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Chong Ta-san

A Study in Korea’s Intellectual History

GREGORY HENDERSON

Reprinted from The Journal of Asian Studies
Vol. XVI, No. 3, May, 1957
Printed in U.S.A.

Keprinted from The Journal of Asian Studies
Vol. XVI, No. 3, May, 1957
Printed in U.S.A.

Chong Ta-san

A Study in Korea’s Intellectual History

GREGORY HENDERSON

The internal political dissensions of the Yi period (1392-1910) provide a
fruitful object of study for students of Korean history. Throughout all but its
first decades they troubled the dynasty, eroding the effectiveness of government,
introverting the intellectual concerns of the educated, narrowing access to needed
new influences, producing social and political rifts which have become deeply
ingrained. For all their faults, factional dissensions also brought marked political
and intellectual stimulation, and are as important as any of Korea’s native
institutional phenomena for the formation of her modern political life. Ending
only with Yi power in 1910, these struggles still echo under the surface of Korean
society.

Despite the lack of analysis in English so far, there is much material bearing
on the story of this long political warfare.* 1 Source material was provided in bulk
by the Korean scholar-officials who themselves waged the struggles. Control of
government, of the land, and of economic privileges were certainly the prizes
sought, and the methods employed were not always gloved but the combatants
were highly literate and the arena usually literary and philosophic where entrants
employed elegant and recondite phrases and where, to the superficial eye, at least,
the impolite realities of power were not often allowed to intrude. Still, they did
intrude enough for us to read the record. And the literary residue is great, an
embarrassment of riches, a treasury also of puzzles. By and large, the scholars
of no country have begun to exploit this material fully; Western scholars have
not really started to exploit it at all. A piecemeal approach may be best; taking
first the study of individual incidents, we shall be able eventually to unravel
the many problems which stand between us and an understanding of Korea’s
long and complex factional-philosophic history. This paper seeks to examine one
such incident and its intellectual consequences.

Viewed in the perspective of the internal history of the Yi period, the incident
in question was not a decisive one; not one of the most famous or fought-over
decisions of the time. Yet the defeat of Chong Ta-san and what he stood for
may have an important bearing on the tragic failure of Korea to adapt herself

Mr. Henderson is a Foreign Service Officer of the United States who has served in
Korea, Japan, and Germany. He is currently a professor at the State Department’s Foreign
Service Institute in charge of training for Japan and Korea.

1 For reference on Yi-dynasty factionalism see Ko KwSn-sama, Chosdn chdngctii sah
[History of Korean Politics] (Seoul: Rlyu munhwa-sa, 1948), pp. 31-79; and Yi Py6ng-do%
Kuksa taegwand [General Survey of National History] (Seoul: Pomungak, 1956), pp. 381-390,
395-402.

377

378

GREGORY HENDERSON

to the forces of the late nineteenth century. Certainly the incident, taking place
toward the end of the dynasty, suggests the political conditions and intellectual
attitudes with which Korea faced the tides of modern influence.

The life of a remarkable man gives framework for this factional incident.
His personal name was Chong Yak-yongc, his more common pen name (ho),
Ta-san-'',2 his long life, 1762-1836, saw Korea on the brink of modem times.
Chong was a scholar, philosopher, and official, born in Kwangju, Kyonggi
Province, near Seoul, the son of a provincial governor. His family stemmed from
the province of Cholla in southwestern Korea and has been, even until the present
day, closely associated with the town of Naju.

Son of a scholar-official family, Ta-san was privately tutored, as was the custom
of his class and time, and was from his youth acquainted with the scholarlj’
pursuits of the age: literature, history, philosophy, mathematics, economics,
and the calendar. His tutoring took place in his family and their circle, and was
stamped with the strong views which this circle held on both philosophy and
politics — both, since the one was inseparably connected with the other in the
scholar-official tradition of the Yi period.

A consideration of the family traditions which were formative for Ta-san
brings us deep into the political life of the Yi djmasty. Since the end of the fif-
teenth century, the Korean court and governing bureaucracy had been riven
by factions. Both the cause and the history of these factions are complex, but
for some time before Ta-san’s birth the chief conflict was between two groups
known as the Noron4 and the Namin'. The families of both Ta-san’s father and
of his mother were prominent members of the Namin (“Southerners”) faction.3
In earlier periods, the Namin had held the power in the state; but in 1694 the
Noron faction had completely defeated it, cast its members into retirement,
and bestowed on their descendants a legacy of opposition which was to last,
with varying degrees of completeness, until the end of the dynasty. .Among those
who fell with the Namin was the grandfather of Ta-san’s mother, a famous
scholar-painter of practical philosophic tastes named Yun Tu-so (ho: Kong-je)m.
This scholar possessed a library containing many works on geography and eco-
nomics. Ta-san early had access to this library and owed much to it. Not only
what was read but what was spoken determined the direction of his develop-
ment. Those great families who were the core of the opposition kept closely
together, intermarrying and teaching each others’ children. We are told that
Ta-san, while still a precocious child, came under the influence of the writings
of one of the great opposition leaders — the great philosopher AT Ik (ho: Song-

2 A recent and authoritative account of Chong Ta-san’s life and work is the article by
Professor Takahashi Toru5, “Tei Chazan no daigaku keisetsu”'1 (“A Study on Tybng Da
San’s Philosophical Theory of Confucianism”) in Tenri daigaku gakuho, VII, No. 1 (Oct.
1955), 1-19. To this article and its author for much memorable conversation, I acknowledge a
deep debt of gratitude. Cf. also Yi Sung-gyu‘, “Ch6ng Yak-yong,” a biography in Choson
mydngin jon’ [ Biographies of Korean Eminents ] (Seoul: Chosbn ilbo ch'ulp ‘an-sa, 1939).

3 So called because the houses of many of the leaders who formed this faction were

located in the southern part of the city of Seoul. The term has no relation to the concept

of ‘‘South Korea.”

CHONG TA-SAN

379

ho)",4 one of the founders in Korea of a great Sino-Korean philosophic movement
associated in the Ch'ing with the School of Han Learning and in both countries
with opposition to the government and philosophic and administrative criticism
of the established Chinese and Korean regimes. This movement, in whose tradi-
tion Ta-san was educated, eschewed the abstract philosophic speculations then
current and brought factual examination and critical proof to bear on real
phenomena.

While Ta-san was still young, a political development of importance for his
later career occurred. The Korean King Chbngjo (reigned 1777-1800), broke
with the post-1694 Yi tradition proscribing the elevation to high position of
Namin adherents and gave official advancement to a Namin leader, Ch'ae
Che-gong°, a man so brilliant that, despite his faction, he succeeded in winning
and retaining the King’s personal favor. Ch'ae was promoted to the highest
positions and was able to bring into the government under his protection other
Namin members. Among those appointed was Chbng’s father. Another family
recipient of favor was the Yi family of Y5ju, Ta-san’s teachers and potent
influences on his life. While the stage was thus set for Ta-san, still a precocious
young scholar, to be appointed with a good chance for advancement, there were
already portents that a young Namin career might be of brief duration. Che-
gong’s success and the rise of his group created immediate opposition and in-
creasingly bitter jealousy from the opposing Noron faction. Even among the
Namin there was a conservative group opposed to Che-gong. From the time of
Che-gong’s rise on, a constant search for pretexts to overthrow him was going
on among his enemies. Even before Ta-san’s time, the Namin were accused of
unorthodox and possibly even non-Confucian intellectual influences.

Such were the auspices under which Ta-san’s career started. In 1789, during
the reign of Chongjo, Ta-san passed the civil examinations with great honor;
the King himself is reported to have been much impressed by the young man’s
original interpretations of the great Korean philosophers. Ta-san was given
official appointment, at first to a junior position which even a Namin member
might hold without incurring Noron jealousy. Showing ability in each post,
he rose rapidly. In 1792, he was assigned to the Confucian Academy and, in
the winter of that year, submitted, at the King’s order, the construction plans
for the walls and palaces of the emergency capital at Suwon which remain to
this day his greatest visible monument. With these plans he likewise provided
descriptions of how to use the crane and pulley.5 Using these — for Korea- — revo-
lutionary methods, considerable expense was saved. From that day on, Ta-san
was a favorite with the King, was rapidly promoted, became Councilor of the
Military Board, and attained a number of fine posts and honors. He was con-
stantly consulted in secret council by the King, and his opinions were of great
influence. He was a frequent user of the royal library and printing office, and
was allowed to read rare and valuable books, both Korean and foreign, belonging
to the King’s personal collection. Among these appear to have been some books

4 For Yi Ik (1682-1765), see biography in Choson myongin jon, pp. 333-336.

6 Choson myongin jon, p. 324.

380

GREGORY HENDERSON

reflecting Western influence or at least mentioning Western activities and religion
as they affected China. Such records seem to have been included in the reports
exchanged annually with the tribute missions to and from the throne at Peking.
Such books were not for public consumption, and the privilege — and even the
danger — of reading them wras greater than it might appear. For though Korea
was the first country in the world to develop wide use of movable-type printing
for books, the concept of the printed word as a means of general, popular dis-
semination was unknown; exclusiveness and strict control of information re-
mained unquestioned after centuries of printing in Korea. It was, indeed, in the
Yi atmosphere of jealous surveillance over intellectual life and the printed word
that Ta-san fell into the trap constructed by his enemies.

While he was still young and far from controlling the court, Ta-san’s rise had
whetted the envy of the Noron faction. The champions of the ecumenical Con-
fucian orthodoxy of the Sung philosopher, Chu Hsi, which had been the pillar
of the Yi regime since the middle of the sixteenth century, if not before, this
faction regarded the practical scientific ideas of Ta-san somewhat as earlier
Catholics had regarded the experiments of Galileo. In the narrow and highly
isolationist Korean world of the time, Ta-san’s very reading and broad culture
probably raised eyebrows. Between Ta-san’s inquiring and experimental instinct
and the vested conservatism of the older court ranks, the fines formed and a
crisis loomed.

The issue, when it came, proved to be symptomatic of this inbred atmosphere.
Yi Ka-hwan, the most illustrious member of the Yoju Yi family6 at whose knees
Ta-san had studied, had become his brother-in-law, a status which, in Korean
society, usually meant very close brotherly ties. Ka-hwan’s own brother-in-law
was, in 1783, appointed Ambassador (i.e., head of the annual tribute mission)
to Peking. The new Ambassador’s son, Yi Sung-hunp, who had been studying
with Ta-san and other friends for the civil examinations, joined his father’s
mission. Before leaving, this young man had apparently come in contact with a
Korean who knew something of Catholicism and was very anxious to know more.
Interested himself, and at the behest of his friend, young Yi visited one of the
Catholic churches then established in Peking. There he talked at length with the
priests, told them about his country and the difficulties and dangers of establish-
ing contact with it, became an enthusiastic convert (Korea’s first), and returned
home with copies of the Chinese Bible and other Western books, determined to
spread his new-found faith. The letters written to Rome about these conversa-
tions by the Catholic fathers whom Yi Sung-hun met are among the earliest
Western sources on Korea.7

Any such foreign contacts had to be carried on in the greatest secrecy in the

6 Ydju is a town not far southeast of Seoul. The family relations in this incident throw
much light on the ingrown, tightly-woven composition of the factions.

7 Akagi Nihei, “Chosen ni okeru tenshukyd no ryunyu to tenrei mondai ni tsuite” (“fiber
das Einfliessen des Christentums in Korea und die Ritusfrage”), Shigaku zasshi, LI (1940),
716-717. Yi Shng-hun was baptized in 1782 by the Portuguese priest in Peking known as
Mgr. Alexandre de Gouvea.

CHONG TA-SAN

381

Korea of that time; the events and persons involved in the introduction of Chris-
tianity into Korea are, with all due deference to the good Abbe Dallet,8 still
shrouded in much mystery. Exactly what books besides the Bible were brought
in is uncertain. Some materials on Western philosophy and science seem to have
been included. It seems apparent that Western philosophy and theology caused
much excitement among the young men of a society keyed to philosophical
studies, that Western scientific learning impressed Ka-hwan’s circle — and per-
haps Ta-san in particular — and that, possibly, the illicit character of this learning
added to its attractiveness. Under the guise of preparation for the official ex-
aminations, the new books were devoured by Ta-san and his circle. Their content
and, to some extent, the Catholic faith itself, seem to have made considerable
progress among his friends and family. Ka-hwan himself became a Catholic
convert and translated the Bible into Korean. At least one of Ta-san’s brothers
seems also to have entered the faith. There has been for the hundred and fifty
years since much argument as to whether Ta-san himself became a Christian
secretly or not.9 The evidence will probably never be conclusive. It is more
important to note two things, first, that Ta-san was certainly a Confucian in a
far deeper sense than he was a Christian, secondly, that his ideas and accomplish-
ments do appear to show some Western and Christian influence. Philosophically,
Ta-san’s un-Confucian belief in some sort of a Creator is the most frequently
cited example of apparent Christian influence on him.

In the succeeding years, Christian activity increased in Korea. Chinese and
even disguised French priests stole across the border, secreted themselves in the
Korean countryside, and, apparently successfully, proselytized. This early
success, under such extraordinarily difficult conditions, is interesting. Chris-
tianity has always been proportionately far more successful in Korea than in
China or Japan.10 In later years, its success was partly a function of protest
against the Japanese. It is interesting to speculate that its success in the eight-
eenth century may also have indicated popular dissatisfaction with the Yi
regime. However this may be, its activities increased the tenseness of the political
atmosphere at the Korean court and added fuel to the flames of the factions.
In 1795, a Chinese Catholic priest hid himself in Seoul.* 11 At the same time,
evidence of pleas by Korean Christians for outside help against the Yi Dynasty
are said to have been uncovered. The discovery of these Christian “cells” gave
rise to a new wave of reaction against all those suspected of some contact with

8 Abb6 Charles Dallet, Histoire de I’figlise de Coree, (Paris, 1874), pp. 13-36. In his desire
to glorify the early history of Catholicism in Korea, the Abb6 appears to have dilated on
his sources considerably.

9 Takahashi T5ru, pp. 4-7. Most of Chbng’s relatives and decendants were Catholics.

10 The number of Christians in Korea today is reported as 166, 732 Catholics and 849,608
Protestants (includes Presbyterians, Methodists, and Holiness Church only), see Hanguk
ydngam [Korea Annual ] (1956), p. 300; whereas Japanese Christians number 271,399 Cath-
olics and 246,232 Protestants, see Kirisutokyo nenkan [ Christian Annual ] (1956), p. 492.

11 The priest’s name was Chou Wen-mou (in Korean, Chu Mun-mo)5. For this incident
see Dallet, pp. 69-81, and Yi Nung-hwar, Choson kidokkyo kup oegyo sa* [History of Korean
Christianity and Diplomacy ] (Seoul, 1925), I, 138-145.

382

GREGORY HENDERSON

Western thought. Ta-san and his brothers all came in for sharp criticism for
playing with the fire of non-Confucian thought and Western influence. The
Noron faction, in its long search for a pretext to discredit Ta-san, now had its
weapon. Ta-san was accused by persistent “rumor” of harboring Christian germs,
of perhaps secretly plotting to overthrow the regime itself. As evidence, the
Christian conversion of his brother and some of his friends was brought against
him — a clear case of guilt by association. Ta-san’s mention, in one of his own
works, of a Creator was also cited. His malefactors argued that Ta-san, behind a
usually healthy Confucian exterior, was dangerously infected with seditious
Christian doctrine.

To allay criticism, to afford opportunity for further investigation, and to
test his fidelity, Chongjo sent Ta-san as magistrate to the minor district of Kum-
j5ng,12 whose inhabitants were among those influenced by Christianity. There,
Ta-san was successful in admonishing the people to return to their traditional
ways. Within the year, he was recalled to Seoul as Vice Chief Secretary of the
King’s Secretariat. The tongues of his enemies could not be silenced. Perhaps
they used the time to gather small pieces of evidence or fabrication. Ta-san
again “fell from the capital” and was sent as magistrate to Koksan. Again in
grace, he was recalled to Seoul in 1796 and made Councilor of the Board of
Punishments, where his decisions became known for their clarity and soundness
of judgment. In 1799, however, the great Namin official Ch'ae Che-gong died,
followed the next year by King Chongjo. Ta-san lost in them his great protectors.
The Noron worked untiringly to establish itself with the next king, Sun jo, and
Ta-san’s position rapidly became untenable. He submitted his resignation and,
with his brothers, returned to Soch'on,13 where he taught and studied the Classics
in a study which he named “The Hall of Hesitations.”

He was not to be left in peace. In 1801, with the Noron in complete and vin-
dictive control, charges were brought against him and he was twice imprisoned.
His Christian brother was executed; another brother was exiled to a small island.
Ta-san himself, though actually given a death sentence, was reprieved for lack
of evidence and exiled to Kangjin. Around 1808, through the intercession of
friendly officials, he was permitted to move to the place in Cholla Province from
which he took his most famous pen name, Ta-san. Here he lived the life of a
retired literatus in a mountain pavilion owned by a sympathetic colleague;
he made a pond and garden, planted trees and flowers, led a stream into the
grounds, and contrived a waterfall, which long were famous. In the east and
west pavilions was a library of one thousand volumes, and he gave himself up
to uninterrupted study and writing. In 1810, his son appealed his father’s sen-
tence. In 1818, another appeal was made; it was sustained and all charges were
removed. So the incident had ended and had opened the way for Ta-san’s accom-
plishments in literature and thought. For the remaining years of his long life,
the aging philosopher read, wrote, and traveled, dying in 1836 at the age of
seventy-five.

12 A district in South Ch‘ungch‘8ng Province near the west coast.

13 A village near the town of Kwangju, Ky6nggi Province, near Seoul. Ta-san was born
in this neighborhood.

CHONG TA-SAN

383

N o Korean author, certainly none of his stature, is the peer of T a-san in scholarly
productivity. On Confucian classics, his main theme, he wrote two hundred and
thirty fascicles ( kwon ) : on politics some seventy-eight, on phonetics some fifty,
on geography forty -two; there are eighteen fascicles of poetry and some twenty
others on medicine and other subjects.14 Besides these there are unpublished
manuscripts. Outstanding among his writings is the Mongmin simsdx [A True
Guide to Governing the People ], a compendium on administration finished in 1824
when the author was sixty-three years of age. Even in modern format, Ta-san’s
works would run to scores of Western-style volumes. Not in fecundity alone but
in the quality, incisiveness, and modernity of his thought Ta-san is outstanding
and is probably to be accounted the most commanding and original thinker in
Korea’s intellectual history.

The study of this history is still in its infancy, and the significance of Ta-
san’s work has yet to be fully described and appraised. A brief, preliminary
appraisal requires some examination of Yi-dynasty philosophy and its relation
to contemporary Chinese currents of thought.

The regime which Yi Tae-jo began in 1392 was founded on the rock of complete
acceptance of Ming policies and philosophy. Ming thought generally espoused
the interpretation of the Chinese classics formulated by Chu Hsi as orthodox.
Korea followed suit with the enthusiasm of the convert. Far more, even, than
in Ming China, the word of Chu Hsi in Korea was law; one could criticise Con-
fucius if necessary, but Chu Hsi was beyond cavil or doubt. Criticism of Chu
Hsi in Korea was tantamount to subversion against the state power from which
few in the narrow peninsula could escape.

After the fall of the Ming, China’s most vital intellectual traditions became
disenchanted with Chu Hsi orthodoxy. The fall of the world’s largest nation to a
small outside power of inferior culture led serious Chinese thinkers to question,
to attack, and to revise the thought of the fallen empire. In an almost protestant
reaction, the Ch'ing scholars returned to ancient texts, urged study that would be
critical and objective, argued for state theories that would be more practical,
inveighed against the abstract, intuitional orthodoxy of Chu Hsi. Allied to this
reaction was the political position of the famous Ch‘ing scholars — one of opposi-
tion to the conservative Manchu regime.

Korea in general, had no such dynastic break, no such dramatic stimulus to
re-examine her adopted orthodoxy. Allegiance to Chu Hsi held on, sanctified by
unbroken dynastic tradition. Hence the main intellectual currents of Korea
increasingly diverged from those of China after the Ming period.

Still, though it lacked the breadth and conviction it had among the Chfing
scholars, a minority Korean opposition to the orthodox philosophy did develop.
The Manchu victory did cast a certain shadow over the peninsula; several
scholars like Yi Ik asked whether Korea’s disdain of the Ch'ing and spiritual
allegiance to defeated Ming ideals was either practical or constructive. Even

14 Among the most important of these are: Kydngse yup‘yo‘ on economics; Aon kakpiu
on philology; Humhum sinsov on politics, and Abang kan’gyok kow on geography. On Ta-san’s
medical works, see ChSng In-bo, “Ta-san sQnsaeng ui saeng'ae wa 6pch‘dk,” Tamwon kukhak
sango (Seoul, 1955).

384

GREGORY HENDERSON

more compelling were the pressures of internal politics and the factions. Officials
were no longer appointed by merit but were degraded or rewarded by factional
victory. Frequently the most gifted scholars were the most likely to be vilified,
as in the instance of Ta-san. The Korean political system thus bred its own
opposition. In the nature of Confucian behavior, the retired official wrote and,
inevitably, criticized the established order which had rejected him. Retreating
from the jealous eyes of the capital his study lay in a rural community. Here
was the origin of the “grass-roof protest” which was so important a part of
Korea’s intellectual traditions.

Ta-san was the greatest of the “grass-roof protesters” of Korea. He was
fortunate in being, in a sense, linked to two great Confucian opposition move-
ments: that of the Ch‘ing and that of his own Namin faction, which already
included such names as Yi S6ng-ho (Yi Ik), An Chbng-bok (Sun-am), Hong
Tae-ySng, Pak Chi-w6n, Yu Hyang-w6n (Pan-ge), and Pak Che-ga. Added to
these influences was a strong instinct for government trained by national,
class, and family traditions and seasoned in career. Ability, learning, an encom-
passing curiosity, and the tart of unjust exile drove Ta-san to detail the wrongs
he saw, to give them systematic analysis, sharp correction.

In so doing, Ta-san borrowed from both Ch'ing and Western thought. In a
manner almost reminiscent of the thinkers of the European Renaissance he took
from various new intellectual streams, applied his borrowings to philosophy and
practical problems alike, and achieved a little of that striking combination of
scope and versatility which we admire in the sixteenth-century Italians. Sadly,
Ta-san’s political defeat and his culture’s traditional hostility to technology
frustrated more of those practical applications in engineering and architecture
which were so striking in Europe. Suwfin’s fortifications, almost alone, remain
of Ta-san’s efforts in technology. Yet the stimulus to practical creativity was
there. Ta-san succeeded in making a clear break with the Yi period’s endless
philosophical speculations on the nature of the “ether,” “form,” and “matter.”
An instinct for the practical, a plea that ethics, principles, and government should
be useful to men, runs like a metallic thread through all his works.

Criticism is the other penchant of his thought. He came by it both naturally
and traditionally. Defeat, exile, and a critical nature were his personal goads;
the Ch'ing School of Han Learning and his own Namin tradition were his intel-
lectual precedents. In his works, criticism and new inquiry constantly combine.
His theory of a Creator was both Christian-influenced and an implied criticism
of Chu Hsi’s static world; earlier posited, more widely accepted, it might have
borne philosophic, even scientific fruit. The thousand illustrations of bad govern-
ment in the Mongmin simsd are manifestly drawn from experience with Yi
administration; the corrections to them which Ta-san formulated show an
immediacy and objectivity not typical of Yi thought — a stimulus, perhaps,
from the School of Han Learning. Most striking and modern of all was his
Yojongov, a thesis on landholding and operation in which Ta-san developed a
theory of rural community landownership. Postulating a collective farm system
designed to increase the quality and quantity of production and ensure greater

CHONG TA-SAN

385

equity in distribution, Ta-san suggested alloting the total product to the farmers
on the basis of the amount of labor contributed by them, a certain percentage
being allocated first for taxes. Here again, the protest against Yi social inequities
is clear, the influence of ideas from outside Korea highly probable.15

A man so critical and inquiring in his own time has aroused renewed interest
in recent years. North Korean scholars in farfetched attempts to find native
precedent for communist programs have fastened on the Yojongo as an adumbra-
tion of the kolkhoz and present his poetry as that of a kind of pre-communist
social reformer. The real importance of Ta-san’s work as a whole is quite differ-
ent. It shows us that the rigidity of Yi-dynasty thought was not absolute, that
some foreign influence did enter to generate the beginnings of what could have
been a new outlook. The incipiently scientific thought of Ta-san, properly nur-
tured, might have provided an effective mental framework to which Koreans
could have referred in the traumatic days of adaptation to Western culture.

Unhappily, Ta-san’s thought could not succeed in putting down strong roots
in late Yi soil. Even his own group, the Namin, succumbed to the general intel-
lectual decline after Ta-san and turned to jealous and petty politicking. The
phenomenon of Ta-san became a curiosity within his own culture. A curiosity,
but an arresting one which, however abortive, gives us a unique revelation — one
is tempted to say expose — of the operation of the Yi political system in all its
details.

The details are vivid. We know what governors did when they left Seoul for
their posts, whom they bribed and how much, how they made trips, who paid
the bills, who met them on arrival, and with what sort of welcome, with what
dishes and music they were entertained, and who approached them for favors.
It is not a novel; but it is at times as cohesive and coolly analyzed as Stendhal.
It is in no sense a democratic treatise, despite its rather pious title. Yet we see
that every mistake, each piece in the anatomy of corruption, is an added burden
on a farming people which can bear no more. There is pungency and bite behind
the stately Confucian periods; Ta-san’s advocacy of unsentimental reform had
the instincts of a Swift.

Not that there was no nonsense about him. Like certain of the old squire
literati of Europe, he shared some of the superstitions, formality, and love of
ceremony of his age. He is worried about the number of paces distance from which
the governor’s household should bow to greet him, how they should be arranged,
in what direction they should face. He takes processions seriously and prescribes
what banners should be carried. Manners and their symbols were important;
he was not a radical in minor ways. He dealt with life as he knew it. One senses

16 Takahashi T5ru, “Chosen gakusha no tochi heibun setsu to kyosan setsu,” [“Korean
Scholars’ Theory of Equal Land Division and the Communist Theory”] in Hattori sensei
kogi shukuga kinen rombun shu (Tokyo, 1936), has an excellent discussion of the various
views involved. A recent North Korean translation of passages from the Ydjdngo with
comment is: Ch'oe Ik-han, “Chhng Ta-san chakp'um jSn” in Chosdn munhak, No. 4 (April
1956), pp. 124-143. (The same magazine contains an article by Yun Se-p‘yhng, “ChQng
Ta-san kwa kii hi siga,” translating certain poems of Ta-san which, the author believes, af-
ford insight into social and political conditions.)

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GREGORY HENDERSON

his recognition of a system in the society around him and an appraisal of the
function of that system. If he accepts its embellishments, it is with remarkable
critical reserve. Processions are good, but no presents should be accepted en
route. Flags are commendable, but too many will cost too much. And so his
model governor goes, winding down the narrow path between ineffective reti-
cence and burdensome extravagance. In the study of Yi-dynasty politics, nothing
is more instructive than what Ta-san tells us about how this path was bounded.

Ta-san could inveigh, publish, and prescribe social medication. But he could
not reform the Yi system. Ingrained in its ways, increasingly monopolized by
an ingrown social caste, ever more widely and openly corrupt, the ancien regime
lingered on, unable either to reform itself within the Confucian pattern or to
read the import of the new tides from the West. Ta-san also did not live to see
their fullness; his life v'as fretted in their earliest ripples in his country. It is
interesting to speculate on what might have happened had his broader and more
practical view prevailed with his dynasty. Not even a host of Ta-san’s could,
surely, have saved Yi power. Yet more men of Ta-san’s ilk wyould almost cer-
tainly have written constructive chapters into the record of Korea’s adaptation
to the West; they might well have prolonged Korea’s independent existence.
Even today, long after Confucianism has yielded place to the West as the prime
cultural influence on Korea, Ta-san’s social consciousness and pragmatic thought
retain a certain pertinence.

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abroad and hold qualified membership at
home ?

The Independent publishes the following
interesting note from the Rev. H. G. Ap-
penzeller, of the Methodist mission in Seoul,
Korea, under date of September 13:

Western medical scicnco has reached the
throne of Korea, anlPboth the king and queen
are now treated by foreign doctors. The “ Ko-
rean Government Hospital,” in charge of Drs.
II. N. Allen and J. W. Ileron, has been such a ,
success among the natives as to recommend
itself favorably to the attention of his majesty.
The king, from the beginning of the medical -
work here, has taken a lively interest in it, and
the doctors had but to make their wishes
known to him and their requests were granted.
For some months past the king received medi-
cines from Dr. Allen at his private otfice.
During the recent cholera epidemic his majesty
sent for a large supply of carbolic acid. Dr.
Annie J. Ellers came to Seoul under the aus-
pices of the Presbyterian Missionary Society,
in July. In August the queen was taken sick,
and Miss Ellers was sent for and has been very
successful in her treatment. The native court
physicians have been dismissed from the pal-
ace, and our doctors have thus a clear path
before them.

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The cause of religious liberty iu Korea
has undoubtedly been retarded by the at-
tempt of France some months ago to secure
a treaty clause granting full religious tole-
ration. It was a failure, the bare proposal
having caused much excitement and opposi-
tion in official circles. The old edicts are
still in force, and it is thought that Koreans
embracing Christianity might even be iu
danger of death.

On the other hand, while no open preach-
ing is allowed, the quiet exertion of personal
influence with individuals is evidently treated
with connivance. No signs or placards
which indicate Christian propagandism are
tolerated. Mission schools, however, have
been started and hospitals established, and
an orphanage has been founded under even
enthusiastic royal sanction. While the
schools of the missionaries are watched to
see whether there is any endeavor to teach
religion, private conversations are not dis-
allowed.

Our United States minister, Capt. Will-
iam II. Parker, has taken a step in ad-
vance by opening the first public religious
service in the English language at the
American Legation. This is a right granted
by treaty, and is undoubtedly justifiable.

(p- 35 7

,l <X)e>-rr*£~K W-

Mrs. Arthur G. Welbon
While her husband in response to a cable-
gram was on his way to the United States
from Chosen, Mrs. Arthur G. Welbon, mis-
sionary in Chosen for twenty-six years, died at
Maryville, Tcnn., July jo.

Mrs. Welbon (Sadie Harvey Nourse) was
born July 2, 1872, at Cairo, W. Va. She was
appointed to Chosen Mission in 1899. There
she met Mr. Welbon and they were married in
1901. Her interest in the pioneer missionary
task of her husband, itinerating and establish-
ing classes and churches in the country dis-
tricts, gave her great opportunity to meet the
women. While her husband talked to the men,
she gathered the women about her and taught
them and learned their needs. But it was this
very work which exhausted her vitality. Ex-
posure to all kinds of weather, added to the
heavy physical strain of climbing steep moun-
tain trails and fording streams finally broke
her splendid strength. In one year she covered
3,000 miles of hard country travel. In 1919
she was forced to return home, and has been
in the United States ever since.

Mrs. Welbon is survived by her husband and
children.

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NEWS FROM THE FRONT

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CHOSEN

Miss Jane Samuel writes from Syen
Chun : The work here is perforated with
empty spots where Miss Helstrom has been
working so faithfully and well. These spots
need her now more than ever. I have been*
able to have eight large country and circuit
classes — in various combinations with our
two Biblewomen, we’ve had seventeen
classes. Our troubles with smoke, charcoal
fumes, cold, crowds, etc., are all over. Next
Monday we begin our Bible Institute in a
perfectly comfortable building. We are now
buying land for our Dormitories. We are
glad to report that our new Government
has assured us that the school can continue,
so we are proceeding with our plans. The
most interesting feature of our fall classes
each year is the annual meeting of our
Women’s Missionary Society, a popular
meeting where their own missionaries gave
Interesting reports and an executive meet-
ing where all the reports were received and
next year’s work planned. They are sup-
porting twelve out of the eighteen mission-
aries supported by our Presbytery. I have
been interested in hearing how they get the
money, for Korean women have no money.
One young woman whose family wouldn’t
let her have money for the missionary so-
ciety got ten eggs and gave them to a poor
woman nearby ; when the chickens were
big enough to sell, they divided the profits
and both became members of the mission-
ary society. One old lady wanted to belong
here but couldn’t earn anything and hadn’t a
tiling to sell. Her brother thought she
needed a new skirt, and gave her one yen.
"Joy!” says the old lady, “I don’t need a new
skirt, I'll give my money to the missionary
society.” One old lady who was very ill
said, “I am ashamed to go before my Lord
without ever belonging to the missionary so-
ciety. The only thing I have is a brass rice

bowl — I’ll not need it again, sell it and give
the money to the missionary society.” So
she was a member for several days before
going home.

KOREA.

There has been trouble again in Korea, and mat-
rs there are quite unsettled. The last excitement
was caused by an attempt on the part of the Chinese
representative at Seoul to accomplish the death of
four of the most enlightened und trusty men in the
country. His object was evidently to get these
men out of the way so that no one of influence and
ability could be found to oppose the Chinese claims
to sovereignty and the various schemes to thwart
the will of the people. It is probable that the
result will be the opposite of what was intended,
and the man who originated all the trouble will be
deprived of his position and power in Korea.

The missionary work in the land is looking more

f*'' and more hopeful. Dr. Allen has been decorated

queen. In this way the confidence of those high-
est in power is being secured, and the hatred and

^ H prejudice of the past will be removed.

It has been predicted that if the king and queen

would only become Christians all the nation would

. follow. That the first may be the case is among

the possibilities of the future. The missionaries at

Seoul need our most earnest prayers for wisdom
and grace to guide them in their important posi-

Cr and more hopeful. Dr. Allen has been decorated
for his distinguished services, and is honored with
the position of third rank in the kingdom. He is
thus enabled to visit the palace and attend the
king in person, and Miss Ellers, M.D., attends the
queen. In this way the confidence of those high-

Wear Foreign Costumes
It adds much to the interest when missiona
ries wear their “foreign” costumes while
speaking. A newly organized group of West-
minster Guild girls in California gazed with
joy at Miss Jean Delmarter (one of their
dinner guests) in her fascinating Korean
white dress, carrying her chop-sticks in their
embroidered chop-stick bag. Rare joy it was
to watch Miss Delmarter eating with chop-
sticks what they were eating with forks. It
cost the missionary very little trouble and
not the least embarrassment, and the eighteen
girls know decidedly more about Korea than
they would have known had she just talked
to them about her beloved field.

I

(p V ?3

1891.] PRACTICAL CONFUCIANISM AND PRACTICAL CHRISTIANITY IN KOREA. 595

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PRACTICAL CONFUCIANISM AND PRACTICAL CHRISTIANITY

IN KOREA.

BY REV. SAMUEL A. MOFFETT, PYKNG YANG.

On a recent trip to this, the second city of Korea, I rested on the
Lord’s day in a small village, where I witnessed what gave me an insight
into the utter heartlessness of heathenism. Soon after breakfast my boy
came in saying that there was a poor fellow dying out on the roadside.
Going out, I found a man somewhat past sixty years of age lying on a
rough litter. He was covered with frost, having lain there all night, and
was very weak, though able to talk. Upon inquiry I learned that he had
been taken sick on the road five days before, and that, according to the
custom which now prevails, he had been placed upon this litter by the
men of the nearest village, and by them carried to the next village, where
lie was dropped at the side of the road. The people of this village, in
turn fearing lest he should die on their hands and his spirit remain to
haunt them and work them mischief, hurried him on. Thus the poor man
had been carried from village to village, left to lie all night in the rain or
frost without covering, without food, or medicine, or any attention beyond
that of being roughly carried on and dropped again. For five days ho
had been so treated, and his strength was almost gone. I suggested that
6ome one give him food ; but no, not one was so minded ; so buying a
table of food I fed him with some rice-water. After eating a little the old
man looked up gratefully, saying, “ Now I shall live,” and then he
pleaded to be taken care of for two or three days, until he should have
strength to go on. I urged the people to give me a room where he might
be made comfortable, promising to pay for his food and fuel. They flatly
refused, and were preparing to carry him on. Turning from them I spofe
to him of Christ, of forgiveness of sin, and relief from pain. lie seemed
to understand, and brightened up a little. After praying with him I turned
again to the people and said some pretty plain things about their inurder-
ino- the man. This seemed to arouse their consciences a little, and the
spokesman of the village began to talk of finding a room. Asking me about
his food, he named an exorbitant sum as necessary in order to keep him a
few days. 1 agreed to furnish the amount, and told them to prepare the
room while I went to get the money.

Entering my room at the inn several followed, saying that it was very
kind in me to thus care for the man, but that the people did not want to
take him in. Again I urged and offered more money, but while talking
others came in to sav that they had already carried the man off. They
had gone but a few miles when the poor fellow died, and there they buried
him.

Talking to those people, I felt like a prophet of old as I told them of

596 PRACTICAL CONFUCIANISM AND PRACTICAL CHRISTIANITY IN KORii

a judgment to come, and called upon them to repent ere they were c..
before God to answer for the deed of that day. However, pity rather
than indignation fills my mind as 1 think of this poor, degraded people,
even their sense of humanity blunted under the system of misgovernmdnt
and oppression and the teachings of those who are professed Confucianists.

Not long after this I passed along the main street of this city of Pycng
Yang and witnessed another incident revealing the degradation of this
people. Before me were a lot of boys tugging away at ropes attached to
a straw mat, in which was the body of a man who had just died on the
street. The boys were shouting and laughing and making gay sport as
they dragged this corpse along. This took place on the main street of
the capital of the province, the boys being the errand boys of the mer-
chants, who sat among their wares laughing at the frolic the boys were
having.

Upon returning to my rooms I spoke of wha)t I had seen, and was told
by' my boy that the night before he had seen an old man lying in front of
one of the main public buildings on this street. The old man had just
been thrust out of an inn and left to die on the streets on that bitterly
cold night. It may have been this body' that I saw thus dragged through
the streets, but I am told that such cases arc not so infrequent but that
there may have been two in one day.

Is this practical Confucianism which professes to pay the greatest re-
spect to the aged and to the dead ? This is not an exceptional case, such
as might occur in the slums of a large city, but it took place in the sight of
all on the main street in the city', where dwells the governor, who in his
zeal for Confucianism has recently established anew a Confucian school.

Christianity has not as yet very many adherents in Korea, but already
these few show a greatly different spirit from the above. Last January,
in this probably the most wicked city in Korea, it was my privilege to
baptize eight men, giving us a church of ten members. They had been
instructed in the Gospel for several months, had endured abuse and insult
with courage and with a truly Christ-like spirit, and they soon showed
that they had been imbued with the practical spirit of Christianity. Before
theyr had been in the church a month they came to me with the proposi-
tion that the first use of the little money they' had contributed should be
forthe care of a little orphan child dying of starvation. I gladly accepted
the propositioh, eager to encourage them in their Christ-like spirit. Thus
practical Christianity is manifesting itself in Korea. Theoretical Con-
fucianism contrasted with Christianity in a Parliament of Religions at
Chicago is one thing ; practical Confucianism illustrated in Korea is quite
another.

ulity in Lj>r^a.

NO CALL FOR TIMIDITY IN KOREA.

MRS. H. G. UNDERWOOD, SEOUL.
Although Korea has always beeu consider-
ed the most exclusive of nations, has, indeed,
oon>e to be generally known as the ‘‘Hermit

Nation.” the short history of Protestant Mis-
sions in that country is one of the brightest
and most promising that can be found n all
the annals of pioneer work. Rumors and
sensational reports of mobs. persecutions, etc.,
have repeatedly helped to fill a column in the
newspapers, so that almost the first question
which a returned missionary is asked is *• But
do you not find a great deal of government
opposition? ” The simple fact however is
that hitherto very little of such opposition
has ever been met.

Two of the most open and outspoken mis-
sionary workers in Seoul, one a Presbyterian
and the other a Methodist, once took a trip
together in the interior. Though they made
no secret of their objrct, they were treated
with the highest honor by the governors and
magistrates through whose districts they pass-
ed. One high official in particular, whose son
had just returned from the goverment school
in Seoul and who therefore must have known
perfectly what their character and business
were, sent them presents of the choicest
dainties and loaded them with every atten-
tion. Upon their return one of them was
waited upon by the highest dignitaries of the
state and urged to take charge of the govern-
ment school where the sons of the noblest
families are educated.

Later, the same missionary made another
trip to the extreme north. After spending about
teu days in one of the largest cities, he called
before leaving upon the governor of the place.
His Excellency apologized for not having
himself called upon the missionary, and re-
marked that he understood that Mr.

had been distributing a great many good books
and that he was gieatly indebted to him.

Again, when one of our native Christians
was arrested and thrown into prison by a pro-
vincial magistrate, his superior in Seoul
made the amplest apologies, ordered the man

145

’«02.] .Vo Call Jo,

released and feasted, and tried to explain the
matter to the missionary by saying that the
official who had caused the arrest had been a
long time in the interior of the country, re-
mote from the capital, and did not understand
affairs.

In the very early history of Mission work
in Korea, a colporteur who had been seized
and whose books had been confiscated was
set free with only an admonition to sell no
more. A few days later his books were all
> privately returned by the official himself, in

person, who told the man to go on with the
good work, but to be careful.

Some of the heathen youths at the Hospital
school, which is under government control,
complained to the president of the hospital
that one of their companions was a Christian
(their real objection to him was on quite dif-
ferent grounds) and requested his dismissal.
The president replied, “Your teacher also is
a Christian, but he is none the worse for that,
and if you do not like to remain in the school
with the young man, you may leave. ” He
refused to dismiss the young convert.

Not only do we enjoy the good-will of high
officials; we have received manytokens of royal
favor. It is not without significance that the
King and Queen on the royal birthdays and
national holidays send to the physicians of
the Presbyterian Mission ample presents of
beef, pheasants, fruits, etc., the same as those
sent to the Korean officials. They have also
sent generous wedding presents and other
gifts to the lady physicians who have treated
Her Majesty. It is true that these physicians
were in a certain sense Korean officials,
but there is no mistaking the feeling of good
will, passing easily into tolerance and confi-
dence, which such acts indicate. Another in-
stance of a similar character occurs to me.

Timidity in Korea.

t ■' *

When Her Majesty, the Queen, after strictly
secluding herself for two years, finally gave
an audience, she invited the ladies of the lega-
tion's and consulates, omitting, others of high
rank, but her invitation expressly included
the Presbyterian woman physician and the
wife of the Presbyterian hospital physician.
To realize the full significance of this, one
needs to understand that throughout the East
missionaries are usually considered inferior
in rank to all officials and are very rarely in-
vited to official entertainments of any kind.

Although public religious services are held
several times a week in the Mission com-
pound with singing which can be heard all
through the neighborhood, and the people
make no secret of their coming or going, and
though government officials often call at our
house, making numerous inquiries about our
work which are always frankly answered,
no one has ever laid hands on any of the na-
tive worshippers, nor have they ever been
threatened or forbidden to attend the services.
It is true that in 1888 a note was sent to the
consulates asking that Christian teaching be
stopped, but as Korea just then had the best
reasons for hostility to the French Jesuits
and could not frown upon them without a
pretence of silencing us also, we conclud-
ed that this admonition was never intended
except to save appearances, nor has it ever
been other than a dead letter. The Korean
Government has shown and we are confident,
feels no hostility toward Protestant missions,
but for political reasons they prefer that we
should not force our doings upon their offici-
al cognizance too openly. Nor is this necess-
ary. There is more work ready at our hands
than in many a day, alas! we can find hands
for, and when that work is done, the way
will be cleared for more.

KOREA.

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_ We regret that Mrs. Cnderwood has' been obliged on
account of ilHhealth to return from Korea^-and we hope
that her stay in the home land may be everything she
desires.

Although Mrs. Underwood herself has not been able to
engage in public speaking, Mr. Underwood has thoroughly
magnetized many audiences and has enlisted several
workers for his mission field.

Miss Susan Doty is working bravely in the Girls’
school, which is steadily progressing. She writes that the
little girls are very nice, only just naughty to be interesting
— about half of them are over ten years of age, the rest are
younger. Chowgu, who was the oldest pupil, is married
and is now in the school, teaching the Korean written
language. She also studies and teaches the Bible.

The Christmas time was very pleasant, the children all
had presents, some of them given by friends there. One
gentleman in the political circle sent a large amount of
candy, aad another friend gave each of the girls a bright
new waist, better than she had ever had before. The
magic lantern sent out by the Nebraska ladies is a source
of great pleasure. Miss Doty says: “It is all just right.
The lantern does beautifully and the selection of slides is
a good one.”

While the mission was on the mountains during
August there were many opportunities of presenting
Christ as a Savior to the poor old ignorant men and
women who came in from the country to see the mission-
aries. Miss Doty writes: “As one of our number told

them of J esus, the look that came over the face of one, I
can describe in no other way than by the passage, ‘ Who
shall deliver me from the body of this death ?’”

Korea has been called the Infant Mission, and we
rejoice that the vigorous cries for help are meeting with
such hearty response.

Dr. and Mrs. Brown went out late last fall. Dr. Brown
is a brother of our Dr. Mary Brown in Wei Hien, China.

Miss Victoria C. Arbuckle is under appointment by the
Assembly’s Board to assist Miss Doty. She is a sister of
Mrs. Iddings, in Guatemala.

Besides these there is quite a delegation from McCor-
mick Seminary who expect to sail in August.

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BEHIND SEALED DOORS IN KOREA.

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ijsO ye gates!” upon receiving this note;

at the same time I almost trembled with a
g sense' of my responsibility. And when I took
g my seat on the covering spread in the
d “ aung paung" and looked around on the
1. richly dressed ladies and waiting maids, I
d longed to tell them the wonderful, sweet
I story of “Jesus and his love;” but such
0 a step would be dangerous in the present
state of affairs, so I could only pray the
Lord to give me a place in the hearts of
these people, that I might soon be able to
influence them for Him. 1 talked to the
ladies about different kinds of embroid-
ery and chucked the babies under the chin.
Mr. Yi soon brought in his beautiful little
. child-wife in her wedding dress, as he
told me. It was an elegant, scarlet, brocaded
silk. Her head was covered with ornaments
of gold, and pearls, and jade, and her little
hands were laden with a large number of

rings. Mr. Yi was very polite to her, and
evidently proud of her, but she was so shy
that it was some time before she ventured
to look at me. 1 could not help feeling
sorry for the little thing and longing to have
her set free — out in the sunshine, with hoop
and skipping-rope, and merry boys and girls
for company.

I cannot tell half the strange, rich things
I saw in this queer, heathen home, nor
of the bountiful feast placed before me
and the decorous hospitality of my hostess;
but I must say these Korean ladies are, in
their own way, very < harming, and seem to
possess both refinement and strength of
character.

I am sure the time is not far off
when we shall be allowed to teach them of
Jesus.

Hattie G. Heron.

Seoul, Korea, Dec. 8, 1885.

BEHIND SEALED DOORS IN KOREA.

a:

Mr. Yi Hahkuin is the son of a Korean
gentleman of considerable means. Though
only fifteen years old, Mr. Yi has taken a
course of study in the Government school,
speaks a little English, has a position in the
royal hospital, wears his hair on the top of
his head, and has been the husband of a
beautiful little black-eyed girl for more than
a year.

A short time ago I invited Mr. Yi to bring
his mother to visit me, never dreaming that
his father would trust his wife in the house
of a foreigner ; for all Korean ladies (except
dancing girls) are kept in the strictest se-
clusion. The “ aung paring,” or women’s
apartments, are shut off from the front of
the house, and have double shutters for the
windows. When these ladies go away from
home (which is not often the case) their
covered chairs are carried inside the court,
and the chair men all retire until the lady
has taken her seat and the door is carefully
shut and curtains drawn.

Great was my surprise when Mr. Yi
thanked me and said he would like to have
his mother visit me. A few days after, I re-
ceived a note, saying he would bring his
mother and his father’s other wife in the
afternoon, if agreeable.

About one o’clock in came the two chairs,
followed by servants, and when Mr. Yi had

seen that the men were all safely out of
sight, and Dr. Heron was not at home, the
maids opened the chair doors and out came
two very gorgeous-looking ladies, attired in
long, full, silk robes of blue and pink, with
dainty slippers to match. I found my guests
dignified and ladylike in every way, partak-
ing of the refreshments I offered in a very
dainty manner. They were greatly pleased
with the chairs, the mirror and bed, while
my sewing machine and organ were marvel-
ous things in their eyes, and Mrs. Yi, the
elder, told me she had lived to be forty-
seven years old and had never before seen
such strange things. They seemed to en-
joy their visit, tea-cakes and all, and the
next day I received this note from Mr. Yi :

Dear Mrs. Heron. — As I come to my
house I had been important business, and I
cannot call you and Doctor. My mother
had been pleased the foreign house, so she
very glad about, and she wants to invite you
on to-morrow morning about 12 o’clock, so
I ask if you busy or not. If you not busy on
to-morrow, will you be so kindly to step round
to my house and see how we live. Then we
are very glad to see you.

I am yours sincerely,

Yi Hahruin.

I felt like shouting, “ Lift up your heads.

KOREA.

7

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3

From Korea come the same reports, which bring to us
both encouragement and discouragement; encouragement,
because there are so many calls, both for new lines of work
at the old stations, and for more workers to man new places ; 5 M
discouragement, because there are so few missionaries to ^
answer these calls. ^ $

Dr. Lillias Horton Underwood writes from Seoul:

“The work among the women is most promising of all.

They come to our homes, and are delighted to have us go
to theirs. They seem to accept the sweet comforts and
blessings of the gospel, far more readily than the men,
perhaps because their burdens are so much heavier, and
their lives so much darker and more cheerless.

l)r. Underwood, with all her intense longing to help and
bless these people, has been kept from service, this winter,
by a very severe attack of rheumatism. Mr. Underwood
has gone through the streets with the little wagon, fulbof .
medicine and tracts, and lias himself treated many of the
sick, often referring the more difficult cases to his wife. A
little son, who came into their home in September, has
brought light and joy to Mrs. Underwood in spite of her
sufferings.

Miss Doty is assisting Mrs. Gifford in the Girls’ school.
There are now eight little pupils, who are learning sew-
ing, cooking and all the household arts, beside their lessons
from books. It is the aim of their teachers to make them
Christian Koreans, not Americans, hence no English is
taught in the school, and Chinese and their native dialect
are the only languages which they study. Miss Doty, too,
speaks of new opportunities for work, saying: “The way
opens farther and faster than we are able to enter.” After
a year’s acquaintance with the Koreans, she finds them
kind, polite, respectful to elders and superiors, and possessed
of fine natural discrimination in judging of character.
Surely a nation possessing these traits is worthy of the
Gospel!

. ) JUS BEAUTIFUL MOUNTAIN REGION OF SOUTH CHINA

' Q '' ■ ‘ ' U) l'-JvlA*. *

1 . ff -135 -;3S

An Analysis of Causes

By Robert E. Speer

A survey of the crisis in China was presented to the General Assembly. at San Francisco
by Dr. Robert E. Speer, senior secretary of the Board of Foreign Missions. Dr. Speer
recently returned from a personal tour of the Christian missions in China and pre-
pared a manuscript of many pages exhaustively reviewing conditions in that country.
Following are extracts from Dr. Speer’s survey.

I

CHINA is a contradiction and only
time will show which is true, that
China is a unity or that China is
not and never will be a unity and must fall
apart, or that she will be a diversified unity
like America. It ill becomes us, with our
motto of “E pluribus unum” and constant
struggle between our diversity and our
unity, or Great Britain with its four di-
verse nationalities and many dialects in its
three small islands alone, to cavil over the
reality of China’s unity. She is torn by
many divergent forces and she needs
great unifying principles such as only
Christianity can give her, but she has the
cohesion of race and of history and, one
believes, of a great destiny.

As to general disorder and lawlessness
it is easy to give a wrong impression in
either direction. We went about alto-
gether unmolested, losing nothing through
robbery, meeting with no discourtesy and
seeing no crime or outlawry. One would
have been nearer to all these things in
America. On the other hand, it cannot
be said that any part of China is now
under just, effective and responsible gov-
ernment, and wide sections of China are
overrun by robber bands. Many of the

soldiers are only militarized brigands or
the brigands are often only disbanded sol-
diers who can get no foothold in the eco-
nomic structure of China’s life. In some
districts whole villages and Christian
churches have been wiped out. The con-
stant overthrow of authorities has re-
laxed the enforcement of law.

Some Chinese, and westerners, too, are
disposed to lay the . blame for this
wretched internecine warfare in China
upon foreign influence, upon foreign
loans or subsidies, foreign importation of
arms. There seems to have been some
importation of war materials for which
the west must accept the guilt, but there
are great arsenals all over China, owned,
equipped and directed by the Chinese
themselves, and it is from these that the
war supplies chiefly come. Foreign in-
fluence, barring Russia’s, is all against
this warfare which is ruining China and
the financial support comes not from
abroad but from iniquitous and merciless
taxation, anticipating the payments of
years to come, and from the railways
which were built for China’s economic
welfare and which the war lords are
rapidly destroying, and from opium.

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WOMEN AND MISSIONS

July

136 [] ]

A great question is as to the extent to
which the Nationalist movement is or will
be dominated by Russian or communistic
influences. Is this movement using these
influences, intending when it has secured
all it wants from them to discard them, or
are they using it, intending to keep their
hold on it and to direct it to their own
ends? In all our conversations we met
no communists or socialists whatever. All
with whom we talked maintained that
when the Nationalist movement had got
all it needed from Russian advice or
financial help or from the use of com-
munism in arousing and organizing pop-
ular feeling, it would throw them off.

There are white Russian military ad-
visers and some thousands of Russian sol-
diers as mercenaries with General Chang
of Shantung. There are red Russian in-
fluences at work in Peking and Shanghai
and they represent one of the most pow-
erful forces in the Cantonese movement.

But in spite of all fictions and confu-
sion and inward contradictions, the Na-
tional movement in China is real and
true. The Cantonese development may
or may not be the germ of a true and
ordered national life, but sooner or later
a competent central government will be
achieved. There is no company of quali-
fied and equipped leaders such as carried
the American Revolution and the Japan
restoration to success, and at present
many of the men who might be such lead-
ers, whether from wise prudence or from
timidity, dare not speak. Many capable
and honest men of true patriotism are
unable to do more than speak bravely and
act honestly in private life. The political
movement is not yet sufficiently free and
true to give them room for public action.
But the iron bars are broken or breaking
and the great tides of life are running and
flowing. As soon as China’s energies are
focused upon the fundamental political
problem of the reorganization and reform
of her governmental institutions from
top to bottom, as necessitated by the im-
possibility of ever restoring the old order,
the immensity of her task will appear and
also the long and wonderful progress
which is ahead of her will begin.

Sooner or later some one should under-
take a careful, dispassionate and yet sym-
pathetic study of the whole question of

the relation of Christian missions and of
Christianity in China to the Chinese gov-
ernment and to western governments and
to the treaties between them. When it
was contended at a meeting which we at-
tended that missions should not concern
themselves with the treaties or with the
international problem because missions
should not be involved in politics, a
Chinese Christian replied that the purpose
of the present discussion was not to in-
volve missions in politics but to extricate
them. Probably the discussions of the
past years have worked in both directions.
Some of them have tended to extricate
and some to implicate.

From the point of view of missions the
essential thing is the genuine recognition
of the principle of religious liberty. At
the outset the so-called toleration clauses
were only that. They were not unequal.
They were the acknowledgment of equal-
ity. All other religions were free in
China. Christianity was not. These
clauses did nothing more in terms than
make Christianity free. They put Chris-
tianity in China on the same basis on
which Buddhism and Confucianism stood
and stand in the United States. The
matter might have been stated recipro-
cally as it is in the Treaty of 1920 be-
tween the United States and Siam, but
China at the time had no care for such a
statement. We do not believe it is an in-
fringement of any nation’s sovereignty to
recognize the principle of religious liberty
in its treaties.

It ought, of course, to be unnecessary
and all that ought to be expected today is
that a responsible China will establish this
principle really and irrevocably in her
constitution and statute law. At present
there are no such guarantees. There is
no constitution of China at the present
time. There have been four constitutions,
1912, 1913, 1914 and 1923 but none of
these is in force and in not one of them
are the guarantees sufficiently compre-
hensive or absolute. '

When we came away from China the
situation was that the whole of southern
China was uncertain as to the policy of
the government and that in central and
northern China there were no constitu-
tional guarantees whatever. At the same
time there was religious freedom almost

ig27

WOMEN AND MISSIONS

13 7

everywhere resting on the tradition of the
past, and even more on the broad, tol-
erant spirit and good common sense of
the Chinese people, and to an extent, their
genuine appreciation of Christianity and
the Christian church and the Christian
missionary. It is clear that it must be the
concern of the Christian church in China
to secure and if need be to give its life to
secure the complete and unlimited right
of religious liberty.

Looking at China from without, the
social fabric seems as yet to have been
little affected. There are, of course, su-
perficial changes. In all the cities and
towns where we went the queues were
almost entirely gone. Footbinding un-
fortunately has been little modified. The
mission schools oppose it, but public sen-
timent still supports it and careful ob-
servers in country and village see no
diminution of it. The opium habit, which
has been China’s greatest social and eco-
nomic curse, has come back in full force.
Foreign nations have their share of guilt
and many Chinese are bravely fighting
against the growing evil.

The central social question relates to
family life. The strength of China has
been the family organization. But at the
same time the family has also been one
great source of China’s weakness. The
problem today is how to preserve the
good elements of social solidarity and
interdependence and responsibility, which
the old collective family life supplied, and
escape from the killing burden which it
imposed on initiative and individual free-
dom. It has made nepotism a curse in
every department of life, including the
Christian church. It made marriage a
piece of race mechanism. It is today
crushing the life out of many men who
have to carry an impossible load of in-
tolerance and inefficiency. Once again
only time will show whether in the social
evolution which has already begun the
evils of the historic institution of the
family in China can be left behind with-
out leaving its good also or how, if the
whole thing goes, something better can be
substituted.

There can be no question of the reality
of the vast social transformation repre-
sented in the students of China. The so-
cial, intellectual and moral changes taking

place in them are the doom of the old
China. They must be made the hope of
the new. There have been times during
the past three years when Chinese and ,
foreigners alike were forced to doubt
whether these students would be China’s
hope or China’s despair, when the des-
tinies of a great nation, the most populous
on earth, were being determined by boys
and girls not yet out of high school or
even elementary schools.

At the present time the development of
public education in China is interrupted.
With the return of order and cessation of
wars, the development of public educa-
tion will be resumed on a scale unpre-
cedented in history. Meanwhile the mis-
sion schools have been filled with
students. They have provided the best
education available in China and they
have, maintained discipline as the govern-
ment schools and most other private
schools have not.

The attitude of government education
and its leaders toward philosophical and
religious questions is rationalistic. The
strength of the rationalistic view,
however, • does not save Confucianism.
Whether or not the general tendency of
Confucianism is rationalistic and agnostic,
there is general testimony and obvious
evidence that the influence of Confucian-
ism is waning. The beautiful temples are
falling into ruin. This time the rebuild-
ing is dubious. One sees soldiers quar-
tered in them everywhere and sleeping
even in the niches from which the sacred
tablets have been removed. Classical
scholarship also is diminishing, and mis-
sionary colleges have a great duty, which
they recognize, to aid in saving it.

But if Confucianism is a diminishing
power in China and sure to dwindle fur-
ther and further, there is diversity of
testimony with regard to Buddhism. In
many places Buddhist and Taoist temples
have been neglected or destroyed. I think
the testimony we received, based on the
personal knowledge of the witnesses, was
adverse to the idea of any extensive
revival of Buddhism.

There is, of course, anti-foreign feeling
in China. So is there in the United
States. Political parties and national
organizations have arisen on it. There
has been and is feeling against Asiatics

138

WOMEN AND MISSIONS

July

and Europeans and Latin Americans and
this feeling enters into politics, legislation
and religion. There is ampler explana-
tion for such feeling in China’s history
than there is in ours. It is doubtful
whether this feeling in China is any
stronger than it has been. Some Chinese
declare that it is always present and that
it is universal and can be evoked when-
ever special provocation comes. Others
hold that it does not exist in any such
form, that the Chinese are as susceptible
to the idea of universal brotherhood as
any other race and that the outburst of
the recent years has not been and is not
a national antipathy but largely a po-
litical instrument for the creation of a
sense of national unity and duty and
interest, and that it is altogether amenable
to dissolution and is even now dissolving.

We believe the Chinese to be as respon-
sive to justice and kindness as any other
race and as capable both of humanity and
of Christianity.

The anti-Christian movement is both
good and evil. It is good as indicating a
living concern, whether this concern
springs from true or false criticism of
Christianity. It is evil to the extent that
it rests on untrue conceptions of Chris-
tianity or of the history of the past cen-
tury in China and in China’s relations
with the west, or in so far as either it or
the reactions which it meets in the Chris-
tian ranks in China embody an unequal
and partial diagnosis of the relations of
the west to China. t This is a situation
which it is hard to see whole and which
patriotic spirits in China may be pardoned
for not seeing whole. But not seeing
things whole, from the other side as well
as one’s own, brings its own certain self-
punishment. There has been both good
and bad on both sides as between China
and the west, and nothing is to be gained
from hate or antagonism or recrimina-
tion. The only road of hope and peace is
in good will and understanding and in
self-conformity on each side to the abso-
lute standards of truth and righteousness.
So far as missions and the Christian
church in China are immediately con-
cerned as missions and as a church, the
anti-Christian movement will do great
good if it leads them to the purest and
simplest conceptions of the gospel of the

New Testament, and the presentation of
those conceptions with love and power
and Christlikeness to the Chinese.

The primary and central question in
missionary work in China is the question
of church and mission relations. Perhaps
it is too much primary and central, but in
the present circumstances of both church
and missions this is inevitable.

The national element enters on both
sides. The mission is a foreign mission
and the church is a native church. Noth-
ing can alter this fact. There is, of
course, a true sense in which Christianity
is supernational, but the organized
Christian church is not supernational.
The church in each nation cannot but par-
take of the life and temper of the nation.
It would be lamentable if it did not share
it as a living part of it and a living, na-
tional power within it. Part of the diffi-
culty of the situation in China has been
that the church was charged with being
an unnational and foreign agency. It is
both natural and right that the church
should disavow and seek to escape from
such accusations. There is no escape
from this reproach. The churches must
simply live it down and naturalize Chris-
tianity in China not by China-izing
Christianity but by Christianizing China.

Our board and its missions in China
have shared heartily in the movement of
cooperation and union. The movement
in China contemplates the union of the
Presbyterian, Reformed, Congregational,
United Brethren and a number of inde-
pendent congregations of the Reformed
faith. The new union will be the largest
and strongest and most nearly national
church in China. All the elements involved
are independent ecclesiastically of any
western church and the problem is accord-
ingly wholly in the hands and under the
control of the Chinese churches, save as
they may voluntarily rely upon mission-
ary counsel.

No one can face the facts in these lands
and not see that the end of foreign mis-
sions is nowhere in sight. In China the
unreached people .and villages are in-
numerable. Single stations in Shantung
are responsible for evangelizing from one
to four million people each. And there
are also unreached classes. Christian
work must go on 1

WOMEN and MISSIONS

JANUARY, 1929

The Greatest Enterprise in the World

By Charles R. Erdman

Dr. Erdman is president of the Board of Foreign Missions and a former moderator i
General Assembly. He is also professor of practical theology at Princeton Theological

Seminary.

JANUARY has come to be known as
Foreign Missions Month, and its re-
turn fixes the thought of our church
upon the most significant, the most influ-
ential, the most thrilling enterprise in
the world. During this month the Week
of Prayer, special offerings, pulpit apt-
peals, the organization of schools for
mission study, and many other activities
will present to us anew the task and the
triumphs of those who are bringing the
gospel of Christ to all the nations.

This enterprise has its critics, its diffi-
culties, its discouragements, but it has
too its heroic achievements, its widening
influence and its high hopes. Never has
there been a time when Christian mis-
sions have been so vigorously advanced
and so vitally related to great national
movements on all the continents of the
globe.

However, the revolution in China, and
specifically the tragedy of Nanking, have
led to a new attack upon the whole mis-
sionary enterprise. The alleged failure
of foreign missions has been widely ad-
vertised. After the outbreak at Nanking,
the public press intimated that one hun-
dred million dollars worth of missionary
property had been swept away, and that
the further evangelization of China had
been abandoned. Even in Christian cir-
cles where such absurd rumors were dis-
credited, discouragement has been felt.
There has been a definite, if gradual,
diminishing of gifts. Some nominal

19* 9

friends of missions are growing indiffer-
ent and antagonistic to the cause. In-
stead of the old battle songs such as
“Onward Christian soldiers ... on to
victory,’’ some disheartened supporters of
missions are singing “Lead, kindly light,
amid the encircling gloom.'’

This, however, is no time for fear, for
retreat, or for dismay. The dawning of
the new year should summon every
thoughtful Christian to look out upon the
wide field and to see that in every land
great victories are being won. Unprece-
dented advance is being made. Events
are taking place which should convince
the most skeptical as to the success of
this great enterprise. We should all
consider anew the surpassing importance
of the task, its divine origin, its high
purpose, its noble achievements and its
glorious prospects.

It is, indeed, an extensive enterprise.
A Presbyterian minister who had begun
his voyage to visit the mission stations of
the world became acquainted with a pas-
senger from San Francisco, a wealthy
business man, partner in a shipping firm
doing business around the world. After
several days’ acquaintance he was asked
by bis new friend, as to his line of work.
He replied, “I represent a firm doing busi-
ness around the world, as does your ship-
ping firm. We have about $225,000,000
invested in the Orient, we employ nearly
30,000 agents, and our income last year
was over $30,000,000.’’

363

3&4

WOMEN AND MISSIONS

January

“Why," exclaimed the business man,
‘‘you must be with the Standard Oil Com-
pany.”

“Oh, no,’’ was the reply, ‘‘our company
is much older and larger than the Stand-
ard Oil. It has a- contract for lighting
the whole world.” Then in answer to
the look of surprise which this remark
occasioned, he explained, “I am a repre-
sentative of the Christian Church, going
out to see the missionaries at work on the
fields. You know, Jesus Christ is the
Light of the World and he has com-
missioned his church to give that light to
the whole world. That is the biggest con-
tract that ever was let.”

The business man looked puzzled for
a moment, and then said, “Are those
figures true?”

“Yes," was the reply. “You will find
an article recently published by a busi-
ness man in a popular monthly which
summarizes the foreign missionary en-
terprise of the whole Christian Church
at double the figures which 1 have given
you for Protestant foreign missions.”

It is true that Christ has given such
a contract to his church. It is no mere
platitude to assert that in furthering
the missionary enterprise we are per-
forming a divinely given task. This
work is done in obedience to the com-
mand of our Lord.

It will be remembered that in a re-
cent debate Lord Inchcape of England
attributed all the troubles in China to
the influence of foreign missionaries.
The- Bishop of Salisbury in his reply
stated that he was glad to have been
reminded by something he had said that
Lord Inchcape was a Christian. He add-
ed, however. “How then can he express
views clearly contrary to what Christ
taught? How can wre believe in incarna-
tion and not want the world to hear
about it?” '1 his is a fair question. How
can one claim to be a follower of Christ
and then disregard his command to
“make disciples of all nations”?

It is always encouraging to remember
that we are engaged in a work which
has a divine origin and that we are going
forth not to fulfill any human dream
or to engage in a work of our own de-
vising. We have a living Lord. We are
seeking to do his bidding. The very

turmoil and perplexity in China voice to
us anew the call of our Master. We arc
unwilling to accept any provincial view of
our Lord. We regard him as belonging
to no one race or nation. He came to
meet a universal need. His gospel is for
the whole world. His salvation is offered
to all mankind. Even if he had given
no explicit command, the very nature
of his mission and the character of his
work make it evident that in proclaiming
his gospel in all the world we are show-
ing loyalty to his will.

The purpose of this enterprise has
been well stated as follows, and this
statement intimates to us anew the prac-
tical and lofty aim of the work to which
we are called. “The supreme and con-
trolling aim of foreign missions is to
make the Lord Jesus known to all men
as their Divine Savior and to persuade
them to become his disciples ; to gather
these disciples into Christian churches
which shall be self -propagating, self-sup-
porting and self governing; to cooperate
so long as necessary with these churches

in the evangelizing of their countrymen
and in bringing to bear on all human life
the spirit and principles of Christ.”

It is evident, therefore, that the pur-
pose of this enterprise is not to impose
western civilization on the Orient. We
are not attempting to educate the na-
tions of the world, nor are we promis-
ing to provide necessary medical and
surgical aid. Education and physical re-
lief show the Spirit of Christ, but are not
the real ends of our works. Whatever
instruments and methods may be em-
ployed our purpose is to bring men into
vital fellowship with Christ and to estab-
lish in every land the Church of Christ,
and then to aid these churches in making
Christ known to all men.

Thus at the present time we rejoice in
the very claims of independence which
the churches of mission lands are making.
The church of China is being severely
tested, but as in the days of the Boxer
uprising, it is standing the test with hero-
ism and faith. Yet, whether in China
or in other lands, these infant churches
are pitifully in need of our cooperation
and help. The withdrawal of missionary
forces or the lessening of missionary
operations in any country would be a

WOMEN AND MISSIONS

STREET IN NATIVE CITY OK SHANGHAI

ity to the Christian cause. This
the tragic mistake which was made
in the Hawaiian Islands. Just at the
time when missions seemed so successful
in transforming savage tribes into Chris-
tian communities the missionaries were
withdrawn, and the weakening of the
work, the injury to the churches, the loss
power which resulted has been a warn-
ing to Christian workers in other fields
during the past half century. The de-
scendants of those early Hawaiian mis-
sionaries are now undertaking anew the
work which might have been completed
fifty years ago had the church at that
time taken advantage of its position and
strengthened instead of weakening the
missionary forces. The spirit of in-
dependence, almost universal among
churches of mission lands, is occasioning
many serious problems, but it is a sign
of power and a prophecy of growth, and
|| it should be regarded as an appeal for
| strengthening of the missionary front.

In South America the students and the
more intellectual classes in Catholic
countries are eagerly welcoming the fair
B and rational and sympathetic presentation
f of the true gospel. In India the great
I’ mass movements and the weakening caste
■ system are calling for Christian leaders
\ and evangelists. In Japan the enthrone-
M ment of the new Emperor is giving new
[ hope to all who see in him the leader of
an era of even further enlightenment, of

larger religious liberties and of greater
freedom of thought and action. In
Persia, in Korea and in Turkey there are
likewise promises of more liberty in
teaching the Bible in institutions from
which such study had been prohibited by
law. From every field come tidings of
new converts to Christ and of the
strengthening of the Christian communi-
ties. The commission from our Board
of Foreign Missions which has recently
visited the work in West Africa tells us,
by way of example, of what has been
achieved in such a station as Bafia :

“It was here that only twelve years ago
native tribes declared a truce for market
day by taking human life. Some one,
old or young, was designated by the
headman of the tribe as the sacrifice, and
both tribes set to with cutlasses and
claimed their bit of human flesh before
the trading began.’’ The people were
naked savages, dwelling in mud huts,
with no knowledge of God or of His
laws. At such a station, this year our
representatives were present at a church
service where 3,000 Christian adherents,
with decent dress and demeanor, attended
the service in a Christian church. More
than 2,000 are under definite Christian
instruction with a view to baptism, while
more than 200, after careful instruction,
have been enrolled as church members.

Such results are to be found in vary-
ing character and degrees in every part

U'oMEN At

3C/1

of the mission field and no investment
could be named which will hear more im-
mediate returns than money which is
spent in this glorious enterprise. A busi-
ness man from America recently made a
lour of the world. He declared that
some years ago when his fortune had
begun to increase rapidly he decided to
devote a fair portion to Christian work,
hut stipulated that no enterprise should
he supported outside his own city where
his fortune had been made. A little later
he became interested in educational in-
stitutions in his state. Subsequently his
horizon was broadened to include work
in the western portion of our land. Then
he enjoyed a world tour, and he gave his
testimony in. the following words :
“When at length I saw the missionary
institution of Persia, I said, ‘Thank God
I am an American, and I now know the
work in which it is worth while to invest.’ ”

MISSIONS

jai

The prospects which lie ahead of
enterprise are as bright as the proi
of God. There are discouragerr
There is seen in some quarters a le
ing of interest. . Some of us may
our opportunities. Some of us may
to enjoy the privileges which are of-
to us. But. the task is certain of sue
The time will come when the king(
of this world will become the kingdo
our Lord and of his Christ. The t
ing of another year summons 11s to a
consecration of ourselves to the
which has been entrusted to us by
Lord, and which, in His gracious p
dence, He has linked to the fulfill!
of His divine purpose for the world,
can go forward with confidence. It-
Lord’s own time the bells of some
new year’s day will “ring out the t
sand wars of old’’ and “ring in the t
sand years of peace.”

If one were to search for a master-
key to the situation in China at the
present time, lie would probably find
it in Yuen Shi Kai. The political situ-
ation, and to a certain extent the re-
ligious situation, is affected in no small
measure by the influence of this man.
If, in some way, we could get to the
inner mind of this remarkable man and
know the thoughts which are filling it,
we could interpret with some certainty
the direction which the great forces
now at work in this new Republic will
take. As it is, we must confine our-
selves to noting certain acts in his ca-
reer which, like straws, may determine
for us the current of his thought and
the probable bearing of his future in-
fluence, which is sure to be great and
likely to be wise.

We must never forget that Yuen Shi
Kai was trained in the old school of
both Chinese politics and literature,
lie has been a soldier, trained to gov-
ern in the stern ways which hitherto
have seemed necessary in Asiatic na-
tions. Moreover, there are many acts
in his career which have two possible
interpretations. Ilis enemies say he is
a trimmer, and constantly question his
sincerity. His friends believe him to be
a man who has masterly power in har-
monizing opposing forces.

In the past he does not seem to have

Our Greatest Single Task

been auti-forcign, though many of his
When Governor of

colleagues

were.

Shantung in 1900, he did not carry out

YUEN SHI KAI

1914

OUR GREATEST SINGLE TASK

5

the edict of the Empress Dowager to
exterminate the foreigners, but rather
protected them in every way within his
power. The breadth and openness of
his mind was indicated a little later
when he invited Rev. W. M. Hayes,
D.D., to leave the presidency of Shan-
tung Christian University and estab-
lish a Government College at Tsinanfu,
the capital of the Province of Shantung,
permitting Dr. Hayes to call in from
various parts of the Empire as his as-
sistants the strongest and most earnest
Christian teachers who had been gradu-
ated from Shantung Christian Univer-
sity. Since he has been President he
has most cordially received groups of
pastors, urging religious toleration,
and without doubt favored the remark-
able call to prayer which was put forth
by the Republican Government in April,
1913.

Charges are constantly made that he
is aiming at dictatorship, and there are
certain facts which bear such an inter-
pretation. On the other hand, with the
army back .of him from the beginning,
he has not as yet taken such a step,
^fuen Shi Kai has claimed in public ad-
dress what is perfectly true, that the
republican form of government is not
alien to the spirit of the Chinese people,
and we, as yet, have no reason to be-
lieve that he is unfriendly to the Re-
public. It is probable, however, that
he feels that there is something more
important than a republican form of
government, namely, that order should
be maintained and lines of advance out-
lined. It is also probable that some of
his recent acts, such as expelling the
ultra-patriotic element from the Na-
tional Assembly, were taken in the be-
lief that there was no other way pos-
sible to secure order and progress. In
other words, as far as we can judge,
while Yuen Shi Kai does not seem to
be aiming at dictatorship, he is likely
to go as far in that direction as seems
necessary in his mind to secure these
great and fundamental objects in gov-
ernment.

As to the religious situation, many
scattered events during the year indi-
cate that idolatry has been losing its
hold, creating for the missionary and
the Church in China at once a splendid
opportunity and a serious responsibil-
ity. In many places the idols have
been thrown out and the temples either
left vacant or used as barracks or
school-houses. If the temples arc to be
swept and garnished, we must see that
the worship of the one true God is
established, lest the last state of these
people become worse than the first.

As was to be expected, an effort is
being put forth to establish Confu-
cianism as a state religion. Doubtless
many of the old scholars, and some of
the later trained men will favor this,
strengthening their position by appeal-
ing to the patriotism of the people.
Yuen Shi Kai himself has spoken very
highly of the teaching of Confucius in
a recent “presidential mandate;” but
we do not interpret the meager tele-
graphic dispatches to mean that he per-
sonally favors Confucianism as a state
religion. It was only a few months ago
that his Government asked the Chris-
tians to unite in prayer for their na-
tion. This movement for the establish-
ment of Confucianism is not unantici-
pated and has gained sufficient strength
to justify a concerted protest by a
meeting in Peking of adherents to other
religions. Nevertheless, we hardly be-
lieve that China will take this backward
step, but will grant religious freedom in
harmony with the other leading nations
of the world. Even if the immediate
outcome is the establishment of Confu-
cianism as a state religion and absolut-
ism as the form of Government, it is
sure to be temporary. The democratic
forces in the nation are inherent and too
strong to permit such possible issues
becoming permanent.

The friendly attitude on the part of
the Government and a large number of
the officials, maintained steadily for
over two years, together with the break-
ing away from idolatry on the part of

6

OUR GREATEST SINGLE TASK

Jan.,

many, has created for Christianity an
opportunity which it would not be easy
for one to overstate. While in past
years we have often had to make op-
portunities, we are now face to face with
an opportunity already made, which
will tax our strength to the uttermost.
It is a call to sacrifice, and wre shall grip
this opportunity in proportion as men
and women are ready to sacrifice the
strength and time and treasure which
God has given into their hands. Upon
America rests a special responsibility.
Above all other nations in the world
China regards us as her sincerest friend.
There has been given into our hands
treasure which no preceding generation
ever dreamed of. Our greatest danger
is that we shall hug it to ourselves in
ease and luxury and selfishness, forget-
ting that “He that scattereth, in-
creaseth,” unmindful of the saying,

eternally true, that “He who loseth his
life shall save it.” It is a call of God
to sacrifice, and we as a nation and as
individuals need the call as we need
nothing else.

We are being tested as never before. .
The question is, are we meeting the test
in a way to give us the purest satisfac-
tion now, and to make us, a hundred
years from now, glad that we had some
real and vital part in making China q.
Christian nation as surely, steadily and
perhaps more quickly than we think, she .
becomes a dominant nation in the
world? No greater single task faces ,
the followers of Christ to-day. Are we -
facing it in any adequate way?

( Rev .) H . W. Luce.

[As our readers* know, Mr. Luc© is a professor in the
Shantung Christian University at Wei-FIsien. He has been
enlisted heart and soul in the China Campaign and speaks
with the voice of authority concerning China in her relig-.
ious, educational and political aspects. — Editor J

If one were to search for a master-
key to the situation in China at the
present time, he would probably find
it in Yuen Shi Kai. The political situ-
ation, and to a certain extent the re-
ligious situation, is affected in no small
measure by the influence of this man.
If, in some way, we could get to the
inner mind of this remarkable man and
know the thoughts which are filling it,
we could interpret with some certainty
the direction which the great forces
now at work in this new Republic will
take. As it is, we must confine our-
selves to noting certain acts in his ca-
reer which, like straws, may determine
for us the current of his thought and
the probable bearing of his future in-
fluence, which is sure to be great and
likely to be wise.

We must never forget that Yuen Shi
Kai was trained in the old school of
both Chinese politics and literature.
He lias been a soldier, trained to gov-
ern in the stern ways which hitherto
have seemed necessary in Asiatic na-
tions. Moreover, there are many acts
in his career which have two possible
interpretations. His enemies say he is
a trimmer, and constantly question his
sincerity. His friends believe him to be
a man who has masterly power in har-
monizing opposing forces.

In the past he does not seem to have

been anti-foreign, though many of his
colleagues were. When Governor of
Shantung in 1900. lie did not carry out

4r , xm

HI t H Vm&i,

" ■ *1 - * ■ E/ 1

/' -|v

<s \ w . I

1 ( »

YUEN sui KAI

1914

OUR GREATEST SINGLE TASK

5

the edict of the Empress Dowager to
exterminate the foreigners, but rather
protected them in every way within his
power. The breadth and openness of
his mind was indicated a little later
when he invited Rev. W. M. Hayes,
D.D., to leave the presidency of Shan-
tung Christian University and estab-
lish a Government College at Tsinanfu,
the capital of the Province of Shantung,
permitting Dr. Hayes to call in from
various parts of the Empire as his as-
sistants the strongest and most earnest
Christian teachers who had been gradu-
ated from Shantung Christian Univer-
sity. Since he has been President he
has most cordially received groups of
pastors, urging religious toleration,
and without doubt favored the remark-
able call to prayer which was put forth
by the Republican Government in April,
1913.

Charges are constantly made that he
is aiming at dictatorship, and there are
certain facts which bear such an inter-
pretation. On the other hand, with the
army back .of him from the beginning,
he has not as yet taken such a step.
PYuen Shi Kai has claimed in public ad-
dress what is perfectly time, that the
republican form of government is not
alien to the spirit of the Chinese people,
and we, as yet, have no reason to be-
lieve that he is unfriendly to the Re-
public. It is probable, however, that
he feels that there is something more
important than a republican form of
government, namely, that order should
be maintained and lines of advance out-
lined. It is also probable that some of
his recent acts, such as expelling the
ultra-patriotic element from the Na-
tional Assembly, were taken in the be-
lief that there was no other way pos-
sible to secure order and progress. In
other words, as far as we can judge,
while Yuen Shi Ivai does not seem to
be aiming at dictatorship, he is likely
to go as far in that direction as seems
necessary in his mind to secure these
great and fundamental objects in gov-
ernment.

As to the religious situation, many
scattered events during the year indi-
cate that idolatry has been losing its
hold, creating for the missionary and
the Church in China at once a splendid
opportunity and a serious responsibil-
ity. In many places tbe idols have
been thrown out and the temples either
left vacant or used as barracks or
school-houses. If the temples are to be
swept and garnished, we must see that
the worship of the one true God is
established, lest the last state of these
people become worse than the first.

As was to be expected, an effort is
being put forth to establish Confu-
cianism as a state religion. Doubtless
many of the old scholars, and some of
the later trained men will favor this,
strengthening their position by appeal-
ing to the patriotism of the people.
Yuen Shi Kai himself has spoken very
highly of the teaching of Confucius in
a recent “presidential mandate;” but
we do not interpret the meager tele-
graphic dispatches to mean that he per-
sonally favors Confucianism as a state
religion. It was only a few months ago
that his Government asked the Chris-
tians to unite in prayer for their na-
tion. This movement for the establish-
ment of Confucianism is not unantici-
pated and has gained sufficient strength
to justify a concerted protest b}r a
meeting in Peking of adherents to other
religions. Nevertheless, we hardly be-
lieve that China will take this backward
step, but will grant religious freedom in
harmony with the other leading nations
of the world. Even if the immediate
outcome is the establishment of Confu-
cianism as a state religion and absolut-
ism as the form of Government, it is
sure to be temporary. The democratic
forces in the nation are inherent and too
strong to permit such possible issues
becoming permanent.

The friendly attitude on the part of
the Government and a large number of
the officials, maintained steadily for
over two years, together with the break-
ing away from idolatry on the part of

6

OUR GREATEST SINGLE TASK

Jan.,

many, has created for Christianity an
opportunity which it would not be easy
for one to overstate. While in past
years we have often had to make op-
portunities, we are now face to face with
an opportunity already made, which
will tax our strength to the uttermost.
It is a call to sacrifice, and we shall grip
this opportunity in proportion as men
and women are ready to sacrifice the
strength and time and treasure which
God has given into their hands. Upon
America rests a special responsibility.
Above all other nations in the world
China regards us as her sincerest friend.
There has been given into our hands
treasure which no preceding generation
ever dreamed of. Our greatest danger
is that we shall hug it to ourselves in
ease and luxury and selfishness, forget-
ting that “He that scattereth, in-
creaseth,” unmindful of the saying,

eternally true, that “He who loseth his
life shall save it.” It is a call of God
to sacrifice, and we as a nation and as
individuals need the call as we need

nothing else.

We are being tested as never before.
The question is, are we meeting the test
in a way to give us the purest satisfac-
tion now, and to make us, a hundred
years from now, glad that we had some
real and vital part in making China a,
Christian nation as surely, steadily and
perhaps more quickly than we think, she
becomes a dominant nation in the
world? No greater single task faces
the followers of Christ to-day. Are we
facing it in any adequate way?

(Rev.) H. IF. Luce.

[As our readers* know, Mr. Lnce is a professor in the
Shantung Christian University at Wei-Hsien. He has been
enlisted heart and soul in the China Campaign and speaks
with the voice of authority concerning China in her relig-,
ious, educational and political aspects.— Editor ]

t

THE KINGS OP MODERN KOREA

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8.

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Stars and Stripes Korea Bureau

OSAN, Korea— If you drive the long, dusty
road between Osan and Suwon, south of Seoul,
you will see a stone monument perched on a
small hill just a few yards off the road.

This monument marks the spot where the
first TT.S. troops engaged in combat with the
Communists at the beginning of the Korean
conflict.

“Task Force Smith”, as it was called, was
composed of men of' the U.S. 24th Div. who
were flown to Korea with just one purpose in
mind — stop the Communists long enough to get
a strong U.N. Force into the country to meet
the invaders.

* * * *

ACCORDING TO the 24th Div. history, Col.
Charles B. Smith, commander of the task
force, had orders which read, “When reaching

±ae]on, move norm — siop mem wnere you nna
them.”

On Independence Day, 1950, a handful of men
celebrated the day in a, very unusual manner-
digging foxholes in a strange place called Osan.
At twilight, July 5. 4,000 Koreans lead by
33 tanks moved into the area.

For hours the battle raged. Task Force
Smith poured howitzer, bazooka, mortar and
small arms fire at the Russian-made tanks.

But the odds were too great and the task
force was surrounded. '=*

Abandoning the heavy weapons, mcmhers
of the depleted task force cut their way
through the enemy lines and withdrew to
the south.

The battle looked like a defeat, but General
Douglas MacArthur credited Smith and the m''
of the task force with buying the neces
time for other TJ.N. units to rush into the

High-Lights of

:

:

KOREAN HISTORY

1

I

The Korean Language School — Seoul — 1955

li

3B

Korean history is sometimes summarized as being that of Five
Dynasties in Four Thousand Years. These dynasties would be; Tangun,
Kija, Silla, Koryu, and Yi dynasties.

The outline given herewith seeks to provide a list of eight epochs
under which the student may properly correlate his readings from
various sources.

1. — Tradition Prior to 57 B. C.

— 2333 B. C. Tangun, mythical founder of Korea.

— 1122 B. C. Kija, Chinese refugee, establishes the Kingdom of
Chosun.

— Three Hans in Southern Korea. (Mehan, Pyonhan, and Chinhan)

2. — The Three Kingdoms 57 B. C. to 668 A. D.

— Silla established at Kyungju.

— Paikje, with capital first at Namhan, then Kongju and finally
at Puyuh.

— Koguryu, with capital near the Yalu, later moved to Pyengyang.

3. — The Kingdom of Silla 668 — 935

— Silla overthrows Paikje-(660) and Koguryu (668).

— Splendid Buddhist temples and pagodas are built.

— High quality of culture gives this period the name of The Golden
Age.

— Oldest astronomical observatory erected at Kyungju.

4. — Koryu Dynasty 935 — 1392

— Capital established at Songdo.

— Movable wooden type invented.

— Buddhist culture reaches its zenith.

— Constant warfare with Japanese pirates.

— Recurring Mongol invasions (Kublai Khan).

— Western name of KOREA (COREA) derived from name of this
dynasty.

5. — Yi Dynasty 1392 — 1905

— General Yi Song Rei establishes capital at Hanyang (Seoul) and
builds city wall.

— 1403 — Movable type cast (fifty years before Gutenberg).

— 1442 — Rain guages distributed to the provinces thus beginning
recording of rainfall two centuries ahead of the Western world.

— 1446 — Korean alphabet promulgated by King Se-Jong.

— 1592 — 1597 — Terrible Hideyoshi Invasion. Japanese repelled by use
of “tortoise boats”, world’s first iron-clad vessels, invented by
Admiral Yi Soon-sin.

— 1636 — Savage Manchu invasion results in an isolation policy which
made Korea The Hermit Kingdom.

— 1653 — Dutch ship, Sparrow Hawk, wrecked off Quelpart. Survivors
reaching Holland after nine years give first authentic account of
Korea to western world.

— 1882 — Korea’s first trade treaty with the western world signed
with USA.

— 1894 — Tong-Hak uprising against foreigners.

— 1895 — Sino-Japanese War eliminates Chinese influence in Korea.
Queen Min murdered in plot engineered by Viscount Miura.

— Korean name changed from Chosun to Dai Han Kook.

— 1902 — Independence Arch erected in Seoul.

— 1904 — Russo-Japanese War eliminates Russian influence in the
peninsula.

6. — Japanese Administration 1905 — 1945

— 1905 — Japanese protectorate. Resident-General to Seoul.

— 1908 — Korean Emperor forced to abdicate in favor of feebleminded
son.

— 1910 — Korea formally annexed to Japan. Name of CHOSUN re-
stored.

— 1919 — Declaration of Independence signed by 33 patriots. Nation
wide uprising. Provisional Government established in Shanghai.
Syngman Rhee, having been named as President of the Republic
in exile establishes a Korean Commission (unofficial embassy) in
Washington, D.C.

— Period of police control (one policeman to every 1,150 people).

— 1935 — 1940 Increased emphasis on Japanizing the Korean people.

— 1940 — 1941 Westerners leave Korea.

— 1945 — Japanese Emperor announces surrender, August 15.

7. — Post-War Transition 1945 — 1948

— August-Sept 1945-USSR and US troops occupy North and South
Korea, respectively.

— 1945 — 1946-Russians make 38th parallel a barrier between the two
parts of the country.

— 1946 — 1947-Joint American Soviet Commission twice fails to agree
on method of forming a Korean government.

— 1946 — 1947-US Military Government USAMGIK established in
South Korea.

— 1945 — 47-Flight from North Korea.

— 1946 Provisional Peoples Committee in North Korea.

— 1947 — 48-South Korean Interim Government SKIG.

— May 10, 1948-U.N. sponsored elections for Korea held in South
Korea.

— May 31, 1948 National Assembly convened.

— August 15th, 1948-General MacArthur formally transfers govern-
ment to President Rhee.

— Sept. 10, 1948-Kim II Sung becomes Premier of the Democratic
Peoples Republic of Korea.

— Chosun becomes Dai Han Min Kook.

8. — The Republic of Korea 1948

— Recognized by UN as government for all Korea.

— June 1949 — U.S. Forces retire from Korea, although protested by
Korean people.

— May 30 1950 — Second election for members of General Assembly.

— June 25th, 1950 — Invasion by North Korea begins.

— June 27th — U.N. Security Council votes military sanctions.

— August 1950 — U.N. Forces pushed back to the Taegu-Pusan per-
imeter.

— Sept. 15, 1950 — U.N. Forces land at Inchun.

— Nov. 1950 — U.N. Forces reach Yalu River, but forced to retreat
by Chinese invaders.

— February 1951 — U.N. Forces begin long drive back from Suwon.

— July 1951 — Peace talks begin at Kaesong.

— Aug. 5, 1952 — Syngman Rhee elected by popular vote for a second
four year term.

— July 1953 — Truce signed.

— 1954 — Promulgation of new constitution abolishes office of Prime
Minister.

References.

The Koreans and Their Culture by Cornelius Osgood, 1951.
Best single text. Osgood had the following two histories, now out
of print, as references, as well as some Chinese sources.

History of Korea, Homer B. Hulbert.

History of the Korean People James S. Gale.

rMLiiif.rlaTT.Tr:ayn;aatr;^Ti-Tmr-iir*iTTttaa;

High-Lights of I

|

KOREAN HISTORY

i

i

The Korean Language School — Seoul — 1955

Korean history is sometimes summarized as being that of Five
Dynasties in Four Thousand Years. These dynasties would be; Tangun,
Kija, Silla, Koryu, and Yi dynasties.

The outline given herewith seeks to provide a list of eight epochs
under which the student may properly correlate his readings from
various sources.

1. — Tradition Prior to 57 B. C.

— 2333 B. C. Tangun, mythical founder of Korea.

— 1122 B. C. Kija, Chinese refugee, establishes the Kingdom of
Chosun.

— Three Hans in Southern Korea. (Mehan, Pyonhan, and Chinhan)

2 The Three Kingdoms 57 B. C. to 668 A. D.

— Silla established at Kyungju.

— Paikje, with capital first at Namhan, then Kongju and finally
at Puyuh.

— Koguryu, with capital near the Yalu, later moved to Pyengyang.

3. — The Kingdom of Silla 668 — 935

— Silla overthrows Paikje-(660) and Koguryu (668).

— Splendid Buddhist temples and pagodas are built.

— High quality of culture gives this period the name of The Golden
Age.

— Oldest astronomical observatory erected at Kyungju.

4. — Koryu Dynasty 935 — 1392

— Capital established at Songdo.

— Movable wooden type invented.

— Buddhist culture reaches its zenith.

— Constant warfare with Japanese pirates.

— Recurring Mongol invasions (Kublai Khan).

— Western name of KOREA (COREA) derived from name of this
dynasty.

5. — Yi Dynasty 1392—1905

— General Yi Song Rei establishes capital at Hanyang (Seoul) and
builds city wall.

— 1403 — Movable type cast (fifty years before Gutenberg).

— 1442 — Rain guages distributed to the provinces thus beginning
recording of rainfall two centuries ahead of the Western world.

— 1446 — Korean alphabet promulgated by King Se-Jong.

— 1592 — 1597 — Terrible Hideyoshi Invasion. Japanese repelled by use
of “tortoise boats”, world’s first iron-clad vessels, invented by
Admiral Yi Soon-sin.

— 1636 — Savage Manchu invasion results in an isolation policy which
made Korea The Hermit Kingdom.

— 1653 — Dutch ship, Sparrow Hawk, wrecked off Quelpart. Survivors
reaching Holland after nine years give first authentic account of

1 Korea to western world.

— 1882 — Korea’s first trade treaty with the western world signed
with USA.

— 1894 — Tong-Hak uprising against foreigners.

— 1895 — Sino-Japanese War eliminates Chinese influence in Korea.
Queen Min murdered in plot engineered by Viscount Miura.

— Korean name changed from Chosun to Dai Han Kook.

— 1902 — Independence Arch erected in Seoul.

— 1904 — Russo-Japanese War eliminates Russian influence in the
peninsula.

6. — Japanese Administration 1905 — 1945

— 1905 — Japanese protectorate. Resident-General to Seoul.

— 1908 — Korean Emperor forced to abdicate in favor of feebleminded
son.

— 1910 — Korea formally annexed to Japan. Name of CHOSUN re-
stored.

— 1919 — Declaration of Independence signed by 33 patriots. Nation
wide uprising. Provisional Government established in Shanghai.
Syngman Rhee, having been named as President of the Republic
in exile establishes a Korean Commission (unofficial embassy) in
Washington, D.C.

— Period of police control (one policeman to every 1,150 people).

— 1935 — 1940 Increased emphasis on Japanizing the Korean people.

— 1940 — 1941 Westerners leave Korea.

— 1945 — Japanese Emperor announces surrender, August 15.

7. — Post-War Transition 1945 — 1948

— August-Sept 1945-USSR and US troops occupy North and South
Korea, respectively.

— 1945 — 1946-Russians make 38th parallel a barrier between the two
parts of the country.

— 1946 — 1947-Joint American Soviet Commission twice fails to agree
on method of forming a Korean government.

— 1946 — 1947-US Military Government USAMGIK established in
South Korea.

— 1945 — 47-Flight from North Korea.

— 1946 Provisional Peoples Committee in North Korea.

— 1947 — 48-South Korean Interim Government SKIG.

— May 10, 1948-U.N. sponsored elections for Korea held in South
Korea.

— May 31, 1948 National Assembly convened.

— August 15th, 1948-General MacArthur formally transfers govern-
ment to President Rhee.

— Sept. 10, 1948-Kim II Sung becomes Premier of the Democratic
Peoples Republic of Korea.

— Chosun becomes Dai Han Min Kook.

8. — The Republic of Korea 1948

— Recognized by UN as government for all Korea.

— June 1949 — U.S. Forces retire from Korea, although protested by
Korean people.

— May 30 1950 — Second election for members of General Assembly.

— June 25th, 1950 — Invasion by North Korea begins.

— June 27th — U.N. Security Council votes military sanctions.

— August 1950 — U.N. Forces pushed back to the Taegu-Pusan per-
imeter.

— Sept. 15, 1950 — U.N. Forces land at Inchun.

— Nov. 1950 — U.N. Forces reach Yalu River, but forced to retreat
by Chinese invaders.

— February 1951 — U.N. Forces begin long drive back from Suwon.

— July 1951 — Peace talks begin at Kaesong.

— Aug. 5, 1952 — Syngman Rhee elected by popular vote for a second
four year term.

— July 1953 — Truce signed.

— 1954 — Promulgation of new constitution abolishes office of Prime
Minister.

References.

The Koreans and Their Culture by Cornelius Osgood, 1951.
Best single text. Osgood had the following two histories, now out
of print, as references, as well as some Chinese sources.

History of Korea, Homer B. Hulbert.

History of the Korean People James S. Gale.

.otel ball Tvj
,Aorea Times Photo)

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GKONG

IUROPE

i?_V, £

RHEE'S DAILY LIFE -

CContinued from Page 1)

considering international
problems, he pens his
thoughts in English.

On occasions like today’s
birthday celebration, Rhee
holds to a pretty close
schedule. He and his Aus-
trian-borri wife "get up
shortly before 7:00 a.m.
and hold a Bible-reading
Worship service. President
and Mrs. Rhee who have
no children, are devout
Christians. Rhee then lis-
tens to a 10-minute'newscast
over the U.S. Armed Forces
radio. After a breakfast of
coffee, toast and eggs, the
President scans the local
newspapers and types out
on a small portable any
ideas he may have .

By 9:00 a.m. he is down-
stairs in his Kyongmu Dai
presidential mansion receiv-
ing a long list of appoint-
ments. This goes on until
shortly before noon when
Mrs. Rhee brings him drafts
of letters he is to read and
sign.

Lunch most likely is made
up of Western food, possibly
flavored With distinctive
Korean spices Although his
wife keeps a close watch
on the kitchen and the Pre-

sident’s diet, she doesn’t
hare much time to cook
Oc casicnally, however, she
makes one of her spec-al
Austrian recipes, such as
an upside down cake.

Rhee takes a. short after
noon rap w ben be fas t'me,
but ordinarily, be is tack at
his desk by 1:30 p m. to
greet more Callers.

L From four to 5:30 p.m.
he and Mrs. Rhee usually
stroll around the hushed
grounds of Kyongtok place
The President often will
untold a portable chair and
fish for an hour or so,
meditating and jotting down
notes.

Only old friends or pro-
minent guests over get to
see the chief executive in
the evening. After dinner,
which is served anytime
from six to 7:30 pm., the
family may. watch a Korean
or American movie.

The President likes mo$t
kinds of films except “shoot-
em-up” Westerns. Bedtime
is about 9:30 p.m.

Rhee travels around Seoul
in a 1952 Lincoln which is
always driven through the
street at breakneck speed
and accompanied by an
escort of siren-wailing police

liance betw'een five in-
dependent sovereigh states
(Britain, Iran and - Pakistan
also) on a. basis of complete
equality.

“It is concerned not only
with military security, but
also with the development
of the economic resources
of its members and the
raising of their standards
of living.

“With regard to further
membership of the p>act.
Her Majesty's Government
have no intention of bring-
ing pressure to bear on
other states to join.

“No one has the right to
exercise a veto of that
nature.”

cars.

. He does not like to receive
expensive gifts and has been
known to return costly pre-
sents. He prefers generally
a little card, a note, or a
bouquet of flowers.

Many of his friends in the
U.S., however, often send
him valuable gifts, which he
usually stores in the man-
sion’s vacant ball room
until they are trucked to
orphanages.

Rhee lives comfortably but
modestly. His mansion, which
serves as his home and
office, still is Camouflaged
with netting. .

mm

V .1

•gm

isiil

PAGE 4

By Patty Barker

Since this is the time when
everyone makes at least one or
two New Year’s resolutions, I
hope that readers of this col-
umn have promised themsel-
ves that 1969 will be “See Ko-
rea First” year. Never mind
Japan, Hong Kong, and Tai-
wan; everyone has seen those
places, even if you haven’t.
They simply aren’t “in” any-
more. But Korea, ah, there is a
unique wonderful country to ex-
plore, and you’re already
here!

A good place to start (after
Seoul and Kyongju, of course)
would be Puyo, the last of the
ancient Paekche capitals. This
dynasty flourished from B.C.
18-663 A.D., and the arts of
that era were eagerly import-
ed by the Japanese.

Puyo, which was called
Sabi in Paekche days lies
about midway between Tae-
jon City on the east and Tae-
chon Beach to the west. Situat-
ed on the banks of the wide-
ly meandering White Horse
River, there are scenic attrac-
tions enough to keep one de-
lighted, evn if the historical
sights are overlooked entire-
ly-

Many of the points of inter-
est are located on wooded Puso
Mountain that rises behind the
old and new museum build-
ings. Everything on and around
the mountain can easily be
reached by private vehicle,
taxi, on foot, and even partly
by boat!

Logically, the place to start
a sightseeing tour of a historic
city would be at the local
museum. Unfortunately that
doesn’t hold true here. hTe old
museum is small. Presumbaly
a mere fraction of the town’s
Paekche treasures are on dis-
play. I assume the rest have
been squirreled away some-
where to be brought to light
when the new huge museum is
completed.

I said “when”; perhaps “if’’
is a better word. A colossal
controversy arose over the en-
trance gate which many peo-
ple said looked exactly like a
Japanese torii that tradition-
ally stands before Shinto shrin-
es. In an effort to change the
Japanese appearance, the
builders have lopped oil the
ends of the lower crossbeam
of the gate. Now the museum
gateway looks exactly like a
Shinto shrine torii that has had
the ends of its lower crossbeam
lopped off.

Regardless of the gate, the
weird concrete museum (it
doesn't resemble anything, ex-
cept possibly the skeleton of a
beached whale) should be com-
pleted. Then the magnificent
Paekche tiles can be better dis-
played along’ with other local
antiquities.

If the museum is rather a
disappointment, the rest of
Puso Mountain is not. There
are remnants of the ancient
city walls, pavilions, temples,
and other historical delights
scattered all over the mountain
side.

Most famous is the Cliff of

the Falling Flowers where
some 3,000 princesses and
court ladies, unchivalrously
abandoned by the fleeing king,
flung themselves over the pre-
cipice into the river rather
than be captured by the con-
quering armies. The colorful
dresses rippling in the wind as
these loyal women plunged to
their deaths resembled scatter-
ed flowers, so the story goes.

Below this crag lies a small
but very ancient temple, now
a nunnery, called Koransa or
Orchid Temple. According to
another Paekche legend the
water in the well in this temple
was honey-flavored. The king,
exerting his rank, insisted upon
having this delicious water
carried to him every day. To
make sure there was no sub-
stitution of ordinary inferior
water-flavored water, he re-
quired that an orchid from the
wooded slopes behind the tem-
ple be floating in each royal
bucketful.

A few yards out into the river '
from the temple lies a small
rock island called Fishing-for-
a-Dragon Terrace. From the
top of the mountain this rock •
formation certainly resembles
a dragon with head facing
shore-ward.

When the Chinese General Su
who led the Silla and Tang
(China) Armies against Paek-
che, arrived at the river a fier-
ce tumult in the waters kept
the warriors from crossing.
The general knew that the
savage waves were being lash-
ed-up by the tail of a dragon
who lived in the river, and who
guarded the Paekche capital.

Baiting an enormous hook
with a white horse, the wily
general succeeded in captur-
ing the dragon. Immediately
the waters subsided, and the
armies easily crossed the river
and seized the city. The name,
White Horse River, also com-
memorates this event.

If the sightseer wishes to

walk down the many flights of
steps to the river’s edge and
to the Koran Temple, there are
boats for hire there so that
tourists may photograph the
Cliff of the Falling Flowers
from the water.

At the highest point above
this rocky promontory is a
viewing platform called Good-
bye to the Moon Pavilion. Here
the royal court could watch the j
moon set behind the western
mountains.

On the other side of Puso
Mountain stands Welcoming
the Moon Pavilion. Next door
to this scenic spot is Puso’s
finest attraction, for me, any-
way. Here the soldiers of the
Paekche Army had a great,
granary where a large amount
of their food was stored. The
granary burned down at some
point in Paekche history, and
here the tourist may have the
pleasure of digging for grain
that is more than 1,300 years
old! Digging is really unneces-
sary, for the black carbonized
specks lie dotted over the
ground.

The lady who runs the re-
freshment stand across the
way has the keys to the fenced-
off.area. She also keeps an ash
tray on display which contains -®-
the various grains that can be *
found there. Rice is the most
common but peas, beans,, bar-
ley, and wheat may also be
found, sfie told us.

Her young daughter is a
great help in pointing out the
charred cereal seeds to
tourists. No fee is charged, but
you may feel that the cheerful
little girl’s help is worth pat-
ronizing her mother’s shop for
refreshments after your arche-
ological dig is over.

By the Way:

My column space is used u
and I haven’t even gotten c
Puso Mountain! Next week I
tell you about some other Puj
tourist spots.

c/evera.i tourists coucci JL'aeKcnc-age. grain at the granary
site on Mt. I’uso.

Iiihiiu*:

SKjJ'jilIi

American Trading Company Korea, Ltd. is the oldest Western firm
doing business in Korea. It is part of a family which has its parent
firm in New York and affiliates in Tokyo, Osaka, Saigon, Bangkok,
Djakarta, and Rotterdam. The parent firm was founded in 1857
and grew to be the largest general American trading house in the
Orient. At one time it had 24 branches located around the world.

The American Trading Company of New York, Yokohama, and
Shanghai sent its first representative to Korea in May 1884. The
man’s name was Walter D. Townsend, and he came from Boston.
One of the more famous figures in Korea’s late 19th century mod-
ernization and enlightenment movement, Kim Ok-kyun, became
acquainted with the American Trading Company in Yokohama and
personally brought its first representative to Korea.

One of the earliest transactions between the Korean government
and American Trading Company concerned the purchase of timber
from Ullung Island off Korea’s east coast. By mid-1885, the Amer-
ican legation in Seoul reported that American Trading Company
had already executed S 175, 000 worth of commission business for
stock animals, furniture and tableware for the palace, arms, and
ammunition.

Babcock & Wilcox

General Electric Co.

Utility and Package Boilers

Electrical and Power Equipment

Clark International

General Electric Co.

S. A.

C lark-Michigan Construction
Equipment

Medical Systems Dept.

Climatrol Industries

Worthington Air Conditioning

General Telephone &
Electronics Int* l.

Video, Voice and Data
Transmission Systems

Dresser Industries

Gilbarco

Process Equipment

Service Station Equipment

FMC Corporation

Hewitt Robins, Inc.

Link-Belt Division

Conveyors, Vibrators, Crushers

James R. Morse, President of American Trading Company in the
late 19th and early 20th centuries, took a particular interest in
Korea and made numerous attempts to encourage both American and
European financial circles to invest in the country. In 1896, Amer-
ican Trading Company negotiated an agreement with the Korean
government for the right to construct the country’s first rail-
road.

Townsend remained in Korea until his death in 1918. Thereaf-
ter, his son-in-law headed the business. Kerosene sales was one
of the firm’s principal activities. During the Japanese colonial
period, American Trading Company’s Japan offices also sold consid-
erable amounts of mining machinery and industrial diamonds to
customers in Korea. All activities ceased at the end of 1941.

American Trading Company, Inc. returned to Korea shortly after
the signing of the 1953 armistice agreement. At first the office was
set up in Pusan, but as soon as communications improved, it was
moved to Seoul. This office was opened as a branch of American
Trading Company, Inc. in New York, but in 1961 it became a separ-
ately capitalized Korean company. American Trading Company Korea,
Ltd. today employs a staff of over forty and represents, among
others, the following quality, manufacturers:

Hewlett Packard

Precision Instruments, Computors,
Medical Equipment

Soule Buildings

Prefabricated Buildings

Layne & Bowler
Pump Ca

Industrial and Irriaation
Vertical Pumps

T he G alion Iron
Works & Mfg. Co.

Graders, Cranes, Rollers

Leesona Corporation

United Aircraft Int l.

Textile Equipment

Engines, Sikorsky Helicopters

North American
Rockwell Corp.

Wildman Jacquard Division

Wabco Drilling
Equipment Division

Failing Drill Rigs

Otis Elevator Co.

Wild Heerbrugg. Ltd.

Elevators, Escalators

Optical Precision Instruments

ESTAB . 1857

AMTRACO

AMERICAN TRADING CO. KOREA, LTD

Dae Kyung Building, 107, Sejong*ro, Chongro-ku, Seoul. Korea
IPO. Box 1103. Seoul, Korea Tel: 73-8924~7
Cable Address: AMTRACO

ON ELECTIONS

Results of Research by
Professor Announced

The following is the third and last of af series on findings
in an analytical research on the July 29 elections conducted
by the Asiatic Research Institute of Korea University under
the direction of Assistant Prof. Byung Hun Oh of the
Political Science Department of the University.

The election scrutiny, first of its kind in Korea, was made
with financial assistance from the Asia Foundation and in
cooperation with the Dong-A llbo, a local KoreanJanguage
daily in Seoul, right after the election.

D. What Party Did You

Support?

28.6 percent of the total
respondents stated that they
supported the Democratic
Party regardless of intra-
party factions.

29.9 percent of the respond-
ents specified they voted for
the old faction, and 10.5 per-
cent fo'r the new faction
Democrats.

6.7 percent of the answers
backed Progressive parties,

5.1 for Independents, and 0.18
for the Liberals. Supporters
of the Liberals said that their
choices were strictly based on
personality.

The interim report indi-
cates young people generally
support the old faction Dem-
ocrats. 31.5 percent of the re-
spondents in 20s and 30s
stated they approved the old
factionists, in comparison
with 25.7 percent of the peo-
ple above the age of 40.

The election study also
showed that voters who lived , . , .

in south Korea from before try this fal1 1S estimated a’
1945 showed a higher rate of 88,855,144.44 bushels by th
support for the old faction Agriculture-Forestry Mini
Democrats than that of the try. The estimate is based o
ex-north Koreans who came a.survey conducted as of Sep
to south Korea after the Ko-
rean Liberation from Japan.

Less than 10 percent of the

people of lower education,
including primary school
graduates, and the degree of
optimism sharply dipped in
the catego’ry of middle school
graduates. As a general rule,
people of high school educa-
tion and above were pessimis-
tic of the future.

The aforementioned scru-
tiny was conducted right
after the election day. It is
presumed that many of the
respondents have changed
their minds now that two
months have elasped and the
political situation still remains
unstable.

Rice Crop
Survey Made
By Ministry

The rice crop of this coun

15.

The

crease

crop will be an ir
of 2,232,000 bushe

You Think

total respondents underpin- °ver the average year, but
ned the Progressive parties, decrease of 3,472,000 bush(
but it was an interesting from last year. It will I
tendency that original in- more than 10 million bush<
habitants of south Korea oc- short of the goal set in t
cupied a larger segment than Government s rice producti
the ex-north Koreans in the p^an f°r year-
10 percent. The unfavorable crop is.

tributed mainly to the drou
that almost dried up the j-
dies in the southern regii
especially Kyongsang-nar
and Kyongsang-bukto.
drought, according to
Ministry, reduced the crop
8.5 million bushels.

Another factor contribu
to the decrease was a typh
that also hit the rice-
southern regions, cutting
crop by an estimated 1,091
bushels.

Blights and blasts also c
a 1,041,600-bushels damage
the crop, the Ministry rep
ted.

E. What Do
of the Future?

More than half of the total
respondents d>r 54 percent
said that the general situa-
tion in the nation will take a
turn for the better. The older
they were, the stronger the
hope for a better future.

About 20 percent of the re-
spondents said the situation
will continue to be the sanie
as before, and another 20 per-
cent stated the situation will
become aggravated.

Generally, better prospects
for the future were viewed by

■*e|n. Frier-1' '

p

!i

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5‘

1

LARGEST CIRCULATION IN ASIA— NOW OVER 550,000 COPIES PER ISSUE

Distributed weekly with The M.nil. Times. The Suhd.y Times ot Malaysia end Sih, .pore. The ^n,kok ^^ Hon»kohg Standard. Ih. Kdted The Bo,™

Bulletin. The China Post, The Pacific Journal of Guam. The Weekly Okinawa Times. Indonesia Raya. The Saigon Daily Nows

Tug War that Shook theWorld .<

Japanese cavalry charge

on Russian position

at Ken Lein Chein, Manchuria.

Letters

What Is a Boutique?

Sir — The Listener (BBC Weekly)
Irom London, 22nd August 1968, in
a review by John Morns of a new
edition of Hobson-Jobson. a glos-
sary of Anglo-Indian words and
phrases, notes that boutique "is a
common word in Ceylon and Madras
for a small native shop or booth,
' and ’f# probably of Portuguese ori-
gin "" He then reproduces a quota-
tion from the India Gazette of 1780
You must know that Mrs Henpeck
is a great buyer of bargains, so rtiaT
she will often go out to the Europe
shops and the boutiques

Yet my other magazine in this
week's reading, TAM of February 9,
1969. has Mrs Gallardo asking what
is a boutique, and answering herself
with a learned etymological deriva-
tion from Atotheke, a Greek word
for "warehouse " She then surmises
that it was convened in Pans to a
fashion-shop and thence transmitted
fanhcr afield, concluding that "Asia's
first boutiques in fact staned to
sprinkle the scene only about a de-
cade or so ago."

Perhaps Madrasi or Ceylonese
readers of TAM may be able to sort
out this mix-up. and even establish
the primacy for their own area of
boutiques, in the current meaning
of the word

Tom Errey

Tasmania. Australia

Indenmttm Preiry-

Sir — Mochtar Lubiss description
of corrupt practices in the Indone-
sian press is not really unique. I
have studied the communications
media in the United States and in
the Philippines It’s the same every-
where The big shame is that Indo-
nesian journalists who have just re-
gained their freedom to write are
much too soon fooling around with
it At least Filipino newspapermen,
right after the Philippine victory
over the Spaniards and for some
50 years before the 1950 s, gener-
ally remained chaste.

Luis G Guidote

Manila. Philippines

Saigon ’69

Sir — How many of us felt anything
ot all for the despair of the war-
weary Vietnamese quoted by your
Terence Khoo in his report on Sai-
gon "When I die I’ll go to heaven
— because I've spent all my life in
hell"? This war has gone on so
long that I. for one. pay no more
than a passing glance at the morn-
ing headlines Your article brought
me back to reality

Hong Kong

Alan Pereira

Pleoft address oil correspondence to ;
The Letters Editor. The Asia Mogozme.
International building. Orchard Rood.
Smgopore 9

Car Performance

SUN TAN By Collette

"t see you are a man who likes the kind
of face that grows on you!"

A Sanyo tax Stereo adds a lot ol sound
power to your car.

Snap in a ready-packed stereo tape
cartridge With the music of your own

Then drive around in your own stereo
concert hall

With a Sanyo Car Stereo you can have

Or invite some friends over to listen to
a concert and show them into your garage

And if somebody bugs you on the road,
play a tape with dirty ditties And roll
down the window

Model I T-822 also has a built-in I M
stereo radio. So you don't need a radio

Model I f-820 has no radio buill-in
In case your car already has a radio.

Model I T- 82 1 has an MW radio built-in
If you drive in an area w ithout FM.

©SANYO

Tokyo, Japan

thea&immtqnzine

May 4, 1969 /Volume 9 Number 18

Publisher: Adrian Zecha
Editor: J.T. Gatbonton
Managing Editor: Gerald A. Delilkhan
Art Director: Bert Gallardo
Associate Editor: George V Liu
Copy Editor: Arnaldo B Moss, Jr
Assistant Editor: M P. Gopalan
Women's Editor: Blanche D. Gallardo
Assistant Art Director: Noli C Galang
Staff Photographers: Dick Baldovino.
Henry Mok. Takeshi Takahara,

Kishor Parekh

Chief Librarian: Lena U Wen Lim
Production Supervisor: Chung Hon Lam

Financial Controller: S C Kau
Production Director: Toshio Suzuki
Business Manager: Kenneth Chen

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COVER: Japeneae cavalry officer leading a
charge on s Russian position in Manchuria.
Photographed from a collection of paintings
and Illustrations In the Victoria & Albert
Museum. London

CREDITS Pages 4 4 5. Vlctor.a 4 Albert
Museum, Page 6. Agnet Chong: Page 8.
Takeshi Takthare. Page 9, Dick Baldovino,
Page 10. Takeshi Takahara

2

The

.Magazine May •/, 1969

c AsiaSpeak§

4 Two decades ago we
brongtat the colonial empires down. Bnt
we’ve not yet turned the energy we raised
to win that fight for freedom into making
freedom work now J

OUR OUTMODED
NATIONALISM

Affairs. Singapore

I BELONG to that Asian generation
which has for the most part of Its
adult life believed in the sanctity and
validity of the nationalist faith My
conclusion in regard to nationalism
now therefore goes against the gram
of my lifelong beliefs This conclusion
is that present-day nationalism is un-
doubtedly at odds with the facts of
the twentieth-century world

Yet nationalism as an ideology and
a basis for political organization will
undoubtedly persist into the future
So the brief answer to the question
What lies beyond Nationalism?" is,

I am afraid, still more Nationalism
This observation is neither very
striking nor very original. It might
only add to the prevailing state of
melancholy bewilderment to which
nationalism is reducing Asia and the
new nations in other continents If
nationalism will persist at least till
the end of this century, must we then
resign ourselves for sometime longer
to the turmoil, disintegration, endemic
violence and pathological hatreds
which are features of contemporary
nationalism in Asia?

Nationalism once inspired hundreds
of thousands of Asians with greet
hopes, and attracted to its service
thousands of noble and dedicated in-
dividuals who gave to it a glory and
a lustre which it now appears to have
lost What then has gone wrong with
nationalism?

The answer, I think, is that the na-
tionalism which was appropriate for
the fight for freedom is inappropriate
for dnalino with the problems of inde-
pendence.

In other words, what we should
strive for is not the abandoning of
nationalism (which, in the circum-
stances now prevailing, is practically
impossible) but the changing of Its
contents What we need is a new
nationalism to be created by the rel-
atively simple process of renovation
and replacement of its parts Through
such a strategy we can harness the
force of nationalism for meaningful
and hopeful goals

I can best illustrate my argument
by way of an analogy The manufac-
turers of Rolls-Royce motor cars have
successfully solved what social scien-
tists call the problem of continuity
and change Contrary to general be-
lief, the Rolls-Royce is a different
car from what it was decades ago
The makers have consistently incor-
porated into every new model the
most up-to-date technological inno-
vations — so that when examined in
detail the Rolls-Royce of today has
very little in common with its ances-
tors The illusion of changelessness
is preserved by leaving untouched
the radiator and the general air of
elevated haughtiness that has been
bred into this famous car

Something like this can happen to
nationalism. It can over the years be
subjected to a sustained and relent-
less process of innovation from with-
in Its contents can, over the years,
be replaced to such a significant ex-

tent that all it might eventually have
in common with its earlier models is
the reassuring radiator It is through
a series of new models of nationalism
— each of which would Incorporate
some significant innovations — that
I see Asian nationalism moving to-
wards regionalism and international-
ism Each innovation would have
been carried out so subtly that na-
tionalism would finally be absorbed
into the international system without
people being even aware of it

THIS, I believe, is not speculation It
is founded on my understanding of
the history of nationalism in Europe
and in Asia It is that nationalism, like
any other ideology, cannot be free
from the process of change and
evolution Even theologies, which
claim divine inspiration and therefore
immutability, have so changed their
contents that today there are Chris-
tian theologians who, having purged
concepts of Heaven and Hell out of
religion, are now preparing to drive
God Himself out of it

More recently Communist theology
has abandoned concepts that once
were considered unalteiable and es
sential articles of the Communist
creed The innovation in some schools
of Communist thought has been so
drastic that their rivals are constrain-
ed to describe these heretical Com-
munists variously as capitalists, im-
perialists and chauvinists

Asian leaders will need courage
and vision to reexamine the contents
of their nationalist faith Fortunately
they already have constituencies and
followers receptive to fresh concepts
about nationalism These constituen
cies are the new generation of Asians
born and bred not under imperialism
and colonialism but under indepen-
dence

For these new-generatlon Asians
the glories of the great anti-colonial
struggles are only historic memories,
not part of personal experience Their
experience, on the contrary, has been
of what they increasingly consider is

the ineptness, flabbiness and knavery
of the only ruling class they have
known — their own nationalist elites
who replaced the foreigners in power
I would number this ironic experi-
ence among other factors responsible
for the anarchy and cynicism that
appear to afflict Asian youth What
may appear to us irresponsible in-
discipline might, from the point of
view of the younger generation, be
an idealistic protest against the bank-
ruptcy of an earlier breed of national-

Our youths know what they are
protesting against. But they do not
know what they should protest for.
All that the present leaders have to
offer them is a nationalism shaped
and refined over the post 50 years
during the anti-colonial struggle —
a phase of Asian history now passed

The contents of anti-colonial Asian
nationalism derive from nineteenth-
century European nationalism slightly
adapted to meet Aslan requirements
This anti-colonial nationalism was ef-
fective for the purpose for which it
was designed — to win indepen-
dence But for our younger genera
tion independence is no longer a
goal They have got it They were
born into It Some of them in fact
feel that they have endured indepen
dence for too long What they want
is an ideology that will enable them
to make something worthwhile out
of the independence they possess

THIS new need anti-colonial national
ism is not only incapable of filling It
also contains features destructive of
independent Asian societies Where
during its anti-colonial phase national-
ism was able to unite peoples of
many races, languages and religious
creeds into an irresistible fraternity,
today this nationalism breeds racial,
linguistic and religious animosities
and conflicts among the very same
peoples

In short, anti-colomal nationalism
has m the post-independence era de-
generated into a divisive ideology —

breeding all over Asia sub-national-
isms based on race, language, reli-
gion or tribes Peoples who were
once united are going in for political
archaeology They are rummaging
among ancient myths and doubtful
legends to find reasons why they are
entitled to be distinct and separate
from the rest of the national com-
munity

Again during the antl-colonlal phase
of their history there was a conscious-
ness of common purpose among
Asian nations The high-water mark
of this solidarity was the Bandung
conference of 1955, when Asian and
African nations — with admirable dis-
regard for differing social philoso
phies — met to proclaim undying
friendship and eternal peace. I do not
know whether this gathering of the
oppressed nations of the world made
a decisive impact on the imperialist
nations of the West But it is a fact
that not long after Bandung the dis-
mantling of empires was significantly
speeded up

Yet with the retreat of imperialism
Asian unity too faded away Asian
nations are increasingly riven by
hatreds and conflicts among them-
selves Today they live In fear — not
of Western imperialism — but of one
another's

Some Asian leaders — and leaders
outside Asia — have tried to explain
away these fears and conflicts by
attributing them to the machinations
of "neo-colonialists " Now it may
well be that some non-Aslan powers
are exploiting the opportunities offer-
ed them by Aslan Disunity and rival
rtes But if we are honest with our-
selves, we should concede that this
is largely because through our own
stupidity or lack of vision we are
putting temptations in the way of
powers long accustomed to interfer-
ing in other people's affairs

In my view the theory of neo-co-
lomalism is for the most part an in-
tellectual subterfuge by old-fashioned
nationalists to conceal their own
failures and their lack of understand-
ing of the realities of independence
The theory is. to me. still more evi-
dence of the inadequacy of anti-co-
lonial nationalism

SO the shortcomings of anti-colonial
nationalism will become still more
evident as the years go by Popular
resentment will build up against anti-
colomal nationalism as It imposes In-
tolerable burdens and spreads un-
bearable misery among the people
But it would be extremely foolish for
us to allow pre-independence na-
tionalism to be destroyed primarily
by explosive mass-violence

It may be prudent and less destruc-
tive if the old nationalism is to be
changed by a systematic and con-
scious injection of new ideas I hope
that this renovation of Asian national-
ism will be undertaken by bold
minds, and that the 1970's will be
given over to this undertaking Cir
CONTINUED on page 14

The Asia Magazine May 4 , 1969

Encyclopaedia

F“» Hu»ng Cheng. wel,

hampered by inefficient officers.

Scaling of Feng Huang Cheng walls by Japanese infantrymen preceded occupation of strategic

Russians, failing to get reinforcements, beat a retreat.

The War
That Shook
The World

IT was the century's first major war,
The belligerents, a rapidly Westerniz-
ing Japan and a decaying imperial
Russia — cast in the roles of a latter-
day David and Goliath — met in a
headlong clash that has been describ-
ed as "one of the most wretchedly
useless wars ever fought." The strug-
gle took place on territory — China
and Korea — that belonged to neither,
but where both antagonists were seek-
ing to expand their imperial ambitions.
And it was the unexpected outcome
of the war — a dramatic finale which
saw, for the first time in modern
history, a major Western power In
abject defeat at the hands of an Asian
nation — that shook the world. This
not only provided one of the sparks
that led to the bloody overthrow of
Czarist Russia, but marked a turning
point for Asian nationalism and at-
titudes towards the West, the effects
of which are still felt today. On these
pages. The Asia Magazine presents
the first of a two-chapter series on
one of the most momentous events
of our time.

•word exultantly In one hand and holding Rising Sun banner

officer infori

Russian

Port Arthur's Russian commander presents white charger to Japanese as a symbol of surrender.

7

'O

Deposit Account

LOMBARD

BANKING

Japanese Infantrymen landing on the
Liaotung Peninsula In May 1904 at a
point north of Port Arthur. Russians
at Gold Hill lookout station (right)
spot Japanese fleet Poorly-led Rus-
sian infantry (below right) recapturing
their own guns at battle of Liaoyang.

THE night of February 5. 1904 was
windswept and freezing. But the
wintry weather simply added to the
sense of rising excitement felt by the
commanding officers of the large
fleet of warships assembled at Sase-
bo port in southern Japan The sum-
mons earlier that day had been brief
and peremptory all commanders were
to report on board the Mikasa, the
massive 15,140-ton flagship of Vice-
Admiral Heihachiro Togo.

As the officers filed into his cabin
they caught sight of an ornate lac-
quered tray on which was a short
samurai ceremonial sword It was un-
sheathed To everyone in the cabin
this meant one thing: Japan was at

"We sail in the morning." said To-
go when everyone was present. "Our
enemy flies the Russian flag."

Some 72 hours later, lookouts at
the approaches of the Russian base
of Port Arthur spotted a small force
of torpedo boats approaching at full
speed They were flashing Russian
recognition signals, and the sentries
allowed them by without a challenge
Sweeping past the harbour s outer
defences, the boats headed direct-
ly for the seven battleships and six
cruisers, all lit up and lying peacefully
at anchor Most of the officers were at
a ball given by the Russian admiral s
wife, while the men diverted them-
selves elsewhere ashore Not a single
gun was manned The attackers s*n-
gled out their targets and, at point-
blank range, fired their torpedoes They
wheeled about and pulled out. leaving
behind two Russian battleships and
one cruiser badly crippled. The next
day Japanese battleships outside the
harbour opened up with their big guns

at long range, and by nightfall four
more Russian warships had been put
out of action.

Togo, his fleet practically unscathed
and with the loss of only six men, had
fired the first shots of the Russo-Jap-
anese War In doing so he made full
use of the strategy of surprise — a
tactic his country was to use so de-

vastating^ three and a half decades
later at a place called Pearl Harbour
Japan had broken off diplomatic re-
lations with Russia on February 6 —
hours after Tokyo had decided to go
to war and after Togo had briefed his
officers in Sasebo And it did not de-
clare war officially until February 10,
two days after Togo's surprise attack

The Asia Magazine May V, 1969

MANCHURIA

Map showing Japanese and Russian
major engagements of the war.

at Port Arthur when he crippled the
strongest elements of imperial Rus-
sia's First Pacific Squadron

By that time. too. the short, impas-
sive naval veteran had added to his
credit two more Russian warships,
sunk In a brief battle at Chemultpo —
now Inchon — where he landed Jap-
anese troops for the land offensive.

The manoeuvrings preceding the
Russo-Japanese War were intricate
and complex, but the reasons for the
struggle — which has been described
as "one of the most wretchedly use-
less wars ever fought" — were sim-
ple: both powers were seeking to
tighten their colonialist grip over Ko-
rea, a new and weak country, and
Manchuria Almost a decade before.
Japan had conquered China. The de-
cisive battle had been at Port Arthur,
which it received as part of its
spoils at the signing of the peace
treaty But not for long Russia, back-
ed up by Germany and France, bullied
Japan into giving Port Arthur back to
China,

For Japan this rankled as a humilia-
tion which demanded revenge — hence
Togo's choice of the strategic town
for the 1904 attack For Russia it was
the beginning of further gams in the
Far East. In 1898 Russia bullied China
Into "leasing" Port Arthur to it for
use as an ice-free Russian naval
base And with the near-completion
of the Russian-owned Trans-Siberian
Railway, Czar Nicholas ll's ambitions
increased.

Egged on by Russian elements with
vested interests in Korea which,
by then, was under the influence of
Japan — the Czar was persuaded to

bring that country under his "protec-

Japan, at this time, would have been
content with an agreement where-
by Korea would be allocated to its
sphere of Influence, leaving Man-
churia to Russia. Nicholas, however,
wanted both — and Japanese claims
to Korea only made him all the more
determined to preserve the world
from the "yellow peril .”

By 1903 Japan realized that a ne-
gotiated settlement with Russia was
but wishful thinking Nicholas, con-
vinced that Japan would never dare
attack a country so many times big-
ger than itself, had become arrogant-
ly oblivious of Japanese demands
Military chiefs In Tokyo had. In fact,
begun preparations for war five full
months before the first shots were
fired. They were agreed on two basic
premises: the war would have to be
short — It would have to be won. in
fact, before Russia could overwhelm
Japan's limited forces with the sheer
weight of its million-man army; and
that hostilities would have to begin at
once — before the Trans-Siberian
Railway, as yet incomplete, could be-
gin carrying reinforcements to the
Far East.

The first important task was to pre-
vent Russia's Pacific Squadron from
interfering with Japanese naval move-
ments. and to stop any Russian naval
reinforcements from the Baltic from
joining the Squadron The task fell
on the capable shoulders of Admiral
Togo

With the Russian navy in the Far
East effectively crippled and bottled
up. Japan was free to land its troops
at will Before long Japanese strength
was 330.000 men. The Russians num-
bered slightly over 100,000 Added to
this overwhelming numerical superior-
ity was the fact that the Japanese
infantryman was proverbially tough,
well equipped and trained, and fanati-
cally devoted to his Emperior The
Russian soldier, while hardy and
equally brave, lacked the strong moti-
vation inherent in a lapanese. well
equipped as he was, the Russian still
fought in tactics more suited to bat-
tles of the early 1800's than to those
of modern warfare The Russian chain
of command, too, suffered from con-
fusion and indecisiveness.

In command of the Russian army
was General Alexei Kuropatkm. a
former Minister of War. who. despite
the jealous intrigues of several rivals
— notably Admiral Evgenle Alexiev.
the Czar's viceroy in the Far East —
managed to do a competent, soldier-
ly job His policy was "no major bat-
tle until we are In superior force."
and he ordered a series of rear-guard
actions designed to keep the Jap-
anese off-balance until reinforcements
could come In on the Trans-Siberian
in the summer This, however, did not
always work out as planned Russian
detachments, assigned to fight and re-
treat. considered withdrawal a slur on
their honour Many stood and fought
continued

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The Alia Magazine May V, 1969

RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR

continued

to the last man. decimating an already
under-strength army In hia attempt
to play for time, Kuropatkm also de-
cided not to risk drawing more Jap-
anese force than was necessary to
Port Arthur If the town fell and the
Russian fleet were destroyed, it would
be an end to his country's Far East-
ern ambitions He decided, instead,
to choose Liaoyang as his point of
concentration, at the same time send-
ing out a covering detachment to-
wards the Yalu River
The battle of the Yalu, the first
major engagement of the war, was
between the Japanese First Army
under General Kuroki — pushing
north from Korea into southern Man-
churia — and Kuropatkm s covering
detachment The Russians, outnumber-
ed three to one, were badly beaten
Japanese losses were 1.100 out of
some 40,000; the Russians lost al-
most half of their 7,000 troops
The battle of the Yalu was a mo-
mentous one It marked the first time
in modern history that a European
power had been defeated by an Asian
nation It mattered little that many of
the Russians had escaped or that
they had been overwhelmed by sheer
force of numbers What mattered was
that they had been beaten
Sir Ian Hamilton, a Briton who wit-
nessed the battle from the front, had
this to say later When war was de-
dared, the Japanese were formidable
enough in ail conscience They were
brave, disciplined, enthusiastic, effi-
ciently officered, honestly administer-
ed They believed the Russians weak
in several of these essentials At the
back of their minds, however, existed

a certain vague apprehension — in
some undefined, inexplicable way —
that the European might, after all,
prove the better man on the battle-
field That feeling is now gone, and
gone never to return .

While General Kuroki's victory was
being toasted in sake, Japan moved
fast to improve its position even fur-
ther For the moment It was equally
in Japan's interest to mark time in
Manchuria and to concentrate on ob-
literating the defences of Port Arthur
Its Second Army was already on its
way to its landing point at Pitzuwo,
on the eastern coast of the Liaotung
Peninsula and to the north of Port
Arthur

There were Russian troops nearby,
strongly entrenched and entirely ca-
pable of withstanding a Japanese at-
tack The invaders, in fact, were halt-
ed temporarily, their losses high aqd
their progress meagre The Russian
commander, however, lost his nerve
and ordered a retreat Port Arthur and
its 60.000 fighting men — for the re-
mainder of the war — were at the
mercy of their enemies

Leaving two divisions to besiege
the town, the Japanese 2nd Army ad-
vanced northwards to help the 1st
Army Kuropatkm, who decided to
stand and fight at Liaoyang, inflicted
heavy losses on the Japanese there
before making another orderly retreat
For the Russian commander, in fact.
Liaoyang was more victory than de-
feat Still playing for time by sac-
rificing territory inch by hard-fought
inch, he was at last beginning to re-
ceive his long-awaited reinforcements
But as the newly-arrived troops
began disembarking from the trains,
it soon became apparent that some-
thing had gone wrong More and more

of the reinforcements were badly-
trained and unenthusiastic reservists
The Czar, fearing revolts at home,
was keeping his crack troops in Eu-
ropean Russia This, combined with
the fact that his officers were becom-
ing Increasingly unreliable, prevented
him from taking the offensive again
In October of 1904 he had a chance
to turn the tide — temporarily, at
least For once he found his forces
numerically superior to those of the
Japanese, but was o6liged — largely
because of the inexperience of his
raw troops — to withdraw to the Sha
River There in a fierce infantry bat-
tle. he lost some 30,000 men
Meanwhile, In Port Arthur, the war
was also going badly for the Rus-
sians Admiral Togo was still trying
to neutralize the Pacific Squadron,
but with little success, since the Rus-
sians refused to be drawn out of the
harbour. But, because there was a
danger — with the increasingly fierce
attacks from the Japanese 2nd Army
from the north — that the remnants
of the Pacific Squadron would be cap-
tured. the Russian ships were order-
ed to attempt to break out and pro-
ceed to Vladivostok.

This was what Togo had been wait-
ing for four long months He overhaul-
ed the Squadron and. in a fierce bat-
tle off Round Island — one in which
Togo himself was nearly killed by an
exploding shell — soundly trounced
the Russian fleet The mam body man-
aged to flee back to Port Arthur,
where it stayed until it was finally
destroyed by the Japanese Army
Those Russian ships that were not
sunk scattered and escaped at night
to Saigon, Sakhalin and Shanghai,
where they were disarmed

The Battle of the Yellow Sea, as

Russian garrison leaving Port Arthur after surrender
salutes victorious Japanese (above) headed for strategic
town. Peacemakers at the signing of Treaty of Ports-
mouth (right) which officially ended war are shown in
this photo, from left to right M Witte. Baron Rosen.
President Roosevelt. Baron Komura, M. Takahira.

it came to be known, earned for Togo
a personal commendation from the
Emperor himself.

Within Port Arthur itself, the confu-
sion and ineptness that had marked
the Russian command were again as-
serting themselves General Stossel
— who. in a series of blunders, order-
ed the defenders to leave an almost
impregnable strongpoint on the neck
of the peninsula — refused to hand
over his command even when order-
ed to do so Probably he was one of
the officials who kept the Russian
Squadron in port when it should have
been fighting outside He was later
labelled a traitor.

Even so the siege, which began on
May 30, lasted for seven long months,
during which every small advance by
the Japanese over the rough, hilly ter-
rain cost them dearly Wave after
wave of Japanese soldiers, yelling
"banzai" and intent only on dying for
their Emperor, were mowed down by
the well-entrenched Russians It was
not until the Japanese fought their way
up the strategic "203-metre Hill" and
could then fire down at will Qt ex-
posed Russian positions and warships
(whose crews were fighting as in-
fantrymen), that Stossel decided to
surrender In a telegram to Czar Ni-
cholas, he said "Great Sovereign,
forgive

With the fall of Port Arthur — and
the resultant release of another 100,-
000 Japanese troops for action in the
north — Kuropatkm's fate was sealed

By this time, he had fallen back as
far as the city of Mukden His forces
had increased considerably, but many
were raw and inexperienced troops
who had little liking for the alien land
in which they found themselves He
was having trouble, too. in keeping
them supplied, since the Trans-Sibe-
rian’s service was still erratic

Mukden was the war's last and
greatest land battle Each side had
some 310,000 men, drawn up in a
heavily entrenched front measuring 47
miles in length At the end of the
bloody fighting — which went on for
more than two weeks — the Japanese
had killed and scattered all three Rus-
sian armies Lying dead on the battle-
fields were no less than 97,000 Rus-
sians and 50,000 Japanese Kuropat-
kln admitted defeat and resigned

Meanwhile, a few months earlier
and thousands of miles away, a fleet
of 42 Russian ships, manned by more
than 12,000 men, had set out from the
Baltic Sea to try to turn the tide
Ahead of them lay 18,000 miles of
unfriendly waters and, at voyage's
end, an unkind fate
Next Week: Battle of the Tsushima
Straits

Next Issue
Battle of the
Tsushima Straits.

Tlic Asia Magazine May 4,

WOMEN'S SECTION EDITED BY BLANCHE D. GALLARDO

Above: Faux writing-table in simulated bamboo design finished in tortoise-shell
effect. Popular during the Victorian era, when chinoiserie was the rage.
Top centre: Writing-desk from Filipino-Spanish colonial period. Veneered and
finished in baroque tortoise-shell effect. US$90 at Edgar Ramirez's, Manila.
Top right: Louis XV bombe chest in walnut finish. US$450. Louis XVI Berg»—

chairs, US$95 each. The carved wall panelling. Louis XV period. US$1,000.
Above: Philippine retablo — Most Philippine colonial churches, in true Spanish
tradition, had altars backed by a retablo (bas-relief panel). These were frequently
decorated with images, painted or carved. The reproduction shown here is made
from old molave wood railroad ties to give It the look of a genuine antique US$300.

Fabulous Fakes — ZEN AID A SEVA ONG

HOW unabashedly false! Lov-
ingly hand-crafted in faithful
reproduction of the original.
These are samplings of a limit-
ed range — often custom-made

— of period furniture produced
in Manila by Edgar Ramirez,
interior designer and fashion
designer. His shop on fashion-
able Mabmi Street displays a

dazzling collection of copies
from aristocratic French (Louis
XIV, XV, XVI) to Italian quat-
trocento, English Tudor, early
American, Queen Anne, Chip-

pendale. as well as the more
familiar Filipino-Spanish Twen-
ty expert wood-carvers turn
•out these magnificent repro-
ductions using that most fa-
mous of Philippine hardwoods,
narra. and approximating — in
finish, intricate inlays, gilding,
hardware and upholstery — the
opulent look of the original
period-piece.

9

The Asia Magazine May V, 1969

RADHIKA NANDA

INDIAN DARLING OF
TOKYO FASHIONS

IN Tokyo's competitive world
of fashion modelling, 17-year-
old Radhika Nanda has carved
a niche for herself. 'Discover-
ed" by Hanae Mori, Japan's
leading fashion designer, at an
Indian Embassy reception, Ra-
dhika promptly became a per-
manent addition to Madame
Mori's coterie of mannequins.

Although she lacked formal
training ("I knew nothing of
modelling when I started"),
Radhika proved an instant suc-
cess at her first fashion show,
modelling for Madame Mori
Now attached to a leading
Japanese modelling agency.
Radhika ascribes her success
and self-confidence and self-
reliance to her father, an Army
officer who was until recently
a military attache to the Indian
Embassy in Tokyo "He doesn't
make me do anything; he only
suggests. But what he says
usually seems right to me.” she
says

Radhika has packed a lot of
living — and learning — into
her two short years in Japan
Having an ear for languages,
she soon picked up Japanese
and now speaks with a pro-
ficiency that is the envy of for-
eigners who have lived in the
country longer

At school in Tokyo's Sacred
Heart, she absorbed much of
Japanese culture, taking for-
mal lessons in sumie (brush
painting) and ikebana. the
Japanese art of flower arrange-
ment. "But I like to be a little

BY JEAN PEARCE

different. I add a bit of paper
to the arrangements, or intro-
duce some other touch. Never
anything cruel, nothing that
would change the natural beau-
ty of the flowers," she says.

Upon graduation from sec-
ondary. school, she got an ap-
prentice job in the design de-
partment of a textile company
that designs sarees and scarves
for export.

"My knowledge of sumie
and ikebana helps. I’ve devel-
oped a sense of design from
them And working with the
sumie brush to develop a de-
sign is very exciting." One of
her designs for scarves will
soon be produced commercial-
ly "Later, if I want to go into
fashion designing, all these
will add to a wonderful back-
ground."

Fashion, and fashion design-
ing, are her first loves And
she has very strong ideas about
what she wants — and doesn't
want. ”1 don't like any one
style — the thing everybody is
wearing this season I don’t
want 'one look, but a lot of
looks. I like capes and boots
and scarves . Scarves! I wear
them everywhere — on my
hair, as belts, draped on my
purse And jewellery! I love
jewellery Chains, rings . .
Each finger of Radhika's hand
has a jewel, a combination of
antique Indian treasures and

modern trinkets.

Radhika says of Hanae Mori,
"Her creations are wonderful.
They are for the woman One
just wants to drift on and on
in a Mori Hanae creation.”
Although her family has re-
turned to India upon comple-
tion of her father's tour of duty
in Japan. Radhika has elected
to stay on in Tokyo to acquire
more experience. Later she

plans to go to London, but it
could be any place where op-
portunities might be found. T
want to keep moving . to ab-
sorb cultures, to learn, to
work."

At seventeen, Radhika has
time on her side Yet she's in
a hurry In Japan she has had
her first heady taste of success
— and there's a whole big
world yet to explore.

The Asia Magazine May V, 1969

WOMEN

TALK

BY DENDE MONTILLA

minis, beaded sweaters and handbags,
all at fantastic bargains Then sud-
denly — whaml — she's had it

Why. even the average amah, when
she salts away her earnings, picks
up such essentials as an occasional
gold coin, a little flat in Kowloon
(which she rents out to an uncle
with 10 children), and, most Im-
portant, a jade ring or two

The Chinese have a big thing about
jade To them it's more than a jewel
Sometime in the past, someone (a
public-relations expert, no doubt)
spread the word that jade is a charm
of sorts If you should fall, so the
story goes, your jade ring will break
and keep the rest of you in one
piece.

Gisela, my German apartment-male,

GIRL'S

SECOND

BEST

FRIEND

THERE'S a fever nearly as
catching as the Hong Kong
flu — the l-must-have-jade
fever. I suspect almost every
girl who stays in Hong Kong even-
tually succumbs to it.

Diamonds are still a girl's best
friend, even in Hong Kong. But she
figures that a diamond, especially if
it's her first, is something special
She'd much rather somebody gave
it to her Jade, on the other hand,
can be Just as comforting and is
often more readily available

There's no problem about jewellery
fashions either — as far as Hong
Kong is concerned Opals, smoky
quartz, and sapphires may come and
go. but jade is 'in'' forever
The tai tai (which can mean either
a society matron or number-one
wife, depending, I imagine, on which
rung of the matrimonial ladder one
stands) seems perennially afflicted
She sprinkles her beetle-sized stones
with chips of diamonds. Quite practi-
cal, I must admit When she goes
out for a session of mah-jong. it
must be very reassuring to stretch
out a hand that's not only jaded
but sparkling as well
The resident kwai por (female for-
eign devil, the label the Chinese
give to Europeans — sometimes de-
risively. occasionally endearingly) is
immune — for a while at least. Pos-
sibly. because there are so many
other goodies that catch a new-
comer's fancy, like wigs, bangles,

who has become an instant iade ex-
pert. will not swear by this Still,
she proves what Jade can do (or
undo) to a girl, including a practical,
down-to-earth, no-nonsense fraulem

It happened to her on a lunch
break She wandered into one of those
merchandise-packed stores in the
Central District (Hong Kong's busi-
ness centre), where the price-tags
drive women tourists happily mad
That was precisely what happened
— she went berserk

She had strongly insisted, "Jewel-
lery no. no. no They leave me
absolutely cold "

But who can resist this little Chi-
nese salesman, all smiles and sweet
talk and a jade ring set In Chinese

gold for HK$45 (roughly a mere
US$740, which is what a bangle
would cost at Macy's)?

By last report. Gisela had slashed
her lunch hour by half to make
quick trips to the jewellers

It isn't difficult to be jade-acqulsitive
In Hong Kong, There is no single
breath-taking Tiffany Instead there
are hundreds of mini-Tiffanies At
Queen's Road, on the Hong Kong
side, and at Nathan Road, in Kow-
loon across the harbour, you can't
walk a few yards without some shim-
mering display catching your eye and
your purse Unless, of course, your
will Is harder than the stones

Jade hunting has Its own small
hazards, however There is bad jade
and quality jade And jade that Isn't
jade at all. You find these darkish
imitations sold on folding tables by
the sidewalks, along with teenie-
weenie scarves and plastic earrings
Now. how to tell the dollar-worthy
jade? Mr. Robert Lee gives the
following guidelines And he should
know: he is the head of the jade
and semi-precious stones manufactur-
ers and is being commissioned by
Pierre Cardin to manufacture ex-
clusive Cardin designs

If the stone is too dark, say, like
moss-green or too light with much
yellow tint, that's a sign of inferior
stone The quality |ade is lush green,
vibrant, with a lot of shine in it. It
must not be mottled and should be
almost translucent

Individual preference, of course,
plays a part Shopkeepers claim that
Europeans prefer the darker shades,
the Chinese go for the lighter ones
And the Japanese, bless their hearts,
are the big buyers of the high-priced
bright green ones
The best stones, jewellers will tell
you. come from Burma Nephrite Jade,
which is not top class, comes from
Taiwan, China, India. Canada and
other sources

Bargain jade comes as low as
HK$25 (US$4 or so). About the
cheapest hereabouts are, unfortunate-
ly, found in the Communist stores,
much to the chagrin of American
tourists, who require certificates of
origin

It is ridiculous how the prices
vary In one shop, for instance, a
beauty of a |ade ring enriched by
80 diamonds is tagged at HK$55.000
(US$9,167)

If you have searched the shops
and can't find a setting to your
taste (which is unlikely, since there
is quite a range available), you can
always buy loose stones and have
them set Setting, depending on how
many gold carats you use, costs as
low as HK$45

One thing that's not generally
known is that jade isn't always green.
It can also be white, black, pink with
lavender tint, brown, or what colour
have you The lovely thing about this
is you choose your colour to match
the colour of your money

Lovely

Noritake

is

a pleasure
to own
and to give

The Largest-Selling Dinnerware
In The World.

NORITAKE CO., LTD.
Nigoyj, Jjpaii

The Alia Magazine May 4, 1969

cFerspective

A'balanced'

Alliance

stricted to the mining areas ol Perak
It has two seats in Parliament. The
Democratic Action Party, an off-
shoot of Singapore's People's Ac-
tion Party (PAP), is urban-based,
and advocates policies followed by
the PAP prior to Singapore's break

with Malaysia It holds one parlia-
mentary seat. Malaysia's Labour
Party, which until recently was
a part of a Socialist Front with the
Partai Raayat (which goes unrep-
resented in Parliament), is in a
sorry state. Many of its members.

By Suman Dubey

KUALA LUMPUR

I F there is anything strikingly
I evident in the pre-election mood
here of the past few weeks, it is
the supreme confidence of the Al-
liance Party — the United Ma-
lays' National Organization (UMNO),
the Malaysian Chinese Association
(MCA) and the Malaysian Indian
Congress, which have held power
throughout independent Malaysia's
young existence — to retain its
overwhelming majority in Parliament.

During my trip through Malaysia's
corridors of power. I came across
little to suggest any concern at
the forthcoming elections. True
enough, there are dark patches here
and there, but the view of the im-
minent polls is tinged with an air
of near boredom

No sane member of the Opposi-
tion will honestly admit, public
postures aside, that there can be
any change in Malaysia's govern-
ment this month By dint of hard
work, discipline, pragmatism and an
understanding of the Malaysian na-
tion, the Alliance has carved for
■*- itself a preeminent position in pol-
itics Born casually in 1952 of an
electoral pact between the UMNO
and the MCA to fight the Kuala
Lumpur municipal elections, the Al-
liance shot dramatically into the
forefront, winning all seats but one
in the 1955 polls to the Federal
Council

Merdeka in 1957 led to the first
country-wide elections and to a fully
elected Parliament in 1959. in which
the Alliance came in safe with 73
out of 104 seats Thanks to Su-
karno s Confrontation, the people
rallied firmly behind Tengku Abdul
Rahman s ruling Alliance, returning
it to power with 89 seats in the
1964 elections.

THE plight of the Opposition parties
has. of course, made things easier
for the Alliance Fragmented in the
extreme, most of them are popular-
ly associated with either communal
or regional groupings, which limn
their popular appeal The largest, the
Pan-Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP).
advocates a Muslim Malaya and has
a firm hold on rural Kelantan in the
north The Finance Minister. Tun
Tan Siew Sin, who considers this
appeal bigoted and religious,"
doesn't think the PMIP will retain
ns hold on the State (the Alliance
broke the PMIP's control of Treng-
ganu in 1964) The PMIP has nine
seats m the present Parliament
The pe°p,es Pf0gressive p

hss ■ '°"ovS,0. »vh,ch ,S re-

12

The Asia Magazine

particularly from its strongholds in
Penang, Selangor and Johore, are
m preventive custody under the In-
ternal Security Act for allegedly be-
ing involved in Communist activi-
ties The move attracted sharp pro-
test from the Opposition parties.

The Labour Party's two members of
Parliament resigned in protest, and
the Party plans to boycott the com-
ing elections. Tun Tan Siew Sin told
me that the government has evi-
dence that the Labour Party will go
still further and try to disrupt the

coming elections

The most significant new devel-
opment in Opposition ranks has
been the formation of the intellec-
tual-based Gerakan Ra ayat Malay-
sia, which comprises the moderate,
left-wing splinter group of the La-

precise construction

Old Japanese "secret boxes" are
typical example's of precise and ex-
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finished that it is often almost impossi-
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can be used in many different ways.

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AM and an FM radio. When used with
a simple bracket it turns into a car radio.
And by sliding back the close fitting
cover on top and inserting a tape cas-
sette, it will play or record as you desire.

But National’s RF-7270 is also an
example of precision engineering. It
includes 27 highly efficient solid state
devices that ensure improved oper-
ation while taking up less space
So that there is room for a dy-
. namic oval speaker that
will provide rich, full

bodied sound. And a built-in super ferrite
core antenna for AM, and telescopic
whip antenna for FM. Plus many other
advanced engineering features includ-
ing automatic erasure protection, re-
cording level indicator, and AC bias and
AC erasing systems on the tape recorder.

All of which goes to prove that
National's RF-7270 radio/cassette re-
corder is rather exceptional. Try it. At
your nearest National dealer.

NATIONAL

I MATSUSHITA ELECTRIC

7270

bour Party and the remaining mem-
bers of the dissolved United Demo-
cratic Party The formation of the
Gerakan last year has also led to
an electoral understanding between
it and the Progressives and the
Democratic Action Party The Partai
Ra'ayat is also expected not to op-
pose any candidates of these par-
ties This will reduce the number
of three-cornered contests which —
by splitting the Opposition vote in
the marginal constituencies — have
been its bane Gerakan’s Secretary-
General. Tan Chee Khoon. affection-
ately known as "Mr Opposition
for his vociferous anti-government
speeches in Parliament, is confident
that the arrangement, not the first
attempted, will work this time and
gam the Opposition some strength
Despite its determination the Op-
position has yet to acquire national
status — or. for that matter, break
away from the letters of parochial-
ism The Gerakan is a step in that
direction,

WHAT tilts things in favour of
the Alliance is ns guiding philos-
ophy on racial harmony Inche Senu
bin Abdul Rahman. Minister of In-
formation and chairman of the Soli-
darity Conference, told me. In this
country people are still divided In
the Alliance we represent the divi-
sions The three parties are com-
munal. but taken together when we
discuss things at the Alliance level,
they move to what is good lor the
country and compromise Often de-
cisions take a long time this way.
but .t works " With West Malay-
sia s 8 6 million people comprising
4 3 million Malays. 3 1 million Chi-
nese and nearly 1 million Indians,
the Alliance can hardly afford not
to work.

The Alliance is communal in
structure, but not in practice By
uniting Malay. Chinese and Indian
sentiment under one banner it ap-
peals to those who do not believe
in racialism and also to those who
seek some protection under the con-
stituent parties And by recognizing
the dilemma and taking it by the
horns racial conflict is averted
Most Malaysians believe there is
no other way of running a multi-
racial nation

The new Parliament is expected
to see many new faces The Op-
position obviously hopes that these
will be on its benches But these
will more likely be on the side of
the Alliance, a result of a balance"
policy — between new blood and
old talent If the Opposition pact
pulls its weight as planned, then a
few urban constituencies may go
out of Alliance control And there
are the marginal east coast seats,
which worry the Alliance headquar-
ters. A good guess would be that
the Alliance will not come up to
its present strength of 121. but will
remain comfortably m the hundreds
For sure there will exist no alter-
native to an Alliance government
for a long time ■

NATIONALISM From page 3

cumstances (hen will, I believe, great
ly facilitate the remodelling of na-
tionalism For one, the anti-colonial
patriots bred in the theories and
practices of old-fashioned national-
ism will by then have passed from

the Asian political scene
The new generation of Asians will
be more ready to purge nationalism
of its archaic contents for two rea-
sons First, it will not attach to no
longer relevant concepts that mea-
sure of reverence which the creators
of these concepts understandably at-

tached to them Second, the new
generation — because it has another
half a century or more to live out in
this planet — may not relish the idea
of having to spend its lives In spiral-
ling anarchy, decadence and misery
— which are all that nationalism, as
constituted today, has to offer

I WILL content myself here with mak-
ing some general observations about
the possible lines of this innovation
of nationalism I shall state these
observations as a series of not ne-
cessarily interconnected propositions

The first of these propositions is
that nationalism should cease to be
an anti-colonial philosophy and should
become a philosophy of national de-
velopment Between the two there is
a wide disparity both of attitudes and
of intellectual approach

Anti-colonial nationalism is essen-
tially a negative and destructive polit-
ical philosophy In the context of the
anti-colonial struggle, it had no other
choice but to be that Its essential
purpose was to make it impossible
for the colonial government to govern
any longer It was not concerned with
bringing about development or good
government — on the contrary, it was
concerned with making both develop-
ment and good government impossi-
ble For only by stimulating and mobil-
izing mass-discontent could it hasten
the fall or retreat of the imperial
power

Anti-colonialism did succeed in its
purpose. Imperial regimes liquidated
themselves But because they did not
take the precaution of revamping their
nationalist creeds and their political
parties, after independence the lead-
ers of the new nations soon found
themselves hoist with their own pe-
tards Their followers and their parties
had so got into the habit of fighting
and frustrating governments that it
became difficult for independent gov-
ernments to govern well or even to
govern at all

Constructive and necessary policies
were resisted on the grounds that
they were no different from those
propounded by the hated imperialists
If you read the post-independence
history of many new nations you will
discover to what extent anti-colonial
nationalist parties contributed to the
breakdown of the political, economic
and administrative machineries in
these countries There are. of course,
other reasons for the breakdown But
the negative attitude towards the con-
cept of development is a major factor

If you read also the pre-Indepen-
dence literature on nationalism you
will discover the relative unimportance
given to the question of development
— whether It be political, social, cul-
tural or economic The approach of
anti-colonial nationalists to these prob-
lems was fairly simple and straight-
forward All shortcomings in society
derived from colonialism Poverty,
disease, disunity, ignorance, exploita-
tion. corruption, maladministration —
any social ill you could think of —
all these were attributable to the
machinations of colonialism,

Get rid of colonialism, so It was
implied, and all these terrible things
would vanish automatically For the
best part of five decades people
were led to believe in this simplistic
prescription. It was therefore some-
thing of a shock for them to discover

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that this was not so

It will therefore be necessary for
the new nationalism to tell the peo-
ple that social, political and economic
development can be successful only
if the people are prepared for sus-
tained work, self-denial and consider-
able sacrifice

THE new nationalism must also stress
that the nation-state can never be
completely self-contained and sov-
ereign The nation-state of today has
been so permeated by a parallel
international system that nations can
survive and prosper only by modify-
ing their concepts of sovereignty and
national exclusiveness Their modifi-
cation has already taken place in
actual practice — though the theory
of the older nationalism pretends it
is not so The level of actual inter-
communication and interaction be-
tween nation-states today is far
higher than it was in the nineteenth
century We are aware that what hap-
pens in other states, whether friendly
or hostile, will decisively affect events
in our own countries — more so in
small and underdeveloped countries
That is why we find ourselves in-
creasingly involved in the work of
various international organizations
and groupings — from tbe United
Nations to such bodies as UNESCO.
ECAFE, the Colombo Plan. ASEAN
and many more A more significant
transgression of the loudly proclaim-
ed concept of sovereignty and self-
sufficiency is the passionate and
often angry claims we make on ad-
vanced countries — some of which
we profess to despise — for econom-
ic help and even sustenance as a
matter of right and justice

So while the older nationalist doc-
trine proclaims undiluted national
sovereignty and independence of
action, the practice is somewhat dif-
ferent. Yet theoretical attachment to
doctrines transgressed in practice is
one reason for the mounting difficul-
ties encountered by Asian national-
ism A reformulation of these doc-
trines In more realistic and intellec-
tually honest terms would do Asia
and the world a lot of good. It may
help Asia to accelerate Its pace of
real development, as contrasted with
spurious development It may help
Asia, for example, to adopt a more
regional attitude towards foreign in-
vestments. without which develop-
ment must be slow and intolerably
burdensome.

And finally the new nationalism
must keep In mind that it has to con-
tend with a world that will before the
end of this century be dominated by
a technology and science of a very
complicated and sophisticated kind
The nineteenth-century nationalism
from which we draw our, emotional
and intellectual inspiration was meant
to cope with relatively simple so-
cieties beginning their first industrial
revolution Those concepts cannot
cope with the different problems of
the post-industrial society, which the

advanced countries are now creating
over our heads and which we in Asia
must become a part of if we are
to play a dignified and satisfying role
in the human drama

The gap between the advanced
and the developing countries is al-
ready depressmgly wide We have

wasted some two decades since in-
dependence in wasteful and irrele-
vant pursuits One major reason is
that the old nationalism has become
a millstone hung round our necks
If we make the effort of renovating
our nationalism with determination and
boldness then the gap between us

and the advanced countries can be
closed far more rapidly than now
seems possible. But the longer we
postpone this innovation, the more
difficult and more problematical will
become the prospects of ending the
inequalities that now exist between
us and the advanced nations ■

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THE KOREAN REPUBLIC, SEOUL, MONDAY, MAY 16. 1960 page 3

Last Queen of Yi Court Returns to ‘Home’

Yoonbi seats herself on a sofa after
entering the outer structure1 of Naksun-
jai, which she had vacated during the
past one decade.

Above is the inner quarter of Naksunjai, where Yoonbi will spend her life.

car at the eit-
her relatives.

Helped by her court ladie(s, Yoonbi
trance of Naksunjai, where she is

The gray overcast weather,
glistening from a drizzling
rain, is bad enough for any
house-moving. But it seemed
mischievous and even splash-
ed a paint of pathos over
yesterday morning’s house-
moving by the last queen of
the Yi Dynasty, Yoonbi.

Devoid of all the royal
pomp and splendor which
would have adorned it half a
century ago, the occasion was
sober and humble... few
pedestrians noticed the
modest procession.

The 67-year-old ex-queen,
the last remnant of the
royalty that deigned over the
Korean peninsula for over
500 years, rode into the 3000-
pyong ‘Naksunjai (The Inn of
Joy and Goodness) within the
premises of Changduk Palace

steps from her
greeted by some of

..flanked by two maids.

A handful of Yoonbi's
remote relatives, * who would
not dare trample the freshly-
spread sand in the inn’s
courtyard for fear of leaving
then- foot-prints in the ex-
queen's path, bowed piously
as Yoonbi left the navy-blue
sedan.

Clad in a light-purple
jacket and turquoise skirt,
the bespectacled royal lady
stood in front of the inn for
a while. . speechless and not
showing a tinge of the
emotion revolving within

This is the house entwined
with her tears and sighs.

Here she had lived in com-
plete seclusion since 1926, the
year her husband, dethroned
King Soonjong, died, until the
Communist invasion of 1950

. . .. -

Above photo, a reproduction from a rare royal al-
bum, shows the primei days of Yoonbi. She is clad in
a formal court dress.

forced her on the southward
trek to Kupo, Kyongsang-
namdo.

After years of refuge,
Yoonbi returned to Seoul in
1953 to find her home
dilapidated beyond use.
Together with ‘four court
ladies who had served her
since she became the queen in
1907 at the age of 14, Yoonbi
moved into Insoojai, a
summer house on the north-
eastern outskirts. This was
arranged by Dr. Syngman
Rhee.

Only last month, custodians
of the Yi Dynasty royal
properties launched the
rehabilitation of- the long-
ignored structure and its

garden. So far, more than
three million hwan has been
spent, but much more is need-
ed to give final touches to the
repair work.

For the past 15 days,
dozens of men have worked
day and night to create a
reasonable facsimile of a
queen’s quarter. Until a few
minutes before Yoonbi's
arrival, men and women had
been busy setting up house-
hold furniture, much of it
shabby, most antique.

As she slowly walked, amid
popping flash bulbs, into her
room, her pale and somewhat
transparent visage was not
marred by note of sux-round-
ing distractions.

■

She was still a queen.

The room in which she
finally sat herself down still
smelled of paint and paste.

Only some of the majestic
carved-wood furniture that
survived the Communist
foray was reminiscent of a
queen’s living quarters.

No matter how it looks,
this is the house in which
Yoonbi will live for the rest
of her life. . .with four court-
ladies, three guards, and 10
servants., finding her con-
solation in the plush vegeta-
tion surrounding the inn...
and a reminder of reality in
the sounds of traffic coming
from just beyond the wall.

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC, SEOUL, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 21. 1957

Page 5

SEOUL PRICE INDEX DROPS BELOW CRITICAL CEILING

The wholesale price index
in Seoul has finally dropped
below the critical 125 ceiling
set up as the criterion for
continuation of the 500-1 ex-
change rate.

According to the latest of-
ficial compilation, the index
was down to 123.7 as of
Thursday. This compares
with 125.1 on Tuesday and
132.4 on Sept. 13.

The most recent index re-

presents the first drop below
the 125 ceiling since Februa-
ry. In March, the monthly
average index rose to 126.9.
Afterwards the index remain-
ed steadily on a 130 level.

The number 100 represents
the base as of September,
1955, the month following
the establishment of the peg-
ged exchange rate of 500
hwan to $1.

Government officials attri-

buted the drop to the conti-
nuous downward movement
of the grain market, into
which the new rice crop has
begun to flow.

The high grain prices due
to poor harvests had been
the principal element forcing
the index up above the 125
level.

The index of all commodi-
ties excluding grain has not
gone over the ceiling except

in February and March this
year, when psychological fac-
tors involved in the sharp in-
creases in rates of public
utilities and railroad trans-
portation had a general boost-
ing effect.

The ROK-U.S. exchange
rate agreement provides that
the 500-1 rate will be sub-
jected to a review if the
average of overall wholsale
indices in the latter half of

this calendar year exceeds
125.

Since the price index has
been repeating the annual
pattern of hitting a low point
during the last three months
of each year, the post-harvest
season, the looming certain-
ty is that the index will con-
tinue to remain under the
125 ceiling for the rest of
this year.

GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT AT CONSTANT PRICES

( IN TERMS OF FY 1953/1954 PRICES)

PER CAPITA 6NR
* §

Visiting Writer
Plans Another
Trip to Korea

One of the visiting foreign
writers, American novelist
Mrs. Charlie May Fletcher,
said yesterday she hopes to
visit Korea again to learn
more about the people of Ko-
rea.

“When I go home,” she said,
“I will study about Korea
through books. But I regret
that there are so few books
about the country.”

Wants Translations

The author of the biographi-
cal novel "Albert Sweitzer”
expressed the hope that many
books on Korea can be trans-
lated into English in the near
future.

Mrs. Fletcher is among the
12 foreign writers who return-
ed to Seoul yesterday from a
sightseeing tour of the ancient
city. of Kyongju.

The foreign writers,
ing up a nine-day visit to Ko-

Chart Discloses
Opposing Factors

Seoul to Get TrafSic
Court; Barriers to Go

Metropolitan Police Director Chi Whan Choi said yesterday
a summary traffic court will be established in Seoul to deal
with traffic accidents and violations exclusively.

He also said the emergency call system of his headquarters
is working out well, and thpt plans are now in progress to
better the appearance of this

The above chart tells a
story that is heartwarming at
one point, but which poses a
ponderous question at ano-
ther.

Last year’s per capita gross
national production, amount-
ing to $85.77, rose above that
of the pre-War year of 1949,
despite the tremendous des-
truction by the Korean con-
flict and the sharp increase in
population of about 1.7 million
over the eight-year period.
(The per capita GNP of 1949
was $78.71.)

But the 1956 level was still
considerably lower than the
$112.66 reached in 1938, when
Korea was not divided into
two as it is today.

The per capita GNP should
reach a level of at least a
hundred dollars, if this coun-
try is to acquire the ability to
support itself economically, at
the same time carrying the
huge burden of defense
against Communism.

Toward this goal, expansion
of production rapid enough to
overtake pressures from popu-

Anothcr look at the chart
reveals the sad fact that agri-
culture and fisheries, while
employing 70 percent of the
population, account for only
about 40 percent of the total
production.

Industries, such as manufac-
turing, mining, and construc-
tion, account for only about
13 percent of the overall pro-
duction, showing that the Ko-
rean economy still is a long
way away from the standard
of fully-developed modern
countries. (Chart by Courtesy
of Reconstruction Ministry)

rea, will leave for home today. I lation increases is necessary,
Before their departure, the and to accomplish 'this, de-
writers will attend a luncheon velopment plans solidly back-
party given by Director of the ed by aid from the U.S. and
Office of Public Information other Free World nations are
Chae Kyung Oh. I a must.

city.

Choi told a press conference
that the traffic court is design-
ed to save the parties involv-
ed in traffic cases the unne-
cessary time required in ordi-
nary court proceedings.

The Seoul District Court
yesterday reportedly approved
Choi’s recommendation for es-
tablishment of such a court —
the first of its kind to be set
up in Korea.

Cases Separated

It means that traffic cases
will be separated from other
cases, civil or criminal,
court proceedings. According
to Choi, the district court
deals with 100 to 200 traffic
cases daily.

The Director also said that
the barbed wire encircling
public installations and the
posts and chains along the
sidewalks will be removed
soon. The removals will pro-
mote the beauty and democra-
tic atmosphere of the capital
city, he added.

The “112 Emergency Cham-
ber" in his headquarters, Choi
said, dealt with 119 crimes and
accidents from July 25 to
Thursday. Of cases phoned in
90 have been solved, he said

Petrol Product
Allocations Cut
By CEB Group

The Overall Requirements
Committee of the Combined
Economic Board yesterday
agreed on plans to limit allo-
cations of aid-imported petro-
leum products to $4 8 million
for the three months begin-
ning in October. The alloca-
tion is considerably smaller
than past allocations for like
periods.

Fishing Nets

The Committee also drafted
procurement authorization ap-
plications for $1.8 million
worth of salable commodities,
including abaca and' fishing
nets, under the $100 million
first-stage commodity import
program being financed with
1958 ICA aid. The PAAs will
be sent to Washington after
being signed by the CEB re-
presentatives. This will com-
plete issuance of PAAs under
the first-phase plan

Invitation to Bid for Procurement with ICA Funds

Sept. 20, 1957

Opening Date

187-M

Ref. No. 96

iv. No. PIO/C No. Project Quantity

60357 Seoul National University Various 10 a.m. Oct. 30, 19o7
Operation Facilities

For detailed information on specifications, bid bond, performance bond,
etc., please refer to the Machinery Section, Bure;

i of Procurement.

In Kyu Choi. Director. Oftice oi Supply
(government of the Republic of Korea

Invitation to Bid for Procurement with ICA Funds

Sept. 17, 1957

WESTERN STYLE HOUSE FOR RENT OR SALE

Location: Near Samgak-chi Intersection, Yongsan, Seoul

Modern two-story building. Eight rooms, garage, store,
basement and beautiful garden. Water and light in good con-
dition. Floor space 53 pyung, walled land 90 pyung. Suitable
for foreigner’s office or residence.

Please call: Tel. Yongsan 50-009, Mr. Cho

Ref. No. 94

Inv. No. PIO/C No. Project Quantity

186-M 70196 Meteorological Laboratory Various

Remarks : For detailed information on specification, bid bond, performance bond, etc.,

please refer to the Machinery Section, Bureau of Procurement.

Opening Date

, a.m. Oct. 21, 1957

In Kyu Choi, Director. Office of Supply
Government of the Republic of Korea

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(®E1953^8^Z6B (Pfl8>

SUPPLEMENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

3E|2i alsisy TEL No. 3-2151-9

, , , .warmed Seoul streets on Aue 15 1 045, when Japan announced her unconditional surrender to

th?aS? eVd!nf ™nye^ oToccu"adof eafd “avtuT the' way for the independence of the Republic of Korea,

_§AGE 2

Roses in a Dustbin?

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEMENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

Heat of Political Turmoil Has Marked a Hectic Year

By SEHOON WHANG

Korea politics in the
early days of liberation
was often alluded to "a
dustbin where no roses
(democracy) can be expect-
ed to thrive."

Today, 17 years since
liberation, "that rose is
just about to bud,” says
one revolutionary, none
other than Chairman
Chung Hee Park himself.
_ The top leader of the
revolutionary government
has, through repeated
statements and in private
talks, deeply committed
himself to revolutionizing
the famous adage, known
to have originated with a
traveling foreigner.

Park is firmly convinced
that "roses do thrive in
the dustbin, provided that
it is clean of poisonous
elements.”

Driven primarily by this
urge, the military revolu-
tionaries, during the past
two years and four months
effected a vigorous and
sweeping housecleaning of
the dustbin.

In the course of this tita-
nic task, the nation during
the past 12 months marked
what may be one of the
most turbulent and troubl-
ed chapters in the history
of Korean politics.

While the first test of

ed democracy may be seen
in the coming presidential
and parliamentary elec-
tions, the birth pangs that
heralded the coming of the
Third Republic has been
full of ups and downs.

As part of the ground-
work, the nation last De-
cember adopted a new con-
stitution, and Chairman
Park, in his year-end press
meet Dec. 27, declared the
revolutionaries' intention
to join in civilian politics.

Politicians Cleared

Politicians were granted
mass clearance from the
six-year ban on political
activities, new election
laws were promulgated,
and, of most significance,
political activities were
reinstated after 19 months
of a strict ban.

Unfortunately for Park,
however, he little foresaw
at his press conference
Dec. 27 what a political cli-
mate was awaiting him in
the year .ahead.

In less than a month
after the political ac-
tivities resumed Jan. 1,
the nation was once again
deep in a political mess.

Elections, according to
Park’s announcement Dec.
27, were to be held in
April and May, and the
Third Republic was to have
been set up by today.

Pressed by time, money
and politicians ef some
stature, politicians rushed
td the streets like water
gushing from broken dams.

They demanded total
scrapping of the six-year
ban imposed by the Poli-
tical Purification Law;
charges were leveled, par-
ties were hastily formed,
and quickly politicians be-
came frantic in their
search for "another grab
at power."

Within a span of 45 days,
beginning Feb 18 through
April 8, in the face of pres-
sures from both the oppo-
sition and from his own
revolutionary camp. Park
changed his mind three
times.

Renunciation

On Feb. 18. Park, in a
dramatic announcement,
declared that he would re-
nounce political activities
if politicians took a public
oath to abide by his nine-
point proposal.

Accepting Park’s bid. a
group of 46 political
leaders took an oath of
allegiance Feb. 27 at Citi-
zens Hall to "refrain from
political bickering and to
inherit the revolutionary
tasks.”

Park, in turn, declared
his formal renunciation oi
the viability of the promis-

Chairman Chung Hee Park (right) confers with opposition political lea-
ders to discuss means for smooth transfer of power to civilian control.
The politicians are ex-Presidcnt Posu n Yun (left) and Chung Huh, former
premier of the 1960 caretaker cabin et.

Voters cast ballots in the constitutional -referendum last December.
The proposal won a great majority of approval throughout the nation.

political activities and
cleared all but 2G9 of 4,367
politicians banned from
politics.

One significant factor
leading to Park’s sudden
decision to withdraw from
politics has been directly
linked to resignation from
the Democratic Republican
Party of former Central
Intelligence Agency Direc-
tor Jong Pil Kim.

Kim, then the second
most powerful man in the
country, was the chief
architect of the pro-govern-
ment party, but was forced
to resign when his one-
man show inflicted the
wrath of fellow revolu-
tionaries.

Quitting politics, the 37-
year-old ex-CIA chief Kim
left the country on a tour
of Europe and the Middle
East as a roving presiden-
tial envoy Feb. 25, one day
before the Democratic Re-
publican Party was formal-
ly inaugurated.

Political Freedom

For the ensuing 17 days,
politicians had to their fill
what they regarded as
political freedom. With the
revolutionaries now wash-
ing their hands of politics,
the politicians engaged in
bitter interparty squabbl-
ing.

At the turn of the year,
ex-President Posun Yun
and followers of his for-
mer New Democratic Party
attempted a semblance of
opposition integration with
ex-Chief Justice Byungno
Kim and politicians of de-
funct Democratic and Libe-
ral Parlies and indepen-
dents.

At about the same time,
former Premier Chung
Huh of the 1960 interim
cabinet also mobilized his
former cabinet members
and ex-Democrats in an at-
tempt to form a party.

There were host of other
"parties" mushrooming, too.
Some of these ‘'parties"
had neither members nor
a party headquarters, but
one “patriotic leader” and
two or three rough-tough
“secretaries," holding
"press conferences” at tea-
rooms.

There was at the time
also talk of deploying an
“opposition alliance” be-
tween Yun’s Minjung
Party and Huh’s Shinjung
Party to oppose Park's
Democratic Republicans.

But when Park decided
to withdraw from politics,
and over 2,300 politicians
were granted "political
comeback." opposition
partners suddenly became
foes.

The Minjung Party,
which comprised four
political factions. was
badly split internal-
ly, and the Shin-
jung Party suffered a crip-
pling blow when a group
of 500 ex-Democrats bolted
the party one month after
they joined it.

While politicr^ parties
thus presented a grim pic-
ture, a group of 25 military
officers, including two of
the most influential rev-
olutionaries, were arrested
March 11 shortly before at-
tempting a coup d’etat.

Power-Extension Bid

Against these events.
Park, in his second and
most dramatic derision oro-

(Oontinued on Page 5)

Supreme Council
Chairman Chung Hee
Park announces his
proposal March 16 to
extend military rule
for four years. Gen-
eral elections for gov-
ernment transfer are
now scheduled for
mid-October, presi-
dential elections in late
November, and esta-
blishment of the Third
Republic by the end of
this year.

Hyunchul Kim, the
third premier of the
military government
addresses a ceremony
marking the second
anniversary of the
may 16 military re-
volution.

Posun Yun, former
president of the ill-
fated Democratic gov-
ernment, talks at a
news conference. He
renounced the presi-
dential nomination of
the Minjung Party in a
bid to form a united
opposition front.

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEMENT. AUGUST 15, 1963

PAGE 3

THE KOREAN KtrUDLIl r l-uit.-.f ■ , —

StalusofKorean Economy lor This Year Holds Hope

... ci mauim MAM iects. according to the In. international pay- of each f r“u®-0“ P°i^ th^nrft j™ar (1B6Z) <

Bv SUNGMIN NAM iects, accordine to the In 'toti“?£ ‘wOO^mUlfoTwon "“lit" ttaTirrtyeM (1962) of _

^sSNV.fes?”*c p,annine BMrd sHtajssaa^

J* nIS Ze urlderta'ken &&

cans itu a r - to total $464 million million won m_ seconaary we ^

mil linn won in the gross for modernization ana imnnrl

national 'product IGNP), at mechanisation - of farming
-mri s vat her than advancing gen-

212 million v«...

Of the total projects. 86
projects have completed
over 80 percent of the pro-
grammed goals, nine pro-
jects have progressed over
60 percent and the remain-

* - ..nnfnntr M n O I" fid

The third-year uww (F„B)

Drogram of the five-year 'c-1 D>-
economic development plan The government

-» oinnnn nmo nnnritv to ltiioxva. . t , , Cana million. million won *»* ov*.—— —

Commodities importation industry (mining.

1962U,marketUpricer. and *5 ovJrfha^S® this^ear'1"011 f^icUonX^and^

PeS’tGeNC°PTiaCnBS"rtehasc {^{SSS'ln^SfSSS Under the 1964 program }£■ ‘fom-

Of 4.830 million won over Industry sect. ^ $!. lid"! KoJea. includ- ff^;d<?ttera)8U^’ * »» w— - « ~~

the 296.000 million won in The ' total pliable le surplus grain under tlon and others). ing seven projects under 60

GNP in 1963. while the sources in 1964 are es ^ Public Law 480. is to fn addition, 310 miUion rcentt according to the

growth rate is a decrease timated to reacn . . j217 600.000, and for- won is to go for the technl- EpB

Ski- S.ST, ”

^Reduction of the expect- get ^naUons i„ clud.uK Meanwhile, the^go^n- . tfn^vdar P™™ ‘he ha^stln

ed growth rate has been ^asf^1 government bor- surplus in government for- ^vernmejit call^ior ^ compared t0 the un-
made to meet economic j j 1964, are expect- eign exchange (KFX) hold- }*"•. promotion of ex- nual average grain produc-

realities and to develop the tQ total 37.950 million ings. which contrasts with ^geAhSncTment of aus- tion.

Stable basfsCOn°my w9”: 3 decrease of 7.790 the °«Sin jig ferity movement of the peo- In contrast, secondary

The third-vear program million won over that of ficit of $18.500, UUU in reduction of spend- industry registered 15.2-

eJu for a total of 53 300 1963- in 1963 , . . . . ing and encouragement of percent growth against the

„f SS# *rS4i-

siruplanncd 6M0° ^fcSsTKeaaHi sv ss

Of the total investment. 9.230 million won over that cent growth. ® 2.8-p ^cent . transfer of many The second year (1963)
26^00" million won® will be of this year, industry ?ro?ectsto private sectors, program of the five-year

made, up of government Consumption expendi- year s. secondary 0n development of energy economic t Pl?V!alof 11R

financing and the remain- tures break down to 2^6. is o 6-Dercent de- resources, extension of so- ® !_.t_ pnvi<;a2-

inp 26 500 million won will 950 million won in private growth, a 1-o P ..... r:ai overhead capitals, de- industrial projects, envis g
comf f“mn’prlvante"capuil. expenditure end 48,550 mil- cre.se over the o » Import-sub- ing a^^percent growth of

Under the 1964 program, lion won for the govern- ‘e““” “5 erowtti a W- stitute Industry, promot on the GNP , u 20

p^ernentati'on lof proiects'al- "X dieposiUon el «e ter MeSfoVer that - — P^WSt
ready being undertaken In- « «f^!,VSoTSoi ° F^.gLeected growth technique, and curbing the ICon.mued Page 2-

stead of initiating new pro

Progress Status of Foreign Capital Investment - Private Loans

(As of June 1, 1963)

Projects |

Borrowers jLoan Agreedj

Ordered | ^

Cement plant #4

Hanil Cement Co.

5, 182. 000

5. 811, 500

Cement plant #6

Tsangyong Cement

6. 495. 000

6. 495. 000 ~

Semi-chemical pulp

Samyang Paper
Mtg Co.

617. 000

616, 743

Quick-freezing plant

Samyang Co.

280.000

280,000

Electric apparatus plant

Gold Star Co.

'T. 250. 000,

1, 250.*b00

Importation of tuna

Jedong Industrial

620, OOOi

—

long liner

Ranie spinning plant

Co.

Ton^barig Textile

725.000

-

2. 475. 000

^ Printing paper plant

Sam Pung Paper

Mfg. Co

292.000

292. 260

Transmission line mfg.

Korea Cable Ind.

2. 950. 000

—

Co.

2. 078. 000

Importation of civil air
) plant

^ Textile Apparatus

Korea Air-Line Co.

2.078,000

Baichang Ind. Co,

1.000.000

■ “

Synthetic blend yarn

Ilshin Spinning Co.

569,000

534, 931

I) plant

Importiaton of tuna
^ long liner

Korea Fishing Co,

1,441.000

‘ ~

Importiaton of tuna

Dongwha Construe-

'■ 180. 000

—

.) long liner

Fused phosphate mfg.
n) plant

’•j Importation of vessels

Poongnong Fertil-
izer Ind
Daihan Sea-Line
Corporation

985,000
9. 300.000

-

L) Pusan thermal plant

Korea Electric Co.

3.500.000

Importation of tuna

Konghung
Industrial Co

1.500.000

Importation & construe-

Fishing Develop-
ment Corp. (Gov’t

55, 151. 00C

tions of fishing vessels
Viscose Rayonyarn

•

5.1 18.001

n) -plant (1)

P3 C2)

5. 500. 00C

Bast & Staple fiber

4, 853, OCX

-

m) plant

Total

112. 059. (XX

17. 368. 425

Polysius (German)
K. H. D. (German)
Escher Wyss

(German
Escher Wyss

(Switzerland

Fuhrmeisfer

(Gerriian

Kanematsury

(U S. A
Coutinho Caro

(Germai
SAMC (Frano
Esher Wyss

(Germai

Fuhrmeister

(Germa

Fokker

(Netherland

Coutinho

(Germa
Plott Bross Ltd
(Englan
Ueberses Handl
A. G.

(Switzerlar
Stark ist Food
I NC. (U.S.j
Coutinho Caro
Co. (Germi

Maierform S A.

Ingoistat

signed

290. 577
324.750
61.673
280.000
62.500

290. 577
324. 750
61. 673
280.000
1.250.000

1,325,-272

62. 5.20
62. 11.20
62. 2. 7

62. 4.20
62. 2.21

]

62. 11. 15

63. 1.21
63. 1.16
62. 2.22
62. 4.19

62. 11. 16
62. 5. 2

62. 4.19

63. 1.30

61. 7.31

62. 4. 5
62. 12.

62. 4. 103(6%)2C89&)
62. 12. 11

Duration

(years)

4. 649. 157

25*

15%

-20%

20%

20%

20%

20%

15%

5.5

62. 8. 8

62. 12. 20
63. 1.29

5.5

Source: Economic Planning Board

Note: In addition to the above loan agreements, direct and joint investments
Investment Promotion Committee.

1 Direct investment: $ 1.000 thousand for Gold, silver & copper mine developmen

2. Joint investment: $ 3.000 thousand for Automobiles maf. plant for army use
O „ • $ 579 thousand for Filament nylon yarn plant

the following 3 projects are approved by the Foreign

PAGE 4

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEMENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

Economics

(Continued from Page 3)

industry, 38 projects to
secondary industry and 60
projects to tertiary indus-
try.

Of the projects in
primary industry, the live-
stock husbandry develop-
ment projects calling for a
total of 1,141,300,000 won
have progressed 7.5 per-
cent and the sericulture
developriient projects re-
quiring 189.500,000 won
have progressed 39.9 per-
cent for the first quarter
of this year.

The Namgang River
basin development project,
which envisages irrigating
19,600 acres of land, has
been completed 75.7 per-
cent during the period.

During the same period,
the ginseng cultivation pro-
ject, calling for 360 million
won, has progressed 20 per-
cent, the industrial crop
project requiring 68,700,000
won progressed 18.9 percent
and the tobacco-raising pro-
ject calling for 118,900,000
won has been completed
16.5 percent.

Progress Status of Foreign Capital Investment — Public Loans

(As of June 1, 1963) In U S, dollars

Projects

Borrowers

\

Loan

agreed

Agreement

signed

Kepayment terms

Procured

Arrived

Annual

interest

Duration

Currency
to be

A I D

Extention of
cement plant
Extention of com-

Tongyang
Cement Co.

2, 140, 000

2, 139, 599

2, 139, 599

59. 1.20

(%)
, 5.25

(years)

7.6

won

munication facili-
ties

Design of

MOC

3, 500, 000

3. 499. 967

2, 881, 456

59. 4. 8

3.5

19.6

7/

„

Choong-ju hydro-
power plant
Soda ash plant

KECO
Tongyang
Chemical Co.

1.500,000
5, 600,000

1, 114, 631
289. 150

1. 114. 631
289. 150

59. 5.26
59.12. 1

5.5

5.75

8

14

"

Small industry

5. 000.000

Development

, 510.820

292, 000

60. 4.12

*5

„

//

Nylon plant

Hankuk Nylon
Co.

3.200,000
&). 900, 000

2,560,000

981, 891

61. 2.16

5.75

7.6

■■

plant

9, 209, 353

2, 521. 331

62. 4. 4

0.75

Dollar

"

Cement plant #3
Importation of

Hyundae Con-
struction Co.

4,250,000
8, 300. 000

-

62. 7.13

0.75

30

diesel locomotives
Importation of

M

~

62. 10. 29

0.75

30

"

9, 509. 000

I D A

passenger coaches

MOT

~

3.5

12

"

14,000.000
8, 750, 000

W. Germ-
an Financ-
ial Loan

Tele-communica-
tion facilities

MOC

62. 8.17
62. 11. 13

0.75

40

16

"

N *

Extention of ship-

Korea Ship-
Building Co

4, 820. 000

building yard

—

—

—

_

"

Coal mine deve-
lopment

DHCC

5, 180, 000

'

-

-

-

-

Total

96, 649. 000

9, 323, 520

9. 237, 567

-

-

-

In secondary industry,
the construction project of
an oil refinery plant at
Ulsan, Kyongsang-namdo.
has progressed 40.9 percent
of this year’s goal, the con-
struction project of the
Honam Fertilizer Plant has
been completed 73.9 per-
cent of this year’s target
and the shipbuilding de-
velopment project, calling
for a total of 406 million
won for this year, pro-
gressed 48.3 percent.

In tertiary industry,
the Pusan thermal electric
power plant project has
progressed 20.2 percent

Source: Economic Planning Board
Note: In addition to the above (loan approved), loan
applications on 10 proiects amounting to $
100,255 thousands have been submitted and
5 projects amounting to $102,333 thousand are
under technical study. .

with 21,500,000 won, the of diesel locomotives has progressed 82.2 percent
construction project of the been completed 96.8 per- importation project of
Somjing River hydroelec- cent during the first quar- cargo ships totaling 55 000
tnc power plant has been ter of this year. tons progressed 6 percent

completed 9.1 percent, the The industrial highway and airport extension pro-
Chunchon hydroelectric construction project has ject saw 16 6-percent pro-
power plant construction progressed 60 percent of gress during the same
project progressed 4.2 per- this year’s portion, port re- period,
cent and the importation pair and drainage project For implementation of

the five-year economic
plan, the government has
so far obtained a total of
$181,002,000 in foreign
loans for 19 planned indus-
trial projects and $21,198,-
000 for 15 nonprojected
Industrial projects as of
June 1 of this year.

GNP GROWTH RATE

AT 1955 CONSTANT PRICES

^ACTUALGfJP, ipc,2
1 gEI/ISEP 6 A/P, 196 4-

5-YEAR PLAN
PERIOD

I

Gross National Product and
Total Available Resources '

GNP \
Net Donations
& Increase in
Borrowing
Total Available
Resources
Consumption
Expenditures
private
government
Total Capital*
Fojmation
Disposition of
Total available
Resources

(At 1962 market prices)
Unit 100 million won

1963 1964

2,960.0 3,108.3

457.4 s 379,5

3,417.4

2.863.7

2.360.8
502.9

A 553.7

3,417.4

3.487.5

2.955.0

2.469.5

485.5

532.5

3.491.1

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEA'IENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

PAGE 9

Ginseng Exports Rise
With Stricter Controls

Korean ginseng, the
famous "cure-all” herb
medicine, is restoring its
popularity among overseas
buyers since the govern-
ment instituted strict ins-
pection of quality pro-
ducts beginning this year.

Korean ginseng products
have gained a mounting
number of consumers since
they were first exported to
Southeast Asian countries
in 1957.

The biggest Korean
ginseng buyers are Burma,
Thailand, Malaya, West
Germany, the United
States and Horigkong in
that order, an official of
“the National Exhibition
Center said.

As the fame of Korean
ginseng increased, a vast
number of irresponsible
manufacturers exported
hundreds of low quality
products aT low prices,
causing confusion among
regular buyers and hurting
the reputation of Korean
goods in general.

In addition, Korean gin-
seng encountered another
trial when Red China and
Communist north Korea
began exporting similar
tonics. Their products were
said to be well-inspected in
their advertisements.

This year the govern-
ment revised the law con-
cerning sales of ginseng
products in a stepped up
measure to regain the con-
fidence of foreign custom-

As a result, unqualified

manufacturers were elimi-
nated automatically.

Today five major ginseng
producers are pooling
their efforts in ginseng ex-
ports with improved
quality and closer coope-
ration.

The five producers. Bum
Ah Trade Co., New Ko-
rean Products Co.. Ryu
"Wha Industrial Co.,
Poongki Ginseng Pharma-
ceutical Co. and Korea
Royal Jelly Co., are seek-
ing a unified strategy
through the National Ex-
hibition Center.

Their products include
ginseng wine, ginseng
tonic, ginseng tea and gin-
seng syrup.

Each company exports
an average of $20,000 to
$30,000 of the medicine
each year.

All products are made
under strict supervision by
government authorities
during the entire process,
one of the company offici-
als said

Every product under-
goes a thorough inspection
at the Central Chemical
Laboratory. Bottles and
packings are inspected by
the Central Industrial La-
boratory and ginseng
■wines are tested at the
Central Brewery Labora-
tory.

Ginseng has a history of
more than 2,000 years in
medicinal use.

Essays by Sir Hancock;
Full of New , Old Theories

This is a typical Ko-
rean ginseng root.
Even the smallest root
is used for various
medicinal purposes.

weakness during and after
illness and is good for
general poor health, ane-
mia, nervous prostration,
headache, diabetes and
loss of appetite.

Modern chemists also
agree that ginseng, a per-
renial plant, is rich in
alumina, phosphorate
salts, silica, vitamins A
and E, vitamin B complex,
and a newly discovered
substance called T-factor.

It also was recently
proved to be a remedy for
arterios-clerosis and high
blood presure by a medical
team_ from the Seoul Na-
tional University Medical
College.

he New World Looks at Its
History. Edited by Archibald R.

Us and Thomas F. McGann.
Austin, Texas: University of

Texas Press. 220 pp. $4. Review-
ed by James Nelson Goodsell

When Frederick Jackson
Turner put forward his
"frontier hypothesis” in
1893, he set in motion one
of the great historical
-theories of . all time ancl
generated a debate that
still rages. Turner, as Sir
Keith Hancock in one of
the more delightful essays
in this attractive book
says, "proclaimed the sig-
nificance of the frontier in
American history.” He
held that many of the uni-
que features of American
thought and character can
be ascribed to the nation's
pioneering experience.

The Turner thesis is the
underlying theme in most
of the essays which make
up "The New World Looks
at Its History.” These es-
says were originally papers
delivered at the Second
International Congress of
Congress of Historians of
the United States and
Mexico, held at the Uni-
versity of Texas campus
at Austin, in November of
1958. Together in book
form they make a readable
and fascinating package.

Since Turner expounded
his theory, the frontier
concept has spread, find-
ing its way into historical
analyses of a variety of re-
gions. Several of the
papers delivered at the

Texas conference, and in-
cluded in this volume,
treat the Spanish frontier.
Here, the eminent Spanish
medievalist, Claudio San-
chez-Albornoz. writes
about the Castilian fron-
tier in Spanish history:
"The history of no other
European peoples, includ-
ing those of the Iberian
Peninsula, has been so de-
cisively modified by a
frontier as that of Castile.
The wide-open frontier of
this region exercised an
important influence cen-
tury after century, as long
as it continued to exist. . .
Because these lands (those
of Castile and Alava)
drained by the upper Ebro
and its affluents were on
the frontier for more than
a hundred years — a fron-
tier characterized by the
harsh will to resist and
the iron will to fight of an
entire people — the inhabi-
tants acquired their uni-
que national dynamic and
consciousness of their own
strength which eventually
provoked unrest and then

secession.

Not all frontiers have
led to unrest and secession
— but all frontiers have
had that development of a
national dynamic and a
consciousness of their own
strength. The essays in this
book ably illustrate this.

But Ray Allen Billington
of Northwestern University
thinks that the American
frontier produced traits
and institutions which "dif-
fer from those of other
frontier countries whose
evolution has been roughly
similar.” He says that the
American frontier had
three factors which made
it "virtually unique": “(1)
the environment offered
an unrivaled opportunity
for individual self-advance-
ment, (2) its early settlers
were unusually well equip-
ped to utilize this opportu-
nity to the full, and (3) its
resources were so abun-
dant that their continued
exploitation allowed a
frontierlike atmosphere to
persist long after the fron-
tier was closed.”

Experienced Author
Tells of Pacific Isles

Hundreds of Korean ginseng products are dis-
played at the National Exhibition Center in
Seoul. These products are made under strict su-
pervision and inspection of the government.

The Log of One Man's Journey
In the South Pacific, by James
Ramsey Ullman. Cleveland:
World Publishing Company. 316
pp. 55.95. Reviewed by Roland
Sawyer

James Ramsey Ullman
wanted to see for himelf
to what extent an outsider
can find paradise in the
Pacific islands._Were they
"les iles d’illusion,” or not?
Well he knew the stex-eo-
typed legends: the spec-
tacularly beautiful scenery,
the normal balm of the cli-
mate. the ease of obtain-
ing the necessities of life,
the charm of the island
peoples. He foresaw a jour-
ney of discovery that in-
numerable writers, artists,
sailors and missionaries
had made, and recorded,
already. What could he tell
us, experienced author
that he is. that had not
been published fifty times
and, he feared, perhaps
better written?

These pages do not port-
ray much that is new. Of
course, the author did not
find paradise unalloyed;
he did not expect to. real-
ly. What then do we have
that makes this book a
contribution to the litera-
ture of the Pacific? We
have essentially a remark-
ably true record of the im-
pact of the South Seas
upon an open and inquir-
ing mind. On the opening
page the author advises
that this is "simply an ac-
count of individual
experience.” His observa-
tions, he says rightly, are
made from the basis of
truths he has entertained

acquired, long before. He
calls these his "spiritual
baggage.”

For the most part this
baggage is no impediment.
Ullman traveled by every
available sort of convey-
ance for over a year. He
saw the Pacific from Ha-
waii, Guam (via Wake},
Truk, Majuro, Tarawa.
Fiji, Samoa. Tahiti, and
the Marquesas. He saw it
from innumerable lesser-
known islands. He saw it
through the eyes of peo-
ples whose variety is al-
most as ejidless as their
islands. He saw it through
his own discerning eye, a
■ man already much travel-
ed in remoter parts as well
as in established places.
He saw it with a fine sense
of humor touched by irony.
And he saw it also as one
who had experienced vis-
cissitudes of life in the
United States.

When he sailed through
the Golden Gate the au-
thor was alone. He and his
wife had separated, their
two grown sons having
started on their own jour-
ney in life. It is clear that
this schism had cut him
deeply. This was part of
the baggage. It lay not far
below the surface of his
thoughts and emotions as
he traveled’ but it is no
hindi'ance to his story.

Near the end. in the '
Society Islands. Ull-
man experienced a way of
living acceptable there
but one which could be
considered by others either
distasteful or reproachable.

It was here that the inner
man and his mortal sense
of paradise clashed.

PAGE 10

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEMENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

Major Events

General Douglas MacArthur (center) is shown
leading his staff after the successful surprise
landing of the elements of the United Nations
Command at Inchon in September 1950, three
months after the Communist north Koreans stag-
ed an unprovoked war against south Korea.

Gen. Mark W. Clark, commander in chief,
United Nations Command, signs the military
armistice agreement at Munsan-ni July 27, 1953.
This was the beginning of the longest armistice
to be recorded in history.

An Army tank patrols downtown Seoul in
support of the May 1961 revolution. Here
crowds of cheering people greet the military
forces who established a 30-membcr Revolu-
tionary Committee May 18.

Since 1945 Recounted

Republic

Numerous

1945

July 26 — The Potsdam
Declaration affirms Ko-
rea’s independence.

Aug. 15 — Japan sur-
renders to the allied
forces. Korea was subse-
quently divided under the
allied occupation forces by
the 38th parallel under the
Yalta Agreement of Feb.
21. 1945.

Dec. 27 — The Moscow
Conference announces the
establishment of a trus-
teeship over Korea.

1946

March 20 — U.S.-USSR
Joint Commission meets
at Duksoo Palace. It went
into recess indefinitely in
August, 1947.

Feb. 5 — The U.S. Mili-
tary Government appoints
Koreans to high govern-
ment post.

1947

Nov. 14 — The U.N.
General Assembly adopts a
resolution calling for the
creation of a provisional
government in Korea, and
subsequent withdrawal of
all foreign troops from
Korea.

1948

May 10 — General elec-
tions are held south of the
38th parallel under the
supervision of the U.N.
Commission.

May 31 — The Consti-
tuent Assembly adopts the
Constitution and elects
Syngman Rhee president
and Shiyung Lee vice presi-
dent.

Aug. 15 — The Govern-
ment of the Republic of
Korea is established and
Syngman Rhee becomes
first President.

Dec. 9 — The U.N. Gene-
ral Assembly recognizes
the Republic of Korea as
the sole legitimate govern-
ment in Korea.

1949

Jan. 1 — The U.S. occu-
pation forces withdraw
from south Korea.

1950

June 20 — The second
National Assembly con-
venes following general
elections May 10.

June 25 — The north
Korean Communist army
unleashes an unprovoked
attack upon the Republic.

June 26 The U.N.
Security Council declares
the Communist invasion a
"breach of peace." Two
days later it called upon
U.N. member nations to
rush military assistance to
Korea.

June 28 — Seoul falls
into the hands of the Com-
munist.

July 8 — The United Na-
tions Command is estab-
lished under the command
of Gen. Douglas Mac-
Arthur.

Sept. 15 — The U.N.
forces launch all-out
counteroffense with historic
landing at Inchon.

Sept. 28 — The U.N.
forces recapture Seoul
from the Communists, and

Survives

Challenges

the government and the
National Assembly returns
to the capital from Pusan.

Oct. 19 — The Chinese
Communist ■ army inter-
venes with the Korean
War.

1951

Jan. 4 — Seo_ul falls
again to the Communist
army back beyond the 38th
parallel.

June 24 — USSR dele-
gate to the U.N. Jacob
Malik proposes a truce in
Korea.

Oct. 20 — ROK-Japan
talks open in Tokyo.

1952 __

Aug. 5 — President

Rhee is elected for a sec-
ond term, and Taiyung
Ham is elected vice presi-
dent.

Dec. 2-5 — Gen. Dwight
D. Eisenhower, then the
president-elect of the
United States, visits.

1953

1953 ■

Feb. 14 — A currency re-
form is effected under a
presidential decree.

July 27 — Korean Armis-
tice Agreement is conclud-
ed between the UNC and
the north Korean and Chi-
nese Communists.

June 18 — President
Rhee frees anti-Communist
north Korean war prison-
ers in south Korea; 27,000
out of a total of 34.000
prisoners are granted the
rights to reside in the Re-
public.

Nov. 27 — President
Rhee flies to Taipei on a
state visit with President
Chiang Kai-shek.

1954

May 20 — General elec-
tions for the third National
Assembly are held.

June 15-18 — The Asian
Peoples’ Anti-Communist
League is formally organiz-
ed in Chinhae under the
initiatives’ of the Republic
of Korea.

1956

May 15— President Rhee
is reelected to a term and
John M. Chang of the then
opposition Democratic
Party is elected vice presi-
dent.

1957

June 21 — The UNC de-
nounces paragraph 13d of
the Armistice Agreement
to introduce new weapons
for U.N. Forces.

Sept. 18 — Vietnamese
President Ngo Dinh Diem
arrives in Seoul on a
three-day state visit.

1959

Dec. 14 — A group of
975 Korean residents in
Japan are deported to
north Korea.

1960

March 15 — Presiden-
tial- elections are held.

April 19 — University
students in Seoul demon-
strate against the March 15
elections.

April 26 — President
Rhee resigns.

April 27 — Interim cabi-
net is formed under Pre-
mier Chung Huh.

June 19 — U.S. Presi-
dent Dwight D. Eisenhower
arrives in Seoul on a state
visit.

July 29. — General elec-
tions for National As-
semblymen are held.

Aug. 2 — Rep. Posun Yun
is elected president of the
Second Republic.

Aug. 19 — John M.
Chang is named premier.

1961

May 16 — The revolu-
tionary forces under the
command of Gen. Chung
Hee Park take over the
Chang government.

May 18 — A 30-member
military Revolutionary-
Committee was establish-
ed.

May 19 — The Military-
Revolutionary Committee
is renamed the Supreme
Council for National Re-
construction.

July 3 — The Supreme
Council names its vice
Chairman Chung Hee Park:
chairman.

Nov. 14 — Chairman
Park arrives in Washington.

1962

March 24 — President
Posun Yun resigns. Chair-
man Park assumes the of-
fice of Acting President.

May 1 — The Interna-
tional Music Festival opens
at the Citizens Hall.

May 12 — The Ninth
Asian Film Festival opens
in Seoul.

June 10 — A Currency
reform was. effected.

June 16 — Premier Yo-
chan Song resigns, and
Chairman Park assumes
the premiership.

July 10 — Chairman
Park names Hyunchul Kim
premier.

'Dec. 6 — The govern-
ment lifts martial law.

Dec. 17 — The constitu-
tional amendments were
approved in a national re-
ferendum.

1963

Jan. 1 — The govern-
ment allows the resump-
tion of political activities.

Feb. 26 — Democratic Re-
publican Party is in-
augurated.

Feb, 27 — Chairman
Chung Hee Park announces
his decision not to partici-
pate in civilian govern-
ment.

March 16 — Chairman
Chung Hee Park proposes
a referendum to decide on
whether to extend military
rule.

March 28 — The Demo-
cratic Republican Party
nominates Chairman Chung
Hee Park as its presiden-
tial candidate.

April 8 — Chairman
Chung Hee Park withdraws
his March 16 proposal.

May 14 — The Minjung
Party is formally in-
augurated.

May 17 — North and
South Korean athletic
delegates meet in Hong-
kong to seek a formula
for organizing a joint team
for the 1964 Tokyo Olym-
pic Games.

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEMENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

PAGE 11

i Chung-

Korea Remembers Her Bitter Fight hr Freedom

(Continued from Page 12) less Korea was formally an- chi used stronger police least 49.984 were thrown/ Kim Koo the Uiyoldan
pie Is Party) with .lother nexed by Japan, and re- control. Under Japanese into jail. The world wibj <lhe Patriot’s Club for
patriots— Shin Chaeho, LI named Chosun. The Yi domination independence nessed some of the worst Justice) exploited under-
Tonghwi and Li Tong- Poya! family members aspirations had never dis- atrocities in human his-> ground terroristic methods
young, to lead an organi- were Placed under Japan- appeared in spite of ruth- /tory. Among the leaders in fighting for independen-
zed movement for inde- ese protection. less supression by the Ja- was heroine Yoo Kwan-. ce. The members of the

pendence Another Agreement panese. ' S0S.V' y- , , group — among them Yi

In the following year, a* the news of the djt. During the first ten The Government did not Pongehang and Yoon

Hirobumi Ito, president of handing of the Korean years of JaPar>ese rule, attain independence lm- (flonggil — attacked, the

the Japanese Privy Coun- Lv Pak Sumrwhan more than 200-000 patriots mediately, but it resulted Japanese emperor in Tokyo

cil, became the first Ins- then commander of the ro^ w,ere ' arrested or imprison- in new and more effective jn 1932 and in Shanghai

pector General to actually Val army committed sui- edVTerauchl’ °"ce shot by flghtiug for indePenden’ the same year. The group

govern Korea. This touch- cide "mm^teir after f *orean Patri0> ruth- ce; The group of exiles was receiving financial

ed off resistance through- the Japanese signed an ieSSly ,suPPressed any in' established -the Korean support from Generalissi-

out the country. High other nrotectorate aeree- dePendence movement, so Provisional Government mo Chiang Kai-shek in

court officials addressed !jment e£fbSte *hat m,ost .°f the ,,ndepen' Shanghai in April of fighting against the Ja-

an anti-Japanese . memor- c^ntrol J{ nation Min denCe le-ade/s fled abr°ad gif. same yeai\ Syngman panese. Since the Japanese
ial to the Throne. Daily Yloungwhan and other underground. The Rhee was elected Presi- aggression in China in

newspapers. including leading Datriot? killed 105jMan Incident of 1911 dent Ahn Changho. Kim 1937, there had been
the Hwangsung Shinmun themselves in nrotest was one of the significant Kyushik and Kim Koo were center for them i “
and the Daehan Maeil * u-*- independence movements also key members of the king.

Shinmun with its publish- g Rps{.i„Pri M«v™n*°n' staged in Korea and was government In Manchuria the

fi=T KidU^a„YdU"vil^0„BYa"„E movement

A former government Street demonstrations Samil Movement dents under theP leader- bad maintained military

oftaal Min Chongsik nnd large scale general Thf most sTmilcant ship °£ Yi Byongnip and action against the- Japanese
sfaged the first organized strikes were staged dav af- c]laDter in the hfstnrvof Pak Hakyun Theresistan- army lhe arca Led hy
rebellion against the Ja- ter day through the whole ‘ ee hmvevei was snooress Ga" Kim Chwajin, Gen.

pahicse and their puppet nation. An estimated 60.- movement ’wasdthe damn ed in S first staee and Chi Chungchon and Gen.

-cabinet. More than 600 «00 insurgents partiejpat- "J"' l^Indeneod^el 1.000 or more agitates were Yi Bb™sok. the army

lolunteers joined the re. ed in the resistance over Movement of lofo eVn=nine arrested and thrown into finally cooperated with

volt. Almost all of the a period of three years. »d the fail the Allies forced in the

American missionaries, in- Among them. 17.600 were ed“Ytb! i 1 „ .... war against Japan,

eluding Homer B. Hulbert. killed or wounded by the rtcncl and «lf detfjmin?' Kman01u Uprising Siberia and lhc Rus.

only backed the Koreans Japanese police. tinJ fnifiat/sH hv thf p In 1929, the famous sian Far East, Yi Tongn-

in fighting for independ- In this resistance move- d^t S^hfTIn^S%Tft^ Kwangju Student Resls- yong and Yi Siyoung led

ence ment. the YMCA. the Dae- wood?ow Wilson the tance arose with the sup- a movement to organize

Mission Failed hanjagang Hoe (the Asso- reans both in and out of p?rt frum the Shinkanhoe Korean youth in exile into

-Meanwhile King Kninno ciation for Strengthening the country held a nation Lthc. * New Foundation effective fighting units,

in the Wfa’ee 3ftS2S S'fjm^ffhefr ‘ieaS wMeTe^Sti^n"^ - *»"•

fif^XegatesCtotltheSl?! Wfre Vun Chiho.’ Chang dencf ,mmedlate mdepen- under Yi Sangjae. The The firs t group of exiles

bond International Peace cl”yon and Y“" Hyojung. The movement was ori- fh?Ug Tf ,foamed to e"d .S, *' b})St'V aates^AhS

SX'SK reads' tohSd,h°ef jELSS * “ V ^ “L^dtcV’ToveTen^ a p.

Ito plead his cofnt^ also appeared in a series of m pehfmf!, “de,pandence -both at home and abroad. fOUP. «ungsadan

cause. Ope. of the three assassinations of Japanese year in TokySf This ^ total 0f 54,000 students T i913 ^lth

fSiaaS ass r assess: s S'sdr

- 1- ^t^r^ai^p1^

the*1 abdication^f ^h^ king Korean Wpab?toS i? ®ln ihe h33d Influence political3" leadm in

under Japanesef pressure Francisco in 1908 Tn the he Dedaratio?. °e Inde6 ieIn- f.h! 20s and 30s- the Washington for national

His successor .Kina following year. Hirobumi ‘ enrfbne,„ rfi1°no 1 iSocialist influence was independence before and
SoSjong theYast king of ™ ai-sassinated by ‘^g|a”d growing in every coun- darinB the second World

the Yi Dynasty, was a Ahn Chunggun at Harbin Sve buf VX tryt! and. in suppressed War-

figurehead. The ad- p Wanyong was wounded sPistanVcee against the jfpam Mo ° an 'r part,culfr’ T,?e In the history of the

itration was olaePd au by Chaemyong on the oco ce against ine Japan- [Korean Communist party independence movement

ministration was placed al- by

most entirely under Ja- same year. These assasins uviore than 2 million npo Tho ,7 — “u““5 u*c jeats ui uapan-

panese control and the wJere arrested and execut- ple particinated ?a JSO« Socialist youth groups €Se domination, the most

Km-pan arms; u-no ed. 1 . ULip.lieQ 1111 IrfOUU| came into pxist.pnpp in thp __u: .

Korean army was ordered ed-
disbanded. This led to wide- Japanese Domination
spread insurrection and

st party independence movement

Th= s/rs

“ the

The annexation depriv- ing nationwide resistance, 5upl1°^, blished educational insti-

war of independence, which ed the Koreans of freedom the Japanese shot havo ahr fa nd,ei]ce ,m.0ve~ Ul!(1- o' home for the gen-

suppresseil only with in every field of social neted burned hanged or f ‘ , b ,d that llme orations to come. Among

great difficulty after years life. The flnst Governor beat to death no fewer Z ■ ,aunc,he<1 by fddr «uch institutes were thf

31 miT.8' . ” ' heIP‘ ' Masatafla Terau- than 7,500 patriots At SSS fhe if'adSshfp 1 '"Si Schools .°S“n ‘‘"i Daesune

^ ^ ' " '5;t ' -

it

jBI'-

All Seoul stores are closed in support of nationwide demonstrations March 1, 1919 against Japanese rule!

PAGE 12

THE KOREAN REPUBLIC SUPPLEMENT, AUGUST 15, 1963

18 Years' Struggle lor Independence

By SUNJOO LEE

Eighteen years ago to-
day, Korea was liberated
from 35 years of Japanese
rule. At that time the Ja-
panese Empire uncondi-
tionally surrendered to the
Allies, ending the second
World War. The liberation
of Korea was unquestion-
ably one of the Allies’ war
policies. The leading po-
wers of the Allies — the
United States, China,
Great Britain, and the So-
viet Union had committed
themselves to Korean in-
dependence at Cairo and
Potsdam.

Unfortunately, the libeiS
tion was not followed im-
mediately by the complete
independence of the na-
tion. The nation was divid-
ed in two at the 38th pa-
rallel, which was original-
ly nothing more than a
temporary military line
for a joint zonal occupa-
tion. This division of the
nation made it impossible
for Korean independence
to be established except
on the basis of the United
iStatesnSkwiet agreement.
After her liberation Korea
became a battleground for
conflicting international
interests, the Asiatic fron-
tier of two powers strug-
gling for world supre-
macy.

An agreement/ between
the two powers concerped
in the control of Korea
was not reached in al-
most three years of nego-
tiations at Moscow, Seoul,
and New York. It was on
the same day in 1948 as
the liberation that the in-
dependent government of
the Republic of Korea, un-
der the U.N. support, was
formally established, the
actual jurisdiction of
which covered only to the
southern territory of the
division line.

Ancient Struggle

This is only part of the
whole story of the events
that brought us the oppor-
Itunity for independence..'
The history of our fighting
for independence actually
dates back to the latter
part of the nineteenth
century, when the nation,
widely known as the Her-
mit Kingdom, faced “the
waves of the Western im-
perialism.” The doors of

A huge crowd of Seoul citizens gather at Seoul Railway Station plaza
to celebrate liberation from the 36-year Japanese rule August 15, 1945.

Japanese fonced the Yi
royal family to social re-

the nation, under the rule
of the autocratic Yi Dynas-
ty kings, were first open-
ed unwillingly to the Jap-
anese who were already on
the road to aggression on
the Asian continent.

After the Sino-Japanese
War of 1894-95, Japan be-
came a true world power
and a potential aggressor
to her.

The history of our
fighting for indepen-
dence actually dates

back to the latter
to her neighboring coun-
tries. At that time, the
Koreans felt that the Ja-
panese would soon demand
lits vitial [interests in the
territory of the Korean
Peninsula and other
parts of the Far East. Du-
ring the war, the Tonghak
led by Choi Sihyong and
Chun Pongjun, was raised
against Japanese in-
tervention in Korean do-
mestic affairs. Then the

forn

Independence Society

In the years after the
Sino-Japanese War, the
Korean progressive lead-
ers launched a nationwide
campaign to awake the
people. They felt that the
in defpenden.ee, of the na-
tion could be maintained
only when the people
could enjoy their own
freedom in every field of

Reviewed

social life. They formed a
social organization, the
Tongnip Hyophoi (the In-
dependence Society) in
1896 under the leadership
of U.S. educated Suh Jaipil.
Yi Sangjae and Syngman
Rhee. The society publish-
ed the Tongnip Shinmun
l(the Tndepend>en|ce INew^J
paper), the first daily pub-
lished in Korea. Another
symbolic accomplishment
achieved by the body was
the Construction of the
Independence Gate.

Progressive Society

Another "democratic”
movement was launched
by the Jonghak followers
under the leadership of
Son Pyonghi who form-
ed Chinbo Hoe (the Pro-
gressive Society) with the
platform a change of gov-
ernment by the people.

The group sought a so-
cial foundation for effec-
tive political indepen-
dence. Son lalten became
one of the 33 indepen-
dence heroes who led the
Independence Movement
of 1919.

Japanese Protectorate

Immediately after the
Japanese gained victory
over the Russians in
1905, they made Korea
a Japanese protectorate.
Now Korea's sovereignty
|was forcibly turned over
to the Foreign Office in
Tokyo. The poor Koreans
became helpless,. Rhe
Treaty of Portsmouth pro-
vided for Russian recog-
nition of the preponderant
interest, political, military
and economic, of Japan in
Korea. Neither the United
(States nor the United
Kingdom helped the Ko-
reans to maintain their
national independence.
They had already agreed
to the Japanese rule' of
the nation in a treaty or
a diplomatic bargain.

At the news of signing
a Japanese protectorate
pact, the people of the
whole nation stood against
the then pro-Japanese gov-
ernment and the Japanese
authorities.

A prominent fighter for
Independence, Ahn Chang-
ho returned home from
the United States to form
a sejeret political party,
Shinminhoe (the New Peo-

(Continued on Page 11)

Shown above is the original copy of the Declaration of In-
dependence, which was declared in a gathering at Seoul Pagoda
Park March 1, 1919, by Han Yongun, one of the 33 indepen-
dence heroes. The copy has been kept by Bongyoung Yoo, a
journalist. .

Hundreds of leaders of the independence movement are
executed by Japanese oppressors during the Samil (March 1)
uprising in 1919.

FAIRLEIGH DICKINSON SEMINAR

REFLECTIONS
CLARENCE NORWOOD WEEMS

REPORT NUMBER 5
KOREA

June 22, 1959

Summary of Activities
(for Reports 5 and 6)

The pressure of time and the fact that more extensive writings
on Korea are in press or nearing completion have led to the
reluctant decision to write only these two reports on this
country, despite the wide range of topics which are particu-
larly inviting to this writer. The present study will be
centered on some aspects of physical recovery since 1953. In
Number 6 attention will be given to critical cultural change
and to certain educational activities.

Gratifying progress is being made on the three special programs
outlined in the Summary for Report 1. It nay be noted in par-
ticular that the microfilming of important historical materials
under the auspices of the Committee on Library Resources of the
Association for Asian Studies, at the request of prominent
Korean scholars and administrators, is now in progress as a
result of the cooperation of Seoul National University, Yonsei
University and the Korea Society.

SEMINAR meetings have been concentrated so far as practicable
in the period beginning on June 19, when Drs. MacKenzie and
Chen joined me here. The groups listed below have made especial-
ly valuable contributions to our work. They are named in chron-
ological order of the sessions held with them.

Prominent Roman Catholic laymen, including Dean Hong Ryol Ryu
of Seoul National University

The Korean Leprosy Association (Mr. Moon Won Chin, Executive
Secretary)

The Seoul membership of the Methodist Mission (under arrange-
ments made by Mrs, A. K. Jensen and Rev. M. Clin Burkholder)

The Seoul Rotary Club (at the invitation of Mr. Gregory Hen-
derson, Cultural Attache, American Embassy)

Annual Meeting of the United Presbyterian Mission (Dr. Richard
H. Baird, Commission Representative, and Rev. Otto DeCamp,
Annual Meeting Chairman)

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Report 5 - page 2

The Korean Research Center (Dr. L. George Paik, Chairman
of the Eoard and Dr. Chon Dong, Director)

The Acting Director of the Korea office of the Inter-
national Cooperation Administration (United Nations
Command, Office of the Economic Coordinator)

The Asiatic Research Institute of Korea University (Dr.
Chin 0 Yu, President of the University; Professor
Sang-eun Lee, Director; Professor Ki-zun Zo, Deputy
Director; Professor 3yong-ki Min, Secretary; Mr.
Yong-kwon Kim, Executive Secretary; Dr. Esson M.

Gale, Advisor; and Mr. John H. T. Harvey, Rockefeller
Foundation Grantee, Editorial Associate)

Faculty Research Group in History, Seoul National Univer-
sity (Dr. II Sun Yun, President of the University;

Dr. Pyeng Do Yi, Dean of the Graduate School; Pro-
fessor Hong Ryol Ryu; Professor Woo-Geun Han and some
fifteen others)

Choong Hyun Babies' Home (Mrs. Kyung Hi Choi, Director)

The Asia Foundation (Mr. Jack E. James, Korea Represen-
tative)

Sung Kyun Kwan University (Dr. Sun Keun Lee, President)

Of all the discussions held in Korea, this all-day
session, which occurred today, was the most compre-
hensive and gave evidence of the most extensive
planning. The participants, other than the Univer-
sity President, may be grouped as follows:

Upperclass and graduate students
Executives and faculty members (including Dr.

Tung Shik Cho, Chairman, Board of Trustees;
Professor Hung Jong Lee, Vice President, Dean
Woo Sung Son of the College of Liberal Arts
and four other Deans)

Distinguished administrators and professors from
the Committee on the Making of National History
and from Chung Ang (Women's), Chung Nam, Korea,

Kuk Hak, Seoul National, Soong Sil, Suk Myung
('Women's), Tbng Kuk and Yonsei Universities

Total of Sung Kyun Kwan group and guests 190

In Korea as in Japan Dr. Thoburn T. Brumbaugh and Dr. Henry
Little, Jr. have been of important assistance.

My brother, Professor William R. Weems of the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology, now serving as the Director
of the ICA's Industrial Development Center in Korea,
supplied useful comments and published material.

141

32

17

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Report 5 - page 3

Reference has been made to various materials currently-
published in Korea, including the following ones:

Development of the Korean Economy, Seoul, Ministry
of Reconstruction, Republic' of Korea, 1953.

Quarterly Narrative Report on Program Progress -
Korea, APO 301, San Francisco, California, Office
of Reports, United Nations Command, Office of the
Economic Coordinator, December 31 } 1953.

NOTES ON THE ECONOMY OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA

The face of Seoul has been transformed. The improvement since 1951 is so marked
that the visiter is immediately disposed to hope that Koreans have somehow reached
a new high level of general well-being. Pavements and street-car track-beds first
command attention. The man-size craters, the ragged asphalt dips and rises, and the
treacherous track crossings are forgotten under a generally even sheet of pavement.
The city’s streets are as smooth as they were in the Japanese days of the 1930’s,
and they are being maintained under a punishing load of traffic never known before.
Buildings are an equally important factor in Seoul's new look. Most of the large
public, commercial and institutional structures standing in 1953 had been built in
the Japanese period (1910-1945). Many had been damaged during the communist in-
vasion; almost all of them required long-delayed refurbishment and repair. Not only
has this work been accomplished in the intervening years; a number of imposing new
buildings and scores of smaller ones have also been erected and others are under con-
struction. One of the more ambitious is the new home of the National Assembly which
is being built at the crest of Namsan, the fabled mountain overlooking South Gate
and the city as a whole. This new hall will replace in part the main structure on
the old capitol compound, which was bombed and burned in the course of the two brief
periods of communist control of Seoul and which has not been restored since 1953.

Not government buildings alone but new establishments for businesses and for Chris-
tian and other religious and social organizations as well have improved the city's
beauty and utility and lifted its level of employment and business activity.

The motor traffic which flows through this revitalized metropolitan area, with an
interminable din of horns which seems entirely superfluous, is apparently about five
times as great as the number of cars in Seoul eight years ago. Equally striking is
the fact that, while in 1951 only about one-fifth of all cars and trucks were civil-
ian as opposed to military conveyances, at least four-fifths of the present flood of
vehicles are in civilian use. They are composed of an assortment which is distinctly
exotic and may be a little crude by Western standards, but one which gives an im-
pressive demonstration - unprecedented in modern times - of the determination of the
ordinary Korean to build a better life for himself with the tools at hand. Aside
from a few shiny late-model sedans belonging to officials, ambassadors and other
foreign representatives and an occasional businessman, there is a sprinkling of less
luxurious but equally sturdy station wagons and small European cars used by founda-
tions and missions. Nor can one overlook the surprising number of ancient sedans,
some of which are survivors of the Japanese period but most of which have found
their way into the open market in the fourteen post-war years during which far more
Western foreigners, civilian and military, have lived in South Korea alone than were
ever found in the entire peninsula before 1941.

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Report 5 - page 4

The eye-opening parade of private automobiles and taxicabs consists largely, however,
of surplus Willys and Ford jeeps and of a new but closely related species which may
be dubbed, with utmost respect, the "Koreep". The general shape of this Korean
creation is the same as that of its G.I. prototype. Its body, while possibly not
yet produced in the Fleetwood or Fisher tradition, is a genuine triumph for the
country’s growing metal-working industry. Its four doors and its hard top emanci-
pate the Koreep from two-door discomfort and limited protection from the weather,
and greater roominess enables it to carry six or more passengers. The motors under
the jeep-like hoods are apparently an irregular collection of original Ford or
Willys engines, rebuilt power plants salvaged from a variety of discarded vehicles,
and a small number of new ones assembled here from parts built locally and abroad.
This austerity-born vehicle obviously provides minimal engineering features and very
nearly minimal comfort. Yet it has importance both physically and psychologically.
It runs fairly well, and its operational cost per passenger-mile is low. Above all,
it enables the general Korean public to take a first step in labor-saving trans-
portation which is far more logical and far more in keeping with outlays for the
satisfaction of other wants at this stage of its drive for a comfortable level of
life than could be taken through any immediate effort to import or produce cars of
Europen or American quality in large volume. It is worthy of mention that mainten-
ance of Koreeps and of all other vehicles will be placed on a sounder basis by such
ICA projects as the recently completed spare parts plant for the Kiksan Auto Company
of Inch'on and the tire manufacturing and recapping plant built for the Hanguk Tire
Manufacturing Company of Seoul. Still further assurance of inexpensive transporta-
tion for people and goods is provided by the new three-wheeled motorcycle plant,
built through a combincation of ICA and Korean counterpart funds, designed to produce
three thousand units a year.

The vast improvement in streets, buildings and passenger cars is paralleled by ad-
vances in public transportation, water supply and lighting. Underlying these con-
spicuous aspects of physical progress is the fact that in 1957 about 1,323 million
kilowatt-hours of electricity were consumed, whereas the consumption for 1951 was
approximately 337 million kilowatt-hours. With this quadrupling of electric power
available for industrial as well as illumination purposes it is not surprising that
one finds the street railway system in Seoul better equipped and better operated.
There is added reason for noting the progress of Korean body-building establishments
in the hundreds of locally made buses which carry much of the load formerly borne -
so far as public conveyances were available at all - by the track-bound trolley
system. The progress toward greater comfort and time-saving which is brought to
city people by the Koreeps, trolleys and buses is, moreover, extended to suburban
residents through the interesting device known as the hap- sung or commuting system.
Commuters who are willing to pay for relief from the old drudgery of walking for one
or two hours from their homes to their places of employment in the city, but live in
areas not served by any public conveyance, make a joint contact with the owner of a
Koreep or a station wagon to carry them back and forth daily between their homes and
a specified hap-s'ung stand in the city. The fact that these arrangements are less
comfortable than those enjoyed by the commuter from Reading to London or from West-
chester to New York is not so important as the fact that these people are, for the
first time in their history, wheel-borne on a daily basis at a cost which is reason-
ably within their means.

As another result of the four-fold increase in electric generation in the last eight
years - largely through the building of new thermal units, although additions have
also been made to hydro-electric capacity - the cities of the Republic of Korea come
alive at night. The street-lighting in Seoul lays out the city in a pattern of un-
expected brilliance for the observer perched on Namsan or even on a downtown rooftop.

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Report 5 - page 5.

Private houses and business establishments are equally spectacular in their nevj il-
lumination, and for the first time one finds neon signs advertising sundry goods and
services on every main street. But Seoul is not alone in this nocturnal splendor ;
the Port of Pusan is now outlined by glistening fluorescent lighting which changes
the entire aspect of this historic harbor and greatly increases its efficiency.
Closely related also to electric power is the added volume of water available to
South Korean cities. The average increase in the water consumed in 1957 over the
amount used in 1954 "was almost 66$ and the increase in Seoul, 73$. Even this supply
falls considerably short of providing the per capita daily allotment of water re-
quired for a desirable standard of living, and plans are under way for increasing
both the supply capacity and the actual supply. The increase already attained since
the truce in 1953 is impressive to the visitor, however, and contributes measurably
to healthiness, cleanliness and capacity for effective work in Seoul and all other
cities.

Other aspects of economic growth are equally significant. As a result of a much-
needed emphasis on the development of new mechanical capacity, manufacturing industry
is gaining on agriculture so far as its annual percentage of the Gross National
Product is concerned, but both are receiving increased scientific and financial sup-
port and both are reaching new high levels of output. The Government of the Republic
and the major assistance organizations are working on these and all other phases of
the economic campaign with a constantly increasing degree of understanding and effec-
tive articulation of efforts. The sum total contributed by the aid agencies during
the years 1945-1957, as itemized in the accompanying table, is well over two billion

TOTAL VALUE OF FOREIGN AID TO THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA
(1945 to the End of 1957)

Distribution by source:

United Nations agencies (26%)

United States agencies (74$)

(Of the U.S. figure, 888 million,
or 40$ of all aid, was provided
by ICA.)

Distribution by type of program:
Non-project Assistance

Project Assistance
Technical Cooperation

567,000,000

1,621,000,000

2,188,000,000

1,739,000,000

445,000,000

4,000,000

$ 2,188,000,000

Source: Development of the Korean Economy , Seoul, Ministry of Recon-

struction. Republic of Korea, I95&.

dollars. While all of these goods, services and Xunds were urgently need at various

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Report 5 - page 6

stages of Korea's agonizing post-war life, less than one-fourth of the total can be
credited to the account of capital investment. Extensive "non-project" funds were
expended in the early years after 1945 and again in connection with the Korean War
for food, clothing, fertilizer, fuel, medical supplies, raw wool, textiles and other
raw materials. Project assistance has, over the whole period considered here, pro-
vided more than 200 million dollars for railroads, bridges, highways, harbor facili-
ties and other major construction enterprises; 129 million for industry and mining,
including power development; 68.2 million for community development, social welfare
and housing; 918 million for health and sanitation; and 9.1 million for various
aspects of education. The "Technical Cooperation" program has trained Korean special-
ists in mining, education, public administration, agriculture, conservation and
transportation.

The ICA, which is now virtually the sole foreign aid agency in the Republic, is
carrying on all three forms of activity on a substantial scale. Funds programmed in
the non-project field for 1959 amounted to almost 142 million dollars. Projects in-
volving Resources Development and Technical Cooperation are, however, more impress-
ive in the total sums involved, in their enormous variety, and in the promise of
totally new forms of productive activity for which they are equipping the Korean
economy. A random sampling of the 243 current projects listed in the Quarterly
Narrative Report produces the following array: "Seoul Central Telephone"; "Masan

Telephone Exchange"; "Hydro Exploratory Survey"; "Fertilizer Plant #1 - Ch’ungju";
"Coastal Radio Stations"; "Port and Harbor Rehabilitation"; "Pusan Iron Works";

"Paper Mill - Taegu"; "Farm Soil-testing Services"; "Rolling Stock"; "'Waterworks
Rehabilitation and Expansion"; "Classroom Construction"; "Industrial Training"; "Ttest
Drilling of Hambaek Coalfield"; "Korean Handicrafts and Industrial Arts - Seoul";
"Spun Rayon Plant - Taegu"; "Atomic Energy Training"; "Industrial Development Center";
"Thermal Electric Generating Plant"; and "Central Industrial Research Center".

Despite the achievements made in developing new productive capacity, the interrel-
ated problems of fast-rising prices, the over-expansion of the money supply (both
currency and demand deposits) and the long-continued drop in the value of the Korean
hwan have been recognized as serious threats to the whole recovery effort. In April
1957 the Government adopted a comprehensive stabilization program proposed by the
Combined Economic Board, which has existed since 1952 and is composed of ranking mem-
bers of the Korean ministries and representatives of American assistance agencies.

This plan called for (l) rigid economy in current expenditures; (2) a downward re-
vision of the budget for the succeeding fiscal year through a 5$ reduction in admin-
istrative expenses; and (3) a tightening of controls on commercial credit. It even
proposed a curtailment of Government investments and loans designed to increase
productive capacity, where large sums were involved and where the time-lag between
investment and the actual initiation of production by the new plants would cause a

one-sided increase in the money supply for a considerable period and thus aggravate

the very inflation which the new units were being built to combat.

While the soundness of these measures and similar ones taken in the intervening two
years must be recognized, there are conspicuous factors in the situation today which
suggest that the economy is still far from a state of maturity. The value of the

hwan seems to be at least 25$ less than it was two years ago. Quite aside from the

unrehabilitated refugees and the battalions of pickpockets, there are thousands of
people in Seoul - and apparently in other large cities as well - who are fairly well
dressed, completely idle and giving every appearance of having a good time in their
little world of spurious prosperity. It may be that many of them would basically
like to go to work but have little faith in the economic future and have concluded

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*

#

Report 5 - page 7

fetish earhingB as they would make would offer no certainty of providing the minimal
purchasing power needed in a still fluctuating money and commodity market. In any
event, they find it more intriguing and persuade themselves that it is more profit-
able to spend their time in a novel array of games of speculation and chance. Many
an alley or courtyard just off the main streets is the daily setting for a constantly
shifting circle of laughing, jostling gamblers betting on almost any proposition or
employing the simpler device of a modified type of dice. Many of the players squat-
ting around the imaginary table on the ground have no doubt obtained their capital
from the closely-related guessing game involving the interchange of hwan and dollars.
Others are the winners of yesterday's alley session. All of them are in fact un-
productive and must be drawn into some creative activity if the economic battle is
to be fully won. Yet the prosperous-looking idler with no assured income can hardly
be blamed for turning down such jobs as are available. Non-agricultural industry is
still unequipped to absorb labor at a rapid rate, and the Korean farm, although
highly productive in 1957 and 1958, is already extremely small on a per capita basis.
Moreover, both the employer and the employee are sometimes caught in the vicious
circle of increased inflation resulting from efforts to reduce inflation. A further
and more profound problem lies in the fact that a business community in the modern
sense is only beginning to be developed in Korea and there is a serious scarcity of
men with what may be called the know-how of business management.

Not one of these unpromising facts is overlooked by the Combined Economic Board or
the organizations which it represents. Much can be said for the ICA view that in
spite of such difficulties "the year 1958 marked another giant step forward in
Korea's determined drive toward eventual self-support". During 1958 prices were
generally stable; there was a substantial increase in industrial and agricultural
production and an estimated 5.5$ real rise in the Gross National Product; and for
the first time since 1954 there was a reduction in Korea's deficit in its balance of
international payments. Further encouragement can be found in the fact that the
1958 average of wholesale prices in the Republic of Korea as a whole was 6.5$ below
the 1957 average and that the figure for December 1958 was lower than that for Janu-
ary. With two bumper grain crops in succession, the average price of food in 1958
was more than 14$ under the average for 1957.

One is inclined to accept the optimistic rather than the pessimistic view by a con-
sideration of the obstacles which have been overcome. Aside from the recent war and
pillage suffered at the hands of the communists, Korea had longer- standing and more
basic handicaps. For three and one-half decades under Japanese rule, the country
had no integrated economy of its own; it was an adjunct to the economy of Japan and
was exploited accordingly. In 1945 such natural balance as was provided by the
geographical unity of the "agricultural south" and the "industrial north" was des-
troyed by the disastrous incorporation of the latter into the communist world. Fi’om
that unlikely beginning there has at least emerged such a thing as a Korean economy
in the southern provinces. Moreover, that economy has improved itself immeasurably
since 1953. That improvement is being continued under patient and intelligent dir-
ection. Achievements of the recent past seem certain to be eclipsed by those of the
future.

FAIRLEIGH DICKINSON SEMINAR

REFLECTIONS
CLARENCE NORWOOD WEEMS

REFORT NUMBER 6
KOREA

June 23, 1959

CULTURAL PROBLEMS AND PROGRESS

The ordinary Korean has lived under peculiarly unfavorable conditions for centuries.
His misfortunes can hardly be charged solely to the geographical position of his
little peninsula at the historic crossroads of the greatest military movements of
Northeast Asia and the destitution and fatalism which unceasing invasions have
caused, significant as these facts are. One must take account also of related
forces within Korean society. Except for a period of rather remarkable general
cultural and political renaissance in the eighteenth century, the common man was
subjected to serious corruption and to highly arbitrary and frustrating public ad-
ministration and social and economic control from about 1550 to the beginning of
Japanese hegemony in 1905. While something can be said for the argument that the
strict preservation of public order, the predictability of Japanese "justice" and
considerable physical development of the peninsula were an advantage to the subject
people, it is plain that the mass of Koreans had very limited horizons of opportun-
ity during the Protectorate period (1905-1910) and the three and one-half decades
of formal incorporation in the Empire of Japan (1910-1945). The United States Mili-
tary Government in South Korea (1945-1948) made important efforts to bring stability
and hope to the settled population and refugees alike, but we had no special prep-
aration for dealing with any Korean problems, to say nothing of the perplexing and
compounded ones of the post-war years. The Republic of Korea since 1948 has
weathered the communist storm of 1950-1953, and, with the aid provided by the co-
operative programs sketched in Report 5, has emerged from an accumulation of wreck-
age with considerably improved physical implements for building a better life.
Economic uncertainties continue, however, and there are no sure answers to a host
of broad cultural questions which has been in the process of unruly assembly for a
far longer period than the eleven-year life of the Republic. The whole relation-
ship between Korea's rich moral and intellectual heritage and the course which this
society can or must follow in the future is unknown and, indeed, unknowable in any
precise terms. It is not surprising that able Korean and Western observers who par-
ticipated in the SEMINAR find the old foundations of Korean morality and values
severely shaken. There are vast numbers who are seeking passionately for effective
new social forms and new systems of truth. Others may accept present conditions as
being inevitable and unchangeable. In any event the building of a viable culture
pattern takes time, and in this lag-period idealists and fatalists alike find them-
selves in a society which has lost many of its standards.

A moral breakdown is of course a relative development and one which cannot be
judged out of the context of the particular society concerned or without reference
to changing pressures exerted on that society. If the degree of prevalence of
thievery and other petty crimes in Seoul today is to be taken as an index to the
general level of morality, for example, one must recall that a sharp change from
conditions in the 1920’s and 1930’s had already occurred in the 1945-1949 period.

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Report 6 - pare 2

Many a G.I. in Korea at that stage - taking little account of the serious economic
stagnation gripping the country or of the fact that hungry people suddenly found
themselves surrounded by U.S. Army post exchanges, commissaries and quartermaster
stores containing food and gadgets of every description and by some 50,000 American
soldiers with more money in their pockets than the ordinary Korean would see in a
year - was emphatic in his conclusion that Koreans were basically both thieves and
liars. In 1945-1947 this writer, while realizing that such a generalization is un-
sound and meaningless, found that petty crime had in fact grown far beyond anything
seen before 1941. The prevalence of "immoral'1 conduct at that time could be ex-
plained by occupation conditions, but it could not be overlooked as an evidence that
personal moral values were giving way. Today, after greatly intensified sufferings
by virtually all South Koreans, more population pressure and new excesses of infla-
tion, one is struck by what appears to be a far greater deterioration than the al-
ready serious one found in 1947 or even in 1950-51. Pickpockets, in particular, are
working in large numbers in Seoul and their operations in the crowded streets seem
to be highly profitable. The heart-rending feature of this mass thievery is the
fact that hundreds of boys, many of them apparently under twelve years of age, make
up a large port of the army of pickpockets. A member of the SEMINAR group, riding
along one of the main thoroughfares of Seoul, almost in the shadow of the famous
Bando Hotel and of the chancellory of the American Embassy, watched in disbelief as
a small boy snatched a package from the arms of a gentleman chatting with an ac-
quaintance. By the time the startled conversationalist had turned to look, the
little operative had scampered almost out of sight down an alley. The findings of
many participants in the SEMINAR make it clear that brazen performances of this
kind occur with regularity in Seoul and in other cities and that the cleverness of
the petty thieves and their sheer numbers make it impossible for the victims or the
police to cope with them. The patient and resourceful researcher who would analyze
and classify the backgrounds and motivations of the pickpockets and other thieves -
especially the juvenile ones - in Seoul, Pusan, Taegu, Inch ’oh and other cities at
this particular juncture would render a significant service. It would be especially
valuable if such research could show, first, the respective percentages of those
committing predatory crimes in the Republic today who can be classified as profess-
ionals and those who have scruples against stealing but feel that they are driven to
it by the fact that the times ore out of joint. Secondly, it would be important to
learn how many of the children involved are homeless or otherwise lacking in econom-
ic or personal security.

Even in the absence of such a study it seems clear that the now commonplace resort
to misdemeanor or felony is by no means limited to a normal criminal fringe or even
to those who have absolutely no other method of preserving life. It nay well seem
to many an individual that the art of the pickpocket is in no different moral categ-
ory from that of the alley dice-thrower or the practiced player of the exchange rate.
Such, rationalizations are evidently possible only because the society as a whole has
in ?arge measure lost its traditional moorings. This cutting-adrift process defies
precise analysis, but it seems to be primarily a product of experiences of the past
two decades and to have two interrelated aspects. The first is a serious weakening
of the social structure. The old organization of Korean society, with some modi-
fications through Christian and other influences, remained generally intact under
the moral and economic strains of the period of Japanese control until about the
beginning of World War II, but has suffered a progressive deterioration since that
time. Decay had clearly set in by 1945. The wholesale transportation of both
women and men to Japan as factory workers and of men to Japan’s war-torn outposts in
Southeast Asia as labor troops had broken up thousands of families and separated
more thousands of individuals - often permanently - from home ties and traditional
environments. The infiltration of South Korea by communist organizers early in the

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Report 6 - page 3

three-year Military Government period (1945-1943) may have given Korean young men
and women very little understanding of theoretical Marxism, but it gave form and a
new air of importance to their already developing tendency to defy parental authority
and to claim that they must regulate their lives by the revolutionary standards of
an oncoming new order. Even at that time the family and the whole framework of
familiar societal obligations and sanctions were losing their meaning for people in
their teens and twenties. Ibday the revolt is still more shocking because it can no
longer be dismissed as merely a communist-inspired student fad and because it has
crept up the age structure to affect large numbers of those in their thirties and
forties. Hie old social chain of command is broken in many places and is plainly
thought by a vast number of young and early-middle-aged people to be beyond repair.
The tragedy, from the standpoint of thoughtful Korean leaders, is that no general
agreement on a revised social framework is in sight.

The second aspect of the mounting dissatisfaction with the old order seems in part a
cause and in part an effect of the crumbling of the social structure. It is a strong
tendency to find old beliefs unsatisfying and to grope for new ones. The field of
religion is one in which this demand for some new certainty is expressing itself in
a spectacular way. New religious groups of a crusading character are gaining thous-
ands of converts. One of the most prominent is the Chondo Kwan ("Evangelistic Mis-
sion"), led by Pak Thi Son. This and other messianic splinter groups, growing out
of a Christian background, seek to reach tenable theological ground in a time of
physical defeat and hardship by denying that the material world has any importance
and seeking to focus all attention on spiritual values. Nor are the established
Christian churches free of the general uncertainty and demand for change. It is
true that the recognized Christian bodies as a whole are approaching the 1,500,000
mark, with Protestant groups in particular enjoying rapid gains in recorded member-
ship. Yet leaders of several key denominations, as well as thousands of Christian
parents, feel that younger members are no longer certain in their beliefs and go
through the motions of Christian observance while in fact sharing the general sense
of spiritual emptiness. Serious differences of opinion on policy plague the Korean
National Council of Churches (the general Protestant organization). Roman Catholic
membership is increasing, but amounts to less than twenty per cent of the total
Christian group and is growing less spectacularly than Protestantism in Korea or
Catholicism itself in Japan. While Korean Christians have long exercised a leader-
ship out of all proportion to their numbers, it must be recognized that even today
the actual membership of all churches combined amounts to considerably less than one
per cent of the population of the southern provinces alone.

It is thus to the adherents of Korea’s traditional mosaic of religions that one must
look for the main body of those who are seeking new spiritual foundations. The
principal ingredients of this mixture hove been that religious outgrowth of Confucian
ethics which is known as Ancestor Worship; Buddhism; Animism or Shamanism; and the
ancient monotheistic belief in Hananim. Many individuals have been primarily and
even fervently loyal to some one of these cults, but the great moss of Koreans have
been eclectic in their religious ideas. It has long been common for some member of
almost any family to pay homage, at a time of crisis or on some recurring ceremonial
occasion, to each one of these religious traditions. The husband might be a strong
Confucianist and profess to have no religious interest other than the worship of his
ancestors and perhaps the Neo-Confucian cosmogony. Nevertheless it is likely that
his wife would now and then seek relief from the stern Confucian social pattern and
recognition for herself as an individual by visiting a Buddhist temple; that one or
more of the family members would occasionally tie a rag on the "devil tree" or other-
wise seek to appease the spirits of nature; and that all of them would, if asked,
declare that Hananim is after all supreme. It must be added that the

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Report 6 - page 4

Tbnghak-Gh 'ondo Kyo of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, while a vigorous
social reform movement, has also been a religion. It borrowed from Confucian
thought, from Thoism and from Buddhism and was apparently influenced in some degree
by the Catholic Christianity against which it fought, but the ensemble was some-
thing distinctive and brought a new and crusading form of monotheism into Korean
thought. Ch'ondo Kyo, like Protestant Christianity, came to be associated with
social and political justice in the minds of many who belonged to neither group.

Both of them, together with Buddhist leaders, spearheaded the impressive independence
movement of 1919. Yet as a religious organization Ch'ondo Kyo, like Christianity,
has been able to draw only a fraction of the population into its membership. It has
not changed the fundamental balance of the older factors in the distinctly Korean
religious assortment.

It is important to avoid oversimplification in seeking reasons for the inadequacy
of that mixture - Ancestor Worship, Buddhism, Animism and faith in Hananim - as the
main reservoir of beliefs for the Korean of today. One line of analysis which seems
promising would begin with the fact that for several centuries before 1945 the or-
dinary people found themselves chronically on the defensive in the face of over-
whelming social, economic and political power in the hands of their own self-centered
aristocracy or, after 1910, in the hands of the exploiting Japanese. So long as the
individual tacitly admitted his helpless subordination to the overpowering system
into which he was born, the religion he needed was essentially a passive and self-
protective one. He demanded only an assurance that he could depend on the approval
and support of Heaven as a kind of palliative for the pain suffered in a battle
which he was predestined to lose. A false start toward throwing off this basic men-
tality of defeat came in the 1920 's and early 1930's. When Koreans felt the full
impact of the American decision not to follow up the courageous Independence Move-
ment of 1919 by raising the question of Korean self-determination at Versailles -
vividly described by Stephen Bonsai and others - the door was open for communist
agitation. Aside from a few dedicated cell-members, there were not many Koreans
of any age-group who became theoretical communists. But schoolboys and schoolgirls
thought that they had found in the new philosophy, sponsored by the largest state
in Europe, a juggernaut which could flatten the psychological and political barriers
which hemmed them in and enable them to gain recognition and security. Paradoxically
the self-assertive conduct of young people in dealing with traditional beliefs in
this period was partly traceable to the ideas of justice and the dignity of man
drawn from Christian teaching. Certainly it is impossible to distinguish communist-
born influences accurately from others in a time in which communist operatives were
concentrating on support for the independence movement and riding the band-wagon of
a frustrated nationalism. It is clear, however, that the intellectual and emotional
revolt of the interwar years struck at old Korean values as well os at the domineer-
ing Japanese and the seemingly undependable Western powers. But the old Korean re-
ligious and moral mosaic remained generally intact during the 1920' s and 1930 's
because there was not yet any basic weakening of the external forces which held the
people os a whole within a narrowly defined range of independent initiative. Ib
defer still further any general revolt against the essentially passive pattern of
traditional beliefs, there came in 1937 the beginning of the new Sino- Japanese war
and the inauguration of the ingenious "soft-sell" approach. It emphasized the
"inevitable" preeminence of the "East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere" and the self-inter-
est which Korean and Japanese "kinsmen" had in working together for the glorious
future. This ingratiating appeal was harder to fight than the raw oppression of
earlier decades.

Then came 1945 and "Liberation". In the fourteen years which have followed, the
ferment of freedom and the realization that old barriers are gone have been at work.

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Report 6 - page 5

despite constant suffering and the constant threat to independence , or perhaps be-
cause of that threat. There is no longer any basic satisfaction in an ideology
•which accepts and seeks only to soften a perpetual state of subjection and denial
of equality. Although few could articulate it clearly, Koreans are being moved by
a demand for a new set of beliefs which will enable them to live with assurance in
a time of explosive uncertainty and give spiritual support to their society in its
new role as an active free agent in a rough-and-tumble world. It is not surprising
that the Pak Tao Sons are winning their thousands of converts and that the cultural-
ly uprooted people are groping for new absolute values to replace those now proven
to be only relative. This entire interpretation can of course be attacked on the
ground that several of the components of Korea's traditional religious array, in-
cluding certain militant Buddhist elements, have been aggressive and far from merely
palliative in their message and methods. Yet there seems to be general agreement
that revolts inspired by such religious forces hove been directed toward protecting
the country from invasion or toward forcing a government to abandon unconscionable
excesses and return to the traditional moral and political framework, which itself
kept the people in perpetual subjection.

The old social structure and value system which are now subjected to intense strain
have historically been accompanied by a strong sense of ethnic purity and distinct-
iveness. Regardless of modern anthropological evidence that fusion rather than
segregation is the universal rule for the growth of societies, Koreans have insisted
that their race is separate and unmixed. As a matter of fact their case is an im-
pressive one unless the analyst projects his study over a span of centuries. Even
the Mongol envelopment seems to have brought limited intermixture. Since it came
to an end in the mid-fourteenth century there has been no mingling worthy of mention
unless account be taken of the comparatively few Japanese soldiers who were left
over from Hideyoshi’s invasion (1592-1598) and found Korean mates. Throughout the
period of Korean-Japanese contact in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it ap-
pears that an extremely small number of Korean-Japanese unions, either in or out of
wedlock, occurred in Korea. In most areas the Korean member and the children lived
under distinct handicaps so far as Korean society was concerned. Korean- Chinese
matings have carried little or no stigma but have been rare in modern times. In the
occasional Korean-Western matches before 1945 and numerous marriages occurring
since that time, the mole member has most often been the Occidental one, and the
children have generally been assimilated to his society rather than to that of the
mother. In the hundreds of cases of liaison between American and other UN service
men and Korean women since 1945 which have resulted in the birth of illegitimate
children, on the other hand, the situation has been far different. The mother is
under no greater economic pressure than if both parents were Korean, but she has a
serious additional handicap in the ostracism which is almost certain to face her
half-foreign child and even herself. Of the hundreds of such children, a number are
being regularly included among those taken from Korea for adoption by American and
other Western families. The greater portion remain in Korea, however, and present
a new cultural problem. The Choong Hyun Babies’ Home, which was visited by Drs.
MacKenzie and Chen, is one of a number of Korean orphanages which are making a sin-
cere and intelligent effort to give these unwanted infants both physical and emo-
tional security. The Korean social sanction against persons of mixed blood can
hardly be criticized harshly by Americans who are aware of our own slow approach to
the solution of racial problems. It seems reasonable to expect, however, along with
thoughtful Korean social leaders, that the distinction between "pure" and mixed or-
phans will become less distinct and the individual will come to be accepted more
fully on his own merits as economic and general cultural adjustments are made and
Koreans find themselves competing on more even terms with the leading societies of
the world.

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Report 6 - page 6

The intellectual preparation of those who will take the lead in assuring that those
adjustments are salutary and intelligent is being given on a constantly broadening
basis by Korean universities and research organizations. There were one university
and a handful of colleges at the end of the Japcanese period in 1945 in the country
as a whole. Today in the southern provinces alone there are more than thirty-five
institutions of higher learning. Eight national universities , at least one muni-
cipal college, a number of private institutions, and universities with Christian,
Buddhist and Confucian affiliations are included. An examination of the divisions,
faculty and student rolls and sample curricula of these diversified places of
learning reveals that a surprisingly wide range of modern scholarship is being
brought to more than ten times as many college men and women as were enrolled at
any time under Japanese rule. In many cases substantial numbers of American
specialists have taught and served in advisory capacities; many are still doing so
and there is a substantial demand for further such exchange personnel, especially
in the newer universities and colleges. Both ICA and foundation assistance have
been important in giving effect to these programs. Research institutes, especially
in history, government,, international relations, and various technological fields,
are being developed on a scale that would have been considered fantastic in 1945.
Several such establishments in Seoul have received important aid from American
foundations. Those in the social science areas already have some books and docu-
ments - primarily in microfilmed form - which enable them to do advanced original
work while they are training research specialists. The demand for more source
material and microfilm-reading equipment is strong. Institutions of higher learn-
ing in the Republic of Korea are working intelligently and with tremendous earnest-
ness to make available to its future leaders the fullest knowledge and the best
techniques available anywhere in the modern world.

3Corea branch

So* 255 Central <=&. 0.

* Seoul , 3Corea

oQdiatic Society

3-1857

The Kanghwc Treaty of 1876

by Itp Jcr.cs Palais

The- Kanghw- Treaty of 1876 owes' its significance in Korean
history to the fret thrt it worked the forme 1 opening of Korea
to tr-de and the end of 0 seclusion that hod lasted for ccnturi:
Viewed on 0 larger sc-lc, it was p~ rt of the whole historical
process of the Western impact uupon the fir stern world - - tin
imp ret- which in the 19th century ir d brought on several disastrous
wars between Chin'' end the countries of the West, resulting in the
imposition of 0 series of unequal tree tics upon Chine. These

o •

treaties not only opened Chine to trade, but to the influx of the
whole fabric of Western civilization, an insidious force, from
the Chinese point of view, which was soon to wreak horrendous
changes upon the whole structure, the very foundation of tr
ditionol Chinese society. In

the

c-'sc of Japan,

West provided the stimulus for a phenomenally f

the impact of the
st moving and

sweeping economic, social and political reform, a wholesale imp or*
t~tion of - foreign culture, designed to put Japan upon ~n equal
footing with the West in as short a period of time as possible.

In Korea, the impact served to’ intensify internal political
strife, and to involve Korea in power struggles among foreign
states leading to a period of calamity that was accompanied by
gradual reformation, as in China , of institutions and values.

1

period in Korean history sur-
nd my research is far from com-

f I am currently studying ’ th
rounding the opening of Korea,

Dieted, yet I would like to take this opportunity to attempt some
generalizations on the problem, which at this early stage might
be still somewhat premature. In oth^r words, I will be more con-*
corned here with how the .opening ox "Korea may be viewed in the
context of the internal politics of the time as well -s the
significance it had for Korop's traditional methods of dealing
with the outside world, . .

m u n

me

■nghwa Treaty, viewed from the vantage point of. internal
politics was an issu_ that’ was intimately connected with a politi-
cal power struggle raging at that time, which was of such compre-
hensive nature, tbrt to understand it we .must -Iso understand the

powerful influences a nc.

ctors then at work in Korean society.

Korea in mid-nineteenth century was in

gn

t-

1VOUS

decline. Her administration was ridden with corruption, ncr
■i-- k -»-'«pic survived at a b'rc subsistence

treasuries
level, and

were depleted, hero
sometimes- not even

c -dr

str at 1011s broke out with
country wys in a :

?

1 tc of

'nd rebellions and demon-
roqucncy. Viewed from any angle,
near collapse.

the'

(1)

Part of this decline nay hrve been due to a pb- nmarn-n or -
view 01 history known to Chin-, as the dynastic cycle. To generalize

crsc* ^ typical dynasty night go through r cycle of

or-

from the Chinese
300
DUS

ye^rs or so. The beginning would be narked by the rule of vi-j
•who Irving subdued the empire by military night would

Fnuerors

rn:

then proceed to expand Chinese frontiers through force of
Acmini strati on would be run efficiently, land redistribution would
k." ^ revenues would be plentiful, and achievements

i/..uld be- nacc m art -nd culture. A golden age in each dynasty would
nark the peak of such achievement. Thereafter, the uynas ty would
begin its decline. The redistributed land system would soon be
undermined by the concentration of land into the hands of the few
and privileged. More and more land would be removed from the t~x roll
and the tax burden on the common peasants increased to keep uo the
size of government revenue. Famines, natural disasters, wars - or cubl*.
works would serve to- increase the burdens still further. Peasants
would flee from their lands to escape the tax collector, and those
left would have to make up the deficiency by an even heavier burden.
Administrative corruption, bribery and extortion would evolve apccc
until mass flight fyon the land would result and government revenues
w-uld sharply decrease. Impoverished peasants and floating population
would form the material for new revolutionary movements, having n~w

nothing to lose by su eh action. The call would go out that the old
dynasty h-d lost the rn-nd
result in the establish:.:

'tc of heaven, and
.nt of - new dyn-sty.

successful revolt would

This concent of history has been criticized chi -fly because it
fails to provide an explanation for dynamic change — the evolution
of - society and culture over long periods of time and through
several dynasties. In the Yi dynasty, for example, it would fail to
take account of such - new and unique factor ~s the impact of the
West upon Korea — a phenomenon, naturally, unknown in former periods
Yet the model can provide one useful way of looking at things /Sven
by the standards of the dynastic cycle, the Yi dynasty was exception-*
ally long-lived. It persisted despite the existence of numerous
factors which predicated its downfall. Rampant corruption increased
terribly the burdens on the impoverished peasantry, leading to up-
rising and rebellion. Some of this corruption was endemic — it was
built into the Korean administrative system itself, which was pattern:
largely after that in China, where the same evils existed. The
biggest trouble wars that the local magistrates were officials recruit
by the examination system and then despatched from the central govern
rient to -re as other than their own native domiciles. They were trans-
ferred frequently to prevent any of them from building up a b~sc of
local power in opposition to the central government, and as a result
of this the only persons who provided continuity in local government
were the clerks and runners, recruited fr n the local populate.

These men were not provided with any salaries— a statutory rcstrictioi
Which some tried to alter but without success. Because of this they
were forced to earn their living by squeeze and corruption.

Thus corruption, to a certain extent was practiced at all times
during the dynasty. It was only at times of stress ? such as in a
period of decline, when corruption would increase in degree, and the

(2)

effect? of such c rrupuion would b;
acceptable end natural pert of the
oppressive burden.

not

t jlcreblc

n:

system, but en intolerable end

Another of the f-ctors of dyn-stic decline was prevalent- in
Korce end this we. s the breakdown in landholding patterns, Irnd
hoc! been; redistributed at the tine of the founding of the Yi
dynasty, but the first century -of. the- dynasty witnessed the -renting
of lend to', people- enrolled on merit lists f or their eid either in
supporting the f -under of the dyne sty or later usurpers of the throne
These lands were tan- exempt and gradually became the ihmrcdit-rv
holdings of an increased number -of merit- subjects, resulting in a
reduction .in the land available for taxation and a decline in govern-
ment revenue. In a de"! it ion, the gentry or aristocratic yangban class
was exempted from taxation and labor service, so the state lost all
revenue that they night have obtained from these lands, ,

Burdens on the peasantry were increased in the traditional manner
by the imposition of various illegal surcharges, f^lsc assessment
cither through the corruption of clerks or collusion mmong local
magistrates, 'clerks and' local gentry. A most oppressive burden was
the corrupt administration of relief loans to peasants. It was
the breakdown of this institution more than any other which led to
the series of peasant uprisings in 1862.

It was thus that mid- century Korea was possessed of a ground-
swell of discontent and tension on the lowest rungs of society—
the mass of peasantry. But, tension was. not limited alone to the
masses. The v^ry nature of Korean society .was productive of strains
that were to have more serious consqucnccs f'-r the stability of the
nation and were to lead to a period of political contest j*nd strife.

To b>_gin with, the civil service examinations 1c
''nd eligibility for office in the bureaucracy - were
sons of thcrar is to critic yangban class. In Chine
been theoretically possible that cor.
rank

only to those p.
an idle son c:

:ding to degrees

restricted to
Iways

thee aristocratic yangban class. In China, it bud
erotically possible that commoners could attain official
via the examination route, but such opportunities

s a nts wh o v/c-rc . we a It hy
emitted to study of, the

enough *to be
classics. In

were limited
able to affofflC,
Korea, this

theoretical universality of opportunity was limited by statute to
conform more with the aristocratic nature of Korean society. In
Korea, not only wa s membership in .the Yangban class
but other classes were also forced to live o.ut their lives within
the confines of the status bequeathed to them. b3r their fathers.

Thus we can sec that- special and inherited privilege an'1

social

However ,

immobility were - the characteristics of Yi dynasty society,
even within the privileged yangban class, there were other factors
limiting political opportunities to such a . small number that the
politically disenfranchised, the discontented were so numerous that
they provided a continuous supply of frustrated men.

For one thing, there existed in

that

hand

may hr vc been peculiar
.d down from, father to son

Korcc

type of factional

cleavage

to Korea alone. Factional tics were
nd from teacher to disciple.

(3)

-or

These factional tics had persisted for more th~n two hundred
-nc! hr cl he cone institutionalized into - permanent feature- of Yi
eyT^ Stp upper-el, ss society, ihis type or i ^cei 'n^lisre h^d its
inception at the end of the 16th century over r ~*-in^r family '’is out
Further fragmentation took piece end by l800 there were four --rin
factions two of which hold sw r.y over the other. The major factions
^ei v. tnc-n ,.tle to monopolize ohc besc posts m the bur^^ucr^cy ''n^
the minority factions were relegated to lower positions, -nd lives'
of discontent and unfulf illncnt. It was not surprising, then, th^t
new ideological end political novcrxnts found su ;port at tines froi
this segment of discontented cristocr-cy. Catholicism for example
found many of its upper- class adherents among the Nanin or S out hen
erSf one vf the minority factions, and we nay as suae th- 1 its sup-
pression was partly due to government fears of a political threat
its position. In addition to factional discrimination, there was tei
torial discrimination. Hon from the northern provinces were so hi eh]
restricted in their opportunities for
and bureaucratic route,
this v,ry issue.

adv-

nc orient via the examine ti-

that a rebellion broke out in l8ll over

Another croup of y- ngbnn were able- to accrue much power to then-
selves. These were the local gentry, who were particularly stronc in
the southern three provinces. Their power and ^restige was based
on their yanyban status, which they used to maintain their influence
in the face of the local na. yistrates. Sonc maintained their position
throuyh intermarriage with other powerful yanyban families with
connections at the capital. Others owed their strenyth to their role
as scholars and protectors of Cenfucian orthodoxy in morals. One of
their bases of power was the institution known as the Sowbn. These
were local schools for the instruction of the youny which were also
used as shrines for famous scholars and Confucian worthies. The
Sow^n became powerful institutions endowed with royal charters and
land holdiny privileges, and they became the centers of conservative
sentiment. Furthermore, local gentry were able to maintain their
position of strength because they w ere usually lrryc landh Idcrs wit
exemption from taxation because of their aristocratic status.

Nineteenth- century political life in Korea, was also subject to
another factor not prevalent in earlier periods, and this was the
dominance of court affairs and administration by members of the
consort families. A succession of weak or youny menarchs led to
powerful and aggressive consort ‘families who used their position as
relatives of the Queen both to have members of their clan appointed
to office and to perpetuate their power by controlling the dcsiynatio:
of the Queen of the Heir Apparent. In Taejong’s reign at the bc-yinnir
of the 15th century, members of the Queen’s family were prohibited
by law from holdiny office. The application of this law became lax
from the middle of the 18th century. However, the institution of
consort family control did not come into its own until the first
quarter of the 19th century. The .Jidong Kim family, in league with
the Nor on faction gained power and held it. They were challcccd
briefly by the Cho clan from P’unyyany, but the Cho tfcll from power
in the c-arlv l84o’s. Then the Andong Kin put King Choljong on the
throne in 1850 and he took a Kim as a Queen in 1851.

These then, were the el ci^nts oi Korean
existed on the eve of the recession o
1863. The roycl family was weakened end cl 0 nine
in league -with officials fro::, the' domino nt ir
dominated society -os lend owners, os the r col-
leges, os centers of powerful
gentry in the .villages, end 0

political life

they

Kojong to the thr: no in

re ction:

ted by
ctions,

lent-!

:nc mneong km
. The yangban
of special oriv:

men of influence

01

of

the guardians of the hcritoge
orthodox Confucion torching. These were the vested interests
Korean society. 3cnc-oth then yc-re the others — those who at lost ver.o
shut off from politico! power end c.t worst repressed, confined,
squeezed to the barest minimal level of economic subsistence. It is
possible th~t this prttern would hove continued indefinitely — that

the Yi dyne sty night hove continued in 0 state of seci- colie p sc
with nothing worse then occesionel per sent r ebellion

e tines

hr d

h

neturel disaster or famine, This night hove been the cose, hod it
not been for the emergence of a now force, 0 charismatic personality
if you will, resolved to bring about changes in -society os he found
it from his newly found vantage of power. This nan was the Tcewongun.
the father of King Kojong.

The- Tacwongun became r
the Tree r c s s Dowa gcr , C ho

gent when his son wr
in lieu of a line 01

s dc signaled King by
5v.i. , J.HK circ ct descent from,

the previous King, Ch’oljong. In effect, the Toewongun was voultqd .
from the position of an obscure and neglected line of the Royal'
house into the scat of power. During the 10 yzers of his regency,
his efforts wore directed to the task of reviving and strengthening
the position of the royal house and the dynasty. He took measures
to attack official venality', relieve the excessive burdens that
had been levied on the people, and build up the national treasury.
These were measures that 'benefited the country and the people, but
they ucr. also designed to make the royal house supreme’ over t he-
ather elements and interest groups that existed in Korean political
life.

In 1869, a decree permitted all direct descendants of the King
except sons and grandsons to take- the long-f or bidden government
exams and serve in the official hierarchy. Large sums were expended

the Kyongbok pal' cc to increase the royal

k. ^ LU—O

on the construction 0:
prestige. He launched
which farmed the core of the traditionalist Confucian movement. In
his attempts to build up a treasury surplus he established new taxes
which were levied on the yangban aristocracy previously exempt from
all taxation. He made some attempt to allow northerners and members
of minority factions previously discriminated against to cuter the
bureaucracy, and cv^n promoted clerks to oositions in the officialdom
on the b~sis of ability.

on all-out attack on the aforementioned, 00 won.

Thus, reforms were carric-d out at the expense of the vested
interests — the Ando ng Kim, the- southern yangban, the dominant
factions and die-hard^ traditionalists and certain elements of the
bureaucracy. The Ta c-wongun had attempted to create a new political
edifice in the teeth of the most powerful interests in the country,
surprising that his overthrow was engineered more or

wr s 11c c-d c d
to
the

so it is not
less through a coalition of
organizing force, some agent
This smeared in the form of

wa

opponents, Whe
bring these elements together.
Queen and her relatives.

:n

Mia h^c been chosen by the Toc-wonpun hinsclf - 1 the rccrii.
rrcncotion of his wife, a reenter of the Min cl-n, one! runt of the
new queen* me - a ewonpun hopes to provent r. repetition of whet hod
rd pence unccr the .^ncionp Kin, tut. events were to frustrate his ”1
The new queen soon developer! a cruel re- ap-ainst her f.athcr-in-.I~w/
when o son was torn not to her tut to one of the Kino ' s 'f-vorit A
concubines, . The possibility now orose thot this son' would be nhde
crown prince . anc uhc Min fmily shut off from recess to the throne
Sone of the relatives of the. Queen hr. cl* r. Ire rely teen amint-d to m
in the bureaucracy r.nd they hr.d already, bepun their political ■ ~

intrirues.

By

1873

they hod built up c coalition of forces om^sed -
the Toc-wonpun, one including the followinp discontented elements:
relatives of the Downper Express of the Cho clan disetisfied with

roe robe

their’ sh-rc of power

nenbers of the royal'clon itself, the most sipnifi cant

rs of the .undone Kin, even

the Tn-cwonpun’s elder brother, end finally the
end yangbon,
imposition of

iorre discontcw
of which was

intoponizcc' over
toxes on the

conserve tivc scholar
the ob^litioh' of the Sowon- end the
whole novenent was c- ped off by

The

ncrxoria.l fron the n r eh- conserve tive anti-f or cign of ficr.l Ch’oc
Ik-hyon, in 1873, -stacking the T-cwongun for nispovernnent.

Chfoc w-s th_ disciple of Yi Hwanp-nr>, .0 conscrvotivc Conxucion

scholar who: wrs hr sue Jit into the government d urine the rcyncy of

lend the repine rcspcctr.bility , r.nd c,l so to buy

th

To

.vrnpun,

p o

off the opposition of the conservatives to the Toe1 onpun’s -olicics.
But this trctic hod not worked. Yi inncdiotcly subnit ted r sprtc of
nenor ids ccllinp for a sto to excessive taxation end useless
construction projects. He advocated r return to the essentials of
pood povernmnt — thot is to soy, frugality, the prohibition of oil
frivolity, free in; : the pathways for rcnonstrrncc ond choosing nen
of to lent and virtue. He urged the Kinp to set hires elf up os r. node!
of virtue, thereby t.o regulate nc-n’s ninds, ond" this would be the
voy to strengthen the country end drive off the borboric.ns. In other
moral regeneration in the Confucion, end rrorio. rrcbaretcly t
thr ouph introspection end inner solf- cultivation

wore:

nco-coniucion

odd ,

Yi died in 1868, - end Ch1oc 2k- by on wrs rp pointed to 011 ice-
soon thercoftcr. He heron 0 scries of r.ttr.cks on the Tocwongun’s
administration, ond nuch to the constcrnr ti on of the Teewongun
received rejected pronotion fron the Kinp. The Kinp hod now attained
'nojority, end was chafing under his father fs recency. Bo eked by the
Min ond their coalition of opposition forces, the Trewonpun found
his 00 sit ion untenable. Those of his supporters in the povernnent,
Particularly in the or pons of the censor- to

Ch* c ond dene need his impeachment were disni
office ,

who ncnoriolizccl opr insi
sc-d whole sole from

[red

fron public life in 187k, -overwhelmed

The To cwonpun retix--. A — ...

the forces against hire. The Min faction, ^ now in^power procccdcc
to carry out on extensive pur pc of _ pro-T- cwonpun off ic~ls. In vc sti-
rs tions were insitutod ' a pa ins t many of there, resulting in souc
executions. The supporters of the Min were appointed to the highest

Rc-risls were c-:

me::

v

out, too. The

posts in the burcoucr- cy. — — - -- - - ... - * . ,

brother of the Queen, ond chief incripucr, iiin Sun^-w.', w s Lillee.
Ard bomb, rnd fires were started in the pal- cc- near the Queen’s
quarters and in the hones of some ox the povernnent

• . (6) •

ministers.

The politic? 1 change w?s also’ not" without i:m*lic'-tr
foreign policy. In foreign policy, the 'Tr'et/ongun” had been olac x '•
to an r, dement end unyielding -policy of anti-f oreignisr: abroad^'
end Catholic suppression at. home. Catholicism' in Korea had

been compromised by its connection with foreign gunboats and the
threat of foreign invasion.: .:fft had long been. under -attach from'
Confucian purists who saw it as a threat naturally, to orthodex
beliefs, but when the government came tp feel that Catholicism

posed a political- threat that native Christians would’ try to

get foreign warships to come to Korea apd guarantee their pro-
tection by force, the repressions and persecutions took on* a more
scrivus nature. The Tacwongun was at first not committed to a
policy of persecution, but a series of events.' involving; native
Catholics in 'certain diplomatic questions led’ the Tacwongun to
decide on a. severe persecution, in which, among many native -nartyers
9 French priests were also executed. This led -to. an expedition of
reprisal -by the French Asiatic Squadron which failed bice use of
inadequate f or ccs. an£ ' this was fallowed by a. scries of raids upon
the Korean coast cy foreign ships*. Another attack was launched
in 1871 by an American gunboat in- retaliation for the burning of
an American merchant ship in 1866. This marked the culmination
of the anti-foreign reaction within Korea and the Tacwongun had'
monuments erected around the .country with the following inscription

The foreign barbarians have invaded us. If we .do not fight,
thGn there must be peace. Those who advocate peace arc
traitors. Let this tm a warning to our posterity .for
10,000 years .

Naturally enough, these policies of anti-f or c ignis::: and' Catholic
persecution were su ported ardently by the conservative, rural
scholars. They viewed Western influences and Catholicism as the
scourge of orthodox morality. However, although supporter's of this
policy, they turned against the Ta.cwongun, as we have seen, for
other reasons, and some of them. participated in the Min attack
upon him. : A . • 1

With the Tacwongun firmly committed to a policy of seclusion
and anti-f orcignism it is no /wonder there was trouble, when after
1868c Japan tried to establish relations with Korea on a new be Si.s c
In 1868, Japan’s feudal government was overthrown in wh^t is known
as the Mciji Restoration. The Emperor was restored to his position
as head of state and. new governmental, institutions were established
among which- was a -ministry of foreign affairs. The Japanese, then
wanted to shift the. handling of Korean relations from the So clan
of Tsushima, which had takqn charge of those matter under the"
feudal Shogun- tc, to -the- new central go vc rnmpSKb and new- foreign
office in Tokyo. Japan sent several notes to this effect to
Korea. The policy of the Tacwongun wr-s to reject nil these; notes
on the grounds that the word, "Emperor1^ designating the Japanese
Earner or, was used* in the documents,-, and also that Korea could not
countenance any* change in. timdhpnorcd' precedents and etiquette-
governing Korean- Japanese - relations.

(7)

Prior to this, in 1867, mother event hoc! token place which
served to exacerbate Korean Jo pone sc relotions. Chin- reporter"
to Koreo the contents of on article published in 0 Chinese newsome
The orticlc wo s 0 letter from 0 Joponese to the poocr in which* he
s t-i; t koreo hoc. b^en in the habit of sending” tributary mission—
to Jopon ever y 5 years ond because Korea had discontinued this
practise there were plans in Japan for an- expedition of fleet
of 80 ships to go to Korea 'One! administer chastisement. The storv
was unfounded, .but it added to the rift in relations, -nd was
referred to several tines by the Koreans during the Konahwa negoti-
ations of 1876. At any rate, by 1873 a crisis was reached in the
Japanese government over the Korea question;* There was a solit
between those ’ho wanted to attack. Korea because of the repeated
rejections of Japanese communications and Japanese envoys," and
those who felt that the most pressing task for Japan was her Self-
strengthening —building up the country so she would be able to
cast off tTre ' ‘ ' ‘

and th-t to
still week w'

anti-Korean faction withdrew from participation in the new govern-

ing — Duneing up tnc country so she would tc able to
re burden of the unequal treaties with foreign nations,
• launch a war with Korea at this tine, when J-pan w a
would be harmful. The latter group won out, and the

nent, eventually to lead
r:cnt in Japan,

revolt against it. Thus the new govern-
ftcr 1873, was committed to a policy of self-
strengthening^ Despite this, there v/as much restless mergy and
discontent in J- pan that had to be siphoned off. This discontent
resulted directly from the attempts of the new government to out-

old feudal soci-1 anc! economic restrictions

law and sweep -way
by decree. Samurai,

feudal retainers ? were
also of their stipends as

>r ovi

valu

deprived of their
retainers of
with government
with runaway
nd now forced into

the
or

special privileges' and

f cud-1 lords. As compensation they were provided
bonds, which, however, rapidly dropped in
inflation. Brought up' in - tradition of arms
economic impoverishment, thtre were many who could not tolerate
wh-t they im-gined to be the Korean contempt for Japan and itched
for a chance to do battle. Thus, despite the decision of the
government in Japan to put off any foreign ventures,, an expedition
was launched against Taiwanese aborigines for killing some ship-
wrecked Japanese. This Taiwan expedition was not without fateful
implications for Korea, for it involved a fundamental theoretical
dispute between Japan and China that would later tc applied to
Korea, Taiwan was a Chinese tributary tut China disclaimed control
over its internal administrati n and would not t-kc responsibility
for the attack of the aborigines. Japan claimed th-.t this meant
that China had no suzerainty at all ov - r Taiwan -nd
herself to chastise the natives. This expedition
words, called the "hole Chinese system
method by wBiich China conducted h
outside world lute, question.

UilC

4-N ^
'</ 1 - V

of tribut"
r foreign

took it upon
in other
ry r cl- t ions —
relations with

It — s within the context of the tributary system that Korea
con 'noted her relations with China. By the terms of this system,
iCbrer. was obliged to send a yearly tribute mission to, Peking «
in the winter and supplementary missions on such felicitous
oorsions as the accession of a new Bmp c-r or or designation of
Cr wn Prince. missions were sent to report deaths in the Korean
r "-1 family, and missions were sent . from China to Korea to
->crf rm investiture rites for the Korean King ' or Cf own Prince.

(8)

Korcn also was obliged to use the Chinese calendar. Tin ->Ui- v
this syton w os norc- symbolic thrn ■ rpfit-bl; for Chino /it rs'h
ccnonstr to tnrough tnc performance of such ritual °s the nine— f p a
ii ow t ow -knocking of the here! on. the ground --hef or » the t error of -
the supreme position of Chin- os c inter of' the world, ,-c-c. rt } Df
culture, end of the Jmoeror cs "the model of suoferc virtue" for
others to to etoulrte-. The vnlue. of the tribute received by- -.China was
often outweighed by her 1-rgess in granting • .'if ts ~nd enter t" inment
to the tributary envoys— so to inpress then with China's ov,rridinr
prestige. -IMot only in the kowtow, but in the woreingof documents,
ctc hr. r* to be token lest there by any infringement" of the highest
respect lrngUr ;,c f or- China : end the Err-cror. The tributary mission :*
wrs hot only c onducted with greet ceremony, but vrs oart'of the Chinos
syctciMf Confuci-n morality end ritual. For- this rcoson, the rc-cc’-tio
of envoy’s, that is, the handling: of "relotions v;ith tribute ry str.tcs
wrs handled by the Eorrd of Rites in Chino., end conversely by the
Ministry- of Rites in Korea,

In return for these obligations. Chin

Korea ’ s

internal
herself,
against •;

'id to defend against foreign
rebellion. Furthermore, it \r
Not only that, but
my Chinese, immigration*

was obliged to come to.
aggression of to help supprcs-s.
s left to Korea, to -govern
Korean borders were effectively sealed
oven. Chinese envoys to Korea stayed
no more than a few d'pys in Seoul before returning ’to China,

wo s

It \rs in the middle of the 19th century when pressure
put on the tributary system with regard to Korea, _,s a

of fact, th- system itself had been challenged' lung before

The

first
matter
that.-

English envoy to the court at Peking, Macartney. in 1793, had •
refused to perform the kowtow*,,. and a long struggle took "lace between
China 'and- the western powers over the issue of conducting relations
between them on a basis of equality — a. s relations were conducted p

between nations in the West, In the middle of the 19th century,
attention wfs turned to Korea, *.nc some of the Western countries

to

redress

open Korea to commerce. Fr;
'far the murders of French

decided they wanted
wanted to obtain

was approached by the Foreign ministers, but Chinese
of declaring that although Korea was a tributary of Chin'
control over either her internal government or her

nee. in particular

ricsts,
licy

i

had

no

China
consiste-d
s China
relations

with other countries* Especially -fter suffering 'defeat 'in the Opium .
■ of 1342 and the attack on Peking in i860 Chin'v v/as wary of
:;nsibility for Korean misbehavior -lest she be forcc-d
new conecssi ns to the Westerners because of it. This .*
the basis of Chinese policy in 1874, when Japan sent-
to Taiwan, but the shock of this event acted as a'

’ gradual shift ,to a new approach. The famous statesman,
r.hd been appointed. Governor-General' of Chihli "• r evince
for the Northern Ports' in

t

wars
assuming resp
into granting
of. course was
^n expedition
stimulus for a
Li Hung- chang,

nd - C- missioher for the Northern Ports- in l87i . and - a s such, came ■ •
to'- control, the handling of China.’ s foreign polcy for 25 years. The /*
Japanese expedition to Taiwan increased his fears' a tout Japanese *'
designs on China’s tributaries. This attack 'had taken place despite-
a clause in the Sinp- Japanese treaty of 1871 th^t no aggression
w'ould be committed against territory belonging to either state.
However, ’• the., Japanese rational, for the Formosan episode was in effee'
th^t "tributary- Status did not mean Chinese suzerainty, for ’such
suzerainty would only be evidenced .by direct control over internal
administration, to be dis; layed by such an obvious indication as tax
collection and also by responsibility for i?hc conduct of foreign
affairs. Li Hung- chang had wanted to attack the Japanese with troops
in 1874, but China w. s not ready for action at the time. However, he
v • - r and concerned over the possible Japanese threat to Korea

Li c io not hr Vs- long to wo it , for in Scntembcr of 187 5. thrc r
Jopr.no sc g unboats were fired on by Korean lotteries off * the
const of Konghwn Island. The loccl Korean eommrndcr fired on the
ships with out making inquiries, nnd the Japanese retaliated tv
lancing p party, destroying the "nr till cry 'battery and attackin':
a non r by town, xhc ship returned to Japan a few d°ys Inter rrhis"
incident be cane the- pretext for the despatch of r negotiator t-
Korea to conclude Whot eventually iccanc known rs the Kanghwa treaty

of the Japanese ships had actually been brought about
c:)n(-i"kioris in Korea* Japnliesa envoys in

The despatch

by the change ■ _ _w ^ wt i

Pusan had learned* that the Governor of' Ttyongsang^
in Pusc.n who l^ac. rejectee prior Japanese coeinuni cations under orders
fron the Tauvongun had recently been investigated, and one of then
executed. The Japanese envoy than .reported back to their rovernnent*
that with the removal of the Tac-vongun and his faction, the tine* 5
was ripe for a demonstration to back u“ Japanese demands on Korea
and advoc-ted^sonding ships^to^tho Korean coast to cause an incident

Iso pointed
China had
Korean affair

th~t would serve rs the pretext for this move. They
out that Korea could not expect help from China . since Ch
already stated th-~t she could not interfere in Internal IC

Despite the opposition of those who advocated that the policy
decision to concentrate on Japan’s internal development be* adhered
to, the go vernment decided to despatch the gunboats on the pretext
of surveying the Korern coast, c

The decision was then mode in Japan that rather than charge
China with responsibility, a mission would be sent to Korea to lay
rcsoonsibiluty on Korea and conduct negotiation with her, and at
the same time, an envoy would be sent to China to inform the
Chinese government of the action. In other words, it would be assumed
that China had no control over Korean affairs and that she would *
not be asked to mediate.

Of course, the Japanese bad well assessed the change that had
come about with the retirement of the Tnewongun. In lo71+, after
the retirement of the Tacwangun two high ministers had memorialized
on relations with Japan. The gist of their' remarks was that 300 years
of friendship with Japan had been ruined in the past few years
because of stubbornness over the issue of the wording of documents,
and that the use of the word, ''Emperor, in these documents was no
more than respect language used by the Japanese for their own Emperor
and in no way im lied a slight to Korea,

One/

•• account hrs it that the Min clique had tried to persuade the
King w„rt ~ continuation of the T~cwongun!s policy would bring on
a noth r disaster oaual to that of Hideyoshi's invasions, -Vt any
rate, things looked in 1875, if the Korean side would yifc&d on
tho’ question of the reception of both communications and envoys
from/ ,g pan.

K'wever, Japan had now bid up its price, on the b'-sis of new
information on Korean conditions, and had decided to use the threat
of f - r cc to ru-ranteo Korean acquiescence. The Japanese negotiatiors
-rr*v.ed in' 3 war shins off Kanghwa island*, they exaggerated the
figures of the number of men on board to the Korean negotiators,

(10)

• nd demanded th-t hoo

the:

;c

landc'1 ■? s.. pro 1 cet ion.' Small b

of troops made daily landmngs rcconnoiterina the ar
r actions to the cs • itel. ..11' of these were r ctivitr

nd s

> asking

d. c si me d

i Tighten . the Kor cons', possibly in the miner of ?crr^ * »

Jeern. Kindly, it \jr s even intimated that any or -ot

m the fort of the Koreans mult Iced to the l~nd'ina' D-f ^
cent indent and forceful rc-riscls.

o j

nin ; of

the

on

whole

, Bleb off icals in the Korean government who had felt that
Korc- should make concessions to j-r-an on the natter of documents,
non found themselves confronted with a military threat and a dcr -n'
for a treaty. The Japanese were also demanding that the ncao&imtor
~n the spot he riven glcnipotmitiary powers to conclude the treaty
or else t' cy would he forced, to go the capital themselves to negotiate
directly with the government. Government larders were confused by
these new developments. They distrusted the Japanese, hut for the
most part found it difficult to recommend a course of action. Gone
declaimed ai m.1 on the inadequa ci : s > and deficiencies within Korea
that had brought on this calamity from outside her herders, and

C'-lled for

s'cricc

li cation

1 laws to the wild and unrestrained
Is he applied strictly to thereby
lc. Others poanted out that the whol-. basis of national

populace — that rewards and- punish:.:,
c-lr.: the pc
defense— finances and. tre sury reserves
Koic^ was in. a difficult situation.

w c r c c xhe us u cc

:nd that

• In addition to tkis a communication had been received from
China tell jug of the Japanese Minister to China’s report of the
despatch of a minister from Japan to Korea to' negotiate a treaty
with her. The coimeunicati on also recorded ,conver S'tions held between
the Japanese Minister and Li Eung-chang, in which Li -im iterated’ that
a 1th ugh Korea was. a tributary of China’s, she was allowed to cxerci
exclusive and independent control over her ovn affairs, ?nC. for that
r^ son. China could, not force her to do anything, and could not send
any Chinese to go -nd. conduct negoti -tions. He urged that Japan
handle matter sMn accordance with the article of the Sino- Japanese
Treaty of l8?l providing that neither country would commit aggression
against the territory oi the other. Thus, Li had not departed f r :n
his previous poll cy. of disclaiming responsibility, and the Koreans
must have felt tfrrt no support would be forthcoming from Chino,

On the other hand, there were no proposals to seek such support.

Despite, then, the lack of a Concrete policy, the order
wa s handed, down within a few days to the Korean negotiator that
friendship had. to be maintained with Japan, and that the articles
of trade put -forward by Japan did not have to be repudiated. He
was instructed, to agree to whatever was beneficial, and. was
given plenipotentiary powers -to do so. This decision a -ears to

■have been token at the inf ta five of tb King, whether on hi:
or at the behest of the-Hin faction, is not verif table, by 1

own,

my

re cores.

However, despite the fact that the throne had decided to

agree to almost all of the Japanese turns, with only a few object!:
this does not mean that there" was not opposition to the whole pro 3* 1
fr'
r;

fx: certain elements on. the political co.:r.:, 0*1 th«' contrary, a
•aft of nc-noxial s were submitted.* calling for strong and dcclsiv

(XI)

cctien against the Japanese, Local officials

fron Kanghwa

ex-censors, the chief negotia to r for the Koreans hi^lV,
finally, Cn oo Ik-hyon, tbn very nan whose ncnoric.1 lecl to

)

oncl

clovmfcli of the Tacwonjun, car.x out in shcr;i cncgouts-iokon attack
upon the court and even the lane hinsclf for his e-oecsonont of "
the- Japanese, 3 one of these :.:cn were summarily exiled.

*>s hefor
the fear of

o, the conservative anti-f orcicn appeal we s hr see! on
. fac 0j- ••■ostern religion and values which would

cOximpt the morality of the people. That the Jo"1 anese were no
different iron the Tc-stcrncrs could he seen' just ty looking at
then. They wc-rp now wearing Y/cstcrn clothes end their shims were
of western design. They had departed from the true way. If Korea
were to open the country to trade with then, then it mul' bo
the sane as 0.00 nine it to the Y/c-st. Merchants would cone and
ye sole would then spend their tine che sine after idle profits—
rather we might say than reposing in that virtuous and sublime
poverty i/hich hod been their lot up to that tine.

There was, in other words, a violent reaction, from those
conservative forces in society, which had two years before, joined
with the Min in the attacks on the- Tacwongun. It is ray view there-
fore, that the signing of theKanghwa treaty narked a new development

alienation of the rural scholars and

in internal politics, th __

conservative, and anti-f orcign officials away fr on the government.
This opposition was to grow larger and even more vocal in ensuing
years. The- articles of the treaty as agreed upon called for the
opening ol two ports in addition to Pusan, in" which ports Japanese
would he allowed to purchase land. and. rent houses and conduct
trade freely. The rcsticiivc rules governing the enclosed Japanese
compound at Pusan would he liberalized. Korean officials were
not" to obstruct anyone in the free conduct of trade, Furthermore,
envoys would he exchanged between the two countries • each to go
t: the capital of the other and there hold discussions with the
res- active foreign ministers — in the Korean ease the Chief of the
Ministry of Rites,

all

The:

articles dealing with the opening of three ports in

t tacked , as explained, previously, by the rhti-

9 -1 • * » » • -- * • • •

T

the

a. to ty the King and those who
rationale tht the Japanese were not the

:c

for trade, were
foreign wing. They were
5U"oortcd his policy on — - -----

same ~s westerners and that expanding trade with then would not lead
to the introducti on of the heresy of Catholicisn, Japan was a county
Korea had had "erccful relations, it was said, for 300 yeti

had been conducted
Tven if new ports

:c omened, they could he run in accordance- with rcgulattions
been used in Pusan, and ty no .ncans was it necessary to
,w then accc s to the- interior, . They were to he quarantined, as
been the custom, in their compounds at the treaty ports.

with

that

with

were

that

which

is since Hideyoshi’s' invasions? and that trade
Jr.— n through the Japanese residence in Pusan.

to

ha

tu c.

The terms of the treaty also included provisions for extra-
territorial jurisdiction in the treaty ports; that is, Japanese crimi-
na Is were to be turned over to Japanese consuls in the ports for
d judication.

r,/-?

This
3 that

ha (

caurl treatic
the Korean mind however,

of coursewas one of the ma. in features of the tuv*
been imposed on China and Japan herself. To
this was not a drawback. The main concern

s' to keep the

the papula cc.

Japanese in their restricted residences away from

(12)

Article 1 of the- treaty stated that Korea we s an indc
self -ruling state one! the t henceforth oil communications
protocol he to; eon the two countries would he conducted on
of equality. But of course, the Jap one sc were not inter

.ndent , or

CQUi

1 tr c o tDont

ot oil. The noin purpose of thi
sever Korea ’ey written low iron Chino, to renovc
to sis fronony cl o ins of Chinese suzerainty over II ore

one

the

stef

sis

m

tide
the 1

'IlC

wos to
;:rl
thus

Ic-rvc Japan to de-el directly with Korea rlonc- in the future*

The Koreans signed this article, tut to their minds, it hod
nothing to do with their relations with Chine, Korea wos still
the tributary of Chino end still hound to fulfill its obligations
under the tributary systcu. The Chinese felt the sane way. They
hod: stated that Karoo was Chino's tributary, yet ot the s me tine
independent. This type of t hint, in p wos oil right in a period
when no direct three t wos posed to it, ’ut after 187O 'end the
growing cue re cnee of Japan ~s a strong end oppressive nation—

0 notion which hod adopted many of the sane techniques used by
the West age inst China — this fornule was to prove a porado::
that would Iced to difficulties in the future.

The Treaty, then, was not concluded by Korea with the idee
that Korea would be opened to the world end re node in the image
of the lest. On the contrary, it wos the concept of the new
'treaty os 0 mere extension of previous relations with Japan that
node it printable. .*t no tine wos the treoty justified on the
grounds that Korea hod to be opened up and western technology
and Culture brought in to modernize and strengthen the country*
Foreign policy objectives under the Kin actually remained the
some as the under the Tacwongun— keeping corrupting foreign
influences away from the people. The differences in approach
were tactical and relative*

Many Koreans today, looking bock upon the events surrounding
'friac opening of thexi country by Japan, undoubtedly feel indig-
nation at the weakness of the government at that tine in succumbing
so easily to Japanese demands and forging the first stem in 0 path
that was to lead to Korea's annexation by Japan, But what -were
the alternatives ot that tine? fa s the continuation of stubborn
rnti-f orcignisn and the use of force 0 feasible policy for Korea?
Her finances depleted,- entbh-r military strength lacking, her
" dnlnis trot ion weakened by corruption and her leadership entangled
in court intrigue and. political strife— a continuation of the
Regent's policies would have- been disastrous. Later, alternatives
would be proposed by China, and Korea would be urged to protect
itself against Japan, and Russia, too, by forming alliances with”

Vfc stern states— but this, too, was to fail, and China, herself,
was to suffer defeat at the hands of Japan, Salvation for Korea,
as for China, in the 19th and early 20th century depended on a- *
proper awareness of the nature of the' imperialistic world of the
late 19th century, and the necessity for a concerted effort* at
adapting to the new techniques of material strength no matter what
the consequences to her cultural traditions. The obstacles to

sucti an
to tile 2

:rcnc

e* o *f f

ere formidable-

!isc. of nn to "lit.-r

■ Vs: oa on

.O- -?

:n” immobile society not conducive

lS*iy

tradition of lecyniy

of man one’ locking a foundation for scientific inquiry — end c.lso
the Ice- cy of the tributary system— a oyster, vice; eel to cloy by
nationalistic Koreans os o d is pro cc,n l:lot u-on their history,
o. nork of subservience to mother people, tut, ot the tine, o oyster
■which hoc! served to insure the Korean state npainst any outside
disturbance for three hundred years fror the tire of Kideyoshi's
invasions. Me mipht even soy that the system hod saved Korea from
outripht conquest ot that tine, too. It would not he on cosy task
to tear down r. system which hod proved so effective for so lone#

F ilia. 1 ly , the' ICa nr: hwo

Treaty was significant in that it troueht

on the alienation of those conservative end onti-f orcipn scholars
that had f or red one of the pillars of the iiin coalition of political
forces that had succcc&cf. in trinpinp about the retirement of the

To cwonpun.

vl

It was this

er oup ,

alone

with the **rmy, which had r-.Cv.ivcd

so much attention from the Taewanpun and was to be no sleeted
the Min dominated court, which would combine to trine about ;
storation of the Ta^wonpun in 1832.

ty

briei

(These

to

at

the

the

notes arc
Marc a. Brand

see on a lecture delivered by Mr
. of the Royal .'.siatic Society on

'uditarium of the llatimal Medical Center, 3c ml)

James Palais
10 December 19 63

(

V

iL;-)

THE SILLA UNIFICATION- -SOME BACKGROUND COMMENTS

By

John Jamieson

For presentation at the Colloquium of the Center for Japanese and Korean
Studies, March 12, 1969* Not for quotation without permission.

THE SILLA UNIFICATION- -SOME BACKGROUND COMMENTS

Note: The period examined spans the first half of the seventh century and

primarily the following reigns:
Tang:

T'ai-tsung TV. -if
Kao -t sung {u , >

" 1 T ■

626-249

649-683

Silla:

Muyol \i ' ' (Kim

Munmu f (Kim

Ch’unch'u )

Pommin j'Z )

654-661
661 -681

Koguryo :

'-T -A '

Pojang i

641-668

Paekche :

^ H

Uija "Y /<_>’

64o-66l

China's attempts to defeat Koguryo began soon after the empire’s unification
at the end of the sixth century. The last southern state having fallen, attention
was logically turned to the northeast and strategy planned to consolidate those
territories which had once been part of a united mainland empire. Relations had
been smooth during the hundred years prior, with Koguryo presenting rather
regular annual tribute to the Northern Wei at first and then to the various
houses succeeding that state to power in northeastern China- -a situation illustrated
by the humdrum listing of tribute bearing missions which constitutes the Samguk
sagi ' s (completed 1145 by Kim Pusik and staff) Koguryo Annals for the sixth
century. The pattern continued uneventfully into the first years of Sui's
ascendance. Yet once it became obvious that a unified and expanding empire
was being dealt with rather than an ephemeral successor to northern power,

Koguryo 's reaction was to strengthen her defenses and, in 598; to break across

-2-

her Liao River border in what was apparently an attempt to ensure a more secure
buffer. And in turn, this infringement triggered the first of the long series of
massive attacks which took until 668 to bring an end to Koguryo.

It was a larger pattern of instability, however, that drew the Chinese into
Manchuria, fluid tribal configurations and changing alliances which were always
potential dangers to a far-flung mainland empire. At the turn of the sixth
century, three major foreign groupings in addition to Koguryo posed threats,
one being the Tungusic Mo -ho (K. Malgal ) Mho were known to the

mainland empire as a militant confederation of seven tribes living to the north
of the Korean power. Like Koguryo, they had recognized Sui suzerainty, but in
598 joined their southern neighbors in the aforementioned territorial incursions.
The Mongol Khitan inhabiting areas around the Liao's lower reaches formed a second
group which in 605 provoked Sui by plundering her cities near the borders of
Ho-pei. The third and strongest of the powers beyond the wall and the greatest
threat to both Sui and T’ang was the eastern wing of the T'u-chiieh, Turkish
tribesmen whom the Sui spent considerable effort to contain. It was Koguryo 's
alleged attempts at alliance with them that is cited as the direct cause for the
second of Sui's peninsular expeditions, the large-scale effort of 612 under
Yang-ti's direct leadership.

There are also indications that uncertain loyalties among Chinese themselves

necessitated the Sui-T'ang militant policy toward Kogury&, specifically as they

involved instability in Ho-pei, the area of China proper that bordered Manchuria.

Ho-pei had been the center of Northern Ch'i, a state ruled by men who claimed to

>1

be of the Chinese Kao clan and one which flourished for more than half a

century while maintaining harmonious relations with Koguryo. When it fell in
577 to its western enemy, the Hsien-pei probably (Mongol) Northern Chou, the

-3-

locus of imperial power was permanently shifted to Ch'ang-an where the houses
of Sui and T'ang, both well interwed with the Mongol clans, were soon to rise,
and the northeastern territory declined then in political prestige and economic
strength.

This background of political division was one factor in a pattern of serious
antagonism between Ho-pei and the Ch'ang-an throne, one which manifested itself
in strong resistance from Ho-pei to the establishment of T'ang rule and a scorn
and suspicion of men of that region by Ch'ang-an. Pulleyblank has suggested it
as a reason for the Korean wars, speculating that the court at Ch'ang-an felt the
long-term good relations between Ho-pei and Koguryo to be a danger. Any strong
separatist movement there would likely be aided militarily by the formidable

v

Koguryo and her tribal subsidiaries.

Another factor, admittedly more speculative yet sufficiently credible to be
seriously considered, is the question of ethnic bonds between Ho-pei and the
Korean state. We have said that rulers of Northern Ch'i claimed Chinese ancestry,
yet considerable evidence, both in terms of Northern Ch'i political structure and
in conflicting genealogical statements, has led to suspicion of the claim's
legitimacy and to the generally accepted view that they were instead Mongols,

Shih-lou origin theory, first citing the lack of substantiating proof, then by
questioning why any Mongol would have wanted to adopt a Chinese clan name. It
is well known that the Chinese were held in low regard and discriminated against
by the Mongol nobility during this period; so, as T'an postulates, the Kao clan
must have originated from a group whose social position was even meaner than that
of the Chinese and on e which the historians, out of respect or for political

perhaps of the Shih-lou ^ clan. Brie:

the contemporary historian T'an Ch'i-hsiang

clan. Briefly addressing this problem, however

has dismissed the

-4-

reasons, saw fit to conceal. That group he sees as having been Koguryo. The
low status of Koguryo people in north China during the Eastern Wei is demonstrable
SO; too; is the number of families of Koguryo background resident in what was
later called Ho-pei that had adopted the Kao name and whose social positions were
similar to those of the Northern Ch'i rulers' ancestors. Although the thorough
examination it requires is a task beyond the scope of this present paper; in its
broader aspects T'an's theory seems acceptable. The racial brotherhood it pro-
poses would go another step toward explaining the apparent rapport between Ho-pei
and Koguryo and further justify the fear of an alliance which must have been felt
by the Ch'ang-an monarchy.

V

The most often cited motive for expeditions against Koguryo involved
internal peninsula politics: ostensibly honoring the tributary allegiance of

either Paekche or Silla; mainland attacks would follow a complaint by one of these
states that Koguryo had violated its border. The scale of the attacks; their
duration and persistence; the personal involvement of the emperor (Sui Yang-ti
and T'ang T'ai-tsung both personally commanded campaigns) -- all this, however;
quite clearly weakens the credibility of that motive. More realistically; it
was; as described above, a territorial expansion into areas that had slipped from
control with the fall of the Han and which were now highly combustible.

The history of Sui-T'ang campaigns into Koguryo--ten of major dimension from
598 to 668 -- is deserving in itself of an entire reappraisal. Layers of myth
and moralistic patina with which T'ang accounts are obviously encrusted demand
scraping away to determine, for example, the extent of Koguryo 's role in the fall
of the Sui or the real nature and size of the forces which were fielded against
the Korean state. While our present discussion cannot digress that widely, it
seems pertinent to look briefly at likely causes for the campaigns' failure as

-5-

background to Silla's role. For it was only with Silla as an ally that T'ang
losses were to turn to victory.

Professor Ch'en Yin-k'o has pointed to terrain and climatic features as
perhaps the major obstacles. The thousand mile plus distance from Ch'ang-an
to Koguryo's Liao River border took armies into forbidding forest lands where
heavy late summer rains are quickly followed by a long, severe winter. This meant
that there were at most three months between the end of winter in (lunar) April
and the beginning of the concentrated rains in July for mainland armies to
subdue their enemy or retreat before the mud, then ice and snow, sealed them in.

To maintain attack in adverse weather would demand continuous supply channels
which by land, at least, were prevented by the same weather west of the Liao
that prevailed to its east. By sea, there was rarely success; navigational
skill was an outstanding T'ang weakness while Koguryo's coastal defenses were
relatively efficient. Then, quite aware of the climatic restrictions, Koguryo
could always be properly alerted. She was not only inherently better equipped to
fight in her native habitat but knew she must prepare most fully for a summer
invasion. There could be few surprises.

While weather predicted attacks, it was Koguryo's unsurpassed skill at siege
resistance that humbled them, resistance by walled towns along the eastern shores
of the Liao from Ansi near the mouth on north to the 45th parallel.

The common Chinese tactic was to send forces through this line and into the Yalu
area so that supply channels could be blocked while larger numbers of troops laid
siege to the isolated frontier towns. Once outer defenses were destroyed, the
siege force would join the forward flank for a southward assault on the capital
at P'yong-yang. But the frontier towns always held firm. Their remarkable
record of success in anchoring the siege armies until seasonal change forced them
to lift and withdraw humiliated both Sui Yang'ti's prodigious efforts of 612 and

-6-

613 , and T'ang T'an-tsung’s in 645- Koguryo's tightly cohesive internal control

is also provided testimony by this record. T'ang histories paint a bleak picture

of a decaying state headed by a maniacal tyrant before T'ai-tsung set out to

rectify affairs. Yet battle results belie such a moralistic tale. Allegiance

£ n • , ,A-

to the alleged tyrant, Kaesomun \^H.S could readily have been abandoned

had his rule been so insufferably ruthless; the cuter regions of Koguryo's
kingdom, nevertheless, remained perfectly loyal until his death in 666.

A tightly controlled frontier rim, then,' together with a protective climate,
allowed Koguryo to defend herself in a manner disproportionate with her size.
While the pattern of Chinese attacks remained constant, her defenses held firmly
intact. The limit of her endurance was reached when a mainland tactical change
required defense on her southern border as well. In the following paragraphs,

I shall attempt to reconstruct the details of how Silla was able to stimulate
that tactical change and thereby engineer the balance of peninsular power to
shift in her favor.

Silla Diplomacy - Internal Problems
and the "Paekche First” Tactic

Silla 's diplomatic relations with China officially commenced in 381 with
dispatch of a tribute bearing mission to the Former Ch'in state. As she was
able to expand, so, too, did contacts with mainland states increase, but not to
the degree of her sinitically more sophisticated neighbors until mid-sixth
century when seizure of lands around the Han River gave her access to the western
sea. It was during this period that direct contacts with the mainland stimulated
wide adoption of Chinese culture and institutions and the beginnings of the
production of Buddhist art and architecture whose remnants are still in brilliant

-7-

evidence throughout southereastern Korea.

The seventh century, however, saw a shift in the nature of her foreign

relations, from a more or less total emphasis on cultural absorption to a

concentrated effort at drawing Sui and T'ang into military involvement in her

affairs. Coverage of internal events for this period in the Samguk sagi is

characteristically sparse, yet enough can be assembled to show that the growth

experienced in the mid-sixth century -- during the dynamic reign of King Chinhung
>

(540-575) -- bad halted and territorial gains were being eroded away
by Paekche and Koguryo. Both neighbor states had naturally been chafed by
Chinhung' s growth. Kogury6 had lost the strategic Han River basin territory in
a clash with a joint Silla-Paekche force and again in 551 a large piece of land
at her southeastern border fell into Silla hands. Paekche enmity had even deeper
roots: the alliance with Silla which had been formed to recover the Han River

lands for her own occupation developed into a double-cross and a Silla seizure.
Then, in a bitter clash in the following year, 55^> ber king was killed by Silla
troops .

The weakness and inability to control outlying territories which followed
Chinhung' s expansive burst likely resulted from gradual extinction of the

r « ?

sorlggol ■ (;] line of nobility, Silla' s supereminent class and that

one

which hereditarily monopolized the throne. The second ranking nobility, the
+ li-

chingol , had possessed all effective administrative authority for

7 k

a century or so through the sangdaedung , a prime ministerial position

filled by one of its members; when their possession of the throne, too, became
imminent, power groups coalesced and factional fissures developed. Two sSnggol
women ruled in the first half of the seventh century -- Sond^k ^ 7w^, ’ (632-646)
and Chindok (647-653) -- after their male line had ended, and this fact

-8-

is recorded both in the Annals and in the biography of General Kin Yus in as
having been the pretext for an attempted coup d'etat in 64 7 in which Pidan \tk ,
then sangdaedung, set out to depose the queen since "a female ruler was incapable
of governing well." The political realities outlined, however, expose this
"yin-yang clash" causal for the patent evaluative dressing it is. Now that the
songgol male line was extinct, occupancy of the throne once flushed of baleful
female elements would obviously be up for grabs and Pidan was maneuvering himself
into prime position. But he was thwarted by a stronger opposition group, his
faction obliterated and control of the state assumed by powerful and perceptive
men: Kim Yusin, his brother-in-law, Kim Ch'unch'u and their numerous sons.

They effected a resolution of ambiguities in authority by restoring the throne's
strength and shifting the sangdaedung 1 s administrative responsibilities to a
newly established organ under direct control of the throne. Their persistent
efforts to woo T'ang were rewarded ultimately with unification of the peninsula,
and with this unification, the shape of a distinctively Korean socio-cultural
entity was able to form.

With defeat of the Pidam faction the pattern of Silla's China policy changed
quite abruptly. Increasingly squeezed and weakened by Paekche's repeated seizures
of her strategic western territories, her one recourse for survival was outside
support and it was Kim Ch'unch'u who set out on a heroic quest for an ally.

His first attempts were close to home: he traveled to KogurycS in 642 where he
was rather badly rebuffed, then in 648, according to the Nihon shoki, he led
an embassy to Yamato, the timing of which is indication that its aim, too, was
surely strategic. In that same year in Ch'ang-an, on a mission to the court of
T'ai-tsung, we see Ch'unch'u' s diplomatic savoir-faire at last achieving a
success that was to define Silla's course of action. The Samguk sagi describes

-9-

it as follows

648

(Annals ^

Chosenshi gakkai edit. p. 5 6)

. . . Ich'an Ch'unch'u and his son, Munwang , were sent to

the T^a^ig court. [ [T'ai-tsung sent^his Minister of Brilliant Emolument
fjp-yfcj7 > Liu Heng fart '» , to receive then at the

borders (chiao-lao). i/hen [T'ai-tsung] saw Ch'unch'u' s distinguished
and stately form and deportment, he entertained him richly,]] then when
Ch'unch'u requested to go to the State Academy to observe the sacrificial
offerings [to deceased masters] as well as the lectures, T'ai-tsung
permitted him. He also presented him with [texts of] the Wen-t'ang

and Chin bUu- Shrine tablet inscriptions and the

newly compiled History of Chin, all imperial compositions. [[On one
occasion, he summoned him to an informal audience, presented him with
very rich gifts of gold and brocades and asked him, 'Is there something
you wish to make known?" Ch'unch'u knelt and spoke to the emperor,
saying, "Your servant's country, secluded in a corner of the sea, has
humbly served the Heavenly Court for many years while Paekche, strong
and crafty, has wantonly encroached on us tine and again. A f ew years
back, on top of this, she raised a large force and penetrated deep into
our territory, taking scores of walled towns so as to block our road
to the Court. If Your Majesty does not assist us with Heavenly Troops
to excise this malignancy, then the people of my lowly state will all
become their captives and 'climbing and navigating' to report on our
office (=traversed arduous routes, tribute missions to the court of
T'ang) can never again be hoped for." T'ai-tsung wholly agreed with this
and gave permission for an army to be dispatched.]] Ch'unch'u also
requested [permission] to change [Silla's] official dress so as to
conform to the Chinese standard, whereupon [T'ai-tsung] had precious
clothing brought out and presented to Ch'unch'u and his accompanying
staff. He proclaimed that Ch'unch'u be given the title Specially
Advanced and that Munwang be made General of the Left Martial Guard.

And when [Ch'unch'u] was about to return hone, it was proclaimed that
all officials above grade three feast him at a banquet. He was treated
with utmost cordiality and ceremony. [[Ch'unch'u said to the Emperor,
"Your servant has seven sons and his wish is that they be allowed to
remain in the [] [Night] Guard of Your Sagely Brilliance," whereupon
his son Munwang and the Grand Overseer [] [] were so commanded.]]*

The Ch'unch'u mission was but the last of three in 648, an unusual if not

unprecedented annual number and indicative of the intensity of Silla's efforts
to solicit T'ang arms aid. On the second of these, Silla agreed to adopt T'ang
nien-hao and thus comply with a normal tributary state practice which she had

* Double bracketed material is original with the Sar.guk sagi; boxes
indicate textual lacunae .

-10-

violated for more than a century. With the third mission, Ch'unch'u’s skillful
effort, Silla played a role as the tributary atate closest to classical perfection.
She requested permission to adopt official dress in physical emulation of the
T'ang and, with calculated restraint, Ch'unch'u asked to visit the State Academy
where the essence of China's culture was probed, this before raising any discussion
of the mission's substance. His motive, of course, was to contrast Silla as
a nation of cultured refinement, whose interests lay first in the absorption of
Chinese learning, with Koguryo's recognized barbarity and the obnoxious duplicity
of Paekche .

A more substantive achievement of the mission, however, was the receipt

of permission to deposit Munwang in the Night Guard, a corps of the emperor’s

personal bodyguards within T'ang's larger palace guard. It established a pattern

which was to be followed throughout Silla' s lifetime whereby royal sons or close

relatives went to T'ang for periods of various length as hostages, the "external

hostage" category described by Professor Yang Lien-sheng. In a brief summary

and analysis of the rise and fall of Silla with which he closes the Samguk sagi's

Silla Basic Annals, Kim Pusik has singled out participation in this system as

one of the major factors which brought that state to its golden age:

. . . Their emissaries who 'climbed and navigated to pay respects to
the Court went one upon the other without cease. They often sent
their sons and brothers to the Court for service in the Night Guard
or to enter the Academy to study and learn. Thus they were transformed
by the teachings of the Sages . They changed what had been cultivated
rusticity into a land of etiquette and propriety.

Samguk sagi entries concerning T'ang contacts during this early period nowhere

equate service in the Night Guard with a hostage system, yet Chinese sources,

in particular the Ts ' e-fu yiian-kuei, offer ample proof that it was and that it

was widely practiced with other foreign states, although with greatest regularity

-11-

in Silla's case. It was to provide insurance against the participant states’
betrayal of T'ang --in theory; in practice with Silla, it provided considerably
greater advantage to her. First, Silla, then the smallest of the peninsular
states, was awarded with what nust have been viewed as a more prestigious recogni-
tion by the Chinese empire. There are notices of Koguryo and Paekche princes
traveling to T'ang but as leaders of tribute missions who returned home immediately,
not as hostages, and a Gbb request by Koguryo that certain of her people be admitted
to the Night Guard had been angrily refused. On the level of domestic politics
alone, Ch'unch'u's role in the power struggle previously outlined must have been
significantly transformed by this new relationship with China: within the

fluctuating ranks of the nobility, the Kim Ch'unch'u-Kim Yusin faction was now
buttressed by an element which transcended traditional "bone rank" determinants
and which could plainly provide the solution to her international distress. Second,
the strategic importance of an intermediary in such close contact with the throne
was considerable. Not only did it provide an opportunity for Silla's case to
be presented with more deliberation, but when T'ang forces ultimately did join
the attack on Paekche, one of Ch'unch'u's sons who had been sent into the
Ch'ang-an Night Guard, Kim Inmun I j > acted as leading strategist,

then guided the T'ang naval force to its destination. Third, there is evidence
that the hostage was able to serve an intelligence function which forewarned
Silla of mainland military activities. In the years 6j0 and 6 71, so the Sanguk
yusa records, when Silla and T'ang were at cross purposes, Night Guard Kim Inmun
and other Silla representatives resident in Ch'ang-an were jailed in retaliation
for their country's alleged acts of treason, to wit, occupation of former
Koguryo and Paekche territories she felt were her rightful apoils . Inmun had
time, however, to inform the Silla monk, Uisang , of T'ang plans to

-12-

invade their country and to send him back to alert coastal defense forces,
resulting in total destruction of the Chinese fleet. So with potential in
prestige, strategy and espionage terms, establishment of a hostage relationship
with T'ang was a notable exploit, an essential to Silla's survival and later
growth as a state .

It was a secondary item on the 648 mission’s agenda, however, the fundamental
objective having been to persuade T'ai-tsung to join a move against Paekche and
relieve the pressure which was squeezing Silla cloaer and closer to the ocean.

The Chinese court had no real reason for considering Silla as significantly
more reliable than Paekche theretofore. During most of T’ai-tsung's reign both
peninsular states had offered tribute regularly, Paekche, in fact, with somewhat
more regularity than Silla. Then, while Paekche had been accused of double-dealing
with the Sui vis-a-vis Koguryo, Silla' a insubordinate adherence to a parallel
set of nien-hao, equally seditious behavior, had been closely observed. Having
shown herself repentant now, the problem was to convince T'ang that their
individual problems were best attacked in concert and that once released from
her desperate position, Silla would surely supply the leverage T'ai-tsung
needed to crush his northeastern foe: a base in a secured southern flank to

aid with troops and provisions which would free his northern attack force from
preoccupation with the weather as well as force a division in Koguryo 's
defensive concentration. Ch'unch'u's mission elicited first mention of T'ang
interest in invading Paekche:

Our present attacks on Koryo are for but one reason: We take pity

on your Silla, hemmed in by two states, always invaded and humiliated
with never a year of peace. Hills, rivers and land I do not covet;
jewels, silks, sons and daughters (= people, citizens) are things
I possess, i/hen I subdue the two states, both [territory] southward
from P'yongyang and the land of Paekche will be given to your Silla,
for eternal tranquillity. (SGSG 7, p. jj)

-13-

Nowhere in the records is it explicit that Silla defined the strategy requiring
defeat of Paekche as a first step toward victory over Koguryo. The majority of
Chinese sources sanctimoniously describe T'ang' s 660 move as having been in
response to repeated requests for aid from Silla, action born of pity for a be-
leaguered subject. Only once or twice does the real motive get attention, and
then but cursorily, as in the biography of a chief administrator in the Paekche
military colony, Liu Jen-kuei, where Liu's memorials to Kao-tsung describe that
monarch's desire to reach Koguryo through Paekche. The Samguk sagi, on the other
hand, drops sufficient hint for the reader to conclude that Silla, represented
by Ch'unch'u and Yus in, was the indispensable catalyst in formulation of the plan,
if not its actual architect. First, the description of Ch'unch'u' s conversation
with T'ai-tsung is extant only in the Sagi, including both the quote immediately
above from King Munmu's reply to General Hsiieh Jen-kuei and the section of the
Silla Basic Annals of 648 previously cited. There we see the T'ang emperor
promising troop aid (a point reiterated in Kim Yusin's biography, SGSG 4l, p. 429)
discussing defeat of both Koguryo and Paekche and committing himself to an
important territorial deal. Since at no point prior to this was any such strategy
seriously considered by T'ang -- there is no mention of a plan to conquer Paekche
in the Chinese sources during the whole of T'ai-tsung 's reign -- we are left to
conclude that it must have been stimulated by Ch'unch'u. The Silla noble had,
it will be remembered, approached Koguryo for aid before his visit to T'ai-tsung.
His belligerent reception there was followed in the next year with an attack on
Silla by a joint Koguryo -Paekche force so that by the time of the 648 mission to
Ch'ang-an, Silla was quite prepared, given an alliance, to attack northward as
well. Second, there are numerous Silla Annals statements in the years immediately
following Koguryo 's defeat which corroborate the conversations with T'ai-tsung

The

v

by repeating that subdual of Paekche and Koguryo was Ch'unch'u's plan,
following can be noted:

a. 668 (SGSG 6, p. 72) in the test of an oath read at the royal

ancestral shrines: "Respectfully continuing the will of our

former king we joined Great T'ang in setting forth our volun-
teers to call Paekche and Koguryo to account for their crimes. .

b. 669 (SGSG6, p. 72) in an amnesty decree: "His (Muyol's) wish

then (when he travelled to T'ai-tsung's court to seek military
aid) was to subdue these two states and abolish war forever. . ."

c. From the biography of Kangsu (SGSG 46, p. 464): "Our former
king's request for troops from T'ang and resultant subdual of
Koguryo and Paekche is called a martial triumph, yet it was
also aided by the brush ..."

A third source indicating the predominance of Silla's role in unification strategy

is the biography of Kim Yusin, the dynamic portrayal of a figure whose principal

mission in life was to defeat his country's enemies and bring them under one rule.

The Saraguk sagi appraises him as having been "able to act in accord with his will:

by joining plans with the Exalted State (= T'ang) three lands were combined into

one family (=state) and he was able to end his days with merit and fame. Several

incidents within the biography even point to this ambition as having jelled at

a very early age and some years before T'ai-tsung's enthronement. The example

below is said to have occurred in 6ll:

In the twenty-eighth year of the Fortune Establishing era (kbnbok T )
of King Chinp'ybng's reign, sinmae \ i , Lord [Yusin] ' y

was seventeen sui . Seeing his country s border territory being
invaded and attacked by Koguryo, Paekche and the Malgal his spirit
was aroused to a determination to defeat the brigands. He went alone
into a stone grotto in the Central Peaks where he purified (lit.

’fast and abstain') himself then swore a pledge to Heaven, saying,

"The unprincipled enemies harass our lands like wolves and tigers --
hardly a year is left with peace. I am but one insignificant subject,
devoid of skill or strength but determined to purge this calamity and
unrest. If only Heaven would look down at this and lend me a hand."

He remained there for four days when suddenly an old man clad in rough
garments came and aaid, "It is filled with poisonous snakes and wild
beasts here -- a frightful place. Why do you come here and stay by
yourself, my noble youth?" He answered, "Where do you come from,
old sir? Can you tell me your esteemed name?" The old man said,

-15-

!,I don’t live anywhere and I come and go as fate directs. My
name is Nansung . " When Lord [Yusin] heard this he knew

that this was no ordinary human. He bowed twice, then approached
him saying, "I am a man of Silla. When I see my country’s bitter
enemies, my heart is pained and my head filled with ache -- that is
why I come here. My hope is to meet with some [solution]. Humbly
I beg you, old sir, to take pity on my pure sincerity and give me
a formula." The old man was quiet, uttering not a word. Lord
[Yusin] cried and sobbed, imploring him without rest and after the
sixth or seventh [time] the old man spoke and said, "You are but a
youth, yet determined to unite the three kingdoms . How brave I , "
then, as he gave him a secret formula, he continued, "Take care not
to pass this on recklessly. If it is used improperly it will turn
disaster on you." He finished speaking then left and went for about
two leagues when [Yusin] pursued him but he was nowhere in sight.

There was only a brilliance on the mountain top, glittering as if in
all five colors. (SGSG 4l, p. 426)

Temporal references contained in such magico-religious anecdotes can hardly be
given complete credence, this on top of there being no indication of such an
early development of plans to incorporate Paekche and Koguryo elsewhere in the
history. Yet the rationalistic Kim Pus ill felt no need to alter what must have
been obvious as an anachronism. With an eighth century compilation as his major
biographical source, he apparently saw the whole anecdote as grounded firmly
enough in tradition as well as in sufficient agreement in its broader theme with
other surviving documentation to warrant inclusion.

Some thirty years were to transpire before the design envisioned by Silla

and spelled out by T'ai-tsung and Ch'unch'u in 648 was to be fully realized.

And while it could still be argued that proof of a Ch'unch'u- Yus in faction plot

to utilize T'ang toward ultimate control of the peninsula is weak on the basis of

a lone Korean source, the remarkable accomplishments of the 648 mission cannot

be denied. T'ai-tsung's death in the following year seems to have restrained the

v

promised overseas expedition, yet in spite of efforts by both Paekche and Koguryo
at maintaining tribute status, T'ang's favors thereafter were directed toward
Silla alone. In the past, Silla' s attempts to engage T'ang in her fight with

-l6-

Paekche had at best elicited an admonition,, directed at herself as well, to mend
differences and live in neighborly amity. Now, in her new status, she could
assault her neighbor with impunity and report her successes to T'ang while
Paekche was threatened with destruction if her attacks on Silla continued.

But with few successes to report, it was mandatory that Silla 's new leader-
ship sustain that status and continue forceful appeals for intervention. Kim
Ch'unch'u's authority in Silla politics, as has been suggested, had been greatly
enhanced by his establishment of exclusive rights with T’ang. With Kim Yusin's
support he gained control of the throne just four years after his return and in
the meantime had kept various of his sons on the road to Ch'ang-an to maintain
pressure for troop aid. P6mnin ' ,A , the eldest (later King Munmu), went

in 650 carrying with him an ode for presentation to the emperor entitled "In

,, -f' 'L- 1 \ j

Praise of Peace ] ^ 1 ; embroidered on brocade by the queen and oozing

pious praise of T’ang as appointed helmsman of the universe, it was calculated
at once to flatter imperial vanity and further impress the throne with Silla ’s
classical finesse. The vital role assumed by Ch’unch’u’s second son, Inmun 'A I Lj ,
in directing T’ang’s fleet toward peninsular shores has already been mentioned.

He went on the first of many trips to the Chinese court in 651 and, as his
biography notes, died there in 6<)h . A third son and uterine brother of the first
two, Ilunwang b , has been seen as the initial Silla Night Guard;

after an interim return to his country he was dispatched back to T’ang in 656.

Then in preparation for moves against Koguryo subsequent to Paekche 's defeat, the

A ,

trek of clan sons continued: Kim Inmun again in 664; Kim Int’ae /];. 6 jj<" ,

Ch'unch’u’s son born of a concubine, in 665 or 666; Kim Samgwang 9, f\_j ,'

oldest son of Kim Yusin in 666; and finally, Kim Humsun y. , Yusin's

younger brother, in 669. This busy activity stands in distinct contrast to the

-17-

situation in the last quarter of the seventh century when relations between
Silla and T'ang grew temporarily cold and embassies nearly stopped. Kim Inmun
had returned to Ch'ang-an with the victorious armies after 668 and was resident
there as a rather ineffectual hostage, but not one other royal family member
traveled to the court until 713- In addition, only two tribute bearing missions
are recorded prior to the advent of the eighth century.

The total clan commitment, then, achieved its desired end. On the firm
foundation of Ch'unch'u's agreements with T'ai-tsung, an unusual diplomatic
policy was pursued until Paekche and Koguryo had succumbed; then, when T'ang
failed to comply to the letter of her promise, tribute obeisance ceased and force
was applied against T'ang so as to conclude Silla' s territorial design.

The coalition was of course a marriage of convenience both for T'ang and
Silla. T'ang's constant failure to subdue Koguryo through direct attack from the
mainland had made the peninsular stronghold tactic a last resort, but lacking
maritime confidence, aid from Silla was imperative. Silla 's impasse has been
considered at length, yet involvement in the coalition so vital to her survival
carried a danger that it might well consume her, too. Once established on the
peninsula, mainland presence could become permanent and Silla, as well as her
adjacent neighbors, physically absorbed into the expanding T'ang empire. Silla
was clearly aware of this possibility and prepared should it arise. She elected
to recognize T'ang suzerainty; the contingency was that she in turn be recognized
as sole power south of P'yongyang and it was only with this recognition that she
became the constant factor in relations with T'ang that we know in later generations.

Page 6

THE KOREA HERALD, SUNDAY, APRIL 1, 1973

Kim Ok-Kyun

Pioneer of Reform , Modernization in Korea

This Is the first of a series
of three articles about Kim Ok-
kyun. — Kdy

By HAROLD F. COOK

The last two decades of the
19th century were an excit-
ingly fascinating period in
modern Korean history. An
ancient kingdom with a long,
and often glorious, history
was rudely awakened from a
protracted slumber and sud-
denly thrust upon the stage of
world history. Progress, mod.
emization, and enlightenment
overnight became imperfectly
understood, but desperately
sought, blessings for the "Her-
mit Kingdom.”

In the initial stages of this
hesitant march into the 20th
century, one figure stands
head and shoulders above the
rest, and what he attempted
to do remains surrounded with
controversy to this very day.
The man was Kim Ok-kyun
(1851-1094). and the historic
event with which his name has
become almost synonymous
was the 1884 Incident.

Kim Ok-kyun was bom in
Chungchong province on Feb-
ruary 23. 1851, the first son
of Kim Pyon.g-tae- He was a
member of the Andong Kim
clan in the 25'h generation of
descent from the original clan
ancestor. Kim’s mother was a
daughter of Song Yun dok of
the Unjin Song clan.

As with most figures of this
period, little is known about
Kim Ok-kyun’s early life
Neither his father, grandfalh.
er. nor ereat-grandfalhcr, how-
ever. passed the higher civil
service examination nor did
thev occupy any important
government posts Despite his
liner, ge in one of 19th century
Korea's most powerful and
prestigious c'ans. Kim’s ori-
gins were humble.

Adopted Mother

At an undetermined point of
time, Kim Pyong-tae released
Kim Ok-kyun for adoption by
e childless near plansman. Kim
Pyong-gi. who was related to
Kim's natural father bv a com-
mon great-grandfather. Kim's
adoptvie mother was a Chon-
ju Yi, the daughter of Yi Ui-
wan. One of his new aunts, a
sister of his adoptive father,
was married to a brother of
Dowager Queen Cho. the wi-
dow of King Ikchong.

Kim Ok.kyun's adoptive
father. Kim Pyong-gi, passed
the lower civil service examin-
ation' in 1846 but never went
on to pass the higher. He serv-
ed in a number of magisterial
posts in Cholla, Chungchong,
and Kangwon provinces, Kim's
home in Seoul was located on
what todav are the grounds of
Kyonggi Boys' High School.

At some undetermined point
of time during these early
years, a marriage was arrang.
ed for Kim Ok-kyun with a
girl from the Kigye Yu clan.
Kim’s bride was an only child
of an obscure individual who
had died when his daughter
was but two years old. Like
his own, therefore, Kim’s
wife’s origins were humble.

Kim Ok-kyun was a bright
young man and reportedly dis-
played an early interest and
skill in p r o s e and poetry,
painting and writing, and the
study of rhythm or meter. The
fact cannot be confirmed, but
the assumption is that he en.
rolled at the national academy
in Seoul to prepare for the
higner civil service examina-
tion, an essential ingredient
for advancement in the world
of 19. h century Korean society
and politics.

Forerunners of Change

To Our Readers

As part of our special Sun-
day features, "Forerunners of
Change,” Dr. Harold F. Cook
writes a three-installment ar-
ticle on Kim
Ok-kyun be-
ginning with
today's sup-
plement. Dr.

Cook earned
his Ph.D in
East Asian
history from
Harvard. Now, Dr. Cook
he is a member of the ad-
ministrative faculty of Sogang
University. Dr. Cook is the au-

thor of "Korea’s 1884 Inci-
dent: Its Background and
Kim Ok-kyun’s Elusive
Dream."

The serialized features by
Dr. Samuel Moffett will fol-
low Dr. Cook's three-part ar-
ticle. Dr. Moffett, associate
president of the Presbyter-
ian Theological Seminary,
has written about Cespedes,
Hamel and Gutzlaff under
the title of "Forerunners of
Change” which were publi.
shed in the Herald's March
4th; 11th and 18th issues.

On March 10 and 11, 1872
during a week of early spring
rain, King Kojong paid cere-
monial visits to the national
Confucian shrine on the
grounds of the national aca-
demy. The customary higher
civil service examination com-
memorating this visit was held
on March 12, and Km Ok-kyun
passed with highest honors.
He had just turned 21.

Kim's first official appoint-
ment came on August 24, 1872
when he was named a bailiff
in the office of the inspector
general. Less than two weeks
later he was promoted to
fourth inspector in the same
office. During the next four
years- Kim received no fewer
than 24 appointments, nearly
all of them to one or t h e
other of the three- organs of
the government censorate,
namely, the office of inspec-
tor general, the office of cen-
sor general, and the office of
special counsellors. All of
these posts regularly brought
him into the royal presence.
He also served as an examina-
tion official.

During 1877 and 1078 Kim
Ok-kyun was in mourning for
his adoptive mother, the wife
of Kim Pyong-gi, and held no
government posts. He reenter-
ed public life in early 1879,
however, and subsequently re-
ceived at least 13 official ap-
poin'ments, principally in the
government censorate,

For a relatively prolonged
period of time, therefore, Kim
Ok-kyun was in close contact
with the king. By the early
1880s possibly no other con-
temporary junior official had
served in such sensitive cen-
sorate posts lor such an ex-
tended period of time. That
King Kojong u’timately came
to know him .well and Jo value
his opinions cannot be doubt,
ed.

The official record provides
little clue of Kim’s early in-
terest in modernization and re-
form, although from the be-
ginning it is evident that he
was a figure of controversy.
His memorials to t h e king
generally give evidence of a
conservative, orthodox view,
point. At least from the time
of his two-year period of
mourning for his adoptive
mother, however, and proba-
bly from somewhat earlier.

Kim began to turn his atten-
tion niore and more to a stu.
dy of the need for moderniza-
tion and reform in Korea and
for the best means by which
this might be accomplished. As
a result, by the early 1880s,
his thinking had grown incom-
patible with that of most of
his tradition-oriented contem-
poraries.

Korea’s earliest contact with
Western thought and scholar;
ship occurred first at the Ming
court and continued at the Ch’-
ing court in Peking. It was
there that Korean scholars re.
ceived their introduction not
only to Christianity but also
to such Western subjects as
astronomy, geography, mathe-
matics, and medicine. Study of
these new subjects caused the
more critical minds in Korea
to search for new sources of
intellectual stimulation, as well
as political and economic re-
organization, outside the
framework of Chu Hsi Neo-
Confuci3n orthodoxy.

‘Sirhak’ School

Work initiated. by 17th cen-
tury scholars bloomed in the
18th century as the practical
or real learning movement,
called sirhak in Korean. This
school rose in Korea on the
base just outlined and under
the influence of the more
realistic "Han learning” or the
"school of empirical research”
of the Ch’ing and was fostered
by the desire of some scholars
to find better answers to the
problems of the day than
those provided by the fossi-
lized doctrines of Chu Hsi.

Kim Ok-kyun seems to have
taken an interest in sirhak
studies early in his career. At
least one of h)s inspirations
was Pak Kyu-su, who was the
grandson of one famous sirhak
scholar and the student of
another. Pak made two trips
to China, one in 1861 and an-
other in 1872, and served the
government in a variety of
high posts Kim was a regular
caller at Pak’s house, and a
teacher-student relationship
grew up between them.

Tnrough Pak. Kim appar-
ently met O Kyong-sok. who
served as chief interpreter on
Pak's 1872 mission to Peking.
O. In fact, made no fewer
than s i x trips to China be-
tween 1886 and 1874 and be.
came a complete convert to
the cause of Western culture
and civilization and a strong
advocate of opening Korea to
the world. In 1876 O served
as chief Chinese language in-
terpreter for the treaty nego-
tiations with Japan on Kang-
hwa island.

Another man whom Kim
Ok-kyun met at about this
same time was Yu Tae.ch’i.
Yu was a friend of O Kyong-
sok who operated an herb

Kim Ok-kyun at Nagasaki in the spring of 1882 at t h
time of his first visit to Japan.

Kim met the Buddhist monk
Yi Tong-in. Yi had Japanese
contacts from whom he had
obtained books as well as
some sort of viewing machine
which showed pictures of
cities of the world, soldiers,
and other things. Kim and Yi
became good friends and. it
seems. Yi rm.de a trip to Ja-
pan on Kim’s behalf in order
to bring back more books and
Information.

Official Mission

In the summer of 1880 Ko-
rea sent an official mission to
Tokyo to discuss various items
of outstanding business. In
the late spring and through-
out the summer of 1881 there
was another Korean observa-
tion mission, with 10 princi-
pal leaders and a total entour-
a g e of 60 persons, touring
Japan and gathering informa,
tion. Yi Tong-in assisted the
first mission, and some of
Kim Ok.kyun’s other acquain-
tances were numbered among
the 1881 fact finding group.

From a variety of sources,
and’ over a period of perhaps
as much as four years, there-
fore, Kim Ok-kyun learned
much about the outside world
as it existed in Meiji Japan,
a country which was striding
with giant steps Into the mod-
ern world. Kim's interest and
curiosity were greatly stimul.
nted, and he determined to go
and have a look for himself.

His long service in the
government censoring organs,
plus the close friendship of
a few influential persons- gave
him comparatively ready ac-
cess to King Kojong. With
the king’s blessing, therefore-
and accompanied by a small
group of c ose associates, Kim
Ok-kyun left Seoul in Feb-
ruary 1882 for his first visit
to Japan.

that it
sential
individui
of many
right to
ice servi
ites are
taining
vacy of F
Perhaps
ment of l.
In the lef
home is
What
the mind
individual
from thr
own fori
bridges th.
people, tc
from the s
that beset
haps a snv
extremely
chase son
gree of is
tion. but •
it is an
Having t

Japanese Buddhist monk dual’s legai
Terada Fukuju, friend of (subject to
Korean Buddhist monk Yi balanced af
Tong-in, who assisted Klin the commui
Ok-kyun in Japan. ment), one

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Mode

was the 1884 Incident.

Kim Ok-kyun was born in
Chungchong province on Feb-
ruary 23. 1851. the first son
of Kim Pyong-tae He was a
member of the Andong Kim
clan in the 25'h generation of
descent from the original clan
ancestor. Kim's mother was a
daughter of Song Yun dok of
the Unjin Song clan.

As with most figures of this
period, little is known about
Kim Ok-kyun's early life
Neither his father, grnndfath.
er. nor ereat-grandfathcr. how-
ever. passed the higher civil
service examination nor did
they occupy any important
government posts. Despite his
lineage in one of 19th century
Korea's most powerful and
prestigious c’ans. Kim's ori-
gins were humble.

Adop!cd Mother

At an undetermined point of
time, Kim Pyong-tae released
Kim Ok-kyun for adoption by
a childless near ^lansman. Kim
Pyong-gi. who was related to
Kim's natural father by a com-
mon great-grandfather. Kim's
adoptvie mother was a Chon-
ju Yi. the daughter of Yi Ui*
wan. One of his new aunts, a
sister of his adoptive father,
was married to a brother of
Dowager Queen Cho. the wi-
dow of King Ikchong.

Kim Ok.kyun’s adoptive
father, Kim Pyong-gi, passed
the lower civil service examin-
ation'in 1846 but never went
on to pass the higher. He serv-
ed in a number of magisterial
posts in Cholla, Chungchong,
and Kangwon provinces, Kim's
home in Seoul was located on
what today are the grounds of
Kyonggi Boys' High School.

At some undetermined point
of time during these early
years, a marriage was arrang-
ed for Kim Ok-kyun with a
girl from the Kigye Yu clan.
Kim's bride was an only child
of an obscure individual who
hod died when his daughter
was but two years old. Like
his own, therefore, Kim's
wife’s origins were humble.

Kim Ok-kyun was a bright
young man and reported’v dis-
played an early interest and
skill in p r o s e and poetry,
painting and writing, and the
study of rhythm or meter. The
fact cannot be confirmed, but
the assumption is that he en.
rolled at the national academy
in Seoul to prepare for the
higner civil service examina-
tion, an essential ingredient
for advancement in the world
of 19, h century Korean society
and politics.

Harvard, wow. u r. cook
he is a member of the ad-
ministrative faculty of Sogang
University. Dr. Cook is the au-

the title of Forerunners ot
Change” which were publi.
shed in the Herald's March
4th, 11th and 18th issues.

On March 10 and 11. 1872
during a week of early spring
rain. King Kojong paid cere-
monial visits to the national
Confucian shrine on the
grounds of the national aca-
demy. The customary higher
civil service examination com-
memorating this visit was held
on March 12. and Km Ok-kyun
passed with highest honors.
He had just turned 21.

Kim's first official appoint-
ment came on August 24, 1872
when he was named a bailiff
in the office of the inspector
general. Less than two weeks
later he was promoted to
fourth inspector in the same
office. During the next four
years. Kim received no fewer
than 24 appointments, nearly
all of them to one or t h e
other of the three- organs of
the government censorate,
namely, the office of inspec-
tor general, the office of cen-
sor general, and the office of
special counsellors. All of
these posts regularly brought
him into the royal presence.
He also served as an examina-
tion official.

During 1077 and 1078 Kim
Ok-kyun was in mourning for
his adoptive mother, the wife
of Kim Pyong-gi. and held no
government posts. He reenter-
ed public life in early 1879,
however, and subsequently re-
ceived at least 13 official ap-
poin'ments, principally in the
government censorate.

For a relatively prolonged
period of time, therefore, Kim
Ok.kyun was in close contact
with the king. By the early
1880s possibly no other con-
temporary junior official had
served in such sensitive cen-
sorate posts for such an ex-
tended period of time. That
King Kojong u’timatelv came
to know him .well and to value
his opinions cannot be doubt,
ed.

The official record provides
little clue of Kim’s early in-
terest in modernization and re-
form, although from the be-
ginning it is evident that he
was a figure of controversy.
His memorials to t h e king
generally give evidence of a
conservative, orthodox view,
point. At least from the time
of his two-year period of
mourning for his adoptive
mother, however, and proba-
bly from somewhat earlier.

Kim Ok-kyun at Nagasaki in the spring of 1882 at t h
time of his first visit to Japan.

Kim began to turn his atten-
tion niore and more to a stu.
dy of the need for moderniza-
tion and reform in Korea and
for the best means by which
this might be accomplished. As
a result, by the early 1880s,
his thinking had grown incom- Kim met the Buddhist monk
patible with that of most of Yi Tong-in. Yi h;.d Japanese
his tradition-oriented contem. contacts from whom he had
poraries. obtained books as well as

, .. . , . ... some sort of viewing machine

Korea s earliest contact with which showed p£tures of
Western thoueht and scholar- , th world 8oldlers.

ship occurred first at the Mine d ,h things. Kim >nd Y1

court and continued at the Ch’
ing court in Peking. It
there that Korean scholars re.

became good friends and.
seems. Yi mi.de a trip to Ja-
, ..... , pan on Kim’s behalf in order

r i £ ? to bring back more books and

Official Mission

‘Sirhak’ School

bo'such Westerannilubjectsalas information'
astronomy, geography, mathe-
matics, and medicine. Study of
these new subjects caused the
more critical minds In Korea
to search for new sources of Tokyo to discuss various items
Intellectual stimulation, as well of outstanding business. Ip
as political and economic re- the late spring and through-
organization. o u t s i d e the out the summer of 1881 there
framework of Chu Hsi Neo- W8S another Korean observa-
Confucian orthodoxy. tion mission, with 10 princi-

pal leaders and a total entour-
a g e of 60 persons, touring
Japan and gathering informa.
,,, . ... , . „ „ tion. Yi Tong-in assisted the

Work initialed. by 17th cm- fl , , - and s „ m e of
ury scholars bloomed m the Ki 0k _kvu„,s other uai„.

18th century as the pracliqal „ were numbered among

“t «*«*

school rose in Korea on the From a variety of sources,
base just outlined ar.d under and' over a period of perhaps
the influence of the more as much as four years, there-
realisllc "Han learning" or the lore, Kim Ok-kyun learned
"school of empirical research" much about the outside world
of the Ch'ing and was fostered as it existed in Meiji Japan,
by the desire of some scholars a country which was striding
to find better answers to the with giant steps Into the mod-
problems of the day than ern world. Kim's interest and
those provided bv the fossi- curiosity were greatly stimul.
lized doctrines of Chu Hsi. ated. and he determined to go
Kim Ok-kyun seems lo have “ 1 °°* h,™s(he

taken an inlerest in sirhak "ls long service
studies earlv in his career. At government censoring organs
least one of his inspirations Pl"» the close friendship of
was Pak Kyu-su. who was the ■'« influential persons- gave
grandson of one famous sirhak hlm comparatively ready ac
scholar and the student of 'essJ“ 'L

another. Pak made two trips the kings blessin-, therefore,
to China, one in 1861 and an. ‘"<1 accompanied by a small
other in 1872. and served the group of c ose associates, Kim
in a varietv of Ok-kyun 1 s i t Seoli in Feb-
1882 for his first visit

that it
sential
individui
of many
right to
ice servi
ites are
taining
vaev of p
Perhaps
ment of l.

In the lej
home is
What
the mind
individual
from the
own forv
bridges th.
people, tc
from the s'
that beset
haps a sm?
extremely
chase son
gree of is
tion, but ‘
it is an
Having c

Japanese Buddhist monk dual’s legal
Terada Fukuju, friend of (subject to
Korean Buddhist monk Yi balanced ai=
Tong-in, who assisted Kim the commui
Ok-kyun in Japan. ment), one

to Japan.

Atlantic Eddies
Affect Weather

government in a variety of
high posts Kim was a regular
caller at Pak's house, and a
teacher-student relationship
grew up between them.

Tnrough Pak. Kim appar-
ently met O Kyong-sok. who
served as chief interpreter on
Pale's 1872 mission to Peking.

O. in. fact, made no fewer
than six trips to China be-

tween 1886 and 1874 and be. [olmd , ltak between local
came a complete convert to weather and hu6c swirling
the cause of Western culture masses o[ co,d water thal
and civilization and a strong move southwcslward .the
advocate of opening Korea to At, y 0cMn o([ thc,easlern
the world. In 1876 O served seaboard

as chief Chinese language in- Tbe c0.d watar were

terpreter for the treaty nego- discavered vears ago and
nations With Japan on Kane- Dr Alan E strong a Nation-
hwa island. al Oceanic and Atmospheric

Another man whom Kim Administration INOAA) scien-
Ok-kyun met at about t h i s tist* said it mav take several
^ame time was Yu Tae.ch’i. years to see if the phenome-
Yu was a friend of O Kyong- na have a general effect on
sole who operated an herb coastal weather,
medicine shop in central Seoul But weather satellites have
and who had a deep interest $h0svn during the past f e w
in Buddhism, a subject which months that trade wind cumu.
Kim pursued with zeal 1 u s clouds a few thousand
throughout his life. Yu be- meters high disappear when
came an eager reader of the they move over these 160 km
books on Western subjects wide cold water masses,
which O secretly brought back
from Peking and a firm sup-

number of
w _ in a tele-
phone interview from Wash-
ington. "The 1 1/2 to 2 degree
difference in surface tempera-
ture in the cold water eddy
background of sir. compared with the water

LI VIII rctwilif auu d 111 111 »UU* , ; , ft, > j

porter of Korean motlerniza 'n'h„n> „

tion and reform. Kim liked
Yu and respected him as a
teacher.

From

Korea Herald Photo

RARE FAINTING — One of Kim Ok-kyun’s paintings of
orchids. This picture is in the possession ot Kim's grand-
daughter. Mrs. Kim Pill-han who is living in Seoul.

halt studies, therefore. Kim rounding it is apparently suf-
Ok-kyun became deeply in- ficient at times to dis ipate
volved with Pak Kyu-su. O low lying clouds."

Kyong-sok, and Yu Tae.ch'i,

all of whom are regarded by ANSWER TO TODAY’S PUZZLE
Korean historians as being
pioneers of the movement to
open Korea to the world and
to reform and modernize the
country on the Western pat-
tern.

Concurrent with the time
period 1877-1878 when he was
in mourning for his adoptive
mother and held no official
posts, Kim Ok-kvun's thinking
began to be influenced from
the direction of Japan rather
than China. Through his own

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wife of the Philippine ambassador, looks on

. . _ it

.ci.it-uiariiy run three
between Seoul and
umgok, 20km northeast of
e o u 1, Sunday for partici-
in the burial ceremony
Queen Yun at

Powerless To Resist rVU ^ b

Queen Yun Suffers Full Impact
Of Wreckings of Yi Dynasty

The following is the second
and concluding part of an arti-
cle dealing with the life of
Queen Yun and historical events
in the declining years of the YI
Dynasty (1392-1910).— Ed.

By HO-CHOL SHIN

King S u n j o n g was a
powerless king who lived
through the last troubled
years of t h e declining Yi
dynasty.

On July 19, 1907, the Jap-
anese forced the abdication
of King Kojong in connec-
tion with the secret dispatch
that year of three emissaries
to The Hague, and enthroned
his second son, Sunjong.

King Kojong had dispatch-
ed the emissaries to the Sec-
ond International Peace Con-
ference to appeal for re-
moval of Japanese oppres-
sion in the name of interna-
tional justice.

The conference, however,
refused their participation
on the ground that Korea
was the protectorate of Ja-
pan. The three emissaries
persistently lobbied to g e t
support from individual na-
tions and newsman. Jun Yi,
one of the emissaries, be-
c a m e ill and died at The
Hague. (Some have insisted
that he committed suicide by
disemboweling himself be-
fore the world delegates.)

Provoked and angered by
this news, the ' Japanese de-
throned King Kojong by
force.

Three years after King
Sunjong ascend ed the
throne, the Japanese forcibly
concluded t h e protectorate
treaty, under which Korea
Ultimately delivered over
her financial and diplomatic
affairs to Japan. This was
the end of the five-century-
old Yi Dynasty (1392-1910).

In th es e political situa-
tions, King Sunjong main
tained a neutral stand to re
main unhurt.

Dejected over the nation’s
fate, the king became some-
times absent-minded, especi-
ally when he met with for-
eigners, Hyo-yong Yi, the

YOUNG QUEEN — This is
an official photograph of
Queen Yun released at the
time of her marriage tb
King Sunjong when she
was 13 years old.

then protocol official, recall-
ed. '.U

The king, Yi said, fre-
quently lost himself in medi-
tation while in conversation
with foreigners and used to
interrupt h i s partners by
asking quite different ques-
tions from the subjects they
were discussing.

The king was often found
mumbling “All is my fault.”
This well reveals how he suf-
fered in the decline of t h e
dynasty.

Under the circumstances,
Queen Yun, then 18 years
old, could not enjoy a happy
life. The queen knew what
was going on, but was power-
less to do anything about it.

It has been rumored that
the queen one time served
lunch to her father, Taek-
yong Yun, with empty silver
dishes, when her father visit-
ed her palace. She apparent-
ly intended this as an ex-
planation in a roundabout
way of the gloomy side of
her palace life.

Her father, got heavily in
debt and ran away to China

to escape scores of debt col-
lectors. He h a d spent too
much money giving extrava-
gant receptions for as many
as 2,800 guests who came to
congratulate him on the mar-
riage of his eldest daughter
to King Sunjong.

In 1926, he came home to
attend the state funeral for
King Sunjong, but was
forced to go into exile again
to avoid his creditors. It was
the last time Queen Yun saw
her father.

The tragedies dogging the
declining royal family were
manifold.

In 1924, the Japanese took
to J a a n Princess Dokhae,
the only daughter of King
Kojong, and married her to
a Japanese nobleman.

The princess returned to
Korea from Japan in 1962
after a lapse of 88 years,
broken in spirit and health.
She is now under medical
care.

Earlier in 1907, the Japa-
nese had taken Crown
Prince Eun Yi to Japan as a
hostage. He was 10 years old
at the time.

The crown prince seemed
destined to tragedy when he
was born during the turmoil
of Korea’s persistent strug-
gle to remain independent
from Japan. The Japanese
colonialists thought it dan-
gerous to let the prince live
in Korea.

In 1920, one year after his
father died in Seoul, the
prince was marrited to a
member of the Japanese ro-
yal family, Princess Masako,
in Tokyo.

The crown prince had a
son, Ku Yi, who is married

to an American. The royal
family returned to Korea
from Japan in November,
1963.

The dramatic reunion be-
tween Queen Yun and the
royal family after a lapse of
56 years brought much de-
light to the late queen. Her
life truly encompassed a
panoramic view of the de-
cline of the Yi Dynasty.

two
orphan
of dire,
of Mona
Kennedy
Court j u c. .
Douglas.

The welfa.
established ij
in Seoul las'
nald Andern
sentative. i

VALENTINE B/
with (Mrs. Pedrt
ambassador to

The Korea H
sponsorship of a
eigners under if

1. Subjects

2. Deliver,
minutes.

3. Manusc
histor
appv
to L
The1 1
lin--

ea

4. An
the
aid.1
to

5. Th
(Sf

6. Fo

c.

7. A

' Vu

tio

'

PIONEER

The following is the third in
a series of articles portraiting
the lives of Korean pioneers in
various fields such as religion,
aviation, diplomacy, education,
and so on. — Ed.

After a deep s a 1 a m to
Presfdent Grover Cleveland
at the reception room in the
White House, a short Orient-
al envoy with a stony face
walked slowly toward the
president and handed h i m
his credentials from -King Ko-
iong of Tae Chosun.

It was on Jan. 18, 18 8 8
When Chung-yang P a k for-
mally took the post of the
ministership to t h e United
States, despite incessant at-
tempts of the Ching Empire
of China to obstruct Korea’s
independent diplomatic ap-
proach to the Western coun-
tries.

- J He was appointed to the
post in June, 1887, and his
nomination caused anxiety in
China. For China, used to re-
gard Korea as her vassal
state which had no power to
negotiate with foreign coun-
(tries without permission
from her.

The royal court of T a e
Chosun of Korea lodged a
strong protest with the Ching
government against China’s
reluctance to authorize the
dispatch of Korean envoys to
foreign countries and argued
that their appointment was
made in accordance with the
Korea-U.S. Amity Treaty of
1881. '

China, which played the
role of intermediary for the
success of the treaty as a
merns for reversing the pre-
dominant Japanese influence
in Korea through interven-
tion of the Western powers,
approved the Korean plan to
send its resident emissaries
to the United States.

But the Chinese approval
was based on three instruc-
tions:

1. Korean envoys in foreign
countries should first pay
courtesy calls at Chinese mis-
sions and later on to the
heads of receiving countries
together with the Chinese
mission chiefs.

2. Korean envoys abroad
should take seats next to
those of the Chinese delega-
tes in all official and formal
social gatherings and recep-
tions.

3. ' The Korean envoys
I should consultate with the

Korea’s First Envoy

Chinese ministers p r i o r to
negotiating with the ac-
credited countries on “mat-
ters of grave importance.”

This Chinese concession
was a big diplomatic gain for
the tiny kingdom of Tae Cho-
sun from the giant empire of
Ching which was then almost
desperate in her efforts to
retain her superiority over
weak neighboring countries,
also preventing the interven-
tions of the Western powers
in Asia.

Minister Pak, however, did
not faithfully followed the
three instructions given him
by Ching Empire.

He frequently met with the
high-ranking U.S. officials
without previous notification
to the Chinese legation and
he even conferred with them
on some “matters of grave
importance,” which the
Ching government had stern-
ly prohibited.

The Chinese minister re-
peatedly accused him of “dis-
obedience” to the instruc-
tions^ every time Pak failed
to act upon them and made
reports to the Ching govern-
ment on the misconduct of
the Korean envoy.

During his two-year stay in
the United States, Pak made
remarkable achievements in
enhancing Korea’s prestige
abroad.

Through his skilful nego-
tiations, he succeeded in ob-
taining a $2, 000, 000-loan from
a U.S. bank, but the contract
was cancelled later through
the interference of the Ching
government.

Pak sent home mining
equipment to develop Korea’s
fledgling secondary industry,
and helped various techni-
cians and engineers to en-
gage in Korean factories.

He and his aides in the Ko-
rean embassy were the focus
of attention and curiosity in
Washington society for their
unique costumes.

For many months every
time he went outside the
legation many men and wom-
en, young and old swarmed
around him with curious
eyes and took pictures of
him.

To our regret,' Pak was
relieved of his Washington
post in July, 1889. His' dis-
missal was inevitable because

Pak

of Ching’s persistent insist-
ence that -he should be
blamed for his failure to live
up to the three instructions,

On his way home he
stopped in Japan, where he
stayed for two months for
fear that he might be pun-
ished by the Chinese govern-
ment.

The Korean government
could not dispatch Pak’s suc-
cessor to Washington as the
Ching obstructed its every
effort for carrying out inde-
pendent diplomacy toward
foreign countries.

And no one wanted to as-
sume the ministership to the
United States which might
bring misfortune to his polit-
ical life.

Afterwards, Korea did notj
station resident envoys in
other countries with which it
maintained diplomatic rela-
tions except Japan until it
became Japan’s protectorate
in 1905.

Pak later became prime
minister in 1895. During his
short reign in power he en-
forced administrative re-
forms and tried to root out
corruption among the civil
servants.

“Honest and incorruptible
by nature, Pak himself was
always poor and he did not
dress their children in silks,”
reminisces Mrs. Yong - ae
Kim, daughter-in-law^ of the
first Korean minister to the
United States.

Pak died in 1905. the very
year Korea lost her sover-
eign Dower for diplomatic ■
negotiations with foreisn
countries for which he de-
voted his career even at the
risk of his own life.

ion.”
gers

■approaches,
100 — small by
lards — is cros-
© fingers and
rst Christmas
. Leaves were
g elements in
1, as well as

;hs, OEP has
>mmunications
;y to pinpoint-
, knowing im-
>eopIe o-r sup-
ple, or where
factors which
difference be-
©ath.

nes have been
:t contact. On-
tion can be
: patrol head-
per telegraph
r points, then
y for the pre-

r after the re-
ar blackout on
>ard, Ellington
>rm the presi-
spot had been
Niagara Pails,
by the power
1, the fact was
later in a Fe-
imission report.

strikes, federal
ites on emer-
temporary re-
ssential public
mporary hous-
cy shelter, ra-
relief to indivi-

nember of the
y Council and
cabinet meet-
ns would be
f a nuclear at-
peacstime he
r the nation’s
.egic materials
g as the presi-
consrultant.”

tne coui:

Observers

most delicate - —e cur-

tent Sino-Pakistani friendshop
pertains to the steady influx
of Chinese officials into
Pakistan.

fie art-felt applause to ^,±r
rvulier!

Sincerely yours,

Buck H. W. Solinmag
Songdong-gu, Seoul

..lie,

u *,tcice.i, and Let us •. > —ire -i-g
longo .or unity and unification others to walk by, t j.oi,
for good. If the modem scien- 3-fter us.
ce of medicine can put a • ® *

broken, severed arm back Miss Yun is working a ‘2
where it was, so it can be Seoul YWCA.

Around the World in 16th Century

Korea Fascinates Early Globe-Trotter

MY VOYAGE ABOUND
THE WOULD by Francesco
Carletti. Translated by Her-
bert Weinstock. Random
House, New York 1964; Me-
thuen, London, 1965. UK price
30s. 270pp.

Reviewed by Richard Ruth

Francesco Carletti wrote his
Ragionamenti del mio viaggio
inforno a 1 mondo in the early
part of the seventeenth cen-
tury. They are well known by
name to perusers of Korean
Bibliographies because , they
contain some of the earliest
western language references to
Korea. Bishop Trollope trans-
lated the relevant sections in a
version that was published post-
humously in Japan in 1932; now
here is an American transla-
tion of the oldest manuscript of
the whole v, ;rk.

Carletti left Florence in 1594,
when he was 21 years old, with
his father on what they intend-
ed as a fairly routine slave-
trading expedition to the West
Indies. It was, however, strictly
illegal, because the Florentine
Carletti was masquerading as
a Spaniard. The voyage turned
into an eight-year trip that went
all the way round the world.
He made good profit on his
ventures, and was nearng Eu-
rope again in 1602 when the
Portuguese vessel in which he
was travelling became involved
in a skirmish with Dutch ships
off St. Helena. Ca.rletti landed
up in the Netherlands, where
he spent four years in litigation

Oman’s World

Agnail

, France
ascension Frio,
isly saved from
ise by firemen
y grateful to
but I must add
been a steady-
miracles,” she
/as a passeng-
amed Titanic
1912. “As you
go down with
toded. “So I

could not go up with these
flames either.”

1% If W@rffe

BONN, Germany (WNS) —
The man or woman who wants
to live to a ripe old age should
find a legal mate. Such is the
conclusion of the latest govern-
ment statistics published in
West Germany. They indicate
that widowed women and di-
vorced men die at earlier ages
than those who are married
and living with their spouses. ■*

trying to regain his confiscated
merchandise. When he arrived
back in Florence in 1606 he was
barely better off than when he
had left. His father had died
in Macao.

The B.agionamenti purport to
be a verbal report of his travels
made to the Grand Duke.' of
Tuscany, Ferdinando de’ Medi-
ci. Most of it describes what he
himself saw -and did, free from
miracle stories and strange
wonders, but packed with in-
formation about methods of
travel and trade, with accurate
details about pricing of goods
and methods of payment. At
one point he offers tips about
timetables for anyone who
might consider making a simil-
a.r voyage, hut it is clear that
the legal difficulties of interna-
tional travel were no less daunt-
ing in the sixteenth , century
than they are in the twentieth.
He constantly had trouble with
his papers, especially his licen-
ces for slave-hunting.

Curious Information

Curious information abounds:
details of the roasted bananas
drenched in white wine which
hg ate in Panama, and the. nak-
ed Negro slaves used as dining
room candelabra by the Portu-
guese in the Cap Verde Islands;
larcana of the cochineal trade,
and shrewd comments on the
Chinese attitude to gold (they,
treated it as a form of mer-
chandise and not as a standard
for values; it rose or fell in price
with the season and the situa-
tion) . In Mexico he took to co-
coa but not to tobacco, and in
the Orient he failed to appre-
ciate tea. He found the Japa-
nese cult of tea-bowls beyond
comprehension. (He was not
the last to do so). His calendar
was upset because the interna-
tional date line had not been
fixed.

Almost everywhere he dis-
covered exotic erotica which he
reported with coy lubricity. Ja-
pan disgusted him as the home
of all venery; Goa offered him
delights that included a royal
aphrodisiac compounded of
crushed almonds, sugar, amber,
musk, pulverized pearls, rose-
water and egg yolks. In the
Philippines and Burma he found
surgical practices which he
calls “diabolic” but describes
with resulted fascination.

The translator of such a book
can have a field day with' foot-
notes. The only thing wrong/
with this edition, which is
charmingly designed and most
pleasingly printed, is that-the
annotations are sketchy. TThe
translator is obviously happier
with Italian than with Chinese,
and leaves many obscure Orien-
tal words without annotation.
In one quite unbelievable foot-
note he suggests that Liukiul
Islands may be a name for For-
mosa. H'e identifies many fruits,
and plants by their botanical
names, but passes over the per-
simmon, which Carletti calls “a
citrus,” entirely. He takes the
trouble to tell us that the
ananas or ptoa (described gra-
phically by Ca.rletti) is the pine-
apple, but does not recognize
that Chinese musk comes from
deer. In fact this is the sort of
book where a reviewer can also
have a field day with the foot-
notes.

Carletti Was a Christian, a
Catholic. He had a niggling con-
science about his slaves, but
his ill-instructed theology led
him to believe that they had no
souls till they had been baptiz-
ed. He knew well how to make
use of the missionaries he met,
and shrewdly comments on the
high cost of the Jesuit missions
in Japan, having enquired into
their budgetting during his stay
at Macao. Of one eager-beaver
Capuchin friar who made ta
spectacular and would-be heroic
attempt to become the Apostle
of the Ladrone Islands he tells
wry anecdotes. He can recall “a
most comfortable, pleasant, and
delectable Lent” in Lima with
the same matter-of-factness
that he describes the “solemni-
ty” he kept during Lent 1602,
when he was imprisoned in a
Dutch ship with wretched food.
He gives due credit to the Japa-
nese martyrs, but sees no rea-
son to slur over the embroil-
ments of missionaries in trad-
ing and politics. He was devout
as most ordinary church-going
Christians are devout today in
many denominations: it is an
all too human form of religion.

Bought 5 Koreans

He did not reach Korea, but
he heard much about it in Ja-
pan. His picture of Japan is
brutal and realistic. It was the
time of Hideyoshi and his in-
vasions. It would be surorising.

how sympathetic he is to Korea
did we not know that he bought
five Koreans very cheaply from
among Hideyoshi’s prisoners of
war. On© of them he managed
to take tall the way home to
Italy, duly baptized. This man 1
lived on in Rome as Antonio ]
Corea. The story of Antonio
and his journeyings to the centre
of the European High Renais-
sance seems to ache for a no-
velist’s treatment.

One episode Carletti relates-
When the Dutch ship had beat-
en the Portuguese ship into sub-
mission near St. Helena, the
Partuguese were given the
chance to save their lives by
swimming to a Dutch boat and
boarding it, but the Dutch sail-
ors refused to take aboard any
Portuguese who was not carry-
ing jewels or, gold. The men
who had no valuables were
fended off with swords and left
to drown. The Korean had no
jewels, but he hung round his
neck two religious trinkets
made of copper by Japanese
artists. The cupidinous Dutch-
men fell for the ruse and An-
tonio was allowed to board the
lifeboat.

Of Korea itself Carletti learn-
ed very little, though he thought
the Chinese called it Fowshem.
(Our translator gives no foot-
note, but other misspellings of
Oriental words in the book sug-
gest that it is a corruption of
Chiao-hsien) and he lists the
eight provinces of Kierrkwi,
Ccnluan, Honhei, Chiuala,
Hientsion, Tionchion, Hankien,
and Pian-kin. Possibly he got
this list from Antonio. It is
weird, because some of the
names seem to have a Chinese
pronunciation, some a Japa-
nese, and some a Korean. He
calls Seoul Chosen. He does not
describe han-gul, though he
talks at length of the Japanese
syllabary and gives many ex-
amples of Chinese logo graphs
and says that the Koreans us-
ed them too. He was not sure
whether Korea was an island
or peninsula. It would seem
that Antonio must have been
taken prisoner at a very early
age or else have been poorly
educated.

So for the Koreanist Carletti
is a minor source, though a
quaint one; but for general
reading and a plain picture of
a great period he is s. ®ost
beguiling author.

Campaigning Pace Quickens \Cxu<

Opposition Split Points to DRP V ictory

f By JUNG-SUP BAE

Whenever a New Year
dawns, everybody prays that
something he longs for in
Ibis heart will be fulfilled
during the year. But this
year, politicians would have
heard the bells ringing in
the New Year of 1967 with
particularly poignant emo-
tions.

For there will be the gen-
eral elections, including the
presidential election, this
year. With the elections only
four months away, a torrent
of election campaigning has
begun to flood the country.

Despite all the fuss and
noise accompanying the cam-
paigns, however, all indica-
tions are that the elections
will not bring much change
to the nation’s political
scene.

Political experts, basing
their estimates on various
indications, predicted that
President Chung Hee Park
will be returned to office by
the election and that the
(ruling Democratic Republi-
can Party (DRP) will retain
a substantial majority in the
National Assembly.

The ruling party, which
has completed by the end of
this year its preelection
checking of 131 district
chapters and other field or-
ganizations, is confident that
it will win the presidential
election in a great landslide.

It is on the DRP schedule
that the party will nominate
President Chung Hee Park
as its presidential candidate
in a national convention late
this month or early February
and then will start barn-
storming the country in mid-
February.

President Park is not like-
ly to participate in the barn-
storming tours at the begin-
ning. The first stage of na-
tionwide canvassing will be
made mainly .by DRP Chair-
man Rep. Jong-pil Kim and
other party leaders sur-
rounding President Park.

The ruling party aims not
simply to win the presiden-
tial election but to secure
the biggest mandate for
President Park by winning
the election by an over-
whelming margin.

DRP leaders have un-
happy reminiscences of the
previous election of 1963 in
which President Park scor-
ed a victory over opposition
candidate Po-sun Yun by a
needle-thin margin.

In the presidential election
held Oct. 15, 1963, the vote
was:

Chung Hee Park (DRP)

4,702,640 42.6%

Po-sun Yun (Minjong)

4,546,614 41.2
Jae-yong Oh (Chupung)

406,660 3.7

Yong-tae Pyun (Chongmin)
224,443 2.1

I-uk Chang (Sinhung)

198,837 1.7

Invalid 954,977 8.7

If the opposition parties
had succeeded in forming a
united front against Park,
the latter would have been
defeated by Yun.

The result of the election
led the opposition parties to
move for a grand union and
they actually succeeded in
uniting themselves when the
Minjung Party was inaugu-
rated in June, 1985.

But the honeymooning of
opposition politicians did
not last long because the so-
called hard-line members led
by Po-sun Yun bolted the
Minjung Party over differ-
ences concerning the ratifi-
cation of the ROK-Japan
amity treaty in August, 1965,
and then established their
own Sinhan Party in March
last year.

Another political leader
Min-ho Suh who also quit
the Minjung Party together
with Yun’s group, formed a
progressive party named the
Democratic Socialist Party
(DSP) advocating as its plat-
form “a middle road be-
tween capitalism and com-
munism.”

The three opposition
parties — Minjung, Sinhan
and DSP — have already
nominated their own presi-
dential candidates and are
now competing with one an-
other.

The political experts who
view the reelection of Presi-
dent Park as ‘‘taken for
granted,” base their esti-
mates mainly on this mul-
tiplication of opposition par-
ties and the opposition ten-
dency toward division just
as in the previous election.

In addition, it is admitted
that President Park and his
Democratic Republican Par-
ty (DRP) have secured a
stable supporting population
since taking office three
years ago.

President Park and his
government have succeeded
in overcoming various politi-
cal crises and at last stab-
ilizing the nation’s politics
.and have accomplished ®n
annual economic growth rate
of 8.1 per cent through ener-
getic implementation of the
first five-year economic de-
velopment plan.

President Park also merits
praise for his success in con-
siderably enhancing the in-

m

GENERAL ELECTIONS — Young and
wait in an orderly queue their turn to e.
right to vote in the National Assembly ele
Nov. 26, 1963. The people will elect a pr
lawmakers in April and May this year.

ternational status of the
country through his over-
seas travels, the establish-
ment of normal relations
with Japan and the deploy-
ment of Korean troops to
the Republic of Vifctnam.

As Dr. Chin-o Yu, presi-
dential candidate of the Min-
jung Party, admitted in an
interview with The Korea
Herald the other day, no-
body can deny that Presi-
dent Park has done “con-
siderably” for the develop-
ment and modernization of
the country during his last
three-year tenure.

The hottest political is-
sues of President Park’s ad-
ministration were the con-
clusion of the ROK-Japan
rapprochement treaty, the
dispatch of troops to Viet-
nam and the preferential
treatment of Large business
firms.

It is apparent that these
issues will also become elec-
tion issues this year but it
is doubtful how much they
will appeal to the people.

The doubt comes partly
from the fact that the Min-
jung Party, strongest of the
opposition groups, is taking
a “dubious attitude” toward
the questions: at first, the
party severely attacked the
government in regard to
them but now it acknowl-
edges them as accomplished
facts, only warning against
possible adverse by-products
of them.

fore, challenges to
Presiumt Park are likely to
come from other issues,
probably what the opposi-
tion panties denounce as
unprecedentedly widespread
corruption and irregularities
involving the ruling power,
the decline of medium in-

dustries and th
of farmers.

Dr. Yu, Min
tial nominee,
storming in j
after his com
a bid for the
average people
that his party
“the mass econ
balanced devel-
well being of
He charged
the present gov#
ruption and ,
have 'been ag;
breadth and depL
become organized.

Sinhan presides
inee Yun, with .•
tone, also attack
eminent on t h
corruption and 1
ic deprivation oJ
Meanwhile, 1
Democratic Sol
is expected to
fore the unific
country as a to.
sue.

President Park
his biggest chalk
when the opposite
succeed in forming
front to oppose lb
election.

At present, ho
indications are
prospect for the
very dim despitt
forts by the sc-
mission for pu
single opposite
tial candidate
Political
that the ir
of the opr
year is
DRP a'
eleotir
tial c;

The

rathe

con<

THE KOREA HERALD, THURSD

n y

First Hoisted in 1882 N/ i6wc Ik ■\sXl - (VtV , I % ({{>!>

Briquette Stoves l

f

English Captain Aids Koreans To Design Flag

By KAP-SON Y1M

It is a well known fact that
the present Korean flag, Tae-
gukki, was designed at the
end of the
dynasty
1910). But nu-
merous

sions have
taken place
among
scholars as
who made t h
original f 1 a
and when it Dr. Lee
was raised for the first time,
that is, until the research pa-
per of Dr. Sun-keun Lee was
made public.

The present Taegukki with
the Taeguk (Great Ploarity)
in the center and four Kweh
(Divine Diagram) around the
Taeguk, was formally adopt-
ed as the emblem represent-
ing the Republic of Korea on
March 25, 1949, four years af-
ter the liberation from the
Japanese.

Dr. Lee, a leading historian
of Korean culture and for-
mer president of the Song-
gyungwan University asserts
in his research paper that
the design of the Taegukki
was finally agreed upon in
August, 1882, by a Korean
mission on its way to Japan,
and the brand new flag was
raised on Aug. 14, 1882, for
the first time over the Nishi-
mura Hotel in Japan where
the mission stayed.

At King Kojong’s order,
the use of t h e flag within
and without the country was
made known to the public on
Jan. 27, 1883, Dr. Lee says.

On July 17, 1882, according
to the lunar calendar, Korea
had to sign the Chemulpo
Treaty with Japan because
of t h e Imo military revolt
which began in June. In, the
revolt, Korean soldiers at-
tacked the Japanese Lega-
tion, injuring and killing 10
Japanese and burned the
legation building to the
ground.

The then Japanese Minis-
ter to Korea, Hanabusa, said
that besides the singing of
the treaty, a Korean mission
should be sent to Japan to
apologize for the military re-
volt.

On Aug. 9, the Korean mis-
sion headed by Yong-hyo Pak
(1861—1943) left the port of
Inchon for Japan. The mis-
sion w a s composed of 13
members, most of whom
were positive reformists and

later played leading roles in
the reform movement of the
country.

In prsenting the momoires
of Yong-hyo Pak, Dr. Lee ex-
plains that the mission travel-
1 e d on hoard a steamship,
S. S. Meiji-Maru, which be-
longed to the Industrial De-
partment of Japan, but whose
captain was an Englishman
named James.

At that time, Japan had
bought steamships from west-
ern countries. Although the
names of the ships were
changed to Japanese, in most
cases captains from western
countries were still employed
by their new owners. Because
the skill of the Japanese re-
garding steamships left much
to be desired, Dr. Lee re-
marks.

Also on board the S. S.
Meiji-Maru with the Korean
mission was the Japanese
Minister to Korea, Hanabu-
sa, and British Minister to
Korea, Aston.

During t h e trip, Captain
James suggested to the head
of the mission, Pak, that if
the mission had the Korean
national flag, he would raise
it over the ship. But the mis-
sion did not have a flag and
discussed ways and means
for designing one immediate-
ly.

According to Pak’s mem-
oires, Dr. Lee explains, the
delegation had apparently
discussed this problem be-
fore their departure and had
taken with them the basic de-
sign of t h e Taeguk (Great
Polarity) with eight Kweh
(Divine Diagrams). They had
also been empowered to
change the design if necessa-
ry by t h e government, Dr.
Lee says.

At first, they intended to
ask for opinions from the
British Minister, Aston, but
they decided to accept the
comments of Captain James
who had seen many national
flags from his long experi-
ence of travelling.

On seeing the Taeguk with
eight Kweh (Divine Dia-
grams) Captain James com-
mended that the eight divine
diagrams around the Taeguk
could not 'be distinguished
distinctly from distance and
could not be copied easily by
foreigners.

Following the captain’s ad-
vice, the delegation drew
three kinds of designs of the
Korean national flag, Tae-
gukki varying in size. The

newly-drawn flag h a d the
Taeguk in the center and
four Kweh (Divine Diagrams)
in the four corners of the
white square field.

On their arrival at Kobe,
Japan, on Aug. 9, 1882, they
raised the Taegukki for the
first time over the Nishimura
Hotel.

They also allowed the rep-
resentatives of the United
Kingdom, the United States,
Germany, and Japan copy
their new flag.

On Aug. 22 of the same
year, before the mission
started for Tokyo, Pak, head
of the mission, sent official
letters to the Korean govern-
ment together with a copy of
the newly-designed Taeguk-
ki. In his letters he explained
fully, not only the process of
making the Taegukki, but al-
so emphasized the necessity
of a national flag for a sover-
eign state.

Pak also said, “When amity
treaties are signed and dele-
gation teams are dispatched,
it is necessary for t h e m to
have their own national flags
with them. It is so because
when the ships of various
delegations meet in a port,
courtesy requires they greet
one another by raising their
national flags. Also when
ministers of many countries
gather in a certain place, the
back of seats for them are
shown with their national
flags.”

In another letter to King
Kojong, Pak also explained,
“Since you had allowed us to
determine our national flag,
we made three types of
flags varying in size, send-
ing the smallest one to you.”

After they arrived at To-
kyo, on Oct. 3 of that year,
they invited representatives
of various foreign countries
to celebrate the Korean
Queen’s birthday. For the re-
ception, they decorated the
hall with th Taeguk flags and
back of the seats of the rep-
resentatives were shown with
the national flags of the
quests.

On Jan. 27, of the next
year, the Korean government
proclaimed the cause and
purpose of the national flag
and ordered the nation to use
the flag thereafter.

Thus, the Korean national
flag was first designed and
was the Korean national sym-
bol until 1910,_when Korea
was forcibly annexed to Ja-
pan.

Deadly >

By JANG-SOK CHOE

When the Old Man Wintei
marches in, he not only
brings with him bitter cole7
but entails or causes, directh
and indirectly, among man}
other things, the poisoning
of many human beings b>
deadly anthracite briquette
gas.

Losing lives by the gas is
a routine, matter-of-fact oc-
currence each year, but there
seems to be no decisive
“killer” of the gas itself.

So far this year in Seoul
alone, about 500 persons suf-
fered fro m anthracite gas
poisoning, of which more
than 80 lost their lives, ac
cording to police statistics
The figure could go up i
anthracite gas victims of tht
entire nation are taken intc
account.

According to the statistics
63 per cent were poisoned bj
gas leaking into rooms
through cracks on the edge
of ondol rooms, 20 per cent
by gas penetrating from fuel
holes, 10 per cent by gas from
low chimneys, 7 per cent by
gas leaking from stoves.

The anthracite briquette is
the major fuel of the Korean
homes these days, not only
of the urban homes, but of
a considerable number of ,
rural homes as well.

Relatively low priced (8.50 |
won for a 19-hole briquette)
and easy to handle, the an-
thracite briquette has long
become an inevitable fuel to
heat Korean homes. Other
types of briquettes besides
the 19-hole briquette are 31-
hole, 49 - hole, and 81 - hole
briquettes.

However, the gas emitting
from a burning anthracite ,
briquette is fatally deadly,
when one is over exposed to
it, and there still is no scien-
tific or chemical means
known to free the burning
briquette from the gas whose
chemical symbol is CO, or
carbon monoxide.

Study and experiments are
being conducted at such pub-
lic institutes as the National
Industrial Research Institute
and the Research Center of
the Dai Han Coal Corp. No
concrete results have been
made yet by them, however.

According to the research-
ers, one of the ways to get
rid off CO gas is to burn the
deadly gas completely. It is
combustible under intense

Winning for Animal Means Escape

Gam # ^ *

-vr-sr y *

'TThh >

the

ma-

in

y the
nd the
as ma-

nditions
ence on
.pulation

ist push
,ier agri-
jerit con-
ji resour-
groesly un-
image as
I the cur-

i

my

celebrates
been car-
ical support
i of securi-
rsonnel, es-
e.

the shooting
Lrmy is gen-
marked im-
peration and

pply discipline
rious training
worthwhile pro-
jf local citizens,
night campaigns,
orphanages, roads

dicy of SROKA, en-
neral, Lt. Gen. Park
id, good will and
>opulace.

nued success in achiev-
that it may always ful-
duties to safeguard the
ne nation.

very vital time
major issues affecting cue
Western world are being
thrashed out with France,
at De Gaulle’s behest, playing

—ion

peci. k. is closely with

Moscow which has adopted a
policy of militant opposition tq
any West German nuclear role.

Crusading Journalism- - (4)

Reformist Papers

The following is the fourth
part of a series of articles on
the reform movement in the
Korean press. — ED.

By James Wade

The inevitable end of the In-
dependent came when the pa-
per reported rumors of an im-
pending forced sale of the
southern port of Masan to Rus-
sia. This added another empire
to the list of So’s opponents.
It is said that the Russian am-
bassador to the United States
approached President Theodore
Roosevelt directly to exert pres-
sure for the recall of So. The
fiery Korean editor’s govern-
ment subsidy was cut off and
his position in Seoul became un-
tenable. In 1898 he left Korea
to practice medicine in Phi-
ladelphia, returning only once
for a visit to Korea in the
late 1940’s, shortly before his
death.

The two pioneering papers
so far discussed may be con-
sidered to embody the Young
Progressives movement. With
the stimulus of The Indepen-
dent which, though largely sus-
pended with the departure of
So, continued in an English
edition under the missionary
Henry Appenzeller until 1899,
many additional papers sprang
up. These may be regarded as
belonging to the period of Ja-
panese encroachment, and we
will examine here only three
of the more important jour-
nals.

'Royal City Daily’

The Hwangsong Shinmun, or
Royal City Daily, was found-
ed in 1897 by Chang Chi-yon.
It consisted cf four pages and
was issued twice weekly, be-
coming a daily in 1898. This
was perhaps the most influ-
ential among a number of
early papers having a Pro-
testant Christian orientation.
These included the Korean
Christian Review (Chosun
Hoibo) of Henry Appenzeller,
the Christian Messenger
(Christ Shinmun) of H.G. Un-
derwood, and even the Taehan
Shinbo of a Japanese Chris-
tian missionary society.

The Hwangsong Shinmun had

a rather literary tone, as
most cf its writers were scho-
lars of classical Chinese. Its
policy embraced the advocacy
of Westernization, and expo-
sure of the stealthy extension
of Japanese influence, exem-
plified by this report from an
early issue: -‘‘Of late, Japan-
ese merchants in Chingcgae,'
in dealing with Koreans, in-
stead of referring disputes to
the law courts when such
arise between them, which is
fair and honest, beat them up
with force, and take them to
their own police station, where
the Koreans are imprisoned
for weeks and are most griev-
ously handled, according to re-
ports. This kind of barbarity
is neither good for the friend-
ship between the two countries,
nor becoming to a country that
has awakened earlier than
curs. The practice is mos't re-
grettable, and we urge the au-
thorities concerned to act al-
ways according to the laws of
the nation.” ■

Dramatic Demise

The paper had a rather dra-
matic demise. In 1904, when
the Protectorate Treaty of
Japan over Korea was signed,
Hwangscng Shinmun publish-
ed a front-page editorial en-
titled: “This Day We Weep.”
In order to escape Japanese
censorship, which had already
been instituted earlier that
year under the pretext of mi-
litary security during the Rus-
so-Japanese War, the paper
was distributed very early on
the morning of November 21.
It reached its readers, but
Publisher Chang was. arrested
and the Hwangsong Shinmun
disappeared forever from pub-
lic view.

It was not until 1907 that
the Japanese forced the pro-
mulgation of newspaper regu-
lations justifying the de facto
censorship that had been go-
ing on for three years. Their
sensitivity to the influence of
the Korean press is explained
by these remarks by a Ja-
panese commentator: ‘‘The

people considered the newspa-
per as a kind of protest
against the ruler. The small

_ .i-t c is ions are ex-
._d to come from the Couve-
Gromyko talks but there is little
doubt that it will signify th£
steady "rapprochement” of
France and the Soviet Union.

Spread

papers spread throughout coun-
try, not only in the capital
but in its adjacent areas. Af-
ter a subscriber read them,
he sent them to his neighbors
in the village, and sometimes
one copy had 200 readers. At
that time, people did not have
adequate economic means, and
transportation facilities for
distant localities were lack-
ing.”

The second influential paper
of this era was the Maeil
Shinmun, which first appeared
in 1898. It was published under
several names, which has led
some commentators to ascribe
to -it a much shorter life span
than was actually the case.
Net counting numerous sus-
pensions and deletions, it ap-
peared under various headings
until the final press blackout
• in 1910.

Rheevision of History

The Maeil Shinmun was al-
ways closely associated with
the pioneering Paijai Mission
School, and certainly the young
Syngman Rhee had much to
do with the paper in its early
days. However, it seems an
exaggeration on the part of
Rhee’s biographer Richard S.
Allen when he writes: “Rhee

with other students bought a
press and began his cwn news-
paper in 1898 (sic).” It is true,
however, that Rhee wrote
many of the early editorials
in this a!l-hangul publication.
After his arrest in 1898, it is
said that he continued to smug-
gle articles from jail which
were published anonymously
in Maeil, Shinmun; and that
these gained the sympathy of
Lady Um, consort to the king,
who learned the identity of
the author and was instrumen-
tal in gaining him lenient
treatment in prison.

When Korea signed a treaty
with Japan in 1904 giving the
latter the right to advise on
political administration, as a
preliminary to the actual Pro-
tectorate Treaty late next
year, the Maeil Shinmun pro-
tested forthrightly: “The right
to advise is’, after all, the first
step of aggression.”

(To Be Continued)

Dean
well T.
Vietnam «.
tried to pi
convention ,hi
in, given sea
sence ackno
chair.

According t
bet, only 32
tered the hall
arrd then tin
“fizzled out.”

Subsequently
passed a res
ing “actions
would attemp
lawless demor
ge our nationa
foreign policies

The resolut
growth of “su
ce of various <
tiens at colleg
ties.”

Quirks in

Hsrd

CLEVELANI
Automation — tfc
best friend? -T
the ironworke
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tion. .

He returned
cently and as!
counting. It r
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couldn’t figu
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LET

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Life

Dear Sir:

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Dr. Chu
miseratii
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V"

-mce
7 or

of ca-
?ven if

on the
ngement.
o market
lies idle.

because

develop-

its busi-
.agement.
is of pre-
competi-
us incen-
workers.
kers for

e vicious
>grams of
lur reali-

fits

s, on the other
arred with al-
ndals that they
i or entertain-
subject • govern-
ed organs.

"cime, the ruling
used most of
in the ~reorga-
pertinent con-
fers, showing
n the current
orobe.

■ days are left
n, the patlia-
-> as well as
officials are
eir sincerity
'ork so that
y, may be
the satis-
jple. — The

a-.oicxaS in lx*,-

make it clear that L>e as.sia witn

has no intention of attacking and the United States each l-v.

the alliance.

This reasoning is subject to
qualification, however, since he
is assaulting the military means
to preserve the alliance and all

ing the guarantor of neutrality.

In Europe, De Gaulle first
tried! to woo West Germany
into the French camp with a
cooperation treaty. This has all

sees , i.

anyone else, luu.
Paternalism fostered b>
tective and helpful attitude
ter World Wax II.

Crusading Journalism- - (5)

Briton Sparks Spunky Paper

The following is the fifth
part of a series of articles on
the reform movement in the
Korean press. — ED.

By James Wade

It was in this period that
the long history of persecution
of misprints began. "When a
paper called Cheguk Shinmun
attempted to print the phrase
“mansei,” or long life to the
king, it came out “mangsei,”
or perdition. The president of
the paper was arrested.

The case of the Taehan Mae-
i! Shinmun, established! in 1965,
shows certain parallels with
that of The Independent of the
preceding decade. Both papers
escaped censorship and fend-
ed off persecution diue to the
fact that their proprietors
were foreign nationals; both
became so influential and dan-
gerous to the Japanese over-
lords that elaborate efforts
were made to get them out
of the way. And in both cases,
unfortunately, such efforts
were at last successful.

The Taehan Maeil Shinfoo
was registered under the name
of Ernest J. Bethel, a British
■Journalist in Seoul who had
become sympathetic to the
cause of Korean independence.
Yang Ki-tak was 'its Korean
editor. The paper first appear-
ed in mixed Chinese and han-
gul; but its phenomenal suc-
cess, reaching a record peak
circulation of 16,000, permit-
ted the establishment of se-
parate all-hangul and English
editions. These papers stood
at the ‘ forefront of the anti-
Japanese movement, setting
the pace for their contempo-
raries which, however, did not
dare to go to the lengths per-
missible for the foreign-regis-
tered Taehan Maeil Sliinbo.

jh/\JL£^ - /v .

“So keen, vigorous, and in-
fluential was this daily in voic-
ing Korean protest against
Japanese domination that the
Japanese governor-general,”
Hirobumi Ito, stated:

“The power o-f newspapers
in Korea is extraordinary. One
sentence by them moves the
Koreans more effectively than
a hundred words of Ito. Be-
sides, a foreigner is publishing
the Taehan. Maeil Shimbo and
continually agitating the Ko-
reans by exposing various
proven instances of Japanese
mis-government, . for which the
resident-general must be res-
ponsible. ...”

The paper was, of course,
harassed in every possible
way by the police, and Bethel
once put a sign on the door
stating: “No Japanese Al-

lowed.”

But, inevitably, the hand-
writing was on the wall. "No
matter how tenaciously Ko-
rea’s patriots and friends
might struggle on her behalf,
it appears in retrospect that
the political situation had long
been hopeless. Mr. Lew Chi-
ha, in his perceptive thesis
on the Korean press, suggests
that the crucial period in Ko-
rea’s political history during
this era fell roughly between
the years 1888-1898, when
there was not a single news-
paper in the entire country
to inform, guide, and rally
progressive, patriotic opinion.

Thus the press revival from
1896 to 1905, vigorous and even
heroic though it seems, was
foredoomed to failure. The cru-
cial events were occurring
outside the country, where Ja-
panese military and diploma-
tic successes, climaxed per-
haps by the Portsmouth Peace
| Conference, were winning gra-
dual acquiescence from the
jGreat Powers in accepting; the,

V:-

ed .-

nan.

Wes"

pres

Vie

island empire’s broadened gre
sphere of influence, including ec]
hegemony over Korea. tb

Assured of support— or indif- tic
ference — abroad, the Japanese no-
met began to close around W
Ernest Bethel and the crusad- V
ing Taehan Maeil Shinbo. On nT
April 17, 1908, the paper fea- '£
tured a story of the assassina-
tion in San Francisco of the
vacationing American advisor ii
to the Japanese resident-gen-
eral by Korean patriots. Bethel J
was accused of disturbing or- !i
der and inciting unrest with
a view to encouraging hostili-
ties between the Korean gov-
ernment and people, on the
basis of this and two other
articles.

The complaint was lodged 5
with the British legation, 1
which invited a judge from
Shanghai to come to Seoul to
conduct formal . appelate court
proceedings, held in the Bri-
tish consulate in Chong-dong,
Seoul, on June 15, 1908. Bethel
was found guilty and sentenc-
ed to a three week jail term,
which he served in Shanghai/

After his imprisonment, the
determined Briton returned
to Seoul, stating: “My fight for
Korea is heaven-ordained. I
will work, regardless of my
personal safety.”

However, perhaps in part
due to the great pressures un-
der which he had been plac-
ed, Bethel was by now drink-
ing excessively, and fell ill in
early February, 1909. He died
of complications on May 1, at
the age of 38. Quite appro-
priately, Korean press circles
last year set up a monument
to mark the grave of this
doughty fighter for Korean in-
dependence in the Seoul For-
eign Cemetery'.

(To Be Continued)

■

i

By

•-V

TOKYO
leadership
politico-re
never "coi
ing heads
When :
— is ne<
fets, the
each of
which '
oath
contr:
pend
No
Th'-
i-
Sok
tidy
(aboi
const

:r, M.D.

irsry

->£r. Wade
st enjoy-
bit ghou-
,tefully. I
same for
by Capt.
'teresting-
the story
ice cover-
that his
lid have
a medi-

read. The
breakfast,
escriptions
v, and the
ne had a
-e effect on
.orning. In
back the
the AMA
True Detec-
ifast table.

iy,

J. J. Stone

quol
ing th^
expected
again-. We i.
fingers crossed.”

.ep

‘■y-
. be
once
our

-er -was
close of the
-- given a special
.e . „ich he had not earn-
It is true that the lad had
performed creditably and had
gained the admiration of all,
not only for his speaking abili-
ty and choice of subject, but
also because he had not allow-
ed a physical . handicap to limit
the normal range of his activi-

Pr.

say, “Ke._
ready mar..
to Korea, and some
be recognized.”

* * *

The writer is the wife c_
the director of the Amputee
Rehabilitation Center at
Yonsei Medical Center.

Crusading Journalism-- (6)

Press Suffers Under Japan

room.

egume.

5th anniversary.

merely yours,
ther Quiery

\

The following is the sixth
part of a series of articles on
the reform movement in the
Korean press. — ED.

By James Wade

The unexpected death of
Bethel left his newspaper a
helpless prey to the Japanese
authorities. The governor-gen-
eral had for some years been
ursuing a policy of subsidizing
rival papers, which in effect
became covertly pro-Japanese
organs, for the purpose of con-
fusing and splitting Korean
public opinion. The relative
failure of this policy made
him more than ever deter-
mined to gain outright posses-
sion of that festering thorn in
his side, the Taehan Maeil
Shin bo.

Even before Bethel’s death,
the government had begun
persecution of Yang Ki-tak,
his Korean lieutenant, accus-
ing him of bond issue embez-
zlement. The courts threw out
the case, however. With Bethel
out of the way, the paper
came under the management
of his secretary, a Mr. Man-
ham, who was made of no
such stern stuff as his erst-
while employer. Under pres-
sure, he was persuaded to sell
the paper’s copyright to the
resident-general’s office, and
to leave the country in June,
1910.

The Japanese had won, and
as if to emphasize their vic-
tory, they made the captive
Taehan Maeil Shinbo (drop-
ping the first word of its name)
their- principal official organ

for a number of years. With
the signing of the Annexation
Treaty on Aug. 10, 1910, they
were able to suppress under
one pretext or another all the
remaining independent papers,
leaving only approved Japanese
and pro-Japanese publications.
This state of affairs continu-
ed for some ten years.

The Manse i uprising, or
peaceful demonstrations stag-
ed by Koreans on March 1,
1919, left the Japanese in a
quandary. Signs of discontent
were so widespread in Korea,
and outrage at Japanese bru-
tality in retaliation so strong
in certain quarters abroad,
that at least some superficial
reforms in the colonial ad-
ministration seemed called for.

The first ten years of the
occupation had been largely
administered by the military,
which could thus be made to
serve a.s a scapegoat — though
this would n-:t have been pos-
sible a few years later. Ac-
cordingly, a new civilian-do-
minated administration was
appointed by Tokyo, with the
civil police as the organ of
coercion tr enforcement.

Actually, this made little
difference; and in effect it
marked the beginning of an
even more insidious Japanese
policy, that of cultural assimi-
lation, under which eventually
Korean history, customs, lan-
guage, and even names were
to be gradually prohibited in
favor of their Japanese coun-
terparts. This movement, if
successful, would have presag-
ed the death of the spirit ra-

ther than that of the body.

But the usurpers had not
reckoned with the tenacity of
their intended victims, a bord-
er people who for many cen-
turies had had to withstand
direct and indirect incursions
of vaster and more ancient
civilisations than Japan had to
offer. And they made a sin-
gularly obtuse error in per-
mitting the Korean language
press to resume during this
period.

The plan was to license a
strictly limited and stringent-
ly censored press, government
control over which would be
tight enough to prevent any
serious opposition from gaining
expression. As a matter of
fact, there was trouble from
almost the very beginning.

At first, only three papers
were to be permitted, carefully-
selected for balance of view-
points, to serve as a window-
dressing to the outside world.
These papers, all originating
in 1920, were the Dong-A Hbo,
with an avc-wedly nationalist
outlook; the Chosun Ilbo, ori-
ginally mildly pro-Japanese;
and the Sisa Shinmun, an out-
spoken organ of pan-Japanism,
which quickly failed as a ccm-
mercial venture. In the middle
1920’s the Chosun Ilbo was re-
organized as a nationalist
paper, and began a brief flirta-
tion with Socialist leanings
that proved disastrous. In
1925 came the Sfdae Ilbo,
which stood against the Social-
ist trends of the day.

(To Be Continued)

:he basic needs is ways kuk
Negro as well educat- At zright tne— . c-nd'

ossible in the quickest all; you have to do is shoot
time so that he can! them between the eyes. You
nore and more responsi- j can’t miss.” He took the ad-
I vice and started off for the

av ^..iable,

• * ®

Tire writer fs the Direc-*
tor General c£ the Foreign
Service Institute, Ministry
©f Foreign Affairs.

.nisading Journalism-- (7)

n-

~oh
pen
en-
>ice
>ya!
only
olare
'.erms
priest
•itone
ter a
I’osca'

sound
ooden.
iopian
.endidly
veteran
g-dook,
t male
.a, the
" heard
rig per-
from
gsky to
; partia-
.f it.)
bit parts
md' the
ially well
-won and
ig soprano
th, seduc-

y a degree
i handling
extras on
some of
out in fu-
may also
; attempt
igrees of
modesty
.d encour-
esh-tinted
tils when
up does
oT; and
major
wrink-

if your
you will
ing, and
admire
ida” in
city’s
ancient
/• Italy.

1 adept
midable
iitutes ]
con-
Mitem-

Japanese Censorship Harsh

The following is tlie seventh
part cf a series of articles on
the reform movement in the
Korean press. — ED.

By James Wade

It is not the purpose of this
account to trace the vicissitu-
des of these or later papers
during the following twenty
years: their management and
economic difficulties, and thei'r
adherence to this or that fac-
tion of the underground or
exiled independence move-
ment. It is sufficient for our
purposes to emphasize the
tenacity with which the jour-
nalists fought what seemed at
the time to be a losing, and
eventually lost, battle.

As Prof. Choe Chun writes:
"Because of the Japanese
monopoly in the fields of poli-
tics and business, many Ko-
reans in those years took great
pride in investing their weal-
th and talent in the newspaper
or magazine publishing busi-
ness. Fatal blows such as con-
fiscation or suspension of
publication were dealt the

newspapers ^frequently. Al-
though they were sure to lose,
investors continued to support
newspapers despite the enorm-
ous financial requirement ....
It is especially significant that
publishers were well aware of
the difficulties of managing a
newspaper. They continued to
invest anyway ....

‘‘Due to- strict censorship on
reporting of political activities,
they focused more or less on
the advancement of social life
and culture. .. .Thus, the news-
papers served to enhance the
spiritual modernization of the
Korean people under the Japa-
nese colonialism.”

That Korean papers never
gave up the attempt to com-
ment on political matters is,
however, amply documented
by statistics on their suppres-
sion; The Dong-A Ilbo alone
in twenty years was confiscat-
ed 489 times, sale was banned
on 63 occasions, and it was
censored 2,423 times. Confisca-
tion averaged 15 times a
month between 1920 and 1923.
The paper was suspended in-
definitely four times, these

Sympathy

Dear Sir:

I ana writing to tell you how
much I enjoyed the "Thoughts
of the Times” article by Mr.
Stickler in the October 8 edi-
tion of The Korea Times.

I have spent 5Vz years in Ja-
pan and this is my second tour
of duty in Korea. I share his
ideas on the de-fe_minization of
American women. I was pre-
viously married to one of these
man-creatures for many un-
happy years. I am currently
single, but if I ever decide to
marry again, I assure you it
will be to an Oriental girl. It
is my personal opinion that if
a man meets and marries the
Oriental girl of his choice (not

matrimonial life will be one of
continuing harmonious fulfill-
ment.

Mr. Stickler has hit the nail
squarely on the head in his ar-
ticle. Congratulations on an as-
tute and absorbing analysis.

Sincerely,

"An Air Force Man Who
Speaks From Experience”

a professional prostitute)* bis, Seoul

Dis-Eiacdvragemenl

Dear Sir:

The encouragement prize
presented to the blind orator
(Mrs. Steensma’s "Thoughts,”
Nov. 7) is in fact a discourage-
ment prize for him as well as
all rehabilitation workers.

Let it be clearly understood
that the physically handicapped
do not suffer from lack of ability
but from lack of understanding
by society which fails to make
good use of these abilities.

Sincerely,
Kim Young-hyuk
KCWS Rehabilitation .Center

bans ranging from a few week 3
to a number of months. In ad*
dition, the arrest, imprison*
ment, and torture of reporters,
editorial staff members, and
even executives of all papers
was a frequent happening.

The triviality of the Japa*
nese censorship is illustrated
by this episode, recounted by
Mr. Lew Chi-ho: "A Christian)
missionary weekly, the dvries
tian Messenger, in 1920 pro-
duced an editorial leader on!
Spring. It was the usual semi-
poetic outpouring . . . how fine
was the lebirth of the year
when all things are again new
and fresh and green, and men
are heartened anew thereby,
Japanese officials censored it,
saying that the editorial was
suggestive of a revolt againsfl
Japan.” j

The Dong-A Hfco, In its in-
augural issue, put forward a
challenge that must have
seemed revolutionary in its
time, for it spoke confidently
of a future that was scarcely]
in sight:

"... The 20 million people
of Korea, in this rose-of-
Sharon-decorated comer of
Asia, are- now to behold a new
light and breathe a new air.
Truly, we are alive again now.
We have been resurrected.
Devoting cur entire energy to
our goal, let us march for-
ward. Our goal is none other
than freedom and progress.”

As a part of its campaign'
for "freedom and progress,”
the paper in the same year
began an attack against anti-
quated Confucianism, leading
off with an editorial entitled:'
“Knock the Heads of Falsely
Learned Persons.” This en-
raged the strict Corrfucianists,
who attempted a boycott of the
paper.

Only a few months later,
though, the editors were at it
again, this time with an arti-
cle ostensibly attacking , idolatr-
ous superstitions, but also .ra-
ther obviously' poking fun at
the sacred objects of the Shinv
to religion. This resulted in
the first indefinite suspension
of the paper, which lasted ov»*
three months.

.(To Be Contimnstj^

ge-

stly

cials

leals,

.mers

coun-

with
been
poor-
d fev/
i com-
lsions,
jtion^’
moral

jrm of
before
\tion of

■d that
useless
courag-

pronged
sion on
’X rates
ilso the
-.e vita!

te nation,
cial peace
National
original

II bo

rds

should
prompt
c those
and
i have
he re-
fection

pes in
ering
that
►oses
ticial
tion
void
the
illy

ss

re

•e

n

f

—..c month

u>_. — ot 2.8 million persons

— the lowest level in eight
years.

Arthur M. Ross, the new
commissioner of the Bureau of
Labor Statistics, saidi:

“My personal view is that
it will be irr the national in-
terest to keep on going below
4 per cent.’’

Ross said getting the job-

meat.

What has all this to do with
prices?

Some government econom-
ists believe the drive toward
full employment will create a
highly competitive labor mar-
ket, bidding up wages and thus
raising prices.

Others, however, say the

maintenance
pairs, laundry and t.

Ross agreed the probj
labor shortages and price .
flation bear watching.

But until danger signals be-
gin showing up in -the econ-
omy, “we are not in a posi-
tion to know just how fat down
it (unemployment) can be
driven,’’ Ross said.

Crusading Journalism --(8)

Chapter of Rebellion Opens

The following is the eighth
part cf a series of articles on
the reform movement in the
Korean press. — ED.

By James Wade

In 1922, a new government
tactic was initiated, that of
broadening the number of pa-
pers to be licensed, but im-
posing an even stricter censor-
ship.

The Bong-A Ilbo commented
that this was like “offering food
and taking away the spoon to
eat it with.”

A dispute over a tenant far-
mers’ movement erupted in
1924. It started with the arrest
of five farmer and labor lead-
ers of Sunchon-gun, Cholla-nam-
do, by Japanese police on
March 13, 1924, under a false
accusation of thievery. All the
youth groups in the area held
a public rally denouncing the
police action, and demanded a
formal apology from the police

The Bong-A Xlbo said in an
editorial: “Unpara lied brutali-
ty, indiscriminate torture, and
trampling of human rights by
the colonial police are now a
daily occurence. They seem to
be made such that if they don’t
indulge in such atrocities, they
itch. Such police forces exist
only in Korea, and they are
ubiquitous in this country. Be-
sides, they boast a 15-year his-
tory of inhuman activities. How
many innocent citizens cf this
land must have suffered and
shed silent tears during those
fifteen years! . . . .The sto-called)
authorities may interpret resis-
tance as an evil, and continue
to oppress the people. How-
ever, sinful are these who drive
the people to resist, not those
who rise up against oppres-
sion.”

In the same year, the presi-
dent and executive editor of
the paper were beaten and
threatened with a pistol by pro-
Japanese functionaries after
publication of an article criti-
cal of Korean collaborators
with the Japanese.

The Chosim Ilbo, on the
other hand, got into difficulties
dtie to its espousal of the new-
ly-introdiuced Socialist move-
ment. .-in editorial published on

Sept. 28, 1925, said in part: 1

“Korea hias reached a break-
ing point both politically and
economically, and a break-
through of the present situa-
tion is urgent. The shortest road
to achieve this is to abolish im-
perialism in the political sphere
and capitalism in the economic
field', and bring in other reason-
able systems. The movement
must be put forth in line with
the world-wide revolutionary
work initiated by Russia ”

The paper was suspended,
and only after a purge of 17
staff members did it reopen un-
der a more strictly nationalis-
tic policy. Thereafter it gained
increaced popularity with the
addition of a crude but effec-
tive comic strip called .“The
Fool,” which satirized current
topics, a new form of journal-
ism in Korea, since then wide-
ly used.

Around this time, the resent-
ment of the police toward the
newspapers was so strong that
the Tongdaemun Police Station
placed a sign on the door read-

ing: “No dogs Or Reporters
Allowed.” Press pressure was
such that the police were forced
to remove the sign and apolo-
gize.

Japanese sensitivity toward
leftist movements in Korea was
so marked that in 1925 the
Bong- A Ilbo was suspended for
carrying a congratulatory tele-
gram from a Soviet farm as-
sociation on the occasion of the
anniversary of the Sam II Move-
ment. Again in 1930, the same
paper suffered its third1 inde-
finite suspension merely for
carrying a congratulatory an-
niversary wire from the editor
of The Nation, an American
magazine. The gist of this mes-
sage was: “Under the present
circumstances of Korea, the
mission of your paper is great.”
This is so innocuous that the
only possible objection would
seem to be that at this period
The Nation was a left-leaning
and Communist-sympathizing
publication.

(To Be Concluded)

Life Beneath Antarctic

By Thomas K. Henry

WASHINGTON (NANA) —A
program of extensive submarine
exploration underneath the An-
tarctic icecap has been started.

This has just bepn announced
through the U.S. Antarctic Pro-
jects Office. Dr. Jacques S.
Zaneveld of Old Dominion Col-
lege, Norfolk, Va., spent most
of last winter (the Antarctic
"summer”) exploring under the
ice at accessible points along
the 350-miles western coast of
the Ross Sea. He was assisted
by two students, James M. Cur-
tis and Jack Fletcher.

The divers wore black rubber
frogman “wet” suits, while div-
ing. After a few minutes the
water would warm enough from
the heat of their bodies to en-
able them to work as long as
45 minutes under the: ice.

Dr. Zaneveld hopes to discover
what kinds of sea weeds grow in
the region, as well as their

growing seasons. The major
finding to date is that large
beds of seaweed can grow under
several feet of ice where very
little light penetrates.

Most of the time the divers
went under the ice two or three
Limes a day.

Says Curtis: “A typical Ice
view shows very' clear blue wa-
ter pierced by a shaft of light.
Red sea weed grows abundant-
ly on the sloping rocky bottom.
Sponges nearly four feet across
cover the lower aepths which
quickiy fade into blackness.
Five-fojt-loiig worms seem
common.”

The dives often were made
through Weddell seal breathing
holes. Light is able to get
through in spots, so that ice a
diver looks through sometimes
resembles a starry sky. The
scientists have already assem-
bled the largest collection of
Antarctic life now in this coun-
try.

there ap
anyone eh. .

However, ‘sr
est proponen-
tion” were
munists. Now
d’etat has - f;
Communist' ar
a little bett‘
down at the
with Malaysia:
ist leaders.

To underst.
possibilities as:.'
should compare
countries in th

Vietnam and
war within.
Thailand declare
the United State
the United State
bother to declar
turn.

The Filipinos a
many fellow Ash
tion Americans. T
so outspoken abb
independence they
name of their c>.
“Siam” to “Thai-
of the Free).'

Malaysia has so.
es there is nobi
whom to mediate.

Burma is keepin
parently hoping
notice she is then
donesia has its han
the political upfc
the continuing p
welding thousands
into a single natic

Unlike Burma an
Thailand is econom
and politically s'
has not been a
1958).

This, observers '
explains why Rec
placed Thailand o
list of countries t
taken over.

LET!

to the !

From Witt

Dear Sir:

In Mr. Jame
larly treaties c
rralism you ref
torial” of Dorn
ing against
fucianism (K'
entitled: “Kn
Falsely Lear

“Falsely I
is apparent!
“Ka-Myung-1
is a word fc
is for • Per:
question is ;

THE KOREA TIMES, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1980

Korea Times Photo

Korean officials and foreign technicians pose on a field near Inchon during a
ground-breaking ceremony for the nation’s first railway between Noryangjin and Che-
mulpo on March 29, 1897. The line was opened on Sept. 18, 1899.

81 Yrs After. Rail Service Begins

Four-Track Line Due

Just 81 years after railway
service began in Korea be-
tween Seoul and Inchon in
1899, the Korean National
j Railroad (KNR) now plans to
j dedicate the nation’s first
four-track line between Seoul
\ and Suwon at the end of
November.

The Noryangjin-Chemulpo
j (currently Seoul-Inchon) line
[ was built by the Japanese on
Sept. 18, 1899.

In its dawning stage, the
: nation’s railways stretched
only 33 kilometers with eight
[ stations. There were four
! steam locomotives, six pas-
I senger coaches and 28 freight
coaches.

By the time of the national
liberation in 1945, the railway
service was extended to 3,938
kilometers with 300 stations,
operating 517 steam locomo-
tives, 1,390 passenger coaches
and 9,389 cargo coaches
throughout the country (in-
cluding north Korea).

Currently, the railway net-

work stretches as long as
5,860 kilometers with 587 sta-
tions in the southern half of
the peninsula alone. The KNR
now keeps 914 locomotives in-
cluding 212 electromotive
trains, 1,822 passenger coach-
es and 16,876 cargo coaches.

The Tongil express passeng-
er train was first put into
operation on the Seoul-Pusan
line on Aug. 15, 1955, to cover
the line in nine hours. Three
years later, the Mugunghwa
express train shortened the
time to six hours and 40
minutes.

The Seoul-Pusan line was
covered in six hours and 10
minutes by the now-defunct
express Chaegon (Reconstruc-
tion) in 1962, in five hours
and 45 minutes by Maengho
in 1966, and in four hours and
50 minutes by super-express
Saemaul in 1969.

The Chungang line between
Chongryangni and Chechon
was electrified in 1973, follow-

ed by the electrification of all
railway lines in the capital
city area, such as Seoul-
Suwon, Seoul-Inchon and
Yongsan-Sbngbuk, on Aug. 15,
1974.

The railway section between
Taejon and Iri (88.6 kilomet-
ers) on the Honam (Seoul-
Mokpo) line had its tracks
doubled in 1978. The govern-
ment now plans to speed up
a project doubling the tracks
on the entire Honam line.

On the 80th anniversary of
the railway’s foundation last
year, the KNR put a locally
produced diesel locomotive in-
to operation for the first time
in its history.

The KNR has experienced
many tragic accidents during
the past 81 years. One of the
worst accidents was the ex-
plosion of a dynamite train at
Iri station on Nov. 11, 1977,
in which 59 people were killed
and the station building was
completely destroyed

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Dr„ Samuel H Moffett c/o
Westminster College
Madingley Road
Cambridge, England CB30AA

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

KOREA WEEK

R 6

A P'

o

Test of U.S. Policy

Withdrawal

Historical photo series: U.S. forces entering Chungju, South
Korea, on September 28, 1950. (U.S. Army Signal Corps )

U.S. FORCES IN KOREA

According to the Department of De-
fense, March 28, U.S. military strength
in South Korea as of December 31, 1976
is as follows:

Army 32,276

Air Force 7,254

Navy, ashore 250

Marine Corps, ashore (*) 41

Total personnel, ashore 39, 821

(*) Includes a detachment assigned to
embassy security duties.

OFFENSIVE CAPABILITY

(a) On Dec. 30, 1976, The Christian
Science Monitor reported from Tokyo :

The Japanese reluctantly would agree
to a withdrawal of American troops from
South Korea, but they hope that withdraw-
al will be delayed as long as possible.

Behind this reluctance is an unspoken
but strong, feeling that the American
military presence helps as much to deter
South Korean military actions against the
North as it does to deter any North Ko-
rean invasion of the South.

(b) On March 24 the Carter adminis-
tration submitted to the Congress a "Con-
gressional Presentation" on FY 1978 se-
curity assistance program. The presen-
tation said, in part :

In particular, modernization of the
ROK Air Force is required to offset the
current superiority of North Korea’s air
power. (*)

Although anticipated ROK arms pur-
chases would provide some offensive
capability, that capability would not con-
fer a degree of superiority to make of-
fensive action likely.

(•) Editor's Note:

The South Korean government said 21
persons were wounded by firing on Oct.

14, 1976 of antiaircraft ground batteries
in Seoul at a Northwest cargo jet which
flew into restricted air space ( i. e. over
the Presidential residence ).

The AFP reported from Seoul : "The
unprecedentedly fierce gunbursts (also)
came from ) the newly-introduced Vulcan
guns, capable of unleasing 3, 000 shells
a minute."

(c) On March 25, Crocker Snow, Jr.,
of The Boston Globe reported from Seoul :

"It's outright irresponsible for us to
pull out before gaining concessions from
North Korea," says a U.S. military man
who worries also about the end of U.S.
command responsibility over the com-
bative South Koreans.

"How many times can you hit a little
guy before he hits back, perhaps by de-
veloping an independent nuclear capabili-
ty?" asks a western diplomat, mindful
of South Korea's growing sense of isola-
tion.

As described in Washington, President
Carter's pullout plan has nothing to do
with human rights.

(d) On March 30, The Korea Herald
said ( editorial ) :

Any North Korean aggressive maneu-
vers against this country will be met with
retaliatory blows from our country, and
the results of such a reckless adventure
by the north will be nothing but untold
calamity and destruction.

WAR RESERVE STOCKPILE

In mid-January, the Department of
Defense notified the Congress that it will
increase the amount of conventional
ground ammunition in the war reserve for

From S. Korea

allies stockpile located in South Korea by
approximately $93,750, 000 during FY
1977.

Korea is the only country to which the
United States plans to deploy war reserve
stockpiles in FY 1977.

PRESIDENT PARK

(a) On January 28, President Park
inspected the Defense Ministry. Next
day, The Korea Herald quoted Park as
having told senior officers :

"In some fields, North Korea is supe-
rior to the Republic of Korea in terms of
quantity. Even a few years ago, the na-
tion's combat capabilities were far infe-
rior to those of North Korea.

"However, we are about to enter a
stage of surpassing North Korea.

(b) On March 16, Mr. Park told a
meeting of the Cabinet and ruling party
that President Carter's plan to withdraw
U.S. troops was not in conflict with South
Korea's aim of being self-reliant in de-
fense by 1981.

KOREAN PROFESSORS

In February, The New York Times
published two letters sent by Korean-born
professors in the U.S.

(1) On February 4, Kwan Ha Yim of
Manhattanville College, Purchase, N. Y. ,
said :

President Park plans to compensate for
American withdrawal by stepping up South
Korean armament. Results are predict-
able : further militarization of Korean
society, intensified repression of politi-
cal dissent and human rights, and exacer-
bation of tension in North-South relations.

(2) On Feb. 14, Nack Young An of
Georgia State Univ. , Atlanta, comment-
ing on the letter (1) said :

It seems much too cynical to make
those invidious charges based on partial
truth that the President's statement con-
stitutes a prelude to the vitiation of dem-
ocratic institutions in Korea.

OPPOSITION SPOKESMAN

Chul-seung Lee, 54, chairman (*) of
the New Democratic Party, and a former
president of the Asian Weightlifting As-
sociation, told a luncheon meeting at the
Asia Society, New York City, March 7
that U.S. forces should remain in Korea
for "at least 10" additional years.

(*) On March 26, The Washington Post
reported from Seoul :

Members of South Korea's major op-
position party are rebelling against their
leader for being too closely associated
with President Park.

AMBASSADOR TOGO

On March 10, Fumihiko Togo, ambas-
sador of Japan, spoke at the Univ. of
Virginia in Charlottesville. Togo said :

The Korean Peninsula is still under a
divided rule, and no substantial progress
toward unification is in sight.

It is a challenge to the great powers
concerned -- the United States, China
and the Soviet Union — to encourage a
reduction of tension between the North
and the South, but in the current circum-
stances the United States presence there
serves as a deterrent against the disrup-
tion of the precarious balance on the
Peninsula.

KANSAS CITY TIMES

On March 19, K. Kenneth Paik of The
Kansas City Times reported from Seoul :

For many Koreans, GIs on their streets
are as common as any fixture in their
homes. The Americans have been here
since 1945. They are a part of the Ko-
rean scene.

There are more than 1,700 (sic)
American companies with operations, of-
fices or agents in South Korea.

CBS EVENING NEWS

On March 21, CBS Evening News said :

Walter Cronkite : As for the South Ko-
reans, they are counting on Fukuda to as-
sure Mr. Carter there is no human
rights problem in South Korea.

Bruce Dunning ( Seoul ) : There are
about thirty-eight thousand American
troops in South Korea ; the largest and
most visible unit is the Second Infantry
Division.

In the view of some American military
sources, it is the least essential element
militarily, but an important element
psychologically.

The Korean government is worried that
a phase-down might frighten the foreign
companies, primarily Japanese and
American, which have invested millions
in factories here.

CARTER-FUKUDA TALKS

On March 22, The Washington Post
reported :

As U.S. and Japanese spokesmen de-
scribed the talks, Fukuda made no effort
to convince Carter to reverse his deci -
sion to withdraw U.S . ground troops
from Korea over the next four or five
years.

Japanese leaders have expressed public
and private concern over the proposed
U.S. action, but evidently decided it
would be folly to argue a decision that al-
ready has been made.

PREMIER FUKUDA

(a) Prime Minister Takeo Fukuda ad-
dressed the National Press Club in Wash-
ington on March 22 :

I realize the anxieties sometimes ex-
pressed that, following the bitter experi-
ence in Vietnam, the United States might
turn its back on Asia.

I have no such fear, for I know that the
United States, like Japan, is historically
a Pacific nation.

Our two countries are linked in our
destiny to the future vitality of this vast,
populous, and potentially prosperous
region.

(b) Mr. Fukuda's interview with the
U.S. News & World Report before his
U.S. visit and published on March 28 :

Q. Has President Carter's proposal to
withdraw American troops from South
Korea increased Asian anxieties?

A. I think it is a major factor. That
is why many Asian nations refer to the
proposed U.S. pullout from the Republic
of Korea in expressing their anxiety.

Q. Does this mean that Asian nations
see the U.S. presence as helping to
maintain stability?

A. Yes. In fact, they hope the United
States will assure more clearly its will-
ingness to maintain its presence in Asia.
They all have asked me to convey this to
President Carter.

U.S, -JAPAN COMMUNIQUE

Article 5 of the Carter-Fukuda joint
communique issued in Washington March
22 contained the following :

The prime minister welcomed this af-
firmation by the United States and expres-
sed his intention that Japan would further
contribute to the stability and development
of that region in various fields, including
economic development. (*)

The prime minister and the president
noted the continuing importance (#) of the
maintenance of peace and stability on the
Korean peninsula for the security of Japan
and East Asia as a whole.

They agreed on the desirability of con-
tinued efforts to reduce tension on the Ko-
rean peninsula and strongly hoped for an
early resumption of the dialogue between
the south and north.

In connection with the intended with-
drawal of U.S. ground forces in the Re-
public of Korea, the president stated that
the United States, after consultations with
the Republic of Korea and also with Japan
would proceed in ways which would not
endanger the peace on the peninsula.

He affirmed that the United States re-
mains committed to the defense of the
Republic of Korea.

(•) On March 26, Izvestiva reported
from Tokyo : "This formulation is at-
tracting commentators' attention because
Japan has so far restricted its role in this
region to economic relations alone."

(#) Editor's Note : In 1969, a joint
communique of President Nixon and Japa-
nese Prime Minister Sato quoted Sato as
( continued on page 2, column 2)

2

KOREA WEEK

A PRIL 6. 1 977

Commentary

WASHINGTON'S COUNSEL

George Washington's Farewell Address,
September 17, 1796, contained the fol-
lowing timeless counsel ( Titles by KW).

A. ( Foreign influence-buying ) :

"(T)he spirit of party . . . opens the

door to foreign influence and corruption,
which finds a facilitated access to the
government itself through the channels of
party passions. Thus the policy and the
will of one country are subjected to the
policy and will of another.

"( Concessions of priviledges to the
favorite nation ) gives to ambitious, cor-
rupted or deluded citizens who devote
themselves to the favorite nation, facility
to betray or sacrifice the interests of
their own country, without odium, some-
times even with popularity ; gliding with
the appearances of virtuous sense of ob-
ligation, a commendable deference for
public opinion, or a laudable zeal for
public good, the base for foolish compli-
ances of ambition, corruption, or infatu-
ation."

"As avenues to foreign Influence in in-
numerable ways, such attachments are
particularly alarming to the truly en-
lightened and independent patriot.

"How many opportunities do they afford
to tamper with domestic factions, to
practice the arts of seduction, to mislead
public opinion, to influence or awe the
public councils 1

"Against the insidious wiles of foreign
influence, ( I conjure you to believe me
fellow citizens, ) the jealousy of a free
people ought to be constantly awake ;
since history and experience prove that
foreign influence Is one of the most bane-
ful foes of republican government.

"Real patriots, who may resist the in-
trigues of the favorite, are liable to be-
come suspected and odious ; while its
tools and dupes usurp the applause and
confidence of the people, to surrender
their interests."

B. ( Human rights ) :

"Observe good faith and Justice towards
all nations. It will be worthy of a free,
enlightened, and, at no distant period, a
great nation, to give to mankind the mag-
nanimous and too novel examples of a
people always guided by an exalted justice
and benevolence."

C. ( International commitments ) :

"(A) passionate attachment of one na-
tion for another produces a variety of
evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,
facilitating the Illusion of an imaginary
common Interest, in cases where no real
common interest exists, and Infusing Into
one the enmities of the other, betrays the
former into a participation in the quarrels
and wars of the latter, without adequate
inducements or Justifications.

"The great rule of conduct for us, in
regard to foreign nations, is, in extend-
ing our commercial relations, to have
with them as little political connection as
possible.

"It is our true policy to steer clear of
permanent alliance with any portion of the
foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are
now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be
understood as capable of patronizing in-
fidelity to existing engagements."

D. ( Foreign aid ) :

"(l)t is folly in one nation to look for
disinterested favors from another ; that
it must pay with a portion of its indepen-
dence for whatever it may accept under
that character ; that by such acceptance,
it may place Itself in the condition of
having given equivalents for nominal
favors, and yet of being reproached with
Ingratitude for not giving more.

"There can be no greater error than to
expect, or calculate upon, real favors
from nation to nation. It Is an illusion
which experience must cure, which a
just pride ought to discard."

CONGRESSIONAL STATEMENTS (51

( continued from KW #215 )

(41) Sen. Charles H. tercy (R. -IL):

(l) On March 14, The Washington fbst,
"The Secretary of State sought to detect
a distinction between our payments to
Hussein and the Korean CIA's alleged
financing of U.S. political figures."

(ii) On Mrach 17.CR S4230:

"Establishing plants in Taiwan and Ko-
rea does not help reduce our unemploy-
ment at home. "

(42) Rep. Edward I. Koch ( D. -N. Y. ),
on March 30, Congressional Record
H 2769-70 :

The continuing repression by the Park
government in the Republic of Korea, to-
gether with President Carter's outspoken
support for the cause of human rights in
all countries, brings the issue of U.S.
involvement in Korea into the spotlight
once again.

The United States is currently mired in
a conflict between its defense interests
and its historical dedications to the prin-
ciples of democratic government, a con-
flict exacerbated by the Republic of Ko-
rea's flagrant disregard for these prin-
ciples.

As a close friend and protector of the
Republic of Korea for decades, the United
States has a right and obligation to expect
that country to do more to uphold basic
principles of human rights.

While it can be argued that our mili-
tary presence and support is vital to the
preservation of peace in Korea, we must
also question the nature of the peace we
are preserving.

The Congress is being asked this year
to grant the Republic of Korea $275 mil-
lion in foreign military sales credits and
guaranties, $4 million in grants under
the military assistance program and an-
other $1.4 million for the U.S. sponsor-
ed International military education and
training program.

In addition, the total amount of unde-
livered military assistance program grant
aid authorized in previous years now
stands at more than $100 million.

These figures, added to the request for
more than $111 million for economic aid
under Public Law 480, give the Congress
considerable leverage in its effort to en-
courage changes in the Republic of Ko-
rea's policies on human rights and demo-
cratic principles.

I believe Congress must show its de-
termination to stop supporting dictatorial
regimes with a blank check for military
and economic aid.

JOINT COMMUNIQUE (cont'd)

saying that the security of South Korea is
"essential to Japan’s own security."

In 1975, President Ford and Prime
Minister Miki had "agreed that the secu-
rity of the Republic of Korea is essential
to the maintenance of peace on the Korean
Peninsula which in turn is necessary for
peace and security in East Asia, includ-
ing Japan."

MILITARY CONSTRUCTION

On March 29, the Department of De-
fense submitted to the Congress a Mili-
tary Construction Authorization Bill for
FY 1978 totaling $3.6 billion ( Including
$27, 518, 000 at various locations in South
Korea ).

The Pentagon had requested $13.6 mil-
lion for military construction in South
Korea for the current fiscal year.

On the same day, the Pentagon an-
nounced ( not referring specifically to
Korea ) :

The objective of the proposed new con-
struction is to strengthen and Improve the
combat readiness and capabilities of mili-
tary land, sea, and air forces wherever
they may be stationed and to provide them
with the modern facilities required to
support our personnel and the advanced
weapons with which they are equipped.

RANDOM COMMENTS

(a) Art Buchwald, January 21 :

As with every year, people said a lot
of things in 1976 that they're sorry for.

And of course the man ( or was it a
woman? ) who said, "Mr. Congressman,
this is Tongsun Park. He’d like to help
finance your election campaign."

(b) What's the favorite leisure activity
of President Park, 59, a widower? Ac-
cording to Keun-hae, his daughter, "Bad-
minton is the game we play most often.

Do you know something? Father is a
very excellent sportsman. We can't beat
him, even if I and my sister Keun-yong
team up against him." (MBC-TV, Jan. 4)

Information

ALIEN EMPLOYMENT

The Department of Labor has issued
final regulations governing the admission
of Aliens for permanent employment in
the United States.

Schedule A. This is the list of occupa-
tions for which the Labor Department has
predetermined there are not sufficient
U.S. workers who are able, willing,
qualified and available, and that the em-
ployment of aliens in such occupations
will not adversely affect the wages and
working conditions of U.S. workers
similarly employed.

Schedule A no longer includes perform-
ing artists, due to the high unemployment
rate for U.S. workers in this field.

Also, the teaching professions men-
tioned under Schedule A have been limited
to educators at the college and university
levels — based on discussions with the
Congress concerning the intent of the 1976
amendments.

Schedule A now includes physical thera-
pists with bachelor's degrees, aliens who
will be engaged in the U.S. in managerial
or executive positions with the same in-
ternational corporations or organizations
that currently employ them, and persons
with a religious commitment who will
work for nonprofit religious organizations.

The Labor Department also clarified
the ruling concerning the requirement
that professionals have a job offer before
they may receive a labor certification.

The reasoning : it is very difficult to
determine adequately the availability of
U.S. workers without a job opportunity to
which U.S. workers may be referred.

The Department, despite some objec-
tions, let stand the regulation that re-
moves nurses from Schedule A, but pro-
vides that they may enter the U.S. as
immigrants through the regular labor
certification procedure.

KOREAN AIR LINES

The Korean Air Lines maintains one of
the largest air fleets in Asia. As of
March 1 it operates : 3 Boeing 747s (an-
other to be added in 1977 ) ; 4 DC-lOs ;

6 A-300s ( French-made airbus ) , 4

(c) Art Buchwald, January 18 :

It is no secret that many of the people
who will work with President Jimmy
Carter have never been to Washington
before.

I think someone should warn Carter
appointees about a few of the things to
beware of.

When someone offers you a free trip to
South Korea and sticks a plain white en-
velope for expenses in your pocket, do
some serious Seoul-searching before
accepting it.

(d) The News World, January 27 :

"Kim Il-sung's vicious regime paid the

Washington Post $50, 000 and more dur-
ing 1975 and 1976 ( for the blatant and
conscious advertising of tyranny ).

"Yet any politician whose good nature
allowed them to receive donations from
South Korean sources is to be pilloried
at the post."

(e) Media (Hong Kong) January 1977 :

Jordan has banned explicit sex movies

and "immoral and nonconstructive karate
films" from public theatres, a govern-
ment spokesman said.

"The karate films corrupt young men's
morals and lead to crime, violence and
bloody revenge, which contradict Arab
and Islamic traditions, " he said.

(f) President Park told Song-jung Lee,
Minister of Justice, February 3 :

"Making irresponsible remarks by
some people without considering the fu-
ture of the country cannot lead the nation
to freedom or democracy.

"This is true of some foreigners who
do not exactly know the reality of our
country but make irresponsible state-
ments." ( The Korea Herald, Feb. 4 )

(g) Pacific Citizen, 125 Weller St. ,

Los Angeles, Ca. 90012, reported from
Washington, D. C., February 4 :

"The ( recent ) string of bad publicity
for the Park regime has, indirectly,
brought a degree of bad publicity to cer-
tain Korean Americans here."

Boeing 707s ( another to be added in
1977 ) ; 3 Boeing 727s, 2 Boeing 720s,

5 F27s, 1 YS-11, and 1 Cessena execu-
tive jet ( for charter ).

OVERSEAS INVESTMENTS

South Korea's direct overseas capital
investments as of September 1976
amounts to $44. 2 million according to an
official announcement.

Asia $33 million

North America 9 million

Other areas 2 million

Occupational distribution (partial):

Manufacturing

Logging

Construction

Trading

Fishing

$12.7 million
8. 8 million
4. 8 million
3. 7 million
1. 2 million

CONGRESSIONAL VISITS/KOREA

Reports of various House committees
and interparliamentary groups concerning
the U.S. -owned Korean currency or U.S
dollars utilized by them and their em -
ployees in calendar year 1976 in connec-
tion with their visits to South Korea ( in-
Korea per diem and transportation only )
are as follows ( announced on March 22,
Congressional Record H2421 - 47 ) :

1. Committee on Agriculture

a. Rep. Otto E. Passman ( D.-La. )

January 6-8 : 72, 282 won

April 22-25 : 109, 575 won

b. Donald E. Richbourg

January 6-8 : 72, 282 won

c. Hunter L. Spillan

January 6-8 : 72, 282 won

2. Committee on Armed Services

a. Rep. Floyd D. Spence ( R.-S.C.)
November 12-13 : 36,000 won

b. Rep. Charles H. Wilson ( D. -Ca. )
Sept. 30- Oct. 7 : $525.00

3. Committee on International Rela-
tions

a. Robert K. Boyer
November 8-11 : 108, 000 won

b. V. Hyndman

November 8-11 : 108, 000 won

c. James Schollaert
November 8-11 : 108, 000 won

4. Committee on Post Office and Civil
Service

a. George Gould
April 16-20 :

( per diem ) 180, 653 won

( transportation ) 38,211 won

b. Rep. Charles H. Wilson ( D. -Ca.)

April 16-21 : 216,780 won

ASIANS JOB OPPORTUNITIES

Asians for Job Opportunities in Berke-
ley, Inc. is a U.S. Department of Labor
sponsored vocational training and coun-
seling program aiding Berkeley Asian
residents seeking full-time and perma-
nent employment.

The AJOB staff has chosen clerical
business skills as the focus of the voca-
tional training, because it feels that cler-
ical competence teaches discipline, effi-
ciency, neatness, language skills, knowl-
edge of business procedures and systems,
speed, accuracy, and awareness of
business needs all qualities that are im-
portant and useful in any employment
situation.

For more information, please contact :

Asians for Job Opportunities in

Berkeley, Inc.

1617 University Avenue

Berkeley, California 947 03

Tel : 415/548-6700

NEWS BRIEFS

# The Korea Development Institute on
March 8 recommended that the Seoul gov-
ernment build a 120-mph "bullet train"
system between Seoul and Pusan at a cost
of $2 billion to reduce the traveling time
between the two principal South Korean
cities from four hours and 30 minutes to
two hours and 10 minutes.

Korea s largest hotel opens in Seoul

The 540- room Seoul Plaza. the largest hold in Korea, opened
October I in ihe heart of Seoul . overlooking Cily Hall and the

refngeralon available Rate* are $23. $2# and $31 single. $28
lo $35 for twins and double.. $60 for ondol (Korean style)
vuiic. and from $50 lo $250 for other suites The hotel has
restaurants offering French . American . Chinese and Japanese

room, which can accommodate groups from^K) to 250 A
shopping area is on ihe premises Bookings 23. 2-ka,
Taipyung-ro. Choong-ku, Seoul. Korea

A PRIL 6.1 977

KOREA WEEK

3

Business

Finance

SOUTH KOREAN INCOME TAX

In 1977, the minimum taxable income
of a standard taxpayer ( self plus four
dependents) in South Korea is $180 per
month. The highest rate is 31.8% for
those who make over $1 , 999 a month.

The amendments permit journalists,
researchers, and news and documentary
film makers who travel to the embargoed
areas to import films, books and maga-
zines, without limit as to cost.

Such publications must be directly re-
lated to their professional activities and
cannot be resold.

Other amendments now permit foreign
firms controlled by Americans to pay for
travel expenses of their foreign national
employees in Cambodia, North Korea,
North Vietnam, South Vietnam and Cuba
without specific Treasury approval.

Trade transactions continue to be re-
stricted by the Foreign Assets Control
Regulations ( North Korea, North and
South Vietnam and Cambodia ) and by the
Cuban Assets Control Regulations (Cuba).

FOREIGN CAPITAL NEEDS

The so-called Consultative Group on
Development Assistance to the Republic
of Korea ( 10 nations plus international
lending institutions ) met in Paris March
29-30 and issued an announcement :

It is estimated that disbursements of
about $2.5 billion of medium and long-
term loans would be required annually
during the next five years.

The delegates agreed that Korea re -
quired and deserved the continued support
of the capital-exporting countries and in-
ternational organizations in pursuing its
development objectives.

SOUTH KOREA EXERCISE TAX

Gasoline is the most highly taxed com-
modity (160%) in South Korea followed by
five others taxed 100%. A Korean citizen
must pay $30 Just to get into a casino.

TRAVEL TO NORTH KOREA

On March 25, Department of the Trea-
sury announced that the Office of Foreign
Assets Control has amended its regula-
tions to authorize Americans who visit
Cambodia, North Korea, North Vietnam,
South Vietnam or Cuba to pay for their
transportation and maintenance expendi-
tures ( meals, hotel bills, taxis, etc.)
while In those countries.

In addition, visitors to those countries
are authorized to import a maximum of
$100 worth of goods for their personal
use and not for resale.

This allowance may be used only once
every six months, and the goods must be
brought back by the traveler in his bag-
gage.

Given the improvement in Korea's debt
service situation that has already been
achieved and the strong possibility that
its export growth will remain satisfactory,
the servicing of the substantial volume of
borrowing that would be required should
not pose a problem, but it is highly de-
sirable that a significant proportion is
from official and semi-official sources on
more favorable terms than are generally
available today from private financial
sources.

KOREAN COTTON IMPORTS

"Cotton imports into South Korea, the
leading market for U.S. cotton in 1975-
76, may decline modestly in 1976-77
from the 1 million bales received last
season. However, most of these cotton
imports again will come from the U.S., "
says the Foreign Agriculture, March 7.

"South Korean imports of raw cotton
in the 1976-77 season ( August-July) are
projected at about 950, 000 bales ( 480 lb
net ), with about 900, 000 bales expected
to come from the U.S. If this import
level is realized, South Korea will prob-
ably be the second largest market — be-
hind Japan -- for U.S. raw cotton in
1976-77.

"Cotton consumption by Korean mills
is expected to increase about 10 percent
above the record 895, 000 bales used in
1975-76.

"Korean cotton mills are reportedly
operating near full capacity.

"The spindleage target for December
1977 Is 2, 632, 840, which would be about
a 4 percent rise above the estimated
spindleage at the end of calendar 1976.

The number of cotton spindles in place as
of August 1976 was 1, 915, 120 — about 5
percent more than a year earlier.

"South Korea's cotton imports had bal-
looned in 1975-76. The country's total
raw cotton imports that season were

1.025.000 bales -- with 1 million bales
from the U.S. representing a sharp in-
crease of about 40 percent above the

705.000 U.S. bales imported in 1974-75."

People in the News

AIR-CONDITIONED GRAVE, etc.

(a) On December 17, 1976, South Ko-
rea's official domestic radio system said
( FBIS, December 22 ) :

Pointing out the fact that among
the well-to-do there have recently been
those who have built luxurious homes or
places for future burial resembling
graves of kings and that these practices
are arousing severe public criticism,
President Park has directed the minis-
tries concerned to intensify the enforce-
ment of pertinent regulations or to
strengthen the laws and regulations.

(b) On December 21, 1976, the state-
owned Korea Herald said ( editorial ) :

Needless to say the unrestrained life
style of some rich people, many of them
parvenus, is apt to erode the belt-tight-
ening campaign the nation has been pro-
pelling, particularly since the 1973 ener-
gy crisis and the consequent economic
recession.

(c) On January 2, The Washington
Star reported :

The Gulf Oil Co. gave South Korean
President Park Chung Hee $200, 000 to
pay for his 1969 state visit to San Fran-
cisco, according to NBC News.

The payment, deposited in a Swiss
bank account, was not used for that pur -
pose, the network said, but was apparent-
ly turned over to Park's personal politi-
cal apparatus along with $3 million Gulf
gave Park's top fund raiser the next year.

Gulf gave $4 million to the ruling polit-
ical party in South Korea over a 13-year
period, according to the McCloy report,
an internal study of Gulf's political con-
tributions made public a year ago.

(d) On January 12, President Park
told a "New Year press conference" :

Until irregularities among public ser-
vants disappear, the government will pur-
sue the cleanup drive as strongly as
before.

I always emphasize that the most de-
sirable result depends upon leadership
that takes the initiative and sets an ex-
ample for the general public.

We must discard the notion that one
should be free from censure even If one
squanders one's money away.

(e) The Korea Herald reported on
January 14 :

The Ministry of Home Affairs yester-
day streamlined pertinent regulations to
impose taxes on luxurious auxiliary facil-
ities of private residences.

Under the new move, property and ac-
qulsion taxes will be levied on swimming
pools, observation stands, elevators and
escalators.

Other facilities subject to these taxes
include power generators, oil tanks,
boilers, switchboards, ventilators and
warning systems against intruders.

(f) On January 15, The Korea Herald
said :

A total of 39, 132 cases of irregularities
or wrongdoings involving government of-
ficials were uncovered last year, accord-
ing to the Cabinet Office of Planning and
Coordination.

(g) On February 12, South Korean au-
thorities announced arrest of Rep.
Byong-chol Hong, a member of Presi-
dent's Democratic Republican Party, on
suspicion of having accepted $80, 000
from a local importer in return for prom-
ises to press the government to grant the
importer a monopoly for the import of
fertilizers.

Before becoming a legislator, Hong
was a member of President Park's body-
guards.

Last year, Rep. Mun-bong Kang, a
National Assembly (*) member nominated
by President Park, was arrested on
charges of accepting a $68, 000 bribe.

(*) Editor's Note : Effective January
this year, a member of the National As-
sembly is paid $2,478 ( salary plus al-
lowance ) per month.

(h) The Korea Herald reported March
16 :

According to a recent report from
Kyonggl-do, largescale private tombs
decorated with big monuments and expen-
sive articles like those of ancient royal
families total 47 In number.

One of the tombs, which was built in
1970, is equipped, surprisingly, with an
air-conditioning system at an estimated
8 million won (about $16,000).

Employment ol icienlUU and engineer*, by »e* and rate: 1974

At“.

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4

KOREA WEEK

APRIL 6, 1977

ASIAN STUDIES

EVERETT FRAZAR ( Part III )

Editor's Note : Everett Frazar, who
on April 3, 1884 became the first Consul
General of Korea in New York, delivered
a speech entitled "Korea, and her Rela-
tions to China, Japan and the U.S. , " be-
fore the New England Society, at Music
Hall in Orange, New Jersey, on Nov.

15, 1883. ( Part II in KW #208 )

One recent writer describes the Korean
country as "being very picturesque, with
wooded hills, green valleys, clear
streams wild flowers, and fresh and in-
vigorating climate ; the people evidently
well disposed and of a kindly turn of
mind. "

This writer also goes on to say : "It is
certain that, in the material joys that can
be given by English grey shirtings,
American drills, brandy and kerosene
oil, these people are really behind the
age ; whilst of joint stock companies in
Perak, Arizona or Wall Street, New
fcrak, Arizona or Wall Street, New York,
they have not yet one single thought.

I was somewhat surprised to learn
from the Minister that the word "Seoul”
means in Korean, capital only, and that
the real native name of the capital city is
Han- Yang.

Its population is about 300, 000, one-
half of which is resident within and one-
half without the city walls. As regards
the population of the whole empire, I find
that heretofore the greatest difficulty has
existed in arriving at any degree of ac-
curacy.

Within the past two months, both from
H.E. Prince Min personally, and from
Herr Von Mullendorff, the Foreign In
spector of Customs at Seoul, I learn that
between twelve and thirteen millions is a
very fair estimate.

The three ports opened by the Ameri-
can treaty to foreign trade are, first in
importance, Pusan, ( called by Japanese
Fusan, and so noted on our maps ) situat-
ed on the southeast coast in latitude 35
degree, longitude 122 1/2 degree, and
nearest to Japan, being but 150 miles, or
fifteen hours steaming, from Nagasaki.

It has a fine bay and is easy of access.

A submarine cable, said to have been
ordered in England, is soon to connect
Fusan with Japan, by way of the Tsu-
shima Island, and Simonosaki, in the
Island Sea.

Wen -shan, or Gen-san as it is also
called, on the east coast, in latitude
38 1/2 degree, longitude 126 degree, also
has a magnificent harbor about ten miles
square, in front of the town, in the rear
of which are beautifully wooded and ex-
tensive mountain ranges.

There are good prospects for trade at
this port, it being situated in the im-
mediate vicinity of the fur country.

The third treaty port is Ren-shan, or
as it is called by the natives In-chun, also
Chemul-po, a little fishing village situat-
ed on the western coast, in latitude 37 1/2
degree, longitude 124 degree, six miles
from the town of that name, which is
about one-third the distance on the way
to Seoul.

The mountain ranges throughout Korea
are very extensive, the different ranges
reaching very nearly from one end to the
other, north and south, but none are high-
er than from one to two miles.

On the north and northwest these
mountains, together with the large Yah-
lah river, form the dividing line between
Korea, China and Russia.

The kingdom is divided into eight dif-
ferent provinces, three being on the east-
ern or Japan Sea side, and five in the
western or Yellow Sea portion, whilst two
of them, Pieng-an and Han Kieng, extend

northerly, bordering on the Chinese
Manchurian province.

These eight provinces have each a
Governor, with 332 sub-provincial dis -
trict magistrates or mandarins.

The monarchy is a despotism, limited
only by the existence of privileged ranks
and hereditary nobles. The person of the
King is held in the highest reverence, and
he is the object of almost divine honors,
holding the powers of life and death over
all his subjects.

The government is practically admin-
istered by three of the King's principal
ministers, the first being called the Ad-
mirable Councillor, or Prime Minister ;
the second, the Councillor of the Right ;
the third the Councillor of the Left ;
these being assisted by six judges with
deputies or substitutes.

And here a few words about the reli-
gion, manners, customs and caste of the
Koreans. Their national religion, if it
can be so termed, is undoubtedly like all
their other official institutions, based
upon that of China ; both Buddhism and
Taoism having their votaries.

In fact Korea is in many respects, I
believe, just China in miniature, and
there is no greater reverence paid to
Confucius in the Chinese Empire than in
the adjacent Peninsula.

Buddhism was introduced into Korea
about the year 372 A. D. , and it remained
the national or official religion up to the
fourteenth century, when the teachings of
Confucius took a strong hold upon the peo-
ple, and they are to-day the established
creed of the Kingdom.

The Chinese state gods are everywhere
worshipped ; the literati profess the Con-
fucian Ethics, and the sacred books of
this worthy sage have been officially
translated and are current and revered
throughout the Empire.

Many of the large pagodas, erected
during the official status of Buddhism and
built in the Chinese style, still exist in
different parts of the kingdom, in various
degrees of preservation and of decay.

The worship of ancestors is here main-
tained in full force, as in China, and
great importance is attached to all the
details connected with funerals, mourn-
ings and tombs. The temple of Confucius,
with its beautiful wooded compounds, is
seen in every district.

Whilst in India the highest caste is that
of the priesthood or Brahmins, the con-
trary is said to be the case in Korea,
where the priests seem to be of a very
low order and despised, holding but slight
influence for good over the common
people.

The French Jesuits, or Roman Catho-
lics, have made considerable progress in
this country, professing to count their
converts from first to last, by scores of
thousands. As far back as 1839 the Je-
suits claimed to have not less than from
fifty to seventy thousand devoted follow-

As might be expected, such conversions
as have been claimed and effected by the
Romanists could not be accomplished
without bringing down the ire of the Im-
perial authorities, and severe persecu-
tions have, from time to time — descend-
ing from reign to reign -- been meted out
upon these unfortunate devotees.

It has been well said, that "a Chinaman
gets baptised in consideration of the
worldly and material advantages which he
expects to gain thereby. "

The Korean, on the contrary, has noth-
ing of the sort to expect, but only perse-
cution, torture and often death itself. He
becomes a Christian from conviction and
not from any mercenary motives.

I have personally had a corroboration
of this very satement, from the lips of

Protestant missionaries themselves in
China.

In 1864, at the close of the Ni dynasty,
which had been mild and successful, the
father of the young King, ( then a boy of
but four or five years ) who had become
more and more powerful in his influence,
exercised a complete control over the
Imperial Council.

He suddenly instituted an unprecedented
reign of terror and despotism throughout
the land, throwing into prison and subse-
quently beheading nine of the leading
French missionaries, three only escaping
with their lives, and after great hardships
and risks reaching China.

One of these Jesuits was Ridel, the
instigator, or at least accomplice of Mr.
Oppert's third and last raid, in Korea.

No less than ten thousand native Chris-
tians and smypathisers, men, women and
children, were said to have been cruelly
put to death by this barbarous self-acting
regent ( Dai-un-kun ), whole villages
being nearly depopulated.

Following this horrible treatment of
these faithful devotees, an edict was at
once issued, prohibiting the holding of the
usual annual fairs at the north, as well as
forbidding the import, or use in any way,
of foreign manufactures, capital punish-
ment being threatened in case of infringe-
ment of this stringent edict.

It was this same Dai-un-kun who order-
ed the late massacre of the members of
the Japanese legation, for which Korea is
now mulcted in the sum of about 500, 000
yen ( $350, 000 ) no portion of which has
been paid to Japan as yet, as I was in-
formed in April last, by the Imperial
Japanese Secretary, Mr. Nagasaki.

The immediate cause of this outbreak,
on the 23d of July, 1882, was said to be
the fact that the soldiery in the castle at
Seoul, numbering about 5, 000 men, had
not been paid for several months, and the
usurper, Dai-un-kun, affecting to sympa-
thize with the soldiery, gave favor and
countenance to the massacre.

The Queen was thought for a long time
to have been poisoned, while young King
was kept in safety within the walls of the
imperial barracks.

It will perhaps be remembered that at
the close of the late treaty negotiations,
by Com. Schufeldt with Korea, the Chi-
nese Commissioners, Ma and Ju, through
Admiral Ting, who accompanied them to
Seoul, took forcible possession of this
acting regent, by inviting him on board
the Chinese flagship, and sailing away to
Tientsin, from which port he was sent
into the extreme northwestern border of
China Into exile.

This was probably done with the approv-
al or, at least, with the connivance of
certain members of the imperial council.

It was a bold, but doubtless thoroughly
politic piece of Oriental strategy on the
part of China toward its protege, and a
most righteous retribution and deserving
punishment for such a ruling monster in
this presentage.

This action gives a decided promise and
guarantee of better management on the
part of the Korean government, which is
to-day ruled by the boy-king, spoken of
above, now but twenty-four or twenty-five
years of age, from whose enlightened
reign great promise of future-benefits are
justly anticipated.

The old Prince, said to be 76 years of
age, was furious when he discovered the
treachery of his host, and bitterly de-
nounced him for his bad faith, and had not
order in Korea been at once established,
China might have brought upon herself
complications which would, no doubt,
have proved most embarrassing.

A well written proclamation was at
once put forth by Commissioner Ma, in
justification of his summary acts ; and
another by H. M. , the young King, him-
self, deeply lamenting the loss of his aged
father, and imploring the Emperor of
China to send him back.

Both these are very interesting reading,
but I have not the time to give them in full.

Suffice is to say that in a third procla-
mation the Emperor of China positively
refuses to release the Prince, allowing
only one deputy from the King of Korea to
visit him in his exile once a year.

Late reports from China mention that
the Dai-un-kun has recently died, after
being In exile about one year.

Before leaving this part of our subject
and taking up that of caste, I may men-

tion an incident in connection with the
beheading of the French Jesuits by order
of the Dai-un-kun, in 1866, as a matter
of fact, and as confirming my belief that
China seeks only to make her claim of
suzerainty over Korea one of convenience.

On the occasion of Mons. Bellonnet, the
French charge d affaires in Peking, de-
manding satisfaction from, or through,
the Chinese authorities for the murder of
these nine missionaries in Korea, he was
politely but firmly referred by Prince
Kung directly to the King of Korea ; the
Prince not only professing entire ignor-
ance of the affair, but declining all re-
sponsibility on behalf of the Chinese Gov-
ernment.

Accordingly, in the fall of 1866, the
French Admiral Roze, with six or eight
men-of-war, attempted to seek satisfac-
tion direct from Korea, endeavoring to
reach the capital Seoul, but retiring to
Chefoo most unexpectedly.

The expedition proved a complete fail-
ure, and unfortunately the Dai-un-kun and
his council were thereby still further con-
firmed in their arrogance and false esti-
mate of their strength.

The existence of caste among the Ko-
reans is most marked, the division being
far stronger than in China, Japan, or
even India ; and while there caste arises
chiefly from religious actions, in Korea
it seems to take on a character very
largely local or political.

The civil and military nobility occupy
the first and second or foremost ranks
after the King and royal family, who
stand far above even these classes.

Then comes the third, or half-noble
caste, which enjoys the right of filling
the under offices, as those of secre-
taries, interpreters, &c.

The fourth includes the civil, or weal-
thier portion of the residents in cities ;
and fifth there is the people's caste, in-
cluding all villagers, farmers, shepherds,
fishermen, &c.

The lowest of all in the social scale are
the bondsmen or slaves, corresponding to
the former serfs in Russia, and even this
class has its various divisions.

In certain rare cases, however, the
King has raised to the highest rank those
far below on account of some meritorious
action.

The high priests reside in the capitals.
The bonzes, or ordinary priests do not,
as a rule, bear a good reputation, moral-
ly, as do those in the neighboring empires.

( to be continued )

KOREA WEEK

767 NATIONAL PRESS BUILOING
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First class mailing: $14 a year.
Foreign address: $13 sea mall,

$26 airmail a year.

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403-221

CH'IN 221-207

HAN (202-220):
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LATE

THREE KINGDOMS

SIX DYNASTIES

222-589

SUI 589-618

T'ANG

618-907

TEN KINGDOMS

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Prepared by Charles W. Weber