS. Origin of, 110.
McConuach, John, Blelack's

Henchman, 134, 158-160.
McHardy, Rev. John, 194, 200.
Mclnnes. Rev. John. 192.
McLeod, Lairtl of. 132, 133.
Manrent, 41.
Mar, Family of, 27.
Melgum, 176.
Moir. James, of Stoneywoo<l. 120.

122. 126. 130. 140, 144-147. 150.
Money-lending, 44. 47-49.
Monyniusk, Priory of, 1.^).

Nril, Dr. James, 128.

OOHAM, 13.

Old Machar, Priory of, 16.
Old Taxatio, 3, 17.
Ortlie, 112.

Parishes, Union of, 42.
Philiphaugh, 85.
Pitellachie, 176.
Pittentaggart. 176.
Poldu, 170, 180.
Poll Book, 104-114.

" Red Jock," 128.
Reformation, 27, 33.
Reid. Rev. James, 46.
Rob Roy, 118.
Robertson, Dr. Joseph, 14.
Riithvan, 18.

Scott's Fasti, 190, 193.

Shephenl, Rev. John. 191.

Spalding. 60, 64, 66, 78. 79. 87.

Southask, Earl of, 13.

St. Nathalan, 9.

St. Walock, 9.

Statistical Account. Old, 177-185.

Statistical Account, New. 195,200-
2a3.

Stones, Sculptured, 11.

Stoueywood Family, 147.

Stoneywood Papers. 121-131.

Strachan, John, Parson of Kin-
cardine, 42.

Strachan, Patrick, of Kinaldie. 78.

Stratoun, Rev. David, 46.

Strauchaue, Rev. James, 44, 45, 47.

Tawse, Rev. Andrew, 194.
Taxatio. Tlie Old. 3, 17.
Tillyangus, Battle of, 34.
l^irriff, "Ti-otof,"58.

VoLO(;us, 9.

Wadset, 44.

Wattie, Rev. James, 197-200.

Witch Trials, 35-41.

THE MANSE
DINNET

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