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I
HISTORY of the MONGOLS
FROM THE 9th TO THE 19th CENTURY.
Part III.
THE MONGOLS OF PERSIA.
BV
Henry H. Howorth. m.p.
COER. MIM. ROY. ACAD. USBON, K.R.A.S., P.S.A.
AUTHOR OP <CHINOHIZ KHAN AND HIS ANCESTORS,' *THB MAMMOTH
AND THB FLOOD/ ETC. VTC
LONDON :
Longmans, Green, and Co
AND NEW YORK : 1$ EAST l6* STREET.
1888.
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-^ttf^mf^
CMMtlt . JAPANESE IIBIMY 01
IIMVM» . YINCWM INSTiniTE
KT Mnm UNivinnY
DEC20I9S9
DS 19 .H69 1970X ©, ^
Howorth, Henry H. 1842-1923
History of the Mongols
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CONTEN'IS.
Preface. «-.-«-
Chapter I. The Predecessors of Khulagu. •
Notes. •
Chapter H. Khulagh Khan.-
Notes.
Chapter III. Khulagu Khan. (Continued.)
Notes. —
Chapter IV. Abaka Khan.
Notes.
Chapter V. Sultan Ahmed Khan.*
Notes.
Chapter VI. Arghun Khan.
Notes.
Chapter VII. Gaikhatu Khan and Baidu Khan.
Gaikhatu Khan.
Baidu Khan. — — -«~.
Notes. •
Chapter VIII. Ghazan Khan.
Chapter IX. Ghazan Khan. (Continued.)-
Notes. — — •—
Chapter X. Uljaitu Khan.
Notes.
Chapter XI. Abusaid Khan.
Notes.
^V-X
1-89
84
-«~166
161
•166—217
214
218—284
2H4
•285-311
310
-812-356
355
-367*^«2
367
377
388
•383-488
-487 533
530
-534-684
581
-686—633
628
Chapter XII. The Later II khans and Jelairids. •' 634-686
Arpagaun Khan,— •*•**-' ^. ■♦.«.•..... — . .... 534
;. Musa Khan.--— — — •-- •— — .^— ...m^.^.- g;^7
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Muhammcd K ban. - •• " - *• 640
S:aibeg Kban -— - - 642
Shdh Jihan 'limur Khan. - — 645
Suliman K ban. " 646
Anusbirvan Khan. - " 650
The Ilkanians or Jelairids. ~ 664
Hassan Buzurg Khan. *** 654
Suhan Oweis Khan. — 654
Sultan Huss<?in Khan. 657
Sultan Ahmed Khan. - - 659
Shah VValad. - -678
Shah Vlahmud. 679
Sulian Oweis. 679
Shah Muhammed. * «79
Hu?sein. 679
Chapter Xlll. Tbe Eastern Fragment's of the Ilkhanian
Empire. • "^ -^ -687 - 757
The Sultan of Fars. - 687
The Princess Koidojin. ~- eS7
Sharf Ud Din Mahmud Inju. ——688
Masud Shah Inju. r — -089
Sbeikh Abu Ishak. ' 690
The Muzaffarians. -^ • - ^93
Muzaffar. 6ai
Mubariz Ud Din Mubammed. — — 69.*i
Jelal Ud Din Shah Shuja.- -697
Zain Al Abidin, Shah Mansur, ^c. ^707
Sultan Motassem. - - •• — 716
The Princes of Jorjan. 717
Togbai Timur Khan. — * *• -.-..-«-.- 7/7
Amir Vali. 718
Lokman Padishah. •— — 723
Pir Padishah. 724
Sultan Ali. •- 726
The Serbedarians. " - 726
Abdur Rezak. .^..«...*... — 736
Wejih Ud Din Ma«ud. — - 728
Muhamm«^<l Ai Timur. -•• 732
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Kalu Izfendiar. — - - -• 73a
Shems Ud Din Fadl Allah. 7:«
Shems Ud Din Ali. - — - —• • - • 73:i
Yahia Kieravi. -••• - - —734
Khoja DhaWir Ud Din Keriuvy. — 7%
Haidar Kassab. - - - - 735
Lutf Ulla. -••- - 735
Hasan Dameghani. - — - - 736
Khoja Ali Muayid. - 736
Sultan Ali. • - 738
The Maliks of Herat. — - -739
Moiz Ud Din Hussein Kert. •— - - 739
Ghiath Ud Din Pir Ali. — 743
Sivas. - -••• - 749
Burhan Ud Din.- 749
Seinol Aabidin. - - — 749
Notes. — 750
Notes. Corrections, and Additions. — 753 -776
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TO
MAJOR-GENERAL SIR A. CUNNINGHAM, K.C.r.E^ CS.I.,
AND
M. CHARLES SCHEFER,
Member of tbb iNsriruTB ow Framce, Etc, sit.
IT is very grateful to me to be able to associate thisvohime of a long
and laborious wotk with the names of two friends whom I hold fo
high esteem, and idiose lepittation is woiid-wide— Sir Alennder
Cunningham, who for forty years has stttdied so well, and so much to our
profit, the arch8sol<(gy and history of India, and who is not less loiown
for his urbanity* and high character than for his deq> and scientific
knowledge of the East ; and M. Charles Schefer, the dtfym ctf Fiendi
Orientalists, whose encydopsdic knowledge of the history, literature, and
art of the Muhammedan world -are unrivalled, and who has always been
ready and willing to put his knowledge and his skill at the service of
* others. ^
My two friends wtU, I know, somewhat qualify their fostidious standards
in judging of a work so multiform and so full of perpetual difficulty as
the present, and they will not be displeased that a student who has
learnt so much from their labours should irish to associate their names
with his own.
May the golden.. autumn .gf their lives be prokmged, and may we
continue for many years to profit by their ripe and matured JQdgmeht,and
by ^ harvest wiiich they have sown and reaped.
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PREFACE.
FIVE jetn have elapsed since the appearance of the pieviooe vok>««ie of
Uiie work, a longer period than I had intended, and Joitified ooiy on
the ground of my indiflferent health and very engioeelng oc c n plb ni
in olh«r fields. Those who have been over the ground, or some part of it, wil!
periiape admit that this new instalment contains a 1|ood deal of honest work,
lu author knows too well that it is ftiU of imperfections. His original forpoee
was^nol to produce a finai work ; finality is not the late of any hnman under-
Ukiag. We cannot control the languid attention, the dull eye, and the haety
thooght. They are the continual companions of the best of ne at timet, and
more eq>ecial]y do they stand by us when our head is aching, and our beaMl to
fragile. To travel away from the beaten track of 'scholars Into the great Um^jM
Jungle of Eastern history is in itself a toilsome task. To bring together end to
reconcile the various versions of the same tale, told by Imagliiatlve Eaeleni story-
tellers, is too often a despairing duty. Having done so, to make a chionkle of
the whole so that it can be understood even, ie by no means the easiest of labonra.
Beyond this it is neariy hopeless to venturei When the matter baste be packed
so dosdy that there is no room of any kfaid for ornament or thelocie, and every
sentence is the statement of a new fiict, it is Impoeeible to Indolfe In the
hiznry of style. All this binds down die weary Mthor, and robe bis work of
its philosophy. Nay, more, it not only dipe hto wings and makes him ding to
the humble ground, but It too often leads to obtfcurlty, and nearly always to
dulness. An this I know and ML better than my critics can. Beyond th«
ordinary blemishee which disfigure all histories when carefully tested, this
one has the Itarther weakness which It iharss with much Eastern story, in that
the qielling of the proper names Ie uncertain, and In many caees irregular and
inconsistent. When myriads of names, recorded by various writers with various
modes of transcription, have to be reduced to a common orthography, it is
ahnoet impossible to avoid many allps; and nnlDrtunalely, when the reader
k>oks over the pages he pannot reiJIse or guess the tr e m endous labour involved
in the compllaUon of a fbw phrases, even where the matter has had to be sifted
from the reading of many books, nor can he recognise the very large number of
cases where a mistake has been corrected and a blot removed. His careful eye
naturally sees only ** the flies in the ointment,* and theae motes in hto brother's
eye are too of^ made the excuse for ignoring the beam ip btoown. I have no
fear tiialveaiitudenU win be too exacting. Thqr witt acespt the imperfect as
hwvitable, and try to Improve it If their path has been lightened by my
labours, I cannot wieh for a better Justificalion of my own.
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VI. HISTORY OF TBt ICOKGOLS.
lingia Khan was nicceeded «• Iqiperator of the Mongols by hit Mcond
•on, Ogoui, and ho by hii aon Knynk. By a corioai fortane the snpceme
role in the Mongol world, on the death of Kiqrnk, feU Into the handa of the
doM^idanu of Jiagia Kban'a yoongest aon, Tulm. For aiHiile the fiuniUei
of Ogotai and Tnhii atniggled, but the former were preaeatly overwhelaed, and
the Moogola» propeily ao called, atiU obayed princes descended ikom Tnbii wheii
they were oonqnered by the Manchnu
While one branch of thla fiunily oontroUed the fivthest east, another became
aupreme in Persia. When Tolni'a eon Manga Khakan ancceeded fUynk^
aa Imperator of die Moogd woiid, he diapatched hia brother Kbtdagu
to conquer Peraia, The empbe thna foonded by Khnlago, which laated
for a hnndred yeara, ia the aubject nuuter of the fsllowing pages. . The atocy*
ia aa interMting one in many waya. Khnlagn waa a meie nomade chlef;>riA
the antipathy to ciTiliaatioo and to town ike which waa ahared by hli grand-
fniher Jingii^ Hia path waa marked by ravage and destroction, and hia army
waa a ptandering ho rd e r atfaleta, croel, diKiphned, bra?e, and, indeed,
endowed with the naoat Tirtnea of the desert He iwept away, the pemicfona
power of the lamaditea or Aiaaaaina, who, nnder the myaterioua chjeftafa
iuown in Borope aa the Old Man of the Mountain, had planted a nomber of
strong fortresaes in the hiUy coontry of Demavend. He compelled the vltfiooa
petty princea of Kcrman, Lnristan, Yead, and Pars to do him homage, He did
the aame with the Chriatian rulers of Georgia and Little Armenia, and the
MAsenlraan mien ol Iconium. Hia greatest feat, however, and one which
greatly altered the cooiae of Baatera history, was bis destruction of Baghdad,
and of its famous line of pontiff rulers, the Abbassidan Khali£k The Khalifote
waa^presently revived aa a mere shadow by the Mamluk rulers of Bgypt, with
its aeal at Cairo^ but the inatitution as a potent fulcrum and focua of Muhaan-
medan power Waa extinguished by Khulagu. His merciless troops also laid
waste Mesopotamia and Syria, and reduced the princes of those flourishing
cradlee of the arte to the condition of the desolated province of Khorasan. The
foUowera of Khulagu wen really a nomade army, moving each season into
winter and aammer quartera, and acta aettled body ol oolonista. Their trade
waa that of herdamen, qualified ^y that ol aoUUers. Th^ wen Shamaniata by
religiOD, their arietocncy largely patronising Buddhism.
Nomades the Mongols rsmaised natil their conversion to Muhammedanisji,
a oonvenkm which had a very important effect upon Baatem hiatoiy. What
might have been the eoom of Asiatic annals if thsgr had remained ShamaaiaU
ia not easy to picture. Mnhaaunedaniam, ia the first plaos^ brought in its
wake cultun. Kever, piobahly, did lileratnn flourish so marveUodaly in Peraia
aa during the rsign of Ohasan Khan and hia soccessorSi No nobler s p eci m en s
of Eastern ardiitectun exiat tiian the magnificent mine of Sultania, which waa
bunt by the Mongob ; while the fineat braaa work of Mosul datea ^om the
same era. In the aecond place it indaoed the invaden to adopt a sedentary
life instead of a nomadic one. They planted cities^ and largely ceaaed to move
hither add thither with their herds. In the neat place, it broke the tiea which
the Mongola had with the Christian prindpaHtiee in the Seat, the Crnsadeis^
the kings of Cilicia or Little Armenia, the ralen .of Georgia, the emperon of
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PRITACB. VtL
•
Coosunlinopk aad^ Trtbiioiid. It alto inUtknd vtcy Urgoly with the pe»*
mMtiag iaflnencc of the crowds of Frandican and Dominkan friars, who
piaatod cooveau in ahnost all the great towns of the Bast, under the tolerant
•hield of the early Mongol khans, and thus interwove for a while threads of
Boropeaa cnltore with the web of Bastem life. Lastly, it tied together once
moie^ if eomewhal loosely, the variooa statM of the Bast which accepted
Islaai,intoaTtrtaai eoofsderalion olamee,and efentttally,nodoabt, broke
down and enervated the power of the oooqnecing caat% as was the case
inChinat and led to the rapid emaadpatioa of the ooontiy from their yoke,
aresolt wUch peofedto bebyao means an nnn^}xed blem^nfi Tha Mongol
snpranuicy in Persia was also marked by a rsmarkable wocessien of able
'administrators. Whether this was dpe to the central anthority being a
■trong one, and affording opportnnity for skill in this respect, I will not profoss
to decide ; bat it woold be diffioah to find in Eastern history a more remarkable
•nmpleof good government, and of its best theories pot into praotice, than
that pre e ent e d by the reign of Ohasan Khan, wboee laws and regnlatiottii
remind neofthefoi^seeingpnidence and wisdom olAkber, Of coorie the lives
ofeveii the beet oltheee men were cooHnvallty in peril, and fow visiersolthe
Qbhans died peaceably. Their very ability and npri^^itaess made the best of
them the eventnalTictUns^Jeakwe and envions mastora. As has been weQ
•aid: ^'IntheBast thedeathofanoadalisBOltooeaeBtheieeaUorhisia
deeda, bat only a means of appeasing tbeeopidity dan avarloioos tyrant."
WhOa MohamflMdaaism went thraagh theee vidssHadee in Persia, it reached
its highest poiat of caHoa and pnsperi^ hi BgjFpt and in India, where the
most active spirits of that folth aatarally tdok rsfttfs^ and aader their paltooagt
wen bailt the magniftceat tombe of the Mamlak Mtaas at Oaiio^ aad tiie
eqoally splendid palaces and mosqaee erected ee ntomp or an eoasly by tiie
Mohammedan ralsre of DeOU.
Abel Kemasat has snmaied ap to eoatt graphic paragraphs the geaeral eifocto
of the Mongol tovasion of the West, i^lch I Shan not hesitatoto appropriato
He refors to tiie great aioral ravolatioo to the aftdrs of the world cans9d by
brtogfag together the dviUsatloos of the Bast and West,iiMdi had hitherto
grown apart, withoot commnnieatloo, and withoot mataal Inflaenoe. It was
not only by means of the miuy stately embassiee which passsd4o and fro, hot
ilaobythemorehnmbleJoarBeysofaierdiaats,missioaaries, aad of those who.
aatarally follow to the wake of armies. The inraston of the Mongols opened
dm Tarkme roads which had hitherto bean closed, and broofl^t men of all races
together, while one of the chief ooneeqnencee of their toTasion was the trans*
portatfon of whole peoples to and fta Among. the royal princes who made
their way to the heart of Asia, to press their interests there, were Sempad, the
Orpelian; Haithon, Ktog of Armento; the two Davids, Kings of OeorgU;
Yaioila^ Grand Prince of Rnwia, and many others. Italians, Frenchmen,
Flemtogs,^., went on the same errand as envoys to the Great Khan. Mongols
of disttoirtkm came to Bome,'Barcelooa, Valencia, Lyons, London, and North-
amptocK* A Frsnciscan from Naples became Archbishop of Pekto, aad was
wcceededbya Pr o fa mo r to the Facnity of Theology from Parle, Theseweta
•11 frm oaepeepKineee names were likely to be p r e e er ved; bat what cro\fds of
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Vlfi. HISTORY or THB MONGOLS.
obiciira folk must have fbltowad the tame way, drawn by the double temputioe
olgain or curiosky to vitit the anknown and romantic Bast. Accident hat
pretenred the names of lome of them. The flrtt envoy to the King of Hnngaty
on the part of the Tartars, waa an BngUshman who, having been banished from
his country tor various crimes, became a vagabond in Asia and eventually Joined
the service of the Mongols. A Flemish Franciscan met in the de|itha ol
Tartary with a woman from Metz, named Paquette, who had been captured in
HuQgafy, a Parisian goldsmith, whose brother had a shop on the great bridge
at Paris, and a young man from Rouen, who had been present at the capture
of Belgrade. He also met with Russians, Hungarians, and Flemings there.
A chanter, named Robert, after traversing Bastem Asia, returned to die at the
cathedral of Chartres.* A Tartar made helmets for the army of Philip le Bel,
as we learn from the receipts of the Treasury between 1296 and 1301*
preserved in a manuscript in a French library. Piano Carpini found a Russian
at the Court of Kuyuk; acting as interpreter there ; and the Franciscan friar
himself tells us how he was accompanied «on his Journey* by merchants
from Bretlaf, Poland, and Austria. Others accompanied him 00 his return by
way of Russia ; among them Genoese, IHsans, and Venetians. Two Veoetiaa
merchants, whom accident toolc to Bukhara, Joined an embassy which Khulagu
sent to his suserain, Khubilai. After spending some time in China an<f Tartaiy
they retwned with letters from the Great Khan for the Pope, retumfaig again to
the Great Khan, taking with them one of thdr sons, the frunone Blarco Pole
whose narrative le aoch a mine of materials for Bastem history and geography.
Both uncles and nefrtiew returned again to Venice. Similar Journeys were not
less freciaent in the neit century, as we know from the lanustic story of SSb John
Mandeville, Odoric of Friuli, Pegoletti, William de Bouldeeelle, and others.
Many such adventureis doubtless remained and died la the fiff Bast Many
others returned home as obscure as they went, and no doubt told frunous stories
in the mooesteries ted the lordly castles, where eoch visitors were always
welcome Such tmteUess would take with them a knowing of many handi-
crafts, as well as pfeckraeobjects. Silks and porcelain from China and from India
thus probably became familiar obfecte hi the West of Burop% which had been diut
off from intercourse with the Bastelace Roman dmee. Curiosity was everywhere
stUred, and curiosity is the great mother of progrese. It wa% proposed to
found a chair at the University of Paria for the study of Tartar; and howfru*
reaching the elfocts may have been we oan perhaps gather from the fact that
it was in search of the ^ 2epaogri " of Marco Polo that Christopher Cohmibus
set out to discover a new world. Nor was the influence only on one side. The
Mongols probably introdoced Indian figures into China, as they introduced the
Mussulman methods of astr o n o my. The New Tsstament and the Psalms were
tfanalated into Mongol by the Latin Archbisbop of Khanbaligfa. It was the
Mongols wlio ftmnded the blsrarehy of Lamaism bi Tibet, la which they seem
to Imve eombiaed the dogmas of Boddhism with the ritual of the Nestorians.
It was the Mongols who probably introduced the knowledge of the mariner's
compass^ wbidi had loag been known in China, into Bnrope Gunpowder had
been need by the Hindus and Cliinesefrom early times. It appaiently first
beeame known in Lorope after the Mongol tovasioDs, and doubtless through
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PRBPACB. IX.
thiit ioflucnoe, Pap«r noofly wm MOthir Msljr Chinese inventton* tbt ialio-
dnction oC wbkh bjr the MoofoAs into Pwtia ixaw an mtentting iaciteit in
thefoUowing pngit; and il it eniont to ind the timteUnr JoMpbni Bmbaro
telling ns bow heleonU from an ItdHpnt Tartar whom he met al Asotin
I450f Md who>ad been aa eofoy to China» how ihie kind of money waa
annoaUy printed thefo^aa ho 8qra»*'oonnMvamHn|».* Laitly, playing cards,
whose origin is so int«resilng» becanse they woald appear to have been among
the fim efibcta ol engraving on wood, were known in China in 1x20^ and were
very likely introdnced through the Mongols. It is at least cnrioaB that the
earliest pli^ing eards nsed in Borope^ in the so<alled ** Jen do tarots»'* were in
their shape, their deeigna, their site and nomber, simttar to those need by the
C hfa esO i It may be that printing from wooden bk>cks alao came to as from
the lar East by the same channel* Thns, again, the Shan^an, or arithmetical
m a chin e, of the Chloeee was introduced into Roseta and Poland, where It is
stia nnhwsaOy nsed by the women who eennot read, in their calculations. In
speaking of this interchange of moct fertile ideas and inventions thitwgb the
agenqr of the Tartars, Remuaat says it was by Ike mortal struggle of nations
that the dark donds of the Middle Agsa were diasipaled. Catastrophes which
see m e d to bring only suffering to the hnnum race, in Cwt awoke it from the
lethargy farto wUch It had fatten lot oenlnriee, and the deatmetion of twenty
empiiee was the price which Providence eiscted from Kntope fcr the civilisation
which it now enJoya.t
One of the main difficulties I have had in writing the following volume* a
difficulty which has prevented the story from dowing evenly, has bemi the
necessity of incorporating the history of the variont subordinate principalities
under the saserainty of the Mongols in Persia, with the main story. It most
be remembered that while the invaders in many cases conquered large
districts, and etacted allegiance from the conquered, they allowed them to
con t ln o e subject to their own rulers; and I have felt bound, therefore, to collect
and inter weave in my narrative the events which occurred in the dependent
principalities* 80 tibau what follows is not merely the history of the llkhans in
Persia, but also that of Herat, Kerman, Pars, Luristan, Mardin and Hosa Kaifa,
Sum, Little Armenia, and Georgia, all of which had rulera of their own daring
the Mongol domination.
I have also endeavoured to arrange and tell in detail the confused and yet
important hietory of the various fragments into which the llkhans' empfre was
broken up, a story whkh has been hitherto ahnoet entirely neglected ; so that
this votame maybe accepted as a lairly eomplete histofyof Iran and iu borders,
from the invasion of Khulagu to the conqoeets of Timor,
The nest vokune will comprise a more obscure, bat perhaps more interesting,
section of the work, namely, the history of the descendanu of Jagatai, who
ruled at Almaltgh and Kashgar, and also the history of '•Timor and hit
It is partially writUn, and I hope I may 4iave heakh and strength
• This was the view of Paul Jovins, who hai ihfc followiqg very remarkable sentence on the
tMoct : " Coin nneris TolaoMa krtn Loiitanhi oun elephnte dooo mimim Leo P. hninaniter
BOMS oaicndit* at huic fiicU^ ctttdamoi najtu artis excmpla, antequam Losuaoi in Indtarapene-
barant, par ScyUwt et If moovltas ad InoomporabOo Uncnurum pnttidram ad not penrenbse."
t MtflMift French AoidaBy, vii. 409-4i9*
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X. HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
io finish it. The main authorilj for th« history of the Ilkhsits it d coono the
great hittory of Raihid ltd din, the iriiler sad historiographer of Qhasaa Khaa,
and the controuation of it, devoted to Ohasan^i sooeetso^ This work was
partially printed, tran^ted, and edited, with veiy elaborate notee, by Qoatre-
lacm. It seems a doty incnnbeiit on Preach OrieotaUsts to comptete what he
eoweUbegaa. The same woik has bean digeated by the two Western bistoriam
of the Mongols; D*Ohsson, who has devoted the two last vohtmes of his
worlcto this dynasty,.and Von Hammer, who wrote a monograph upon it, in two
volvmea. They havo aleo incorporated modi material fiom other eooreee,
EaMem and European. I need not say that theee three woifca havo boon
continually before me, as has also Major Raverty'a etttiooof the*^Tabnkal-l-
Nastri," the notes to which are so much disftgwed by lanooar and bitterness,
and so Wanting in refivencee. I have carefully used both the Syriac and Arabic
chronicles of Abulfaraj IBar Hdwmas, and the annals of AbalMa» which are
accessible in translations. My friend Mr. Guy Lostrange has geoeronsly
placed at my disposal a MS. translation of the ** Tarikeh Ousi^** of Ham*
dollah. In addition to those authorities, I have continually used the very
valuable ^ Georgian Chronicle " whidi has been pidilished by Biosset since the
works of lyOhsson and Von Hammer were written ; and have incorporated the
material preserved by the Armenian historians, especially theChionkle of
HaithoOf and those of Makaila, Ouiragos, ftc, only recently made accessible.
For the later story I have chie6y used Dom's memoir on the Seri)edarians,
Quatremers'a paper on the Musaffsrians, the Chronicle of Herat, publishod in
the ** Journal Asiatkiue," Ac, &c It will be seen that I have made con-
siderable use of coins in fixing chronology, ftc, and have searched the writings
of Prsehii, Dom, Tiesenhausen, and Stanley Poole. The laet of thess^ a close
friend of mine, has also supplied me with notes from his own examinatkm of
the Russian collectioos. Another generous friend of mine. Dr. Rleu,hascootinoed
his kind services. To him I owe the notices of the later history of Great and
Little Luristan, of Hosn Kaifri and of Mardin, and other help. I hope I have
duty acknowledged all particular obligations whenever I have used an authority.
I must ask my readers, before they pass Judgment upon any statement in
this volume, as in the prevfous ones, to see that it is not correc t ed or modified
in the too fong list of notes and errata. The frict is, my scanty means, upon
which this publicatfon is a heavy burden, will not allow of repeated corrections
of proofs. The consequence is that, between my indiflbrent sight and writing
and the human fraUty of my friend the printer, the list of errata has grown
considerably. As previously, no doobt .my critics w^U find fault with the
absence of annndex ; for this* I must ask them to wait until tfM conclusion of
the work is reached.
In again sending out a vdume dealing with an unattractive and seldom
tra ver se d field of human inquiry, I hope I may have eased some stndent*is
burden, and done somewhat to build up, or at least to supply materials for, that
vast palace of history which it will take many generations of patient workers to
complete. Meanwhile, I will conclude with the words of a much greater man
than myself: "Nescio benevoli auditores, aa vestram patlentiam his nugis
fatigaverim, meam certe eas scribendo fiitigRvi."
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CHAPTER L
THE PREDECESSORS OF KHULAGU.
WHEN Jingis Khan drew off his forces beyond the Oxiis» be
left a terrible waste behind in Khorasan and A^ghanistam
His campaign south of that river had been one d revenge
against the Khuarezm Shah rather than one of conquest He had chased
him with the pertinacity of a blood-hound, till he brought him down and
had driven one of his sons into the recesses of India and the other into
those of Southern Persia, but he does not seem to have treated the
intervening country as a permanent addition to his Empire. Khoruan
and the country east of it, as &r as the Indus^ was virtually reduced
to a wilderness, and as we shall see, was shortly after, at least
nominally, re-occupied by the Khuarezmians. The Mongol possessions
towards Persia, on the withdrawal of Jingis, may be rouj^ly drawn
at the southern limits of the modem Khanates of Bukhara and Khiva.
South of this, the land was reduced to desolation.
Well ml^t the Mussulman and Christian world shrink down upon its
knees in the presence of such a tetrible visitation. ''We pray to God,"
says Ibn al Athir, ''that he will send to Islam and to the Mussulmans
s<mie one who can protect diem, for they are the victims of the most
terrible calamity, the men killed, their goods pillaged, their children
carried oH^ their wives reduced to slavery or put to death, the country, in
fact, laid waste.*^ Juveni says that in the country traversed by the
Mongols, only a thousandth part of the population remained, and where
there were previously loo^ooo inhabitants there remained but a hundred.
" If nothing interferes with the growth of population in Khorasan and
Irak Ajem from now to the day of resurrection,** he adds, "it will not be
one tenth of what it was before the conquesff Pachymeres -also reports
how the terror of the Mongol arms reached the Court of Byzantium,
where the Emperor John Ducas put his fortresses in order, and where
|K)pular rumour painted the invaders as havipg dogs' heads, and eating
human flesh.t
In o^der to understand the subsequent movements of the Mongols in
Persia, we must enter in some detail into the history of the sons of the
Khuarezm Shah Muhammed. Of these, Rokn ud din had been killed by
* XrOhaMO, i. ssob Note. t U^ 35s. Note ) Scrittar, HL lort.
A
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' HISTORY OK THB MOKOOLS.
die Mongols in the fortress of Sutun-avend. Jelal ud dm was a fbghhre
in India, while Ghiath ud din had taken refuge in the strong fortress of
Kharendar, in Mazanderan. After the retreat of tfie Mongols, frsk
again became the scene of a struggle between two Turks, the Atabeg Togan
Tayissi* and Edek Khan, who divided the pro^^ce, the latter taldng
Ispahan. Edek was speedily defeated and killed by Togan, whereupon
Ghiath ud din, who repaired to Ispahan, gave him his sister in marriage
and received his submission. In a short time he found lumself master of
Irak, Khorasan, and Mazanderan.t
Meanwhile, Jekd ud din, when he heard of the retreat of Jingis, having
received an invitation from some officers in Irak, who were discontented
with Ghiath uddin,detenninedtoretum to hispatemaldomini<ms. Leaving
his General Uzbeg in charge of his conquests in India and Hasan Karak,
styled Ve& Malik of the countries of Ghur and Ghazni, he traversed
Makran, leaving a portion of his followers in its unhealthy climate, and with'
but 4,000 men arrived in Kerman, where Shuja ud din Abul Kaum, who
nominally commanded there on behalf of Ghiath ud din, was having a
struggle with a rebel named Borak, styled the Hajib or Chamberlain. Borak
was a native of Kara Khitai, and a near relative, probably the brother of Jai
Timur i Baniko or Taniko, the son of Kalduz,.who commanded the forces
of the Gurkhan of Kara Khitai, and was defeated and made prisoner in
I3IO A.D., by Muhanmied Khuarezm Shah. Borak and his brother,
Hnsam ud din Hamid-i-Bur, had been previously sent by the Guikhan
to Khuarezm during the reign of Sultan Takish to collect tribute. They
had settled there, become Muhammedans, and Borak himself rose in the
Sultan's service to the position of « Hajib or Chamberlain«t After the
retreat of the Mongols, Borak had joined Ghiath ud din, and, according
to DX)hsson, had been appdnted Governor of Ispahan. Widi him
Ghiath tsd din marched roto Fara, where he defeated the Atabeg Said, and
committed great ravages and afterwards withdrew. This was in 620 HSj.
He seems now to have quarrelled with Borak, *who left him and set out
JntencUng to go to India to the Sultan Shams ud dfn /btamsh, who, like
hhnsel^ was a native of Kara Khitai. D'Ohsson says he quarrelled with
Ghiath ud din, and asked permisdon to go and join Jelal ud din Khuarezm
Shah in India. As he fraversed Kerman he was attacked, near Giruft, by
Abul Kasim, who held Kuwashir, otfierwise called Kerman, the capital of
that province, on behalf of Ghiath ud din.
Borak defeated and slew his assailant, who was captured and put to
death, and he was about io attack Kuwashir, whose citadel still held out
under Abul Kasim's son Shuja ud din, when he heard of the arrival
of Jelal ud din, to whom he offered presents and the hand of his
7W|rt, says IXOhMOlii means matemiil ancle in T^lddhjand Tmriui mttos th« ancle. Togan
irasGliiath nd din's matcmal ttnde. (I/OlMaon, to. >> Note.)
COhMon, Ul e-i. t TabdcAU-Natiri, eSj, sii8. If oIm.
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THS PKEDBCISSORS OF KHVLLGV. 3
daii^.ter. Kuwashir opened its gates to the Sultan, who afvpointed
Borak his deputy in Kerman. Borak presently began to show signs
of treachery ; hut, being advised that it would not Jbe prudent to punish
the first chief who had submitted to him, Jelal ud din determined to move
on to Fars, and confirmed Borak in his authority as Governor of Kerman,
which he seems to have held as a dependent of J elal ud din till the lattcr^s
death, and then on his own behal£ His descendants ruled for 86 years,
the dynasty being known as that of the Kara Khitaians of Kerman.*
At this time the Atab^ Abubekr Said, son of Zengui, ruled at Fars.
He was descended from a Turk named Salgar, whence the dynasty was
known as Jiat of the Salgarids. Said sent his son with 500 horsemen to
wekrome Jelal ud din to Shiraz, but he excused himself fipom going in
person, on the ground that he had made a vow never to present himself
there. He was, in fact, much irritated against the Khuareanians, on account
of the raid Ghiath ud din had recently made; but he sent his son,
Salghnr Shah, with 500 horsemen to do the Sultan honour. With him
he sent sfteidid presents, among which Habashi, Hindi, and Turkish
slaves are especially mentioned. Said was given the title of Fanandkhan,
and confirmed in his^uithority. Jelal ud din also cemented this friendship
by marrying his dau^ter.
Thus did he pmdendy make his harem a bond of union between himself
aod his greater dependents. He also took Said's son with him. Quitting
Shiraz, Jehil ud din marched on towards Irak to oust his brother. The
latter, a feeble and voluptuous prince, was incapable of repressing the
anarchy which had followed the invasion of Jingis. Each district had its
petty tyrant, who had the kkutbeh said in the name €d Ghiath ud din,
bat paid him no tribate. While he, having no money to pay his Turkish
mercenaries with, was constrained to let them plunder. Their officers
when discontented were rewarded with higher titles— an Amir became a
Malik and a Malik a Khan.t On his way, Jelal ud din>was joined by the
Atabeg Ala ud daulah^ who had ruled over Yezd for 60 years, and was
a lineal descendant of the last of the Dilem rulers of the Buwiah dynasty4
Jelal ud din having reached Ispahan, advanced upon Rai, where Ghiath
ud din was collecting his forces. The former had given his men white
standards, like those of the Mongols. The latter had mustered a force
of 3(vooo cavalry, with which he, however, withdrew. Jelal ud din sent
his brother a friendly message, to say he had merely come to visit
him, but seeing he was hostile to him he proposed to retire again. Taken
in by this message, Ghiath ud din returned to Rai and disbanded his
troops. Meanwhile, Jelal ud din ha4 corrupted his generals and sent
them rings as pledges of his goodwill News of this having reached his
brother, he had his agent arrested, but Jelal ud din, who felt sure the
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4 HISTORY or THB MOltOOLS.
troops were with hinii marched on, although iHth hut 3,000 men. Hit
brother fled, but {uresently went to his camp and ofibrad hit fobmiitioB.
Jelal ud din was now generally recognised, and the vaxkms petty diiefii
of Khorasan, Mazanderan, and Irak deemed it prodent to oflbr their
allegiance, and were treated with generosity. He tfien mardied to poniA
the Khalif Nasir, who had been most mifiiendly towards his lather, and
was aSccused of having invited the Mongols to mvade his dombioiis. He
ravaged Khnzistan, laid siege to its chief town, Shnster, and advanced as
&r as Yakuba, or Bakuba, seven parasangs from Bag hd ad The army
of the Khalif commanded by Kosh Timor, conristed of ^ofioo men. K
battk ensued, in whid^ although his troops were mnch weaker, Jelal nd din
planted an ambuscade, and the result was that Kush Timor was defeated
and killed. This defeat was followed by the cq>turo ci Daknka, and
of the Prince of Erbil, who had maithed to the assistance dim suierain,
the Khalil* This is Mirkhond's story ; Ibn at Athir says nothing of his
capture, but tells us he made peace with Jelal od diiLt
Jelal ud din, for some reason, now abahdoned his enterprise against
Baghdad, and turned towards Azerbidjan, then subject to the Atabeg
Vthfig. Having reached Meragha, be proposed to rebuild it, but set out
again to encounter Togan Tayissi, aheady named, who was maternal
uncle to Ghiath ud din, and who, having been invested with the districts
around Hamadan by the* IQialif, had made a profitable raid upon Anran
and Azerbaijan, and had a great collection of cattle, &(v, the result {^ his
foray around his camp. Jelal ud din mode a night march, and at dawn
Togan, who had married his sister, disconcerted by the unexpected
i^pearance of the Imperial umbrella, whidi marked his presence
and that of his troops, deemed it best to submit, and returned wtdi
him to Meras^ Meanwhile, Uzbeg Ibn Alpdiluvan, the Prince of
Azerbaijan, who, as we have seen, had been very accommodating to
the Mongols, left Tebriz and went towards Gandza, or Kantsag, die
capital of Arran, leaving his wife, a Seljuhi princess, in charge of his
capital Jelal ud din attacked it In five days the citizens surrendered.
The Sultan reproached them for having put to death the Khuarezmian
fugitives the year before, when they sent their heads to die Mongols.
They laid the blame on Uzbeg Having occupied Tebriz, he made over
the town of Khoi and some other possessions in Azerbaijan to Uzbeg's
wife, and then set out for Georgia.t
When the Mongols invaded the steppes north of the Chucasus, the
Kipchaks who lived there dispersed. One section of them retired through
Derbend, and lived for awhile -in the country of the Shirvan Shah, mudi
to the discomfort of the latter.§ They eventually took possession of
Derbend, and then marched to Kabala, a town of Georgia, situated on
* irOhMOii, iiL ii-it. tWea,iil39a Note 3. t I^OliaMD, iiL X4*i9-
I Ibo «1 Athir, Journ. Asiat., 4tfa Mr., xtv. 463-4^
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THB PRBDlCESSOItS OF KHULAGU. 5
tha left bank of the Ktur, near Berdaa. Its chief made overtures to
them Co join htm in conquering die neighbouring districts. They there*
npon refrained from molesting his people for a few days, when dieir
predatory instincts overcame than, and having plundered after their
wont, they passed on to Arran, and setttod near Kantsag. Kushkareh,
a freed slave of Uibeg, Prince of Aieriiaijan and Arran, who dien ruled
there, treated them well by order (^ his master, and diey were
assigned a camping ground on the mountain of Kidgun (/.#., ^like a
aavel'T* The Georgians, who weie then at constant feud widi the
M ussuhnans, and doubtless feared the proodmity of such marauders,
a tt acked diem, but were defeated with terrible kwses.*
The ftdlowing year (1334) diey were amply revenged, however. The
Kipcbaks were defeated and dispersed. Many of them were waylaid by
die inhabitanu of the coi^itry, die Georgians and the Lesghs joining in
*the work, so that Kipchik slaves were sold at Derbend for very small
prices.t The Georgians, apparendy animated by this success, invaded
Arran, and attacked die town of Bailekan, whose inhabitants were busy
restoring it after its devastation by the Mongols. Having captured i^
they slaughtered the infaabitantSi and behaved even worse than the
Mongols.) The Georgians now attacked Surmari, a dependency of
Ashra^ Prince ^ Khelat, where diey suffered severely. In 122$ they
. advanced against Kantsag, but iRrere 6bl!|^ to raise the siege after a
short time. They were not more fortunate in a campaign against
Shirvan, whose ruler had appealed to diem to assist him against his
revdted son. They were defeated here, as they also were in a raid they
made iqnm Aserbaijan.} At this, time they seem to have been a scourge
in frict to diehr Mussulman neighbours aD round. They were preparinga
fresh expeditkm to revenge dieir recent defeat in Aaerbaijan, when Jelal
nd din arrived at Merest as we have mentioned. They dieieupon
mide o v e r t u re s to V^btg kn a common alliance against the Khuaresm
Shah. II The latter was burning to revenge the wrongs suffered by the
Mussulmans. He sent amesseogerto declare war against the Georgians,
and they brave^seplicd that the Tartars who had dMrgytd his fether
had been ftiroed to wididraw before them. They mustered a ft>rce of
70^000 men. Having captured Tovin, be sacked the country round.
The Constable Ivaneh informed his mistress, Queen Rusudan, <ii his
approach, and was ordered to go and meet the enemy. Jelal ud din
encamped his army at Kami, or Garhni, one of the most ancient towns of
Armenia, situated in the district of KeghVukunik and die province of
Siuaik.ir
The two brave brothers, Ivaneh and Shalwa of Akhal Tnkh^ were
put in die advance guard. The Constable was apparendy jeakms
Id,.4SL JoiirB.Ackt.,stbMr.,xi.toi-Ma. flliaal Athir, 1<Mni.Adftt,4^Mr., xiv. ^6S-4^
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6 HISTORY or THB MOMOOLB.
of theie two chieft, and refused to march the mala anny to lie^
them when hard pressed. The Geolgiaas were acoofdmgly de fcatcd .
Shahva was captured and treated well far some time by &e Saltan, b«t
was put to death a few months later far refusing to apostatise. Nissavi
says for carrying on treasonable correspondence with the Abirhaiians.
His brother was killed m the fight by ia stone rolling down upon him.*
Another account says that Shalwa had smeared his fece with blood, and
lay down among the corpses to escape detection, when be was captnred.
The Georgians are said to have lost ao^ooo out of theurarmy of 7o,ooat
Vartan accounts for the defeat of Kaneh as a punishment far a gross act
of sacrilege which he had committed in disinterring and burning the
remains of a saint named Parcecht, and immolating a dog on his tomb in
derision of the crowd of pilgrims who had gone there attracted by the
saint's relics. Ivaneh was attached to the Georgian Church, which was in
union with that of Constantinople, and had a strong antipathy to die
Armenians, who were tainted with the Eutychian heresy, and were not
deemed orthodox.} After his defeat Ivandi retired to the fort of
Kheghi (the Georgian Chranide says to Bcjni). The Khnareimtans
now overran Geoigia as far as the frontier of the Abkhazians, and
would have marched to Tifiis, but Jelal ud din iras recalled to Tebrit
by an impending revolt in fevour of Ud)eg.§ Leaving his army in
Georgia, under his brother, Ghiath ud din (Ibn al Athir says Tifiis
was left in charge of Ak Sonkor, a mamluk of Uzb^X he went there, put
to death the reis or mayor of the town, and arrested the conspirators.
Having married Malika, the wife of Uzbcg, who was divorced from the
latter by a l^^al fiction, he captured Kantzak, the capital of Arran (whence
Uzbeg fled to Alenjik, near Nakhchivan), after which he returned to
Georgfa.!! Uzb^ shortly afar died.I The Georgians, after thdr
defeat, had mustered a force^ conqprising Alansi Les^^ Kipchaks, &c.,
which was speedily crushed, and the district of Somkheth was devastated.
Jelal ud din then marched upon Tiflis^ whence Rusudan had retired
to Kuthathis, leaving a garrison in the place in charge of two chiefe,
named Memna and Botzo. Some Persians, who guarded one of the
gates of the city, pro\'ed treacherous, and opened a way for his men.
The citizens were mercilessly slaufi^itered, except those )idio would uofi^
Islam. The men were circumcised in large numbers, and the women
ravished. The Georgian Chronicle gives some ghastly details, and
compares the catastrophe to the capture of Jerusalem by Titus. The
churches were ruined, and the sacred images torn down. This was a
terrible blow to the cause of Christianity north of the Caucasus, of which
the Georgians were a fanous bulwark, and Ibn al Athir speaks of the
event with corresponding elation.
* ni oM rt, Wm, d« fai O^orgie, i. ^7-5^ ^ Journ. Ailat., 4th ter., xhr. 4SmS>
I Jooni. AsuU., 9U1 aer., xvt. teo-sSi. O^^iMt. Hkt. d« fai G^orpe, 308. I I>\)htton, uL 17
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THB PRBDSCBSS0R8 OF KHULAOU. ^
The (7Mf3f:ui» CArtfifilr^ describes how Jelal ud ditt pi^^
the sanoanding districts, Somkhetb, Kambejian, the banks of the Yor,
Karthliy Trialeth, Javakhedi, Artan, Samtzkhe, Tao, C^rniphora (Kars),
and AnL* The wretched Georgians were pursued into the country of the
Abkhazians, into which numerous raids were made, and Georgian slaves
were sold for two or three gold pieces each.t
The Ayubit prince Ashraf, lord of Harran and Roha, was brother to
Moazzam, Sultan of Damascus, and Khamil, Sultan of Egypt, all three
being nei^ews of the great Saladin. Moazzam had a very high opinion
of JdaLud din, and used to wear a robe and to ride a horse which he sent
him, and used also to swear at his banquets by the head of Jelal ud dm.
Being at issue wtdi his brothers, he sent to urge die Khuarezmian prince
to attack Khelat, also called Aldilat (situated on the northern shores of
Lake VanX which was subject to Ashraf.) This was a sufficient
temptatkm, and the Sultan accordingly marched thither, but hardly had
he begun the siege when he raised it, on hearing diat Borak was
meditating revolt in Kerman, and had informed the Mongols of his
(JelaFs) increasing power. He thereupon marched against him,
reaching KermaA on the eigliteenth day from leaving Tiflis, only 300
horsemen having kept up with hiuL Borak reth^ to a strong fortress,
and sent envoys with his submission to Ispahan. These Jelal received
affiibly, and confirmed him in his govemment.§. Meanwhile, some of
jfelal ud din's troops having made a foraging expedition towards Erzeruni)
were attacked on their return by the people of Khelat, who secured the
booty they were carrying off
Nissavi tells us that during the Sultan's absence, Sherif ul Mulk, his
Vizier, remained m charge of Tifiis, and devastated the country by nume-
rous raids. He was prodigal in the laigess he distributed, but was not
fiivourably looked upon by the generals of Jelal ud din (who are referred to
as ^the Khans" by our author^ except Ur Khan. News having arrived
that the Vizier was being pressed, at Tiflis, by the Georgians, the latter
went to his assistance with 5,000 men, but the tidings proved to be felse.
Presently the Sultan returned in person, and the prodigal Virio* gave
4,000 gold pieces to the messenger who brought the ntsws, and a fresh
devastation of Georgia was the consequence.|| ^lal ud din now marched
to attack Ani, where the Constable Ivaneh had sought refuge with the
dibris of his army. He invested it, as well as Kars, but found them too
strong, and agsun returned to Tiflis, whence, by way of a ruse, to persuade
the people of Khelat that he was a long way ofi^ he made a ten days' raid
mto Abkhazia, and then speedily advanced upon Khelat, which he would
have captured but for some traitors in his camp, 1H10 duly informed its
governor He arrived there on the sth of November, 1226, and attacked
• G^ dL, t 9^. 1 Iba ^, AtWr, Joorajkriat, 4th ter., xiv. 4W-495. Bro^ Add, 3x3.
I Novviri, io IXOfaaon, UL iS. ^ I>t)li«on, iu., 18-19. f Brotsel^ Add, 415-314.
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8 HISTORY or THB UOKWOA,
h Yigoroittly ; but th« citizensy knowing whai they might oqpect at the
hands of the KhuaretmianSi resisted bravely. Meanwhile Ashraf went
to Damasc u s, and persuaded his brother Moazzam to ask Jelal ud din
to withdraw. This he did not do, however, until compelled by the
severity of the weather, and by a raid which some Tuxloomansy called
.Ivanians, had made into Azerbaijan. He thereupon hastily left, cut off
the retreat of the fireebooters, put them to the sword, captured their wives
and the booty they had made, and then returned to Tebriz. This was in
December, 1226.*
Jelal ud din now went again to superintend the si^ie of Khelat (called
Akhlat by Nissavi). In theautunto, Sherif ul Mulk went with his troops
into winter quarters at Kantzak. Presently, profiting by the absence of
the Sultan and the weakness of the garrison, the Geofgians at Kars,
Ani, &C., assembled a foree^ with whidi they attacked the capital It
was abandoned by Kar Mulk, who was then in charge. Knowing that
they were not strong enough to hold it, they set fire to the town.t
Jelal ud din now invaded the territory of the Ismaelites or Assassins,
to punish them for having killed one of his officers who had been given
the fief of Kantzag. He next attacked a body of Mongols which had
traversed the desolated districts of Khorasan and appeared at Dame^^ian.
This, we are told, he pursued for several days. It was doubtless a small
reconnoitring body merely.
Jelal ud din's temper, and the asperity of his troops, having caused
discontent, which was fiumed by the intrigues of his wife^ recently
the wife <^ Uzbcg, who regretted her new position, induced Hussam ud
din Ali, who commanded at Khelat for Ashraf to enter Azerbaijan, where
be captured the towns of Khoi, Merend, and Nakhchivan, with other
fortresses, while he earned off the discontented lady with him to Khelat}
Jdal ud din had to postpone his revenge, on account of the approach of a
more dangerous.body of Mongols.
It would seem that it was an army sent by tiie Mongol Governor of
Transoziana, or of Khuarezm. Rashid ud din says the invaders marched
with five divisions, under the Generals Taji, Baku, Assatogan, Taimaz, and
Tainal, and drove before them a detachment of 4/xx> men, whom Jelal
ud din had posted towards Rai and Dam^^faan. He himself made his
head quarters at Ispahan, which was approached by the Mongols. He
was very self-possessed, and when his generals reported the enemy's
approach, created much confidence by his sangfraitL Having pressed
bis officers to prove themselves men, he had the armed citizens mustered
bythekadhiandreisofthetown. The Mongols d e tac he d 3,000 horsemen
to the mountains of Lur for foraging purposes. They were waylaid in this
difficult country, and 400 of them captured. Jelal ud din handed a portion
' JXObiMa, SL M4S.
I
t NkMvi, b Hist. <k lAG4itsM^ Add, ftc. «i6.
D'ObMOD, UL aa-t3.
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THE PRSDECBSSOJtS OF tHULAGU. 9
of them to the rabUe of Iq)ahan» who killed them, while others iie slew
with his own hand in the palace court Their bodies were left to the
vultures and dpgs.* The astrologers having fixed the 26th of August,
1227, as, a fortunate day for the fight, Jelal ud din ranged his men
in.order of battle, when he was treacherously abandoned by his brother
Ghiath ud din, and by the General Jihan Pehluvan Ilchi (i>^ by
the Uxb^ already named, as left by him in command of the troops
when he left India), with their troops. He nevertheless determined
to fight The battle was tbught in the evening. His right wing^
under Otus or (Jx Khan, drove back the left of (he enemy as far
as Kashan. Jelal ud din wai reposing on his laurels, when he was
urged to pursue his enemies by one of his officers. Advancing confi-
dently, his left and centre were attacked by a body of Mongols placed in
ambush in a ra\ine, a ftivourite stratagem of theirs. His officers died at
their posts like men, and he himself fought desperately, and with his own
hand slew his standard-bearer who was attempting to fiy ; but it was of no
avail— there was a general flight Some went towards Fars, others to
Kerman, others again to AjEerbaijan,t while those who had lost their
hofsei remained at Ispahan. The successfiil division, which had
advanced towards Kashan, having turned and learnt vrhai had taken
place, also disbanded. The Mongols had suftered too severely, however,
to renew the fight, and withdrew by way of Rai and Nishapur. They lost
a great manymen in the retreat, and recrossed the Oxus much w^ened.^
For eight days Jelal ud din ]ay^du^ and it was proposed at Ispahan to
elect a finesh ruler, and to plunder the harem and goods of the Khua-
resmians. The Kadhi persuaded the citizens to wait till the feast, of
Bairam, when at the hour of prayer, if the Sultan had not returned, he
proposed they should put the Atabcg Togan on the throne. Jelal ud din,
who had fled to Luristan. (acc<»ding tc Ibn al Athir to Khuzistan,
whence, not being well received^ by the Khalifs deputy, he went to the
IsmaditesX returned on the day of the feast, and was received with
great joy. He delayed a few days at Ispahan, to await the return of the
fiigitives, and rewarded his generals of the right wing, conferring the title
of Khan on those who were merely Maliks. Those who had misbehaved
were promenaded through the town with women's veils about their heads.
Meanwhile, Ghiath ud din had retired to Khuzistan, where he sought an
alliance with the Khalil The ill-will between the two brothers had come
to a head a few days before the recent battle. Muhammed, son of Kharmil,
of an Uhistrious family,, and a favourite of Jelal ud din, had taken intoliis
service some tnx^ who had detached themselves from Ghiath ud din,
on account of arrears of pay. The latter, annoyed at this, had, afier an
altercationat abanquet given by hisbrother,runa poignard into Muhammed.
'■ ■ '■ I » ■ ■■ II..
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10 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Jelal ud din, who was naturally enraged, declared that he no longer
felt any obligations towards him, and should not protect lum tf the
relatives of the murdered man claimed the blood-penalty, while he ordered
the latter's funeral cortlge to pass twice in frontof the door of his assassm.*
Ghiath ud din, as I have said, sent to the Khali^ oflering to serve him
faithfully, and asking for his aid. His. envoy w»s well received and given
a subsidy of 50^000 dinars.
Meanwhile, Jelal ud din, having sent a body of troops in pursuit of the
Mongols as far as the Oxus, repaired to Tebriz. He was playing at his
favourite game of polo in the great square of the town^ #hen he heard
that his brother was nuut^hing against Ispahan. He threw down his
mallet and hastened to the rekue. Learning en route that Ghiath ad din
had retired to the fortress of Alamut, in the cotmtry of the Assassins, he
demanded hb surrender from the famous chief of the Ismaelites. The
latter replied that Ghiath ud din was a Sultan, and the 3on of a Sultan,
and he could not think of surrendering him. He would, however, gua-
rantee his good behaviour, and he gave Jelal ud din leave to ravage his
territory if his guest behaved badly while he harboured hinL Jelal ud din
professed to be satisfied, and was ready to overlook the past, bat Ghiaith
ud din was apparently not reassured, and preferred to ivtire to Kerman.
There the ambitious Borak insisted upon maVrying his mother, who
accompanied him. She refused for a long time, but as he was &D-
powerful she had to give way. Presently, two of Ghiach ud^ dins
dependents having plotted to kill Borak, the latter heard of it and had
them cut in pieces before his eyes. Ghiath ud din himself was then
strangled with a bowstring, and his mother suffered the saijie fote, while
the 500 companions who had gone with him were also put to death.f
Thus perished another son of the Khuarezm Shah Muhammed. Borak
sent the head of the murdered prince to Ogotiu Khan as a peace-oflfering;
which secured the friendship of the Mongols, who confirmed hhn in the
possession of Kerman.t
The Kankalisand Kipchaks were dosely connected with the Khuarexm
Shahs, who intermarried frequently with their chiefs, whence the perti-
nacity of Jingis Khan in attacking theoL Jelal ud din, after his defeat at
Ispahan, had sent to ask assistance from them. They assented 4 and we
are told that Kurkhan, one of their leaders, embarked on the Caspian
with 300 picked men, and went to join him at Mughan, where he
passed the winter. It was arranged that Jelal ud din should secure the
Pass of Derbcnd in the Eastern Caucasus, by which alone a substantial
force could reach him from Desht Kipchak. A body of 50^000
Kipchak families marched to aid in its capture, while the Sultan tried
to ncgo^ate with the young prince who ruled at Derbend, and with his
* D'Ohtaon, iil 90. f TtL, 33. I T«bdc«t4.Niis!ri, a^ Note.
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THE PRKDBCESSailS OF KHVLAOU. II
At«bc^« Al Asad (i^^ |he liooX ^<^ the surrender oi the place in lieu of
certain fiefs, &c., but the plan failed.* We now read of Jelal ud din
securing the distria of Gushtasfi, situated between the Araxes and the
Kur. This belonged to the Shirvan Shah, and wfu i^ade over to the
lauer's son, Jelal ud din Sultan Shah, whose father had sent him apparently
under constraint into Geongia, with the intention that he should many
the daughter of the famous Queen Rusudan. When die khuaieim Shah
overran Georgia he was released.t Jelal ud din dairaed tribute
from the Shirvan -Shah, as the s uc c essor of the Seljuld who^ when maater
of Arxan, had exacted tribute from him.t
Having spent some time at Mughan, Jelal ud din sent an army under
Ilek Khan, which captured L6r^ in the distnct of Tashir, the principal
town of the Qrpelians, and then advanced along the Lake of Envan.
The Georgians fell on him at night and defeated him, wheroupon the
Sultan withdrew his anny*§ Meanwhile, the Georgian Queen Rusuda^
and her Constable Ivaneh had assembled a force of 40^000 men,x:onsisi-
ing of Georgians, Armenians, Alans, Serirs, Lesj^ Kipchaks, Suaos,
Abkhazes, and Janiu (the Jiks of the G€or:gian CkronUU). Jelal ud
din, although his army was very inferior in numbers, marched
against them, -and pitched his camp at Mendur. His Visier, Sherif
ul Mulk, counselled a delay, but received a blow on the head with
a writing-case for his pains, and was tdd that a lion should not
fear a flock of sheep like that He was also mulcted in a fine of
5o/xx> dinars. When the two armies drew near t6gether, the Sultan
made overtures Xo the Kipchaks, who to the number of ao,ooo were
in the right wing of the opposite army, and recalled the services he had
done their people, whereupon they cbrew o£ He then proposed to the
Georgians that they should enter into a truce, and that each side should
send a champion and kt them fight in view of both armi^ He himself
went out to encotmter theGeorgian hero, and pierced him through witn
his lance. He also killed three of his sons, as well as a fifUi champion, a
man of gigantic size, after which he gave the signal for the strug^ and
notwithstanding the treaty, charged the Georgians, who were defeated. ||
The Giorgian CkromcU^ in describing these events, says that when
Rusudan heard of Jelal ud din's approach, she summoned all the
troops from both sides of Mount likh. Shahanshah, the chi^ of the
Mandators ; the Generalissimo Avak (son of Ivaneh) ; Vaoun-Gagel, chief
of the Makhurs; those of Hereth, Kakheth, Somkheth, Jawaketh,
Meskhia and Tao, the Dadian Tzotn^ the Abkhazians, and the Jiks,
She opened the Gates of Dariei, and smnmoned the Osses, the Durdzuks,
and all the mountaineers. Having gathered them together at Najarmag^
* Joam. Asiat., 4th »«»"f «v. 505*507* t Id., soj-so^ I Id.^ 5'^-5Jo.
% ld,^%v>* I D*Ohssor! t!!., 34-35.
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fa HISTORY or THE llONOOLd.
they trave wed Tlflia, and eiicoimtered the Invaders In the Valley of Bolnls.
The Geoiieflans were defeated and fled, and Jekl vd dhi re-entered Tiflis)
and re-enacted the massacres and ravage of his previous visit*
He now proceeded to waste the territory of Vahram, the Armenian
Prince of Shamkor (a town situated in the Province of Udia, west of fhe
KurX the Varam-Gagd di Hbdt Georgian fhr&nisU^ who had recently plun-
dered the environs of Kantng, dose by. The Suhan captured SAan, or
Sagam, and All Abad. He then besieged Kak (Gaga) and another fort,
which were constramed to sue for peace, and to pay a ransom. Sendii^
his baggage through Kakezvan, or Gaghzvan, atown situated in the district
of Gaptfghean, ncnth of the Araxes, he himself went by way of N^ehdiivan,
and again defeated ^he Gecvgians near Pdchni, or Bejni, and having
delayed for a few days to arrange the afl^rs of Khorasan and Irak, went
on to renew the siege of Khelat.t This he pressed during the winter of
i 238, during which ne recdved a visit from the Seljuk Prince of Enerum,
Rokn ud din, Jihan Shah; who presented him with lo^ooo dinars, and a more
valuable gift in the shape of a great catapult and some shields and weapons.
The Princes of Aixiid and Mardin also submitted, and consented to have the
khutbdi said In his name. The Khalif Nasir had liQed in 1335, soon aftei
the defeat of his General Kush Timur, and was succeeded by his son
Zahir, who in nine months gave place to hb sdb Mostanslr. The latter
sent an envoy, requesting that the Sultan would not exerdse any ligl^ o^
suzerainty over the Princes of Mosul, Erbil, Abuyeh, and Jebal, who were
his feudatories, and diat he would re-hiseit the Khalif s name in the pubhc
prayers tn Persia, whence it*had been excluded by hb fodier Muhammed.
Jelal ud din consented willingly to these requests, and sent an envoy m
turn to the Khalif, who soon returned with someoffidals bearing the lobe
of investiture of Persia for Jelal, together With some rich presents. The
Khalif styled him Khakan, and also Shahin Shah, but would not consent
to ghre him the title of Sultan. Thenceforward he called himsdfseivant
of the Khalif in his letters, and st^ed the latter his lord and master.)
He now ordered a splendid tomb to be prepared for his fethePs remains
at IqMdian, and pending iu buildup, had them removed toSrdthan,near
Demavend, and ordered his aunt, with a grand cortlg§^ to escort them
from their resting-place in the island of the Caspian, where he had died.
Muhammed of Nissa, the biographer of JfiUl who wrote her the order, did
it unwillingly. He was afraid the Mongols might return, and desecrate the
tomb» for, deemingthe graves of all kings they met with connected with
the Khuarezm Shahs, they treated them accordingly. Thus diey tore
Mahmud, the great Ghazqevid chief^ who had been dead for more than
two centuries, from his sepulchre. Muhammed's fears proved to ,be
justified, for eventually the Mongols captured Srdehan, and the ashes
* BroMt, Hist. (U bO^oific. L uo.
Journ. Afbt.» 4tbier.. xiv 5^0^512. ' | iXOlinon, opw^, 35-37.
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THE PRBDKCasaORS OF KHULAOU. 13
of the greatKhuarean Shah were tent to the Khakan ki Mongolia, who
had thorn burnt
At this time, Jelal ud din had a corre^oodenoe with the So^ niler of
Run^ Alai ltd din Kai Kobad, and the latter aaked that his ion Kai Khoam
m^ marry his dangfater, and thus nnite more ckisely the hnttresaet' of
Isbun, in the east and west ; and that Jelal would surrender to hiilk his
cousin and vassal, the Prince of Erserum, who had behaved badly to him.
Jelal ud din refused eidier to give his dangfater to die Sdjuk diie^ or to
surrender his guest ; while his Visier, Sherif ul MuUc, who was amioyed
at the paucity of their master's presents, treated the envoys with marked
incivility, and boasted that if the Saltan would permit him, he woidd
enter their country with his own troops only, and conquer it When they
cetumed home, Kai Kobad,«disgusted Vrith this treatment, resolved to
ally himself with his rival Ashral*
Meanwhile, Jelal ud din continued his feud with the latter prince, and
''specially pressed the attack agais^ Khdat The si^pe continued for a
kmg time, and at length, after an obstinate resistance, die town fUl, on
the 2nd April, laio^t one of its Amirs having sunmdeM it by treachery.
Contrary to the wishes of the Sultan, and under pressure fn>m his geneialB,
the place was given up to be sacked for three days, and a great number
oi the inhabitants perished. The garrison had sufiered severely, and^ the
fare of the besieged dtixens had gradually deteriorated. Ibn al Adiir
thus enumerates the descending scale : Sheep, cows, buffiUoes, horses,
asses, mules, dogs, cats, and even mice ; and he goes on to declare diat
God, die Most High, to punish JeUd ud din for his conduct at Khelat,did
not pennit him to survive iu capture long;) Abulfony says arPamascus
pound of bread cost an Egyptian gokl piece. Thamtha, daughter of th^
ConstaUe Ivaneh,the Georgian wife of Ashra^ who was living at iQielat,
was captured there, and was married by the conqueror, who also took
prisonersYakubandAbbas, tup young brothers of Ashra£ Hedistributed
the lands of the district of Khelat among his geAerals.§ Ashraf was the
brother of the Sultan of Egypt, who had appointed him to the Principality
of Dam^iscus, and recei^-ed in exchange Harran, Roha, Suruj, Reesain,
Rakka, and Jemelein. On the capture of Khelat, he accepted the over-
tures of the Seljuk Sultan of Rum, and also demanded help from the
Princes of Aleppo, Mosul, and Mesopotamia. Kai Kobad joined him at
Sivas, and together they marched towards Kheiat On his side, Jelal ud
din sent out Ch au sh es and Pdiluvans to summon his own dependents,
and on the advice of the Prince orErserum, marched to meet the ad>
vandng enemy to Khartpert, hoping to attadc each army separately ; but he
feu dangerously ill there, and his enemies succeeded accordingly iirunirin^.
Kai Kobad had 20^000 horsemen, and Asbraf 5,000 picked men. He, on
* D'O^WO, UL ^40. t BroMflCpotsUayeftr«wli«r. Hwt. dVUO^fgie, L 513, Note i.
t Joora. Amm., 4U1 ter. xhr., soo-foi. | D'OIisk'Q, iu. 41.4a.
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M R1S1Y)RY OF THE MOMOOLS.
the Other hand, had not recalled the contiBgents from Arran, Aaerbaijan,
Itukf and M an n deran, whjam he had diimiiaed to theh- homes; wUleone
division of his anny was ddayed at Manaq[iierd«iderhisVider, and k
second body was besi^ng Berimri. Neverthdess he resolved upon a
fight, and met his opponents at Emnjan. He was very badly beaten,
and lost most of his men. Aittong the prisoners was the Prince of
Ersenmi, who had promised to hand over to Jdal od din a portion of the
tenritory of his coiisin Kai Kobad, and instead, lost hb capital, his fortresses,
and treasores. The Khnaretmian officers captured were put to death,
while the fogMres fled to the momitains of TVebisond and to Georgia.
Alai nd din was received with an ovation by his peojde, Christians and
Mussnlfnans alike. Jelal nd din fled to Mana^ueid, and drawing off the
troqM who were laying siege to it, retired upon Khdat, where he pillaged
what could be carried (nS, and burnt the rest Ht also took with him
Ashraf s brothers and his Georgian wife, and departed for Azerbaijan,,
leaving his Vitier at Sekman Abad, to watch the enemy. He at length
halted near the town of Khoi, and found himself deserted by his generals.
Meanwhile, however, the two allies, who apparently deemed him their
best bulwark against the Mongols, did not press theiradvantage. Ashraf^
in fiict, made overtures for peace, which were at first rudely spumed, and
Jekd for some time also refosed to entertain a friendly ^Bsposition towards
Kai Kobad, whom he deemed a traitor to himself in having joined die
Prince of Syria, and only consented todo so in view of another formidable
Mongol invasion.*
On the death of Jingis Khan, and in the spring of 1229, Ogotai was
nominated his successor at a great kuriltai hdd on the banks of the
Kenilon, as I have describedf At this kuriltai,« it was determmed to
send two armies towards the >vest--one against Kipchak and Southern
Russia, whose doings I have chronicled,) the other against the ftunily of the
Khuarezm Shah. The latter was commanded by the Noyan Churmagun,
or Channaghan.§ Von Hammer says he was a Jelair, and Major Raverty
a Mangkut — I know not on what authority, for Rashid ud din distinctly
tans us, that like se\'eral other great Amirs, he was a Sunid. He had
belonged to Jingis Khan's body guard.||
As he was nominated to such a responsible post, he was doubtless a
pers6n of great reputation. The Armenian historian, Chamchean, gives
a list of the Mongol chiefs who accompanied him (I give it in his corrupt
orthography, which I have no means of correcting): ^ Benal Noyan and
Mular N^yan, Ghataghan, Chaghata, Tughata, Sonitha, Jola brother or
Charmaghun, Asutu, Bachu (Baichu), Tutu, Khuththu, Asar or Asian,
* lyOhsson, iiL 46-47. AbaUan^j, ChroD. Arab., 3C7. f Ante, i. zi6.
I Antt^ i. 137*155. U. 38, «c.
I He is called Charman, Channa, Choiriiia» Chormakbao, and Channa|han, by various
Armenian authors. Rashtd ud dun al^ravs calls him Quumagban. Abolfittm}. b his "Syriac
Cbrooi^lc,'* Shanuffon ; and in hb Arabic out, Junnaghnn. St. Martin iUmoires, il aja.
Note 31. I Erdmann, 17^
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THE PREDECESSORS OF KHtJJLAGU. I5
Ogota, Kholaor Khoga, Khuntnji, Khunan, and Gfaatapughaor KambuC^"
Stephen Orpelian mentions Channan, Chagatai, Anlan, Aftavur (I'^^Yassour)
andGhadagfaan.* .The Georgian Chronicle mentions Imt four cofnmaiidws,
Charmaghan, Chagfaata, Yosur (f>., Yassaur), and Bechui {Le^ BaichnX
each at the head of 10,000 men.t Others tell us the army wis 30,000
strong, ai!^ comprised contingents from the various Mongol appanages.
C&n Tunur,who governed Khoarezin for the fiunily of Juchi {f^^ the
princes of the Golden Horde)^was also ordered to join him iirith his troops.
The latter accompanied him to Khorasan, where he remained as governor,
with four colleagues representing the four branches of the lunily of Jmgis,
namely, Kelilat, Keulbilat, or Kalbad, nominated by the Khakan, Nussal
by Batu, Kul Tuga by Jagatai or Chagatai, and Tunga by the widow and
children of Tului.t The author of the "Tabakat i Nasiri" says the force
under Charmaghan numbered 50^000 Mongols, together with those of other
races of Turkestan and captives of Khorasan, in all about uxv'oomen.S
Charmaghan speedily traversed Khorasan, and advanced by-£sfenin
;md RaL The Georgian Chronicle says his men were much molested by
the Mulahids or Assassins. || Meanwhile Jelal ud din,.uttder the impcession
that the Mongols would winter in Irak, went from Khoi to Tebriz, but
withdrew on learning from one of his pickeu that they had reached the
district between Zanjan and Ebher. ^Leaving his harem at Tebrii, he
thereupon repaired to the plam of Mogfaan, where he p r o posed to muster
his men, andawaiting their arrival he, with but a thousand fellowers, spent
hb days in hunting and his evenings in dissipauon. Meanwhile he sent
the go ve rn o rs of Khorasan and Maianderan to watch the enemyi with
orders to plant post-horses at Erbil and Firutabad. He was suddenly
attacked by a body of them, near the fort of Shirkebut, situated
on a hei|^t in the Mugfaan plain. He barely escaped, and fled
towards the Araxes, whence he turned towards Azerbaijan, and on
arriving at Mahan, which was well stodced with game, he sent his
prisoner, Yakub, to his brother Ashra^ to bid him march to the rescue.
Jelal ud din's Vizier, Sherif u1 Mulk, who, as we ha^-e seen, had a grudge
against Ashraf, s^nd was not faithfol to his own master, being ordered to
send an envoy to accompany Yakub, gave him perverse instructions, at
issue with those of Jelal ud dm. The Vizier had conveyed his master's
harem into Arran, and lodged it in the fortress of Sind-Surakh, and
deposited h's treasures in several forts belonging to the chief of the
Turkomans of Arran. He then repaired to Khizan, where he raised the
standard of revolt, his grievance being that the Sultan had interfered with
his management of the revenue. When thi latter was surprised at
Mughan he had written to the Sultan of Rum and the Prince of Syria,
offering, if they would make over Azerbaijan and Arran to him, to do
^ St. Martin Meoooirct, U. 133 and a/a. Note |r.
t BraiMt, Hist. <k la Caor., i. sit. I D'ObMJo, U- los-io^. \ Op. ot., izi6. | Op. cit.| 511.
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l6 HISTORY OF THK IfOMGOLB.
homage far those provinces^ and to have die Idmtbeh there said in their,
names. In his letters he had referred to Jelal ad din as ''the Men tyrant"
He noiffendeavoured to tamper with die various Khuarexmian officers,
and to^dttce the Turkoman chief ahready named to keep a firm hold on
the Uaatm and treasures in hit care. Jelal ud din, convinced of his
treachery, issued orders that he was no lo«iger to be obeyed. This is the
account given by NissavL Novairi reports that the Vizier's discontent
was due to the extreme prodigality and extravagancy of his master, which
also alienated frooi him the goodwill of some of hi5 generals.* Having
passed the winter of 1331 in the plain of Mahan, he heard the Mongds
had left Aujan to search 4iim out, and set out for Azerbaijan. On passing
the fortress ii^iere the Vizier was living^ he summoned him to his presence,
professing to be ignorant of his treachery. He appeared with a cord
about-his nedc, and Jelal ud din did hiim the unusual honour of offering him
sh cup of wine, it not being usual for the Khuarexmian sovereigns to feed
with their viziers. But this was only an apparent civility, and he was
really deprived of all authority. Meanwhile revolts broke out in various
parts of Azerbai|an and Arran, where the people presented the heads of
the Khuarezmian officers as a peace-offering to the Mongols. Nissavi
succeeded in collecting a considerable contingent in Arran, whereupon the
Mcmgols again retired to Aujan. They were speedily busy again, however,,
and a Mussulman officer in the service of Taimaz, one of their generals,
was sent to summon Bailekan. Taken before Jelal ud din, who promised
him his life if he reported truly the strength of the enemy, he said that
when reviewed at Bukhara, Charma^an's army numbered 20^000 fightiiig
men. The Sultan ordered the man to be killed, for fear his trttops
should be disheartened by the statement! Meanwhile he repaired to
Jarapert, near Kantsag, in the mountains of Artsakh, where he issued
orders for die arrest and exeeudon of the Vizier. On seeing the guards
'who were conunissioned to put him to death, he asked for a few minutes'
resj^te. Then, ha^g performed his abludons, said his namaz, and read
a piece of the Koran, he remarked on the &te of those who relied on the
* word of an ungratefol person. Being asked if he preferred to die by the
sword or the rope, he chose the sword. ''It iff not usual to decapitate
grandees,^ was die reply, and he was strangled.^
Meanwhile, a revolt broke out at Kantrag, where the Khuarezmians
were killed. Jelal ud din inarched to the town, which, after a show of
resistance, surrendered, and thirty of the principal makontenu were
beheaded. The Sultan ^pent fifteen days at Kantzag, and, much against
his inclinadon, determined to ask help from his recent foe, Ashra( the
Prince of Syria, who, hearing that his envoys were on the way on this
errand, withdrew to Egypt, and sent them courteous but insincere letters
* D'OhstoD, iji. SQ-51. t Id,, 52-54' I A^i 54-55*
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THE PRSDBCK8SOR8 OF KlIVLAOV 17
to Damascus, offering to tend lielp, but really meankig to MMMlaloot
Jelal ud din then sent to Ashrafs brother, Monifer Gaii, who had been
appointed the Chief of Khelat by Ashra^ to go to hhn with the Priaces
of Amid and Mardin. Nissavi was chosen as his envoy, and he was
to promisie to reward Mozaffer with a large accession of territory ;
hot he did not expect much from tfiese iHuUsh princes, whose poUcy
was generally limited to their own advanoenent Mocafier said he
could do nothing without the consent of his brothers, the Khig of
Egypt and the Prince of Syria ; that his contmgent Would -be so small
that it would be of little assistance to the Sultan ; that he could not
do homage to Jelal ud din without also doing it to Kai Kobad, the Seljuk
ruler of Rum ; and diat the Princes of Amid and Mardin were not
subiect to him. Nissavi warned him that by standing neutral, he would
fiui to diare in the division of the spoil if Jelal ud din succeeded,
while if defeated, he would be at the mercyof the Mongols. He merely
replied he was not his dwn master. It seems they had written to the
Khalif and other princes, counselling them not to assist J6lal ud dia*
Meanwhile the Mongob continued their advance. A letter, borne by a
pigeon from Perioi, announced that they had passed that town; and
Nissavi, on returning from his embassy, found only the harems and
baggage of the army at Hany, the Suhan himself having withdrawn to
Jebd Jor. He had been jbined by a Mongol officer, who had deserted on
account of some punishment he had undergone. By his advice, Jelal uu
din abandoned his baggage and posted his men4n ambush, so that he
could frdl on the Mongols while they were pillaging. Otus Khan was
conunanded to make a femt with 4,000 men, and to draw them on
into the ambush; but he was afraid, and returned with the misleading
message that they had abandoned die district of Manazguerd. Jelal ud
dm thereupon left his retreat and went to Hany, where, after an mterview
with Nissavi, who reported the result of his fruitless mission, it was
determined to go to Ispahan. While en route thither a messenger came
fix>m Masud, Prince of Amid, who tried to persuade him to conquer
Rum, which he urged would be easy ; master of this, and secure of an
alliance with the Kipchaks, he might then make head against the Mongols.
Masud himself promised to join him with 4,000 horsemen. This
suggestion was made out of revenge, Kai Kobad having conquered several
fortresses from him. Jelal ud din approved of the plan, and went towards
Amid. On the way he had been "spending an evening m drinking, when
a Turkoman arrived and reported that he had seen some strange troops
at the place where the Sultan had passed the previous night. Jelal ud din
decbred this to be a lie, and a trick of the Prince of Amid, but he was
undeceived in the morning, when a body of Mongols surrounded his
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18 HISTORY OF TUK MONGOLS.
tent whtla he was in « dnmken sleep. Their commander is called
Baimas Noyan by Ahul&raj.* His general, Orkhan, charged them with
a body of his men, while some of his officers mshed into his tent,
put a small white tanic upon him, and seated him on horseback. He
only thought of one of his wives, the daughter of the Prince of Fars,
whom he ordered two of his officers to escort He himself fled towards
Amid with only loo followers. Its gates he found ctosed against him, so
he sped on to Mesopotamia. The Mongols were in pursuit, and by the
advice of Otuz (called Vi Khan by Raverty) he determined to double
upon them. He arrived at a village of Mayafiu-kin, and dismounted at a
farm, intending to spend the night. Otu& Khaa left him there, and at dawn
he was again surrounded by them. He had barely time to mount,
and most of his people were killed The Mongds having heard from their
prisoners that the Sultan was there sped after him to the number of fifteen..
Twoovertook him, but he killed them both, and the rest could not reach him.
He then esciq>ed to the mountains (one of the mountains of Sophane,
says Abulfiumj), and was captured by some predatory Kurds. They
stripped him, as was their wont, and we are told his saddle,.girdle, and
quiver were more than usuaMy loaded with precious stones. They were
gomg to kill him, when he disclosed himself to thehr chief, asked him
to conduct him to Mocaffer, Prince of Erbil, who would reward him, or
else to escort him to some part of his dominions, and promised to grant
him the title of malik if he saw him safe He therefore took him home
with him, and left him with his wife while he Hxnt to look for his horses.
Meanwhile a Kurd who came up asked who this Khuarezmian was, and
why he was not put to death. She told him who he was, and said he was
under the protection of her husband. The Kurd thereupon said, *' Jelal
ud din, at Khelat, killed my brother, who was a better man than himself"
and he struck him dead with his javeiii). This was on the 15th of
August, 1231.
Thus perished the last of the Khuarezm-Shahs. His biographer
describes him as bvave to excess, calm, gTa\'e, and silent, laughing only at
the tips of his lips. He spoke both Turkish and Persfan.! He was of
middle stature, with a Turkish face and a dark complexion, his mother
having been a Hindoo. As D'Ohsson says, he was rather a brave and
reckless Turcoman chief, than a skilled general or sovereign. Pillage,
drinking, and music were not put aside, even in the presence of the
Mongols. He did not know how to conciHate his troops, who being paid
irregularly, had to eke out their income by rapine^ which again increased
his unpopuJaiity. While at Tebriz there died a young eunuch slave to
whom he was much attached; he had a magnificent limeral prepared
for him, followed the corpse himself on foot, and ordered his troops
* Chron. Arab.» 308 (T a comiptioa of TaioMuX t I^OhMOD, Ul 69.
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THK PRKDKCSSSORS OF KHULAGU. I9
to do the saiDc He was angry with the people of Tebrii becaiue
they did not show sufficient concern for the corpse, and ordered that
when his meals were brought to him, some meat should also be taken to
the body, while he had. a slave put to deith who ventured U> tell him his
^vourite was dead.* He was, in short, a fickle, rocklew, eaMra
Sybarite, with a great deal of courage and.enei^gy.
Some time after his deaths Mozai&r, Prince of Erbil, sent for hit bones,
which were buried in a mausoleum, but the rumour arose (his death
having been so obscure) that he was still alive, and it was reported that
he had been seen in several places, especially in Persia. A person at
Ispahan professed to be him, and the Mongols had him setied and
examined by people who knew the Sultan, and then they put him (o
death. Twenty-two years after his disappearance, a poor man dressed as
a fakir, in crossing the Jihun, told the boatmen ; " I am the SuUan Jelal
ud din, Khuarezm Shah, who it is said was killed by the Kurds in the
Mountains of Amid. It was my squire who was thus killed, and I have
travelled for many years without letting it be known." The Mongols
seized him and put him to the torture, but to his last breath he continued
to affirm the truth of his story.t Major Raverty rep<»ts a mora circiun*
stantial tale. He says, Sheikh Ala ud Daukih al Byabanki of Slmnan
relates as follows :— ** When at Baghdad, I used daily, at noon, to wait
upon the pious and venerable Sheikh Nur ul Hak wa ud din, Abdur
Rahman i Isferaini. May his tomb be sanctified. I happened to go upon
one occasion, at the usaal hour, and found him absent from his abode, a
rather unusual occurrence at that time of the day. I went again on the
foUowing morring, and inquired the Oiuse of his absence on the previous
day. He replied, * My absence was caust-d through Sultan Jelal ud din
Mangbami having been received into the Almighty's mercy.' I inquired,
'What! has he been living all this time?' He answered, 'You may
have noticed a certain aged man, with a mole upon his nose (m2«i^[ku«i
means with a mole on the nose), who was wont to stay at a certain place,'
which he named. I had often remarked the \'enerabie devotee in question.
* And that was the heroic but unfortunate Sultan Jelal ud din."* According
to this account, he could not have died till 6S3, f.r., about 60 years after the
date above mentioned.). These stories are of course mere stories, and
doubtless largely arose from the fact of his having a mole on his nose,
a feature which would draw attention to others simikirly endowed, and
easily give rise to imposition.
Abulfaraj says that after attacking Erbil, the Mongols went to Nineveh^
and laid siege to Khamalic (?), the citizens fleeing. Thereupon they burnt
the churches. They placed two of their leaders at two of the city gates, one
of whom gave life and liberty to those who passed him, while the other put
* trOhMon, iU. $2-6^ t Abiafaiaj, Chroo. Armb., 309. t 'rabftkia.(.K«siri, 999. Noce
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M tttstosty or the iionuols.
the fugitives who endeavoored to esoqie by his gate to the sword. Thence
they went to Shigra, and plundered and killed a great number of mer-
dumU on their way to Syria.*
Orfchan, after leaving the Saltan as I have mentioned, wa^ joined by
some troops, and reached Erbil with 4,000 men. Thence he went to
Ispahan, which he captitied, and which was, shortly after, again taken by
the Mongols.! A la^ portion of Jelal ud din's men took service after
his death with the Sdjuks of Rum and the Syrian princes. Many
others woe wayUdd and killed by the Kurds, Bedodns, &c We have
seen how, when Jelal ud din captured Khelat, he secured Thamtha, the
daughter of Ivaneh, the Georgian Constable, whom he married. Oh his
death she fell into the hands of the Mongols, who sent her, according to
Guiragos, to Ogotai Khan, in Mongotia. Brosset suggests that she was
leaHyeeiittoBatttKhan. She lived several years in Tartary.t
On the death of Jelal ud din the Mongols proceeded to ravage the
districts of Amid, Erxemm, and Mayafturkin.§ After a si^ge of five days
they captured Sared, two day^ Journey east of Mardin, and put its
inhabitants, to the number of i5/)oo^ to the sword. Tanza, and Mardin
itself except the dtadel, sufiercd a shnilar fttte. The district of Nisibin,
save iu capital, was ravaged. The Mongols then entered Sinjar, and
laid waste Al Khabur and AVaban. Another division of them went
towards Mosul, and pUlaged the' town of Al Munassa, utuated between it
and Nisibin. Its citizens, as well as the peasants from the country
round, had taken refege in a kfum inthe middle of the town, where they
were all slaughtered. A native of the place, who secreted himself; told
Ibn al Athir, the historian, that when they killed anyone they shouted
**La illahi," and their cruelties were accompanied with laughter and
merrymaking.il
Another division marched upon Bidlis, .whose people esoqped, partfy
to their citadel and partly to the mountains. The town wasl>umt The
strong fortress of Bahi, in the district of Khdat, was now captured, and
all viho were found in it were killed. The same thing happened at the
large town of Argish.
A third body attacked Meragha^ whidi submitted on condition of its
pcfople being spared, but a great number perished. Azerbaijan was laid
waste, and then Erbil, where the Ivanian Turkomans, the Kurds, and
Cheburkans were trampled upon, and where terrible atrocities were
committed. Mozafier ud din. Prince of Erbil, collected his men, and
received aid from the Prince of Mosul, whereupon the prudent invaders
drew off and went towards Dakuka. Within two months after the
disappearance of Jelal ud din, Diorbekr, Mesopotamia, Erbil, and Khelat
* Op. cit., Chroo. Syr., %i%,
t lyOhMm UL 6s^66. , I BrcMMt,Hbt.d«1itX;4ofsit, SOS-sod. Notat.
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THI PRBDRdSSOltS OF KRULAOU. 21
were deeobited, without enootmtering any resistance. The rulers of these
snuQ dis^ncts hid awey 4n their fiutnesaes, while the people were
stupefied. I have related some anecdotes reported by Ibn ^ Athir»
showing the fatuous conduct of tiie inhabitants.*
It was now three months since Jelal ud din had been seen, and it was
unknown whether he was dead or merely hidii^g away. The Mongols
meanwhile were in the heart of Aserfaaijan. Tebria was summoned, and
oflered a ransom of silver, of rich stuflb, &C., and of wine. The kadhi
and mayor went to their camp, and the town agreed also to send a
number of artisans. Persian artisans were a most welcome present to
the Great Khakan at Karakorum, who was a patron of the arts. They
abo sent him a splendid tent, and agreed to pay an annual tribute.t .
Meanwhfle.die KhaW mustered his supporters to the rescue, while Khamil,
the Egyptian sultan, marched from Cairo with a consideral^e army into
Syria. He passed Damascus, and went towards the Euphrates, tosing
many men between Salamiyat, north-east of Hims, and that river.
Havii^ learnt at Hanran that the Mongols had evacuated Khelat, he
went towards Amid, then ruled by Masud,ofthe Ortokid stock, the
capture of which, and not the defeat of the Mongols, was apparently the
main object of his march. He was accompanied by his brother Ashraf^
by the various Ayubit princes, and by the Sultan of Rum. The siege
ksted but five dBy% when the voluptuous Masud surrendered the place,
which was made over to Khamil*s son, SaHh, while Masud received an
appanage in Egypt Khamil also attacked Hosn-Keifa, which was the
term of his expedition. These events took place in 1232.I Meanwhile
the Mongols proceeded systematically to ravage Aserbaijan, Dilem, and
the other western provinces which had been subject to the Khuaresm
Shah. They made the ferdle plain of Mughan their winter quarters, and
thence sent out esqieditions in various directions.§
In the year 1233 they laid siege to Kantiag, called Gandja or Guenjt
by the Persians^ the Jelizavetpol of the Russians, the capital of Arran.
Guiragos tells us the greater part of its inhabitants were Persians, but that
there were a few Christians there, who were subjected to constant insult
and contum^i and quotes as an example that crosses were put on the
ground at the gates so that they might be trodden under. Its destruction
was presaged by some unusual phenomena. The earth opened and vomited
out a torrent of black water. A very tall cypret^s outside the town was
seen to stoop down and then become erect again. This happened three
or four times, after which the tree .fell down altogether. The Mongols
assailed the {dace with their battering engines, destroyed the vines in the
environs, and eventually breached the walls. As they delayed the assault,
•Ante, voL L Z3x-i3t.
t irOlMmM HL 70>7t. ri^Olmon, {H., jt. ^ Joan. AsiM., 5th sm-., xL, «t3.
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22 HISTORY OF THE MONGOi^
the inhabitants set fire to their houses and property. This greatly exaspe-
rated the invaders, who rushed in, sword in hand, and made a general
massacre of men, women, and children. Only a body of troops, which
cut its way through, and some yirho were reduced to servitude, escaped.
The Mongob spent some days in digging among the ruins for treasure,
and then withdrew. Fugitives afterwards returned to look for hidden
furniture, &c, and many objects in gold and silver, brontt and iron, were
thus recovered.
Kantzag remaned in ruins for foor years, when the Mongols ordered it to
be rebuilt.* Meanwhile they made another attack upon Etbil, which they
captured, with a great booty. The citizens withdrew to tho citadel, where,
although many (lerished from want of water, they successfully resisted the
attack, and the Mongols at length withdrew, after receiving a sum of
money. They overran the northern part of Irak Arab^ as for as Zenk
Abad and SurmenraL This district belonged to the Khalif who put
Baghdad in a state of defence. He also put it to the Ulemas
which was more meritorious, a pilgrimage to Mekka, or war against
the infidels. They unanimously replied the latter, whereupon a holy
war was preached. The grander and expounders of the Uw joined
in the exercises of the troops. They marched out and inflicted a defeat
on the Mongols at Jebel Hamrin (f>., the Red MountahiX on the Tigris,
near Takrit, and released the prisoners T.ho had been carried ofT frcMn
Erbil and Dakuka.t Another body of 15,000 invaders, who had advanced
as for as Jaferiya, now withdrew. A similar division had a more
fortunate engagement at Khanekin. Near Holvan they encountered
7,000 troops of the KhaHf^ under the orders of Jenud ud din Beilik,
drew them into an ambush, and killed them nearly all, including their
conmiander. To revert to their operations forther north. We find Char-
maghan now setting out from Mughan, and methodically overwhelming
Arran and Great Armenia, which were distributed among his chiefs or
noyans, who^ we are told, proceeded to take possession of the portions
thus assigned them, accompanied by their wives, children, and baggage,
ind consumed all the herbage in the fields with their camels and flocks.
When tiie Mongols invaded Armenia, that province was assigned as an
appanage to Arslan Noyan. Elikum, the chief of the once powerful family of
the Orpelians, fortified himself in the impregnable fortress of Hrashkaperd.
Seeing he could not capture it by force, Arslan sent a messenger to Elikum,
to tell him he was irrevocably settled in Armenia, and that it would be
better for him to come down from his fastness, where he would starve,
and make firiends with him. Elikum received these overtures favourably,
and having exacted an oath from Arslan, went to visit him, with great
presents. The latter treated him well, and numbered him among his
* Gulnigof, ed. Bronct, ne'e 17. foam. Asiat., sth wr., xL ai3-«z6 ; xvL t^a*
t D'Oh,««on, nC 73 74. IlkluuM, L ixo»
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THE PREDECESSORS OF KHULAOU. 33
generals. He then advanced to Ant, which he conquered, as weli as the
country of Vato Tzor and Egh^k, as fitr as the town of £r6tm, opposite
Garimi, all of which he gave to Eliknm. He told him what he
conquered by the sword was as much his property as what he bought
with money, and he freely gave it to him, on condition that he should be
faithful to htm and the Grand Khan. Thenceforward Elikum was a good
friend to the Mongols. He took part in the siege of Mayafiuidn, where
he fell ill and died. It was reported he had been poisoned, by order of
the Georgian Prince Avak. He was succeeded by hts brother Sempad,
of whom we shall have more to say.* Let us now turn to Georgia.
At the time of the Mongol invasion, Georgia was in every way the most
poweribl kingdom subject to the Christians. Defended by its mountains,
says Remusat, its line of rulers had never been mtermpted. The generals
of the Khalifs had only made momentary raids, or gained a very jnecarious
footmg there. The Seljuki Turks had laid their hands more hekvily upon
it, but at the end of the eleventh and beginning of the twelfth century,
David, sumamed the Restorer, took advantage of the disunion among
the Turkish princes, recaptured Tiflis, and drove the Turks beyond the
Araxes. His successors followed in his steps, and numbered among their
vassals all the Armenian princes north of the Araxes, whom they rescued
from the Musstfhnan yoke. The family of the femous Ivaneh, Constable
of Georgia, which rated in the greater part of the country from the Araxes
to the Kur, the Princes of Shamkor and Khachen, &c» recognised the
suzerainly of the Georgian kings, who at the beginning of the thirteenth
century dominated from the Black Sea between Trebisond and the
possessions of the Krim Tartars as for as Derbend and the junction of the
Kar and the Araxes, /./., over Cokhis, Mingrelia, the kmd of the Abkhazes^
Georgia, properly so called, and Northern Armenia, with many small
adjacent dtstricts.t George La^ia, King of Georgia, died January i8th,
I223.t He was succeeded by his sister Rusudan, ^unous for her bcnuty
and her peccadilloes. Her subjects became noted for their debaucheries,
and she gave herself up to pleasure. § The country was virtually ruled l^y
the Constabte Ivaneh. Rusudan married the Mussulman Prince Mogit
ud din Tughril Shah, son of Kilij Arslan, the Seljuk Prince of Erserum,
who was a handsome person, and by whom she had a daughter, Thiimar,
and a son, David. This marriage took place, according to Wakhoucht, in
1228 A.D.II She was very unfaithful to her husband, who on one occasion
surprised her in bed in the arms of a Mamhxk, and duly imprisoned, her
Having later heard of the beauty of two Alans, she sent for and eventually
married one of them. She also fell in love wjth a Mussulman of Kantzag,
whom she could not, however, persuade to abinre his faith. H Rusudan's
* Hilt. deUSioniiie, a37.tt8. St. Mnrttn. ii. 19^x97. t A. Remusat, Memft. French Acad., vl 400
I BrcMMt, Hist, de b Gfoi|rie, t. 496. Note. ( /<£, 496.
I Bronet, Hu4. de la O^wgie, t. 50T. Note 3. f Abulfeda, •mb. onn. 630» f.e,. 1333.
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34 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
daughter, who wasiBlso a great beanty, was named Thamar. Sheattracted
the attention of Ghiath nd din Kai Khosra, the second son of the Sukanof
Rum, who, although a Mttssohnan^ was readily accepted by the diplomalk
Qtieen as a soitabie partner for her daughter. Ghiath ud din promised
not to interfere with her religion. This manriage probably took ^ace
about 634 HBJ., /./., 1236 or 1357. She received Atskur as an appanage,
and' was accompanied by her coosin David, son of Lasha, who
acted as her pa mnym^ ttt He was a daageroos aq;Hrant for the
Geoigian throne, and at the instance of his aunt Rnsndaa was imprisooed
by Thamar. She shortly after became a Mussulman, and, acoH^ding to
Abulfiuraj, became the mother of Alai ud din Kaikohari, who had a
separate appanage, and whose name appears on the coins with those of
his half-brothers. Is ud din and Rokn ud din.
David, son of Lasha, was the next heir to the throne. Rusudan was
exceedingly jeafous of the young prince, and according to the Georgian
CkromcU she sent more than one message to Thamar and her husband
urging that they should put the young man away. As this was not earned
out she became very irritated, and even had the wickedness to write to
Ghiath ud din to suggest to him that his wife, her own daiks^ter, was
carrying on an intrigue with her nephew.* 'Ghiath ud din, on hearing
this calunmy, began to treat his wife very badly, dragged her by the hair,
kicked her till she was blue, broke the sacred images, &C., before which
she said her prayers, and threatened her with death unless she abjured,
her feith, which she was constrained to daf This statement of the
Giorgian Cknmkie is confirmed by Abulferaj. The former goes on to
say that Ghiath ud din, having ill-used the young Prince David, ordered
the captain of a ship to take him out to sea, and when he had got him
fah-ly away from the land to tlirow him into the water. They accordingly
set out for Pelagon (i>., for the iGgean). He was duly thrown out, but
was given a plank by a benevolent saikir. With the assistance of this he
made his way towards the land, whence he was seen by a traveller, who
sent a good swinuner to his rescue. He then took him home, provided
for him, and kept him for six months. All this having come to the ears
of Ghiath ud din, he was greatly enraged. He ordered die young prince
to be thrown into a dark pit, taaanted by reptiles and vermin, whose
mouth was closed by a stone. One of his fether's dependents, Sosna, '*a
Rowth" (Brosset suggests a Russian) by nation, dug a hde secretly at
night, by which he passed victuals into the pit, and tlius fed him for five
or, according to another paragraph, seven yeais. He used to pass down
two bags by cords to him, one containing biead and the other water.
Our author, in reporting the saga, makes oui that the serpents in the hole
did him no harm, he being preserved like Daniel in the lions' den. One
*> Hilt, de U Gewvit, 5^4* t M
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TRS PitlMCnBOM or KHULAGU. 7$
of them having bhten hfan, in conteqiMioi of kis having liMtod on it
heavily, was coninmed by the rest* Weahallieverttothedifltfaiguidied
prisoner, and meanwUle torn again to Geosgia*
Its beaadfal and amoroosqiieen was donfauMd bya crowdof coofti^
Her moot tnisty coanseOon were the Generallssano Ivaneh and his son
Avak, Shahanthah son of Zak'toia, Vabnun, i|nd others. Geotgia was
not in a position to resist the Mongolsi havfaig been so terribly illniaed
by Jelal nd din, Khoaresm Shah, as we have shown. Wheq die heard of
thefar i^pproach, therelbre, die quitted TIffis and went to Kodiathis,
leaving Goj, son of Moldia, in charge of the capitalt with orders, if the
enemy should appeal, to set fire to Tlflis, except the palaoe and the
quarter called Isanni, so that diey could find no shelter there. When
Goj heard of their approach he fired the place^ not even q[wring the
palace and the IsannLf damitch tells ns Rnsodan took refiige at the
fortress of Usaneih, but Brosset suggests diat this was too dangerous a
locality for a place of refuge, and argues that she retired to the district of
Suan^h.
Meanwhile the various chieftains withdrew, and each one sought saiety
In some retired place. Guifagos compares the swaAns of Mongob iriio
overran the country to flights of locusts and drops of tain. ' Fear
and decrepitude overcame the people. ^ He who had a sword hid it,
for fear that if found upon him he might be pitilessly killed ; children
were broken to death upon the stones, and young maidens cruelly
ravished. The Tartars had a hideous aspect, and bowels widiour pity ;
they were insensible to mothers' tears, or to the white hidirs of age, and
they sped to carnage as to a wedding or an oigy. Everywhere were
unburied corpses, the services of the church ceased, while the people
pre fe rred the ni j^t to the day. The avarice of the fanraden was
i ns a ti a bl e, and what they could not carry away they destroyed. Having
wastedtheopencountry they attacked the towns. As dieir campaign was
undertaken in the summer, and without wamhig, the latter were speedily
reduced by want of water, and thehr inhabitants were duly sfamghtered or
reduced to slavery." % The district of Shamfeor bekiqged to Vahram
(/.#., Vahram Gagei) and his son, Akbuka, who liad ciq>tured it firomdie
Persians. It now fell to Molar Noyan. Setting out firom Muglian, he
sent on an advanced guard of loo men, and foriMule the inhabitants to
pass in or out of its gates. They sent for aid to Vahram, and informed
him of the small nunAber of the invaders, but he would not move. When
Mdar himself and the mam army arrived, he had the ditch filled widi
fiisdnes ; these were, however, burnt by the dtixens. He then ordered,
each man to carry a load of earth in his robes and to dirow it into
die ditch, which was speedily fiDed up. The Mongds stormed the
\/i^Si^S^* tHlltd«laO«ifgi«iLsi4- J Op. dt, Journ. AiiM., sth Mr., xL •itf.tta.
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26 HISTOtY OP TUB MONGOLS.
place, masiacred the inhfibittti^ and burnt the houses. They then
invested the remaining fortresses belonging to Vahnun, Deninagan or
Temnakan, Erkevank, and Madsnaperd, all situated jiear Shamkor, in
the district of Kartman, in Ann^ian Albania. The last town belonged
to Kyrikeh the Fourth, of the dynasty of the Bagratids of Dashir. They
also captured Kartman, in the district of Udi. Meanwhile, another
Mongol chief, named Ghataghan Noyan, conquered Charek and
Kedapag, or Getabac.* Vartan says he conquered the four cantons
of Kedabag and Vartaaashadt Vahram, who was at Kartman, fled and
escaped. Having imposed a tribute upon them, the Mongols withdrew.
The army which had taken Shamkor also subdued Tavush, Kadzareth,
Norpert, Kak or Ga^ &c.t At this time, the great Vartabied,or doctor,
Vanakan, had made hhnself a retreat with his own hands on the
iMunmit of a high rock,, opposite the village of OJorut, south of Tavush,
where he had sought refuge when Jelal ud din destroyed his monastery at
Erkevank. There he lived with a crowd of disciples and a fine library,
and there he had built a church and some cells. When Molar Noyan
arrived,- a crowd of men, women, and children sought refoge in his cavern,
where they were blockaded |iy the Mongols, and presently food and water
ran short, while the terrible heat made die place most unhealthy. The
Mongols cried out to them to come down from their vantage and surrender,
and that they would be well treated. They begged the Vartabied to go
and conciliate the terrible invaders. He accordingly went down with
his two disciples Mark and Sosthenes, and found the Mongol chief on a
height opposite the cave, with an umbrella held over his head, as it was
fiercely hot They were ordered by the guards to bend the knee three
times, *' in the fashion which camels do," and when they were admitted,
they were bidden to prostrate themselves towards the East, that is,
towards the great Khakan. Molar addressed the wliite-bearded doctor,
and asked him why he had not gone to offer his submission, as he had
ordered that he and his people were to be well treated. He replied that
they were unaware of his good intentioiis, for they did not understand
his bmguage, and that no one had m (act gone to acquaint them with
his wishes When they knew them they had complied. '' We are
neither sokUers nor ricn people,** he said, "but strangers and pilgrims
collected from various places to study religion together. Do with us as
you will." Mohur bade them be seated and at ease. He inquired about
Vahram's whereabouts, and about his various fortresses. He then ordered
the rest of the refugees to come down, and promised them safety under
chiefs he would appoint over them. Guimgos, who tells the story,
was among those who now went down. They felt, he says, like sheep
going among wolves. Each one, expecting to be killed, repeated his
* Guiragot, ed DroMtt, mo. loum. Aftiat., jUi wtr., xL aai.
f Journ. Ast&t., ser. v., xvl 163. } Af., xL sn. Golnigos, ed BrosMt, iia
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THB PRIDICESiCmS OF KHULASU. 37
pr ofetijo n of fiuth in the Holy Trmityy and befiure leaving the cave they
all partook of the Sacnunent The Mongols, however, treated them fairly.
They first gave them water to assuage their thirst, and then put them in
custody of some guaids. In the morning they stripped them of all that
they could, and proceeded also to plunder the grotto and the chorch of its
ornaments — copes, cups, t6h^ «a«dltstidcs, and two gospels encrusted
with nlver. Having sdccted such of the moi as they wished to transport
e lsewhcic, they sent the rest to live in the neighbouring village and
mooastery, and set a person over them to protect them. Among those
who had to go away was Guiragos, the Vartabied, and a young priest named
Paul, the nephew of the latter. They were dragged over a rugged
country withont roads, on foot, and were esctnled by Persians whose
hands had beien dipped m Christian blood, and who treated them inso-
lently. Theywereharriedon,andany who lagged were beaten with rods.
"There was no time to draw thorns out of the feet, or to drink by the
wayside.** When they halted, they were shut up in small houses, whence
they were not allowed to go out, even to satisfy nature^ and were closely
guarded. Gulragos and some of his companions were emptoyed as
secretaries, to write letters for the invaders. He enlaiges on the miseries
of the way. At the approach of autumn, and as they neared the -fhmtier
of ArmeniA, individuals began, at all risks, to escape. Those who thus
ventured all got away except two priests, who were re-caught and executed
before Guiragos and his companions. The chronicler tells us his master
ofllered them horseflesh to eat ; for the Mongols ate all kinds of animals,
pure and impure— even rats and serpents. The Vartabied replied they
wanted no sudi food, but if he wished to do them a kindness he might
let them return, as he had promised, for he was old and ill, and could be
of no service to them either as a soldier or a herdsman. He said he
would consult his major-domo Chuchughan, who was then absent on a
plundering expedition. This roan of the wcMTld insisted upon a ransom being
found, and urged that the ahns which went to buy repose for the dead
might be reasonably used to ransom the living. The Vartabied declared
they had been stripped of all their goods, and had nothing lef^ but if they
were conducted to one of the neighbouring fortresses, the Christians there
would ransom them. They were accordingly taken to Kak, or Gag. There
the Vartabied was ransomed, but they refused to let Guiragos go, as they said
they needed him to write their letters. Guiragos says, there was at Kak
a famous cross, which paformed miracles, especially in fiivour of o^ves,
and that those who invoked it fiuthfiilly saw the martyr, St Sargis,
himself open the prison doors. The Vartabied promised to go and invoke
the saint in his behalfl He was ransomed for eighty dahegkans, fifky
more, says Vartan, than what Judas sold the Saviour for. Molar Noyan,
who evidently, Hke the other Mongol chiefs, valued a clever writer, consoled
Guiragos for the loss of his old master. He promised to promote him
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iS HISTORY 07 THB HONOOLS. '
over his own chiefii; if be already had awife he wodd send fsr her^-lf
noC, be bade him choose one fixmi among them ; and he gave him a tent
and two boys to wait on him, and promised to give him a horse on die
following day. But as they passed the Monastery of KecBg, or Getici in
EI Atem Armenia, where he had been brooght np^ and which had beea
sacked by the Mongolsi he managed to epciqw.*
Turning else where, we find diat the district of iClMdien was also ravaged
atthistime. Its strons^lds ie& by force or stratagem. Agreatmany
of the people who had sought safetyin difficult retreats were dnly followed
there and put to the sword, thrown down precipices, and their bones
whkened the ground for a long time after. The Mongols also marched
against Hassan, styled Jehd, son of Valditang, Prince of Khachen, and of
the sister of the Constables Zakaria and Ivaneh. He was pions and
charitable, had the vntues of an andumte, and was a foithfol attendant
(t the church'a services, and a scholar. After the death of his wife,
irakhtang*s mother brought op his three sons, Jelal, Zakalria, and
IvandL She eventually went as a pilgrim to Jerusalem, and died there.
When the Mongols drew near, Jelal assembled his people in the fortress
of Khoiakhan, or Khokan (called Khokhanaberd in Persian), in the province
of Artsakh. When suimnoned, he went to their camp, with rich presents.
The Moi^l chief to whom he submitted, was CholaM or Jola,«brother of
Charmagfaan. He was weU treated, and not only restored to his principality,
but it was increased in sixe. He was ordered to join the Moogds every
year in their campaigns, and to be &ith£ul and obedient By his pni>
dence and conciliation, and by adi^ng himself to the insatiable habits of
the invaden, and meeting their greed with continual presents, he secured
an immunity from their attadcs, which was most exceptionalt His
daughter Rusudan was married by dola to Bugha, son of his brodier
Charmaghan.t
In another direction, another subordinate of Charmaghan, called
Jagatai, marched upon L6rh^ capital of the district of'Tashir, in the
province of Kukark, the treasure city of Shahan Shah. The Utter, on
the approach of the Mongols, withdrew with his fiunily, and took shelter
in the caverns in the neighbouring valley, and committed the defence of
LMii to his. fot]ier-in4aw. His people were effeminate persons, and gave
themselves up to dissipation, and, in the words of Guiragos, trusted to
the strength of their walls rather than in God. The Mongols undermmed
the ramparts, \Hiich foil down, and they then entered the place, and as
usual with them, commenced an indiscriminate slaughter. They dis-
covered Shahan Shah's treasures, which he had amassed by the oppression
of his people, and which he had concealed in a chamber with a very
L «i. BrotMi, 19^1^ JovfB. Aiiat, fth mt., xL fM-9|>.
t fd., HS'V^ Guinigot. td. ProtMl, ijt-i;
I Ukt.(kIiiCtercm5X4»Not«4aodAd&ioi
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THB PMDBCISSORS OF KHULAGU. 29
small entrance, mliich, like a child's money-box, enabled thingi to be put
in, but not easily taken ont again. His fitther-in-h^w was pat todeatk
The remaining fiortresses of the district were then captured either by
force or craft, and were similarly devastated. These included Dmaiiis
and ShamshuiW, in t^e province of Kukark, and Tiflis, Ae metropolis.*
Avak, scm'of the Constable Ivaneh, seeing die country overwhehned by
this flood of enemies, sought shelter in the very strong fort of Gaian, or
Kaian, in the district of Tzorophor, in the province of Kukark, to wfaidi
the inhabitants of the surrounding dtetrict also fled. One of the Mongol
chiefs named Tugfaata Noyan, with a force of Mongols, beleaguered hhn
there, bdlt a wall of drcumvaUation round the foot of the fortress,
and sent several messages to Avak, oikriag him terms if he would
acknowledge his supremacy. He ofieied him his daughter Khcchak and
some of his riches in the hope of thus buying him off. The Mongols
accq)led these, but insisted more stron^y upon his going to them in
person. Water b^;an to run short, and the crafty besiegers allowed
many of the people who had sought refoge to pass through their lines in
safety to water their horses at the river (# .^., the Ddb^da, die Kamenka of
the Russians, on whose left bank IMbi was situated) ; diey would not,
however, let them return, but told them to summon their fomiHes out
They thus planted their foot upon them and despoiled them, taking such
of their women as suited them and killing such of them as they disliked.
At length Avak, finding that their attack continued, and also their
cruelties, determined to surrender, and thus buy a respite for his peojde.
He accordingly sent Gregory, fomiliarly called Tgfaa, or the in&nt, his
major-domo (according to A. Remusat, his nephew ; and to Brosset, his
cousinX to darmaghan, who was then encamped on the Kegfaakuni,
otherwise called by the Armenians the LaKe of Kegh W and the Lake of
S^ran, and now known to the Turks as the Blue S^ and to the Persians
as the Beautiftil Sea. The Gtwgian Chramch says the Mongol leaders
were at diis time in their winter quarters at Berdaa, their summer ones
being in the mountains of Gdakun, and near the Araxes.t Charmaghan
was immensely pleased at this embassy. Avak^s nvoy promised, on his
behalf, that He would faithftilly serve the Mongols, and pay them the
kharaj, or feudal dues, for his domains. He also asked them to swear
solemnly that he should be safe if he went to them. This they agreed to
da Their religion, says our chronicler, was to adore the only God, and
to make three genuflexions to him daily, at sunrise, towards the east. In
swearing an oath, they dipped a piece of gold in wLten which the/
afterwards drank. This kincl of oath, we are told, was never broken,
and they told no lies« They gave AvaVs messenger a golden tablet or
paizah, guaranteeing him a safe conduct. Op Avak's arrival Charmaghan
" Goingos, «d. Branvt; 1x4*136. Jottii£ Aaiat, stb Mr*, xi 231-233.
t Op. dt, 5161
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30 HISTOHY Of THE UOMOOLB.
rebuked him for nor having at once submitted, and quoted the proverb,
** I went to the windqw, but you did not come. I then went to the door,
and you hastened to me." He caused him to be seated below his
grandees, and gave a grand feast in hb honour, in which the flesh of pure
and impure animals, quartered and roasted, was served up, while ttumia
was liberally served out of skins. Avak would not eat or drink, saying that
Christians only ate dean animals, which had been properly killed, and
drank only wine. These wf re furnished him. On succeeding days, his
seat at table was promoted, until he was seated among the principal
Mongol officers, while, out of consideration for him, a number of his
people who had been made captjve were released, and his former
appanage was restored lo him, and even enlarged.* The Gcergum
ChronicU says that Mongol commissaries were placed in his towns.
Charmaghan, accompanied by Vahram and Avak, now marched
against Ani, the ancient capital of Armenia, which was fortified, had a
strong garrison, and was well provisioned. It was so full of churches
that it was usual to swear by the thousand-and-one churches of Ani. It
was subject to Shahan Shah. The envoys sent by the Mongols, calling
upon it. to surrender, were murdered by the citizens. This was speedily
revenged. The town was attacked with vigour, and numerous war engines
were planted around it. It was s^nin captured. Some of the principal
citizens, who had prolxibly oeen traitors, were spared: the rest of the
people were ordered to go out of the town in the method practised by
J ingis. They were then divided among the troops in squads and massacred.
Only a few women, children, and artisans were spared, and reduced to
slavery. The town u^s now sacked, its chiurches ptUaged, and its monu-
ments defaced. Goiragos describes in lurid colours the horrible sight,
the ravishing of chaste nuns, the slaughter of helpless priests, &c One
of his phrases is grim. " Delicate bodies," he sa>'s, ** accustomed to be
washed with soap, were lying about damp and livid.'i' The devastation
must have been dreadful. In a work published at Venice in 1830, entitled
" Patmutiun Anuoi," and written by the Father Minas Bjechkian, we
are told that some of those who escaped on this occasion, found shelter at
KaflTa and Trebizond, where their posterity still remain ; a larger number
went to Astrakhan and Ak Serai. These, in 1299, being hard pressed by
the Tartar Khan, sent to the Genoese, at Kaflfa, to ask for an asylum. They
then traversed the country of the Tartars with arms in their hands, and
settled in the Krim. They multiplied so much, that they eventually had
100,000 houses and 1,001 churches about Kaffii, as they had had about Ani. t
When the people of Kars saw what had befallen Ani, they hastened to
give up the keys of their town. But the Mongols, whose appetite for
• Gttiragos, ed. Brocset, i96-ia7. Joum. Asiat., 5th ner., xi. 233-236. HUt. de laG^orgic, L 516.
t GniniffO^ «d. BriMset. I97>is8. Joum. Asiat., sih i»er., xi. 237-238.
I Brotset, b Ldieiui Hbttoirt du Biv» Empire, xvil 456. Note.
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THE PRKDBCSSSOitS OF XfiULAGU. 3I
plunder had been wliettcid, did not in cooteqnence spare them, but
piUeged Kara as they had done Ani, appropriated its riches, and carried
off its population into captivity. They withdrew (mm it, leaviag a few
humble people in possession, who were afterwards exterminated or carried
off by the Turks of Asia Minor. The Mongols who captured Kara^ alt»
took the town of Surp Maxi, or Surmari, situated on the Araxes, sooth of
Echmiadiin. It had only a few years befete been captured from the
Mnhamedans by Shahan iShah and Avak The coodnfent irfuch now
took it was commanded by Kara Bagfaatur**
When they had completed thehr conquest of the country, they issued
orders for the fugitive inhabitaofts to return to their villages and homes,
and to rebuild and re-oocupy them under their new masters. Their
campaign in these parts was undertaken in the summeiv when the crops
were not ail gathered, and they trod a great deal under foot with their
horses and cattle. The subsequent winter proved to be mild, and although
there was no possibility of sawing fresh crops, or of tilling the giound, it
produced a scanty crop nevertheless, while succour was afforded by the
Georgians, whose general conduct, however, towards the Armenian
fugitives who sought refuge among them may be gathered from the epithet
of ** the pitiless nation of the Georgians," applied to them by Guiragos.
Shordy after thts, Avak was dispatched to visit the great Khakan
Ogotai. He was accompanied by the prayers of his people, who hoped
he would obtain a surcease of their terrible sufferings. He duly arrived
at the Court and presented the letters of the Mongol chiefe, disclosing the
object of his journey, which was to oflbr his submission. Ogotai received
him well, gave him a Mongol wife, and sent hun hon)e again. He also
ordered his generals t^ reinstate Avak in his dominions, and with his aid
to reduce those who>condnned to resist These orders they carried out,
and secured the submission of Shahan Shah, son of Zakaria, of the Prince
Vahram and his son, Ak Buka, of Hasan, sumamed Jelal, Prince of
Khachen,.and of many others.
In the Georgian CkronkU we read how, when Shahan Shah saw the
security which Avak had brought his people by submission, he sent to tell
Avak that if he counselled it, he would also submit The Mongols were
very pleased with this, and conferred a golden tablet on him, and also made
over Am and all its dependencies to him. The Georgians who submitted
were well treated, while those who were obstinate were trodden under.
Meanwhile, however, says our author, Hereth, Kakheth, Somkheth,
Karthli, and all the country towards Kamukalak, was cruelly devastated,
and the inhabitants slaughtered or reduced to slavery. Tiflis was also
captured. In winter, the Mongols encamped at Berdaa, on the banks of
the Muuar, towards Gag. They pillaged all Karthli, Samtskh^ and
* Gntragot, op. cit, 196-199. Journ. Astat., i^ Mr., xi. %^l^yi<.
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3a HISTORY or T&B HOMOOLS.
Jawaldhech, and as fiuT as Greece (/^^ Rum), Heredi and KaUMth as £tf
as Derbend. Overwhelined by these disasters, the Geoisian mdiawars
sabmhted. Amrag diese were duMe of Heretfa, KaklMh, KanliU, Gam-
reseloTThoryandSaii^ofThmogvl, awise pbilosopher, endowed witii
fi^reat gifts. The Geoigbui Queen, Kasodan, had taken refiige in the
mountains. To bring her to her knees, wt am told that Jagatai Noyan
madeaorudiaidiQioiithepRyfinceofSamt^did. The Meddies in tarror
fled to telr fortresses, and a gratt number of the people were captnoed or
killed. Ivan^ son of die commander of Tiildiis-Juaiv also named Kuar-
knareh, asked the Que e n' s permisskm to be alhiwed to submit, so as to save
Sainbfch^ftom utter ndn. HehadthetitleofdieChieroftheAnnourers,
andwasdiemdiawarof thepiovfaice. The Queen having consented, he
went to Oia^uitai, or Jagataiy whu Deceived him well and phioed overseers
in the pmrince, which was thus spared.* At first, the Mongols aUowed
the prboes who were sidmissive, as above described, to retain their
anthoritf in peaoe^ but piesently btgBOi to harass diem by perquisitions,
de m ands for mSitary service, Ac Nevertheless, they did not put
any of them to death. In die course of a few years, Avak also became
the victim of dieir eiaction% for they were most avarickms, and
dunanded not only meat and drink, but also horses and rich garments ;
horses espedsUy were their delight, and no one could keq> one, or a mule,
eicept secredy, for wherever they met with one they appropriated it
Each horse dius captured was mariEod with a hot iron with the tam^^
or private mark of the owner. Thus, if it strayed it was returned
to its owner ; anyone keeinng such a nuuked horse benig punished
as a diie£ These exactions became more firequent after the death
of the Mong<^ General Jagatn, wiM> was assassinated, as we shall
presendy show. He was the friend of Avak, and when be died many of
the other Mongols declared against the latter. One day, one of these chiefe
of inferior rank, named Joj-Buka, having entered the room where Avak
was seated, and the latter not having risen to greet hlQi, he struq^ him on
the head with his whip. The attendants would have fellen umn the
intruder, but were restrained by Avak. After this outhige, he codected
his men, with the intention of assasdnating Avak in die night ; but the
latter fled, and sought refuge with the Queen of Geoigia, who he thought
was at issue with the invaders. When Avak fled to Rusudan, the
Mongols aflfected to be distressed, sent to ask him to return, and bll^ned
diose who had caused his withdrawal H\i principality they made over
to Shahan Shah as to a brother. Meanwhile, Avak wroto to Ogotai, to
teU him he had only fled to escape ill-usage, and was aiways at his service
While he awaited the Khakan's reply, the Mongols made a search for his
treasures, which they found hidden ih his fortresses. Afraid of the anger
• BcoM«,Hiacd*kG4o»sie,5i7.
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THK MLKDBCMgQRS OF KHULAOU. •JJ
of the Khakan, they sent message after message bidding hhn racnrn.
When he at length reached their camp» he was met by a mssanger finom
Ocoiai bearing letters and presents for him, and also orders that he was
not to be molested, and that he might go wherever he pleased. He was
then sent, with an officer 'named Tongfaus Aka, who had been speciaUy
deputed as commissary of taxes in Georgia, to invite the Georgian Queen
Kusudan to submit Heacquitted himself well in his mission, and a tnafty
was agreed upon, by which the Queen and her in&ntson David, ndiom she
caused to be crowned, were to be subject to the Moogds, while the latter
were not to molest her.* The famous beauty was not inclined to be 40
submissive as her various nominal dependents. She wrote to die P<^ie,
asking for the aid of a Christian army, with ^n^iich to repel the Mongols,
and professed a complete submission to the Roman Church. Gv^^orythe
Ninth, in his reply, congratulated her on the latter decisi o n, but held out
small consolation otherwise. He perhaps doubted her sincerity, and we
are in feet assured by Bar Hel>raeus that she renoun c ed Christianity and
became a Moslem.t
Malalda has a curious story, which is not reported, so fer as I know,
elsewhere. He tells us that the three leaders of die Tartars at this time
were Chorman (<>., Channaghan}« Benal, and Molar Noyan. One
evening, at a kuriltai, where it was resolved to make a fresh invarion of
the west and a fresh massacre, the three wen not of one mind. Charma-
ghan, who was of a more humane disposition than the other two, urged
that by the order and with the help of God, they had ravaged the land
sufficiently, and that it was better that the population which remained
should take one-half of the produce of its labour for its sustenance, and
pay over the other half to them. Night coming on, the kuriltai came to
an end, and each retired to rest When morning broke, two of die chiefe
were found dead, and Charroagfaan alone remained. He set out with
witnesses for the Court of Chankighan (i>., Jingis iOian, but really
of Ogotai), to whom he related what had passed. The Khan was
astonished, and declared that the death of the chiefe was good proof
that their course was not grateful to God, while his was, and that the
wiU of God was, that in conquering the earth they should cherish and
protect it«-peop]e it— and impose tbeh* laws upon it ; and also the
four taxes, ^kf^ mal^ ikt^^kar^ uAgkpMckttr, Those who would not
obey or pay these taxes ought to be killed and to have didr lands
devastated, while the others should be spared. Chorman was sent back,
and the Khakan, we are told, gave him one of his own wives, named
Ailthana Khatun, In marriage. He accordingly returned, and settled
on the plain of Miighan.|
^ Gsirafoc, «d. Di ot ut , ijD>i3t. Jonrn. Aabt. jth mt., xL %^o-9m,
\ A. Rvmimt, ** — -"^ •' ^—^--^ -^ — —
I MaltUa, BraiMt/1
ijp>i3t. Jottrn. Aabt|i sth mt., xL i
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34*' History op thb Uomooli
Goiragos tells us that at this time a Syrian doctor, named Simeon, who
was styled Rabban Athor (amixed title, rabban meaning doctor in Syrian,
and athor meaning &ther in Mongol), gamed great influence over Ogotu.
He asked the great Khakan to issue an order exempthig the innocent
people who did not resist the Mongol arms from massacre. Ogotai
assented to this, and sent him westwards, anudst great pomp, and bearing
a note for the Mongol commander, ordering him in these matters to
conform to the wishes of Ae S^an doctor. On his return, he greatly
eased the condition of the Christians. He built dristian churches in the
Mussohnan towns, where hitherto no one dared pronounce the ntHnt of
Christ, notably at Tebris, and at Nakhchivan. In diese two towns their
condition had been particularly humiliating, and they dared not show
themselves even. He bdlt churches and raised crosses there, while the
jamahar (/./., the substitute for a bell, consisting of *a sonorous piece of
wood, which was struck byanotherX was heard bynight as wdl as by day.
Christian funerals, accompanied by the cross and gospel, and the sur-
roundings of the liturgy, openly paraded the streets. All who opposed
were liable to be pat to death. The Mongol troops treated him widi
great deference, while his tamgha, or seal, attached to a document, was a
free passport for his compatriots. No one dared touch those who invoked
his name, &nd the Mongol generals gave him a portion of the booty they
captured. He was modest and temperate, and only took a little food in
the evening. He baptised numbers of the Mongols *
Gdragos condenses in a few graphic phrases some of the chief
characteristics of the invaders, whom he knew so intimately. He describes
them as having horrible and repulsive countenances, and as being (except
in the case of a few who had a little) without beards. On the upper lip
and chin were a few hairs, which might becounted. Theyhad small, piercing
eyes, and a shrill, piercing voice. They were long lived. So long as they
had abundant food, they ate and drank gluttonously, and when this was
scarce, they as easily supported hunger. They fed on the flesh of all
lands of animals, pore and impure, but preferred that of the horse. They
cut the animals into quarters, and then boiled or roasted them without
salt They then cut them into small pieces, and having dipped them in
salt water, ate them. Some knelt while eating, like camels, while others
sat down. Masters and servants had equal shares at their feasts. In
drinking kumis or wine, a large vessel was produced, out of which a man
took a portion in a cup, and threw some of it towards the sky and towards
the four points of the compass. After the libation, having tasted, the
cupbearer handed some of it to the principal chie^ who, to prevent being
poisoned, made the person who carried it taste any meat or drink he
offered. They had as many wives as they pleased, and punished adultery
* Guiragos, ed. BrosMt, I37*i38. Journ. Asiat, 5th ter., xi. as}-a54.
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tRt FttDKttSORS or KHULAOU. 3S
mociktsty with death. They poaiihodthtft in the tame wmy. Gmngos
nys they had no rdigum andAo religious ceremonies, ahhotigh they had
the name of God on their fips on all occasions. They often dedared that
their ruler was the equal of God, who had taken heaven himself while he
had given the earth to the Khakan, and to prove it dedared dttt Jmgto
Khan had not heen produced in the ordmary way, but diat a ray of li^
cooling from some invisUe place, had entered by the roof into the house
of his mother, and had said^ ^Conceive, and thou shalt have a son who
will be ruler of the world." This story Guiragos says had been told him
by Gregory, son of Manban and brodier of Arslanbag of Sargis and
Amira,ofthe£unilyof the Biamigonians, who had heard it from the lips
of Khuthu Noyan, one of the prindpal Tartars, while he was teadifaigthe
young peofde. When a Tartar died, or was put to death, they carried his
corpse about with them for several days, since they believed thatademon
entered the body, and made a number of statements; they then burnt it
Sometimes also they buried it in a deep grave, with its arms and ai^wrel,
and the gold and silver belonging to the deceased. If he was a chie^
they also buried some of his male and £unale slaves, that they might wait
on him, and also some horses, since they believed there were great fights
in the othqr world. In order to peipetuate the memory of the deceased,
they ^t open the belly of his horse and todc out aU the flesh through the
opening. They then burnt the bon^ and entrails, and afterwards sewed
up die skin as if its body was whole, and thrust a pole through it, which
came out of its mouth. This memorial they hung on a tree or in an
elevated situation. Their women, he says, were magicians, and cast their
incantations everywhere. It was only after a dedsion by their magicians
that they undertook a.march.*
We have now reached the term of Charmaghan's career, but before
describing his end it will be well to sum tq> the result of his administratioa,
and also to relate what took place in Khorasan and elsewhere during his
term of office in Persia. The main results of Charmaghan's campaigns,
were the thorough subjection and parcelling out among his follows of
Azerbaijan, Armenia, Irak-Ajem, and Arran, the last of which provinces,
with its beaudftd grassy plains, became the real head-quarters <^ the
Mongols for a long time. Georgia, as we have seen, was severdy
punished, but retained, although in a dqiendent position, its own line of
princes, whose history continued dosdy entwined with that of the
conquerors. Kennan and Fars were spaftd devastation by timdy
submission. We have seen how the Hajib Borak obtained possession
of the former. We are told by Juveni that he carried on a fonj^
strugi^ with Ghiath ud din, the Atabeg of Yeid,t He agreed to pay the
Mongols an jmnual tribute, and recdved from the Khalif the title of
* Onineot, ad. Bu a rt, I34-X35* Jootn. Aabt., stH |cr., xl »48-tso. t IlkbaBt, L 66,
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36 HISrroitY OP THE UOKGOLS.
Kuctugh Sulten. When Tair Behadur, as we shall see, attacked Seistan,
he sent orders to Borak to send him some troops, and to f<o and
acknowledge the Khakan's supremacy. He replied that he would
undertake to capture the place himself; and that the Mongols need not
trouble themselves about it As to visiting the Khakan, he was too okl;
but he would send his son, Rokn ud din, in his place. That young
prince set out, and en route heard of hit father's death, and that the
throne of Kerman was now filled by his cousin.* Borak died in the year
63a HEJ. {i.e^ 1235}, and was succeeded by his nephew, who was also his
step-son and son-in-Uw, Kutb ud din Abul Fath, the son of his elder
brother Taniko or Baniko, of Taraz, to whom he left the successkm by
his wilLt
The same year, some Khuarezmian chiefe who had sought shelter at
Shiraz, went to Jiraft in Kerman, a town described by Tavermer as one of
the laigest cities of Kerman, having a trade in horses and wheat They
were named \or Khan, Sunj Khan, and Timur MaUk, the toious deCmder
of Khojend. Having attacked Kutb ud din, many of them were killed,
and the rest captured or dispersed. Kutb ud din gave his prisoners state
robes, and sent them back to Shiraz, whose Atabeg made apdogies f<n:
the raid, which he said had been made without his kno^edge. In 1236,
Kutb ud din went to Ogotai's court to receive investiture. He was well
received there, but was dqirived of his sovereignty in &vour of Borak*s
son Rokn ud din, while he himself was sent to China, to serve under
Mahmud Yelvaj. Rokn ud din retained the sovereignty of Kerman till
the year 650 HBJ., i>., 1252 A.D., when he was deposed by order of
Mangu Khan, and his counn Kutb ud din was reinstated.!
We must now say a few words about Fars. We have seen how it was
ruled by the Atabeg Said of the Salgarid fiunily.§ He died in the year
635 HEJ., /.#., 1238, and was succeeded by his son Abubekr, who, we are
told, " annexed the greater part of the tracts lying on the side of the Gulf
of Persia, such as Hormuz, Katif, Bahrain, Oman, and Lahsa, perhaos the
Al Hasa of Ibn Batuta, which he says was previously called Hajar." || We
are further told that he sent his brother Tahamtan with rich presents to
Ogotai, and received investiture from him. The author of the " Tabakat-i-
Nasiri" says, " He engaged to pay tribute to them (the infidel Mongols),
and brought reproach and dishonour upon himself by becoming a
tributaryof the infidels of Chm,and became hostile to the Dar ul Khilafet'lT
Abubekr is famqus as the prince to whom Saadi dedicated his fiunous
'** Gulistan." He retained the sovereignty of Fars for thirty-three years.**
We must turn aside for an instant to see what had taken place in
Khorasan during Charmaghan's control of the army. I have mentioned
JlP?*f^,Mh '3»:*3«- t T«bdc«i4-N«»iri, "18. lUvwt/snote.
ITabiJcat.i.Na»m,iii8.iii9. Not«$. D*OhMon, iU. 13a. ♦Ante.
a Tabakat-i-Nariri, 179. Note. f Op. dt, «8a •• td
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THB PREDECESSORS 01 KHULAGU. 37
how Chin Timur was nominated governor of that province. He proceeded
to treat it from the point of view of a fiuiner of taxes, and to grind out
of the remaining inhabitants of the unhappy country the little remaining
property they had. The Mongols, we are told, did not value money or
precious stones ; but he did, and extracted what he could, by torture and
otherwise and then slew the victims of his tyranny. The few who
escaped him had to pay a ransom for their houses.* While this was the
character of the civil administration of Khorasan, it was also the scene of
some military exploits. Two of the Sultan Jelal ud din's officers, named
Karaja and Tughan-i-Sunkar (called Togan SangUr by D'OhssonX at the
head of ic^ooo Kankalis, made their way to tfab mountains in the neigh-
bourhood of Nishapur and Tus, whence they made attacks on the
country round, and killed the governors appointed by Charmaghan.
The laUer order^ Chin Timur, with his deputy, Kelilat, or Kalbad, to
march against them.t Clun Timur attacked them chree times without
result, when Kelilat defeated them near Sebsevar, after a three days'
struggle, which cost him 2,000 men. Karaja thereupon fled towards
Sejistan, or Seistan, and Tughan towards Kuhistan. Three thousand
Kankalis found shelter at Herat, in the great mosque. Kelilat sent 4,000
men after them, who forced their way in and killed them aUt
Meanwhile, Tair Baghatur, who commanded the Mongol troops about
Herat and its dependency Bad^^us, had been ordered to march against
Karaja, and to lay waste the country where he had sheltered In t^ard
to this last part of the order, Juveni quotes the Persian proverb^ ^Wolves
know well enough how to tear ; it is necessary to teacjh them how to
sew."§ He was already on the march, when he h^ard that Karaja had
been beaten by Kelilat, and had taken reftige in the fortress of Arak,
or Uk of Seistan, which we are told lies north-east from the Shahristan of
Seistan. T*^ere Tair beleagured him for nineteen months, when, a pesti
lence having broken out, it succumbed. Major Raverty says Uk is
situated between Farah and Zaranj, and that it has been in ruins for many
years. || The author of the ^ Tabakat-i-Nasiri ** tells a curious story of the
siege. How, on a certain night, the defenders of the place had determined
to plant an ambuscade in some Idlns outside the northern gate of the town
while a sortie was made from the eastern gate. When the Mongols
attacked the latter body, the kettle-drums were to be sounded at .the
citadel, whereupon those in ambush should emerge, and take the Mongols
in rear. During the night 700 men, natives of Tulak, accordingly planted
themselves, ftilly equipped, in the appointed place, whDe at daybreak the
other contingent, after performing its religious exercises, made the
appointed sorde. When they had engaged the enemy, the kettle-drums
made the appointed signal, which was repeated, but no one issued from
iyOhrMo,ffi. KM. t Tttb^kMUlVimlA tite, No^ I irOhmm, HI T04.105.
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3S HinORV OF THE MOVOOU.
the ambush. The Malik Taj ud din fitnal Tigin, who was (hen rvdmr &f
Seistan and Nimroz, sent trusty men to inquire the reason for this, who
reported that the whole 700 were dead. Our author says ^they had
surr^dered their liv^ to God, and there was no sign of life in any one of
them." And he expUuns in the context that they had died from the pesti-
lence which then raged at Uk. He says it began by a pain in the nuxith,
which on the second day was followed by the teeth droj^ing out, and on
the third day the patient died. A woman having been seized, feeling ner
teeth loose, and knowing that her end was near, summoned her little
daughter, and applied henna to her feet and hands. It was usual, hb*
says, for women in doing this, to wet their fingers with their topgue^ and
then to rub the henna, tiaving done this, the woman resigned herself to
death, but in the morning her teeth became £ut and the aching passed
away. It was thus discovered that henna was a specific for the pestilence,
and in consequence a menn of the drug was sold for 350 golden dmars.
After some time, Malik Taj ud din Binal Tigin was struck in the eye with
an arrow, and presently, while directing the defence of the fort from the
top of one of the towers, he lost his footing, fell down, and was ciy>tured.
The fortress then fell. "The inhabitants were martyred after a great
number of the infidels had gone tq helL'** Taj ud din Binal Tigin
was taken firom Seistan to the fortress of 6alhedkoh, where he was put
to death underneath the walls.t
Thus was suppressed this dangerous outbreak of one part of the dis-
banded soldiery of the Khuarezm Shah, consisting mainly»of Turkomans.
Another portion found its way to Syria and Egypt Meanwhile, after the
fall of Uk, Tair Behadur wrote to Chin Timur to say he had been
intrusted by the Khakan with the government of Khorasan, which he
called upon him to surrender. The latter reproached him with his
cruelties in destroying the innocent people, with the misdeeds of Karaja,
and added that he had sent to report his conduct to head-quarters.
Meanwhile, Chin Timur and his officers received a sumnuMis firom Char-
maghan to go to him (Raverty says to return to Khuarezm with the agents
of the princes who were with him), and to give up the government of
Khorasan and Mazanderan to Tair Behadur. A council was held, and it
was determined that Kelilat, or Kalbad, who represented Ogotai's special
interests, should repair to the Imperial Court, to solicit his master's deci-
sion in favour of Chin Timur. Some princes of the country accompanied
him. Among these were Malik Baha ud din Saluk, one of the principal
chiefs of Mazanderan, who submitted at this time, and the Asfidied Ala
ud din (or Nusrat ud din), of the Kabud Jamah.) It was the first time
that any of the Maliks of Iran had gone to do homage, and Ogotai,
who was much pleased, contrasted Charmaghan's conduct in this respect
* Op. dt., iia3«ii35. t /d., floo.
[ (9 Tabarutan and RnsUmdar. FuU Tab. Nas., 263. Note,
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THX PmtDICB880R8 OF KHUIAGU. . 39
with Chin Timur^ Ogotai tbei«Qp<n rewarded the latter, and appoliitad
him oqweme governor qI Khonuan, with Kalbad (or Kelilat as he ^
bo^ by D'Ohsson and Von Hammer) as his associate, making them both
independent of Charmagfaan. He contoied the tract extending from the
Kabnd Jamdi territory to Asterabad on the As&hed Ala ad din ; and the
districts of Isterain, Joven, Baihak, Jajurm, Khurand, and Ari^iaian upon
Bahaaddin,and gave each of thema golden paixah.* OunTimmrai^nted
Sherif adding of Yeid (Von Hammer says of KhnaresmXhis Ulugh Bitikji,
or Chief Secretary, or Master of the Seals ; and Baha nd din Mohammed
Jnveni, the fiuher of the fiunoos author of the ''Jihan Kushai," his finance
minister. In the hater's office was a representative of each of the three
other princes who had furnished contmgcsnts for thePeisian war as I have
mentioned, and who had a joint interejrt' in the revenues of Khorasan.t
Chin Timnr died in 1235, ^^^ ^"^^ succeeded by a very old Mongol,
named Nussal, Tusal or Usal, who» we are told, had been appointed
by Jingis as joint guard^'an of the Ulus of JuchLt He was soon
after displaced by a Buddhist Ui|^ur, named Knrgui (ia^ blind-eye),
who had risen successively from being tutor and writing-master to
the children of Jucbt Khan to be the secretary of Chin Timur (like
himself a Uighur) when the latter was Governor of Khuarexm. He
had been sent with Muhammed of jweni to Ogotai's Court, to report to
him the condition of Khorasan and Masaaderan, which he described in
mflated Persian figures, ifUir aUa^ saying that where winter formeriy
rdgned, there was now spring, and that the country was as full of
flowers and perfiimes as paradise. These phrases, mixed with flattering
speeches, won him the flavour of Ogotai, whose minister, Chinkai, also
a Uighur, fisivoured him. During the rule of Nussal, Kurguz was
summoned to the Court, where he had enemies as well as friends, to give
an account of the affiurs of fChorasan. While Chinkai suj^rted him,
and aigued that the principal people of Khorasan also wished to have
him, Danishmend Hajib^ another official at the Court, uiged the claims of
Unigu Timur, son of Chin Timur. Kurguz at length obtained a temporary
aothority in Khorasan and Mazanderan, with orders to make a census,
and receive the taxes in the two provinces. The order appointing him
deposed Nussal, who had been a mere puppet, the real authority having
been controlled by Kelilat, who now found himself put into the shade.
Kurguz proceeded to repress a good deal of exaction, &C., in his government.
Meanwhile, Kelilat and Sherif ud din, the vizier, secretly supported Ungu
Timur, and incited him to send complaints of the doings of Kurguz to
the Khakan. Their attacks were parried there by Chinkai, and Ogotai at
length sent Azig^um, with two officers, to report on the state of things.§
They w«re met at Fenakat by Kurguz, who had set out to report in person,
t IXOkHOB, BL xoyr.108, I lOchiiaa, 1 1x3. ^ TTOimm, O. ifo-itt.
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40 HISTORY or THB MOMOLS.
and had left Bahu ud din in charge of his administration. The Imperial
commissaries asked him to retora widi them» and as he refosed, a
disturbance took place, in which he had a tooth broken. Ahhoogh
compelled to accompany them, he dispatched a me ss e n ger to Ogoau, vrbo
carried his coat marked with blood. On die arrival of the commissaries
in Khorasan, Kelilat, Ungu Timor, and Nussal drove ont the secretaries
and other officials of Kurgoz fromliis palace with sticksi and carried them
oE The tatter's messenger soon after returned. Ogotai, who was
irritated at the sight of the btoody garment, sommoned the disputants to
his presence. Korguz at once set ontand was shortly foUowed by KelUat
and Ungu Timur. Kelilat wasassasskiatedas he passed tfutmgh Buldiara.
I have described how ^e Khakan was entertained by the two rivals.*
Chinkai, who was Kurguz's patron, was appointed to report on the ihatter.
The latter was himself a shrewd man of business, while Ungu Timur was
young and inexperienced and had lost his most sagacious adviser in
Kelilat Ogotai tried to reconcile the two parties, and ordered the rivals
to be deprived of thehr arms, and to live in the same tent and drink out of
the same cup. This mode of reconciliation fidled. Ch{t|kai at length
made his report, and Ogotai decided hi ftivour of Kurgux. As Ungu
Timur was a subject of Batu's, his ftuher having been Oovemor of
Khuarenn, as we have seen, he was ordered to be.handed over to him for
punishment I have described how he asked to be punished by Ogotai
himseEt Some of his supporters were bastinadoed, others were handed
over to Kurguz to be punished with the cofijgyte^t and to return with him,
their lives being spared for the sake of their wives and children. Kurguz
was given authority over all the country south of the Oxus which had
been conquered by Charmaghan. He took back with him, so as to have
him under his eye, the vizier, Sherif ud din, whose secret intrigues on
behalf of Ungu Timur had been disclosed to him.
Kurguz returned to Khorasan in 1239-40, and fixed his residence at
Tiis, where he assembled the grandees of Khorasan and Irak, and the
Mongol generals, and celebrated his installation with grand fttes, at which
the new Imperial edicts were published§ He sent his son to deprive the
creatures of Charmaghan (who were ruining Irak and Azerbaijan by th^
exactions) of their posts. He protected the Persians from the ruthless
Mongol soldiery, and was everywhere respected Tus had but fifty
houses left in it He proceeded to restore it, and the various Persian
grandees built new houses there, and we are told the price of
ftimiture increased a hundred-fold in one week. || Herat, too, began to
revive. Since its destruction, in 1222 to 1236, it had remained practically
a waste. In the latter year, Ogotai having ordered the restoration of
• Ante, L 134. t Ant*, 1 14.
t TUS WM a ChintM inttroment of panUfimcot, rentJt tin g of a baavy woodiR collar, throofli
whida the head and hands ware dm»t and then locked.
i D'Ohstoir, til zx$-it6w | M, 1x7.
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THE PBlPBClSaORS OP KHULAGU. 41
KbonHui, a native Amfar of the place whom Tahd haa transported with
i^eoo fiuniliet to K^balii^ where they exercised the craft of weavers, and
supplied the Court wi^ robes, and who waanamed Is ud din, was ordered
to redtm there with 100 fiunUies, where for want of provisions they
soflned greatly. As they had no oxen, the men dragged the ploughs in
pairs, wUle the canals being choked, ^ land had to be irrigated by
hand* After ibtt first harvest twenty stroi^ men were sent, each with
twenty menns of cotton, into A^hanistan to buy ploughs and long-tailed
dieep. In 1359^ aoo more fianDies were sent from Bishbaligh to
settle at Herat Fugitives and others who had escaped the general
massacre in die campaigns of Jingis Khan, collected round*them from
vari<*us parts of Khorasan, and the ft^owing year, a cenms having been
taken» it was ibond diat its inhabitants had increased to 6^900^ after which
it continually grew.*
Iz ud din had died at Farab, while condnctmg die second batch of
emigrants from Bishbaligh, and was succeeded as superintendent of
Herat by his son, Shem* ud din Muhammed. He went to Ogotai's
Court, andfadwd tiiat a Shahnah or Intendant, and a darugha or
Mongol commisseryr shoukl be appmnted for Herat. A Karluk Turk,
whose name is not recorded, was iqipointed to the former post, and a
Mongol named Mangasai to the latter, whik Shems ud din himself
retained the chief control of civil matters. They proceeded to open the
Jui Injil canal, and to take it into Herat, and diey built the Burj-i-Karhik,
named after the Karluk Shahnah. In 1341 Shems ud din was displaced
as governor, in ftivour of Mafik Majd ud din, the Kalyuni, who, in concert
with the Karhik, opened the Alanjan canaLf These events took place
while Kurgus was governor of Khorasan, and we are told that after
Ogetai's deadi he had Majd ud din put to death, and his head taken to
him at Tus. He wa# succeeded as governor of Herat by his son,
Shems ud din Kalyuni, who a year later died from poison.t
Kuigns had put his enemy the visier, Sherif ud din, in the ctmgue^
and ex t rac t ed from him confessions, which he sent on to die Court His
messen ger heard m rmtte of the death of OgotaL He had himsdf set
out to make a report to Us master, and in passing duough Mavera un
ndir had quarrelled with an ofiiciai there, and aroused the anger of the
princes of the house of Jagatai, who were frnther incited by a messenger
sent by the wife of the miprisoned Sherif ud din. They accordingly
dispatched Karbnka and Arghun, who was, as we have seen, no friend
of his^ widi orders to carry him off by force. The latter, on hearing
this, recited the lift of Sherif ud din, who had already been handed over
to the governor of Sebievar for execution. Kurgua himself after a show
of resistance, was arrested in his house at Tus, with his viiier, Usseil ud
« /(£, ai xt7.Tz8 t Tabi]ua4-Naairi, iMj.zztS. Raveity's not««. t fd., ziaS.
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42 AISTORY OF THB IfOWOOLS.
din RogdL The removal of his strong hand was the signal for renewed
anarchy in Khorasan and Maxanderan. Kmguz was taken to the nhis o£
Jagatai, and thence to Mongolia, to the Court of the Regent, Torakfaia.
His patron, Chinkai, was now in disgrace there, and, as we read, having
no money he could get no justice. He was remitted back to the Jagatai
princes for trial, and was at length put to death fay order of Kara Khulagu,
by having his mouth filled with earth. He had recently abjured Buddhism,
and become a Muhammedan.* Tunddna appointed Arghun in his place
We shall revert to him presently. Among the stories recorded of the
Khakan Qgotai we read that he was very fond of wrestling, and enter-
tained at his Court a laige number of Mongol, Kipchak, and Chinese
athletes^ Hav^g heard of the renown of the Persian wie slleis , he
ordered Charmaghan to send him some. The latter forwarded him
thirty, under two fieunous leaders, Pileh and Muhammed Shah. Ogotai
was much struck with the size and physique of Pileh. Ilchikadai, who it
would seem had charge of the Mongol wrestlers, ventured to question
if the cost of bringing them so fax would be repaid. Ocfotai replied
that he would back him against Ildiikadai^ men for 500 baUshes against
500 horses. The following day the latter produced a diampion to
stfug^ with Pildu The Mongol succeeded in throwing his adversary
down and in foiling on him. *' Hold me fost,** said Pileh playfoUy, ^and
take care I don't escape." At the same time he raised lum up, and
threw him to the ground with such force that his bones were heard to
crack. The emperor then rose and told him to hold his opponent fost,
and turning to Ilchikadai claimed his bet Pileh was rewarded with many
gifts, together with 500 balishes. Ogotai presented him shortly after with
a young damsd, and asked her some time after, lau^iingly, how she had
found the Tajik Xle^ the Persian). She replied that they did not live
together, and when Ogotai wanted an explanation, Pildi told him that
having acquired a reputation at the Khakan's Court, and never having
been beaten, he wished to preserve his powers so as to merit the emperor^
favour. The latter replied that he wanted his like perpetuating, and
excused him from forther combats.t
We must now shortly consider the doings of the Mongols in the districts
east of Khorasan, bordering on India, during Charmaghan's campaigns in
the west According to Vassaf, when Jingis Khan withdrew northwards
he ordered each of his four sons to furnish 1,000 men, who were to plant
themselves in the districu of Shiburghan, Talikan, A^-Abad, Gaunk,
Bamian, and Ghazni.t The author of the ''Tabakat-i-Nasiri** t^ us
how, on the accession of Ogotai, when Charmaghan was intrusted widi
the army which overran Western Persia, other Mongol armies were sent
into the districts of Kabul, Ghazni, and Zabulistan, and how the Malik
* P'OhMon, UL iao>iai. Ilkham, i.. 115. TaUk*l-l-Nwfai, 1x40.
Nou.
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THB PtIDICI«0R8 OV KHULAGU. 43
Saif ad din HlMI^tile Kaflok, idioit wcnikl tem b^
togetbtt widi the BCaliks of G^rar and Khomtn, wb i nittad, and
cch.sented to receive Mongol Shihnahi orcomgiiMMrtot.* Notwidwtandiag
dde they attacked Saif od din and drove him ftom Ibmnant^Ofaii waa
about 636 fiU.XGhaxniy and Bandan. Hedieiieapr *Tent towards Midtan
and Sind. His son, Nasir od dhi Muhanuned, wem on to Delhi, and was
giantad the fief of Baian, but pcesendy Joined hb fittlMT, and seems to have
fatten fatfo die han^ of the Mongol mmmisiariii, with idiom he lemaiaed
sometime.) Whsn the Malik Saif od din Hasan wididrew acme the
Indos the districts of Ghami and Kannan fidl onder the cooqMe oontrol
of the Mongol Shahadahs or Shahnahsi and we may take it that
A%hanisfaw was incorporated with ^bt Mongol Empire
Let OS now turn once more to Charmaghan. He had sometime befcm
dib been attacked by an ittness which caneed him to become domb^and
which was probably some form of paralysis. He left two sen^ Shiianma,
who became a famous general and was called the Golden Colanm by
his coontrymen because of his successes, and Banad, who was put to
death by IQmlagu because orhiteiriltihaiacter.S According to Guirsgosi
in the beginning of the year 691 of the Armenian era (^ Jan. aodi,
1341, to Jan. 19th, IS42), an Imperial edict of the Khakan superseded
Cbarmagfaan,andi^;»pointed Baiguor Batchu in his place. We are finther
told that Baidra was chosen by some magical pfocess, as was customary
with the ldongols.|| I b^eve rather that his appointment, iddch took
place in 1241, on the death of Ogotai, was due to the policy of his widow,
Turakina, wlus on her accession, placed her creatures in various pbices of
trust It was probaUy as the prot^ of Tun^ina and her son Kuyuk.
that Balchu aroused the jealousy of Batu and Khulsgu, as we shall see
farther <m.
Baichu (called Baichu Kurchi by Guimgos) bdonged to the tribe
Balsttt (called Yissut by IVOhssonX and was a ridadve of Chq;ie or
Jebe Noyan, who made the famous campaign fai the west with
SubutaL He commanded a haiarah under Charmagfaan and, as we
have seen, was promoted to command his tuman.1 His first efibrts
after his appointment were directed against the S^jnki rulers of
^sia Minor or Rum. This dynasty had been founded about the
year 1080^ by Sulfanan Shah, who had been sent into Asia Minor with
80^000 Ghus or Turkomans, and had conquered the central part of the
peninsula fitxm the Byxantine emperors. He fixed his capital at Iconium,
and his domlidon was known as that of the Seljuks of Rum. Kai Kobad,
the seventh successor of Suliman, was on the throne in 133$-^ when a
* Tkbt]cat4f>NMirl, L 11^ ITaMin hadUwfcttdtocy of JthJ wd db Pinafwtm Shah. .pBn. •,
— * '' '1da,Iad9liimHMuK«idLb«tUaiwlaiMVMdoabttewHMn^
Urn HMm Kank, b«t Ua vmI BHM wMdoobttew HMta tht
PMM thb as maanfaif a darah or knm r$3ky, watcrtd by a trfeocary 01
of cooTN, Bothing to do with tha Panian pn^rtnca of Kamian. (Op cit.,
, Tlibakat-i.NaaMi xxs9>siagb Notaa. J Malakia, op. cit.. 449.
Pi oi n t, X3S. JooiB. Atiat., sthiar., id. 4a6. % Brdin#Qii'a TtankUiB, aay.
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44 HISTORY or THB MOIIOOLS.
Mongol envoy, nainod Skoms od dm, went to his Cour^ betring a yarii|^
or Imperial order eammoniog him to sobmit, which he accordingly did.
Ndtwitibstanding this, a body of lo^ooo Mongds invaded his domii^ons.*
'Wbta Baichn received the command of the Mongol armies in the west
he prepared to strike a heavy blow against the Seyuk monarchy. At this
time (i^ 1243) Gfaiatii od dm Kai KhosrOt soa of Kai Kobad, had been
its raler for some years. As we have seen, he had married Thamar, the
danghterof the Georgian Queen, Rnendan. Baichn first marched into that
part of Armenia vdiich was sobject to the SeQuki^ and attacked Karini
the ancient Theodosiopolts, called Kamo Kaghak by the Armenians, and
better known as Enen<er-Rum or Enerum, ^hich W* de Nangis identifies
with Us, tho land of Job. lu commander was Sinan nd din Yakut
Having invested it, they summoned the citizens to surrender. They
refbsed, drove out their envoys, and jeered at them from the walls. The
Mongols thereiqMMi battered the ramparts with twelve ratapnlts. They
speedily destroyed its churches and monasteries, made a general massacre
of its inhabitants, and then pillaged and fired it It had a numerous
population of Christians and Mussulmans, and many peasants firom the
country round had also sheltered there, /ii/rra^ the Mongols captured
a great number of bibles, martyrologies, and liturgicail books, delicately
ritten in letters of gold, which they sold at a small price to their
Armenian and Georgian allies, who sent diem as presents to the churches
and monasteries in their own country. These Christian auxiliaries also
redeemed many men, women, and children, bishops, priests, and deacons,
and we read that Prince Avak, Shahan Shah, and Akbuka, son of
Vahram, Gregory of Khachen, son of Tuph, who was sister to the great
Atabegs Ivandi and Zakaria, as well as their troops, gave their fi^edom
to their ciq>tive8, and allowed them to go where they pleased. The
Mongols not only sacked the town, but also a number of the surrounding
districts. The Sultan of Rum did nothing to help them, but hid away in
(ear, and it was oven said he was dead. The Mongols withdrew with
their booty to spend the winter in their rendezvous on the plain of
Mugjian.t
While they were encamped there Kai Khosru sent their commander a
boastfid message. ^ Do you think," he said, ''because you have ruined
one of our towns that you have vanquished the Sultan aad laid low his
power ? My cities are iimumerable, and my soldiers cannot be counted.
Remain where you are and await my arrival I will come in person to see
you, sword in hand." The Mongols were tiot disturbed at this message,
and Baichn merely said, ** You have spoken bravely. God will accord the
victory as he pleases." After having got his horses and other cattle in
good condition, he set out by easy marches towards where the Sultan was
t Gnkicot, td. BvoMM, i3S-i39' Joom. AsiAt., sth Mr., xi. 4t6-4«0. D'Ohnon, iB. f^4o»
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THB PABDBCnSCHtS OF KHULAGU. 4S
encamped, not fiur from Enenjan.* There he was encamped with hit
wives and concubinety and great store of gold, silver, and other treasures.
He also had with him a menagerie of wild animals to be used ia hmittng,
and including rats, cats, and even reptiles. He wished to show his
troops that he had fteity of confidence.t The King of Little Armenia and
the Princes of Hims and Maya&rkin,) who had promised him assislanns
filled to send it ; hot he had 2,000 Frank auxiliaries under the orders of
John Ijminara, from Cyprtt%and Bomfiu^ede Castro^ a Genoese. Sanuto
calls the latter Bonifiice de Molinis, a Venetian. Abulfeda tells us he
was also joined by ft contingent from Akappts under Naseh ud din PeruL|
Baicha divided his army into vanous sections, which he intrusted to his
most valiant subordinates, and distributed his auxiliaries iUBKHg them so
as to avoid treason^l In r^pard to the date of this frmious battle (namelyf
the Armenian year 699X Vartan teUs us that the letters forming this
number, make up ^ word Oghb (meaniog woe or lamentation), which,
he adds, was well borne out by the terrible sufierings of Armenia, no^
only those of its inhabitants, but also of its {dains and moilntains, which
were dduged with tears and blood.ir Abulbraj tetts us the 4ght took
place in June and July, 1243.** AbuUeda says in 641 H^j., which began
June 20th, 1343. Rubruquis tells us that he was infisrmed by an eye*
witness that Baichn had only ro^ooo men with him. Haithon says
jofiOOk MalaJda tells usthe Sultan, on the other hand, had i6ofioo.fi
Before the fi^^t, according to Chamchean, Baichu sent home acianyof the
Georgian and Armenian auxiliaries, retaining only those prmceson whom
he coukl depend, such as Avak, Shahan Shah, BUkum die Orpdian, and
Akbttka, son of Vahram.tt
According to the (7MV]ffi»s CArMi«e^ the advance guard of the Sultan's
army Was commanded by Dardan Sharwashidi^ Apkhai, promoted on
account of his great valour. He was a Christian. With him was
Pharadanla, son of Shalwa, lord of Thor and Aldial Tsikhi, who, according
to MaUkia, had been a refugee with the Sultan for many years. A large
contingent of Georgians fought willingly enoni^ in the Mongol ranks, in
the hope of exacting vengeance from their bitter foes, the Mussulmans,
The Snhan's army was very numerous, but thb did not oofw their
opponents^ who were accustomed to fi^t against great oddsi ** What
* The place was called Tchman Katok, or Asechoian gadug. Guiragoe calls it a town, bul
thare was no town of this nane. bat BOffth<ieaat of Emq|an is a movncain called ChimeiUcadlk (ib
dM fUrbuJ by the Turks. Bar HebrBos (Chroo. Syr., sw. Chron. Arab., 314) calb the place
%MtMA(i^,.';Um tmm^ white NofftiriappranmaM more nearly to the Amenian
historian m calling it Akshefaer in the pUun of Eraenjin. (lyOhsson, iii. 81. Guiragos, ed.
B t oM rt , 140^ Note I. Joook Asiat, 5th aer., xi, 409.)
t Guiragoe, ed. Bronet, 139-140^
t la tft4i Shihab nd din, Mnce of Mava&rkin, had receWed a summons, oMnendng "The
lieutenaat of the Lord of Heaven upon E«arth, the Khalcan," and which offered him the title of
St i mMMT , or ciipbearer, and bade Urn rase the walls of his fortresses. He pleaded Aat he was
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46 HtSTOAY OP THS UOfXCOlS.
shall be my reward," said Baichu to Sargis, abrave and renowned warrior,
the grandson of Kuarlcuareh-Jakel, ** for the news that I bringyou? The
Sultan has learnt that. we were comhig, and has set out himself. His
camp is not far o% he has an innumerable host, and proposes to attadc
us to-morrow." Sargis replied,"! know your wariike ardour and your
successes, oh Noyah, but this vast host does not seem to presage any
good." •* Yoit know not," said Baichu, smiling, •* our Mongol people. God
has giveh us the victory, and we count as nothing the number of our
enemies. The more they arc, the more glorious it is to win ; the
more plunder we shall secure. Meanwhile make ready, for in to-morrow*s
fight we shall see what \n\\ become of them." It is thus, adds the
chronicler, that they dared all nations. Malakia tells us the son of
Shalwa (/.^., Pharadatila) defeated the Tartars opposed to him, and
killed many of them, but on the other side Akbuka, son of Vahram,
and {prandson of Blu Zalcaria, fought valiantly with the battalion of
noble Georgians and Armenians, his companions. They defeated
the right wing of the Sultan's army, and killed several of his
Amirs. Night soon after intervened, and the two armies encamped
ck>8e together on the plains between Erzerum and Enenjan.
The following morning the Tartars, Armenians, and Georgians made
a rush upon the enemy's camp. They found it abandoned, and
secured a great booty. The Sultan's tent was splendidly decorated
inside and/Mit, and they found, inter aiiOj a panther, a lion, and a leopard
chained at its entrance. The Sultan, we afe told, had fled during the
night, afraid of his Amirs, who wished to submit Leaving a guard to
watch over the camp, the Mongols went in pursuit.* The Gtorgiam
Chronicle says that Dardan Sharwashidz^ Aphkhaz having been killed in
the-battle, the Sultan's people fled, when there was a terrible carnage,
while a great many prisoners were made. The Sultan was mudi
exasperated, and put to death Pharadaula out of hatred for the Georgians.
The conduct of the latter won the hearts of their allies, who liberally
'divided the booty with them.t When the Sultan fled he sent his harem
to Iconinm, abandoned his baggage, and himself went to Ancyra.t The
Turks were pursued for some distance mercilessly, and the victors then
returned to plunder the dead.* They ravaged the country round, and
collected a great quantity of gold and silver, of rich vestures, of camels,
horses, mules, and cattle.
The authorities differ as to the order of the next proceeding of the
invaders, but it is natural to suppose they attacked Erzenjan, which
resisted bravely. The citizens wiere, however, inveigled into a surrender,
when they were mercilessly slaughtered, except the young people, who
\ reduced to slavery. W. de Nangis says that two Franks were made
* BroMM, Hbt. de la Gfaxsie, i. 5x8;5>9* Addi., && 446^7. ,
t Hist, de Im Gtergie, i. 519. I ADul&n^, Cnron. Syr., 5x1. Chron. Aim., 314.
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THE PRKDBClSgORS Ot KHUtAGU. 41
prisoners in the town who were £Euned for their valour. The Mongob
determined to pit one against the other, and having armed and horsed
them, stood round to watch the fight. The two champions, however,
tamed upon them, and before they were killed had destroyed fifteen and
wounded thirty Tartars.* Tephrik^ the modem Divirigi, paid heavy
black mail, and was sparedf Sivas or Sebasta was also submissive, and
purchased at least a respite by surrendering a portion of its wealth. The
Mongols pot shahnahs there, imposed the taxes of thai and talar, burnt
the war engines they found, and destroyed the walls. They then
apparently advanced upon Caesarea, the dtixens of which resisted for some
days ; but the town being at Jength captured, the grandees and rich people
were put to death after having been tortured, while the women and
children were carried off as slaves. Meanwhile the Sultan's mother took
refuge with her daughter and dependents in Cilicia.t Seeing that
resistance was useless, one of Kai Khosra's generals and the Kadhi of
Amasia went at their own instance to the Mongol camp, which was then
at Sivas, and undertook to pay an annual tribute of 400^000 pieces of
money, and a certain number of rich cloths, horses, and slaves.
According to the missionary friar Simon, as reported by Vincent of
Beauvais, the Seljuki undertook to pay 12,000^000 hyperperes, 500 pieces
of silk, 500 camels, and 5,000 sheep annually, which were to be transported
^-ee of cost to the Khakan's Court Besides this tribute, a sum equal in
value was to be disbursed in presents, while the various Tartar envoys
who visited Rum were to be supplied with what they needed, free of cost
The Sultan, who was meanwhile at Iconium, gladly accepted these terms.§
The Sultan's notary omiputed that the cost of entertaining the Tartar
envoys (perhaps shahnahs or conmiissaries is meant) during two years
at Iconium, independent of the meat and wine they used, was 60^000
hyperperes. The treaty wlis made at Sivas, in the presence of
Constantine, Lord of Lampron.|| In this campaign the Mongols became
the virtual masters .of Rum as for as Angora, Gangra, a town of
Paphlagonia, and Smyrna, while, as we know from Rubraquis, the
ruler of Trebizond became their vassal.ir
. The Mongols after these successes once more returned to winter in the
plain of Museum, and their Christian auxiliaries and allies again
ransomed numbers of their co-religionists. At this time the Greeks and
Latins were struggling for the Empire of the East, John Ducas, Vataces
being the Greek Emperor, and Baldwin the Latin one. Both of them
entered into n^otiations with the beaten Seljuki sovereign for an alliance.
The latter naturally preferred the stronger rival, Vataces, whose greater
proximity to the Mongols made him a more certain ally. A meeting was
* Donu Bouquet, xx. 349.
t OoiniEOs, cd. Broatt, t^ IXOImoii and Von Hammer call th« place Tokat
I it^t^^ °*^ ^IIV *?SL. Q"^ ^^' 2J1:5'fc .♦ I>'Ohf90ii, ffi. ga^3. Mote.
I Viafcciit oTBeaovais, ^eg. Hbt, nxl r8. If St Martin Memoins, U. itx, and Notes.
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4$ HI8T&M or TRK llcmQOtS.
arranged at Tnpdi on the Mseander, where the Sohan bnilt a wooden
bfidge as a means of oommunication between the two camps. An
ofihidx'e and defensive league was entered into between them, after which
the Sohan retomed to Iconhmi, and the Emperor to Philadelphia.*
The campaign of die Mongols against Rnm nataraUy took them dose
to the &moas town of Malitia, then governed by Kashid ad dhi Al Juveni,
who, collecting such treasures as he could, withdrew with a number of
the principal people towards Aleppo. Abul£uaj tells us his own fiuher
was wishful to accompany them, and had brought together some sumpter
cattle to carry his treasures. He adds that a mule belonging to hhn,
having bolted when beingstrapped to its bur^len, was cau^ and pillaged
by die town boys, which i^ assuredlya naive story to occur hi such a grim
narrative. His &ther eventually stayed behind, and arranged with the
Metropolitan for the defence of the place, Mussulmans and Giristians
meeting together to consult in the great churdi, and agreeing to man the
walls, &c The party which fled from the town were attacked ten
parasangs ofl( at a place called Beth Goia in the Syrian, and Bajuza in
the* Arabic dirpnide of Abulfiuaj. Many of them were slaughtered, and
the young people made prisoners, only a few Regaining the town, t The
following year (i>., 1244) & detachment of Mongols under Yassaur Noyan
made an attack upon Syria, and by way of Mayafarldn, Mardin, and
Edessa or* Urfe, crossing theEuphrates, they advanced as far as Hailan (?),
near Aleppo. They did not actually reach the latter dty, as they were
obliged to withdraw on account of the dryness and heat, which injured
their horses' feet Yassaur demanded black mail from the governor,
which having been paid, he approached Malatia, where he laid waste
the vineyards and orchards, and put to death everybody met with outside
the town. Its governor, Rashid Od <!Un, collected together gold and
silver ornaments, &c, td the value of 40^000 gold pieces, together with
sacred vessds from the diurches, reliquaries, thuriUes, candlesticks,
crosses, covers of sacred books, ^c, which he gave the invaders, and
they returned home again. Abulfaraj tells us how, about this time, his
father took his family, induding himself to Antioch, where they continued
to live for some time.t The campaign just mentioned is named by
Guiragos, who tells us the Mongols niade a raid upon Mesopotamia,
Amid, Urha (/.^.^ Urfe or Edessa), Nisibin, Syria, &c Although
unopposed, they lost many men from the heats. On their retiun they
ordered Enerum to be restored, intrusting the work to Sargis,
bishop of that town, and to Shahan Shah, son of Zakaria.§ In the
autumn of 1244, as Matthew Paris tells us, Bohemund the Fifth,
Prince of Antioch, received a summons from the Mongol commander
* Nkaphonu GrogorUi. and AkropoliUL Scritter, UL 1091-1033, and Nofew.
L'ftbyn^ xviL |ti iiiK^jfii'iw.
t Abiil£m^, Chron. Syr., «fli. Cbrao. Ai«b.. 3x5.
t AboUanj, Chroo. Syr., stM^SB^, Oaoa. Arab., 3sS-3i9* f up. dt, oi^. BrotMt, 145.
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THX PRCDBCBSSORS OF KRULAOU. 49
ordering him (i) to level the walls of his fortresses, (a) to send
him all the revenue of his kingdom, and (3) t6 send him 3,000
yoimg damsels. Bohemnnd refused, and Yassaur had too many
men prostrate by the heau to enable hhn to compel him, and
retired to Asia Minor. The fbllowbg year Bohemund and the odier
Ch ri s ti an princes, his dependents, were constrained to submit and to pay
tribute. Thenceforward they continued subject to the Mongols.
In the year 1345 ^ Mongols invaded tfie districts north of Lake Van.
Having captured Khdat they made it over, with die surroundmg districts,
to Thamtha, the sister of Avak and widow of Malik Ashraf, to wliom it
bad formerly belonged. After she had been captured by Jdal ud din, the
Xhnaresm Shah, she had fidkn into the hands of the Mongols, and had
visited the Court of the Khakan, where she had lived some years. When
Hamad-ud-danla, the envoyofRusudan, visited Ogotai, he was allowed to
take her back with him. The Khakan then ordered that die possessioiis
she held while her husband, the Malik Ashraf, was Uving, should be
restored to her.* Haithon, King of Litde Armenia* si^ehig how matters
were going on, and probably not sorry to break the yoke of the Seljuki,
now sent envoys with magnificent presents to the invaders. These
envoys, we are told, were presented to Baichu, to Charmaghan's widow,
Ailthina Khatun, and to the other officials. They demanded the surrender
of the Seljuki Sultan's mother, wife, and daughter, who had souf^t shelter
in Cilida. As I have mentioned, Haithon professed to be gready
distressed at this demand, and said he would rather they had asked hhn
to give up his son Leon, but he was constrained to obey, llie Mongote
were much pleased at his conduct, and sent him a tamgha, or official seal,
constituting him a vassal of their empire.f He shortly after had to make
head against Constantine, tne )x>rd of Lampron (now called Nimrun
Kaksi, situated two days^'joumey west of Tarsus, in one of the gorges of
Mount Taurus). He had rebelled, and allied himself with the Sultan of
Rum, who was naturally aggrieved at his harem having been surrendered.
Together they invaded and ravaged Cilicia, but -they were badly beaten,
and their army almost destroyed.} Abulfaraj tells us they attacked
Tarsus, where they were assailed by terrible rains, which converted the
country round into mud, and made it very harassing for their horses.
They were in this plight when news arrived of the death of their master,
die Sultan Ghiath ud din Kai Khosru. This happened in 1246. There-
up<m the grandees put his eldest son. Is ud din Kai Kavus, on the dirone,
associating with him the latter's two youngei* brothers. Messengers now
came from the Mongols demanding that Iz ud din should go to the
Khakan's Court to do homage. He excused himself on the ground that
he was afraid of the Greeks and Armenians, who were his enemies,
* A£^ 145. t Gtttnigot, «d. BroiMt, i4f. I /(^.» 148.
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So UISTOKY OF THE MONGOLS.
promised to go later, and offered to send his younger -brother^ Rokn ud
din.* It seems a number of partisans of the latter wished to raise him to
the throne. When the Grand Vizier, Shems ud din, of Ispahan, learnt
this he had them seized and put to death. He then presumed to take the
mother of Iz ud din into his harem, by whom he had a son, and finally
dispatched Rokn ud din with rich presents for the Khakan.t Rokn ud din
is called the Sultan of Khelat by the Georgian chronicler.
Meanwhile the Mongols gradually enlarged their borders. Bedr ud
din Lulu, Prince of Mosul, on behalf of the Prince of Damascus, made a
treaty with them, by which the people of Syria were taxed, the
richest at ten dirhems per head, the middle class at five, and tbe poor at
one. This tax was duly levied in 1245. '^^ same year a detachment of
them entered Sheherzur, eight days north of Baghdad, and sacked the
town. News of this reached Baghdad by pigeon post The following
year they advanced as far as Yakuba, but were defeated by, the troops of
Baghdad, under the so-called Little Devatdar, who took some prisoners.}
Let us now tvam again to Georgia. According to the Georgian
Chramcli^ the Mongols, after their campaign against the Seljuki of Rum,
went fo their summer quarters of Gelaftim and Mount Ararat, whence they
sent messengers to Rusudan offering her their alliance, and bidding her
send her son David to then* camp, as they wished to confer the
sovereignty of Tifiis and of all Georgia upon him. This authority tellis us
the Queen was charmed to comply, inasmuch as the Mongols never broke
their promises, and always treated those well who submitted. She
accordingly came down (i>., from her mountain retreat), with Shahan Shah
and Avak, who were much esteemed by the Tartars, Shotha KuprI
Vahram, chief of Thor, Grigol Suramel, eristhaf of Karthli, Kuarkuar,
commander of Samtzkhe and c^ Tzikhis-Juar, and chief of the armourers,
and Sargis, commander -of Thmogvi, with the people of Shawkheth, of
Klarjeth and of Tao, who all went to meet the young Prince David. The
latter was accompanied by Tzotn^ Dadian, a virtuous man and illustrious
warrior ; by the B^ian, the Eristhaf of Radsha, the Guriel, and the most
distinguished people. They all went to Tifiis, and thence to Berdaa,
where the Mongol Noyans were encamped. They received him well, and
conferred on him all Georgia and Samshwild^ (which had been previously
conquered by Yassaur Noyan), and Angurga (also written Agumaga),
assisted by Avak. So great was the honour paid to the young prince that
he was called Narin David (/.^., David with the august countenance).
Wakhucht says Narin means " arrived " (venu).§ The Mongols now sent
news of their victories to the Khakan at Karakorum,.and forwarded to
him a richly ornamented head-dress, a suit of armour, &c. They
reported also how the Georgians, king and people, had submitted ; that
* AbuUiifttjL Chron. Svr., 504. t Abulikraj. Chroo. Syr.. 526. C^von. Arab, 3aa
\ D'Oluson, ui. 88-89. < Hist, de U Georgie^ L 5«>-$9i, 5a3.' Note 3.
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V THE PRBDBCI990RS OF KHVLAOU. 5I
tiwy professed a good rdigion, were tnithfiil, and did not practice sorcery
or magic, while the Persians were fidse, traitors, and breakers of their
word| and much given to magic and sodomy. The Grand Khan sent
word back that they must empkiy die Georgians, who were trustworthy
warriors, to exterminate the Pernans, and ordered thehr chiefs to be sent
to htm. Jaghatai Noyan therefore sent on Avak, who had been created
Atabegand commander-in-chief by Rnsndan.* He travdled in company
with the Seljuk Prince of Rom,- Rokn uddin. We are told they timv cr se d
unknown kingdoms, where no Georgian had hitherto pot his foot They
eventually reached the camp of Bato, who is desoibed as singuUurly
hitndsome. Avak had with him his chamberlain, Dairid, son of Ivandi of
Akhal Tsikh4 who said to him: ''As we are gohig fnfostruige hmds,aild
there is no knowing what may happen, it would be perhaps prudent that
I shouldactthepartofyoormaster, and you that of my slavey and if they
intend to kill you I shall be taken and eitut ed. They will not heed a
servant* After some entreaties, Avak consented, and on arriving before
Batu, David passed himself off as hb master. Batu treated them very
well, and» scefaig diey had notMng to few, on a forthar interview Avak
himsdf passed in front His host was astonidied, and on having the
matter explauNfA to him, greatly praised David, saying : ^ If this be the
quality of the Georgian race, I order it to have pre-eminence over all the
races subject to our khanate ;** and he issued a special order in this
sense, and gave him an introduction to the Khakan.f Sboftly after, the
Mongol Noyans determined that the young King of Georgia should also
vi^ Karakorum. He was accordingly sent there, and was aoeompanied
by Bega, son of Grigol Suramel, eristhaf of Kaithli; and the senior
chamberiain, Beshken, son of Makhunjag Goroelel, to ^ whom wece
confided two pearls of great price. The pait^foUowed in the footsteps of
Avak and Rokn ud din, and first went to Uie camp of Batu and then
to the caintal, where David was well reodved, and where he stayed with
Avak.t Meanwhile, his mother, Rusudan, was Uving in the mountain
district of Suaneth and Abkharia. We are told she was pressed by Batug
and by Baichu to go to their Courts. Having sent her submission to the
former, he gave orders tiuu she was to go and live at Tiflia She was,
however, much chagrined at the course of evento and the absence of her
son, and is said to have taken poison in her embarrassment how at the
same time to conciliate Batu and Baidin,iriio were veryjeakxis of one
another. She was buried in the tomb of her fomiiy in the monastery of
Gekth, and is still to be seen represented in rich costume on die walls of
the church there. || The date of her death is not quite certatut The
Georgian annals give the impossible year laji. Wakhucht gi^res
* Hbt de 1ft O^orgfaL vat. t id,, sm-5«3- I /^i 54.
t He b cftU«d tht chkf of tht anny wbkh oocnpfod the ooontiy of the RoMiftiir, of Omthi ni4
DeibcoQf xff Ooinigoe>
I Hitt, de Ift Ofoivitt, $a8-Si9* Note.
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S3 HISIORY OP THE MOMOOtS.
I957f Mt there b a letter atttit sent by Pope Gragocy the Ninth to her,
showing she was livmff it that date. Chamchean says she poisoned herself
in 1247, and it is not io^robable that it really occorred in 1245-1346.
Geoigia was now without a sovereign, Rnsndani son bdng away in
Mongoliay while her nephew, according to the Geoigian annals, was still
a prisoner with the Sultan of Rnm. The country w|is accordmgly
partttioDed by ^ Noyans, who nnmfaiatftd chiefii of ten thousand, or
Thnmnii-inthawars. The first of these, we are told, was Egarslan
Bakurtzikhel, a great iMbor and warrior, but without any worldly goods.
To hhn they confided the forces of Hereth, Kakheth,of Kambejian, and
the country firom Hflis as fiur as the mountains of Shamakha. Sbahan
Shah was given tiie appanage of Avak, in addition to his own. Vahram
Gagd was given all Samkheth. Gregol got Suramel and Karthli,
Ganutoel, of Thor, the rival in bravery of Egarslan, commanded in
JawidEheth, in Samtildie, and as fiur as Kamukalak. And, lastly, Tsotn^
Dadian and tiie Eristhaf of Radsha, in all the kingdom beyond the
mountain of LUdi.* Thdr various troubles, and the haish rule of the
Mongoter drove the Georgians to despair, and we are tokl the Mthawars
of Imierand ofitoiier'held a meeting at K<^ta. There were present
Shahaa Shah, Egar<4n» TMntf Dadian, Vahram Gagel, Kupro Shotha,
and the chiefii of Hereth, KaUieth and Karthli, with Gamrecel of Thor,
Sargis of Thmogwi, the Meskhian% and those of Tao, and tiiey decided
to band themsehres against the Tartars. Karthli was fiied upon as the
place of meeting, and all withdrew to make preparations.. When news of
tfds pk)t reached the NoyanSy B$idm and Angurg (?Arghun), they
hastened to die borders of Kokhta, iHiere they found the Geotgian leaders,
who had not ypt collected their people They were captured and taken
to Shirakawan, in the district of Am. On being brought before
Charmagfaanf they dedared that they had no intention of rd)elling, but had
merely met to settle thdr owa affiur% and to arrange the levying of the
kharaj, or taxr The Noyans did not credit this, ordered them to be
stripped, to be bound together, made them sit down naked and in chains,
notwithstanding ^e heat, and threatened diem with death if they did not
'confess. These punishments were repeated on sevend days.
Meanwhile, Tsotn6 Dadian. who lived a considerabie distance away,
and had gone to bring his people to the general rendetvous appointed by
the conspir ato r s , readied Rdnis-Juar, between Samtikhe and Ghado,
where he heard how die princes had been carried off to Ani. He
dismissed his people, and traversing Samtikhe and Jawakheth, went
himself to diat town determked to share their Date. The Noyans had
reached Ani, and their prisoners, die Georgian mthawars, were seated in
the hippodrome there, naked and with their arms bound. Seeingthem in
* Hist. 4m 1ft GtoiSM> Ss9.
t This b an aiyidurooiiin, for, •• m mw Mto, 1m wm dmd,
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THE WlMCMtORS OF KHULAOU. $3
this miiefBble condition and condtnuMd to dMll^ Tzotatf DadiiA
difliioaiKMl, took off his dodies, had himt^ boond, and sanlod himtelf;
amoflg them. The Tartass^ wM were aetooidied at this, and knew hi«i
1^ naked for an expkoiaiki He leplied dait they had merely
Assemblad to r^inlate the kMnj, but had been tfeated as mafefiuitors,
and he thought it right to corneas a witness. If they had done anything
worthy of death be wished to die wkh Che rest, while if tiiey were innocent
he wished to share m thehr justification. The Taltars, we aie told, were
astoonded at so much virtne. ^As the Geoigians,^ they saadt ^aps so
good that diey do not betray each oCheTi and this prince has oomefrom
Abldiaiia to sacrifice hhnsetf for his friends, and to denMe himself to
death, they are innocent of the crime^ a»d we rsmit thehr puaSshment"
The Tarioos chiefii were aocordBngly aUowid onoe move to fstam to their
homes.*
We now read diat the dkMbab of the khigdom asst and bliikad to
have Egarshm as dieir head, wto was o# no better bfood than ^Mur own.
Thereopon Shahan Shah, Vahram Oagel, Knarkoard^Jakd, Sa^ps
Thmogwd, Grigol Snramel, erisdiaf d KarthM, Gamieod of Thoi^ the
Orpdians, and several mihawars, met together and concerted ahoot a
ruler, and especially about a strange itB»onr which had rsached them that
David, son of Lasha, was still livhig and a prisoner in Rum. They
reported what they had heard to the Mongol conaoMnders, and b^ged
that they wookltestore to them the imprbonod prince. They consented,
and Angurag was accordbgly deputed to fttdi hun home. With hkn
went Vahram Gagel and Sargis Thmogwd. When they reached the
Coort of the Saltan of Rom he told them that he had pot die yoong
prince hi the pit seven years before, and diat he mast have diM long ago.
They then assured him how they had learnt he was still living. A man
was accordingly sent to see. David was drawn up oat of his retreat.
He was half dead and demented— stiff and cold as one dead; his skin was
yellow, his hdr reached to his heels, while his nails were grown of an
munense length. Vahram and his companions were moved to tears by
the piteous sight He was^duly bathed, and dressed hi suitable clothes
and ornaments. Gfaiath ud din professed to be greatly distrsssed at
what had occurred, asked him to pardon him, and sent him badLf The
story, which as told in the Georgkm CkronkU contabs several
anachronisms, is also referred to in die history of the Orpehans, where
we read that Rusudan made two attempts on her nephew^ life, In
one of which he was put into a chest and thrown into the sea, and in die
second the people who had orders to kin him threw him into a deftp pit
She afterwards shipped him to a distant country, and he eventually
reached Mangu Khan.) Gmragos tells us that Rusudan haWng refosed
* Hist. <i« Im G^onle, S3J*Sasi> t A^, S8^537<
I St Mwtb UmaiSSmX^xiC BtomcI, Hbt. d* SsSiiiK
•35.
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$4 HISTORY OF tarn MOMOOIA
to go to die Mongol cttnp» or to aend herioii,andBaidiubciiigjeiUousof
her interoourse with Baftu, detannined to tet op her nephew, the ton of
Lesha, who was living with the Seynk mler, Ghiath ud din, and who had
impritoned him so that he might not plot against her.* Malalda tells us
that Vahram, Lord of Gag^ tQgedier with a Tartar chief and an escort of
100 men, were sent ih all haste to Csesarea fimr him. They duly found the
youQg prince in a deep well, wbfti% he had been pieserved by the divine
win He was tall and fiur to look at, with a brown beard, and full of
wisdom and ^ttvine grace. Having dressed him appropriately, and seated
him on horsebadc, they tock him with them to Tiflis, whence, by order of
Baichtt Noysn and Ailthma Khatua, he was sent on to the Court of the
Grand Khan.t
The Gtafjgitm Ckrwtkk says Aat althouc^ the Georgian grandees,
Shahan Shah, his son Zakaria, Kuarkuardi-Jakel, Grigol Suramel,
eristhaf of KarthK, the Orpelians, Gamnoel, Shotha-Kv^ and all the
mtfaawars, eicept Egarskm, went to meet David Lasha, and received him
widi joy, they did not recognise him as King, but sent him to Batu, in
company with Shahan Shah and Zakaria, Akbuka, son of Vahram, and
Sai:^ ThmogweL The author of this woric evidently treats Batu as the
siqireme ruler of th^ western possessions of the Mongols to the south as
weD as north of the mountains. When David and his companions
reached Batu's camp^ he detained Zakaria, son of Shahan Shah, and
Akbuka, son of Vahram, and sent David on to the Imperial Court,
escorted by Saigis Thmogwel and odier Geoigians. There were thus
two Davids, aspirants to the Georgian throne, both at Karakorum. When
David Lasha arrived he was met by Avak, the Suramel Gamrecel, and
the first chamberlain, Beshken, and they made a bn^ stay at Karakorum.t
Meanwhile the Mongols had begun a campaign against the Ismaelites
or Assassins, which proved a very protracted one. They advanced
agaiAst theur chief fortress, Alamut, taking a body of Georgians with
theuL During the si^^e the dtixa&s sent one of their number, who,
evading the guards, made his way to the tent of Chaghatai, or Jagatai,
one of the principal Mongol leaders, and assassinated him. In the
morning the guards, having discovered the dead body of their master,
began to weqp for hun. Hb troops also collected about his tent It was
not known who had done the deed, and it was declared that the
Georgians, who had been much ill-used by the Mongols, had done it
Charmaghan (?) opposed this view, and declared that the Georgians
were not a race of homicides. The exasperated soldiers, however,
made their way to the Georgian camp^ some of whose occupants
prepared to defend themselves, while others, feeling too weal^ awaited the
turn of aC&drs. Thereupon Grigol Suramel, eristhaf of Karthli, spoke out,
* Op. dt., «d. BrosMt, 137* Joara. AikL, s^ ««r., zi. 437*438;
t BroHeC Add., 449' t Op. dt., S37-S3t.
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THS PMEinCISSORS OP KHULAGU. 5S
and atid they were too weak to lesist, and that k-edstance would
assuredly lead to their being extennhiatedy while if they refrained the
Mongols woold merdy revenge themselves on a few diawads like himself
and spans the rest He advised them all, meannAile, to go down on their
kneesy and in seu of thnie to implore the aid of the Vbrgin. Our naive
cfanmider says that when diey haH done so^ and the Tartars were
advancing to overwhelm, them, a man came oot of the reeds holding
a poised hmoe soiled widi Mood. Raising his arm on Ugh, he cried out,
** Man knchem Chaghatai ! man kndiem Chafl^iatai,* which fai Persian
means, ^ It b I who killed Chaghatai." ThereiqNm the Tartan mshed
upon him. He fled again among the reedsL These were fired, and
he was driven oat and captnred. Broo^ before Giarmai^um (?),
Yassanr, and Baidra, and being i n terrog a ted by thenii he said he was a
disringnished Mnlahid (f^., an Assassin^ that his diiefe had given him
plenty of gold, and bidden hfan go and kill one of the foor Noyans. On
being ashed why, having hidden among the reedsi he had come forward and
coidessed his crime in the fooe of all, he replied that while he was in the
thickest part of the reeds a beantifol woflMm had met him, saying^ ** What
have yon done? You have killed a man, and many innocent people will
suffer death for it* ^What should I do, Queen?" I replied. "^Gofoitii
and say you did it, and thus save a crowd of people." ^ I thereupon rose
and followed her, and she led me towards you. When I had made my
confession she disappeared. I know not whence she came." The Tartars
thereupon dave hfan in two. The ONvMrfdSr co mpai es die beneficent act
of die Vhgin on diis occasion with herinterventkmtosaveConstantinopfe
when attacked by die Khakan of the Avars in Mk*
Havnig described die various troul^es brought upon Georgia by the
Mongols, it is weQ to recall them in a more humane capacity. Gdragos
tells us how, in 1247, the Vartabied Hoseph, who went about repairing
the damage done by the TMcs and the Georgians, visited a Tartar chief
named Angurag, who had his summer quartan near the tomb of the
Aposde Thaddeus, who gave him permission to dean the diurdi and
r^edicate it He also restored the monastery, and assembled a crowd
of worshippers. The Tartar, we are forther tdd, caused roads
to be prepared in various direcdons to it, and issued orden that the
monks were not to be inolested by his people, many of whom had their
children bapdsedt This is not the only instance we have of the
vrry considerate treatment of die Christians by the Mongols. The
Syrian doctorpreviouslyttamedhavingmentionedTerNerses,the Cadiolicos
of the Aghuans, to Aihhina Khatun, widow of Chanm^ifaatt, he was
summoned to her camp. He was then fiving in the monastery of
Khamshiy in the district of Miaphor, and was subject to Avak. He duly
t Op. cit, «d. B roM H , I54-S55* joom. Aiiftt, sth wtt,^ xi 446^447*
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56 BlStORY OF TMX 110110018.
went to Mufl^ian, canying with htm soitahle piescnts. The Syrian
d<Ktor was then absent sl/Tebrii. He was ne veith e lsss well leoeived by
Ailthina, who gave himVseat above ner principal officers. They were
assembled to celebrate the wedding of her son, Bom or Basra Noyan*
with the daughter of a chief of high rank, Khntaa Noyan, and of her
daughter with another chief named UsorNoyan. She gave the Cadiolioos
an introduction to her brothers Sad& Ag^ and Gofgoi, who were
Oiristians and had lately arrived frum their comitry, and who treated
him with great consideration. She also gave hhu fnesentSi and a
tamgfaa protecthig him from imposts, and assigned him a Mongol
as an escort, who conducted him back to the country of the Ai^uans
{d^ to Arran), and went wHh him about his diocese, vdieie ior.a long
tone he and his predecessors had hardly dared to show their fiioes on
account of the Mussulmans.*
Tue' inauguration of Kuyuk Khan, in 1246^ was attended by a very
remaricable body of persons of rank and conseqaenoi^ from many
latitudes; an assemblage which, better than aqght dsc^ proves the
fitf-reaching power and influence of the Mongols at tills period. Abol&n^
tells us that in addition to his relathres, die desoehdants of jingia Khan,
it was attended by the Amur Masnd Beg^ fitun Mavera un Ndur and
Ttukestan ; by Arghun, from Khorasan, who was accompanied by the
grandees of Irak, Lur, Aierbaijan, and Shiivan ; by Sultan Rokn ud dm,
of Rum ; by "^The ConstaUe,'* i^ Sempad, brother of Haithon^ King of
^Ciliciaf by the two Davids, the dealer and Lesser, from Geoigia ; bi;^
the brother of the Malik of Syria, AlNasir; by die chief judge^ Fakhr ud
din, from Bas^idad(iepreseuting the Khalii); and some chisfe of Kuhistan,
repr esenting Ahu ud din. Lord of Alamutf Trom other sources we
leiurn chat the frunous icuriltai was also attended by Yarosla^ Prince of
Russia; by the son of Bedr ud din Lulu, Lord of Mosul; by Kntb ud din,
couun of the ruler of Kerman ; and by a Prince of Pars. A notice of
the vi«t of Sempad is contained in a letter he wrote to Henry, King of
Cyprus (i/., Henry of Lusignan), his sister Em^Un, and his brother
John de Mibelin. He tells us that, journeying to fiuther the cause of
Christiamty, he arrived at Sautequant (otherwise read Saussequant, $^
no doubt, Samarkand). He saw many large and opulent cities which
had been laid waste by the Tartars, some three miles in circuit, and
more than 100^000 mounds of bones of those whom the Tartars had
killed. He says he creased one of the rivers of Paradise, called Geon
(f>^ the Jihun). After Journeying for eight months, he had barely
traversed one-half of the dominions of the Tartars, whom he describe as
excellent archers, terrible to look at, and very numerous. Five years, he
says, had elapsed since then- Great Khan had died, and a general
* Gali»got,-tti. B r o M i t , 144. loon. AsiiL, 5th Mr., xL 438-44>«
t'Opb oiL, Caron. Anibb, jtok
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THE PUKDBCISSORS Of KHULAOU 57
asaemUy took place of all thdr notables to elect a snccettor. They
came to this meedng from various directions— scMiie from India, otiiers
from Ca&ay, others from Russia, others from Cascat (/^ Kashgar) and
Tangath (/^ TaagutX This is the land, he says, whence came the three
kings to worship Christ at Bethlehem, and the people of that hmd were
Christians, He had been in their churches, and seen Christ painted with
Att three kings making their offerings, one of gold, one of incense, and
the third of myrrh. He says further, the people of Tangath had been
converted by die three kii^gs, and their Khan bad thus become a
Christian. At die doors of die Tartar tanu were churches, where bells
were rang after die fiuhion of the Latins, and paintings after the manner
of the Greeks, and it was customary to attend service in the early
morning^ and afterwards to pay respect to the Khan in his palace. He
tend many Chnstians scattered throughout die east, and saw many
ch ur ches friiich had been devastated b>' th^ Tartars before they became
Christians. He tells us the Tartars had made an invasion of India, and
canied off 500^000 Indians, so that the East was full of Indian daves. He
also heard that the Pope had sent to the Khan to inquire if he was a
Christian, and why he had sent his people to destroy the Christians and
others. To this he had rej^ied that God had ordered him to send his
people to destroy the bad, and as to whether he was a Christian or no^ if
the Pope wished to know he had better go and inquire for himsell This
last paragraph dbubtkss refers to die missi(m of Carpini and Benedict of
Poland.* Malakia, speaking of these events, tells us that Haithon,
having determined to submit to the Tartars, and to pay them tribute and
the JUkUatif so that they should not enter his country, entered into an
amngement with Baidm i^oyan, after which he sent his brother, the
Baron Sempad, Generalissimo of Armenia, tp Sain Khan (^., the Good
Khan, meaning BatuX who then ruled over the dominion of jingis. He set
out and had an interview irith Sahi Khan, who greatly k>ved the Christians.
He received Sempad very graciously, and gave him the title of Sgamish (?)
and a Mongol Khatnn for a wife, named Bkhtakhavor. He was farnished
also with a great yarligh and a golden paisakt Sempad was very well
received, and retucned with letters patent for his brother, and an order for
die restitution of various districts which had once bekmged to King Leon,
and of vdiich he had been deprived by the Sultan of Rum, after the death
of that prince.) Sempad was accompanied on his way home by Rokn ud
din, the SdLjuk Prince of Rum On the letter's arrival at Kuyuk'tf Court, one
of hb officers, named Baha ud dm, die interpreter, had accused the Visier of
Rum of having set up Iz ud din without the Khakan's consent, and abused
him for his odier recent acts. Kuyuk thereupon ordered the deposition of
Ii ud din, and his replacement by Rokn ud dm, and also that Beha ud
* Wnfiam d« Nai^, Gcsta Saacti Lndor. Dom. Bona., xz. 360-360. f Malakb, 44$.
I Goiniso** «d< Bropwt, X57-X5I. Jooro. AamL, fib mt., ^ 4S«%«S3*
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SS HISTORY OP THB ICONOOtS.
din should have the post of Vizier. The latter, on his return, p roceeded
with 2,000 Mongols to proclaim Rokn ud din at Enenjan, Sebaste,
Cae8area,Malatia, and in die fortresses of Saida and Amid.* The Vizier,
Shems ud din, is, periiaps, the same person as the brodier of Ghiatfa ud
din, who, we are told hy Gutmgos, had married a daughter of Leihkar,
Sultan of Greece, who reigned at Ephesus (i^^ Lascaris, the Emperor
of Nicaca), and who had usurped power at Iconiom (?), dumb to die
assistance of his father-in-law, while his young brodier had done so at
Halaia, a town of Western Karamaiiia.t
When Sheins ud din heard of die dednon of die Khakan, he sent
Rashid ud din, the P refec t of Malatia widi a quantity of treasure to the
Khakan, to obtain a revocation of the order; but having heard of the rapid
^proach of Baha ud din, he deposited the treasure at Kamah, and fled
to Aleppo. Shems ud din now tried to escape with his prot^g^ Is nd
din, from Iconium, so as to set him up in the maritime district ; but he was
seized and imprisoned, and presently Baha ud din sent a body of
Mongols, who tortured him until he disdosed where hia treasures were,
and then put him to death. Abul£u«j tells us he was a learned man, and
wrote some elegiac verses on his own &te, which were elegant and steeped
in pathos. It was now arranged, by the influence of an ascedc named
Jelal ud din Keratai, who had great influence at Iconhim, and who had
been instrumental in arresting Shems ud din, that the empire should
be divided between the two brothers : the western parts, widi
Iconium, Akserai, Ancyra, Anatolia, &c, being assigned to Iz ud dm; and
the eastern districts, faiduding Cassarea, Sivas, Malatia, Enenjan,
Enerum, &c, being given tc Rokn ud din ; while large private domains
were made over to Alai ud din The partisans of Rokn^id din wished to
insist, however, on the Khakan's dedsion being carried out to the letter.
An interview between the brothers to settle n stters was arranged at
Axara or Caesarea, where Rokn ud din and his dilef supporter, Baha ud
din, were treacherously surprised by some partisans of Iz ud din, who
carried them off to Iconium. He did not treat them badly, however, and
eventually the empire was jointly ruled, and the coin was struck in die
names of all three brothers, with the inscription : ''The very great Kings,
Iz, and Rokn, and Alai.**! Brosset says the names do, in fiu:t, occur
togedier in the year 647 REJ. (/.«., 1249).
To return again to Kuyuk's inauguration as Khakan. It was there
dedded that the two Davids should occupy the drnme of Georgia after
me another, the okler of the two, David, son of Lasha, reigning first
* AboIfiMnJ, Chron. Syr., sa6-5t7. Cbron. Atmb., 3tx.
•t Gairago*t ^ Bro«set« 158. Brosaet says uutt he coaki not find any coofimuitioo of dib OMtch
in the '* FanvlbB Angattm" of Dnouige, nor in the articles on Lascaris and Vataoet. nor in that
devoted to the Saltans of Iconiom, nor. lastly, in the two dironicles of AbuUu«|. At dua
time John the Third Vataoet, and not Tneodore Lascaris, was Emperor of Nicwu He mgnad
I Abolfan^, Chroo. Syr., sn'S^S* Chron. Arab., 3ai'3M.
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THB VMDICKSSORS OF KUULACXI. $9
Koyiik ordered a ^lendid throne^ belonging t^ the Georgian kings, and 'a
marvelkxis crown, whidilyid belonged to KluMnsthe Great, the father of
Tfandates 11^ Kmg of Armenia, aod had been taken to Georgia for safety
witii other things, to be samt to him. The remaining objects in the
treanry were to be ^vtded between the two princes.* On the return of
David, the principal diieft in the Mong«rf senrice, Avak, who had therank
of geoeraHsnmo^ Shahan Shah, son of Zakaria, Vahram, and his som
Attoka, look him to Medddihha, where they smnmoned 6ie Georgian
Cathelico% and had hira consecrated. In gratitade to Vahram, he styled
himself Vahramal (iA, entfuroned by Vahram).t David, son of Lasha,
hved at TIflis, and the other David hi Suaneth.
Aft the kmilcai above na^ned, the envoys of the Assassins were
ignaminioasly expaQed, while diose of the Geoi^ans, Franks; and of the
Khalif weie sharply upbraidedt Kuynk sap^veded Balchu as
generalissimo of the forces in the west, and appointed in his place
HchUddai, called Ekhi Gaga by Gutragos. He was the son of Khadjitm,
Jii^ IQian's brother, and had distingoished himself at Herat in
Jtngb Khan's invasion. Abolfiuraj, who calls him lljiktai, says
he was given chai^ of Rum, Mosul, Syria, and Georgia§ He
was authorised to receive the taxes there, and each, of the princes of
the b}ood was ordoed to furnish two men out of every ten to form his
army, and he was, on arrivhig in Persia, to make a similar levy there.
Kuyuk annoonced hb intention of himself mardiing to the west, and the
army of Ikhikidai was to act as his advance guard. || We have seen how,
on the death of Ogotai, Arghun was nominated Governor of Khorasan, &c,K
Havii^ ktk several commissaries in Khorasan to receive the tribute, he
hastened on to Irak and Aierbaijan to relieve those provinces from the
Oictions of the Mongol commanders, who treated them as if they were
their private property. At Tebrii he was met by envoys from the rulers
of Rum and Syria, who tendered their masters' homage, and he sent
deputies to collect the taxes there. Meanwhile, the general control of the
finanoes was left in the hands of Sherif ud din, the Ulugh BitUcji, who
obtained his post thnmgh the infhience of Fatima, a fovourite of the
regent, Turakina.** He behaved in a very cruel and arbitrary manner,
put spies in the houses of the people, kept them without food, or put
them to the torture, in order to extract more from them. The ministers
of the Muhaaunedan fiaith, the widows and orphans who had been treated
• Gttiragos td. Brossft, 157. Joorn. Asuu., 5th ser., xL 45i-45ii.
t Mihlrfa, 449. LtbMui, xvii. 46a I Abolfknd. Chroo. Syr., $»$. Chruu. Avab., 3*1.
i Chroo. Arab., 390. 1 D'OhsM>n. iL 005.
^ AiglnB and UtfciaaylUltd a &iMoasiSteb the blitory of the radians. HewaaaViiadby
birth, and had baca sold l^ his father during a famine to a Jelair offii'er, named Hold, from whom
ha pavad into OsoteT* sarvfae. As he ooold write tfie Uq^htir character he entered the
ChancePe r y. and was appointed jointly with Koban on an important mission in China. It was
appanolly Us address oa this occasion which caused Mm to be selected as arbitrator betwee n
Um Timor and Kursiu, as we have described. (D Ohssoo, iii. lai'iaa. Ilkhans, i. 89.)
** He was the son m a poaar at Khuarenn, and entered the service of Chin Timor, whom he
aocooqiaaiod to Khorasan aa sacretary, Ms knowledge of Mongol makiog his ««rvices mvaluabte.
(D'OhsKMi, iii. laa-ias.)
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6o mvoRY or trx momools.
with tenderness by Jingis IChan» were now tmnpled upon. Al Tebrit,
people (dedged and sold their children, and a teacher even had to sdl the
shroud of one of his tenants who was dead. At Rai the proceeds of the
various exactions were (Hied op in the moaquesi into wfaidi the snn^ter
beasts were dr.ven, while the sacred carpets were nsed to cover up die
goods. Happily Sherif ad dm died in 1244, and Ais^ran tried to
alleviate the misery he had caused by renittfaig some of the taxes and
relea^g some of the victims. He now set out for Tartary with a great
crowd of functionaries and many presents to attend the inaogoratioii of
the Khakan Kuyuk, to whom he handed over, mnch to the ithakaa^
satis&ction, a great quantity of illegal aimgnadons of revenue^ ftc^ which
had been issued during die regency. He was retafaied in his government,
and was nominated as civil governor and head of die finances of Khoimsaa,
Irak-Ajem, Azerbaijan, Shirvan, Kerman, Georgia, and that part of
Hindustan then subject to the Mongols (iA, the Pmijanb^ as Jur as die
Biah). The post of Ulugh Bitil^ was con for re d on Fakhr nd din
BihishtL Arghun was met on his return at Merv by the vaiioas grandees
of the country, who wdcomed him at a great feast*
Guhngos says that on his accession, Kuynk sent commissaries to collect
a tithe of the property secured by die Mongd armies in Persia, as well as
to levy taxes on the various conquered countries. He says that Arghun,
who had attended the kuriltai, where Kuyuk was elected, was al their
head, and under him was a very tyrannical official named Bu^^
Surrounded by a crowd of Persians and other Mussulmans, he made
heavy exactions from the grandees then in camp widiout anyone daring
to oppose him. He seized the Armenian Prince Hasan, sumamed Jelal,
and put hun to the torture ; seized and demolished his strong fortresses of
iChoiakhan,or Khokhanaberd (now ruined, and situated near KantaSarX
Degfa, or Tet, Dzirana-Kar (the two latter near KhddiaaabefdX &c.t and
socompletdy destroyed than thsit their traces were not to be seen when he
wrote. Hasan barely saved his life by the payment of a large sum of
money. Bug^ tried to seize Avak also and to put him to the torture^ but
having been warned, the latter showed such a bold fioat with hb people
that he was cowed. Bugha^hordy after died of an ulcer in the throatf
Arghun had enemies at head-quarters whom it was necessary to appease,
and had reached Taraz, on his way thidier, when he heard of Kuyuk's
death. He received orders fixnn llchikidai to return to make provisioa
for the campaign, which he prapostd making. In 1249-50^ the Mongols
made another raid upon the territory of Bagdad, and advanced as far as
Dakuka, where they killed the Prefect Bilban. The next year Nasir,
Prince of Damascus, received letters of safety from the Khakan, which he
carried in his'girdle, and for which he showed his gratitude by sending
handsome presents.)
" *D'0hflMii,iiLii6. tUMkat-i-NMiri, ns*. Note]
t Giiinico*,«d. BrocMt, isS'ZS^ Jooro. Adat., sthMTM zL 447-*49> f Movairi, D'Ohsaon, QL 91.
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THB ramCMBCtS Of KHDLAGU. 6l
OHUNiuiOi ooorgiA oonmiiwci to noBr noiii ino JOoogQi cwivoqmmmi*
Makkia ttik t» diat dw pions and good Kiiif Daivid and hfe C^
didr time in enjoying tliemtdvesy and in drinking. One day tiieie was %
vgiand feast, and as tiie Georgians were great boasten» and fond of using
big j^ttases^ a Geotgian prince began to warn np the iinmhii of the various
pfteoes subject to die King^ and boasted tbaft there were a thonsand
gruideesiand tbaft one of them had 700 soldiers rs^ to d efe n d their
master. These words were re-«dmed itf the crowded feasts^ and they
began to oonnt the feroee wUdi the Annenians and Geoigians ooold
bring together against die invaders. The Tartars wers^ meanwhile, very
eiactiqg, and demanded mndi finom the Geoigian princes and geoerals;
from some, gold or clodi ; from others, geifekons, a good dog^ or a iKxae,
Ac, aP of n^feh were demands in emsss of the regular imposts, the sm/,
the rt iyU r , and ttttMsitm, These enctions were the caase of the
nmnnurs that arose at the feast, iriiich were duly reported by some
traitor, and led to a fresh invasion of the country and fresh pillage. The
Kmg and princqMd grandees, inclwding Avak (who being ill and not aUe
to ride, was dragged off in a ooffin), were taken to the tent of tfaehrchieC*
Gufaasgos says that their faitentioa of putting them to death was
pief anted by Jagatai, one of thsir princ^ commandm, who wasafriend
of Prince Avak, and who a4jursd them at their peril not to kill those who
were peaceahk subjects, of the Kbakan without the httei's authority.
Khochak, Avak^ mother, who had gone to their camp, cfiered to
guarantee hb fidelity. The Mongols proceeded to tie them together with
CQfd%and kept them time foe three days, jeering at them meanwhile, to
ifaow their contempt Having then made them give iq> their horses and
pay a ransom, they let them go; but they nevertheless invaded Georgia
and p hm dersd a number of district^ indiflerent iriiether they were
rebeUions or not They made a great many prisoners, and, we are .jokl,
threw a crowd of children into the rivers. This took place in 1249^ and the
nest year Avakdied,andwasbtfried with his fother, I vaneh, at Pghntsahankf
He left only an itlegitinutte son, and a dau ght e r Khochak, who was very
youni^ His principality was given by the Mongols to his cousin Zakaria,
the son of Shahan Shah. They soon after deprived him of it, and made
it over to Avak's widow, VartoishKontsa. Sempad had been nominated
guardian to Avak's children He soon quarrelled with her, and by order
of Khnlagu had her drowned. Khoch a k, Avak^s daug ht e r , was eventually
married to Shemsud din Muhammed, Khulagu's Virier, and brother of the
historian, Juveni4
Mai^ Khan's inauguration took place on the ist of July, 1251.
Guirsgos has a curious story to tell about this election, which is
interesting as that of a con te m p orary, and which I had overlooked in
• ICabkia, op. d^, 45a t Gainco^ «!. Brotitt, i5t«59-^ J«wn- Ad^, 5* »«r., xi. 45^
I BriMMt, Hist de la Slounk, 034. St. Mutin, a xyz and vM.
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62 HianroRY or the movools.
writiogthe pfevkms volumes. He describes Batu at oocti{»yiiig the VMI
plains of Kipchak with an immense anny, and as living imder tents,
which, doring the migrations of his people, were transported on waggoiiSi
drawn by great teams of cattle and horses. The princes of his fiunily
recognised his snpiemacy, and he wbo became Idian had need el his
countenance. Onthedeathof Knynk,hegoesontosay,theyofleredtbe
post to fiatu himself or to the one he should nominaie for it He set out
lor the purpose of fulfilling this duty, leaving hb son Sertak in command
at home. When he nonunated Mangu some members of his foraily wne
displeased that he did not either mount the throne himself or place Khofa
Khan(f>.,theKho}aOgulofthe Persian writers), the son of Kuyuk, on it<
They did not dare to openly oppose him, but revolted against Mangu,
whereupon he ordered several of them to be put to death, inckiding £lchi
Gaga (/.^., Ilchikidai), who had be«^n nominated generalissimo in Persia
in the place of Baichu. He was denounced to Batu by the chiefs of
the army, who were afraid of his haughty temper, was accused of
refusing to support Mangu, taken bdbre Batu in diains, and by him
was put to death.* Ilchikidai was arrested at Badghis, in Khorasan.
His two sonSy who were at the Imperial Court, were put to death, by
having stones thrust into their mouths.t After Ms, we are told by Guiragos,
kings, princes, and great merchants, together with those who had been
molested or plundered of their goods, sought out Batu, stho decided
impartially among them, and committed his decision to writing sealed
with his tamgha, and no one dared disobey his orders. Guiragos says
positively that Batu^ son, Sertak, was brought up by Christian governors,
and that when he grew up he embraced Christianity, and was baptised bv
the Syrians, who had brought him up. He was very good to the
Christians, and with the consent of his fother hefi^eed the Christian priests
from the payment of dues, and extended 6ie same privilege to the
mosques and those who served them. His camp was constantly
visited by Christian prelates, and attached to it was a tent where the
sacred mysteries were constantly perferl&ed. Among those who visited
his camp was the Armenian Prince, Hasan, femihariy styled Jelal, who
was courteously treated by Sertak. There also went the princes Gregorys
habitually styled Tgh% t>., infimt, although he was an elderiy man ; the
Prince Desum, the Vartabied Mark, and the Bishop Gregory. Sertak
conducted Jelal to his father, Batu, who restored him the fortresses of
Charapert, AgaIU^ and Gargar, in the district of Khachen, and the
province of Artsakh, of which he had been deprived by the Turks and
Georgiuis. He also received a diploma in favour of the CathoUcos of
Aghovania, or Albania, Nerses, granting him exemption from taxes,
and a free right to traverse the various dioceses of his patriarchate. Jekil
returned, well satisfied, but presently, harassed by Arghun and his people,
* Odrtgos, vd. Bronet, 173. /oura. AtUt, $th ter., xl 458. t D'Ohatoo, U. 959.
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THE PRBDBCBS80RS OP KHULAGlf. 63
he repaired to tke Court of Mangu Khan.* ¥fe desaibed the doiiigs Of
Arghun until the death of Kuyuk. During (he interregnum which
followed, fresh and illegal assignations were issued to the various princes
of the blood, who again settled like gad-flies upon the unfortunaie
country. With his subordinates, Arghun received a summons to attend
the kurihai, where Mangu was elected Kbakan in 1251. He report how
(he country was beh&g ruined by the issue of indiscriminate taxing orders,
and Mangu ordered the various intendants of Persia to present each a
separate report on the evils which affected their districts, and the remedies
they proposed. They were all agreed diat the best plan was to introduce a
ci4>itation tax proportioned to the means of those who had to pay, similar
to the one Mahmud Yelvaj had established in Transoxiana. This was
decided upon, and a poU-tax varying from one dinar to ten per head was
appointed, the proceeds of which were to be devoted to paying the
soldiery and keeping up the postal communications, and on no pretence
was more to be exacted. Argfaun's skill and prudence secured his
re-appointment, and he received a paizah or official tablet marked with a
Hon's head. Baha ud din Juveni, the famous historian, was nominated
finance minister, while a second finance minister, named Sarraj ud din,
was nominated as his coadjutor by Nikbey, who ruled over the dominions
ofJagataL The Khakan nominated two commissaries in addition, while
each of his brothers, Khubilai, Khulagu, Arikbuka, and Moga had his
agent at his Court Persia was divided into four govermnents, the
governor of each being styled Malik, and having a paizah marked with a
lion's head. Their subordinates had tablets of gold or silver according to
their rank. The Khakan, in sending them to their appointments,
presented them with robes of Chinese brocade.t
We saw how Sempad succeeded his brother Elikum as head of the
Orpelians, and ruler of a large district in Armenia. He was a very
Accomplished person, and we are told could speak five languages,
siamely, Armenian, Georgian, Uighur, Persian, and Mongol, t The
Orpelians were at feud with the family of Avak, who secretly intrigued
against them. The Mongol general Baichu, we are told by Stephen the
Orpelian, was at this time encamped at the entrance of Tzag^ Tzor, in
the province of Haband. He says he took by force David, the Little
King of Siunia (i>., David, son of Rusudan), and detained him prisoner
in his camp, but he some time after succeeded in escaping at night with
thitee companions. David had with him a beautiful preoious stone, of
great size and brilliancy, and of a red colour, probably a ruby. He also
had a piece of the true cross, which was valued more than all his kingdom.
He passed through Kudeni, which belonged to one of the nobles of
Sempad, named Tankreghul (1.^., servant of God), who tried to arrest
* Guiragos, ed. Brotsct, 179. Joorn. Asiat., <th Mr., xi 459>46ow
t irOhnon, Ul i«6>ia8. t Ante, s»«3. St. MvUn Umoitm, il
197
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(H HISTORY OF T0B ICONOOLS.
him, ^dieraopoii he divw out a little leathern bag, which was mspended
about his neck, contaming the ^wdous objects already mentioned.
This he gave to his captor, and told hun to give it to his master Sempad,
for it was worth more than his kingdom. He was to tell him to keep it,
and that if he once more regained his kingdom, he would reiwd him
with any town or district he mi^t ask for. If he should not succeed
in this venture he kni|^t keqi it for himsel£ Sempad, when he received
this piesent, thanked God for it ; but fearing he might not be able to hide
it, he thoQS^ it better to make a~ piesent of it to Mangu Khan, and at
the same time secure his pity for Us countrymen. He accordingly went
to Baichu, and asked hun to take the jewel for himself if he wanted it, and if
not to let him go and ofief it to the Khakan. He bade him do the latter,
and provided him with an escort This was in 1251. On the way he
' visited the monastery of Noravankl}, where he ofiered prayers for a safe
journey and a hi^y tennination of his missicm. He then went on, and
after a fong journey reached Karakorum. Mangu, Stephen says, was
piou% and had at the gate of his great palace a church, where services
went on continuously without molestation. The Mongols, he says, loved
the Giristians, whom they called Arklnaiun, and all the country professed
Christianityll.
When he arrived, he Waited the various grandees^ and com-
municated to them the object of his journey. They presented him to
the Khakan, to whom he gave the precious stone. He was much pleased
with it, and inquired whence he had come. Sempad then enlarged
on the desolation of Armenia, the loyalty of his brother, who-
was in the service of Arslan Noy«n, and Uie possessions he had
lost Mangu listened attentively to hhn, and then lianded him ovei
to his mother, Siurkukteni (called Surakhthembek by our author),
who was the daugfaterof the Kerait Prince Jakembo^ and gav^ him the
title of enchu (/.^ lord).* He asked him to stay awhile at the Court, and
ordered his officials to supply his needs. He lived there three years,
during which he was very diligent in his religious services. He had with
him a small consecrated wafer, before which he said his piayeVs.
He was thus saying them on one occasion when, as Stephen says, a
luminous cross appeared, which shed its light over the place. Mangu, we
are told, was informed of this, and himself went to see it Sempad was
unconscious of it When Mangu summoned him to expUdn he could only
produce the small host, whereupon Mangu descended from his throne,
bent his knees, uncovered his head, and declared that the cross upon it
was like the luminous cross he had seen. After this he paid great
deference to Sempad. He gave him a golden paizah, or official tablet,
and also a yarligfa, or diploma, and conferred on him all the district which
* Sc Marda sayt Uiia titl« still mhthtB unong th« Moi^;oli Mid lUadniftfai asUglitly dtend
.fnrm, mmtellf, as cdtlnn aMong Um fonMr, and «dah«D anong Um lattar.
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THE PJIlUDICtflOllft or KHULAOU. 65
had been conquered by Arslui Noywii together wKh Oiodn, the fort tpf
Botndn, and its revemies. He alto obtained privileges fw tbe decgy of
Armenia. He now retturned home again. With the help^ of Baichtt he
once more occupied his heritage of Orodn (as far as the firontieffs of
Borodn and Bghen), in. wldch was situated Taihev, the efnscopal see of
Sitniia, then in ruins. He also took Egh^ds, and ail tfw district of
Vaio-lVor, Phogha-Hank, Urdz^and Vddi, with its dependent vaUey,asfar as
Er^ron, and liiany places in the country of Kotaikh and Geg^cliuniyand
emandpasedtiieclergyofhts province and of aU Armenia. He Ibonded
mmasteries and restored ruined dmrdies. ForalongthnethefesidenGe
of the bishops of Sinnia had been hi rufais. The bishq)^ John, and his
nephew, Hahrapied, had b^nn to buikl a monastery with the permiision
of Bak^o's wife, but conU not continue it on account of th^ poverty*
diere only remaining one house out of all the p r op er ty of the Church.
Sempad now devoted all his eflbru to tUs work.*
Stqihen, tbe OrpeUan, tells us that Ari^wn, the admintstrator of Persia,
was sommoned to Mangu^ Court to answer a charge of treason, and that
when Sempad arrived he found him in chams. He says that the dittges
against him were piefened by Sevii^{beg and Sharaj^hadfai {ij$^ ^Mrif
nd din Khuaresml, his naib orUeulenant^but die totter apparently died in
1344, vidi u^). Sevinjbeg was also an enemy of Sempad's, and had
some intention of poisoning hhod. On hb arrivai Manga inquired from
him about Argium's proceedings, if he had mined the country, put to
death the priests, and beenana ss a ssfa ,as wasie p orted. Sen^[iadjustified
Ari^un completely, and diarged his enemies with being the real
o ffe nde rs ; Thereupon Mangu summ oned a council, and Seviiybeg and
Sherifoddhiwerepat to deadi. Afghan was released from prison and
p romo te d. He recommended Sempad to him, and they returned
together.t Our anthor dates tbese events in 125^ during Sempad's
second visit tothe Coort, but, as St Martin argiies,^ they dearly refer to
the first one, m 1351-4*
It was in 1354 when Aii^un, who had been reinstated, as we have
seen, arrived once moro in the west, accompanied, accofding toGutragos,
by an offidal attached to Sato's Court, named KHira A^'a, or Thora
Agha, diaiged with making a census. They inscribed all males above
the age often on their registers, and insisted upon all paying taxes. The
people again b^ian to be ground down, torments were applied freely, and
thoee who could not pay had to part with their children. The tax
collectors were escorted by Muhammedan Persians, aAd they were assisted
in their miserable work by those grandees whose property had been
^>ent These exactions did not suffice. They made all artisans pay a
licence tax, they taxed the lakes and ponds where fish were caught, iron
* Hist, de Ia Stonnk, ed. Browet, m^-asa. St. Bfartfa Moaoirvs, U. s>9-'79>
t Hist. d« la Sioonie, «). BrotMt. •3»*t3|. St Mwrtlki Mcrooircs, H. 141.145.
t Op. dt., U. flia. Noct 4.
B
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66 mstORY or tm iioiiaaLs.
mines, sinith3 and masons— Brosset adds perfimiers. They destroyed the
canals which belonged to die native chiefe, and seised the salt mines of
Kc^h, situated at the foot of Moont Takfaahii, in the district of
Surmalinskiy south of the Araxes. They also extorted gold, silver, and
precious stones from the merchants. Thus they reduced die country to
great distress. One man akme remained rich. This was a merchant
named Umeg, called Anl by the Mongols, who hftd been spared at the
sadcofKarin. AtTiflis, where he hved, he was styled *<Fadier of King
David." Having presented Arghun with some valuable gifts, he was
treated with great consideration, as ifere also the deigy, about whom the
Mongols had no orders from the Ithan, also the sons of Saravan,
Shnorhavor, and of Mkrtich.* The Georgian ChrimkU tells us Aighun
oaus^^an inventory of everythbg to be taken, men and animals, ploughed
lands and vineyards, gardens and orchards, while one peasant in every
nine was inscribed on the rolls for military service ; the number of
Geoi^gians thus enrolled amounted to 90^000^ which gives a male
popubition of about a million, and as the dergy, both Clinstian and
Muhammedan, ^vere exempted, this would give a popdadon of about
5,000^000 for the provbces of Kardili and Kakheth, in i^ch David afone
ruled— a number which seems impossible, for in the census of 1856 the
whole population of these provinces was only 225,595. Our author says
that each village furnished a lamb and a piece of gold for every chiliarch,
and two sheep and a gold piece for each myriarch, as well as three whites
per day for the keep of a horse. M. Brosset says the white is a mere
money of account, and ih modem times is of the value of the hundredth
part of an abaz, an abai being w«nth eighty kopeks.t According to the
Giorgiam CkrmtkU^ Aighun was a prot^ of Batu Khan, of Kipchak,
and it makes him employ him in aU parts of his en^ifat— in Russia,
Khasaria, Ossethi, Kipchak, as for as the Land of Clouds (/.^., the Arctic
country), in the east and in the nordi, and as for as Khatal It calls
Arghun a friend of equity, very truthfol in his language, a deep thinker,
and profound in counsel, and says he was employed by Batu lo make tfie
census, to fix the military conscription, jmd to pay to each, great and
small, according to^liis position, the dues for the horses, &c, fomished
for the posts on the great roads. It also says that Batu sent him to
Karakorum, to Khubilat Khakan, wlio employed him in a similar way in
his dominions. Thence he went to the capital of Jagatai, in Turan,
where Ushan (?) reigned, and having r^[ulated matters there, crossed the
Tihun, and did the .same in Khorasan, Irak, and Romgw (? Rum), whence
he passed, under the patronage of KHulagu, into Geoigia and Greece (<>.;
the Seljuld territory).!
* Goiragot, ed. Bronct, i7S> Jottm. AdaL, sth »« • i^ ite*4^
t The date of this e«tti»b oot easy to settk. Vartaa. Halalda, and Guiragos all date it in
S954. The Gtmx^mn C krmieU puts it after Khulagu's atmal in Pttnia; while St Martin, basing
kts ooadusioo 00 the withontv of Abvlfara) and Rashid nd din, dates it in la^ (Set Ouiiagos,
ed. BrosMl, i75'X76. Note 6.) ' Op. du, 5So-55i*
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THB fiaUfKMSKfkB OF KHULAGU. 6f
Mingn was vidted by Hftidloii, die King^ of AmwAia, whose journey
has previously occupied as.* We shall have moie to say about it
piesently, and will now tttni to that of another Armenian prince. We
have seen how die Georgian prince Avak and his fiunily were at fend
with Sempad, the head of die Orpdians. They constantly incited Aigfann
against him, offered him presents if they n^ght be allowed to destroy
hhn, promising at die same time not to appropriate to themselves
any of his terntory. He wonhl not conseat, bat nevetdidess they
captored several of his towns and ravaged the remamder. Hethersopon
detnmined once more to visit the Coart d the Khakan Mango, and
havhig obtained die permission of Arrian Noyan,he duly set oat This
was in I256.t He was wdl received by Mangu^ On his return die
&voars he received from die Mongols discoooerted his enemies, and he
continaed to prosper under the patronage of Khidaga The hitter sent
him to the country of Pascn, to cut wood for die palace he was building
at Alatagh.t Haithon and Sempad the Orpelian were close alh^ of the
Mongols. The fonoftr had his capital at Sis, in Cilicia, and the Uoter at
Ani, situated at the junction of two streams which fiill mto the Araxes.
It is said in the deventh century to have had loo^ooo inhabitants and
i^ooo churches.§ Haithon's eldest daughter was married to Bohemuad
IV., t^rince of Andoch, others Boarried the Sieur de Saiete, die Sieor de la
Roche, and Guy d^Ibelin, son of Baldwin, seneschal of Cyprus,
respectively, which allied him dotely with the Crusaders. His younger
son, Toros, fell in Syria, in the Mongol campaign against the Mamluks
in 1266^ to be described presendy. Purthel, nqihew of Sennpad,
siinilarty perilled on the Terek, in the struggle with Bereke.||
One of the complaints made against Baichu by Khulagu was that he
had done little to push forward the fortunes of the Mongols, and it must
be s^d that not much was certainly done during the later years of
his andiority, when he was, however, subordinate to Ilchikida]. In
i2pi-5 a Mongol division entered Mesopotamiai pillaged the districts
of Diarbdcr md Mayafiukin, advanced as (ar as Rees-Ain, and
Soruj, and killed more than lo^ooo people. They waylaid and
plundered a caravan which was on its way from Harran to Baghdad, and
thus secured inter aUa 600 loads of sugar and of Egyptian cotton, besides
600^000 dinars. They then returned to KhelatlT The same year
Yassaur, who had dght years before devastated Malada, went once more
there. He laid waste the country with fire and sword. Some of the
Mongols passed by the town of Guba, assailed the monastery of Makrona,
anddemandedmoneyand food from the monks. These miserable people in
their simplicity refused to give any, thinking the invaders would withdraw*
* Aatc, H. 88-80. t Bro88et| Hiat^dckSioaiiie, ts*. Sc Martin Mcnoires. a 141.
X Dro ia el, Hat. de k Sioimie, 933. 6t Murti^ oo. ctt.. U. 145* \ Ilkhans, L 165
I Jown. Adftt.1 5th ler., xnik tabk a» 4 NowlSn, in IrOliaMB, tti. 99.93.
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68 Hi8T(»nr or thb icomools.
They did withdraw for a while, but soon retttrned again, and again asked
for something. As they were again reused, diey attacked the monastery
and set fire to the towier. All the monks, oki nod young, with 300
refugees from the neighbourtiood, perished, but a large quantity of cotton,
of wax, and oil, whidi was stored these was saved AbuMsr^ tells us he
was at this time bishop of Cuba.* We are told that, by the Khakan's
express orders, Hindujak, a Mongol general onmmanding a tunum or
lo^ooo men, who had unjustly pot the govonor of Kum to death, was
executed outside the gates of Tus, while his &mily, ^vts, and odMr
property were confiscated to the treasury, and partitioned tmoag the four
branches of the Imperial fiunily. His &dier, Malik Shah, who bekxiged
to the Sunid tribe, had entered Persia at the head of m tuanan, c on s is ting
of ITighurs, Karluks, Turkomans, Kashgarians, and Kscfaayens (i/.,
natives of Kudia, east of Kashgar).t
We have seen how the Seljuk kingdom of Rum was partitioned between
Iz ud din and his brothers.t In 1254 the former was summoned to
Mangu's presence. Afraid that his brother, Rokn ud din, woukl take
advantage of his absence, he determined to send another brother, Alai ud
din Kai Kobad, who set out, bearing many presents, by way of the Black
Sea and the steppe of Kipchak, accompanied by Seif ud dm Tarentai,
one of his principal generals, and Shu|a ud din, the governor of the
maritime districts. It ud dm excused himself on account of his fear that
the Armenians and Greeks would attack his country if he were abseot
Meanwhile the partisans of Rokn ud din foiged a letter fimn Is ud <fin to
Tarentai and his colleague, ordering them to hand over Ahd ud din and
the presents he had with him to die chanceOor, Shems ud db, and the
amir Seif ud din Jalish, who bore the letter, and who wodd accompany
the young prince to the Imperial Court. The two messengers overtook
the travellers at the Court of Batu, wliom they infotmed that Tarentai
having been struck by lightning, couM not piesent himself before the
Grand Khan, while Shuja ud din was a doctor, skilled in necromancy,
and meant to poison Mangu, and that consequently die Stdtan had
recalled then.. Batu ordered die baggage of the two suq[)ected offidaU
to be searched. Some medicinal roots, inter aUa, scamony, were found,
and Shuja ud din was ordered to taste diem, which he did, except the
scamony, which aroused Batu's suspicion. This was allayed, however,
by his doctors. He decided that all four shoukl go on to the Court, the
newly arrived messengers escorting Alai ud din, and those originally
appointed bearing the presents. They set out separately. Alai ud dm
died en r&9ft$. His mother was the dimghter of the beautifrd Queen
Rusudan. When the rival officers arrived at Mangu's Court they pleaded
the cause of their respective patrons. It was decided that Is ud din
* Op. dt., Qmid. Syr., sa65S7'
t ]Uihiduddin,fliD'OlMDo,iH.nS-f*9- t Aatt.p.58.
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THB FUEDICBStbRS OF KHULAGU. 69
shcNiki retam that part of Rmn wast of the river of Shrai (Khtl £nnak\
and Rokn ud din ahocdd hold the coontry thence to Emnim; the trihote
they were to pay wai also dnly fimd. While die officials just named
were absent, Rokn ud din's soppoiters raised some troops^ and tried to
surprise Coniai or Iconhnn. IVy were beaten, and he was cqptored and
imprisoned in the fortress of Davafa. The foOowfaig year, 1355, Baichu
Noyan, annoyed at Is nd din'k tribnte not being rsgnlarly paid, sent htm
a mesiagfi demanding the suiieudsring to him oi some finssh winter
quarters, as Khnhiga had appropriated those he had fonnerty need m die
plain of Mnghan. The Sultan refnsed to do so^ and treated Baichu
cavaHeriy. The latter, with the Armenian khig Haithon, mardied
upon Conia, and deftated the Saltan's amy between tfiat town and
Ak SeraL Ii ud db took reftig-e with his fomily yi the dtadd of
AndiaUa. Baichu thereupon took Rokn ud dm from prison, and seated
him on ^ throne. Ixuddb now fled to die Emperor Theodore Lascaris,
who was living at Sardis, and wfao^ afraid of attracting the revenge of the
Mongols, advised him to return home. He a cco r din gly did so, and sent
in his snbmisrion to Khulagu, who maintained the division of the Seljuki
kingdom fixed by his brother Mangu. Is ud din tiiereupon returned once
more to Conia, while Rokn ud din went widi Baichu into winter quarters
in Bythinia.*
We will now conthrae the notice of the Mongol doings east of
Khorasan. We have seen how they became masters of A%hanistan. In
639 (#>., 1343) Tair Baghatur, who was commander-in-chief of the forces
about Herat and Badgfaii, and other Noyans from Ghir, Ghami,
Garmsir, and Tukharistan, marched towards the Indus. At this time the
Malik Kabir Khan of Ayas was the feudal chief of M«jltan. On hearingof
the bold front he had assumed, they advanced towards LahcMe, where the
Malik Ikhtiyar ud din Karakush was the feudal chie£ We are told that
he was unprepared with either stores, provisions, or war materials, while
the dtiiens were disunited. Most of them were traders, and had been in
Khorasan and Turkestan, where they had obtained safe conducts, and
were careless about the fate of the Malik Kara Kush. Meanwhile, the
tatter's feudal chie^ Sultan Muiz ud din, Bahram Shah of Delhi, was at
issoe with his Turk and Ghuz troops, and there was, therefore, some
dehiy in sending assistance from Delhi. The Mongols proceeded to
invest Lahore, and bombarded and destroyed its walls with a number of
mangonels. The Malik Kara Kush, feeling that from the disaffection
and disunion inside it would not be possible to defend the city, made
a sortie at night with his men, and cut his way through. Some of the
harem and of his retinue got separated from him in the darkness, and in
the tumult dismounted and hid away among the ndns and graves. The
* Abolfiuraj, Chron. Sjrr., S4*-S4|- CImd. Anb., 3S9*33i. IXOhMoa, lU. 9S^^
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70 HISTORY or THB MONGOLS.
following day the Mongols c^>ttired the place. Conflicts arose in all
directions. ** Two bands of Mussulmans in that disaster girded up their
livcyi like Uieir waists, and firmly grasped the sword, and up to the latest
moment that a single pulsation remained in then* dear bodies, and they
could mere, they continued to wield the sword and to send Mongols to
hell, until the time when both bodies, after fighting gallantly for a long
period against the infidds, attained the fdicity of m ar t y rdom," while
among the latter a vast number perished, and we are told dieie was not a
person among them who did not bear the wound of arrow, swoid, or
lawak (some projectile is here meant).* Two of the principal of these
leroes were named Ak Sunkar, the Seneschal of Lahore, and Din dar
Muhammed, the Amir-i-Akhur of Lahore.f The former is said to have
had a single combat with the Mongol commander. Tab-, in which both
were IdUedy ''one company to heaven ; one to the flaming fire.") In
regard to Tair, the statement that he then died is probably a mistake.
The capture of Lahore was fitdlowed by the usual massacre of the old and
useless, and the making capdve of the young. Kutb ud din, Hasan the
Ghuri, who had been sent widi an army from Delhi to the rdief of the
places arrived too kte, and after the Mongols, who had suflered great
losses, had retired.§ When he learnt of their retreat; Kara Knsh retraced
his steps towards the River Biah, where in his flight he had hidden some
treasure, gokl, &c This he recovered, and then went on to Lahore,
where he put to death the Hindu Kholdiars and the Gabrs, who were
committmg destruction there^l
Minhaj-i-Saraj, the author of the "Tabakat-i-Nasuri," reports in regard to
this campaign, diat when he himself was about seven years old he used to
go to the Imam Ali, the Ghamivi, in order to learn the Koran, and from
htm he heard the tradition how the Imam, Jemal ud din, while he
preached at Bukhara, during Ogotai's reign, used oftento say, ^ Oh, God,
speedily tran^KMrt a Mongol army to Lahore diat they may reach it,** the
explanation of which became evident when the Mongols captured Lahore
in the month Jamadi ul Awwal, in the year 639 HEJ. A number of the
merchants and traders of Khorasan and Mavein un Nehr afterwards
declared that Ogotai died on the second day after the capture €i Lahore.^
Meanwhile, the Sultan of Delhi, Bahram Shah, was killed by s<Mne of his
generals This was in May, 1242. His nephew, Alai ud din Masud
Shah, mounted the throne in his place.**
The next incident in the Mongol dealings with India is wrapt in some
obscurity. Minhaj-i-Saraj speaks oi an invasion of Sind in 643-644
by a leader named Mangutah, whom he describes as an old man with
dog-like eyes (i>., with eyes aslant m the Mongol fJAshion), who was one
of Jingis Khan*s favourites. At the beginning of Kuyuk Khan's reign he
• TiftbakAt-i-Nasm, ix33-"34- t /rf. I A/., 1135-1x36. ♦ A/., 1135. Note 3.
I^AVm XI36. 1 /<#., XJ40-XX43. ^ *^ Jd; MO.
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THE PRKDRCBSSORS OP KHULAOU. 7t
held comiDand at Ghazni, TokharisUiiy aad Khatkit* He is not
mentioned to nonUm so fiur as I know by Rasbid od din. It may bo diat
he is to be identified with Ilcbikidai, Mangptah being merely an
appellative meaning flat-nosed. As we bave seen, Ilcbflddai was at this
very time nominated sapreme commander in the west, and be was a
fiunous general of Jingis Kban. On the other hand* Mankadbn, or
Mankadaby is named as a Noyan who was sent by Qgotai into Seistan
during Jingis Khan*s canqNugn,t wUle a Mongol named M a ng a ta ii a
^voorite attendant of Tttli, was bybimnominaledShabnabof Herat. We»
however,read ofbis baving been killed shordyafter.t Minhi^i-Saraj says
that in 645 Hi^. (^ 1346) Mangotab marched an army against Udi and
Multan. The former town was at tbis time governed by Hindu Khan
Mihtar-i-Mubarakr the Khaan or Treasisery aa a leudatory of the nilerof
Delbi, Sultan Abu ud din Masud Sllab. Hindn Kban wasnottben in the
town, whicb was under the omtiol of bis deputy, the Khoja Sabb, the
Kotwal or SenescbaLI When tibe Moagols readied the Indus, Mabk Saif
ud din, Hasan die Karbil^ idmm wae bave mentioiied betee^ abandoned
Mukan, and having embarked on the Indns, which then flowed east
of the town,|| set sail lor Diwal and SInd n stan, or Sewastan. The
Mongols attacked Ucb and des tr o y e d its environs. The place was
bravely defended by the habitants. The breacb was at lengdi forced
by a famous Baghatnr, who led a storming party in the third watch,
when the men on guard were reposing, and appeared on the top of the
breach. The people inside, boyever, bad prepared a great pit, into whidi
they bad poured much clay and ^water, so that it was in fact a quagmire
more than a q>ear's length in depth. Into tbis the storming party
stumbled, whereupon the defenders raised a shout, brought out torches,
and armed themselves^ and the attacking party withdrew. T Their leader,
however, bad bera suffocated in the slough. The Mongols outside thought
be had been ci^itured, and offered to retire if be was surrendered. They
eventually reti«Ate4 without taking the idace,a very unusual drcumstance
with them. This was on hearing that an arm^ was advancing from
Delhi to the rescue. Minhig4*Saraj tells us he was himself at this time
m the service of the Sultan of Delhl^^ The Mongols, on hearing of the
concentration of the army of Delhi, withdrew in three divisions, and many
of theur captives, both Hindus and Mussuhnans,- escapedft When he
found the Mongds had retired, the Sultan of Delhi turned aside into the
hills to punish the Ranah of the Jud country, near the river Jhilam, who
had acted as guide to the invaders. He ravaged the country between the
Jhilam and the SInd, or Upper Indus, ^'so that all women, fiunilies, and
dependents (tf the infidels, who were in those parts, took to flight*^ A
body of Mongols came to the rescue, and advanced as far as the ferries of
* Tabaktt-l-NasIii, xxsa-xiss. \ U^ 1047. t Mi xo37-xo4^ Not«.
S U^ IZS3* I id, f /A, xxS4*>x55< ** Op. dt., ix55>ii56. ft lu.^^\j.
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72 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
the Jhilam, but on iMefaig the Sidtan's wdl-appointed army they withdrew
agafaL* The MongotevbtiidlfieiMdiied masters of the cotmtry west c^^
River Biah, ^i^itBce tliey seem to have made periodical raids into India.
We read ^lai in 64a Hij. Delhi was decofated on accoont of the eapture
of a byfge number of Moofol prisoners hy TkMur iid dfai from Miiltan.t
At ^ Coandl hddat Lyons in 1345 it was dctennined to send two
missions to die Tartars to try and convert them to the Christian fiddly one
ofFiandscansanddMotherofDoadnicans. Theywere sent to induce
them to be less cmd to the Christians. OneofdiMe,imderCarpini,has
afamdy occnpied OS ;t the other was headed by the foorDomfaiican friars--
Anaehn (or Asoehn) of Lombaidy, Shnon de St Quentiny Alberic, and
Alexander. They received a qMcial commission from Pope Innocent IV.,
with orders to repair to Ae nearest Mongol camp in Persia. Vincent,the
author of the fiunous "Specnhmi Histoiiale, or Historical Looking-
glass," knew Simon de St Quentin, and received fitim 1^ lips an account
ofhisjoumey.| They were joined by Andrew de Longhun^o, who had
aheady visited die East as an evangelist^ and Guiscard of Cremona, who
joined them at Tiflis^ and left them* again at the same town on their
return five montiis later, remaining in the Dominican convent there lor
seven years.|| The travdlen arrived at the Mongol camp^ situated at ma
unknown plaoe called Sitiens, fifty-nine days' joomey from Acre^ on the
day of the translationof St Doo^uc, 1947. Baidiuwas s e a te d hi his tent
dressed hi rich brocade, ornamented with gold, as were his principal
councillors. He sent some of his people to summon tbt travelers.
They asked them whose envoys they were. Ansebnr replied they were the
envoys of the Pope, who was esteemed among Christians as the first among
men, isnd to whom they paid the reverence due to a fiither and a lord.
The Mongols profe ss ed great indignatio n at diis, sayfaig that their
Khakan, who was the son of God, was much higher, as were his princes,
Baiothnoi (^., Baichu) and Batu whose lames were femiliar e ve r yw h e r e.
Anselm professed ihat the Pope had never heard the Khakan's name nor
that of his lieutenants, Jbm had merely heard that a barbarous nation
called Tartars had come from the fbrthest eas^ conquered a great many
countries, and destroyed an mfioite multitude of people If fhe Pope had
known their names they would certainly have appeared on his letters.
He added that they had come to exhort the Tartar diief in theh:
name to cease his carnage, and to e]q[)!ate by penance thebr evil deeds,
and they wished to knew if Baichu had any answer for their master.H
These officers having returned to Baichu, changed their dressy and
returning again, asked what presents the friars had brought They
replied that the Pope was not in the habit of making presents, but of
^0^dt.,8I«. t TabOat^-NMiri, t Ast^^Q. 61^5.
S Vfawcnt, op. dt, Hb. jood., dk. 11. | Motbeim, Hbt. Jmn, Scd., 4*.
^ Yinottt, op. cit., U. t, and 40.
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THB PJtEDICESSORS OF KHULAGU. 73
receivixig them, both from the £aithfbl and infideb. They thereupon
again withdrew and again returned, and were told that no one ever
appearad before Baichu with empty hands, upon which Ansehn said if
tiiey coold not have any audience without presents diey must be content
without one, and simply hand over the Pope's letters to them to be passed
on. The officers made numerous inquiries about the Franks, of whom,
as they had heard from Aeir merdiants, a large army was being transported
into Syria, and with whom they professed to wish to be on friendly
teims.*
A^ a short dday tKey again visited tht brothers, having meanwhile
again dianged their cdstumii They reported that if the friars wished for
an aodience they must consent to make three genuflexions bdbre Baidiu,
as if they were before die Khakan himself, the son of God and master of
the earth. The friars debated together what Baidiu meant by this
ceremony, and Gnischard of Cremona, who, We are told, knew the Tartar
customs weD, having learnt them from the Georgians, assured them he
meant by it to signify that the Pope and all the Roman Church was to be
subject to the Khakan. Thertapon die friars agreed that they wouM
rather be decapitated dian go through the ceremony, and cause exultation
among the enemies of theur church— Georgians, Armenians and Greeks,
Persians and Turla.t Ansehn said that they were not moved in this by
arrogance, and were prepared to do whatever was seemly in envoys of
the Pope; that they would pay Baichu the same respect they paid their
own princes ; nay, if he would become a Christian, then, for the sake of
the foith, they would not only prostrate themselves before him, but before
them all, and kiss the soles of their feet and their poorest garments.
This sdrred the indignadoi) of the Mongds gready. ** Are we dogs like
yoo?— the Pope is a dog, so are all yoo,* they said, and then withdrew
and went to report to their master.t Baichu would have killed them all
when be heard what their reply was. Some, however, recommended him
to kill two of them, and to send the others back to the Pope ; others,
again, that he should flay the senior envoy, and forward his skin to his
master. Others suggested that they should be put in front of the
battering engines, so that they should be killed by the latter, and not soil
Mongol hands with the blood of ambassadors. Baichu's counsd at
length prevailed that they should be put to death. He was eventually
dis^iaded from this, however, by his prindpal wife and by the
chamberlain, who managed the introduction oi envoys, and who
threatened to report the whole proceedings before the Khakan if the
envoys were killed.$ He now became more reasonable, and sent his
people again to inquire from the friars how they were wont to honour
their own princes. Ansehn thereupon drew back his hood snd hidined
* Vtnemt, op. dt.. I{.'4X« t/«/.. 4t. I A^, 43- ♦ /^'-i 44.
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74 BmORY or THX MONGOLS.
bis head somewhat They then asked how Christians reverenced their
God. ''Some by prostratioi^ some in odier ways," was the answer.
They finished up by scoffingly inquiring how they^ who stooped to wood
and stone^ refiised to thus honour the representative of the Khakan, the
son of God. Ansehn replied that they did not worship die cross, but only
reverenced the symbol of diat on which their Saviour had poured out his
bloods They piesently withdrew, and told the friars that it would be
better they shonkl go in person to the Khakan's Coui;^ and there deliver
their letters, and see what was now veiled from their eyesi namely, how
great his power and gkny were. Ansehn, who suspected Baichu's
motives, rqplied that the Pope had never heahl of the Khakani and had
merely ordered him to visit die first Tartar chief he met with, and
that he did not ogre to go further. If Baichu wished he would present
hfan and his people with the Pope's letters, if not he ^reicrred to return
with Uiem. The Mongols once noore jeered at him, ^^ying^ ** Howcanyou
daim that the Pope is so much higher than other men? Who has ever
heard of his having conquered so many kingdoms as the Khakan, the son
ofGod> Who has heard that the Pope's name, like that of the Khakan,
is diffused from the limits of the East to the Bhick Sea? Smely he is
greater than your Pope?" When Ansehn proceeded to eqilain that the
Pope's s^reatness dqiended on his being the representative of St Peter,
the unsophisticated Mongols laughed and jeered so kMdly that he could
not continue his conversation.* At the request of Baichufs messengers,
Ansehn sent the Pope's letters to him. They were reautted to them to
b^ trandated into Persian, whence they were retranslated into Mongol,
and were then again presented. Baichu now infonned the friars that two
of their number must be prepared to accompany a secretary of the Grand
Khan, who was about to return to MoogoUa, so that they might present
their letters in person, and see for tiiemaelves ^^t a great person their
master was. Ansehn repUedthat they had received no commission to go
on thither, and should not go on unless forced, and that they did not want
to separate.f The friars, whose tent was pitched a mile away frtmi the
Mongol camp, now solicited leave to return, and asked if Baichu had any
letters for them, but they could get no answer. They were qwrned and
treated with contumely by the Mongols^ who lodced upon them as yiler
than dogs. Three times Bakhu, we are told, gave orders for thev
execution. Day after day they went and stpod in the broiling heat oi
June and July from sunrise to sunset without shelter, awaiting a rq>ly.
Thus matters continued for nine weda.t At length Baichu granted his
permission for them to leave, but revoked it again on the ground that he
had heard an envoy from the Khakan named Angutha, who had been
given authority over all Georgia (this was probably ArghunX was coming.
•y!ao«it,o|Keit.,J ip tfd^^
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THE CTlMCiaKmS OF KHVUCV. 75
for three weeks they patiently awaited his airival, livifig on biead and
water and occasionally a Uttle goat's milk.* As the winter was coining
on, when it was dangerous to navigate the Mediterranean! Anselm once
more pleaded thxoii^ a friendly official for Baichu's permission to depart
This was at length grantedp and they were aboot to leave when their
d^artore was again postponed by the sudden arrival oi Angotha, with
the nnde of the Sultan oC Aleppo^ and the brother of the Saltan of Mosul,
who had been to the Khakan's Court bearing the homageof their relatives
and many rich presents. They new pei^ormed the triple genuflexion
before Baichui and ofoed him gifts. Then loUowed a feast of seven
days, in which drink and dissipation prevailed, and the business of the
d^arture was once more postponed. This over» they were at length
aUowed to depart with a letter addressed by the Khakan toBaicha,idiich
th^ called the let^r of God, and a separate one ftom Baichu to ^e
Pope. They arrived safely atliome after an absenoe of more than three
years. *
Vincent has preserved us copies in Latin of the two letters. The
letter d the Khakan to Baichu, which was called the letter of God,
and was ai^parently a copy of Jingis Khan's general Instructions to his
officers, has an incoherent sound, due probably, as D^Ohsson suggests^ to
the ignorance of the interpreters : "By the. order of the living God,
Jingis Khan, the son of God, the gentle and venerable. The Great God
is Lord over everythin^^ and on earth Jingis Khan is alone master. We
would have this known in all our provinces, obedient or otherwise. It
behoves thec^ therefore, O Baiothnoi, to let it be known by them that this
is the will of the Living God. And let this be known evetyirikere where
an envoy can go, that whoever disobeys you shall be driven oui^ and his
land shall be laid waste. And I declare to you. that whoever does not
hear this my command must be dea^ and whoever sees it and does not
obey mnsf be blind, and he who knowing it does not carry it out must be
halt This» my order, wiU reach everyonei wise and ignorant Whoso-
ever, therefore, hears and neglects to obey it shall be destroyed, lost, and
killed. Make this known^ therefore^ O Baiothnoi, and whoever obey%
wishing to save his houssi a|id undertakes to serve us, shall be
saved and treated honourably; and whoever shall oppose it, do
according to your will anifl^destroy him.1^ The other letter ran
as follows: ''By order of the Pivine Khan, Baichu Noyan sends
these words. Pope, do you know that your envoys have been to us
and have brought us your letters? ^ Your envoys have spoken big words.
We know not whether this was by your orda» or at their instance. In
your letters it is written, ' You have slaughtered and destroyed many
men. But this is the command of God, who rules the earth, to us,
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76 HISTORY OF TRS lIONOOtB.
* Whoever hears my words shall retain his knd,. water, and patrhnoiiy ;
bat those who disobey are destroyed and lost' Weaccordingly send yott
this message. If you, Pope, wish to retain your patrimony, yon must
come to OS in person, and present yoors^ beiwe the master of the whole
worid. If yoo ^Baobey, we know not wh«t wfil happen. God knows.
Before yoo come it will be wdl to send messettgen to say whedier yoo
mean to come or no, and whedier yoo mean to be hkoMf or otherwise.
This order, which we send yoo by the hands of Ibeg and Sttgis, we
write the 20th of Joly, m the distribt of the Castle of Shiens."*
In reference to the conversations of the friars widi th6 Mdligols, abovt
reported, and especially in regard to the ddicate question of the ignorance
of the Pope of their duefi* names, we have a story preserved showing
that the friars were ready and witty diplomatists. This story is re p orted
in the " Peregrinatio de Fr. Bieult,* whoiMeUs os how one of them
was at an audience widi the Khakan, when the latter asked what p re s e n t s
he had with him. The reply was he had none, as he was not aware of his
greatpower. ^Howisthat? Have not the birds which viiit your country
told you anything of our power?" ** Sire, it may well be tiiat they have^*
said the traveller, *'but f understood not ^diat they said;"* an answm*
which appeased the Khakan.f
The result of the mission to the Pope is not told us'by Vincent^ ndiose
account ends abruptly, but Matthew Paris tdls us how, in 1248, two
Tartar envoys, doubdess the same as those mentioned by Vincent,
had an audience of the Pope. Their letters were thrice transkted from
\Sb known into better known languages. The Pope gave them predoos
garmenU called '^robas," made oi scarlet ck>th and fbrred, and also
presents of gold and diver. The mtcr v iews were formal, interpreters onl>
being present, and neither clerics, notaries, nor others, and Matthew
Paris suggests that thdr object was to obtain help against Vataces,the
schismatic ruler ci Nicea, but, as Remusat says, he was much tboobscOfL
a person for the Mongols to #ant aid in opposing him, and their message
wa3 much more probably a peremptory order to submitt
The friendly intercourse of the Christiatts with the Monger was
naturally very distasteful to the Mussuhnan princes, who put obstades in
its way. The Governor of Erzenjan gave express orders that provisions
were not to be supplied to those who came from amongthe Franks, nor to
theenvoysof Huthon of Armenia, or of Vastak. Similarly wereadhow
the missionaries who went to the Court of Malik d Mansur Ibtnl^
Prince of Edessa, were refused permission to go on to die Mongds,
among other reasons because he was satisfied they meant to indte the
Mongols against the Mussulman8.§
It was in 1247, when Saint Louis had sunmoned his notalto
* Vincent, op. du, U. 50. t A. Remviat, M«mi. Acad. Ins., vi. 491.. Not*.
I Meins. Wf, Int., v{., 49^«7- > A. RamiMiti, Menu. FV. In., n, 490.
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THE PRBDlCISSOItS Of KHULAGU. 11
p iep aiato iy to tUrting on hk cmsade, diat a letter amved from the
Monger sanniioiiiiig him to fubmit, and stating that they were the people
d'whom it ha4.been stated that God had given the earth to the children
of men.* Theiehavt not been wanting speculations as to what might
have been the &te of the world if St Loai< instead of attacking the
strong power ol Cgypt, had tuned his arms against the Sdjuki Tuiks, at
this thne much weakened and bralDen by their conflict with the Mongols.
He would, no doubt, have cnidied them and been then brought face to
&ce with die terrible Taitars. The Mussulmans who intervened between
the latter and the Christians at this time pfobaUy wnA the world from
disaster.
According to Haithon and W. de Nangis, it was Ikhikidai (called
Erdiakfaai and itodtai in contemponury writings) ^ti^ when St I/wis
reached Cyprus, sent some eiivoyt to that last of the Crusaders. Mangu
afterwards repodkited them, and De Goignes has tiealed them as
impostors. Joinville dtsthictiy says they went to assnve Louis that the
Mongols were ready to assist him in the conquest of Jerusalem and the
Holy Land. Louis ceoeived them well ^nd sent 'umie of his people back
widi them. Odo^ m- Hugh, bidiop of Tuscnlum, another contemporary,
tells us the envoys bnded at Cyprus on the I9di of December, 1348 ; dmt
diey ^y reached Nicosia, and ptesented die king with letters written in
the Persian tongue and in Arabic characters. After the t ra n s hi ti o n of
these letters, Hugh hhnsdf reported their contents to the king. Vincent
of Beanvais and William of Nangis caD the chief envoy David, and tell
us he was recognised by the brodier Andrew de Loi^umel, already
named, who had met him among the Tartars. Another chronicler tells
OS that the king had the letter, when transkted, sent on to France, to his
mother Bbuche.f Anodier copywas sent to Pope Innocent by his legiUe,
Cardinal Hugh, of Chateau Royid. Vmcent of Beanvais has preserved a
Latin translation of this letter :—
' By the power of the High God, the letters of Ae King of the Earth,
the Khan, the words of Erchaltai, the great king of many provinces, the
vigorous defender of the world, the sword of Christian victory, the
defender of die ApostoUcal feith, the son of the Bvangelical law, to the
Kmg of the Franks. May God increase his kingdom and preserve it to
him for many years. May his wishes be gratified now and in the future
by the trudi of the divine power, the director of mankind and of afl the
prophets and qx)stles. Amen. A hundred thousand salutations and
blessings. I hope he will accept diese greetings, and that diey may be
welcome to him. God grant that I may iee this magnificent king who is
commg near. The exalted Creator can weU bring about our friendly
meetmg tQgedier.
. .M . ^ * ^ R«mtii«t, Mems. Pr, In., vt 435.
t W, d« Maosis, Boaqmi, ss. 938, Ac. A. R«aMMtt, 11mm. Fr. Aori., tL 499^40.
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70 HISTORY or THX MOMOOLS.
^Let it be understood that in thi* our greeting we meeo nothing more
than the benefit of Christianity and the strengthening of the king's hands,
God being ^lUng; and I pray dial God will grant vidory to the armies
of the Christian king, and will give him victory over his enemies who
contemn the cross. On behalf of the exalted Ung, may God exalt him,
namely, of Kiukai (f>^ Kiiynk). May God increase his splendoor. We
have come (i>. into Persia) with authodqr and power to announce that all
Christians are to be fm from servitude and taioea, <hies, and tolb (tf ii0yt«^
ei tributo et Mtgaria tt pedagiis\ ftc, and are to be treated with honour
and reverence. No one is to molest their goods, and those of their
churches which have been destroyed are to be rebuilt, and to be allowed
freely to sound their plates {fuUenUr iabuim-^A.^ die substitutes for
bells, aheady namedX No one must dare to prevent them finely
and with a quiet ndnd praying for our kingdom. So fiur we have
provided for the advantage and protection of the Christians. In addition,
we beg to send otur foithfhl envoys, the venerable Sab ed din, Mufiit
David, and Marie, that they may aimonnce these good tidings. My son,
hear their words and believe them. In his letters the Kii^ of the Earth
(f>., Kuyuk)— may his splendour increase orders that there may no
•difference be made between the difierent classes erf beli e v ers d ie Latins,
Greeks, and Armenians, the Nestorians and the Jacobites, and all who
reverence the cross. Alt are one with us, and dius we pray the
Magnificent King to make no difference between them and to extend his
beneficence over all Christians. May his piety and beneficence endure.
Given in the end of Maharram, with the ap|m>val of the exaked Lord.*^
According to Bishop Hugh^ above quoted, Louis asked the envoys how
their master knew of his arrival. They said the Prince of Mosul had
sent to Ilchikidai some letters he had received firom the Sultan of Egypt,
and at the same time fidsdy pretending he had captured sixty of the
Frank ships. Ilchikidai reported his inientkm of mardung the foUowing
sommer against the Khali^ and asked St Louis to make a diverskm
against Egypt so as to keep its ruler emfrfoyed. The envoys mentkmed
that Kuyuk Khan's mother was a Christian. She was called Kufotai,
and was a daughter of Prester John, and that he had, at the
instance of a pious bishop named Malassias, been baptised, with
eighteen kings? aims and Bumy grandees of the Court. They added that
Ilchikidai had been a convert for many years, although many of the
Tartars were not so, and, that although not of the royal bkiod, he had
much power ; that Baichn was a Pagan, and surrounded by Mussulman
councillors, hence his harsh treatment of the Pope's messengers, but that
his power was now much curtailed, and he was subordinate to Ikhilddai.
There are some misstatements in this report, and many auspidous
* Vinotnt de B«:nvftis, xxxL ctp. 91. D'OfaMon, U. ajB-tap. Nolt.
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THB WtgPlcmOIH OP KHVLAOU. 79
drcttiiitUMceft about the letter^ fucli at itriinutuaUy civil tone, iu ignoring
qoeitiofitlikelyto intefest the Mongols, and entenogtato the rival policies of
Ibe various Christian secu in the East, and its reference to the request that
Louis wQold make no diflbrence between the Latin Christians and their
Eastern brothers. This led DeGuigoes and othea to suspect that the whole
embassy was an imposture made up by some of these Eastern Christians
to further their own aims. Remusat concludes that the embassy was a
genuine one, but that the envoys, for diplomatic or other purposes, either
concocted a letter of their own or interpreted it after their own bshton.*
Louis determined to reply to th^ message and oiganised an embassy in
retnm,ofwhichBipther Andrew deLongiumftli ^^wfaq^** says Joinville,'^knew
thtr SarrmgiMsdsJ' was at the head, and with him join^ a French friar
named John of Carcassonne-f The presents Louis sent to the Khakan
comprised a chapel made out of good scarlet (<>., of embroidered scarlet
dothX ornaments for the service, a piece of the true cross (or the Khakan
and another for Ikfaikidai. With these, Joinville say% there were also
sent pictures of the chief events in the life of Christ-^the annundatkm,
nativity, baptism, passion, ascensioni &ct With these things were sent
letters, according tq one account, exhorting the Khakan to imitate th^
example of his mother, and to become a Christian, and to another bidding
him, as well as Ikhikidai, persevere in the faith. The legate Odo also •
sent letters to the Khakan, to his stepmother, to llchikidai and the
bidiops who were with him, saying that the Roman Church received them
gladly, and had learned wi rh joy of their conversion, that they should ding
to the orthodox faith, ncog^dm Rome as the mother d all churches, and
the Pope as its head.§ These letters, as Remusat says, must have been a
surprise to the Court at Karakoram. The envoys set out from Nicosia
on the 37th of January, 1248 (D'Ohsson says on the loth of February,
1249). They apparently made th^ way to Anttoch« and thence to the
camp of Ikhikidai, whence Andrew despatched a letter, together with
one from the Mongol general, which were translated into Latin, and sent
to France to Queen Blanche. These letters seem to be no longer
extant4l The envoys then went on to the Imperial Court, travelling at
the rate often leagues a day. There they arrived at the end of 1248 or
the beginning of 1249. Kuyuk was dead, and it was the Regent Ogul
Gamish who received them. She received the presents of Louis affably,
and gave the friars some in return, including, in Chinese fisuhion, a piece
of silk brocade. The Regent also intrusted a letter to them. According
to Joinville the presents sent by Louis wexe treated, much to his chagrin,
• op. cit., 437*445'
t Odo names a third luuMd William'; Joinville only roentiooa two Dominicans ; Thomas of
Caatnnpre, two Dominicans and two Franciscans ; and Vincent of Beaovais, three Dominicans,
two secolar derics, and two of the King's officers ; W. de Nangis names Andicw. with two
brothers of the same order, two other derics. and two of the Kbtg's waiting-men. (Op. dt., 3M.)
J. Cohmoa reports the saoie as Vincent, and says he knew as a very old man one of these clerks
named Robmt, who was a tnb^antor In the chnrdi of Chsrtres.
t D v., XX. a6s. f W. de Nangis, Boaqoet, op. dt., 364. | Af., 447.
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8o HISTORY O? THl ItOirOOLS.
as tribute, while the letter in reply demanded an aniltial tribote in gold
and diver, menacing the French king iHth destmctltm if he refiiaed to
payit*
The notice given by JoinrBIe of the reception of tfab embassy is so
quaint, and so exactiy represents the Mongol mode of dealing in such
cases, that it it worth while printing it in faH * Le roi des Tartarins,"
he says, **fit tendre la chapelle. et dit anx rois qui se u o u v aient k sa cour.
Seigneurs, le roy de France est venu en nostre sujestion, et vesci le tren
que 9 nous envoie. Avec les messagers le Roy vindrent .... si
apporthent lettres de leur gpmt roy au roy de Fnmce qui disaient
ainsL *Bone chose est de p^ quar en terre de pb mangoent dl qui
vont k quatre pied Peibe pMblement ; cQ qd vont k dens labourent la
' terre, dont les biens viennent pMblement ; et cesie chose te mandons
nous pour toy aviser ; car tu ne pens avoir p^ si tune htt h nous, et feel
roy et tel (et mouh'en nommoientX eC tons les avooa mis k F^sp^ Si
te mandons que tn nous envoies tant de ton or et de ton argeit diascun
an, que tn nous retieigneskamis ; et se tune lelUs, nous de stnii rDns toy et
ta gent aussi comme nous avons Mi oeidx que nous avoos devant
nommes.' Et saches quil (/.r., the kfaig) se repenti fort quant il y
envoia.*^
The envoys returned two years after settbg out and found the king at
Acre, and notwithstanding the ill success of his previous venture, he
determined to send another embassy. This was headed by WiHiam of
Ruy^brock, or Rubruquis, of whom we have written much in the eariier
volumes. Joinville declares that Rubruqufs repadiated the diaracter of
an envoy, and that in preaching in die church of Saint Sophia, while on
his journey, he declared he had been sent neither by Louis nor any odier
sovereign, but went in accordance with the statutes of his order to preach
the gospel to the infidels t.and it would seem that he took up this position
at the instance of St Louis himself who, no doubt, wished to guard
himself against his acts being misint e r pr et e d as acts of submission.
Rubruquis reached Karakorum on the 37th of December, lasa, having
traversed the Steppes of Kipchak, as I have mentionedt Rubruquis
tells us the year before he was at Karakorum there was a cleric diere
finom Acre, who called himself Rammud, but whose real name was
Theodoius. He travelled from Cyprus to Persia with Andrew, taking
with him an organ from Amoric (?) (ab Ammorico ?). When Andrew went
home again he remained behind and repaired to Mangu, who asked him
what his business was, and he replied he had come from a bishop named'
Odo, in the kingdom of King Louis (the text has Moles, but this is clearly
a clerical error), who, if the ways had been open, and if the Saracens had
not been posted between them, would have sent envoys to make peace
* V: de Nangis, Booquel, op. cit.,44S. t IXOhssoo, U. 944* Note. % Aula, L «.
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THS nKOMCMSSOMB OS KHULAGU. St
with him. Manga asked if he was willing to conduct some envoys to
that ki^g and bishop. He said he was, and also to the Pope. Hethen
cansed a very strong bow to be made which two a^en could barely pull,
and two whistling arrows called bosunes or boosiones with silver heads
M of holes, which when thrown whistled like a Aute, and he bade a
Mongol, whom he had chosen as his envoy, go to the King of the Franks,
and ten him that if he made peace with him he would if he acquiied
the country now held by the Saracens as £Bur as his borders, make oyer to
him the remainder as fiur as.the west He also told him ominously to
point oat to the King the bow and arrows, and to tell him such a bow shot
a loqg way and such arrows pierced very deeply.* He also bade his
Mongol conductor explore well the roads, districts, and castles, and the
men he should pass, and also their arms. The interpreter, who was a
European, suggested that Theodolus should drop his inconvenient
companions into the sea fn rauU, so that no one would know
what became of them, for they were merely spies. Mangu gave
the Mongol a gold tablet, a pafan in width and half a cubit in length
(f>., a paizah). He says that anyone who bore it could order and
obtain anything he pleased. Theodohis duly arrived at the Court of
Vastaces, or Vataces, the Emperor of Nicsea, wishing to go tp the Pope
to deceive him as he had deceived Mangu Khan. Vataces asked him
where his letters were, which was the envoy and which the conductor.
As he would not produce his letters he imprisoned hun. The MoQgol
fell ill and died there, and Vataces thereupon sent the golden tablet back
to Mangu Khan. Rubruquis says he met these measengers &t Enerum,
who t<^ him what had han>ened to Theodolus.t
On taking leave, Rubruquis was intrusted with a lettei for St. Louis, of
which he gives the purport, ^ so hx/* he says, *' as he could understand it
through the interpreter." This letter was phrased in the usual peremptory
fashion of the Mongols. Met alia^ it denounced David, akeady men-
tioned, as an impostor, and characterised the late regent, the mother'
of Kuyuk, to whom Louis' envoys had gone, as viler than dogs.
Rubruquis reports that Mangu Khan had declared to him that she was
given to necromancy, and had destroyed all her relatives by her sorceries, t
The letters stated that it . was not convenient and safe for him to send
envoys, but that he expected Louis to send him some to state whether
he wished for peace or war, and threatening him accordingly. § I have
already described Rubruquis* journey back to Serai, the capital of Batu
Khan.|| The Mongols furnished him with an escort of twenty men, to protect
him from the Lesghs and other robbers in traversing the Iron Gates. Ic
r^;ard to the arms of these Mongols Rubruquis has a very interesting
sentence. Two had haubergions (<>., coats of mail). These, they told
* Rabniquis, D'Avenc, siojia. t A/, 313. I A/., 370. $ Itl„ 371.
I Ante, U. 87^.
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02 RttlORT OP THB MOMOOtS.
him, they had obcained among the Ahmi, who wera acoouated good
makers of such mits, and splendid smidii.* Rtibniqais condnded that
the only arms mdigenous with the Mongols were qahrers, bows and
arrows, and pdUcie (? felted armom-, or annoor made of sUns). Among
the presents he saw oflbed to diem were iron plates, or scaksy and hon
hdmets, from Persia, and he saw two Alans present diemsdves to Mangu
fai tmiics of fish sidn (de peccairiis), made from stiff hides, which were
>-ery inconvenientf
He describes Derbend as hanging between the sea and the moontains.
No road passed below or above the town. The only road trav er s e d the
city itself and was dosed by an inm gate, whence its name. It was wdQ
fortified, and dominated bya fortress whidi the Tartars had o^itored.
Two days farther on he reached the town of Samaron (?Shlrvan), where
there were many Jews, as there were in many of the mountain recesses
on this coast, and also in the towns of Persia. Presently he readied a
great town called Samag {U^ Shamal^i), and dien-on the following day
entered the plahi of Moan (/.^., Moghan), through which fiowed die Knr,
fix>m which he says were named die Kmgi, called Georgians in die West
In this plain he again met widi Tartars. Traveifing along die Araxes,
he passed the camp of Baichu, in whose house he was entertained and
given wine. His host, however, drank kumiz, which he says naivdy he
would have freely drunk if it had been offered to him. He followed the
Araxes to iti sources near Erzerum. On leaving Baichu, Rubruquis'
guide and his interpreter went to Tebris to see Aighun. Baichu caused
the friar to be taken to Naxua (? Nakhchivan),| the former capital of a great
kingdom, once a great and beautiful dty, which the Mongols had converted
into a waste. There were once eighty Armenian churches there, but at this
time they had been reduced to two small ones. The Armenians professed
to recount to him some prophedes of one of their sdnts, named Acacron,
who foretold the advent of the ardiers (#>., the Mongols).9 He tells us
how he passed near Mount Ararat, which, although it seemed so
accessible, none had been able to climb ; and that a monk, who was very
anxious to do so, had a pieceof the ark brought him by an angel, which the
Armenians professed to keep in one of their churches. An old man had
told hhn diat the reason why the mountain ought not to be dimbed was
that its name was Massis in thdr tongue, and it was of the feminine
gender, and no one should ascend i^ since it was the mother of the
woridillll *
Four days after leaving this town Rubruquis reached the territory of
Sahensa {i.e,^ Shahan Shah), formerly the most powerful of the Georgians,
but then tributary to the Tartars, who had destroyed all the fortresses his
father Zakaria had conquered from the Mussuhnans. Shahan Shah,
* The Knbechi, in die CanqwB, Wtn a ftunoos tribe of anaoar nuJcen.
t Eubmqois, 38x. I 384. ♦ «^ 383-386. I A/.. 3«y.
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THB FAIDMWOitS OF MSULAGV. $1
with liis mib aad hit toa Zakaria, received Rubruqaif with honour.
The last, aaanuible.boyy adced hhn if he went to St Louii whedier h$
wottkL reoelve hmv lor iStehoug^ he ha4 plenty of all he needed he
piefen e d to tmrd to a foreign land than to wear the yoke of the Tartar*.*
They claimed to be fiuthful to the Roman Church, and if the Pope woold
send them some help they would subject all the surrounding districts to
the Chnrch. In fifteen days thence he reached Erzenjan, all whose
inhabitants were Christians, Armenians, Georgians, and Greeks, but the
Mtthanunadans were masters of it, and its governor, as we have seen, had
been forbidden to supply food to any Frank and to any envoy from
Armenia or Vataces, so that Rtdmiquk had now, till he reached Cyprus,
lo buy his fisod. He pasted through Ani, also subject to Shahan Shah^ a
very strong isctreas containing i/xx> Armenian churches and two motquee.
The Tartan had a bailiff there. Theiehe met five Dominicans, who had
no i nte rp rete r eioept a teblc servant who knew Turkish and a little
Fnadi. Thsy had letters from the P(^ for Sertdc, Mangu Khan, and
Bori, hot oo hearing Rubruquit' story, instead of going on, went to
consolt tiieir compaaiont at Tiflis. ^What they afterwards did," says
Rnhraqoia, " I know not" Leavkig the valley of the Araxes, he crossed
faito that of the Euphrates, and mentions a terrible earthquake which had
destroyed i,ooo people at Ersenjan. He crossed a vaU^, where he tells
as the Sukan of the Turks was defeated by the Tartars, the fonner having
aoo^ooo horsemen and the latter but lo^ooo, and in regard to the
earthquake says quaintly and grimly : "Dicebat michi cor meum quod
tota tens ilia apperuerat os snum ad recipiendum adhuc saqguinem
Sarrac8Doram.*t He passed through Sdiaste, and visited the tombs of
'die ei^ity martyrs. Thence he won't cm by Csssarea and koniunt
There he met, t'mUr alios^ with a Genoese merchant from Acre, Nicholas
de Sancto Siro^ who, with a oompanion, a Venetian, named Bene&itio de
Molendino^ had the monopoly of exporting all the abinun (?alum) from
''TMda," and had raised iu vahie in the proportkm of 15 to 50.
Rnbrnquis was pre s e nted to the Sdjidd Sultan, and received permission lo
go on through Cflicia, or Little Armenia. He ma^ his way to Knrta (?),
the port of that kingdom, and having deposited Ms goods on board ifai^
went to pay a visit to Halthon's ftither, who he heard had had let te r s fr oBi
his son. ' He found him at Asium with all his family except a son named
Banmnsin, who had been appointed governor of a fortress. The Court
was delighted at the news that King Haithon was on his way home,
having received a remission of part of the heavy tribute they had to pay,
and other privileges. % The old man had Rubruquis conducted to a port
named Anax (? Ayas), whence he passed mto Cyprus to Nicosia, where
he had an interview with one of King Louis' officials, who conducted him
■//..38a. t/«/.,39i. IOp.cit..w.
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<4 HmORY OP THB MOMOOLS.
to Antioch imd THpdit, and Acre, He comiUains tiMl he was not
allowed to visit the King in person, and that it was not p os s i b le to i^wrt
the results of his journey t'Aw voct^ He ends 19 by a sorvey of the
various Mohammedan powers which he had encoonteted, and eipi a faing
howeasy it would be for the Christians to ovenHielmthem. Thatalaige
proportion of the population of Turkia if^^ of the SeQuk Empire)
were Greeks or Armenians. The Sultan had three sons, one by a
Georgian wife, a second by a Gredc, and a third by a Ttek The
first of these he wished to succeed him, but the Turks and Turkomans
wished for the success of the third. They had twke risen in his
support, but he had been beaten, and was then imprisoned. The
son of the Gredt mother also had partisan^ who dcdarsd the son
of the Georgian mother, who had been sent to the Tartars, was a
feeble person. This rivafay created great confaskm. There was no
money in the treasury, few soldiers, and maay enemies. The son
of Vataces also was fed)le, and had a war with the son of Assan
(? Jelol-Hasan), who wasalso ground down bytfae Tartar yoke. So that if
it was thoi^t well that the army of the Church shouU march to the
rescue of the Holy Land, it could easily subdue or traverse that district.
From Cologne to Constantinople was only a forty days' journey by
chariot. Thence to Little Armenia not so much. It was more safe^ and
quite as cheap, to go thus by Umd as by sea, and, adds our traveller, ''I
spieak foithfolly ; if your peasants (I speak not of kmgs and knights)
^ould travel as do the kings of the Tartars, and be content widi the same
food, they could conquer the whole worid."t Rnbruqms mstst have been
a delightful companion ; so foil of genuine hatred for th6 Samoens and
the Tartars, and so foil of confidence in himseH
NffU I.— The ooiiisgtt of the district cesaprised in the old Empiie of l^haaiesiii
during the interregnum between Jingis Khan's campaign aad that ol Khobga
it an interesting bat obscore subject. There are certain coins pnblished by
Thomas in hit " C<rinage of the Pathan Sultans, gz and 97," which bear the
name of the great conqoerorhiflEkself, and strangely enough have the KhaliPt
name and titles on the other side. At Major Raverty snggesta, ihete were
probably issued by tome of the Muhammedan princes on the borders of India,
who acknowledged the tupremacy of jingit Khan. One of them hat the mint
city Knnnan. It need hardly be taid that the Mongolt themtelvet had no
stamped money until a later date, and merely uted buHioti in the form
of tngott, called balithec These coins are very like in fabric to thoee
issued by Jelal ud din, the Khnarecm Shak, when in the east, and by Nasir nd
din Mohammed ibn Hasan Karlok.l
• Qp. at.. 393-394. t Af., 394-395. I Op dt., 98.
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THX PRSDBCB8S0S8 OF KRULAOU. S$
I know of oo eoiat wiHi Um MiM of OfotaL *'Tln iaiUttt oohi of the
Mooffols wHli Arable iaaeripcioiie/* layt my friend, Mr. Stanley Poole, " and
pcobablj thek earUeet with any inacriplioo, it tiiat itnck at Tiiii in 64a.***
The year ^lUle within the legwicy of Toraldna, Ogoial'e widow, and Mr.
Poole eaje thie coin nay have been einidc by Argfaon after hie appoinfent to
the Govemorehip of Pereia, or it may have been atrack by eome pretender to
Che throne, wlio coneidered the i nt erreg no m» and the dieeatieCMdon canted by
Turakina'trBle, a flwroorable oppottonity for ttrlrfng abtowfer e oyerei gn ty . A
teoond coin in the aame collection of the tame date bat apparently the mint
phicn Kenjeh (? Kantaag). ** The eeoond of theteeoint,'' eayt Mr. Pooler'' hat
the iuniliar Anatolian and Georgian device of a monnted bowman, with dof ,
and preeentt no indication of t tfriber't name except an obecnre hitcription
whkh baa been donbt^dly read Alnah Beg by M« Bartholomaei, whUe M.
Gregofie^ omitthig the pointa, leade it (coin) of the great Mongol Ulna,'*
which eeema to me to be an e i c ee dingly probable rea ding . Three tpedmeqa
hi the Jena collection were eppmently minted at NakhchSvan, Of Knynk there
are in the Britiah Mneenm only colae atrack hi Ue name by hit vaaeal David
V^ofGcorgMut
Of Mangn, written MtagW on the eQina» we h«fe ipedmene etrndc both in
tihrer and copper. Hie pameoccnrt alone on five coine in the Biltiah Mneenm
ttmck In 65a and 653, hi all caaee where the mint mark it legible, at Tiflia4
There are alto coini extant of Bedr od din Lnhi, the mler of Motul, with the
name and titles of Mangn open them.|
Sou a.— Weetem Armenia at thetimi of the Mongol hnraaion waa to mnch
broken np into feadal principalltiea that it ie not eaey to follow their hittoty,
and it wQl be c o n r enient to ghre a abort contpectntof the moot hnportant
fomily, that of the eo-called Mkargrdxelt. Gniragoa and Vartan agree hi
gnriogthemaKordiahorigfaL Theycontiatedoftwobranchee. Oneoftheee,to
wbidi the fomont Omttablet of GeorgU belonged, we jve told by Goiragot,
conqnered from the Peraiana and Torkt tereral dittticU of Armenia, of which
tfiey remahied matterei that ia to aey, the diatrict auroaidfaig Gelarinni,
Tathir, Ararat, Bcjoi, ToHn, Anberd, Ani, Kara, Vafots-Txor, the coontiy
of Shmia, and the foctrc taet , townt, fte^ in iu neigbbonrhood. Th^ alee
made trlbntar^ the Soltan of Xarin, or Bnemm.
The eecond or collateral branch, which la deduced from the tame anceetor by
M. Broetel, captured from the Ftraiane the frvtreeeet of Kartman, Karherti,
Ergarank,TaTnth, Kadxareth, Tcrnnakan, Gag, and erentnaUy ShamkorJ
M. Braeeet baa criticiaed the ptdigne of thit fiunily at gWen by Gniragoa,
Vartan, and Ui hiacriptiont, and the following ia the remit :—
•Itiiii.tMBriridiMMM». OiMkeoeOriMliaCoiMiiroL^liH.
tM.IBLudlhr. |/«.
fYahrtllMeoPblo»L<9. | m»^ d« l> G4orgi^ sdd., 4o^ 4>
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86 HI8XORT W TBM MOMOOLS,
TUB MKARGRDZBLS.
_L
H** K*.bgiv-«.
ZdJLial.
Amir-ipMilar or OooitaUe
Adw GioftA IIL and Tluiiiar,
marvied^iiiUrorills
PrinoeXttfd,
diedinxi87
miaiaort2X4 iniaaroriaM I msrned mamm immea
'-V-U. Vartabiedof^Coikwi orDawifh, Sa^utImb^
HocbbiU, Pkiooeof Priaoaot
ijyingln la^ Khachen Rhachcn
Shahan ShfthI .
Buuriiad NaacNidi
daagliler of the
Atabe^SathnD, ]
.1
AOUICK oauioD, I 1 - . ■
i^rSUfoftht Aiikl. Tliaa^lL, ySSSlkct
Ikfandaton, or Sands II. married ^*™™^
dMiniafii OMSle, L laosi Malik Aahad Saoahtn
Iii.xa30»jtlaladdiii,
living b 1843
diediniaso
JalaUnola.HM>n, Zakaria Ivaath ^ Uttk
Hist delaGtorgU,36«A»l4>7*
Vahram
was probably
the Kaiim of
the prevkms gepoalogy
%rho omnied Khaton,
Princess cfKhachen
L
VahnDnOaseL
MMkhm
CUofofthe
I
Zakaria Akbnka,
ktiB Hvinft aa 1
aahisftthei
faita«3
Vahiam lakada
RktdalaOtoiKSte.
PRINCES OF KHACHBN.
Sacaifa,
Lord of Hatherii, Handaberd, and
Havkaldtajghats, abo called
KingSinric
Hasan ins Groat,
Prince of Artsakh, Lord of
Wakhtaag
Jelal, styled HasM Zakaila Ivaneb the Little
HisC d« la G^orjpe, 399-349-
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THS PRBDBCnKMtS OP KBmUhGU. 87
THB ORPBUANS.
IL,
"77
QMJStUnitmt ErMS^KiirthU
ioufls
nB L, IvaBM "*
II., ADmAm, BUfanL, IvmAVII.,
1177 ainkdlo I I dtodinixT;
DoiBiUMaor UpuktYh. AaoMlor
DMridll. MoordutftottM ofdMOiptBansor
HbLdBk Gwjtsfe
G4on^ mankd tb«
I i 1 — ' r 1
BSkomU^ teBMdUL, InMtbVIIL, Ftmiamkaak^h, ltaMi>
dkdiDra44 dkdloMtsor AaciHorof Atdabootits; oiMiiid a baftted
x«73 adoobd the OipdiMit of Moofdl Mmad Am
iftSSSm sSSk KbatoBwlMxIkdbefoie
Rkl. d« la Otogk, 390^ ftc.
If ba Khiitan, daagtaMToT
J«lal.Dola^HaMii.
Hcdkdinxago
A^ii^S.— In deKribing the struggle of the Sdjuki ruler Ii ud din with the
Mongols^ 1 overlooked the tMct that at this time Michael PalMdogaa, who
governed NicKt and Bythinia on behalf of the Bmperor Baldwin IL, having
aiooeed the eDapiciooa of hia maater, fled to Icooiom to the Turldab Sultan,
who gave hfan command of a oonlisgeiit oC Gbriatians. ^iih them he fooght
against the Tartars, and Michael woonded their commander with hia own
Umce, and drove back the enemy. Meanwhile, one of the Sultan's officers
dsss rteJ with his men, which turned the tide In fiivour of 'the enemy. The
aHiee were beaten, and Mkhael, with a Turkish general, fled for eeveral days,
and was closely pussoed as fiur as Cas ta aa o n i a, hi Papblagonia, where the
TnrkUh general Uved.*
H^U 4.*Gnlragos has p reser ved for us a short vocabulary of the Mongol
language u spoken when he wrote {i§.t about 1241), which is very interestiog
as a proof of the conservative character of the language^ andthe Kttfe alteration
l| has undergone In the six centuriee which have since intervened. I have
here printed It, together with the corresponding words in Burlat, Kalmuk, and
Mongol, as ghren by Brosset and Schlefoer In Brosset*s edition of Guiragos.t
AktopoUta, in Stritttf. Ifi. ragl-ioss. V
4Vkfeo».c(L,i39-*kS7.
loss* ^^btaii, xvliL xS*at(
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^
HISTORY 07 THE liONGOLS.
God
M«D(Vir)
Woman
Father
Mother
Brother (oldtf)
Sirter(rik«r)
Bar
Beard .
Face
Tooth
BNad
Oz(BoeaO
Qm
Sheep (klCoutoB)
Sheep (la Bre^)
Horae
Uvkt
W<S
Bear
Fox
Hare
Bin)
Watar
Wine
Sea.
Rbcr
Swoid
Boir
Ansjm
iCog
Barao
Earth
Sky
Son
Moon
Light
Star
Scribe
Satan
Tbaoglhri
HaiMMi<varEf«)
Apdii(var Bma Apdtfi)
Ak'a
Tfainron (var TUni)
M
T
Unan
Nior)
•itna)
Iman
Mori
Ndcha
Tchina
Aitlen
Hok'an (var honk'an)
Tha^qa{¥ar ThoU^
Thalda
KokatchaCrK'ok'udiin)
Qaih(varBarkaiQaih)
Ufon (var Son)
luaaa
Tangea (▼ Nanr-Tangea)
uS 9m (var uSL
Ukn^u)
BQli«(«arIaltii)
Nani(«wnaM)
Nuia (var ETka Nuia)
El <var BI-Brcan)(io)
Gc;id(varGag)
Saia
Oiar
Saqra (^Hvar Hvtot.
SurqA
Soiai
Bitikchi
Bathaari Crar Barha*
hoih-okp
(^ nykleag, nynden
M tdiika chikeng
saUiaUhakal
nynrn^mr
moring) norye
nokhoinokoi
tchono, chono
otokotr»rM>
imege, unegen
tnba,talei
uurguty khatiaidyi
oaO| nhiin
daki
col
Moggaia, okto^fDi
odo, odoo
tooyihteyi
Kmlmak,
Tcoggri (diaiky)
«*4»Hrit>
iA
khoin
nokhoi
tchmo
aya
linegen
taUya
kokoltchirgene
(««)
odon
tfagri, tagri
•KB
(tologhai) ikrCnxM
(beast wi^
honia)
(3)
^roebocfc)
aokiial
tduno
teegen
taoliii(
takya(albwl)
kcgMJigheoi (7)
ghun(8>
ghol,nMD
Bdn, tokn (knob
of a awotd-gnard)
(»)
(i)Eptyi ,
oqus. (4) Tartar, qoi. _
Tartar, taoihan. (7) Tarttr,
uoyansthe great noyan.
tha Koibab and epchi amoiv the Sagayansswoman. (i) Ttaikiih. etaaak. (3) Tutar,
oog Jte Moogob and knragan aaioog the Koibabsa iamb.__(^^
(5) Khuragfaan anuMUf
^gOffurtchin (ff KaraknrfT means hbck'eagle
(10) Elspeople, safcjects among the Koibab. (iz) Tartar, kOk.
among the KoOiak. (9) Yak*
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THE PRlDBGESSCmS OF KHULAOU. 89
A §8w Moogol words hatt alto been preeerved by Malakia, whith hi^ve beeo
CTMniiied by M. SchiefiMr. The four namee of taxes imposed by the Mo«goIs»
aa gHren by bim, are Tghghv, Mai, Thagbar, and Ohphtchur. The fifst of
tlMse baa aol bean' traced in Mongol, Mai in Mongol means cattle; in
PiniaB fkbas, and mora aapecialfy cattle, and it is dear this was a tax on
cattkk Tbaghar in Mongol is a aack tot straining whey, a woven parse, a sack
or flseaanra of graiik This, then, was a tax on grain. Ghnbtchigfanr in
Mongol ia a net It was a tax on the revenues of the land, or, more generally,
00 the ptodncta of the soil Khalan has apparently some analogy with the
Mongol Khalkha,to attack, or with Khnloto, hire, interest, or rent, and probably
means a war snbaidy.
Kesiktb, Mongol kia, Tnrkish kMhik ; abody-gnard.
Baoka or bAm, Mongol bnks ; an athlete, a wrestler.
Knnah baa perhaps some connection with the Mongol khonok, '* a deg^w or
sectkmofadrcle.''
Bidukchi In Mongol means a scribe or copyer.
Oxafghnchi, or yaigocbl, means in Mongol a Judge.
The worda Thagil (name of an idol), Sghamish, Yam, and Themacbi
(meaning a myriarkh) cannot at present be explained in Mongol
MfefaiaB. «!. BMMMt, 43S-499*
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CHAPTER II.
KHULAGU KHAN.
KHULAGU was the fifth son of Tului, the youngest son of >uigis
Khan. His mo^er was Suirktdcteni, the oiisce of the Kemit
chie( Wang Khan, and daughter of his brother Jakemba He
was thus own brother of the two great Khakans, Maagu and KhnbUai,
and tff Arikbttka, who contested the ckunvs of Khubilai to die empire
of the Mongol world. He was bom about the year 12 16. He is
first moQtioned in the winter of 1224 and 1225, when he was nine
years old and his brother Khubilai was eleven. Jtngis Khan was
returning home after his great campaign when he was met near
the river Imil by the two boys just named, his grandsons. Khubilai
had killed a hare on the way, and Khulagu had captured a deer, and as
it was customary for the Mongols to draw blOod from the nuddle finger
of boys when they first engagxxf in hunting, and to mingle it with some
food and fat, the operation we are told on this occasion was performed
by Jmgb Khan in person.* He was thirty-five years old when, at his
brother Mangu's bidding, he undertook his fomous campaign m the
West, to which we shall now turn. This was one of the expeditions
decided upon at the great koriltai held at the accession of Mangu, in
1251 ; the other one being directed against China, under the orders of
Khubilai.
As a preparatory measure a Naiman, called Kitubuka, styled baveiji or
the butler, was sent in July, 1252, with an advance column of 12,000 men.
The Georgian annals also speak of Elgan the Jelair (probably the Kuka
Ilka of other writers, the Kuok'an of the Yuan shi,t the Kulkhan of
Chamchean) as a commander of lo^ooo men under Khulagu. t The first
object of the Mongol attack was the famous community of Muhanunedan
tchismatics known as the Ismaelites or Assassins, subject to the so-called
Old Man of the Mountain, a translation of Sheikh ul Jibal, the name by
which the Arabs knew him. They were cabled Ismaelites from Ismael, a
son of the fifth Imam, to whom they were devoted. § They were called
Assassins fi^om their use of Hashish, an intoxicating preparation of hemp,
and were styled Mulahids or heretics by the orthodox Mussulmans.
* lyOhasoD, L 393. iniluuis, 1. 79;^. t See Bretichneider, Notw, Ac, ^
I Hist. d« la GtefgW» 5^ tyObmoa, Ui. i3»*t|6. ^ Ant*, I ly ^
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K80LA0U nUK. 9I
Toflu 4Up4hkUy liM ft citfioiii syuuuyuiy. Knly0tftii| by ivhlcli iv Is mnbm
tfaBM dotciiDedy uMtnltf iDMnt dio mowntilii kuidy md coiMotw dw
c w w tiy of dio SMmkoh nogt^ toolli of AitondMul tod GUis. In ft
nan lintod vieir tht focus of the ItiiMidtes wftt die dietriot caBod
Kadber by tone writer% iM^ wes neteied by die Sbebrvd. Tbk
dull id wfti ■twtted nofdi of KeiviBi end ooBteiiied toine My fortietiesi
die diief one being Abttniit^ the fiiiiftilliii ^rHt^ i Its Mme wee
cofraplediotoAUiAiiiiit(^ the ee^e^ nest). Iboid AAfartdbns die
dietrict ebout Ahmmt wes celled TnHkaii, odien adied H DBem. la die
■ftf i ftU fe of Cbftag ti^ joafney, we are told that io die country of the
Awawint all die onen were black and had ft hmnp on their necfa; die km
cou n l i y was o c iUtiit e of watet^ wdb were acconnni^ dag on the
mnimts of the momtainsy whence water was ooodocted lor a |[feat
oistance in order to hilgafee die pUnns.*
MaiGo Polo has a conons acooant of the Ismadite dne^ which Cokxiel
Yale says is virtaally die same as that camat all over die East,
sad of whldl odier vcisiuas are preserved by Odon^ in die narrative
of Chaag ti» and ia aa Arabic verskm tmshHed by Voa Haauner.
Ifaroo Polo tnls as dieir uaef had caas e d a cei lain vauey betweea two
meaataias to be eadosedf aad had converted it intD a jiafdeii^ die uucsest
sna mosc ijeauuiu naai ever was seoBf aaea wica every variety 01 imiL
fait were erected pavakms and palacesi the most ekgaat that caa be
all covered widi gfldiai^ and eiqaisite paintiag. Aad diere
too^ Aowiag fiedy widi wine aad aiffl^ aad honey and
water, and nnmbers of ladies aad of the most exqoi^te daaiseb in the
worki, who coold play oa aU maaaer of iastnaaeats, and saag aioet
sweetlyy aad danced hi a maiwifT that it was ^liaiaiiny to behold.* He
wished the people to believe dttt dds was actoaDy ftfadise^4tt desofdSed
by Mahaaimed, aad hb people really believed it The eatrsnar to this
gardea was protected by a stxoag fortress- The Old Man \atft aboat ht^
a aaniber of wariSce yoaths firoiti twelve to tweatyi who beBeved ia him as
the Saraoeas believed ia liahaauned> These he woidd first make drank
widi a ce rtaia potioni aaddwa have them conveyed^ six or ten at a tlme^
sothat whea diey awoke diey foaad themselves iaside, iHiere diey deemed
dwB i s e l v es ia Paradise, Whea he waated to seadoae of diese devotees
oa a oertaia mission, he agam adnaiaistered the potion, and had him
call led from the garden to the palace, iHiere he was brou^t before the
Prince^ and when asked aHbence he came he would rtffy thathecame
from Paradise^ which was jost as ^ohammed described it, which gave the
others who stood by, and had not yet catered, a great desixe to do soi
Whea die Old liaa wanted a prince slayini^ he wodd say to sach a
yoadi,'*Gotlioaandsfaiysoaiidso,andwhentlioa retomest my angds
W olii OB MtdL TnMWMfii ao*y 7^
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93. HISTORY OF TME MOMOOLS
•hall bear thee into Parad2ie» and dioaUit dioit di% nadidew even ao
will t send my angela to canry thee back to Pa adiae.'' So he caaaed
them to bdieve, and then waa no order of U$ tiiey were not willing to
obey, and thus he mnrdered anyone be wanted to be fklo^ and thm he
inapired the neighbotiring. princes with great dnmi/^ It is carious that
one of the Ismaelite fortresses destroyed by the Mongob waa called
Firdns, or Paradise.t
The Ismaelltfs were dose neighbours of the citisens of Kasvin, who
were good Sonnis, and between them diere had been a long feud. We«ae
told that the Imam Kaii, Shems nd din, of Kazvin» made several
journeys between Kazvt|i and China. Althoag^ an ecdesiastici he wore
a coat of mail under his clothes as a precaution against assassination.
This having attracted the attention of Mango when he was at his court,
gave him an opportunity of denouncing the heretics, whom he also
described as a danger to the Mongds themsdve&t
As we have seen, the Georgian chronicles assure us that the Mongols
had ah-eady for aome time been attacking the Isniaelites^ or Aasassinsi
and had lost one of their chiefii named Jagatai, who had been assassinated
by them. I have in a pterious volume traced out the origin of these
femous schismatics and of thehrchieft the old men of the mountato,i and
shall here take 19 the story at a UUer point When Jingis Khan invaded
the West, the first Mussulman sovereign to send hhn his submission was
Jelal ud din Hassan,' the chief of the Ismadites. Jelal ud'din died in
1221, and was succeeded by his son Alai nd din Muhammed, who was
only nine years old. He received no edncaliouj for as Imam he was
inMible ; '•'liatever he did was right, and no one oouldgive hun advice.
In his youth he had some Strugs^ with the Khuareim Shah, Jekdud din.
That prince, on his return from India, gave the district of Khorasan in
chaige to his general Orkhan. The letter's lieutenant made a raid upon
Uie Ismaelite districts of Nun and Kain, or Ki^Ustan. Aki ud din
thereupon sent an envoy to Khui to complain. The Khuaresm Shah
summoned Orkhan and the envoy to kis presence to eiplain. Orkhan
drew from his boots and girdle several daggers in view of the envoy, who
had used some threats, saying, ^ See our daggers ; berides these we have
swords which are sharper and more pointed, which you have not seen.*
As he could get no satis f action, the envoy returned ; but shortly after
Orkhan was assailed near Kantzag by three Ismaelites, who Idlled him.
They then went through the town with their Uoody daggers, #«H^iViTig^
^ Long live Alai ud din." They penetrated into the Divan, intending to
assassinate the Virier, Sherif ul Mulk, but he hi^pened to be in the Sultan's
palace at the time, and thus escaped. They wounded one of the guaids
and then sallied out brandishing their dagger^ and were eventually killed
• Y«WiilfnooFi>lo,Lx4S-i49 tA^iS4.
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KHULAOU KUAK. 93
by Stones thrown from the roofs of the houses, and died crying, "We are
the victims of our lord Alai ud din." Presently another envoy named Bedr
nd din Ahmed went fron* the Ismaelites to Jelal ud din. He said that his
people merely wanted guaranteeti^ from attack. Jelal ud din, in reply,
demanded the return of Dameghan, which had been seized by the
Ismaelites during the Mongol troubles. It was agreed that it should be
ceded to them on a payment of 50,000 dinars annually. The envoy, after
this arrangement, accompanied Jelal ud din into Azerbaijan, and one day
m hb cups in the Vizier's presence boasted that there were fidayis (i>.,
devotees) of Alai nd din among the Khuarezmians, among their servants
and their generals, even in the Vizier's own office, and among those in the
service of the heads of the chaushes or ushers. Sherif ul M6lk begged
him to summon them, and gave him his handkerchief as a pled^'e of their
safety. Five of diem were accordingly brought One of them, an Indian,
strong and determined, said to the Vizier, ^ I should have killed you on a
certain occasion, but that I waited for further orders.* **Aud why?" said
the Vizier, throwing off his tunic and seating himself in his shirt ^ What
does Alai ud din want with me? What have I done that he woul4 have
my blood? I am his slave as I am die slave of the Sultan. I am at your
service. Do what you will with me." The Sultan on hearing of this was
very angry that his Vizier should thus have humiliated himself and sent
him orders to bum five of the fidayis before his tent The Vizier made
excuses. Thereupon the Sultan had an immense brazier set up in firont of
his tent, and had five of them put into it, who cried out as they were
dying, ** We are the victims of our lord, Alai ud din." The Sultan then
had die head of the chaushes put to death for having such people in bis
service.
When Jelal ud din afterwards went to Irak, the Vizier remained at
Berdaa, when there came a fresh envoy firom the Ismaelites demanding
a payment of 2,000 dinars for each of the fidayis who had been burnt to
death. The Vizier, who was delighted to be let off so easily, ordered the
Chancellor Muhanuned of Nissa, to whom we owe the account, to draw
up a rescript reducing the tribute which Alai ud din had agreed to pay by
lo^ooo dinars. After the batUe of Ispahan, while Jelal ud din was at Rai,
and nis ^roops were pursuing the Mongols towards Khorasan, he received
an envoy finom Alai ud din, who was accompanied by nine fidayis. To
prove their goodwill, they asked him to point out those whom he wished to
destroy. Some of his councillors were for accepting this ofier, but Sherif
ud din, the Vizier's substitute in Irak, urged that Alai ud din only wanted
to know who his enemies were so that he might intrigue with them, and
he accordingly leplied, ''You must Imow who are our friends and who are
our enemies. If you wish to do what you propose there is no need of
instrucdons, and if it so pleases God, our sabres will enable us to dispense
with your daggers." Soon after this Ghiath ud din, JeUd ud din's
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94 HISTORY OP THE MONOOLS.
brother, sougjit refiige with the lanaelHe dut£, as we deacribedi and was
supplied 1^ him with horses and anus, which greatly disf^eased his
brother ; and as, instead of sending the tribote he had promised^ he only
sent 20^000 dinars in two years, Muhammed of Nissa was sent to
expostulate, and to denumd that Alai ud din shsuld have die khutbeh
said in the Sultan's name. If he &iled to pay the arrears, Nissavi was
autfiorised to ravage his borders with fire and syrord. The Sultan's
letter was couched in rather peremptory language, and Nissavi was
ordered not to enter Alamut unlqis Alai ud din came out to meet
him, not to loss his hand, and to omit all the usual marks of
respect or politeness. 'Nissavi set out The Ismaelite chief did
not come out to meet him, but he was met by the Visier, Amad
lid din El. Meuhteshem, who asked that the message mi^^ be
communicated to him. This he refused, and it was four days before he
was eventually admitted to an audience at midni^t on the top of the
mountain* The Vizier was seated on the Prince's right, while Nissavi
was ofiered the seat on his left He asked that the Sultan's name mis^
be inserted in the khutbeh, as it was in the days of his £iaher. With thb
demand Nissavi handed in a written declaration from the Kadhi Mojir
ud din, who was still living, and who had been employed by the late
Sultan to secure thb right At first they pretended it was a forgery, but
they did not persist ^ The thing," says Nissavi, '' was too patent and too
recent Everyone knew that they formeriy paid an annual tribute of
100,000 dinars to the Sultan." The subject of the arrears was then raised,
and they pleaded that the commandant of Firudaih had seiced a sum of
15,000 dinars, which was being transported from Kuhistan to Alamut
When Nissavi urged that this was before the late treaty, they said:
^ When have we been the enemies of the Khuarezmians, or, rather, when
have we not been their friends? The Sultan has proved it both il! ill fmtune
and good fortune. Did not our companions help^him in India after
passing the Indus, when he was reduced to the lowest state ?" The foot
was afterwards admitted by Jelal ud din. When Nissavi said this was no
reason for reducing the tribute, they produced the Vizier's attested
agreement for its reduction, as we have mentioned. Nissavi said this did -
not bind the Sultan. ''The Virier disposes," they replied, ''of all the
Sultan's revenue. He spends it as he likes without any restriction, and
according to his whinL Are his hands only tied in regard to us." It was
eventually agreed they should pay 2o^opp dinars, the rest being left over
for further consideration.* ^
As Alai ud din grew up he showed signs of mental aberration, but his
physicians dared not acknoiriedge it nor prescribe fin* it, for foar of being
massacred by the fonatics, who would not credit that the Imam conM
* NimTi,<iMC«lb]r^Oh«gmiL X74.1IS. '
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KHULAQU KHAM. 95
soflfer thus. He |[rew more imbecile^ and as he was not contradicted or
corrected, his passion was onboonded. Meanwhile his senihties #ere
accepted as divine insphationsi while brigandage floorished, and his
subjects .were greatly oppressed. When he was eighteen years old he
had a son named Rokn od din Khurshah, whom he instituted as his
successor, and idio, when he had passed the age of in&ncy, was treated
with the same honours as his fiuher. The btter presently grew jeakmsi and
wished to sopenede him by another son, but his followers declared thb
unpossiblei the first nominaticm being irrevocable. He therefore b^ian
to torment his son. He in turn intrigued against his fiidier among those
who were grownig weary of the lattei^ absurdities. He declared that
his fiidier^ conduct would bring down the Mongols upon diem, and
prop oee d to separate from him and to send his submifsion to the Grand
Khan. The greater part of the grandees agreed to support him to die
fattt drop oHdood agahist his fisher's adherents, but wiUi the reservation that
if hb firther marched in person they could not raise a hand against him.
Soon after this, Aku ud din being one day drunk, was sleeping in a hut
made of wood and reeds, adjoming a sheep pen, in a place called Shirkuh,
where he used to go to enjoy his fiivourite rdantion of a shepherd;
about him were lying his camdeers and servants. There he was found
dead m the middle of the id^ Us head bebg separated from his body.
An Indian anda Turkoman idio slept beside him were both wounded. A
few days later, when several innocent people had suffered, it wa%disoovered
that the deed had been -done by his confidante and constant conqNuiion,
Hasan Maanderani. Rokn ud din did not have him tried, but had him
assassinated, which confirmed the suspidons that rested upon him; and
he had the cruelty to throw his ttree diildren, two sons and a daughter,
into the brasier in which the assassb's body was burnt Shems ud din,
Ayub of TuS| wrote a poem.on his death. On his accession, Rokn ud din
enjoined a strict adherence to Ae Muhammedan law, and took measures
to secure the safety of dw roads.
Meanwhik^ as we have seen» Kittibuka had been sent on with the
advance guard of tChnlagu^ army, to deal hhn some hard blows. He
crossed the Ozus early in Mardi, 1253, and penetrated into Kuhistan,
where he captured several strong pkces. Thence advancing with 5,000
hor s emen and 5,000 foot soldiers, the former probably Mongols and the
httter Tajiks or Persians, he assailed Gh:dkuh. It was also called
Dcriknnbed (^ the vaulted gate),* and Was situated three parasangs
west of Dames^ian, to which town it was in feet a kind of fortress, where
Its inhabitants could take r^ige.t It is called Tigado by Haithon, and
Ri dn bu gu in the Yuan shi, where we read it was utuated on a very
8teq> rock^ idiich could not be reached dther by arrows, or by stones
L 93. Q B tfii Miii mdi it Dbfaabedni. f QwOmMra, stS. Nolo.
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96 HISTORY OP tHl MONGOLS.
from catapulu. It was so steep that in looking up one's cap fell o(L*
Having put double lines of drcumvallation about it, so that his anny had
a rampart and ditch both before and behind it, Kitubuka left an army to
Uockade it, under an Amir named Buri, and proceeded to attack Mehrin
and Shah. Meanwhile Hirkutai, one of his subordinates, devastated the
districts of Tarem and Rudbar. The Mongols afterwards assailed
Mansuriah and Alabeshin, or Alah beshin, and continued the daus^ter
for eighteen days. The garrison of Girdkuh now made a sally and killed
100 Mongols, including BurL Kitubuka meanwhile harried all die herds
in die districts of Tun, Tershiz and Zirioih, while Mehrin and Kemali
both felLf Having heard that his &mous arsenal, Girdkuh, was afflicted
by pestilence and likely to surrender, Alai ud din, the King of the Assassins,
sent a body of loo men, under Mubarix ud din Turan and Shuja ed din
Hasan Sarabani, each bearing three menus of salt and one of henna (the
latter, well known as a dye to dye the nails, was made of the powdered
leaves of the Lawsania inermds.t) On this occasion § it was welcome on
account of its medicinal qualities.
Shortly after, namely, on the 2nd of December, 121:5, Alai ud din was
murdered, as I have mentioned. In the spring following Kitubuka and
Kuka Ilka received orders from Khulagu, who was rapidly advancmg^
to attack the remaining fortresses of Kuhistan. This they did in the
course of a month, during which they committed great ravages there;
inUr aUa^ they captured Tun after an attack of twelve days, and killed all
the inhabitants except the artisans, after which they jmned Khulagu, who
had advanced to Tus^ near Meshed.
Meanwhile, let us turn to Khulagu himsel£ We are told he was
accompanied by two of his ten sons, namely, Abaka and Yushmut; a
third, Jumkur, he left at his brodier the Khakan's Court in charge of his
interests there; while another son, Temkian, was left at home in chaigeof
his yurt With him also went his brother Suntai, or Sitai Oghul, the
nindi son of Tului. Nigudar|| represented the Ulus of JagataL The
Golden Horde was represented by Khuli, son of Orda, eldest son of
Juchi; by Balakhen, or Balakan, also called Bulgha, Bulga, and Bulga
Kabli, son of Sheiban, son of Juchi; and by Tutar (called also Tumar,
Kotur, or Kotar, and by St Martin, Bukan), son of Mankadr, son of Tual,
son of Juchi. These princes apparentiy joined him when he arrived in
Iran. He was accompanied also by Buk^^ Timur, son of Jij^faan
(called Jehakan Begi by Abulfturaj), the daughter of Ji^gis Khan, whom
she bore to the Uirad chief Turalji, and who was step-brother to Kubak
Khatun, and Oljsu Khatun, two of Khulagu's wives. BuVa Timur took
* Brattdmeider, Notes oo Chin. Trmv., 78. Nodo« of Med. Geog., 003. Note 34X.
t Qoatremere. Z7z» 3. I /a., 17s. Note. | Ante, L X04.
I Called Thugodar by Malalda (op. dt., 451), and Tacudar br AboUarai, who caUs h^ihmtm
of Buchi Ogul. (Op. dt., ChroD. Arab., 3M.) Budii Ogul li called fndii by Von
It, 1.86.)
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cHinuum KHAH. 97
with him a contingent of Uirads.* Khulagu also had with him his wives,
Yisot and Oljai, and his stepmother, Tokui^ whom he eventually married.
It will be noted that the Ulus of Ogotai, which was at fend with BlangOf
was not repiesented at all
The princes aboVe mentioned commanded contingents si^plied by their
several hordes, which conmiands were hereditary, and the general notioii
teems to have been that the enterprise was a joint one, in iriiich the fimits
ofvictory were in fiu:t to be shared among all the Mongol ulosses. Each
one was accordin^y called upon to 'furnish two men out of every tea for
the campaign, while, as we have seen, i,ooo sUUed Chinese arbaUsters
and men accustomed to hnri fire arrows (the ho pao of the Chinese^ in
which ni^hfha was a main ingredient, were also supplied. In regard,
to this section of the army Major Raverty has translated an interestiAg
notice, in which we are told it consisted of a thousand fiunilies of
Chinese Manjanik chis (manganel workers), naft andaz (naphtha
throwers), and charkh andaz (shooters of fiery arrows woriced by a
wheel), and they took with them a vast quantity of ammunition. They
had with them also charkhi kamans, f>., arbalists worked by
a wheel, so that one Ixmstring would pull three bows, each of
which discharged an arrow three or four ells long. The arrows
or bolts, fixnn the notch of the bowstring to near the head, were covered
with feathers of the vulture and the eagle, and the bolts were short and
strong. These machines would also throw naphtha. The manganels
were made of ash, very tough and strong, and -covered with the hides of
bullocks and horses (to prevent them being bumtX being thus enck>sed
like a dagger in its sheath, and each manganel was so constructed as to be
amiable of being separated into five or six pieces, and easily put together
again. The machines were brou^^t firom Qiina into Turkestan on carts,
and wero under the direction of skilled englneers.t A thousand pounds
of meal and a skin of kumiz wero also ordered to be provided for each
man.| Orders wero issued to reserve the pastures west of the Tungat
Mountains (identified by Bretschneider with the range now caUed TangnuX
and lymg between Bishbaligfa and Karakorum. Roads were repaired and
bridges made, and to prepare Khulagu^s way more effectively, the troops
of Baichu Noyan were told to draw near to Rum (/ ^, Asia Minor), so that
the pastures in the Mughan plain might be fresh. .Before leaving
Khulagu gave a feast m Mangu's honour, and was feasted in return by his
young brother Arikbuka and others at Karakorum. The Khaka^ Mangu
bade him obey the counsels of Jingis Khan, to treat those irho submitted
kindly, but to exterminate those who resisted, and he commissioned him
to conquer the land firom the Oxus to the borders of Egypt, to subdue
t Tabdcat-UNuiri. ti9x« I OuatmMn, 197.
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^ mnOKT OF TBI MOMOOIA
Kuhittan, the Knrds, and die Ttnksi and to con^el die KhaBf to be
submittive. When he hnd aocomplidied his mittion he told hfan to
return agauL- He poored rich presents upon him and hU amin^ and bade
hhn take ooondl with his stepmother Tdkoz. Blangn sent splendid
presents in gold, robes, and horses to Khnlagu, his wives, and children,
and to the principal noyans and amirs ; and he also arranged diat 1^
yoonger brodier, Suntid or Sitai O^^ul, was to accooqiany him, probably
to look after his nnmediate mterests. Khnlaga having repaired to
huown0nAf,at length set oat in October, 1253, leayiHg a portion of his
harem bdiind. The amirs in charge of the difierent districts had duly
provided provisions at the various stadons. Stones and odier impedi-
ments were removed from the roads, while the diflerent pciaoes and
generals idio were to tske part in die eiqwdidon emptoyed themsdves in
eierdsmg thefar troops. He set out in February, 1254, and marchedfrom
station to station tiU he iq^noached Aknalis^* There, he was pcobably
met by Nigudar with the Jagatai contingent He was feasted by
Oigfaana, or Ir^ihana, the widow of Kara iChulaga, ruler of the Uhis of
Jagatai (who was a granddaughter of Jingis Khan, her mother having
been Jig^ifaan, already named, and she was conseqoendy stepsister of
Oljai, Khulagu^ wife). We are told he left a large portion of his femily
**tn Turkestan, near Ahnatigh.*t He was again Ated ftuther on by
Masud Bey, the Governor of Bfavera un Nehr and Turkestan, and
arrived at Samarkand in September, 1255. Khulagn's nussion was
merely diat of a general who commanded an army, and Mangn's purpose
m diqiatching him westwards was not to make over to him any
indipmdeMi andiority over the western countries or their peoples, but
only to head a great campaign against the enemies of the Mongols.
We must understand this when we read that the various contingents of
troops from the Indus to the borders of Syria were placed under his
control, while the different feudatory princes and the dvil govenion of
• MaveraunNehrandKhorasan were put at his service. MaveraunNehr
and Khorasan were treated as imperial appanages, and remained so at
least until the days of Khubilai Khakan. East of Khorasan theoxmtry
was controlled by maliks or princes, who paid tribute to the Mongols, and
were largely controlled by Mongol comaMSsaries at thefar Courts. Much
the most important of these maliks was the* Chief of Herat, and to him we
must devote a longer notice. ^
The best authority available for the history of the femily of Kert or
Kurt,} is the ^Chronicle of Herat," composed by Muyin ud din*
Muhammed, sumamed es Zemji, who was a nadve of Esfixar, near Herat
His woik, entitled "^ The Celestial Garden," is a desoripdon of the town
• q!im»tmm%.vs^UV tM»9»' IQclua»,L88.
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KHULAOU KHAN. 99
of Hent, and was finished m 897 hbj. {U^ 1491-2). The portion which
hiterests m at present wte transkted by M. Barbier de Meynard in the
■ hrteen th and seventeenth volumes of the ** Journal Asiatique.** Iz ud din
Omar Merai^bani was the favourite Minister of the Ghurian Sultan,
Ouadi Qd dm. He b styled Ifalik of Khorasun by Mhihaj-i-Saraj.*
HeconfBRedonhishtodieryTa^uddm Osman,the fortress of Khaisan
and he occupied the post of ddef armomr-beaxer at die Court of Mahmud»
Iz ud dia^ son. Osman, on his deadly transmitted hb fief to hb son,
Rokn ud dm Abubekr, mho married a daughter of Sultan Ghiath ud clin,t
who was reignhig when Jbgb Khan mvaded the #est He seems to hav^
coodliatad that co n qu eror . Hb heritage was nnmdested when the rest
of Qiur was overrun, and he apparently was confirmed in its possession
by Jingb Khan. Aixording to Muyin ud din Esfizari, Jingis Khan was
about to attack the fortress, and had a plan of it first made, when, afi:aid
of being beaten, he left it hi the hands of Rokn ud din Kertt It was the
strongest fortress of Ghur, and its dtadel stiH remains north-east of
Teiv^rdi, at the foot oftlM peak of Chap dalan, on an inaccessible rock.§
We are told that when Malik Rokn ud din used to attend the
cuap of Jingb Khan, of Ogotai and the Mongol Noyans, he used
to take hb son Shems ud din widi him, so that he became
acquainted with die Mongol usages and reguladons.|| Rokn ud
din died in 1145, and was succeeded by Shems ud din, who is found the
next year accompanyfaig Sail Noyan (perfaiq^ the Mamgutah previously
mentioned)^ in hb hivasioa of Sind, and treating with the governors
of Multan and Lahore. The former was, at his instance, ransomed for
ioo/)oo gokl pieces, and the btter for 30,000 dinars, 30 loads of fine
ckidi, and loo daves. We are told that in consequence of his
success on dib occasion he was made mifitary governor of Lahore,
but piesently the Mongol chieft grew jealous of him, and accused
hhn of havmg secret negotiations with the infideb of the country.
They sptd he had accepted 50^000 dinars firom the governors of
Multan and Lahore, and had promised he would join the troops
of the Sultan of Pelbi if they should approach. Shems ud din,
on hearing of these accusations, determined to escape to Tab Baghatur,
Sali^ superior officer, and accordbgly fled with a few soldiers, and took
shdter'in m pagoda near Guejuran. From the people there he b^^ged
some arms, ftc, to present to Tair Baghatur, but Fakhrvd din, the chief
of Guejuran, having been told that he meant to possess himself of that
district, sent Emad ud 'fi with some troops to seize him and lodge him
in the fortress of Guejuran. Emad ud din first consulted Tab Ba^^ur,
who, remembering his friendship for Rokn ud din, the fiither of the
* TWhikat4-NMiri, 193. t Jooni. Aikt, stb Mr., xvB. 44i»^t«
t Joora. aaiftt^ stb Mr., xriL 455. NoM.
i8wr«Rkt'fTmv«li,B.9> I TaSStm-i-Nasiri, taoa NoM. 1rAaK^7t*
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too HmORy Ot SHE IfOMMUi
iQgithe|Orde!^liimtotetalMbaimUmto^ Tiii't tent was
pitched on the crest of a hiO, and when Shems vd din was admitted he
asked hun, <*Theie towns and tUhiges on the ri^ to whom do they
bekng?'' *< To you, prince,* said the onlpnt «< And these Mds and
orchards m front of US?* ^Toyonalsd.* And he made the same reply
toanomherof shnikrqnestioQa. He tdien turned to £mad vd din and
asked him to point out his pcopsrty. He d^lomatically said he owned
only one poor house there^ and hud few connections with the coimtry.
'^Know then,* said Tair, laa||^iilig^*'that it beki^gs vecy hug^y to Shams
ad din, and that he is at liberty to levy reqaiBitions widuxit bdng treated
as a rebeL* Emad ud din dterei^on withdrew, and left the. Mongol
camp the same ni|^ while Shems nd am remained with ScUU with his
protector till the retnm of Sali Noyan from India with a huge booty.*
Tair Bdiadnr died in 64s {fj^ 1147), whereii^mn his son HaUcatn
Noyan (Arkato), in concert with Kara Noyan, who^ it seems^ had a
grievance against Shems ud din, reported him to Jagatai Khan. He set
out to justify himself but on his arrival Jagatai was deadt. Heseemsto
have been driven away by Jagatai's son, "^nssn, Mango, and fled to the
Coort of Batu, whence he made his way to the knriltai iHiere Manga
Khakan was htfuigorated4 The officers who introdnoed him exalted his
virtoes and die services of his ancestor^ and Manga received him widi
q^edal honour, and confimed on him as a fief the wfade province of
Herat, witk Jam, Bahhers, Knsoyeh, Foshe^j, Tulek, Ghur and iChaisar,
FiroxKoh, Gharjistan, MursM^^ Meruchak, Fariab^ as far as the Oxns;
Esfisar, Fenah, Sigistan, Kabul, Tlrah, and. Afghanistan, as fiur as ^
Indus and the borders of the Hindns.| Besides granting him the great
fief I have meutioried, Mangu issaed an order to Ari^unAka, the dvil
governor of iQuKasan, to make over %kf tomans of money to ^
intendants of Shems ud dm. Hie next day, in a private audience, the
Khakan presented the MaHk with one of his own robes, gave him a
paisah, or official tablet, io/)oo dinars^ and arms, inchiding an Indian
safate^ a hmce of Alkhatt, a mace, with a bulFa head on the top^ an axe,
andadagger. Shems ud din left for Herat, aooompanied by an officer of
die Khakan. lie turned aside to pay a visit to Aiig^un Aka, to whom he
presented the Khakan's order, who duly handed him the fifty toaiens.||
After ocoqyymg Herat he put Sherif ud din, the Bidlgi, whose tyranny
had ruined die country, to death, and severely rqirimanded Korkgh, the
military governor of the place. He also obtained possession of Bakar, a
fortress of Sijistan, which no one had been able to capture by force since
the days of Nushirvan ; and in 647 H^j. (^., 1349) he slew Saif ud din.
« Joon. AdBL, s^ Mr., zvii. 44fS4l* ^ t /Ajj4$. I IflchMH, L tje^TT.
% loam, AMtt.. sui Mr., sviL 443.
i/d., 445^446. D'CNiMOB, BL X10.X2S. M. iTSmcf Myv AOdMet k a bUb in dM ^tarict
«r Ytauuna, or Bafanin, wbm% ibm htMht of laaoM art aad* thai ooom bob^ India. (Phtmft
A«ab.»iL79. RoMxa.)
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sauinAOif uuir. loi
die Malik of GlMljtstal^fHK> had apptnmlr refill to admowMge his
■Olhority. Heient40onitn agdnst himywfaenuixm Saifiiddin fled to
Al8llllI^ who woold not litien to hin^ bat sent hfan boa^
Malik of Hent^and he was put to death fay being trampled under foot by
hones near the gate Khosh,and his oofpse reauifaied eq[>osed <br three
days hi die great baaar.* The date of this event is deartyimMigt since
Mangn did not moont die throne tffl ia$9.
To rerert to Khnhigv. While he was encamped in the meadows of
Kan Ghnl, near Samarkand, he wsas visited by the Malik Shems ud din
Ken, and the sobofdinate chieft of the district, who didy did hooMge.
He was also iMSted diere for forty days in a tent ef golden tissue
foinished by Masod. At this time he lost his brodier and cooipanion,
Sitai OgfanL and, according to Abalforaj,he received news ef the death of
anodier brother named Balador, who is not otherwise known to mcf At
Keah, die birth|dace of the Great Timor, he was met by Argfam, the
. Mongol Governor of Khoiann. There also went at his biddhig die two
joint Sokans of Rom, Is ad din and Rdkn nd din ; from Fan there went
Said, son of the Atabeg Monffiur nd din, iHiile odttr chieflahw greeted
hkn from Irah^ Khorasan, Amrba^an, Anan, Shirvan, and Qeofgia.t
bilft oc Hm\ when he stayed a mondi, Khnlago issued a finnan, or
order, to the various prinoss of Western Asia to masch and aid him
esninst the Mohdiids, or Assassfais, or tako die consequences. The boats
and boatmen on the Oxos having been in^Monded, the army safely
traversed die river on die and of January, IS56. The boatmen were
rewarded for dieir seal on this occasion by being lelieved of the dues they
had previously paidf Guiragos nys Khnlagu's army was so lugt duu
it took a month to pass over the Oxns.|| Haadng crossed the river he, by
way of amusement, held a review cm the banks. Suddenly several, lions
came out of a forest* Khidagu ordered his horsemen to form a ring and
surround die animals, and, as the horses were afraid of the lions^ they
mounted on cameb, and suc ce eded in killing^ according to the Jihan-
Kashai, ten Rashid says twa Qnatremere argues that the lion was
unknown to die Manchus and Mongols, who botrowed a name for it
(arslan) from the Turk&IT The nest importam halt was at Shiboighan,
corrupted into' Shibrghan, a town situated about ninety miles west
of BaSdi, and now containing about 12/300 booses. It is a very old
place. Its earliest recosded name is Asapuragan, while the Arabs called
it Saburkan or Shidxnkan, Its fomous dried melons are mentioned by
Marco Polo.** A fell of snow and a frost, lasting seven days, caused so
many horses to die that it was determined to deky there during the
winter. There, in die spring, Ax|^um Aka entertained Khulagu in a tent
• JowB. Aikt, 5th mr., sviL 446. t AbnlfrnJ, Chroo. Anb., 390^
X QMtnaMra. op. dt.* 153. i Qaauwitrt. iSS* I Jonn. Aiiat, «th •«.» xL 48a.
% Qp. dr., IS3-IS9* '^^**** ** up. dt., «d. YoK 1. 196-117. .
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fOt HISTORY OP THE MOMGOLS.
of golden tissue, pinned down by ifioo gMm pegs. It had a rich
paviHon as an ante-chamber, while the hall of aodience was fomished
with gold and silver vessels decked widi predoos stones. A grand feast
was given on a day fixed as anqndoosi daring which Kludagti was seated
on a throne, while the vwioiis prinpes and gnmdees who somanded hitn
did him honour. After the feast Azi^hon, by Khnlagv's ofder, set off ibr
Mangu's Court He left his son, Kurai Malik Ahmed, the Bitikji, and
Alai ud din Ata Malik, in chaige of the afiurs of Iran in his absence.*
Khnlagn now dispatched tfefe Malik Shems nd dm Kert, the Lord:of
Hent,to snmmon die Mohtesshim (Precqitor) of Kahistan, Nashr ud dtn,
who was then at SartaUit The ktler set out, and was duly submissive,
whereupon he gave him a paixah or official taUet, and a yariigh or
dii^oma, with the command of the town of Ton, but he shortly
after died. Tun was situated near Kam or Chain, whence the two
towns were jcmied together by Bfarco Polo, under the name of
Tunocain.t It is desc ri bed as a fine town, with a BMWted castle in the
centre, surrounded by houses and a marioet-place, outside which were
cornfields and mekm gardens. Khnlagu 'now advanced to Zawah,. the
modem T^ubatH-Hadari, and Khavui or Khaus, where he was taken
slightlyilL Thence he went on to TuS| where he was rejoined by Kitubuka
and Knka Uka. Tns was the head-quaiters of the dvfl governor of the
Western Mongol possessio n s. There he was feasted, and then went
on. to Mansnrah, which had been restored by Afghan, wid wfaere.the
tatter's wives and the Amir Klio|a Is ud din Tahhr oitertained thdr
powerfiil guest At Radekan, between Tus and Khabushan, he feasted
on the rich products of Merv, BaverdI (or Abiverd; situated between
Sarrakhs and NissaX and Dahistan. At iOiabushan he restored the
ruins caused by the previous Mongol mvasion, the cost of which he
defrayed out ef the public purse. Canab and workshops were made^ and
a garden laid .out near the principal mosque. Saif ud din, the Viaer,
superintended these worics. On the ocder of Khulagu the amirs and
principal courtiers also buik diemselves houses diere.S Raverty says
Cl^ey were not canab which were made, as here stated, but that kahreses,
or subterranean aqueducts, were repanred.|| On the and of September,
1356, Khulagu readied the envircms of Kharakan, or Kharican, and
Bostam. The latter, situated in the valley of the upper Attrek, in the
east of the district ci KUmu% was the birthplace of several famous men;
among them of the mystic Sheikh Bostami, the founder of the order of
dervishes named aftter him, BostamLIT From Bostam Khulagu sent two
envoys, named Merketai and Menklemish, to menace Rokn ud din, the
chief of the Ismaelites, with his vengeance. At this time tiie famous poet
* Qnatmete, 165. t QoatMnm. X57-XS9> HUmum* t m. Note 3. Marco Polo. i. 84.
t Callod Vasnid by Voo HanuMr. Ilkhans, i. 97.
f QnatTOMre, iSi-xSs. | Talwkat4>NMiri, 1196. Mote. If Ilkham, 1 98.
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KHULAOD KfUOL fO)
andastrooomcr, KhfljaNadriid din Ttan, with sevend doctors, wcrattv^
Against their hiflmation among the In^aditet, and having detennined to
potan end to the oppression of the chief of the latter, thejr, in concert
wi& some otiier Mnr^ifanans, persoaded him to be sobodssive.* He
aocotdini^ sent from Bifatmmidis, where he was livitig^ an oflKoer to
Yassanr, the Mongol Noyany who was then at Hamadan, to assnre him
ofhissobmSssion. He admed him to repair to Khidagn. Roknnddin
said he would send his brodier, Shahin Shah, to him. The latter, in fiict,
set out, and Yassaur commissioned his son to accompany him on his
return. Notwithstanding this, he entered a few days £tter, vix^ in
Jone^ 1256^ the district of Alamut, with an army con^Msed of Turks and
Persians^ and attached that inrtress; bat after a sharp conflict lua troops
were obliged to retreat, and wreidoed thoBr Tongea^ce m destroying the
crops and ravaging all the country roondf MeamHule Shahin Shah
repaired to and was well received by Khnlagv, who in torn sent low
envoys to the Ismariite nder, among' whom was one called BaUlishi by
Rasfiduddin. TheBnddhist Lamas were so styled, and he was perhaps
oneofthem-t They were to tell him to disinantk hb fortresses, and to
go to him in person, and meanwhile Yassaor, with his Mongols, was to
withdraw from his territory. He partially coaqdied, and b^gan to over-
throw the ramparts of Maimnndiz, l io mbes c r, and Alamut^ and oflered to
accqit a Mongol baskak or commisuffy at his Coort ; bat in regard to going
in pa-son to his Coqrt, he |deaded that he woold do so in the coarse of a
year. Khulagu had determined to destroy him, howeveiv and on this
pretext he ordered his troops to come together from Irak and the
adjacent provinces.
While Khubign was advancing towards Kuhistan, the three prfaices of
the hoose of Jnchi had apparency traversed the pass of Derbend from
Kipchak wiUi their conthigents. They advanced, says Guiragos, widi
their chariots, having levelled and made passable all the roads.§
Khali, one of the three; styled himoelf^ Son of God." Mabkia teDs as
that he was a merriless p ei s e cot oi' of the ThrisHans ; that he caosed aU
the crosses cm the roadsides and moontains he met with to be bamt, and
treated wi& especial bratality the inmates of the varioas monasteries they
passed. One of hit duefr went to the Monastery of Gereth, whose
abbot was called Stephanos, and was a very old man with gny hah*,
distmgoisbed for his sanctity. On the approach of the Tartar chief he
took a glass of wine, and ofifered him the tgh^ (i^ the asaal tax or
oflfertng insisted upon by the Mongols on sodi occanons), and conducted
lum to the monastery, where he IdUed a sheep and distribated it with tiie
wine tq the leaders of the band. They went on drinking till night, when
they retomed to their quarters, v^ich were dose by. On rising the
• QintreBMPt, 183-185. t lyObsMm. iiL 186-180. IlkhaiMiLoo.
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I04 HinOftT OV TBB MOMOOLS.
next tnoming thdr chief was very in, and KhMXgtd the monks with having
poisoned him, his iUness really being the Msoh of his s^ottony. They
nevertheless seised and chained Stq^haaos. They tortured him to
extract a confession, and diis not behig foit]iooinin& they fixed fomr
stakes, to i^di they festened hfan, 9prmd some eardi ovtr.hfan, and then
lit a fire over aU until they roasted his fktk and he gave iq> the fl^iost,
Malakia goes on to report what is osttally told of Armenian martyrsy^that
a lighc hovered over his remains, while the cmd chief was driven hy die
demon which possessed him to tear hb own flesh with his teeth, and
several of his companions perished torn the complaint which had seised
diem. iW epidank ^Hwad to KhaU himseE Makkkdientdbavery
grim story, m^ that Khali Simminii e d a dodor, who is e lse w here said
to have been a Jew, and who dedared that there was no other ranedy fer
this disease than to thrust hb feet into die warm entiaib of a chfld who
was to be cut c^ien fer the purpose. They accordingly seised some
thirty Christian children in die streets. They killed them with anows
and cut them open. KhnlFs pain was not, howe v ei ^ assuaged, and in a
rage he had die doctor himsetf cot open and hb entraib thrown to the
dogs. KhuH peeawirty died, and was succeeded by hb son IHgan, also
called Mima, or Bfishan.*
Let us now retnm to iChnhigu, who^ as we have seen, had ordered a
general muster of hb troops. The ri|^ wing, numnaikled by Buka
Timur and Kuka Ilka, mardied by way of Masanderan ; die left, undmr
Nigudar and Kitubuka, went by Kbowar and Senman ; .while Khubgu
commanded the centre, called kul by the Mongols, in perion.t Mean-
wliile, he dispatched the doomed prince another wamiflg. TheKhurshah
in reply sent his Viiier, Kaikobad, and odier envoys, who met the
invading army at Finuknh. Thb place was visited by Morier, to whom
the ruins of the casde of the Ismaelites were pointed out as a windmill
and baths o^the time of Alexander the Greatt Quatremere has a long
note on die place, which was situated under d» femous nMwntain of
Demavend, ttid near RaL Cbvigo deacribes it as situated on a high
rock rising precipitously finm a plain, and a% in reality, comprising three
fortresses girdled by walb and bastk»s.§ It was, as we havei seen,
perhaps ''The Paradise "of Marco Poki. The envoys ofiered to surrsnder
all the towns in the country exo^thebtticestral strongholds of Akmnt
and Lembeaer,.and again pleaded for a year's deUy, after which diey
promised that their master, who meanwhile gave orders for the surrender
of Girdkuh and the fortresses of Kuhistan, would visit Khubgu in
person.
The Mongob continued their advance, and reached Lar and Deanvend.
The latter is one of the oklest cities of Iran, and b situated at the foot of
« Mabk^ 4SI-4S3* t Quatammt, tf 1.193. | IlkhMM, L 99. i Qiutammn, fi-ft.
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KHOLAGU KHAN. I05
a fiuBout volcanic peak in the Elbon chain, which iaso^ooo feethi^^and
which bean the same name. It was the residence of the tyraitt Sohak,
the carbonde on whose shoulder, which i4>peared when Satan lossid
him, could only be eased by the brains of two men, Idiled daily; and fixMn
whose tyranny the people were delivered by the smith Giawe, idiose
leathern apron, fixed on a lance, was the gathering point of thos^ who
opposed hun. The 31st of August is kept as a festival in the Mussulman
world in memory of the ddiverance from Sohak's tyranny.* The
mountain of Demavend was the scene of much early romance, and
Quatremere has devoted a long note to itf From Demavend Khulagn
advanced to Shahdis, which he captured in two days. Fresh envoys
were thence- sent to the recalcitrant chief, who now consulted to send hit
son with a contingent of 500 soldiers, and to demolish his fortresses.
The Mongols delayed at Abbasabad, on th» main route from Demavend
to Sari, awaiting the performance of these promises. Rokn nd din
sent a young son he had had by a Kurdish concuUne, who was then
eight years old, and who in consideration of his youth was allowed
to return. Khulagn now asked him to send an older prince, namely,
hb second brother, Shahin Shah. The latter accordingly went,
and reached the Mongols at RaL He was dehided by a fidr-soonding
yariig^ or diploma, setting out their goodwill, and stating 'tat if
Rokn ud din duly demolished his fortresses he would have nothing to
fear, llie Mongol troops, however, kept advancing. When Buka Timur
and Kuka Ilka neared Aspendan —called Ispidar by Von Hanmier, and,
doubtless rightly, Astadar by Major Raverty— the Khurshah sent to ask
what motive they had for going there, since be had submitted to their
master and was occupied in deinolishing his fortresses. Their enigmatical
answer was, ** As we are at peace with one another, we have come to
search for pasture.''^
On ^e CI St of October Khulagu left the district of Rudbar by the pass
of Baskal or Yaskal, and took the route of Talikan,§ situated between
Kazvin and Abher.|| He advanced with his troops, and planted uiem
round Mumundiz. As the walls were very strong, a council was held
as to whether they should press the siege or withdraw. Most of those
present urged that it was mid-wmter, that their horses were thin, and that
it would be necessary to get provender for them from Armenia and
Kurdistan, and urged a retreat Buka Timur, Kitubuka,and Saif ud dm,
the bitikji, on the other hand, advised the siege to be pressedlT 'Mean-
while the contingent of 300 men sent by Rokn ud din were put to death
near Kazvin. A summons was sent mto the town bidding it surrender in
five days. The reply was that Rokn ud din was then absent Tites
* DkhaBfi L loob t Op, dL, •oo«04. J QoatrtoMM, aof .
f Von Hainmar has. ooiOMdthbplttoewitt&UM more fiunoatT-iikanbTol^^ lUchant,
L sot.
I QoatiMMra, 078. % Qmtnmu% tii,
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I06 HlffTORT OP THV MOMOOLS.
were now cut down to make cat^mlts intli, which were dragged to the
top of the neighbouring heig^its. Meanwhile the beneged letomed a
heavy fire. The fi^Uowing day the dnei was renewed, but the chief of the
Isnuielites proposed a cessation of hostilities. Khulaga insisted on
immediate surrender, and Atha ul Mulk of Juveni was ordered to draw
up the form. Meanwhile a tumult occurred among the dtisens (to which
their chief was p^baUy privy), who did not wish to surrender. Rokn ad
din sent word to the Mongols of whi^ had occurred, and stated that his
life was in danger, and the bombardment recommenced. The vigour of
the attack and the uncommon mildness of the season made the be»^ged
at length lose heart* Rokn ud din accordingly sent bis brother. Shah
Klya, with the astronomer Khoja Nasirud din of Tus,two sons of Rab ud
daulat, from'Hamadan, who were fiunous as doctors, with many grandees,
bearing rich presents, and a few days after, on the 19th of November^ he
went in person and, in the words of Rashid ud din, ** kissed the ground
before his August Majesty." Khulagu treated him kindly, and this induced
others to submit Sadr ud din, or according to Abulfiuaj, Shems ud (fin,
prefect of the fortresses of Kuhistan, was sent to demolidi the various
Ismaelite fortresses in Kuhistan, Kumus, and Rudbar. There were
a hundred, well provi»oned and armed. The go v ern oi s of the
fortresses of Dilem also agreed to demolish their walls, and all were
thus razed except Girdkuh and Lembeser. The latter held out for a
year, when a disease broke out there and it had to surrender. Girdkuh
hdd out longer; the Yuan shi says it was captured by Kitubuka in 1257.
In the biography of Kuo Khan (<>., of Kuka Ilka) he is made to capture
it We tiiere read that it was only accessible by suspended ladders,
which were guarded by the most valiant troops. It was battered
with catapults, when its commander, Bu-jo na-shi-r, elsewhere called
Da-dje na-shi-r, surrcnderedf Other writers make out that Girdkuh held
out for many years. To reconcile these notices we must siqypose that
after its surrender it again rebelled. The author of the ''Tabakat-i-
Nasiri * tells us that when he wrote it had been besieged for ten years,
but still held outt It apparently finally surrendered in December, I37a|
The treasures collected by the Ismaelite princes at Malmundii^ which
were less valuable than was expected, were distributed among Khulagu^
soldiers, who then advanced to Alamut by way of Sheherek, the andent
capital of the Princes of Dilem, where he celebrated his success in a feast
of nine dayljl Alamut was ordered to surrender by the Khur Shah
himself^ but its governor, Sipah Salar, sent an uncivil reply, and refiisedlT
Bulghai was left with a considerable contingent to attack it^and afterthree
days it surrendered. The Mongols entered and broke the war engines on
I irOlmSa^ 197. n Tabiifait4.Naifri, laoPitsa MolM.
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tumMnj KMJM. 107
ihe wiflii removed the gitesi and pillaged the pleoei Khohigii hfanaelf
€Hfjwiwl Aefotieiti and vas aitoiiiBned at the eittot of the rtowiitaiiij
whidi was ooB^aied hi ihape^ bf Saateni writen, to a camd knediog
vfft fta oedc itimched eoti the foftfeat being baOt en tiie ininffliti and
ippraadiableeolyhf OMaafTOwpadL* He aeat hb Vlrfer, Athamnlk
JovcsM^ to inipffi the aichivei and Hbiaiy theie. The aatrononiical
Kotau^ and tome odier Tahnble wotkt were pot aiid«^
r one widi tiie titles *'S«fgBtetfati Sidina ; or Adventures of our
Loid and llaHer,* givhg an acooont of th6 founder of the sect, Hasan
Sahbah, from whidi Jiiveni drew the main portion of his account of the
Ismadites. AH die wothsdealiagiHdi die tenets of the sect were given
to Ae (lamfS; The scwd vaults of die ftttress were found stored with
great quantities of proviilons; Mir mttOf were wine, njnegar, and honey,
whftd^ it was said, had been diere sfaioe the time of Hasan Sabbah, and
were still w h ol e so m e after i6o years, A Mongol officer was assigned the
tefioos doty of destroyfaig the strong walls of the fortress.! Khulagu
noW/isent to Lembeser, or T48Bisfr, where his winter (juaiters were, and
where he left Tsifbulai to. proeecirte the si^ie while he went to pass die
New Yeai^ foast at die Grind Ordn, seven parasangs fivm Kaxvin. A
iHwle we^ was spent in fosdvities, and die' grandees were rewarded
with robes of honour, llie fOmrshah was given a yarHgh and « paixahi
and a Mongol damsel for 1^ wifo, and Kaivhi was assigned as a dep6t
for his lieasures and wealdi. Thsoce he dispatdied two or duee
confidential men hi company widi die Mongolsto order the governors of
die Ismaefite fortresses in Syria to surrender. Khukgu apparenUy held
his hand until dieee various foiliessesi whidi mi|^ have taken years to
i'apluie^ were in hb poneiy when he was disembarrassed ftom a promise
he had made to spare his lifo by Ms request to be allowed to visit the
Khakan Mangu. He set out with some messengers of Khuhigu, with
whom he had some Atarp words at Bttttes. When diey reached
Karakomm, Mangu wotdd not see Um, and said he ou^^ not to have
licen sent on to Mqv as it unneqesserily firtigued die horses. Abulforaj
soys be ctdered him to return and surrender the fortresses of Girdkuh and
Leasbeeer,whkhsdllbeUout He set out onhb return, but when near
te mountains Tungat (^ Tangnu) he was put to death whh his suite.
Orders were sent to Khulagu to exterminate the Mulahids. Thereupon
he sent word to Kasvia, and Ae two sons of die Khurshah, widi his
dsuglilerSi brothers, and sisters, and their attetidants, idio had been
movedtoaplacebetween AbherandKaMi^ wereputtodeadL Orders
were given to eradicate die rest, even to duMren in their cradles; and
we are told die Mongol Governor of Khorasan-assembled the Ismadites
of Ktthistan under pretence of taking a census for a military levy, and put
tnkbMii I. w»-to^ IXOfamiy BL I9I-Z99.
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tq^ HISTORY OP THB MONGOLS.
them to death to thftnumberof la^ooa They were similarly slaughtered
elsewhere.* Alii says that a number of the Khurshah's ofipring and
relatives werainade over to Salghaa Khaton, die daughter of Jagatai, m
order to take blood revenge upon them for the murder (^ Jagatai, who had
been killed by Mulahid assa8tins.t All the Khnrshah's people were
apparently not destroyed, for in 674 H^j. (^e^ 1275) ^ ^^Y ^ ^
Mulahids, combined with one of Khurshah's sons, seiied the fortress ci
Alamut Abaka sent an army against them, which de fe ated them, and
the fortress was raiedt Muhammad of Esfizar, in his history of Herat
says that at the beginning of the i6th century some of die people of the
district were still attached to the enors of the sect They levied among
themselves a tax called the money of Hassan Sabbah, which was devoted
to the decoration of his sqnilchre, and the old women put aside one
out of every ten spindles of yam which they had spun, and w^ch they
called the tenth of the Imam (U^ of Hassan Sabbah).| The author ci
the Georgian Chr<micU says that many of the Mulahids took reluge in
Egypt, where their descendants remained when he wrote. || A very
interesting and gn^ihic account of the descendants of the Ismaelites as
they exist now in India has been giveil by Colonel Yule.ir
Having overwhebned the Ismaelites, Khulagu set out in March, 1257,
for Hamadan (the Ecbatana of the Greeks^, the famous capital of the
ancient Medes ; fomous also in MiiAammedan times as an opulent and
beautiful city. Among its noted monuments were the tomb of the
Gaxelle of Bahram-gur, and a colossal stone lion which stood over the
pillar of one of its gates, and has been described in detail by MasudL It
was reported to have been put diere by Aleianday and was looked upon
as a kind of palladhnn, like the fomous stone <tf Scone. It was broken
to pieces by Merdavij in the year 519 of the H^ when he captured the
town at the head of the troops of GhUan and Dikm, and perpetrated a
terrible massacre, so terriUe that, according to the author of the
'* Mujmal Altawarikh," fif^ asses were laden with the drawers of the
dead. It again revived, and is resorted to have been is^ooo paces in
circumference, and to have contained 1,600 fountaiis, and soferal shrines
which were objects ot pilgrimage, and it abounded in fiuits, flocks, and
merchandise.**
The astronomer, Nasir ud din, of Tub, with the two doctors above
mentioned as captured at Maimundiz, were now taken into Khulagu's
service. This famous astronomer had formerly been in the service of
Nasir ud din Abdur Rahim, governor of Kuhistan on behalf of the
Khurshah, to whom he had dedicated a woric entitled *' Akhlak Nasiry,^
* Quatremere, 8X5-saz. Abnl&nij, Chroo. Am^ 33*. D'OImmb, IS. ioi.«q«.
t Tal»kat4.N«nrL xixx. Note. Hug was the Nofu jagaiai, whoeedeath we have ^rtrlooalr
<k> cri bed, and not, of coune, the KhanJagataL
{ M, xaz8. Note. f If Odmoo, UL aoe. Note. | Op^ ctt., 514.
If YvU's Marco Polo, L X53-XS9* ** Quatmnem, op. dt., aao-tea. Not«k
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KHULAOU KHAN. I09
or the Ethicf of Hasir. It Was divided into three parts, the tubiunce of
one, treating of moral perfection, had been written by an Arab named
Abu AU Meskuyah, and was much esteemed by Muhammedans. The other
two books, on economics and political society, the anthor declares were
chieflytaken fix)ro Greek sources. Theauthorof this woffc having sentan
ode in praise of the Khal'tf to Baghdad, the latter's visier, Ibn Alkamiyii
a lealous Shia, wrote a verse on the back of it, in which he advised the
governor of Kuhistan to keep his eye on him, as he was corresponding
with the Khali! He had accordingly put him under arrest, and tent
him to Maimundiz, where he was when it was captured.* Khulagu now
created him and the sons of iUis ud daulat and MuvafiUc ud danlat,
femous physicians, with especial &vour, and havmg learnt that they were
nativea of Hamariap, gave them horses on ndikh to transport their
fiunilies, servants, and slaves. They and their descendants retained
positions of torust for some time in the househdd of the Ilkhans.t
Let us now go on wSCh our story. At Hamadan Khulagu was met
by baichtt, who kt answer to his reproaches tliat he had done so little
with his' aitey, replied on his knees that he had conquered all die
country from Rai to the borders of Rum and Sham (i>., Asia Minor and
Syria). As to Baghdad, he enlarged upon the power of the Khalif and
the difficulty of approaching his dominions. '^ Nevertheless," he said, **it
is for the prince to command, and his slave will punctually obey his
orders." Af^ieased by this r^y, Khulagu bade him return and conquer
the country as fiur as the sea, and to take it from the Franks (/./.| the
Crusaders) and the infidels. He set out on this errand, defeated Ghiath
ud din Kai Khosru at Kuseh tagh, and gave up the Seljuki dominions fai
Rum to pillage. Meanwhue Khulagu, with the Princes Khnli, Bolghai,
and Tlitar, and the great Amirs, Buka Timur, Kadsun, Katar Sunjan
(called Sunjak by Von Hammer), and Kiika Ilka, encanqped in the
meadows of Khaneb-abad, in Kurdestan, near Hamadan, and proceeded
to organise and equip his troops afresh.!
The Gtorgian ChronicU make the Georgian chiefi^ with Eganlan at
their head, and the Mongol Amirs h^o had preceded Khulagu, meet the
latter at Tebriz. Khulagu mounted them on horseback, and gave them
commands in the army. One was named uldachi (i.«., sword-bearer)
another was girded with a scimitar and ordered to stand guard at the
door, with the title of evdachi (Schmidt, who has explained these words,
says it means porter) ; another was n'uned sukurchi (<>., umbrella-
bearer). The Georgian writer says this umbrella, which was apparently
new to him, was held o\'er the Khakan, was round, and attached
to a huge pole; only the Khan's relatives were privileged to have the
sukur over them. Others were called qapchak (1./., those charged with the
• D'OhMOO, Hi. aof^foe t Qoatrantr*, si6-ix7. I id., t*i'**y
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no HISTORY or THS MOHGOLS.
dothes aflid boots. Scfamidt says q^>cha]dnietiu keeper of the dothei);
others were doorkeepers or evchis ; others Krere quiver and bow-Sjeigpers*
(f>., luM-dii). It was by such patronismg fevours the Khan rewarded the
great mthawars of Georgia.*
We read how at this time, the revenues of the churches, of M&khetha,
add the other monasteries, as well as of those dependent villages and
land, were unprotected, as each of the grandees amtsmted himself widi
kxddng after his own interests. In consequence the Catholicos Nicoloz
repured to Khulagu, who, we are told, was struck with his character, for
he had hiUierto, of the Christians,, only known the Aikauns (/./., probably
the Nestorians). Khulagu gave him a yarligh, and assigned him a
a shahnah, or overseer. He had two gold bejewelled crosses made, of
which he gave one to the CadioUcos and the other to the Superior of
Wardzia, his conipamon. He also gave the former a gih baton,
surmounted by a cross. He then bade them good-bye, kid gave them
chaige of the churcb-is and monasteries.t
Guiragos tells us the cmidition of the Georgians now became worse.
The mvaders ''ate and drank widiout ceasing, and brought the people
within two fingers' breads of death."' Among other things, whereas
Arghun had imposed the two taxes of mal and khaphchuri on the people,
Khulagu added that called thaghar. All the people entered on the royal
registers had to pay one hundred litras of wheat, fifty of wine, tw6 of rice,
two sacks of dzgndjat (?), three topraks (?), two cords (probably bow-
strings), one white (/.^., a piece of money), one arrow, and one horse-
shoe, besides a twentieth of cattle, and money and other |iresients.
Those who could not pay were robbed of their sons and daughters.!
There is some confusion in the authorities in reference to the doings of
the two Georgian kings at this time. It would seem, however, horn die
narrative of the author of the Georgian Chronicle^ that they lived on good
terms with one another. He teOs us that he had himself seen numbers
<tf charters headed ''David and Davidj Bagratids, kings by the will of
God," with their double signature.§ Vartan tells us Khulagu was visited
by the two kings, who were well treated. The Georgian Chronicle^ on
the other haiid, assures us it was only David, son of Lasha, who was his
fiivourite. He was a big man and stout, and could draw the strongest
bow, was simple, frank, and credulous; idiOe his cousin, the son of Rusudan,
was small, puny, and &ir to look upon. He had beautiful hair, and was
a sUUed hunter, was eloquent of speech, generous, and modest, a good
horseman and brave warrior, just, and stirred by an active ambition.
The son of Rusudan, we are told, was much disliked by Khulagu, who,
when at Alatagh, had him arrested and sent to the winter camp of
the Tartars, at Berdaa. When they reached Nakhchivan he escaped,.irith
* HIrt. <to k 0«orgM,^S40' t /^, 54X-S4a.
t Op. dL, td. Dr ow n, iSfc Jown. Aaitt., 5^ Mr., si: 4S3.4I4. fOp.ciL,f«3.
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KUULAW fPUM. lit
dw Giin:«ldaiiitt Ejib and Bega-SoMuiwIt wlMn Um
(Sain) Bcga, or th» Good Bega, and fled to AphkhMfth, WlitnheiKached
the dietrkt ruM by Avaki dietatd in hamUe coetuaM, he was seen by
Sf mp a d t h e ChpeHan, who wa^ then'hontiaf . He begfed him not to betray
him, and gave him a predous Mne which had belonged to hit modier*
Sempad acooidingly tent him diigiiited to Thar, where the LiparH
prince, Thoid» samamed Dewie Kiir (£a, the cameFt earX gan^e. hhn
horaea and dodies, and eondncted him to Kathatfiia. Thiireiipon the
Aphkhai, the Siians, the Dadian fiadianythAEriethafof Radsha,andall
thoM b^ond Meant Ukh, ataembied M^gether and aatated David aa
King <^Aphkhai» at JGnr as that chain of HMnlaina which theaceforwatd
separated the two prindpahtiet.* The story of ^ teat ia no doabt the
same whkh has been already told, and It is a proof of the hnpossibility of
reconciling the various accettats of these trstisartioni The Gsofgim
ChnmicU reports how, shortly beiMre ^ cainpaign against Bafl^ad,
BatniOiaayOfKipdiak, of Osaeth, Khanria, Russia, Bulgaria, and aH
die couitry between Senria, Derbsnd, aad Oiina, sent an e^MOsa to
smnmon David, who left wkh ddi preaents, lecvingbehfaki UmasReg^
ihe Qheen DJigda Khatnn, and the amsttnmdt Jikoi^ dnrfaig whose nde
brigandage and robbery oeased He boilta megnificentpalace at Isaani,
hnposed a tribote on the Phkhoels, and vsed this salvage peofde as
iiMikitffisrti
David went, according to the Geosgian annattsl^ to Beta ; if it was
really to Bato it nwit have been belKe t af6^ when the totter died, bat die
dates of our anAor are so crooked that ^Mqr »e not to be relied open,
and it was more probably Beieke to iHMMn he went He was well
received, and remained at the GoUan Hiorde for some time. David, in
setting out, had q )po in ted deputies in his various pBBfvinQe% and among
od)ers,8aveKakheditoThorgua Panoel(^^iefofPancisX with orders
to obey the Queen. Imegining that David would never return, he retired
to the dtadd of Pands, aiid usurped authority in Kakheth for himself and
ceased to obey the Queen and Jikur, tiie mestunu^ Batu, we are told,
centered 4he sukmv or umknUa, which the Khan and hb tenily had
skme the right to us% upon Daivid. He also asked Khulagu to give him
precedence over every one but himsell We are told that among the
Tartars no one could sit in the Khan's presence, not even at meals.
David now returned again to Karthli. He wae received widi rejoicings
at Hereth, and thence went to Tiflis. Thoigua was summoned to his
presence. He demanded a safo conduct, and it was granted him ; but he
was, nevertheless, taken to CkL^-Kacni, and put to deatltt David now
repaired to Khulagu, who gmnted him the privileges of the other Koyans
" ■ ■ I I I I 111 I—— I I.I 111 1 1 1 I r
t Hm perwQ 10 calkd btiMd invitadant in twISs^ fiMm% and wtlcooMd tht gimto.
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1 13 HISTORY OV TBI MONOOLS.
in regard to ttaadliig and tMog^ with die this of Yangodd (^ in
MongK^ a jodgeX the right to try catea and^ve jodgmeiit.*
The Georgians wera not the only Chriitiana who wera very oooilderately
treated by the Mongob at this time. I have abeady described how
Ha!thon,lCingof Little Armenia, vieited BatiLt The accoont given of
hia journey by his relattve^ die Armehian Prince, Haithen, In his
chronica verges on the improbable. He says he ashed Manga Khan to
become a Christian, and canse hia people to be con v e r ted; and goes on
to say that this demand, wkhsfacodierB,1iaivingbeenhudbefiife Mango, he
assembled hb coondl, and the King of Aimenia being present^ addressed
him in these terms : ** Since the ffing of Aimenia has come a very long
distance withoot being compelled, it is reasonable to satisfy his wishes, at
aU events, in what is jut We tdl you, then, O King of Armenia, tet
yoor requests are agreeable to ns, and by the he^ of God they shall be
carried out In the first fdaoe I, the Enqwror of the Tartars, will be
baptised. I hold the Chiistiatt fiuth, and wiO urge my people to confam
to it also^ although I will use no force to cQ&^tiMm to do sot* Haithon
goes on to say that Mangn, in fiict, bad himself baptiaed by a certain
bishop who was chanoelor to ^m Armenian King, together with his
hoiisehold and many grandees of die Empire. D^Ohsson remarks, hi
regard to this, diat ^ it is qnite possible he was bapdsed, fnr he supported
without &vour the various religions practised at his Court, witliout
professing hny positive feitfa, and the Mongols doubtless looked upon
baptism as a form of purtfcatien." Haithon reports that the IQng secured
the exemption of the Christian priests from ta?«t; but the exempdon had
already been specially provided for by Jiagit Khan. The towns captured
from his peq[^ by the Musaidmans, and re-captnred by the Mongols,
were to be restored to him. The Mongol generals in the west were
ordered to h^ him when in need They were^ lasdy, to attadc the
KhaU^ and to unite diemsehpea wilh the OiiTsthms for the emancipation
of the H(^y Land from the Miduunmedan yoke t I shall reaerve an
account of Haithon's itinerary from Karakorum to the Oxus for the next
volume, and will here merely say that after crossing that river he went on
by way of Mrmn (Merv), Sarakh% and Tus; then, entering Maiandeiui,
he passed by Bostam, and dience to Irak, on the borders of the Mulahids,
or Assassins. He then passed soccestively the towns of Dameghan, Rai,
Kazvin, Abher, ot Ahr, Zeaguian, Miana, Tebrii, and eventually reached
the Araxes. At Sisian (?) he met Baichu Noyan, who conducted him
to Khoja Noyan, to whom he had deputed his command, while with
the bulk of the army he had set out to meet Khulagn. On arriving
at the viUage of Vartenis, wh«« lived Prince KWth, and where he
had left his suite and baggage, he awaited the return of die priest
» Hkc d« ki G^ortK 54t t Aate, U. 8949. t HiJthoB Chron., 13. X>*Ohnoo, Q. 3i*>3t>
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KHULAOV KHAN. 113
Banlf whom he had sent to Batu to take him the letters with which
he had been intrusted by Mangu. There he was met by various
ecclesiastics, to whom he presented some rich vestments and other
presents. The ingenuous king reported to his friends some of the
Inarvek which he had seen or heard tell of on his journey. How beyond
Khatai was a race among whom the women were as they were dsewherc*
while the men were shaped like dogs, were big and hairy, and had no
reason or were dumb. These dog-men allowed no one to enter their
country ; they hunted, and fiyed on the game they caught, which they
shared widi then- wives. Of the offspring of these people, the males
followed the appearance of their fiEUhers, and the females that of their
modiers. He also spoke of a sandy island where grew a bone of great
vahie in the form of a tree, which they called a fish's tooth. When this was
cut down another grew in its place like a stag's horn. The former story
may be compared to the tales about Burtechino, the wolf ancestor of the
Montis, and of Tsena, the ancestor of the Tmks, ^md theur interco^ur^e
with women, while the latter, as Brosset says, seems a distinct reference
to mamnioth ivory.* Haithon also brought home stories about people
who worshipped day statues, which were very large, and called Sakia
mnntm (/.^., they were statues of Buddha). They reported to him
that this god had lived 3,040 years, and. still had 35 tumans of years
(^A 350^000) to live, when he would lose his divinity in fovour of another
god named Madri (/./., Maitreya), to whom they raised enormous day
statues in a magnificent temple. AH thi» people, men, women, and
chiklreni were derics, and were called tuins (this is the Mongol name for
the Buddhist dergy). They had their chins and heads shaved. They wore
a yellow mantle hlte ^t Giristians, with this difference : that it hong
firom the neck, but not the shoulders. They were temperate and chaste.
Haithon reached his house in Armenia eight*months after leaving Mangu.
This was in the year 1255.!
Let us now turn more directly to Khulagu's own doings. Of the
prindpal comii)issions he hsid received from his brother he had amply
fulfilled one, viz., the crushing of the fsmaelites, and he now turped
to acccomplish the other— die destruction of the Khalif. Matters were
gdng on badly at Baghdad. In the autumn of 1256 a terrible downfall
of rain had flooded the town and submerged many of the houses, while
one-half of Irak remained untilled. The Khalif Mostassim was a weak
prince, and passed his life in debauchery— musicians, dancers, tumblers, &c.,
being his chief companions. His arrogance was a match for his imbecility.
The princes who went to Baghdad to do homage were not admitted to his
presence. They had to be content with holdmg to their lips a piece of
black silk, representing the lappet of the Khalif s gown, which was
* Goirafoft, •d, BrotMt, sSa N«|«.
t B r ow n, op. dt., t76-Bfx. Jovro. AMt., 9th Mr., xL //., 470-473*
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_J
114 HISTORY or THE M0N00L8.
suspended at the palace gate, and to kiis a stone placed on the dureshold,
like the pilgrims to Mekka, who similarly kissed the hlack stone and the
veil of the Kaaba. Whim he sallied forth on horseback on solemn
occasions his fisice was covered with a black veil.* The great vassals who
formerly received investiture at his hands were the Sultans of Egypt and
Rum, the Aubegs of Pars and Kerman, the Princes of Erbil, Mosul, &c;
but the chiefis of Rum, Pars, and Kerman were at this time feudatories
of the Mongols. The Rhalif 's principal officers vrtit Suliman Shah, the
generalissimo of his army, which was said to consist of 60,000 cavalry;
the Great Devatdar, or chancellor, the Devatdar i Kuchuk, or Little
Devatdar, i^^ the vice-chancellor, the Sharabi, or cupbearer, and the
Vizier, Muayad ud din Muhammed, son of Abdul Malik d Alkamiyi.
The Khalif s most trusted officer was the Little Devatdar, £ib^
who, notwithstanding, plotted with some of the principal people to
dethrone him ^ fitvour of smne other prince of the house of Abbas.
The Virier having heard of this reported it to his master, who was
infi^uated'by Eibeg and told him what he had heard, and said he should
not credit the accusations. Although the Dcx^atdar Eibeg continued his
intrigues, he wrote a memoir in his own hand, declaring all the accusa^ons
against him to be calunmies. This was publicly proclaimed in the
streets, and the Devatdar's name was inserted in the khutbeh, or Priday
prayer, directly after the Khalifs.! Eib^, in his turn, chaiged the
Virier with having secret negotiations with the Mongols. This charge
had some truth in it, and Wassaf distinctly states that he sent his
submission to Khulagu, and invited him to invade the country.)
AbuUeda, Wassaf and others tell us why he was dissatisfied. They say
that the village of Karkh, near Baghdad, was occupied almost entirely
by Muhammedans, of the sect Ranefi (i>., Shias), between whom and the
Sunnia there arose a dissension, whereupon the Baghdad troops, under
the command of Abubekr, the Khalifs son, and Rokn ud din, the Devatdar,
proceeded to ill-use the Ranefitis shamefully, to drag4heir women out
of their harems, and to carry them on their horses' cruppers with their
faces and feet bare in the public streets. The Vizier, who belonged to
this sect, was outraged, and sent a letter to the Seyid Taj ud din
Muhammed, Ibn Nasir el Hosemi, the rais of Hillah, a fiunous seat of
Shia influence, complaining, tnier a/£a, that Karkh had been iplundered,
that the sons of the house of Ali had been robbed, the people of the
stock of Hashim made prisoners, and the dishonour which had fonnerly
been put upon Hussain, the grandson of the Prophet in the plundering of
hb harem, and the accompanying bk>odshedding, had been renewed.
The Seyid replied in the names of all the relatives of the Prophet : ''The
heretics must be put to death and destroyed, and their race be uprooted.
* lyp K iioB, ML MS. t Qmtnmtn, m^. I Op. dt. SMti
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KKULA0U KBAV. IIS
If fon wiU not Mde widi it yoa wiU be lost Yoo wOl be desi^sed in
B eg h dnd , as henna, which ddifi^ts women, is despised by rough men, and
as a ring is despised by him who has had his hand cnt oE** Khulaga a^
dus time had capCnred the Ismaelite fortress of Alamut, and the Vizier
wrote to him pointing out the weakness of Baghdad, and inviting him to
mardi thither. Khulaga was naturally a little anxious about a Strugs^ with
«power so formidable as that of the Khali^ idiose thx^ had aheady twice
defeated the Mongols, and he consulted Husam ud din, an astrologer,
who had accompanied him at the instance of the Khakan. He was
iqiparently a Mussulman (friendly to the Abbassi dynasty), and foretold
that an expedition against Baghdad and the House of Abbas would be
followed by six grave events : (i) all the horses would die, and the soldiers
be attacked with pestilence ; (a) the sun would not rise ; (3) rab would
not foil ; (4) there would be violent hurricanes and earthquakes ; (5) plants
would cease to grow; (6) the Emperor would die during the year.
Khulagu insisted on the astrofoger putting these lugubrious prophecies
down in writing. On the other hand, the Mongol bakshis and the amirs
declared tnat the expedition would have a fortunate issue, an opinion also
propounded by the famous astronomer, the Khoja Nasir ud din, of Tus,
who was a Shia. He had a personal grievance against the KhaUf and
also against th^ Vizier. It seems that on one occarion he sent the Khalif
one of his poems, on the back of which the Vizier wrote a note addressed
to Nasir ud din the Mohtesshim, in which he sneeringiy said that the
composer had the knack of putting bto his letters and writings the
thoughts of other people, a jibe which was highly resented by Nasir ud din,
who was the most learned man of his thne.t Elsewhere Von Hammer
ghres a difierent version of this, and says that while Mostassim was one day
sitting by the Tigris, Nasir ud din took him a poem, in which he expressed
hb devotion. Instead of rewarding him the Khalif in consequence of a
sharp critidsfti of the Vizier's, had it thrown into the Hgris. Hethereupon
left Bac^dad m a rage and went to Sertakht, to the Ismaelites.t
Meanwhile things were going badly at Baghdad. The Vizier, probably
in preparation for his intended treason, persuaded the Khalif to reduce
bis army, urging that with so many powerful princes as his vassals, he had
no need of such a large force, which continually drained his resources. He
urged also that with the money thus saved he mi^t buy off the invaders
for a while, and persuaded him to reduce his army from loc^ooo to 2o^ooa§
Meanwhile earthquakes and some terriUe fires desolated the country.
These were apparently caused by lightning. One of them laid waste the
district of Hara, near Medina, over a district of four parasangs. Medina
itself was burnt, and afterwards plundered by <he Arabs. In this last fire
its fomous library perished. ''Thus,'' says Von Hammer, ''there were
''iiCs&i^. Ms:^'^^
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Il6 HISIOKT or THB MONGOLS.
destroyed in one year two of the most fiunons libnrries in the Basti that
at Alamut and that at Medina.**^ Khulaga having determined to crash'
^ Khali^ now sent him a smnmons from Hamadan couched in haughty
phrases. He b^ian by denouncing him for not having assbted the
Mongols in their campaign against the Ismaelites ; reminded him of the
success which had attended the arnues of the Mongols from the tinie of
Jingis Khan, and how the Khuarezm Shahs, the Seljuki, the mlers of
Dilem, the Atabegs, and others had all succumbed, all of whom had been
masters of Baghdad. Why should its gates be closed to him? He
warned him not to strike with his fist against an iron spike^ nor to mistake
the sun £»r a taper, and bade him dismantle the fortifications of Baghdad,
to leave his son hi chaige there^ and go to him in person, or, at least,
send the Visier, Suliman Shah, and the Devatdar to coakr with hi^L In
that case he should preserve his dominions ; if not, the Mongols would
march on Baghdad ; and where would he hide— in the heavens or the
depths of the earthff The Khalif received the envoys with courtesy, aad
sent back Sherif ud din ibn Duzy, or Juzy, an ek>quent person, Bedr nd
din Muhammed, and Zanghi Nakhjivani, who was probably an Armenian,
, with his reply, which was by no means a cringing one:— ''O, young man
only just conmiendng your career, who show such small r^^ for life,
who, drunk with the prosperity and good fortune of ten days, deem yoursdf
superior to the whole world, and think your orders equivalent to those
of destiny^ and hresisdhlc^ Why do you address me a demand which you
cannot secure? Do you think by your skiH, the strength of your army, and
your courage, that you can make captive even one of the stars? You are
probably ^maware that from the east to the west, the worshippers oT God,
rdigious men, kings and beggars, old men and young ones^ are all sUves
of this Court, and form my armies ; that after I have ordered these isoUoed
defenders to gather togethei^ I sliall first settle the affairs of Iran, and will
then march upon Turan and put each man in his proper place. Nodoubt
the earth win be the scene of trouble and confudon in consequence^ but I
am not greedy for vengeance nor eager to win dieapplause of men. I am
not anxious that through the tramp of armies men shall have occasion
either to bless or curse. I, the Khakan, and Khulagu all have the same heart
and the same language. I^ like me, you would sow the seed of friendship,
what have you to do with meddling with the4ntTenchments and ran^Muts
of my servants? Follow ihe road of goodness and return to iQiorasan.
I^ however, you desire war, I have thousands of troops who^ when the
momentofvengeancearrives, windryup thewavesofthesea.*! Thisis
apparently the message reported by Guiragos in somewhat different
terms. He says the Khalif was very arrogant, styled himself Jehangir,
master of the sea and land ; boasted that he possessed the standard of
• ni^Miit, L X4».i4|. t Q nl iiBMi» tf-n^ V O kmtn , VL ufun.
I QwtrMMff*, SIS.
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KRVLAGU KHAK. It?
If uhammedy r^d if he set it in motion lie and all the univene woold
perish. ^ You are only a dog and a Turk, why should I pay you tribute
or obey you?^ Hardly were the envoys outside the walls of Baghdad
when they were attacked by the fimatical mob^ who tore thebr dodies,
spttt in their hcot and would have killed them if the Vizier had not sent
some people to rescue thentt Khulagu, who was at Panj Angusht (the
five fingersX on hearmg of this declared that the. Khalif was as crooked
as a bow, but he would make him as strai^ as an arrow ; and sent back
his envoys widi the message that God had given the enqiire of the worid
to the descendants of Jfaigis Khan, and as theb- master refused .to obey
there was nothing for it but that he must prepare far war.t
Meanwhile the Khalif was petitond by the varyfa^ coonsel of his
Ministers. While the Viiler adflsed him to ptopitiiute the Mongols by
rich pceaentSi including i/)0o Arab horses, ifloo camel% and i/)0o
asses, laden with treasure and richly caparisoned, and by ofiering to
have the khudieh said, and money coined in Khulagu's name, his rival,
the Devatdar, bade hhn rely on his army, and on the assistance of the
fiddifuL The ktljor at length prevailed He and hb suppof t er s professed
great contempt for Mostassim, whom tliey accused of being fond of
musicians and bufibons, and of being unfriendly to the army. The
amirs complained diat diey had lost everything in his reign which they
had acquired in his father's, and tl^^ chie( Suliman Shah, spoke out
bravely tiiat if troops were only summoned from the various provinces
and he was put at tl» head of diem, he thoqglit he coukl break
die Mongol army, and even, if beaten, it was wtU for a brave man to
perish widi g^ory and honour in the midst of the fi|^i The Khalif
approved of these words, ordend laigess to be distributed to the soldiers,
and told the Viiier to give the cononand over them to SuUman Shah^
The "^^aer prepared to carry out dMse orders, but only in a hmguid
fiuhfon, wbkh strengthened the su^don that he was in league widi the
Mongols, a view whldi the Devatdar widely prochdmed. The KhaMfs
avarice prevented sufficient money being spent, and it was five months
before die troops were ready. He now dispatched Bedr ud din Dbriki
and die Kadhi of Bindinjan, a town of Kurdistan, widi a fi«sh mission to
Khidagu to remind him of the firte of many who had fimnerly attacked
die sacred Abbaandan House. ^How Yakub ibn Leith, of the frunily of
SaflBu-, had died while on his way-to attack Baghdad. How his brother,
Amru, who had die same intention, was c^)tured by Ismail ibn Ahmed,
the ,Samanid, who sent him in chains to Baghdad. How Besasiri had
marched fixmi Egypt with a large army and had captured the Khalif and
kept him prisoner at Hadithah, and for two years the khutbeh had
been saki and the money struck at Ba^^idad in die name of Mostansir, the
* Op. dt, cd. Bronat, iSc. f QoatreiMr*, 157.
t UObmam, HL «I>m9. Tabdat.i-NaiM, ft|>- Moia. f Quatnmmn, •n-MJ*
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Il8 terORT OF THX IfOWOOUL
IsinaeUto KluOif of Egypt; and how dicn Benshi wAi anacke^
death by TaghrulBek, the Seljuk. Howthelatter'ssuccessor.Muhainmed,
had to retreat after his venture on Baghdad, and died on the way ; and^
lastly, how the Khuaretm Shah Miihamiiied» who had determmed to
uproot the fiunily of Abbas, had been ahnost overwhelmed in the defile of
Asad abad by a storm, in which he lost most of his tn>qpS|*and wasfocced
to retire, and how he had ended his days miseraUy in the Isle of
Abisgum, chased thither by the Mongols.** The envoys concluded by
remindin|[ Kholagu that he had no cause of quarrel with the Khalil^ and
bidding hun take warning.* This portentous retrospect only aroused
the anger of Khuhigu, who is said to have quoted in rqfily some lines firom
the great Persian epos, the Shah Nameh :
Enct a bMtioa sad a cwtMB'Wiai of itiil ;
AMttmbIt an army of Pern and of Jint ;
TnMl laardx a^unst msi inspirtd by TtBsnoo^
If yoQ waM ia baav«i I «wild brlBK yoB doirn,
And spita of yowMlf I win reach yott Id dM Bon's d«.t
Khulagu knew it was a serious matter to assail a town so renowned
as Baghdad, and he took precautions accordingly. Hearing that Hnsakn
ud din Akah— who on behalf of the Khalif rommanded at Daritang (aa,
the narrow defile), a fortress commanding the main route fiom Hamadan
to Baghdad, and the key to Irak Arabi— was dissatisfied, he summoned
him to his presence. Leaving hisson Said in the town,idiich was famous
for its beauty and strength,^ he obeyed. Khuhigu received him well, and
gave him as an appanage the castles of Wanidah, Merj, &c.§ He
proceeded to occupy these fortresses. Having o^iected a considerate
force about him, he seems to have r^Mnted of his treachery, and
communicated with the Khalif through Tij ud din Ibn Salayeh, of the
family of Ali, who governed the town of Erbil, ofiering to raise an army
of 100,000 Kurds and Tinrkomans, with which to overwhelm the invaders.
His proposition was not accepted by the Khalifl Meanwhile the intrigue
had reached the ears of Khulagu. He was naturally greatly enraged, and
ordered Kitubuka to march with 30^000 cavalry to fbrestal the traitor.
This officer sent him word he wanted to concert common measures
against Baghdad. He unwittingly went to his camp^ whereupon
Kitubuka arrested him, and told him if he wanted to save his life he must
order his wife and son, and all his adherents and soldiers, to march out
of the fortress, that a census of them might be taken for the poll tax.
Husam ud din had to issue an order to this effect, and also to demolish
his fortresses, after which he was put to death with all his adherents.
* Qoatranera, 049^51. f RuUd od disi by QoatoasMrt, 0S3>
I The ddUtb which it Uy was waMred by thoDiiila, which toaoBtleshlcW op fl^^
Kasr Shirio, ibc aodent Artaoiita. Indiana. 14s.
I Qnatremert, 955. Vod Hammer odbaMO two plaow Di««r (^., the Gold«l CitOo) and
DblCajhC/^.. the Meadow Citttld). Ukhanib L 145-^
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Only one of hsa towns ctcaptdy m^ ihu governed by bit ton Said,
«bo reteed to «anwd«v 'od afinnfaidt made bis way to Bigb<faul»
iHiere be M figbinif.*
Kbolagu now wwnmoned tbe varkms centegeets of bit tfmy to
coBvetse on tbe doomed dty. Budm was sent for from die borders of
Rom, wbile Bolgbai and tbe otber princes, wbo tben commanded
contingents belonging to tbe otbertibttses,witbSimjak and Btdca Timmr,
took tbe read from Shebiaor to Dakiika.t Kitaboka Noyan, Kadsun,
called Knmsan by Von Hammer,} and Nerldlka, arrived from Luristaa,
fidat, Takrit, and Kboastan. Xholagu bimsel^ leaving Ids fimiily and
greater bagfsge in tbe meadows of Zek, not frr from Hamadan, bi
cbaige of Kaiak Noyan» advanced witb tbe centre towards Keiman-
sbaban and Holwan. He bad widi bbn tbe great ambrs Kuka Ilkai
Axkato, Argbttn<4Uca, ibe bitikcbis Kaiiatas and Seif od din, bis favovntes
tbe astronomer Kh^ Nastr ud din, Abd od din Au Malk (U^ tbe
bislorian, JuveniX as well as all tbe sultans, Hiqis, and secrstaries of Iran.S
He passed by way of Asad abad, « small town seven parasangs from
Haraadan, wbicb still exists, and is menrioned by Kerr Porter.|| Tbence
be sent a fre^ message to tbe Kbali^ wbo only replied by evasions.
Wben tbe army reacbed Dinawar, twenty parasangs nortb-west of
Hamadan, Ibn Jnsi came witb fresb tbxeacs from die Kbalif in case
Kbnlagu did not retire; bot be replied tbat, baving come so fiur, be could
not go back witbout baving an audience of tbe Kbalif and tbat after
conferring witb bim and receiving bis orders, be could tben retire.
Kbulagu marched Ibvoo^ dieKnrdisb mountains (Kub-Gfrdaa), captured
K^rman sbaban and piUaged otber pbices on tbe route. At Tak K^sra
be was joined by Sunjak, Baicbu, and Simtai, witb wbom be bold a
coasnhalion ; and we read bow, after leaving bim, die Mongol officers
c o nsul t ed tbe bomt dKwlder-bkdes of sbeep wbicb were used by tbem in
divination.
We must bere make a sbort digression, to bring up tbe story of tbe
Mongol doings in Rum to tbis pbbit We bave seen bow Rum was
divided between tbe twobcodieri, It ud din and Rokn od din. It ud din
was very suspidoits of Baicbu, and, we are told, began to collect some
iDrces, ttid sent a messenger to Malatia and Kbartabert, or Saida, to
bring togetber a oootingent of Kurds, Turkomans, and Arabs. Two
Kurdisb ddefr, named Sherif ud din Abmed ibn Bilas, from Al Hakkar,
and Sberif ud din Mubanuned ibn Al Sbeikb Adi, from Mostil, came to
him, and be ^ipointed tbe former governor of Malatia and the latter of
Kbartabert The Malatians baving sworn allegiance to Rokn ud din,
rebised to receive the Kurdish chie^ and as he besieged the place, until
great want prevailed there, they attacked him and killed 300 of his
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tap mSTOBTOr THEMOIIGOLS.
IbUowen, He himaetf withdrew tfaroagh tlie disdrfct of Klandia, and
bfurnt tlie monasteries of Madhik and Blar Asia, and plandered that
district and Goba. He then went on towards Amid, where he was
attacked and killed hy the govenuMr of Mayafitfkin. Tlie other Kurdish
chief was on his way to job Is nd dhi when he was attacked and killed
by the Noyan Angmg. Is nd din now nominated AH Behadnr as
fovemor of Malatia. He was small of stature hot of great ▼igoor, and
speedily redoced the ndghbonriiood to ordei^and severely ponished the
Tiukomans who infested the ndghbouring mowntains and contimially
hairied the country round. Malatia had, howefer, been assigned to
Rokn ud din in the partition already named, and Baichu mardifd from
Bithynia, with his Mongols who were scatlerad kk Ci^ipadoda and
Galatia, to secure it for hfan. He first attacked Abulestin, wBidi he
cultured, killed 7,000 people, and carried off die boys and ghb into
captivity. When he appHMched Malatia, Ali Behadnr, its govenior, iied.
The dtizens then surrendered the pfaice. He made them swear aflegiance
to Rokn od din and pay a fine. Fakhr nd db Ayas was appointed its
governor.* It would seeni firbm Guhagos that Hahhon, the King of
Little Armenia, took part hi this campaign of Bakhn's. The latter
afterwards sent him Ivlthan escort to Sis, 1^ capital
On the departure of Baichn,^ AHBduulur agab obtabed possession of
Malatia, after a siege b which the bhabitants were reduced to great
want He put to death Rokn ud din^ deputy and some of his supporters,
and presently, fearing the return of the Mongols, agab abandoned the
place. Baichu meanwhile advanced iqxm Mosul, what he arrived b
the beginning of 1358. MidikSalih,aonjofBedr ud db Lub, Prince of
Mosul, who was an ally of the Mongda, had reoentiy returned fixNn
visiting Khulagu, and. had married a daughter of the Khuaresm Shah,
Jelal ud din. According to Mlnhaj^i-Saraj, both he and the rukr of
Fars had ftnnished a contingent to the Mongob for the r^mpAlgn, The
people of the country round sought refege b tiie town at Baidbu's
apinxMch, but he left agab without doing ahem any harm.t He crossed
the Tigris and joined Khubgu as I have mentieaed. The advance guard
of the Khalif s troops which was slatbned at Yakuba, or Bakuba, was
commanded by a Turk from Kip^ak, called Kara SoidDor (£#., blac^
felcon), while in the Mongcd anny there was a Khuareanian Tnric named
Sultan Jok. The latter now wrote to bs compatriot, counseling him ifhe
wished to save his £Eunily, to do as he had done^ vix., to submit to the
Mongols, who had treated him welL Kara Sonkor, b rej^, vaunted the
long history and prosperity of the Abbsnidan House, and having
denounced the threatened advance of Khulagu, oflfered complacently to
ask the Devatdar to obtab the Khalif s paidon for him if he would
• Abalftn^ Otton. Anb., S39.333. Cbroo. S]rr., S4«.S44* t M> Otow. ayr., S44-
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UULAOU KHAN. 191
ntnceliis Slept and be penitent* KlnilagnUraghedwlien this letter was
lead to luni^.Mid, aococdiag to Rashid, rqilied in poetry:
l^ayiydn'— t,ihtiy,—ddnJifhMH«wBfcth<lftiMii;
If o« flMMv« coBtnmM dM MdHt oTOodt
Who am Id b«t HioMlf what dM «d asy Wt
Abolftiid apparently refers this incident to Eibeg al Halebi, an envoy of
tlie Khalif liimsdlt Khnlagu sent a fresli demand lor the Khalifs
submission, and orders to him to send the Visiery Snliman Shah, and
the Devatdar to him to arrange teims. If he was detenniiied to resist,
however, he bade him prqwre for war, and the next day he pitched hit
tamp on the River Holwan, where he remained for thirteen daysi while
Uie Amir Kitaboka conquered the greater part of Lnristan.
Meanwhile, Buchu Noyan, Buka Hmur, and Suiyak croesed die
Tigris. Bedr ud din. Prince of Mosul, had si9plie4 Baichn with a
bridge of boats, which he put on that river at Takrit The people of
Takrit sallied out and burnt i^ and killed some of the invaders. The
next day, however, they repaired the bridge, and crossed over to the west
bank of the Tigris, and pushed on towards Ku&h, HUlah, and Karkfa,
and martj^red the people.} Elsewhere we read that Baichu, with Buka
TImurand Sunjak, went to encamp on the Nahr Isa, or the canal of Isa.
Sunjak took command of the ildvance guard of this division, and speedily
arrived at Haibieh. The inhabitants of the district of the Little
Tigris (DojeilX of £1 Ishakl, and the canals of Malik and Isa fled
p re cipita tely, and fiedy gave the boatmen bracelets, brocaded robes, or
laige sums of money to transport them b safety to Baghdad. When the
Devatdar and die general Fath ud din Ibn Korer (Minhiy-i-Saraj says
Fath ud din's son, It ud din), who were posted between Yakuba and
Besheriydi, on the way to Holwan, learned that tl» Mongds had thus
approached Baghdad, on the western bank of the Tigris, they also
crossed that river. Minhaj-i-Saraj says Uiey summoned the men of
KarUi and other towns to assist them. The forces of the Khalif were
ddefly infentry, and sqstained the attack bravefy, and killed many
MoDgols4l
l^sewhere we read that the KhaHf s officers fought the Mongols
under Sunjak, near Anbar, before the Koshk Mansur, above
Madrikah or Messrikah, on die east bank of the Euphrates, about nine
parasangs from Baghdad. Wassaf merely says the fight took place near
the Dojeil, orLitde Tigris. Abulfaraj says the struggle took place at the
tombcf Ahmedf^ It was fought on the 9th Muhantm, 656 (1.^ the i6th
January, 1358X' The Mongols were defeated, or perhaps merely pursued
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19^ HUIORY or TMM MOIIOOLS.
their usual Fahiui tto(ks» and having made a detoor joined their main
army under Baidua at Darfwriyeh.* The Devaldar wrote to his mailer
to^tell him he would complete the victory next day^ and eilcnninafe die
enemy. Meanwhile a discussion arose between the Khalifs two principal
oflicers. Fathuddih, who was a skflful soldier and feared some stratagem,
counselled delay ; tdiile hb dviHan companion, the Devatdar, urged an
immediate pursuit, while the enemy was distractedt Fathud dia allowed
his judgment to be overborne by his imprudent friend. The Moqgols
having reached the Dojeil turned about, and a second and more terrible
struggle followed, to which an end was put by the darimess, when each
army bivouacked on its own ground. In this struggle Fath ud din had
ordered the feet of the mule on which he rode to be shackled with iron
sf^ts, so that he cotdd not well escape.t Minhaj-i-Siraj says that ** near
the battle-field was a piece of water, called the Nahr i Slier, which was
connected with the Euphrates, and the land through which it flowed was
elevated, while the Mussulmans uere encamped on the low ground.
During that night the accursed rq/lMi Vizier dispatched a body of men
and turned the water of die canal on the Mussulmans, and the whole was
flooded with water, and their arms and arm<|ur were spoiled, and they
became quite powerless. Next morning at dawn the infideb returned,
and another battle ensued'' The Khalif 's people were defeated and
driven across the Little Tigris, and posted themselves where the great
Sanjari mosque and kazr (castle) was 8ituated.§ Wassai; Rashid ud din,
and Abulferaj, who wrote under the shadow of the Mongol rulers, do not
suggest the breaking of the dykes as the work of the Visier, which is
indeed most improbable. With these authors it was the Mongds them-
selves who cut the dykes, so that the plain behind the Khalifs army was
flooded. They then attacked and routed the latter. Fath ud din and
Kara Sonkor, with 12,000 men, were killed, without counting those who
were drowned and smothered in the mud.|| The Devatdar reached
Baghdad agam ^th only a few— one account says diree— persons.
Others found refuge at HiUah and Knfeh. Meanwh^ Khulagu, leaving
his baggage at Khanekin, pitched his tent to the east of the dty. This
was on the nth Muharrem (/.a, the iSth of January, 1258}.^ He planted
himself opposite the gate Ajaml The Noyan Kuka Ilka, with the two
princes Tutar and.Kuli, of the Golden Horde, feced the Kalwasa gale,
while the princes Bulghai, Tutar, Aroktu, and Shiramun posted
themselves q[>postte the gateway of the Suk-i-Sultan (t>., the Sultan's
market-place). Meanwhile, on the western bank of the river, Buka
Timur was on the side of the citadel, near Dulabi-Bakul (Abuliaraj says
I ■ — ^— IP
* lyOfaaoa, SL tiob
t ICinh^i^teii vtwiM Um potkiow of tht fw« bmo, bnc hw, m m frtqMBtly timwhm;
I WmmT, 63^ i Op. ciL, 1141*1144.
I Xioabmau^, aSz. wmmT, 44. Abulikn^ Ghrao. Sjiw, s49> % QmIiiiii> fSi.
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KEUXJUIU KHAN, laj
Mar the kitchen gerdeii)| and Baidm and Smyak were on Oe west,
where the V^li ho9|>itaI (called Adad by QuatraiieKe) was aUuatad
(Abulfeda says in Karia, near the Sultan's palaos).*
Meanwhile the Khalif continued in a state of mental imbedlity.
When the Little Devatdar retained to him afterthe shiwghtwrofhis axmyt
accompanied by only three men, he merely said, ''God be piaiaed thiU
Mushahid-ud din is safe,** as when the Mongols made a prtfnous invasion
of Irak Arab^ and had advanced to Jebel Hamrin, he had said» ''How
can they ever pass it?"t The walls were ordered to be x^pakM and
barricades made^ and the dtirehs were told off to man the diiimrrn, and
the two Devatdarsy the Munjenky Snliman Shah, and other l«ad«tp ff
the army and die Mamlnks encouraged them. The attack was pressed.
The brides that lay about outside the dty were colkcted and built mio
great moundsi upon which were planted battering engines and machines
fior shooting burning naphtha.) The iChalif now sent the Vizier with ooe
of his fovouritesi named Ibn.Darna% and Makilmi the Nesterkm patnarclt
with presents. Khulagu told them that the condiliens which would have
satisfied him at Hamadan were no longer enoegb, and he must insist on
the Devatdar and Suliman Shah, the latter of whom had won more than
one victory over the Mongols, being san(endered. The nsxt day the
Vizier, the Sahib Divan, or Minister of the Interkr, and a deputaden,
consisting of the principal inhabitants of the dty, went to khulagu's
camp. He would not, however, receive them. The attack was dosel y
pressed, and the bo mb a r dmen t con t in u ed for sia days. Aathenwereno
stones near Baghdad to ply the machines witl^ thsy were seal fiar from
}ebd Hamrin and Jdlula, and pahn trees were also cut down to Ihinidi
projectiles, while letters were shot into the plaos ofiiriag their Mves lo
the kadhis, doctors of the Inw; thtikhs, Ahfrit^and flthw noa ****"iMtartt J
At length, on the aSth Muharrem (i^ die 4th of Febraary|Di the Bo^^-
Ajami, or so-called Persiaa Tower, was battered down, and ffsssnily the
Mongols stoimed this part of the waU. X3mhigu having nprea^ed M§
relatives who were poaled befawe the yate SdK Sultan witt being dilaloty,
they also stoimed the wall in from of dMm, and during the i^gfat the
whde of the defcncei of the eastern part o€ the dty wate m the Mongol
bands. The invaders had taken care to deee the 'Hgris wkh bridges of
boat% on whidi were planted war ettgiaes.^ Baka Timor was dispatched
with a tuman (f^ lo^ooo men) towards Modain and Basrah, to cat off te
retraat of any who might try to escape by the river. hO^u^^^SamJ says
the Davatdar tried to penaade the Khalif to embark on a boat with his
treasure, and to amke his way down the Little Tigris to Basrah, and to
take shelter in the islands hi die ddu of diefiaphrates and Tigris till the
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ft4 HlSXOty or THS MOMOOLt.
danger had passed. The Visieraigiied against ddsooonaelt and pertnaded
the Khalif that he was hhnsdf arnmghig terms with the Mongols.^
Rashid ad din says nothing about the pr oposed escape of the Khalii^
bat diat the DemtdiUF hhnsdf made an atten^t to get throogh and to
reach the town of Sib, bat when he readied Kaiia al Ulaa> (t^ the
eagle TiflageX *lso called Karia al GHuiffiur, a shower of arrows, stonesi
and sthik pots drove hfan bade, after loring three of bis boats, tiie men on
which were aH killed, and die Devatdar had to make his way bads to
Bai^idadf
The Khi^ now began to lose heart He sent Kkr od Ai, of
Damsi^uui, and'ibn Darwidi to the ICo^fd camp^ to try and ^ipease
Khdlaga, senntwg only a few presents wrai tiiem, as he fe ar ed to eulle
Ns capidity* These not having been reodved, it was determined thgt
the Khalifs second son, Abo fed Abd ar Rdmian, steold go to Khofega^
camp. He is called Abobdv by Bfinhjy-i^Sara}, who says he was sent
at the histanoeof'the accarsed Visler,** who at the same thne sent a
messenger to Khdaga to tefl him to pay the yoang prince wp^dtiL
attention, so as to secare his object with the XhaliC He goes on to say
that the prinoe was met by a crowd of Massohnans and Mongols as he
neared Khalaga^ camp, who paid him the asoal deference. When he
came to the idaoe of andienoe Khnlaga advanced fear stqMtomeethimt
took hhn to a seit, and said that his ifede (rdative) Berd» had
become a Massofanan at the hands of the Sheikh Self ad din, the
Bakhnni. He then went down on his knees before him, affirming he had
gone to Baglidad hi order to accept Islam ander the Khalif hhnsell AH
this is amost onlikdy proceedhiK as anyone wlio has any acqaamtance
with Mongol ways wiU aOow. The prinoe, we are tdd, returned to his
fether thoroo^ly deceived by diese pronuses4 Rashid od din says, on
the contrary, that Khulagu woold not receive him nor his dder brather,
who went out with the princ^ cttiietts to beg: for clemency. Khahgu
sent them bade, and ocdand the Khoja Nasfar ad dki to go with Itfamnr
and open negotiatUms directly wi^ the hesd of tfM tMM. They
retnmed on the yth of Febraary, and were feOowed by Fakhr nd dhi, of
Dam^lhin, and Ibn Darwish, whp were armed with a yarSj^ and paiah
a»d were told to sumnwn Sidfanan Shah, the iOialif^ oommander-hi<hid;
and the Devatdar. Abolfeda says Khdaga wanted to treat the Khalif
generoudy, and wished to marry his own daughter to his 8onAbubekr.S
Having received safe con d u ct s, Suliman and the ViceT Ch a n r dk i r went at
length to the Mo^igol camp. They were ordered to go back into the dty
and fetch their relatives and retainers, as Khulagu intended to send them
with some of 1^ own people against Syria and Egypt They acoordmgiy
went in to bring them out On theirretum they were distributed among
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the Mongfd sokUery. At tliis stage, an arrow having struck Hindu,*
iriio was a Utikdii or secretary, and a favourite of Khu]agu% in the eye,
Le ordeiod the siege to be pressed, and told the Khoja Naur ud din, of
Tos, to station himself at the gat( Halbeh, and to receive those who
came out of the dty to surrender.t
Ob the 8th of February, Eibeg, the Little Devatdar, was put to death.
SnKwan was summoned to his presence by Kholagu, who said to him,
** You ave an astrologer, who understand the portents, good and evil, of
the stank How is it you did not foresee these events, and forewarn your
masierT* ^The Khalii;" reph'ed the warrior who had already twice
dci iate d the. Mongols, '* was led by his destiny, and wodd not heed the
counsel of his foithlul servants." Khulagu had him put to death, with all
the people of his housdiold,to the number of 70a The Amir Hajuddin,
son of die Great Devatdar, suilnud the same fote. The heads of dte
diiee chielii #sre sent to Sidlhi who oomwuanoed the Mosul condngent,
mii^ichwm«nrQllodthe Shiasfron Kaikl^ widi orders to send diem
10 hit fodMT, Bedr nd dm, who hnd be^ an old ita&d of Sidiman Shah,
and now widitears inhiseyeshad to give otders for the three heads
to be eiposed«t
Ob die lodi of Febmary dM tThaJif left the town with his duM sons,
Abd ur Rahman, Ahmed, and Mobaitk, with 3^000 other people->Seyids,
Imams, Kadhis, and grandees lOuihigUy on his arlival in hb presence,
ad»d after his healdk He was told to order dm ddaens to lay down their
aims, an older whkh was ffodaimed in the stveets. A special tent was
set 19 iar hhn befoie the gate lUyaa, In the quarters of Kitubuka,
whemhe wsas guanied by some Moogiris, and on the X5th of February,
Qwlagn hamg eatered die dty to visit his pahne^ had Wm
iiiiiiiiisuful, and said to him : ^ You are die master <tf this house and I am
your guest Let us see mkBt you can gbe usp** The trembling iChaGf
broke some hicfc% and o fl b ied Khulagu a^ooo compleie sets of nbes,
loyooo gold dhMHSi and a quantity of preckms stones. He would not
tske diem, but said, ^ It is mmeeessary to point out what is patmt;
dschiae your hidden tieasuiea.* The Khahf dien hade them ^ in a
oertdtt fhwe^ when diey ftN|Bd n dstem ffiled widi gold pieces, each
weigMog x» ndskals.! Siu^ was ordered to make an kventory of
die treasures. These were taken to the Mongol camp^ and piledup like
mnuntatns about Khnlagn's tent The MongolSi says Wasssi^ treated the
gold and silver vessds whidi they had carried off firom the Khalif s
kitchens as if they had been lead. Many of these treasures hi this way
readied Shhas, and diose idio had been wretdiedly poor became very
rich. The soldien secured so much money, rich stul^ and products of
Greece^ Egypt, and China, Arab horses, mules, Greek, Alan, and
•"i!it,sfcJ5r^.L*$r»s«a
I XrOhttun, iiLl»37-nB*
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ia6 HUTOitY or trb moikxils.
Kipchak boyt; Turkish, Quttete, fnd Bcrbor risfe giris, that h was
imposaible to count them. In^ aUa^ W^naS lumikmM ^tiat Xhty atexatd
alie^tiful bowl, decorated with gold, and eagrsved by llokansir and
Nassir. It was a curioiis drcomstabce that die Khalif Ba Nassir li£n
illah left behind him two basms or dtlems filled with foUL His
grandson, Mottansir, was one day with one ohiis most tmsted IbHowers,
and aq>ressed the wish that he mig^ not Uts ualO it was necessary fat
him to spend this money. His •oompanfon hMigfaad The Khalif was
angry, and asked him the OMse. "One day," he rspl&ed, **! cmmm into
yoor g n i ndfi i th e i ^s presence here when one of those two basins was
not fidl, when he sidd» ' I wish to live only until I have fitted tqp ^ese
two basinf.' I was contmsting the two wishes." Mostanshr spe^ all
this money in good npite, and, Mm oH^ bcBt dw frmooa college,
Mostansiriyeh. '^The point of this story," adds Wassai; "is that when
Mostassim caae to the throne he once move filled up tiiese basbs, or
rather leservoin, by his airarice, and finally enqitied them as welL"*
Khttlagii now gave orders that ^ Khattfs haiem shonki be numbered,
and it was faond to oootatn 700 whrcs and com»bines, and 1,900
servants. He thereqKm implored that 100 of the females, on m^ion die
sun and moon had never shone, sboidd be handed back to fakn, andUiis
being granted he selected his ielatives.t
The Georgians eqiedally distingiished themsdves in the capture of
Baghdad, where Gidnigos teUs us Zakaila, son of Shahan Sltth, was
pw ien l . It was a grand opportunity for them to repay on their
Mesauhaan enemies the terrible snfieriogs they had long bone at their
hands. We are told in the Gtorgim CknnicU that it was they who
bieadied die walls, and having entered the ]dace commenced a great
slaughter, the tncfi^ of Baghdad having great dread of die Georgians.
The latter are made to open the gates through which the Tartars
entered. The booty captured, we are told, was so great that
Georgians and Tartars succumbed under the kwd of gold and silver,
prtdoos stones and pearls, ridi stuffi^ gokl and silver vessels, ftc,
while as to the vases fimn China and Radum (i>., porcelainX and those
made in the country of iron and copper, they were deemed of scarcely any
value, and were broken and thrown away The siMdiers were so ridi
that the saddles of their hdlrses and mules and their most ordinary
utensils were inlaid with stones, pearis, and gold Some of them broke
off their swords at the hilt and filled up the scabbards with gold, others
emptied die body of a Baghdadian, refilled it with gold, precious stones,
and pearls, and carried it off fixmi the dty4 The place was cnidly
ravaged ; the only people to whom consideration was shown were the
Christiaas, ^dio were sheltered in one of the churches by the Nestorian
•WaaMr,;9^4. tiyOh«M»IILHa TkbycaU.llii^ i«o. II«M.
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KHUUlOy KHAN. 137
patriarch. This fiict aeemt to give some foundation to the remark of
Minhaj-i-^araj, that they had been in communication with Khulagu.
Abolfany says that many rich Muhammedans handed over to the
patriarch their treasures in the hope of securing their lives, but all
perished.* The place was now gutted, and the Khalif s palace was reduced
to ashes, together with the Great Mosque. The tombs of Musa-Jev/ad
and of the Khalifs were burnt. Nearly all the inhabitants, to the number,
according to Rashid ud din, of 8oo/xx) (Makrixi says 3,000^000} perished,
and thus passed away one of the noblest cities that had ever graced the
East— the cynosure of the Muhammedan world, where the luxury, wealth,
and culture of five centuries had cchcentraled. Presently the wretched
remnant of the population sent Sherif ud din Meraghii Shehab ud din
Zengani, and Malik dil rest to beg tec the carnage might cease.
Khnlagii gftve orders accordhigly, and, we u% told, he had t6 withdraw to
the villages of Wakhfandjdabieh to avoid the takitedair.t Asaproofof
the honroiB that took place at this time, a story told by Hamdulhih may
be dted, vis;, that a Mongol, named Mianju, found, during the massaoe,
in a smaU street of the dty^ upwards of forty motherless sucking babes,
andthinUngtohimselfdial without movers' milk they would perish, put
them to death to deliver them fieom their sn^fermgs.t
It it piobable diat Khulagu would have spared the Khalifs )iSt^
impressed by the higubrious prognostications of the futhful Mussuhnans
about him, if he had not been dissuaded fiiom this course by the Shias
who were with him, and who had a bitter resentment against the
Abbasndan dyniErty. Mfaihaj-i-Saraj tells us that the Malik Bedr ud din,
Lulu of Mosul, and other infidels (thereby probably meaning Shias)
repr es e n ted to Khulagu saying, ^ If die Khafif continues alive, die whole of
the Mussulmans among the troops, and die other Mussulman peoples who
are fai other countries, will rise and bring about his liberation, and will
not leave thee alive."S Wassaf says that Khulagu was afiraid of releasing
him, smce die Mussulmans looked upon him as the successor 0.^ the
Prophet, and the true Imam, and the absolute master of all lifo and
p ro perty, and would have gathered round hhn a very powerful anny.|| On
turning to die Virier for counsel die latter replied, " The Virier has a long
beard.** This was a joke which had been used against that official by the
Devatdar, and is derived from the Arab proverb, " Long in beard, short
in wit"^^ Some of the orthodox Mussulmans affirmed that if the KhaliPs
bkxkl was shed upon the ground there would be an earthquake.^*^ Another
account attributes the warning about the portents that would happen if
the Khalif were executed to the astrologer, Husam ud din, and tells us that
these predictions were answered by bis brother astrologer, Nasir ud din,
of Tus, who was a Shia, and Mfho said tiiat no such portents had occurred
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i4 mnoRY or thb Moaroou.
when John the Biq»tist, the Prophet Muhammedi and the Imam Hossain
were IdOed, and that they were not likely to happen then.* It was
detenninedy therefore, to pot him to death, and we are tdd that Husam
ud din was himself executed on the 23rd <tf November, 1262,1^ prophedes
having proved ftlse.t The mode of the Khalifs execution is wrapped in
some obscurity. Rashidud din says that, having lost all hope of saving his
life, he asked pemussion to make his ablutions. Khulagu ordered five
Mongols to attend him, a'cort^ ^<^ hifemal guards'* to which he
objected.! He redted two or three verses of a poem beginning thus :
la dM aonbs i»« dw«lt fa B ho«8 On pimAM or hwfiB,
la dM •vwriDf iri had ao loipr a dwrfttos M If ^*« iMi' ^^itt iMMilMfc
On the 30th of February, we are toU, he was put to death in the viUage
of Wak^ with his eldest son aad fiVe ennudis who remained fiuthfuUy
with him. The mode of his encution Is not stated by Rashidod din, and,
Quatremere suggests, it was in ftct probably kept secTBt
riieG^iwg<s»»C Arw wfe /# telU
of Khuhign, the Khalif was ordered to bend the knee. Thk he refusec!^
and remained standing^ saying: '^ I am an independent sovere^ whoam
dependent on no one. Ifyoucliooeetoeet mefree I will submit to you;
if not I will die before becoming any man's skve." To make him
stoop they tripped him up by the foot, so that he fen on his fece. As he
remained obstinate^ Khulagu told Ilka Noyan to take him out and kill
him and his sons. ''The Khan pities you,** that oflker said to him.
"Does he inopose Uien to restore me Baghdad?'' "No^" said Ilka,
''but he will kill yon with his own hand, while his son Al*ka will perform
the same office for your relatives." "If I am to die^* he replied, "it
matters little whether it be a man or a dog who kills me.*! Wassaf and
Novairi si^ he was rolled t^ in carpets and then trodden under by horses
so that his blood should not be spilt This was in accordance with
the yasa of Jingis Khan, which forbade the shedding of the blood of
royal persons. Guirago^ whose account, as he teDs us, was derived from
the lips of Prince Hasan, son of Vasafi^ surnamed Brosh, who was an
eye-witness, and employed by Khulagu as one of his en voys to the Khalif
tells us that wlien Khulagu had summoned him to his presence he asked
the Khalif, "Are you God (m: man?" The latter rqilied, " I am a man,
the servant ci God." " Did God order you," said the Mongol chie^ "to
treat me with contumely, to caU me a dog, and to refose me, the dog of
God, something to eat and drink? Verily, I am the dog of God, and I am
very hungry, and will devour you." He then killed hun with his own
h^d, telling him it was as a 9ped6l honour he did so, instead of remittor
the work to another. He ordered his son to similarly kill a son of the
Khalifs, and to throw a second one into the Tigris. He afterwards put
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KXVhkOV KHAN. ra9
to dea$h many of the grandees, while his men for forty days continaed a
horrible butchery of men, women, and children. Tokuz Khattm, Khnlagu's
Oiritdan wile, redeemed the lives of the Nestorian and other Guristians.*
Anodier and much more romantic story Is toM by Nikby and
MiiUKmd. They tdl us that when the KlaSSi presented his treasures to
iOnilaga die former pot him before a trencher covered with gold pieces
and bade him eat ^ I cannot eat gold," was the reply. ''Why then
have yoa hoarded it Instead of giving it to your troops? Why have you
not c op f ert e d diese iron gales htto arrow pomts and advanced to the
Jihmi to prevent my crossbg it F The Khalif replied that it was the will
of God. ''What win happen to you is also the will of God,* was the grim
answer.f A similar story is told in his inimitable language by Joinville,
lilio cans Khulagu the L(M:d of the Tartarins, and speaks of die Khalif as the
apostle of the Saracens. He says the former insisted on the Khalif
entering faito matrimonial reladons with him, that when he consented he
urged him to send forty of his principal people to attest the marriage, and
afterwards forty of his richest men, and that, having thus secured the
leading people in Baghdad, he made sure of overwhelming the place. He
goes on to say : " Pour oouvrir sa desloiant^ et pour geter le blasme, sur
le Cattfo de la prise de la vffle que il avmt fhe, 11 fist ptenre le Calife et le
fist mettre en une cage de fer, et* le fist jeuner tant comma Pen peust
fairs home sans mourir, et puis li manda, se il avait fidn. Et le Calife
dit qua oyl ; car ce n'estoit pas merveUle. Lors le fist aporter le roy des
Tartarins, un grand tainooer d'or, charge de joyans k pierres precieuseset
lidlt 'Cognolstucesjoiaus? Et le Calife respond! qua oyl,' il iurent
miens. 'Et 11 li demanda si les amah bien, et il respond! que oyL'
Pidsque tn les amoies tant, fi^t le roy des Tartarhis, or pren de ceUe part
que tu vourras et manju. 'Le Calife li respond! que il ne poutrah; car ce
n'estoit^ pas viande que Pen peust manger. Lors U dit le roy des
Tartarins. Or pens veoir, 6 Calife, u d^fente ; car se tu eusses donne
too tresor <f or, tu te fensses bien deffendu k nous par ton tr^sor se tu
Peusse despendn, qui au plus grant besoing te fiuit que to eusses onqoes."t
This is nmch fike the leport of the ArmeiUan historian, Malalda, who
says that Khuhigu ordered hhn to be hnprisoned for three days without
food or drink. He then summoned him and asked lilm what he needed-
The Khalif denounced his faihumanity, and said he had lived duee days
at the bottom of a pit. He had boasted to his people before the
siege how he wodd put Muhammed on his standard and disperse
the enemy. KhnUigu then sent for a salver with some gokl coin onitand
bade him eat it, and thus satisfy his hunger. The Khalif replied that
'one cannot support life on gold, but needs^bread and meat and irine."
"Why, then, did you not send me a lordly present of gold to that I might
Moi
B.aifet,sthMr.,>L490HSx- t D^biwa. Oi* HS- Not*. X lyOhHOO, IB. 14s. Kot«.
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1^0 HISTORY or TUS ICONQOLS.
have spared your dty and not captured yoci,iiiatead of qmidiiig your time
in eating and drinldngi* and he had him trodden under loot* The
Khalifi death took place on the am of F^Mroary, 1258. Hittngioalend
fonnsooeofthoeegrimqpitodcsidiichLoogMlowddi^led to pot Into
verse. He makes Khulagu address thaavarickmsKhalif thus:
I Mid to tlM KhaUi; "TbottMtold,
^Mwhist oonwdoi tOBUidisiMd i
Thou Aonkht not luwhund and Mdd«kb—,
Tm tlM braoh of bMtdi was kol nd BHT,
Bu fan* town tkfoosh Ikt kad A«t «Mli»hiMdi^
To ipdiig into ihmini Uvki of fVMdi,
And IcMp thin* booo«r twotl md dMr."
• • • If • •
And lift Ua dim to ted an aloQt,
In dM hoooy otUt of hk told«i Uvo ;
flew n prajWi nor n cvyi nor n siooHi
Wm nMiQ nooi tlioio nuMBVO wnUt oi tloooi
Mor osidn WM iho Khilif atvi attvo.
On die morrow after the Khalifs death an his attendants were killed, at
well as neariy all of the ftmily of the Abbassides, except «>me obscure
individuals, and Mobardc Shah, the Khalif s youngest son, who was
spared at the request of Khulagu's wife^OliaiKhatun. 9ie sent him to
Merai^ to the Khoja Nastr ud din. He afterwards married a Mongol
woman by whom he had two sons.f Minhi^i-Sany reports that a
daughter of the Khalif was also ^fM^ed, wfao^ with some females from his
harem and some rarities firom his treasure^ were set aside to be presented
to the Khakan Biangu, and were dlqiatdied Cowards Turkestan. Other
things were sent to Berdoe, the Khan of the Golden Horde, who refused
to accept them, ani^ according to this author, put the mes s en ge rs idio
took them to death, thus causing enmity between him and Khulagu.
When ihe booty meant ftv Mangtt Khan reached Samarkand, the daughter
of die Khalif asked leave to vidt the tomb of Kusam, son of Abbas, in
that city. He had accompanied Said, the son of the Khalif Osman, who
had been sent to Mavera im Ndur with an army, and had died and been
buried at Samarkand. There she performed the customary rites, made a
pmyer of two genuflexions, and said, ** O God, if this Kusam, son of
Abbas, my ancestor, halh honour in Thy presence, take this Thy servant to
Thyself^ and deliver her out of the hands of these strange men," whereupon
she died.!
It is curious to contrast diese accounts of the fiunous campaign against
Baghdad with the accounts given by the Chinese. In the *" Si shi Id " we
are told how the dty, iHiich is there called BaO da, a name like M. Fob's
Bandas, was divided into an eastern and a western part, sq;iarated by the
Tigris, the ea^em city halving walls of Uige bricks, the upper part of
* Mahkia, ed. tirotMt, 4S^ t QnatiaaMrt, ^o6•^o^ tOp.cit«i«s>
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KRULAOU KHAN. IJI
^landid coimnicdon, and the western hx^ng none. A greet victcny
was wonagainst4oosooo men (111) beneath the wells. The western city first
feUy and its popidation was slaughtered ; then the eastern city was
assailed, and after an attack of sn days it was oiptured, and a terrible
slaughter ensued. The Halt&(^., the KhaHf) tried to escape in a bcMrt,
but was captured.* In tiie htogra^ of Kouo Khan (f>., of Kuka Ilka)
we lead that this diief daring the siege built floating brici^es, to prevent
the letreatiqf the enemy down die river. When the place was taken the
KhaHf tried to escape m a boat, bat finding the way thai barred went to
the Mongd camp and sonrendered. Kooo Khan then went in pursuit of
atenenl of die KhaKTs, named Jadar (^., the Devatdar), captured and
pat hkn todeadLf In the '^Sishi ki" weare tokl the Khalifas palace was
made of fragant and precioas woods, vis., of alolS-wood (ai&ixyhn
^g9ll$ckmmX saiidal*wood (sai $ ialum albumX dt>oay (df&9&yrus HetmmX
and a red finagrant wood called hiang dien hiang by the Chinese, and
whose botanical name is not apparently known.t The biography of
Kooo Khan states that when Ae palace was burnt the fragrance
impiegnated die air for a distance of xoo li.§ Hie walls of the palace
were bulk, according lo the ''Si shi ki,* of black and white Jade (x£r., but
sordy porcebun tiles are meant). Great stoies of gold and immense
pearis, ptedons stones, and jewelled ghrdles, worth a tiiousand liang, were
foand there. The peoi^ of Baghdad were fiimoos for their goods^ and
the horses there were called tolicha. Use Khalii; we are told, did not
drink wine, bat sherbet, made of orange juice and sugar. His people
used guitars with thirty-six strings. On one occasion when die
Khalif had a bad headache, a man was sent for who played on a guitar
of seventy-two strings, when the headache immediately left him.||
Moayid ad din Alkamiyi retained his post as Viiier, the reward
doubtless ci his dubious loyalty. Faldir^ud din Dam^^iani was made
Sahib-dtvan, or chief of the administration. Ali Bahadur, who was the
first to enter the city when assailed, was given control of the
merchants and artisans, with the title of Shahnah (/.#., governor), Imad
od din Omar Kasvini, deputy of the Amir Karatai, caused the mosque of
the Khalif and the Meshed of Musa Jewad to be rebuilt. Nefm ud din
Ibn^Aba Jafiur Ahmed Amran, who was entitled Visier-rast-dil (the sincere
ViaderX was given command of the districts east of Baghdad, including the
country towards Khorasan, Khales, and Bendinjein.ir Nizam ud din Abd
* Br«taduekl«r. Notes on Med. Tnvellen, &c, Sa. t Id. Bx,
l/d,.i%. Notviio. i/d. 1/d.tU,
Y Quatfemere. 309.909. Ha tk a cood exAmpIo of tho rapid foittmes tiuit often attend men in
the Bast. M!rkbondrepomh(>w wbenKhalagu arrived be was b the eervioe of the
Yaknhavea^lovad to tiodt the soles ofhismastei's feet to hUl him to sleep. One day he told his
■asler hour m had dreamt that ha had become Governor of Baghdad, and racdved a kide for his
pains. When the sieca of Baghdad took place, Ibn Amran shot a letter attached to an arrow
iwfe i mhi g the M o n tols, who ware then in some stress for provisions, that if they would send for
hbihaweoldtailthemsomethinsaseftd. Kfanlagu having aooordingly asked the Khalifto let him
89 toblacaap» ha coa do e t ad dmlCoagols to some hidden granaries at Yaknba, where thev found
eon to keep dMrnsoiBa for fifteen days. His reward was the command elready mentkmed, whkh
was an apprrdmate reaUsatiah ci his dream. Wassaf, 79. D'Ohssoo, iii. S47448. Note-
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Ija HISTORY OF TBB MOITOOLS.
ul Mumin Bendfnjein was made Kadhi of the Kadhis, or chiet judge.
Ilka Noyan and Kara bnka, with 3,poo Mongol horsemen, were sent into
the city to restore order, and rebuild the booses. The basaars were
rebuilt, and the corpses of men and annnals removed.* The devastation
most have been dreadful, and when Wassaf rlsited the place sixty years
later not a tenth part of the old city remamedf Master of the city,
Khulagu proposed this question to the Doctors of the Law there : ^ Who
IS to be preferred, a just, unbelieving rukr, or a Mussulman ruler, who is
u^iust?" The Ukmsas, who had assembled in the coQitgt of Mostanstr
to deliver their fiuhva, or decision, on this question, hesitated to reply*
when a fiunous doctor, called Rail ud din Ali Ibn Tavus, took the pnptf
and wrote the words, ''The infidel who is just is pceferable to an unjust
Mussulman," and his example was felfamed by the restt
KhuUgu having left Baghdad, encamped near the tomb of the Sheildi
Makarem, and afterwards mardied by easy stages to rejoin his ordu in
the town of Khanekin.§
During the si^;e of Baghdad, some of the chief people of HUlah, where
the Seyids or descendants of Ali were influential, scant an embassy to
Khulagu with their submission, and stating that it was a tradition among
them derived from their ancestors, Ali and the twelve Imams, that he
(Khulagu) would become the master of that district {i^ of Indc Arab).
Khulagu thereupon dispatched Buklah, or Tuklah, and the Amir Bijel-
Nakhchivani (called Alai ud din by Wassaf and Ali by Von
Hammer), and eventually Buka Timur. brother of his wife Oljai
Khatun, to secure the towns of Hillab, Kufe, and Vassit The
people of Hillah put > a bridge on the Euphrates, and went to
meet him gladly. He therefore passed on towards Vassit, where he
arrived seven days later, and where he was resisted. He speedily aqptured
the place and slaughtered its male inhabitants.!! Buka Timur now
advanced towards Khuzistan, taking with him Shehf ud din ibn JuzL He
captured Shuster, where the soldiery were put to death, while Basrah and
other places submitted willingly. Meanwhile Seif ud din, the bitkichi,
with the approval of Khulagu, sent a body of one hundred Mongols to
protect the tomb of Ali at Nejef. Buka Timur rejoined his master on die
13th oi Rabi the First (t.e,, the 19th of March).1l ^lien Khulagu
mardied against Baghdad he dispatched Aikatu (called Oroktu by
Von Hammer and D'Ohsson) tp attack the fortress of Arbil or Arbela,
* QoMtitmtn,* 309. t Ilkhans, xm. t D'Ohasooi iU. 9S4-a55, i Quatremerft. 311.
I Quatranere scy* ^Oiooo w«n» thns killed. D'Ohnootays,inoie probably, 4,00a Qtutremera,
30^312. D'Ohnont iii* a<<. Ilkhaat, L X55-I56.
4 Quatremae, 31X. Minhi^^-SanJ hare talk a six^ry wiuch b not ooofinnad by tha other
authorities. He tayt that tome of the KhaUfspeople who had retired into the WAdi (l^., the low
manhy nound near the Twtr) to the nomber orzo,ooo» suddeuly cr o n e d the DijUi, and attacked
BaghdiM, cut the Vizier and the Monsol Shahnah w piaoML together with all the atrnporteri of
the Mongols and Christians they cottla lay hands upoo. When news of this readied tne Mongol
camp, a body of cavalry was sent to reinstate matters, but the assaihintt had withdncwn. and not
one among those holy warriors of Islam was taken. Tabakat*i-Nasixi« xn6o>xa6i. I look upon
this story as a faUe.
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KHULAOU ICHAN. IJ3
wliose fiune dates bock at least co the time of Alexander the Gieat
Rashid says it had not its equal in the woild. It was situated between the
Greater and Lesser Zab, two days' journey from MosuL It owed its
chief importance to the Turkoman chie^ Kukdxisi ibn Abol Hasan AH,
entitled Malik Moaasem Monffer ud din, who had died about twenty-eight
years before. He was fiunous for his beneficence, and made Arl>il one of
the finest towns of the Persian Irak. He founded several institutions
there, such as had not been patronised by Islam before*-^ fofundHng
hospital, an institution for wet nurses and for suddh^ babes, a house for
widows, a common hospital, a special hospital for the Uind, a karavan-
serai, in which travelleiv were not only provided during their stay, but had
the expenses of thdr fiirdier journey defirayed ; a sort of monastery
(probably for dervishes), a medressah, o. school, in whidi both tiie Hanifi
and Shafi rites were taught : and, lasdy, % mosque, where the birth
of die Prophet was annually cdebrated witii great pomp. During diis
feast visitors, preachers, urators, poets, koran readers, and sofis flocked
thither finom the surrounding towns. A month'before, twenty dome-shaped
buildings of three storeys high, and made of boards, weie erected between
the monastery and mosque. From their galleries poets and orators
addressed the crowd, while others exhibited magic lanterns. Motafier ud
din himself repaired to one of these buildings for the mid-day prayer»
spent the night in the monastery with the dervishes and m the morning
went out hunting. At the birth-foast itself a great number of camels,
cattle, and sheep were taken to the square, and there killed and cooked
amid munc At night.tbe town was illuminated, and in the momhig the
guests sat down at two laMes— ime for the more distinguished, the other
for the crowd. The dervishes danced, and i»ayers were sung from the
minarets, wlule dancers and singers were rewarded with alms. Such was
Arbil ; the town itself was situated on a plain, and itscastle on an isolated
hin close by.* The Vizier, Taj ud din ibn Salaia, who apparently governed
it, went to his camp. Arieatu said he would believe in his sincerity
when the town had submitted, but the Kurdish garrison refused to
surrender it He was thereupon sent on to Khulagu, and was put to
death. The garrison meanwlule resisted the Mongol attack bravely.
They made a sortie^ and destroyed their titgt apparatus and killed many
of thdr men. Bedr ud din Lulu, the Prince of Mosul, who had sent a
contingent of troops to hdp the Mongols, was asked his advice as to
wbBi should be done. He counselled the abandonment of the si^^e till
the summer, when the Kurds would sedL shelter finom the heat in the
mountains. The siege was confided to him. He captured it in the summer,
and it was made over to him.f Bar Hebraeus says Lulu bought the town
and its contents finom the Mongols for 70^000 dinars, but his people were
not long in possession of it, and the unruly Kurds there speedily gained
* IQchaM, 1 198-190. t QtuitrtaMrt, 916-317.
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134 HISTORY or TUM BfOHOOLS.
the jopper hanc^ and a Kurdish ainiri named Sherif ad din JelaU,
drove out Che garriaon, and secured Uie place» but having diortly after
marched with a Tartar army against some rebels at Gulmeragi,
Bedr nd din sent some Kurds, vdio assassinated him while sleeping in his
tent A OiristiancaUedMukteiy the brother of a iamous doctor of Axbil,
named Saphi Solimani, now secured the place* and on his death was
s u cceeded by his son, Tiy ud din isa, a good and fiuthftil person.*
Momsdiile the Malik of Herat, Shems ud din K^ who was perhaps
the most powerful of the Mongol vassalsi and who had not taken part in
the campaign against Baghdad, was having some adventures of his own in
the fiur east We read that he attacked Mustebij, a town of Guermnr.t
The chiefs of Gqermsir, Shahin Shah, Bahxam Shah, and Miranshah*
shut themselves up in the fortress d[ Khapek with spo^ vm^. The
fortress was blockaded for ten days, when it was rednoed to extremity.
Miranshah escaped with some men in the nii^t The next day ttie
place was captured, and the two other chiefi, withninety of their adherents
and relatives, were put to death. Shems ud din then attacked Hissar
Tiri, another fortress of the Afghans^ which was taken after an attack of
two months, and its Afghan governor Almar was cut in two, and his
principal officers were either executed or bastinadoed* Three other
fortresses, named Kehberar, Duki, and Saji, the last of which was raiedt
foil into the hands of the Malik of Herat A great number of A^hans
perished in this campaign. In 1258 Shems ud din had another adventure,
which shows that Khulagu's authority in these regions was an
administrative one merely, and shows also what a powerftil person Batu
Khan of Kipchak, who was the Aka, or senior prince of the Mongol
world. We are told that m that yeai the MfJikiietivnedftomBadi^ from
visiting Bulgfaai and Tnmar (both princes of the Golden HordeX when
some officers of his army informed Batu that he disregarded the
yarlic^ or Imperial orders, and despised the envoys of the Mongol,
Shahzadehs. Batu sent one of his officers named Guerai-beg to Bulghai
to tell him to arrest the Malik. Bulgliai, who was then in Mazanderan,
forwarded the order to Kebtuka (>>., Kitubuka) to apprehend and take
him to Mazanderan. A little befoire this Shems ud din bad set out for
Sijistan to strengthen his authority there. En ramU^ he met his deputy
in tliat province, the Malik Ali Ma^ud, who was not friendly to him, and
who was now on his way to Kitubuka's ca9p» where he professed to have
a pressing engagement When he reached it he urged upon Kitubuka that
if diei Malik of Herat were left at liberty he would presently displace the
Mongols from all Khorasan, that already his power extended as far
as India, and that he was master of the principal fortresses of Khorasan.
This Intrigue was reported to Shems ud din by a secret agent, who
* AboUkn^ Quod. Syr.» 551.
( Vakat Mft ICMltbQ k a townoTSind, •day's jounMy from lUiandabil, trrandavirioanMy «Mt
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KKULAGV KKAN. I3S
homed to kt him knowy and was speedily followed by Masud and Dendai,
1^ with lo^ooo men, was changed by Kituboka to anrest Shems ud din.
The Unter shot himself up in his castle, and decided to defend it to the
last extremity. Dendai seemed an andienoe with him, and urged him to
come oat and leceave the leQer and xobe of hoooor idiich Kitubuka had
sent hflDi but he was not to be taken in with such a trick, nor would he
leave die Itmtu of his castle, asking that die yarligh and die robeof hqnoor
mifl^ be girea to him there. Various expedienu were tried, bat without.
afaO. EventnaDyMasud, having secured an interview, detetmmed to try
and assassinate die MaUk, and said to his men: ** When you see his head
toll down from die waUs rush into the castle." Shems ud din, who
evident so^ected something oideged ten men to be posted at each one
of the gates, and diatjdl. Masud's.men were to be detained, and when he
readied the fiDardi gate he Sound himself with bat three compuiions.
Shems ud din, who was concealed behind a veil, sprang upon
hun, killed him, and threw his head over the. wall of the audience
chamber. The soldiers of Kitubuka, and the Sinjars, or people of
Syistan, mistaking the head for that of Shems ud din, pressed their
attack, but on seeing the Malik himself still alive diey retired in disorder*
Shems od din then came out and pcodaimed Mangu Khan as his
smerain. The next day he put to death the three chief kelanptjors
(calendars) of Sijistan, disarmed the Sinjarians, and then distributed a
huge nomber of Idulats or robes, and jc^ooo pieces of gold to the learned
men and poor. He then went to the camp oi Khulagu, and met Tumar
and Boli^iai, who were on their way to arrest him. Althou^ he told
them he most hasten on to Khnlagu, and could not stay with them, ^yetthe
Turks,'* says the duonider of Uerat^ ''with their natural tttutality, tried to
detain hnn." He struck the Mongol who seised his bridle over the fiice
with his iHiip. Thhigs were becoming critical, when Khulagu% envoys
arrived and conducted him to the Inqierial camp.*
Accordipg to other auJiorides, the events just related are told very
difierently, and we are assured that Shems ud din, hav^lg incurred
Kfanlagafs resentment, die latter ordered T^^ to march against him and
to bring him his skin stufied with straw. Shems ud din defeated Tegur,
and also a second airny sent against him, at Shelaun, on the borders of
Herat, but afterwards sent an embassay with his submission and with
presents. He had put to deadi the Governor of Nimroz (t^ Syistan), by
whom Masud is no doubt meant Khulagu demanded why he had done
io^ when he answered, *^ I slew him so that the Khan might inquire ofme^
* Wberefae didst thou kill iUlM,' and not inquire of A^ why be had killed
me.* Major Raverty makes him give this answer to Mangu.t Of the
two accounts die former seems to be themost reliable. We are told diat
Khulagu sent Shems ud din bade agam covered with honours.
•JotfikArfM.,9liiMr.,XTiL44r*4S>« t IIkhtf»» L erS. Tal«kat4-NMiri, xmo. Mom.
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1$S HISTORY or THS IfONOOLS.
In 65; (i^^ 1258) the MaUk laid si^e to Bikr, a fortress of the A^faans,
built pn a rock in the midst oftMesM.* It was deemed impregnable, and
was thence known as Bikr (U^ the Virgin). In eighteen days the Malik
baUt thirty large vessels and one hmidred boats. He then attacked the
place on two sides, and after a strugs^e of twdve days, daring whidi most
of the officers in the army of Herat were killed. At inhabitants submitted,
and agreed to pay the capitation tax. Its governor also offered a sum of
10^000 dinars, ten loads of silken goods, five Arab horses, and fifty slaves
loaded with predous objects. After this Shems ud din entered Zamin
Daver, and pursued Miranshah (previously named), t who, on his approach,
left Khasdc He was captured and put to death.^
We must now return agam to Khulagu. On the 17th of April he once more
reached Hamadan and Siah Kuh, where he rested from the fidgues <tf the
Baghdad campaign. He ordered the Malik Majd ud din Tebrid to bufld
a treasure-hou.^ where the various treasures he had ciq>tured in the
fortresses of the Ismaelites, of Rum, of the Georgians, Armenia, Luristan,
and Kurdistan were to be guarded. We can hardly picture the number of
valuable objects thus despoiled. WStssa^ as usual, is rhetorical en tiie
subject, but here, at least, his rhetoric seems jtlstifiable; He speaks of the
gold, of the rich stufi6 and cloths from Greece, Egypt, and China, Arab
horses, rare mules, Greek, Alanic, and Kipchak boys, Turkish, Chinese,
and Berber slave girls, &c§ The site of Khulago's treasure-city is
discussed by Quatremexe in a long note. The place itself was called
Tela, and was, situated in- the great lake of Azerbaijan, the
Lake of Urmia, called Spauta by Strabo, and Gabodan by the
Armenians, whence the name of Kabudan given h by some of
the Arabic and Persian writers. Its waters are said to be very
salty, and to contain no fish, but its banks were strewn with towns and
were well cultivated. Large numbers of boats traversed it to and fio.
From its ^tness it was also called Denai Shur (Z.^., the salt lake),
while the districts of Urmia, Oshmiah, Dehwarkan, Tasuj, and
Sihnas, which bordered it, also gave it their name. It is now
called indifferently the Lake of Shahi and the Lake of Urmia. ()
The fortress itself of Tela, according to Von Hammer, is the
modem Gurchinkalaa, a great rock inaccessible on tluree ddes. It is
compared by Porter, who visited it, to Konigstein, m Saxony.lT Abulfeda
says that Khidagu garrisoned his fortress with a thousand men, and
diat its commander was changed every year.**^ Hulaju was sent to the
Khakan^angu widi a share of the spoil He also took him wd d that
Khulagu, having conquered Iran, now proposed to attack Syria and Egypt^
news which was very gratefril to the Khakan.tt
* /^., the Lake of Abbtandeh. the only one in Afghacistan. Its waters are salt tike thoaeof
the streams Paltsi and Jiln» which teed it, and it it lituated three or four ttilet S.S.E. of GhaanL
Jottm. Asiat.. sth ser., xvp. 455. Note.
.rJ^^' -t I J2»™A«lat.,sthier„xTH.45f45« J Wassaf, 73.74.
t Quacramere, 316-391. Mote. Ilkhaaay L z6a % Foster, \L S9a^99.
** lyOhssoo, iiL 957. Note. It Qnfttremere, 3s?.
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KHUI40V KBAW. 137
' A few wades a ^tbe capture of Bagfadady and on t|ie nd of Jiimada
(^ May), the Vider Alkami died, and was snoceadad by his son, Sharif
od din.* Easton opinioii has been Prided in regard to the meiits of the
Visier, but tiie majority of his critics denoanctt 1dm as a traitor. Eor a
lonRthneit was customary to faiscribe in books used hi eotlegas, ftc.
"MayhebecorsedbyGodwhowillnotciffse Ibn al AUcamiyL't The
liistorian ibn Tagriberdi says expressly dist the Vltier, bdooginf to the
sect of the Raisis, designed die min of the Abbassidan house and the
tnmsference of die Khalifitfe to that of AlLt Wassaf speaks more
diplomatically, but refen to the chagrin the Vider felt iriien he was made
to pUy a second part to Ibn Amram, the Governor ofYalniba,p(ier his own
ignoble behavioor and disobedience of the KhaHfig Mfaihaj4-Saraj
oontinaally refers to him asdie accorsed Visier, and faivokes God's corse
apon him, charging hhnwidicontfaiualtreacherytohismaster.il On die
odier baud, a contemporary Arab writer, the author of the ^ Fi adab is
Soltaniyet,"oi ^Qualities of die Sovereign," defends him warmly. He tells
us how he studied the Mies Uttret in his youth, wrote weH, and had an
excellent memory. He describes hinf as accomplished, generous, able as
agoremor, equitable and honest He was a patron of men of letters, and
had acquired a library of jo,ooo vohmies, of which several had been
dedicated to him. The household of the Khalif were jealous of him, and
he was accused of treachery; " but his best character," says om* author,
'^was the confidence Khuli^ reposed in him. He would never have
trusted him if he had betrayed his master."ir His title of Alkamiyi was
derived from the feet that he had made the canal Alkami in Egypt, of
which country Jie was a native, and which was afterwards known as
Kazahi.^ About this time there also died the Khoja Fakhr ud din, who
held the post of Uhigh bitkichl This was gWen to Hosam ud dhi,
although he was the youngest of his sons, but he could speak Mongol
and write Uighur, ^ which," says Juveni, ^was conridered a paramount
accomplishment" rf
We are told how the astronomer Nasir ud din ventured at this time to
suggest to his peremptory master, who was at Meragba, that he should do
somethmg else than destroy, and told him that once when the Khuaresm
Shah was beuig pursued by the Mongols, and his troops were pillagfng
Tebriz, he answered the protests of the people with the words, '* 1 came
as a world conqueroi, and not as a world preserver." Khulagu replied,
** Thank God I am both a world conqueror and a worid pitserver, and no
weakling Hke Jdal ud din Khuarezm Shah."}t Nasir ud din was therefore
commissioned to biiiicl an observatory. Rashid nd dm tells us that
Mangu Khan was distingoirfied among all the Mongol sovereigns by his
prudence, tact sagacity, and wit, and was suffidendy intelligent to have
* QoatrenMre. 313. t lyOhsaoa, iti. S49. I Id,, t$x. NoCt. i id.. 95a. Noce.
ft D'Ohswn, iii. 960; U QtuUreroc.'e 3a4«395.
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138 HISTORY OP THS ICOMOOLS.
mastered several proUems of Euclid, and he desired that
reign an observatory should be builti and chaiged Jemal iid dm
Muhammed ibn Tahir tbn Mohammed Zeidi, of Bokhara, to bdld one,
bot the difficulties proved insormoontable. The repntation of Nasir ud
din having reached Mangu, the latter, in saying goodbye to hb bcother,
aske<1 him, when he had destroyed the IsmaeHte fortresses, to send Nasir
to him, but as Mangu was then occupied with liis campaign hi Soodiem
China, Khulagu ordered hun to build an observatory in Persia, whkh mm
completed in hb sevmth year. With him were associated foor learned
men— Muayid-ttd-din-Aradi (or Uny), Fakr od din Mera|M Fakr od
dm Akhlati, and Nejm od din Denran Kaivini/ Nasfar ud dm had
convinced his master of the desirability of such a work, nnce it waa
necessary to calculate some new tables and to mal^s some new obserm*
tions, if the daily position of the sun, stars, and planets was to be doty
calculated,^ the purpose of drawing horoscopes, &c. ; and as the stars
had a certain motion of precession it was necessary to continue diese
observations for at least thirty years, to cover the revohition of Satom. •
Khulagu wished him to complete the work if he could in a dosen years^
and he said he would try to do so with the help of the eaiiier tables^
mduding those of Eneijes drawn op foorteen centnnes before, those of
Ptolemy 275 years later, others made at Baghdad in the reign of the
Khalif Meimon, others again by Tebani, in Syria, and kstly those of
Hakemiand IbnulAlem in Egypt, made 250 years before, which were die
kitest These focts are recorded by Nasir ud din hims^ in the prefiMie
to his 6wn tables. Abd ulla Beidavi lells us diat Khulagu took with hun
many learned men from China, astronomers, &&, and it was from one of
these, Fao mun ji, better known as Sing-Sin|^ or the leaned, that Nasir
learnt about the Chinese era and theh* mode of calculating tables.t The
observatory was built on a hill noirth of Meraflte and was didy famished
with armillary sphanes, astrolabes, &&, ipdnding a terrestrial fl^obe, in
which the earth was divided into seven climates, while a slit in the copola
allowed the sun's rays to record on the pavement the hei|^ of the
meridian, &c S<mie of the learned works captur ed at Ba^idad wer^
sent there. The tables which were now made were published during the
reign of Khulago's soccessor, Abaka. onder the title of Zij ol Ukhani
and they showed an error <tf forty minmes in the positkm of the son at
the beginning ofthe year as calcohued by previous tables.^ Theboikimg
of the observatory, the instruments for whidi alone cost ao^ooo dinars,
was a costly matter. Nasir ud din, to fivdier convmce his master diat the
money was well ^>ent, rolled a metal bowl down the hilL At the noise
made by this the soldiers, indio did not know its tansoi mdied from theCr
touts, while the astronomer ai|d his patron, who both knew it, remained
• QiuitrMMre, 3ts-3>7« I>'OlMoa» BL 966467. Notfc t lyO li o n , WL ■6 3 '<6»
I /A, •65.
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KHULAOU KHAV. 159
tnmqail; the jDMwalbdiigtliatevaiiUdoiiot crate paakii^^
ftfttold.* ^
While iOmlAgu was at Merai^ he wee visited bjr Bedr ad dfai Lulu
(^thelaB-«KKmpeeil)|Priaoeof Mosul, who was then-iihiety years of
sge.t HehadbeeatheshiveofNiirtUiduiAnkii ^lah, of the dynasty
oi uie Sonksn^ ratefs of DiatbdOf triw en his death appointed hhn tutor
tohissonMasiid,aiid he ruled the principality during that prince^H^
irtiich ended hi laift* Nur nd din left two infiuit sons, who died within
two yean of his own deathi wfaereopon Bedr ud dfai was adcnoidedged as
ralei^ and had many stmg^ widi ^e AyuMt princes. He had now
eroids ed aathority for 39 years.! He had appaiendy taken caie not to
dedaie hiasself too openly for the Mongols ontil their success was qnite
assured; the contingeBt of i/xx) men mider his son SaHh only arrived
afterthefcn of Baghdad. Having aroused their suspicion in consequencehe
was ooastramed to pay Khulagtt a visit in person. S Some writers say that his
fiunily wished to dissuade him from goingi as he had incurred Khulagu's
aQger«b«therspfieddiat be hopedto condliatethis redoubtaUe warrior, and
torabhisears.|t WhenMarrived, he p tes en t e dKhnlaga with rich presents,
and went on to say, ''I have rsestved a gtft whidi I mean for you
perMBaBy." He Aenptodooed two splendid ear-rings, eadtcontaii^g a
huge peari, and adced permission to put them on Khnlagu's ears himself,
whidLwoald bring him great credit among the other princes. Khulagu
having consented, he turned to the people of Mosul, who had accompanied
hun, and pointed out how he had kqit his wordlT Bedruddin diereupon
returned to Mosul, where he shortly after cML Abnlfeda says he died in
the year 657 H^. (^ 1358).^ 'Makrid says the same. He left three
sons. MaHlc al Salih d Ismael, die ddest, succeeded aim at Mosul,
AkHid-dinatShijar,aadSaifuddinatAlJeBirdLtt Safih was confirmed
b his authority by Khulagu, who gave him a dat^^hter of Jdaf ud din
Khuarean Shdi, named Turinn Khatun, in marriage.tt We shall hear
ofhhnagMn.
Bedr ud <!Un Luhi's vkit to Khulagu was Mlowed by that of Said, son
of Abubekr, atabeg of Pars, who congratulated hhn on the capture of
Baghdad.^ Khulagu havhig moved Us quarters to Munik, in die district of
Tdarii, was alsD visited by the btnthers, and now reconciled rivals, Ix ud dfai
and RolaiuddhEi, the joint Selfuk rulers of Rum. The former had not
only defted Baidm Noysn, as we have seen,, but had v en tur ed to attack
hhn, and it was necesBBiy he Aenld now be humble. He accordingly had
a ^lendid boot^ worthy of a sovereign, made, upon the 8o!e of whidi was
pahtted his own portrait, and presenting it to Khukgu, he begged him to put
■ I I I I t III ■■■■■■■
* lyofciWL a. ig. t Q pu MM M , wn. ^ nw)ia«,aLnt.
9 Aimmni, Chroii. Aimb., 944*345. Chroii. srr , mi.
"Jem d« DWb t }• Momi vqm fiottar kt cniOmr
ft Abalttn^Chno.sAn»>i 947* ItniclM>ii>i t« S94* D^ObMon, IB. 9061. Qoatrwiaii^ 303.
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I40 HISTORY or IBB MCMfOOU:
hl$ ibot on Che head of his slave. lOmlaga wu moved at fhis, and TV^cuz
Khatun, his ChrisHan wife, haVing adeed for his pardon, it was granted.*
Rokn ud din ruled over the distikC betweoi Caasaiea and Great
Armenia, with his cafMlal at Sebaate, while Is nd db^iiM the country
thence to the sea, with his seat of power at Iconiam. The two prmces
accompanied Khulaga on his march towards Syria as fiuras Mesopotamia,
and then returned home against
The Greats Lur was now ruled by a line of Atabegs, founded
about a hundred years befora. Its nder at dib time was the thfad
Aubeg, Tekele, the son of I^oaraif or Hasarasp. When Khdagu
advanced against Baghdad, he went to do homage, and was ordered to
Join the advance guard under Khubaka. Usable to restrain his
indignation at the capture of Baghdad and the death of the Khaii^ be
incurred the displeasureof Khulagii, and hearing that he wai^ s uspe cte d,
escaped from the Mongol cta^ Khulagu reprimanded KitidMka for
allomng this, and sent him. with tiie Noyan Sidak and some troops in
pursuit His brother, Shems ud dfai Alp Arslan, counselled him to allow
him to go to the Mongol can^> aad interoed4^ for him. He set out, but
was waylaid by the Mongols, and, notwithstanding hb errand, was put in
irons and his men were kiUed* Tekele soo^t refiige at the fort of
Manjasht He presentiy offiured to smiender if Khulagu would send him
his ring as a guage of safoty. This was sent, but notwithVanding he was
put to death on his arrival at Tsbrif, and his j^opdier, Shems ud din Alp
Arslan, was given the tlmme of the Greater Loristan.
The Lesser Lur was ruled by another, dynasty of Atabegs, founded
seventy years before. The fourdi of these Atabegs, Bedr ud din Masud,
had been driven out by his cousin and rival, Suljman Shah, who was
supported by the Khalif s troops. He went to hnplore the h^ of *
Mangu, and'accompanied Khulagu in his westward march. At the siege
of Baghdad his rival, Suliman Shah, commanded the Khalif s army. He
asked to have him surrendered to bun if captured. Khulagu replied,
^ That is a great promise to make to you by God." When Baghdad fell,
however, and Suliman Shah was killed, the latter's family were handed
over to Masud. He behaved so wdl to them that when he presently gave
them the choice of remaining in Luristan or g<Mng to Baghdad, few of
«Jiem went He was renowned for his Judgment, and knew by heart 4,000
juridical maxims of the Shafi Rite. He died two years after the taking
ot Baghdad. On his death his sons, Jenud ud din Bedr and Nasir ud din
Omar, struggled with Taj ud din Shah, son of Hosam ud dm Khalil, for
authority in tne Lesser Luristan.t
The generally fovourable treatment meted out to the Christians by the
Mongols had an exception in the case of Takrit, whose Christian
* Qtliti^Miiere, 3*3. > f Abal&n^j, Chron. Svr., 554.
: Tnfkhi Goxideh, dud by lyOhson, Ui. $9-961 IUrhttM»rx6i.t<).
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KHtlLAfiU UUll. I4K
inhahitantt had appliad to the Ctholkot to moaat that the/^houM have
a piefect sent to protect them. When the Mongok proceeded to slae^iter
the Arabti the Christian^ who remained for six weeks co n cealed in oae
of their chorchesi were accused by an Arab^ called Ibn Duri» of having
killed many of his co-religionists, and appropriated their pi op e ity* When
the Prefect brou^t this chaige before them they would not deny it, and
sent him vAiat things they had secreted. The fects having been i t p e st ed
to Khttlagn, he otdered them, in accordance with the Draconic Mongol
code, to be pot to death, and an officer waa sent with a contingent of
tvoopa, who took the Christians m parties of twenty to die citadel onder
pretence of nuddng them assiet at ito demolition, atnd then pot them
to death. Only ^ oki people were qMoed, and the boys and girls whom
theMoog^c«rriedoffci4»tive. The Mohammedans once more ooo^ied
the cathedral of Takrit, while the few Christians who had escaped were
mmistered to by two Carmonian priests (prssbyteri Cannonenses)« in die
other chnrches. Presently Ibn Dnri was in torn pot to death by a
Christian named Bahram« who had been nominated Prefect of Takrit*
Altogether, however, the condition of the Christians wasgready hnpr oved
an over the East by the Mongol invasion. They were rdieved from many
indignities which the Moslems had heaped upon them, |md Aey looked
txposk Kholagu as a ddiverer. After the capture of Baghdad the
Georgians David andhis people— having been a kmg thne aider arms,
asked permisskm to letom home. KhcUiga gave his permission, and
diey set oat kiaded with presents and booty, and retomed to TMis
by way of AserbaQan. This was hi 1359. At this time the grandees
ofihekmgdomwere greatly distressed that David's wife, Jigda Khaton,
had no son, and in order to secne a suc cessor he married a pretty
Oisetian-damsd called Aldnm, engnging not to see heragam tf shedionld
have a male chikL She had a son called Georgi, who was adopted by the
Queen. AKhun pteasntly had a danghter named Thamar. Soon after
the Qneen was buried hi the Royal Sepulchre of Mtsldi^UuLf
The Mongols were now masters of ail the country from the Oxus to the
Tigris, but Khubgu^s oemmission was that he should lay his hands upon
an Asia,, as for as the ferdiest west^ and tiie next objects of attack
therefore were Bfesopotanda and Syria. These two countries, with
Egypt^ had been dominated over by the ftunous Ayidnt dynasty, of which
Sakh od din was the greatest name. Egypt had been lost to die fiunily,
however« and was now controlled by die Mamlnks, but six brandies of
te Ayubit stock ruled over Arabian Irak and Syria. These were the
ptinoes of Mayaftskin, Hossnkief, Karsk, Aleppo, Hamath, and Hims.
If diey had been united in a ooomxm pdicy they might have ofiered a
reasonable resistance to the Mongols.- But who. ever heard of onion
* AbbMknJ, Chfgn. Syr., sS*-953* D*Obt&oa» ill 170-971. t Hin. de U Gforgt«, 553-S54.
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143 ninoRY or thb uohoiom.
among die Kurds? The most powerful of tfiese princes was Malik Narfr
YttSQ^ Prince of Aleppo and Syria, and great grandson of Salah nd din.
Mayafiukin, Hossnldef, and Karak were mled by descendants of Malikd
Aadil, Salah ad din's brother ; Hamatii by a descendant of Shahhi Shah,
another of his brothers, and Hims by a descendant of Shiiknh, Salah ud
din's uncle.* Nasir, Prince of Aleppo, had succeeded his fiidier in 12361
when only six years old, and in 1350 conquered the principality of
Damascus from the Mamluk Eib^, ^i^d had usurped authority in Egypt.
He intended driving Eibeg completely out of Syria, but having been
defeated by him in 1251 he ceded to him, on the mediation of the Uiali^
Jerusalem, Gaza, and the coast as £ur as Nabhis.f Nasir had sent his
Visier, the Sahib Zain ud din HaMI, to the Cdwt of Mangu, with
pradous gifts worthy of a sovereign, and bad been {^ranted a yaittgh and
paizah.t On Khulago^ arrival in Ae West, in 1258, he sent hb son Asis,
with the same Virier, to conciliate hfan.i Khitegu asked hfan why hb
fiudier had not gone in person, and was conciliated by the reply diat he
feared to leave his dominions lest they shookl be attacked by
the Fnmks.|| Makrisi says tiie young prince offered Khulagn ^
presents which he bore, and also asked for his aid to hdp
him to drive Ae Mamhikt out of Egypt Khulagu onteed diat the
prince on his return shodd be escorted by aoyooo honenMn.Y Novafarl
tells us that Nasir had also soit a letter to the Prince of Mosul to inter-
cede for hhn.** The young prince took bade with hfan for his fiidier a
letter which was composed by Nasir nd dhi of TuMf and which Wassaf
praises as a ^A^ dmrntn of this kind of Arabic co mp os iti on, in which
brevity and condensatioo, sonorons phraaesi short periods, cadences and
rhymes, alKtentkms and pons, and apt cfaations from the Koran, are
greatly admired«ff We have this letter in several copies dilfcrlng from
one anotfwr gieatly. It has been presei ve d by Rashid nd din, Waasa^
Abulfong, Makriri, and by Ibn Arabdiah fai his history of Tfannr.tt In
the first vdnme oTthb work I gave ^ letter as reported by Waasa^
Here I will'tranacribe the version , presei red by Makrisi >-*
*' We inform Malik Nasir, Prince of Alqipo, diat by the strength of the
sword of tiie most hi|^ God, we have oenqnered Baghdad, extemdnated
the warriors of diat tofwn, destroyed its boildings, and made its inhabitants
prisoners, according to the maxim whldi God hAs enshrined fai the sacred
volume. < When the Kings enter a town, they cause ravage diere and
Keduce to the dhest humiliation the most distinguished of thefaihabtonts.'
We summoned the KbaHf to our p tese nce, and addressed him questions
which he answered deceitfully. But he p r es en t l y repented of his conduct,
and has well deserved the death vdiich we inflicted on him. The p erve rse
man devotedhimself only to atnacfipg rir hes, and hoarding up preciotts
ff /A, B. so^sos, te. n /<^ SB* 9W9B9 Nottb
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KBUUUKJ KHAW: MS
objects, wHImmiI caring at all Ibr hit sQbjects. His npntaikm had spread
very widely, aad he occulted tbe highest rank. May God deimdos from
perfection, and the ftie attending giandeur.
WlwpftthJBglMUfWdMdtoliighwrpiiatitWi^tpdwptad.
WktofonlMffaiiHyiMytlMn bpfrfecdoobcwartoracBtagtropbt.
If jonsnpcoqwfOQS bs on jpow fiuknli
For crimM continnilfy wmSo fpodam.
Bow wmf wnKi lunnB ipMil om b||^ huppOyi
WHkMrwpwrh<ttlMtt<Madiwoo>dtM4<«tfyofw<>l»thMiy
^ When you have considered my letter hasten to submit to the Ki^g of
Kings, Ixird of the Worid, and to subjea to him your person, yoorpeoiUe,
your waifion, and yoor ricfaes. Thus you will avoid his anger and
deserve his benevotence. As God tiie most hic^ has declared in his
aoguet work, ^ Yes, man shall only reap the reward of his wock% and God
who knows his we>ks,will not fiul to recompense him with the greatest real**^
Mind yon do no^ as you have done beibfe, imprison our envoys, but treat
them according to the Uws of justice, and send diem back with proofr of
goodwill We ha;ve heard that some Syrian merchants and others have
taken refiige in a caravan-serai witb. thw wives and riches. If they were
to rethe to die mountains we wonid tear them down; if they hid beneath
the ground we would root them up.
Who thsM weipt^ fcr BO oae than Sod a hiding place.
Tha two okmanti t h a hmd and tha watar^baloog to as.
Oar radoc b taM a itrangth haa ovafcoma ttona,
Aadn SDd vUaia ara aah|irick to wn" t
The young prince, widi this somewhat truculent letter, started homewards
about a month after the capture of Bagh^tod, and we are not surprised
that it shoidd have aroused some penic in Syria. Nasir. sent his wile to
sede reftige at Kaiak, many of his people fled towaids iigypt, and many
were robbed and phmdeeed IMP fMKlivtiiidw:. Among other fugitives was
die Prince of Hims, and Wassaf has preserved the tesct of a bitter letter
which he says he sent to Khulagu in reply to the one the latter had sent
ThisI have abeadyabstractedt This no doubt inflamed the wrath -of
the MoQgols, which would not be made calmer idien they heard how
Nasfar had lately given t wdoome to 5,000 deserters from Khukgu's anny,
who are called Shdienurs, whence it is piobaUe diey were Kurds from
Sh eh enur. Pvesendy they deserted him in turn and went over to one of
his rivnlsi Moguidi, the Prince of Kaiak, with wbmn he was at this time
hi strUsL Havfaig at length made peace wHh Moguith, on condition
that the latter surrendered all the Bahri Mamhiki in his service, and
dismissed the Shtfiermrs, he retuned to Damascus. Some of the
Shehenurs went on to Egypt, and as frur as Biagfareb (m, Afiica).§
Khakgu set out on his new campaign on the lath of September, 1259^
and was accompanied) jlwlim/to, by Salih, the MaBk of Mosul Kitubuka
* Rftinff. dli. Ut. TariaiiOiiii
t Oi>. dl, 894s. TAota, i. ao6.«)8. ^^ « Hakriil, L 79^
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144 HISTORY or THB MOHQOLS.
commanded the advance guard, Singkor or SUktor and BaichB the n^
wing, Sunjak and other chiefs the left wing, while KhnUifa himaelf took
charge of the centre.* West of Ararat, between it and Emmrn, and
south of Hasan Kalaa, rises the moontain Alatagh (/^^ the spotted
mountain), where was the town of the same name. Khnlagu passed by
this, and Was so pleased with the rich pastures in Its neighbourhood that he
gave it a new Mongol name, vis^ Lebnasagutt Thence he entered the
district of Akhlaf or Khdat, on the northern shores of Lake Van, and the
mountains of Hakkar, the resort of Kurdish brigands, all of whom who fell
into the hands of the Mongds were duly executed.
KheUt, or Akhlat, which I have mentk>ned freqoentiy before, was a
very old town, fiunous in the time of Nnshirwan, and the residence
of his nnde, Shahmasp, and was caUed KhUat by the Greeks^ It was
famous for the size of its aisles, some of which weighed loo drachmas.
It first suffered from an attack of the Khuaresm Shah, and twenty years
later was much injured by an earthquake. Seyid Hussein of AUilat,
learned in all eastern knowledge^ had, before the great Mongol inroad
into Persia, incurred the displeasure of Jingis Khan, and migmted widi
13,000 fomilies to Cahro^ where his gravestone and the part of the dty
known as the quarter of the Akhlattians still p r es e r v e thefar memory.t
Khulagu now reached the province of Diaibekr, where he captured Jesireh,
generally called j[earat IbnOmar,afomous and very andentlittle town on
the Tigris, thirty parasangs firom MosuL It was surrounded by a wall,
with vhieyards and pleasaat suburbs about it Ibn Haitksl describes it as
die centre of trade for Armenia, Mayafiukin, and Aiaen, and dial ks
boats floated dpwn to Mosul laden with hooey, oil, rhesse, wahittts,
filberts, pistachio nnts, figs, &c It had ban captured by the Sdjukisi
and was devastated at a biter day by Tiorar. The Syrians call it
Gonrta§
KhoUigu now sent the Malik Salih to attack Andd, the andent
Tigranocerta.|| The geog ra pher, Seif uddanlat ibn Hamdan, tdls ns it was
situated on a rock west of the Tigris, tdiich it drnntnand fixm dM height
of fifty fothoms. It was surroundied bye bh^k wall con^NMed of stones
used in Irak as millstones, each one being wordi fiftygold pieces. Inskle
the wall were thi^ streams, which turned several mills. Itwasfonneriy
very flourishing, vines and firuit trees girdhng it about, while npny pkms
foundations existed on its ramparts. "When I visited it,* sigfs our
author, ^'in 534 m^., it only retamed feeble traces of iu fotmer sel£
Formeriy it was the home of distiagUi^ied men, sages, philosophers, men
of leuers, and wealthy people, ; but tyranny, InjostKe, and mtcteable
oppression compelled them to fly fiom their hearths, so that the homes of
Amid were deserted."!^ It revived again under the Ortokid prinoe% and
* Qttatramere, 3n-3>9* t /^.i ^ IlVbiuiJ, I 173 J IlkhMia, i. i73-if4.
i QuattcA«re, 3a6-33x. Notr 1 7 J. , 331, N<Am, % Qtmitmamt, 33^, Nol*.
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unrtAW CHAN. 14$
becamea centre for the carpet trade. It was repeatedly captured and
ie<aptured by the Arabs, Egyptian^ and Mongols. Haidar Rasi calls it
KarA Hamid, and tells us ito cttatiel was one of the strongest in the
world. The Portuguese Teixeiro calls it Caraemite, and in the itinerary
of an Italian merchant of the L6th oeiituiy» published by Ramusio^ it is
called Guramit*
Meanwhile the Prince of .Mardin sent his son with a suite to
oflibr his obedience. In rqfily to the smrnmwis of Khulagu he professed
that he was ill and could not go in person. The Mongol chief
deemed the sickness diplomatic, and that the cautious prince was
evidently afraid of taldng sides with a possibly unlucky cause.t
To revert to Khulagu, we are told he advanced upon Niaibin, where the
peofde having resisted, it was pillaged. Dui^lasar (i>., the head of the.
worid), according to Ibn Khallikan, a place between Nisibin and Ras ain,
where several roads converged, and Harran were then secured.)
Abnl£uaj, who says Khulagu's army numbered 400^000^ adds that the
peof^ of Harran submitted Roha or Edessa (the modem Urfri) did the
same. The people of San^ however, having resisted, were ahnost exter-
minared.§ At Roha Khulagu was visited by Haithon, the King of Utde
Armenia. The Mongol chiefs known friendliness for the QMristlan% and
the bitter strife the latter in their crusading days had with the Mussulmans
of Syria, doubtless made Khulagu's arrival seem like tfiat of a deliverer.
Weave told Haithon, whose contingent was a r:8pectable one— la^ooo
horse and 4,000 foot soldiers— recommended him, in attacking, Syria, to
begin with Aleppo. || This was perhaps partly to protect the Crusaders
and his relative, the Prince of Antioch.
While Khulagu was at Harran, Nasir, the Syrian prince, cafled a
coundl, where it was determined to resist ; but he was a poet raUier than a
warrior, and his heterogeneous force of Arabs, Turks, and volunteeta
was not reliaUe. Uis Virier, Zain ud din El Hafiii, who was aware of
this, enlarged on the power of Khulagu, and urged him.to submit This
aroused the frmatidsm of the Mamluks, and especially of Bibars, one of
their chiefe, who one day struck him and accused him of wishii^ to ruin
the Mussulmans. The next night Nasir was attacked, and only esoqied
asMSsinadon by seeking shelter with his brother Tahir in the citadel. of
Damascus. Some of the principal Amirs persuaded him to return to his
.camp^ which he did, but Bibars, who was disgusted with his pusillanimity,
rode off to Gasa. Na^ now sent his wife, who was.a dauc^ter of the
Sdjuk ruler, Kai Kobad, his sou, his treasures, .and his harem to Egypt,
and this was followed by a large exodus of those who left under various
pretences, so that Nasir's army virtually disbanded, and he was left only
* QuAtramere, 33X:333* t D'Ohsson. ui. $oR | Quatremere. 391, and notes.
I Chron. Anb., 347. Cnron. 8yr., sec I wonki add that me ord«r ot abuafs'i cooqa
htc caoipalgn, aa gnran hj RaiUd ud aai. is misletiduuc aad irregular.
I IXOhsfon. ill. Kott nkliaasi L 174.
K
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146 HI8IOST orTHB uonoois.
wHh dome Amirs.* Nasir sent to ask help from die Egyptian
aothorities. When his envoy readied Cairo, die throne was filed by
Bfansttr, a son of Eibeg, who was a mere child. His ooancH was
convened, and the grand judge, Bedr ud dhi Hasan, and the Sheikh Ixnd
din Ibn Abd us Sakm, were aftedibr their opinion, whether it was lawful
under the circumstances to levy a war tax on the nation. They replied
that when the enemy had entered the territory of Islam, it was the duty of
every Mussuhnan to arm, and that a levy might be made. This dedsion
was accepted Meanwldle the times were not fiivourable for a boy to
fin the throne. The threatening aspect of affliirs, and the appearance of
Khulagu, gave a pretentious excuse to Kuttus,Man8ni^atabeg,ortutor,to
seise the throne, at least until die Tartars were driven bade Hepiofesse4
to be a nephew of the Khuarezm Shah, Jelal ud din, and that he had been
formerly cBptoitd^hy the Mongols, and sold as a sliive at Damascus^
whenoe he was taken to Cairo. Haring imprisoned the discontented, and
received the all^iance of die army, he wrote to Nasir a humMe lettur
ofiering lUm die throne oC Egypt, and treating hhnaelf as his tteutenant
there. He said he would inarch hito Syria to his help If he widiedit, but
if this would embarrus him ofiered to send an army under any general he
might name.f
Khulagu having secured his rear by the conquest of Mesopotamia, now
continued his advance, accompanied by his wifo, Dckux. He ^ptuied
the fort of Bire or El Buret, on the Euphrates, where the AyuUt prince
Said had been imprisoned for nine yestrs. Having set him at Ubeity,
and given him the oonmumd of Snbaibahand Banias,t Khubgu crossed
the river by four bridges of boats, viz., at Malatia, Kalat ur Rum <^
the koman casdeX El Bhet, and Kirfcesia, r espec tiv id ly on the sites of
the ancient Melitene, Zeugma, Birtha, and Kirkeskm. The guards
s tationed at these fords were kitted. He cultured Menbedsh, the ancient
Hieci^lis, also calledBombyce, and cmce fomous for its ten^des (eapeckdiy
that to Astarte) and cotton products.! Various pfaices on the Bophrates
were taken, and Aeir inhabitants riangfatered, siidi as Bfabog Nsjm
(/.#., die star casde), Rakka (die andent Kaffinike or Nkephoriwn),
Jaaber (finnous m dbehistofy of the Osmanli as die place where Suliman,
one of their eariy sukans, was drowned, and where we are tdd his grave,
called the Turkish grave, stin remams), and Lash (?). II When a division
of the Mon^Gfls reached Salamiyet, near Aleppo, soi!ne of die garrison,
with a rabble of the dtiaens, wentout to oppose them, but seeing that the
enemy ofiisred a firm front they withdrew. Presently they made a similar
effort, and posted themselves at die mountafan Bancnssa, under the Ayubit
prince MoaszamTuran Shah. The Mongols drew diem faito an i
UkrHL8^8S. f lyOhMon, Hi. 4x5.31^ IMakiHt
i Ab«ilfiuWtCliroii.8TK.,s5S- Chron. AnS., mZ* Ukknt, sSi-xSi.
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KdULAGir ttiAN. 147
kiflad a considerable number of them, and then marrhed to Am, north
of A]q)po, which capitulated. Other divbions secured the towns of
Maaret Naaman, Hamath, and Hims, and also the town of Bab All
or Babela, near Antsoch, so called from St Babylas.*
The Mongols now approached Aleppo. Aleppo is famous both for its
andent prosperity and trade^ and fiar its products-rcucnmbers, water
melons, figs, i^uricots, and especially pistachio nuts, which are called by
the Arabs the di^igfaters of memory, since eating them is thought to
strengthen that fiunilty. As the nUrtpdt for Indian goods, it was known
as the Little India. Before the Jewish Gate^ also called the Gate of
Delight, is a great and ancient stone on which Jews and Giristians used
to swear. Mussuhnans reverence Aleppo as the abode of Khisr, the
guardian of the sources of lifo (the legends about whom are mixed 19 with
those of Saint George), and also because Abraham is said to have milked
his herds here. The latter legend has possibly arisen out of the corruption
of the ancient name of the eity, Khalybon, into Alep^ which in Arabic
means milkf The Mongols now approached the fomous dty. Khulagu
sent the Prince of Erzerum to Moaszam Turan Shah, its governor,
to say that they did not wish to do it or its inhabitants any harm,
their quarrel being merely with Nasir, and requesting only, that two
Mongol Shahnahs might be allowed— one in the town, the other in the
citadel— to await the impending battle which was to decide to whoni the
place should belong. If the Mongols won it was to be theirs, if the Sultan
won then they might put the Shahnahs to death. Moaaam r^ed that
there was (mly a drawn sword between thenw-a rash reply, which
brought a sharp Nemesis.^
The place was now beleaguered. Arkatu Noyan was posted at
the gate of the Jew% Kitubuka at that of Rum' (iltf., of the Greeks),
Sunjak before that of Damascus, and Khulagu himself before that of
Antioch.§ The town was surrounded by lines of circumvallation, on
which were planted the battering engines, consisting of twenty catapults,
and the attack was sustained for seven days, b^ing chiefly pressed against
the so-called gate of Irak. The place fell on the 25th of January, i96o^||
and a general massacre ensued, which lasted for five days, and ^^as at
length put an end to by a proclamation of Khulagu. He had issued a
finnan, in virtue of which the houses of Shihab ud din Ibn Amru, of
Najm ud din, the brother of Mazdekin, of Bazdiad, and of Aim ud din
Kiasari, of Mosul, were to be spared. In these, in the khanoka or
monastery of the Sufis, where Zain ud din Sufi lived, and the synagogue
of the Jews, upwards of 50^000 people found shelter.lT The citadel,
whither Moazzam Turan Shah had fled, held out for two months longer.
* Ibn Tagri BIrdH, h IXOhnon, 01. 3ir^0. IIUuuis, 1. 189. AbvUUa, hr. j(n-57S» «
t lUaoi, I. X83. t AbalMa, hr. S77-S79* lyObMoa, ifl. 318-319. % XjSilonm
|Wd,iT. xj. YAb«lftda,iv. 579.
i«^ 334-335-
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<4^ RI8r01tY*0r THE MONGOLS.
during which some people who were suspected of carrying on ft corre-
spondence with the Mong6ls were put to death. At lengdi, however, the
garrison deemed it better to surrender. Haithon says it was captured by
sapping, and their lives, inchiding that of Moazzam, who was a very
old man, and who died a few days later, were spared The Mongols
released 'Some Mamluks who had been imprisoned there, inter aUos^
Sonkor Ashkar, Self ud din Tenkez, Seif ud dm Beramak, Bedr ud
din Bekmesh Masudi, Lajin Jamdar Salehi, and Kijadi the Little.
They were handed over to a Kipchak in tlM service of the Mongols,
named Sultan Jak, of whom we have ahrady spoken in describing the
campaign against Baghdad.* The prisoners were sold to the Armenians
of Cilicia and to the Europeans.! Makriri says the streets were so
encumbered with corpses that the Mongols marched over them. The
number of women reduced to slavery he calculates at loo^ooa The
citadel was razed, and the walls of the city, the jamis, mosques, and
gardens were destroyed, t Rashid ud din tells us that during the siege
several chiefs, such as the Amirs Kurjan, Uju Sokurji and Sadek Kurchi,
were wounded in the fisu:e and elsewhere. Khulagu congratulated them,
saying that as a rose colour is the prettiest parur$ of a woman, a man
can have no nobler ornament than some crimson blood strewn over his
face and beard.§
Among the prisoners were several of Nasir's children with their
mothers.|| Haithon says that Khulagu presented the King of Armenia
with the spoib he had captured at Aleppo, and also made over to him
some of the lands he had conquered, so that the King secured several castles,
which he fortified. Khulagu afterwards sent him some presents by the
Prince of Antioch, and restored to him the districts he had captured from
the Muhammedans, and which they had retaken,^ a heritige which
brought its Nemesis when the Mussulmans were again dominant
Vartan tells us that Haithon accompanied Khulagu on this campaign, and
redeemed many Christians, both lay and cleric, who had been made
prisoners.** Abulfieuaj, the historian, was at this time the Jacobite
metropolitan of Aleppo. He tells us the upper part of his church had been
destroyed by the Balbecenses (<>., the people of BaalbekX and in fear of
these events he had gone to visit Khulagu. He had been detained by him
at the fortress of Nedjm, on che Euphrates, and deplores that in
consequence he could not protect his flock as he would have wished.
The Mongols apparently found their way into a Greek church and killed
a crowd of Christians who had sought refuge there, only a few being saved
by the exertions of ah Armenian priest named Tunis, the brother of the
Catholicos Mar Constantine, and by the monk Khurakh.tt
Khulagu now issued a prodamation, in which he appointed Amad ud
* rd.t j8> Makrixi, L oo. t D'Ohtsoo, Ui. 3*0. I Makriii, 90W S Quatrtmtre, 397.
I D'OhsMo, ill 390. % Opw cit., ch. m. lyOlttNa* HL 3SI. Not*.
** Jouni. Atiat., 5th ter., xvL 893. ti Abulflun^, Chnm. Syr^ 535*556.
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KHULAGU KHAN. 149
<&!, of Kazvby his locmm tmrns. at Aleppo, and intrasted the citadel of
the same place to Fakhrod din ; Tukal Bakhshi being appointed Shabnab
or Mongol commissary.* On the arrival of the Mongols in Syria,
MansuTy son of Motaflbr, Prince of Hamath, left diat town in diarge of
die Tavashi Mweshid, and went to Damascus. Mureshid, on hearing of
the fidl of Aleppo, rejoined his master, wfaerenpon the notables of
Hamatb, taking the keys of the city with them, went and submitted to
Khcdagn, asked him to spare their lives and property, and to appoint a
duihnah. Kholagu appointed a Persian named Khostii Shah, said
to have been descended from Khaled, the son of Valid, as governor of the
town, and Mojayed ud din Kaimas as commander of the citadel f When
die news of the fidl of Aleppo reached Damascus, the Malik Nasir was still
there. He had collected an army of loo^ooo Arabs and Perdans, who now
dirixmded, eadi one sold his furniture, and prepared to fly in hot haste.
Nasir left the camp at Berzah, near Damascus, on the a9th of January,
and taking with him the Prince of Hamath, and the few retamers who
stood by him, went towards Gaza. The citizens were thus defenceless,
and so great was the anxiety to get away that the hire of a camel rose to
Tfio pieces of silver. There was a general stampede, and it was thought
the Day of Resurrection had arrived.} On the departure of Nasir the
Vizier Zain Hafidi, aheady named, took possession of the city, and
closed its gates, and having summoned the citizens, it was agreed to
surrender it to the Mongols, and it was duly made<yver to Fakhr ud cyn
Merdegai, to the son of the commander of Erzerum, and the Sherif Ali, who
had been sent as his envois to Nasir by Khulagu. They informed
Khulagn, who sent a Mongol corps to take possession of it, forbidding his
soldiers to touch anything belouging to the citizens. Khulagu meanwhile
appointed the Kadhi, Mnhi ud din ibn Tald, Kadhi of all Syria, and gave
him a robe of honour, made of golden tissue. The Kadhi thereupon returned
to the city, and having assemUed the chief inhabitants m the great mosque,
on the Sunday, the 3rd of February, dressed in his IdiUat, read- out his
diploma of investitin^ with Khu]agu*s order granting a general amnesty. J
He was shortly followed by two commanders, one Mongol and the other
Persian, who had received orders to treat the people well, and to
obey him, and they were followed on the ist of March by Kitubuka
Noyan with a body of Mongols. The act of amnesty was again
read, and also a dii^oma conferring on Kamil ud din Omar Tiflisi the
office of Kadhi alkodat in aU the towns of Syria, at Mosul, Mardin, and
Mayafiukhi, and also the superintendence of the mosques and pious
foundations. This order was pubhdy read in the Maidan-akhdar, or
green square.||
• AboUMLhr.SlS. QMtrHBcra, m9- t AboUoda, iv. <8i. D'OhMoo^ULji
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1)0 H^TOftY or THE MOMOOLS.
Makrixi tellt ui the Chriadaiis at Dunatcns now bogMi to be In the
ascendant They pitxluced a dijtona of Khnk^ guamtedng them
e^Mttss protection and the ftee eierciae of their rdigioa They drank
wme freely In the month of Ramaifti, and spilt it in the open stroets» on
the clothes, of the Mussulmans and the doors of the mosques. When
they tmvcned the streetSi bearing Ae cross, they compeOed the raerchanu
to rise,, and iUtreated those who refused. They carried the cross In the
streets and went to the church of St Mary, where they preached sennona
In praise of their frith, and said openl/, ** The true fidth, the fidth of the
Messiah, is to-day triumidiant'' When the Mnssnhnans romplalned they
were treated with indignity by the governor lypointed by Khulagu, and
several of them were by his orders bastbadoed. He visited die Christian
churches, and paid deference to their deigy.* The governor here meant
was no doubt Kituboka, who was a Kenut and a Christian. "Guiboga,"
says Haithon, '^loved the Christians, for he belonged to the raoe of the
three kings who went to worship Our Saviour at his nativity.*t
Meanwhile Zain Hafidi levied fanmense sums on the inhabitants
with which he bought costly stu^ and gave them to Kitubuka, to
Baidara, and to the Mongol amirs and generals, and sent them daily
gifts of various kinds.} The citadel of Damascus still held out under
Bedr ud din Muhammed ibn Karmjah and the Amir Jelal ud din ibn
Sairafi. Kitubuka laid siege to it Meanwhile, however, there came on
a terrible storm of rain and hai^ with a hurricane of wind, and an earth-
((uake which shook the district, and the siege was aocordii^y protracted.
Twenty catapults battered the walls withouti ceasing^ until the wearied
garrison agreed to capitulate. The Mongols then entered the plaoe^
secured all the vakiables, dcmdished a large number of the towers, and
set fire to the si^ge madiittery.§ Zatn Hafidi sent to ask Khulagu what
was to be done widi the commander of the fortress and his deputy, and
having received orders to put th^m to death, he did so with his own
hand, at the Mongol can^ of Merj Bargut||
At this time the Ayulnt prince Ashni^ who had been deprived of Huns
by Nasir twelve years before, and had been given Telbashir in exchange,
having pres e nt ed himself before Khuli^ was by him r ei nstat e d in his
principality. He was also given a dipkmia constituting him viceroy of
Damascus and of all Syria, and Kitubuka and the other amirs were
constrained to obey him.Y
WhHe the sege of Aleppo was proceeding a summons was sent to
Harim, a town situated between Aleppo and Antioch, often mentioned In
the history of the Crusades, and fomous for its pon^^fanates; and as it
did not surrender it was attacked. The cidMns offered to submit if a
Mussulman in whom they could trust was sent to swear on the Koran
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KHULAOU KHAN. 151
tbat they would be ^Mred. Khvlaga inquired whnn they wished, aad
they replied Fakhr ud din, who was the commander of the citadel of
Aleppo. Khulagu accordingly sent him, but piqued at their refusal to
trust his word, he had them all skngfatexed— old and young, women and
children— except an Annenian goldsmith** Fakhr od din was also pot
to death, having been charged with tyranny by the people of DaRiascus.t
Abulfiuraj says he was upbraided by Vah ud din, son of Safi nd din,
Prince of Aleppo, who said, *' He kffled my CtUher and brothers, to whom
he had said, * surrender the town, lest you be put to death."* t Zain
Hafidi, from Damascus, was given his command, and we are told that
Mogul, with three Persian assessors, Alai ud din Jashi, Jemal ud din
Karicai Kasvinf, and the Kadhi Shems ud din Komi, were given charge of
Damascus.§
While Khulagu was encamped at Aleppo, Sinktur Noyan arrived from
the Imperial bead-quarters in Mongolia with iae news that Mangu Khan
was dead. Khulagu was greatly distressed* and determined to return
home.|| Haithon says that it was liis intention to have returned to
Mongolia to put in a claim for the Imperial throne, but that when he
reached Tebiiz, hearing that his second brother Khubilai had been nkmd
to that digMty* he did not go oa.Y
/Me I.— The ipeSing of Hengol names is a sabfeet of great Afflculty. For
the most part Western writers have followed the spelling used by the Persian
anthors, to whom we owe so much of our foformation about the Mongols, in
which the names ate presented In a decayed fashion. The name of the founder
of the power of the Ifldians is generally written Rulaga or Hulalra. I have
wptH it Khulagu, and faa^ Mlowed In so Mng tiie enellent example of
8chmidft,**wbowasooeQflbetorlldagoIsdiohffSofottrthne. Fraahnwrete
a paper whkh he entitled, ^ De Ildianerum seu CMagMamm nmnis com-
msDtatia" M. Reoand wrote the name, Knlagu.tt Remasat haa the faitetestlog
note: ** Roolagou (fflfeus Khoulakou) est aommd par les Qrecs X^^'^ par
aos hisloriens daon, par les Armenhms Houlav.*^ Von Hammer writes :
''Rnbign oderwis dleMoagolea den Namea schrelbea und sprechen, Chnlagii.**||
Schleflier also writes the name In the same way. This is assuredly ample
anthority, and In view of it I cannot rsslst quoting the following characteristic
phraaeof Major Raverty, a^rv;^ of the way I spelt the name in a former volume :
** Anyone nHio understands a single letter of Oriental tongues knows that
gbtthOai it aa iaipoastble as Khulagu for Hulaku, and is iocoftect, whatever
ths « Mongol ' piefossors aaay say." 1 1 While the Armenians retain the initial
* AbsMuaJ, Chfoo. Arab., 348. Chnm. Syr., $36, t QiuttrenMi«,^K>; Z Chroo. 8yr.» ss&
\QmumMt%s99'3¥t IQn» tr i iinMi 34i« 1 Op. di., du .9. D^wm, iU. 3«{. Motet.
** J6mn. Amu, nt ter., UL xcS. tt Jooa. Asiiit., jni tcr^ xiu. 1x4, ftc.
JX Redierchts »ur les Lusmi Tutuei, x68. Kott. if IHeban^ L r^
I Tmtakat't-NMiri, xaxs. Note. * See alio Mme worii, pp. xat5*t«a6w Not
Note,
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153 HISTORY or THB MONGOLS.
ispirate in dM fomit Houlav, HanUes, Hulaoo, the Qeonpant havt dropped
it Id UmH of Ulo, which is like the form given hy lluto Polo, Aleo. The
Chin eee write the bsbm Hie lie wn. The name in Mongol meant atrnply
thieC*
iV#i^ t^— Some Mongol wofda whieh haUtnaUy occur in these pages deaen re
a little notice here, u Hhjmm Nojran or Noin is a Mongol word, and means
the leader of a tnman or division of io/xm> men.t The Jihan-lnishai says oni»
ofj ingis Khan's sons was called UloghNoyan, that ie to say»Orsat Amir. In
the Zaftr Nameh we read in one place, " The anUrs and nojant ofjagatal.**^
At the present day, noin or noyan among the ICongpls and Kalmnhs mesne a
princeor any memher of the Royal FamUy.| x Tkj^or ThitJU, The over chief
of a elns or tribe was formerly styled Taishi among the Mongols and Kahnnks.!
Now the title is nsed nearly co-eitensively with the word Noyan, and ia
applied to thoee of royal blood.^ Among the Tomeds and Kafchini the
Taijis are styled Tabunans, which was possibly the primitive title in use in
Mongolia. Among the Mongols generally by tabanan is now ondcrttood the
sons-in-law and brothers-in-law of emperors and princes, answering to the
Oefo of the Manchos.** The title is of Chinese origin,tr and conresponds to
the very primitive title of Tai si or Taishi, which means Grand Master, a thle
which was borne by the eenlor offidsl of the empire.tt Rsthid nd din says
that Taishi was a Chineee word, meaning a great teadier, or a skiltal writer.||
Abulghasi also says It was a Chineee word, meaning the eame as Hails in
Arabic, ^^ one who knows something by heart || 3. AvMnr. The word
Behador or Bahador, says Qoatromere, is not of Fsrslan origin, bot is dsrhred
from theldongol word Baghatnr, mnanfag bcava^ warlike. Clavlfo speaks of
** los valientes ebahadnres," and a little lower down he says that the man who
drinks the most wine Is styled Bahador. The word is written bagator in
Jehosaphat Barbaro*s Travels^ and later, ia those of Haoway, «i derivative of
. Uiejword is behaduriyiiieaning an aa of courage 1 he Akbar Nameh mention
acorpsofbehadors* In later timee the name was applied to a class of Ihnctlon*
sries.^^ The Rossians have adopted the word in the form bogator. 4. SksJkmaA.
This wordy according to Quatremere, meant at different times a g'ovemor, ooe
who had charge'of the police in a town, a head man. In the Kamns we read
the word Shahnah^ in speaking of a town, indicates the person who governs it
on behalf of the Saltan. According to the supplement to the Borhani Kati,
p. 1060, the term among the Persians was chiefly used to connote the person
charged with superintending the night patrols, and otherwise called katnal.
Ibn Khalidun, speaking of the Mongols, says ; ** They eetaUished one of their
amirs in each town, who« with a body of troops, was charged with the protectkm
of the country, and they gave thla officer the name Shahnah ; ** and in another
paMage he tsyft: **A Shahnah who represented the supreme chief of the
* S«e Goingoc, ed. BroiMt, 179. Note 19.
t Maaakk Alabtir, q«oc«d bv Qoatremerv, 76. Note. 1 fd.
^ Pallas* Saml. Hbu Nach, L 186. Rytachkof Orenbori^ilM Topognphia, t. ja
Nomadiaclie Strciforden, B» 30.*
f Palku. loc. dt. fiergnaao, id, t See Hyadntli'i Mon«otia, l>y Borg, jao.
•^ id,y»t. Note. tt Pallas, Saml Hist. Nach, CiB? Note.
n De Mailla, L I79>i8i. Notes. ^ EixlmanD, Temudschin, 196. g Op. dt, 67.
%^ Quatremere, 307.308. Note.
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KHVLAOU KHAH. t$3
MoofoK midtd cottMMlly at B^iiJid. Wb«i Q%M$n KhM mocmtMl the
AiOttt, Im drovt the SluUinahs (rot, find eaiited fait onirn name aloM to te
ootbeooin.'* In the faistorr of Bedr ed din Aintabi we lead that Timnrlenk
ei t abliehed a Shabnah at Damaacnt to command there in hit name. Ffriihta
appliee the name to the head oi the cooaeU and aleo to one intrnated with
•operiotendinf the police of the marhete» and tpeaka of a Shahnah of the
haiaar* Von Hammer aeems to imply that the word, which he writee 8hchn€,
it Arebic and not Mongol, and he inakae it the eqoindent of the Mongol batkalc,
which oNane a governor, end occva fireqvently in this tenee, at •* Arghaman,
the Great Baakah of Volodomir,'' ftct Daraf^ wat a aimUar title, which
eriginally meant one in charge of the police. The Byaantinet knew the
tklo in the fbcm Daregae; the Kalmaka vte it in the form Darf^nL
The Tongntee alto employ it in the eenae of head of a l;^be.| $. BUMU.
The word bitkichi, or bitikchi ai it it aometimee written, ie a Mongol
word meaning a aeribe or eecretaiy. In the **Jih«o-kQthai*' we read,
"the bitUchlt, the malika, and the other amin,** and eltewheve, ^among
the Mnaeafanaabitki^swM the Amir ImadnlMnlk." There ie aleo mention
made in the aame work of the chief tecretary,UlQgh bitkichi. Radiid,whohaa
freqoentrefoiencea to the title, eaya: "Formerly the key of the Grand Seal wat
lothehaadaorthebitkichL'* Inthe«2alerNameh**wereadof««thebltkicfaie
oftheChanoellafy.* The word it ttill in nee among the Mongda, for we read
m Hyadnth't work, ^ Denkwnrdigkatten aeber die MoogoUe,'* 306, *' Utechtt-
tchi,** that it to tay, ecribe; and in «Timkofoki*t fonrnal,'' '• bitkhechi,*' that
it to tay, aecretary of the teventh daaaf
/^0tt 3.— The Eattem Chrittiant were at thit time broken into to many tecta
6iat it la not eaay to exactly realiae or follow the detatlt of their erganitation
or to nnderetand the nature of the iBgnitiet filled by thdr higher clergy. A
fow wordt on thit eobject may not be uninteretting. There were three great
tchitma in the Battem Chvrch, arittng oat of difEsrent ways of riewiog the
Incarnation. Firtt and mott important wat that of the Nettoriant, dating
from the fifth century, who held that Christ had two dittinct natoret, one
divine and one fanman, and that the Incarnation wat not a natural and complete
union of the Dirine Word with human -nature, but a timple retidence of the
Word in a man, at in a temple. Almost contemporaneous in origin with the
Mestoriana were the Monophytitet, alto called Jacobitet, who held that thert
were not two natnret mbgled together in Christ, but one nature only. The
Mcmophysitet prevailed chiefly in Egypt and Syria, while the Nestorians had
their chief teatt fiirther eatt Lattly, the Armenian Church separated itself
at the Council of Chalcedon, on the question of the tingle nature of Chritt^ and
other mattere.
The orthoidox were ttyled timply Gredct or Melkitet (i.#., Imperialittt), tince
they recognited the civil tupremacy of the Emperor of Bysantium. and the
tcdetiattical superintendence of the Patriarch of Antioch, who was once the
tyqeilfwiriOoldto
• Makrid, by Quatrtmerc, B. i9S'>07* Nou. , ^
i QaatNBMi^ RaihM nd dta, u9>ji^
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J 54 HISTORY Of TRB MONGOLS.
mpreoit ha«d of all the AiUtk Christlaiis. TIm jMoUtM bad a patriaicb of
their own, with hit toat either at Amid, or in the nxmatteiy of Bamma, aear
Malatiya. They aleo had a Maphrian or Primate, whoee dignity wae inter-
aediaU between that of the Patriatch and the AscMMdiop» who Hired at
Taltfit, and mled over the more eaatem dioceeea. In 8ytia» Aaia Minor, and
the ooontriee watered by the Bnphratee and the Tigrie» thcire weee as many as
lax JaooUte biahoprics.
The Patiiafch of the ArmeniaaB had hie eeat at Kalaal m Rnm, on the
Bophiatee, and mled over abty-lNV iliooeeii. The Nmoriin p e t i fai c h a, hi
the time of the Selenddan Brnpire, bad their eeat at Koohd, near Seleoda, a
town leparated by the Tigria from Cteaiphon. When the AbbaaMan KhaUlb
made Baghdad thehr capital the Neatorian patriarcha moved their eeat thither.
Before the schiam theae patriarcha had been aafiiagaaa of the pelriarcha of
Antioch, with the title of Atchbiahope of Seiencia. After the sep arat ion from
the orthodoi dmrch, abottt the year 498, it beonme the practice te them to be
elected by a aynod, com poaed of a nnmber of n m tr opolitana and thebirfiopeof
the dioceeea neareat to Ba|^dad, and after baring recehred the c on flrmatl on of
the Khalif, they were dttlyconaecratedaoco wUn g to ancient coatom to the chmch
of Koch^ The Neatorian patriarcha had aecnred the e«lnsion ftom Baghdad
of the aoffiragan of the orthodox Patriarch of Antioch, and of the Maphrian of
the Jacobites. The Jacobitee had only a biahop there, and the ortfaodoKOreeka
at Baghdad were only oecaaionally visited by one of thehr own biihope* The
Neatorian Chnrch to Aaia co m p ria ed twenty.five p ro vin ce s and aeventir
dioceses, and included Irak Arab, Meeopotemto, Diarbekr, Aseibn^AB, 8yrta,
Persia, India, Transosiana, Tnrhestan, China, and Tangnt* The Neeteriaa
patriarch was not only the spiritaal head of his co-religionists, bat had chfl
authority over them also^ and also held from the Khalif the right to Jndge
dispates among the Jacobitea and Melkites; and even the clergy of the two
latter rites were subjected to him by two diplomas, written to Arabic, of whi^
the terms have come down to ne. They ran aa follows: ** The raler of the
faithful has thought proper to constitute yon CathoUcoa of the Neetorian
Christians living to the City of SalvaUon {i^ Baghdad) and of all other
countriea, and to set yon over the Jacobites and Qreeka living in the coootiy
of tbb Mussulmans, or who happen to be travjsUtog there. Caose yonr orders
to be respected by all Christians."t Many Christians daring the Khalitate
followed the profeasion of doctors, and although it was contrary to law, were
also employed aa scribes to the admtoistration. These officials acquired
conaiderable tofluence over their co-religionists, and thus inflaenced the
elections of the patriarcha. Daring the first two lines of Khalil^ Chriatiana
even secured sometimes the government of provtoces. They pr o ep ered greatly
for some time to Egypt and Syria, but presently aroused the envy and cupidity
of the Mussulmans, at>d aa they became richer they became also the more
certato victims of the orthodox officials and of outbreaks of fisnaticism. The
Christians therefore looked upon the Mongols aa saviours and frienda, and Ibr
a while the latter, no doubt findtog them useful allies against a common foe,
• P'Otown, iU. •7S-«Si. t /d,, ali-tSa,
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KHULAOU KHAk. 155
treated them with coniideration, and until they themselves became Mnham*
medana the condition of the Christians was no doubt greatly imptoved.*
A^4.— The anfiuniHar titles and dignities in use among the Georgians,
Mveral of which occur in these pages, make it oselbl to devote a few words to
them. Immediately below the King were the thawads or princes, a word
derived from thawi, bead, and equivalent to the Latin princeps (f.#., primom
caput). They were of three classes: tho first class, styled didebuls (•>.," the
great" or the glorioos), comprised in Karthli the heads of the six arialocratic
fiuniliea (i$^ the Eristhavs of Aragvi and of Ksao, the heads of the
AmilakhorSy Orpelians, and TiiUishlvili, and the Maliks of Somkbeth), but in iu
widest sense the term included all the princes having large domains, or an
iafluential position either in KartbUor the other Qeergiaa distxiets. a. The
mthawara, an adminislrative rank, including the Dadian, theOuriel, the Atabegy
the Sharwashidxd of Abkhaaia, and the principal grandee of Suaaeth. 3. The
eristhavs (ru;, literally, chiefs of the people), also rather administrative titles
than titles of nobility, included, besides those already named, those of Radsha,
of Bar in Imeretb, and certain great vassals of the Prince Guriel
Next to the thawads or princes were the asnaurs or nobles. These were
sometimes in the feudal service of the thawads, and could pass into that rank.
A class somewhat apart was that of the mokalak^ or b^rgtois, who were
found chiefly at Tlflis, and were almost entirely of Armenian origin, that town
being eseentlally an Armenian town. The traders of Oorl, another Armenian
town, formed a aimOar body Nearly ell the jarger merchants iii Georgia were
Armenlana, except in Western Georgia, where there were many Jewbh traders.
Few Georgieos followed the voeatkm of trade In the towns. Next to the noblee
were the msakhnrs« a dasi standing above the serft or slaves, and employed in
the service of the nder or the State either as soldiers or ^rhh civif functiona.
The ehief of the msakhurt was the third official in rank in the State. " It would
seem * says Brosset, ** that, as in Russia, the fact of a man's being in the public
service gave him a special status.'*
The title ** son of an asnaur " had the same significance in Georgia that that
of "sonof aboyard" had in Russia. The head of a family represented its
Dobility; the other members .were known as sons of aznaurs ; so it was also with
the thawads.
Lastly, were the monas dt slaves, and qmas or serfs, who were attached to
the soil, and worked it, perfor ming in return certain services, paying certain
imposts, ftc They were royal serfs (i.#., belonging to the Treasuiy) or private.
Some could have property of their own, others nott
/</., 983*aS$. t Hist, de U G^orgk, iDirodactioo, budx., Ixxxi.
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CHAPTER III.
KHULAGU KH Al^.'--CofU$f$ued.
BEFORE deicribing the sabseqnent doings of Khttlago and of his
lieutenant in Syria, Kitubtdta, it will be well to bring the story
of Mongol aggresnon in other directions np to this point And
first in r^ard to the Arabian Irak, and the old frontier fortresses of the
Byzantines and Persians.
Mayafukin was a fiunous old town situated to the north-east of
Diarbekr, on the site of the Karcatiocerta (the capital of Sophiene) of the
ancients. It was situated on the Nymphius, now called the Golden
River (the boundary between the Roman and Persian <s£mpires),
and north of it flowed the stream Bekr. Malakia and Guiragos call it
MuiJBtrghin ; Stephen the Orpelian, Nepheigberd ; while it was called
Maifkerkat by the Syrians. The Greeks called it Martyropolis, after its
bishop, Marutha, who had assembled there the relics of many martyrs he
had found in Persia, Armenia, and Syria, and had fortified it It filled a
very important rdle in the wars of the Romans and Sassanians, and in
early Muhammedan times, and was the capital of the province of
Diarbekr. QuatAmere has a very vahiable note on the town.* At this
time it was ruled by the Ayubit prince, Malik el. Kamil Nasir ud din
Muhammed, the son of Muzafi&r Shihab ud din Gazi, who was die son
of £1 Adil Abubekr, son of Ayub, who gaxt his name to the dynasty.
Kamil had succeeded his father m 64a HBJ.* (/.#., 1244). Vv jen the
Mongols under Charmaghan and Baichu were harassing the west, we are
told that Kamil determined to visit Mangu Klum, by whom he was
presented with an honorary dress. This was because he had refused to
drink kumiz at a feast, urging that it was forbidden by his religion, and
he therefore would not act contrary to his finith. When Khulagu set out
westward Kamil accompanied him to Irak. When he advanced to
Baghdad he ordmd him to furnish 7,000 horse and 20,000 foot for the
campaign. Kamil pleaded that he could not furnish more than about
:>,ooo horse and 5,000 or 6,000 foot Khulagu was annoyed at this, and
told the Vizier he must be put to death. He was then apparently at the
Mongol Court, and the Vizier, who was friendly to him, informed him of
* op. cU., 360-365. Nou. Sm also Ilkhans, i. i66>i87.
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KHUUUXT KHAM. 157
Kladagu^ Ttwtntantnt He thardbre made an excnae dot he wanted to
gooirahiiiitiiigeioiffsion. He aeloitt with e^^fbUowen, and hastened
away to his own coontry, whtck he reached in seven days. There he
gave otders to pot to death the Tagjoas shahnahs who had heen ptecedin
tibe towns he rokd over daring the control of western affidrs by
Chaimat^nai and fiaidm. These shahnahs were execnted, we are told, by
having five spikes driven into theo^HMie into dwhr foreheads, and four
odiers into tiwir het and hands. Abatfuai says that Kamil also pot to
death a Syxbca priest fiom Badln, ute had been sent to him by the
Khafcan widi a yaili|^ or diphxna. When Khokgu heard ofhis flight he
sent in porsoit^ bat in vain. Kamil now asked Nash-, the Prince of
Damascus, to makt common cause with him against the Mongols, to aid
die Khalii; and to pievattt the invadsrs sntrring Syria, bat he was pot olT
with empty promises. Hdsel oat lor Baghdad hhnsd^ but heard mfvifllr
ofitsfidL He acixi r di ngly l e Uun ed home, pat his strong places in order,
and warned the nomads who lived in his land to seek shelter in pllces of
strength, and himself took up his <|iiarters at Mayatarfcin.^
After the captoie of Bag^idad, Khnlagn ordeied his son Yashmm to
march i^pon Mayafiokin. He was accompanied by the Amirs Ilka Noyan
and SontaL Stephen, die Orpdian, says diey were also joined by the
Armenian princes, Avak, Shahan Shah^and Efikum, the kst of whom fell
in there, and was eventaally poisoned, tt was said, by a doctor at the insti-
gation of AvUcf The Malik Kamil having been in due course summoned,
sentendoosly relied that it was useless lor the Mongol chief to hammer
cold ircm, diat he had no fiddi in his promises, and was not to be taken in
by his smooth phrases. He did not hmt die Mongol army, and riiould
%ht,«WQ(d in hand,aslong as helived. HediaigedYashmut with being
die son of one who had brohen his promise to the Khurshah, the Khali^
and odiers, and said he did not mean to court their fate by imitating their
ingenuousness. Havmg dispatched these brave words, he busied himsdf
with putthig the piaoefai defence. Addressing die citizens, he said: ''You
shaU have die gdd and diver in die treasury and the com in the granary.
It shall all be distributed among those who have need Thanks be to
God, I am not like Mostasshn, a worshi[4>er of gold and silver.*^ His
spirit anhnated that of his people. They made several Successful sorties,
in whidi two femou&diampions, named Saif ud din Axkali, or Lukbili, and
Kamr i Habash or Anbare Habashi, killed many Mongols and gready
distinguished themsehes. Inter aUas^they killed a Georgian hero, called
Aznawari, who fought on the side of the Mongols. A femous and large
piece of siege artillery inside the city was also admirably worked, and the
Mongol amirs btgan to despair. At length Bedr ud din Lulu, Prince of
Mosid, ordered a femous engineer in the b e si eg ers' army to build a great
* Tilwkit4-NMiri, i«6«-i«6^ AbuMttd. Chron. gyr., 553 • Chroo. Anb., 545.
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isS HisTOKY or ma mqmools.
catspoU to oppose to thftt inside, and 'we am told that boA
dUchargod at the same moment the stones cast hf either met in nud-ah-,
and were broken to pieces. All were astookhed at die ddll of the
engineeni but presently the machme ootside waa setm firo with naphtha.
As the siege was ^very protracted, Khnlagn sent Aiimtu widi a dhpisioii of
troops to help hb people, and ofdered that the attack AaOd not be
relaxed till the money and food began to ran short Aikata or Ondctn*
vent wkh. this view, but when he reached the camp die two chansons
irom the garrison, who had already performed prodigies of valonr, again
made a sortie, and created some confusion. AHcato, who happened to be
drunk, ordered the attack to be pitased, biit the sortie was more or less
successful: the two heroes killed a number of the enemy, and, weave told,
the Mongol genersl, Ilka Noyan, was himself unhorsed. £very day the
t^ warriors, who were doubtless protected by heavy armour, made then:
attack. Thus a year passed by. Food began at lengdi to run short, and
Kve-provisions came to an end; the peo|^ began to live on canioa ; dogs,
cats, and rats, and even human flesh were put under requisition.
Guiragos says a pound of human flesh sold for 78 dahekans. Like fish,
says Radiid ud din, they devoured one another. The two champions
having no barley or straw left, l^led their horses and ate diem. Malakia
says an ass's head was sold for thirty pieces of silver. Vartan says diey
first ate various animals, pure and impore, then the poor, then their own
children, and lasUy eadi other. The dean and diief of die deigy, in his
terrible hunger and rage, ate some of die flesh of his rdatives. ^ Hewrote
the confession,** says our author, '^ on a slip of p^ier, hoping that it would
^dl under my eyes, and that he would obtain pardon from the n»rciful
Being who created us. Then giving himsetf up to lamentation and grie^ he
took it so to heart that he died. We have seen^as he hoped we would, his
written confession, and we have confidence that he wiU obtain grace bom
Him who is goodness ttsdf. All of yon into whose hands this book may
come, implore God with all your hearts, sabring Amen for him and for the
vartabed Thomas, the transcriber.t To revert to the siege, treadieiy
presently began to appear. A letter was written to the Mongols
describing the condition of things, and urging an immediate attack. We
are told by Rashid that, having entered, they found the place almost fiill of
corpses piled on one another ; but seventy remained alive. Malik Kamil
and his brother were both captured, and the place was given up to pillage.
The two champions we have named meanwhile dimbed to the woi of a
house and shot with their arrows those who came near. Arkatu ordered a
number of brave men to dislodge them. .They now came down, and holding
dieir bucklers in f^ont of them, fought desperately until both were lolled.
HeiBallad^JagitMbyjG|dii|ot.wh^ by Prinot HaMo, snniaaiid
Joarn. Asiat, s^ mt-i xvt. a9a*a93.
Prhotfa. Op. du, ed. Bronek i^_
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KmhU himaalf W98 taktti to TdJbtmlakt^ the TtntMywl of the CniMderi,
notfiorfrom Akpfx^ and ott die oeher iide <tf the £iq|>^^
beiofe Kholagi^ 11^ hed feadwd tint toim OB hto retitm fi^
iHio reproached him bitterly^ and leoalled the vatfoos fimwri he had
reoemdatdiehaBdsoftheKhalauk He waa then cat into sniaU piecesi
irfuchthex throat into his meothtOlhA died. Rashidsayahewasaplous
and anafeere man, iriio^ aldu»^gh a prinoe^ Mowed for hundity the craft
ofatailor.^ The head of die hens for hbaovelydateMred the mane» was
paraded round the Syrian towns ol Aleppo^ Haraath, and Damasras, widi
music and^ singings and hnqgotttnt last froai dine <if the windows of Che
gale known aa te Gate of Pamdise at Damascus. On the v kl o rion s
entry of Kuttns into that city (widtimfra^ it war buziad in the tombeftlie
martyr Hossem. His memory waa celebrated in aome stirring verses by
the poet Sheikh Shihab od din Ibn Aba Shamah, in which he
apostrophised the two heads which met together thus s^oasly in one
tomb.t Ctf the mamehiksidio were criptnred with KamO, seven were put
to deadi, while the eighth, who had been Master of the Hunt, was
taken into his service by KhBlaga.t Vartan has a coiioosly worded
paragraph about the siege, shewing what corioos alliances die itlfgioas
animosities of the time brought about He says'* there perished there a
fine young ma% Seyata of Khachen, son of the Grand Pri^ Gr^ory.
After prodigies of Taiour, he won an immortal crown, ahvays fiedtfafal to
God and the Ilkhan. He will be associated in the triumph with those who
have shed their blood for Christ, and iriio have preserved their faith and
the foar^our Savioar. AnMm.''§ On the sack of the town, the churches
as usual were spared, as well as die innumerable relics which die holy
Manitha had coUected there. We are told that the Christians who fought
m alliance with the Tartars had let them know the veneration in ti^ikh
thcae relics were held, and recounted to them thenumerous apparitions of
the sahita which had shown dicmselves on te ramparts widi luminous
*---«;--
DOOMS.
Minhij i Sasaj, who was then writhig in India, reports shnilar stories.
He says that while die siege progressed several horsemen, clothed in
idiite and wearing turbans, used to sally out and attack the enemy.
"They used to dispatch about a hundred or two htmdred infidds to hell,
while no arrow, sword, or lance of the hifidels used to injure them, until
about lo^ooo Mongds had been destroyed by them:" Khulagu sent
nka Noyan to complain to his son that while he himself had captured
Baghdad m less than a week, he had not been i^Ie to capture the smal^
fortress after such a prolonged attack. Yashmut replied that his fiuher
had taken Baghdad by treachery, wbM he had to ^t hard, and that it
» Qoatremcre 361-373. Tibakat-l*N««ixi, zi7o-za74.
t AtalMMv. 589^9x* IHdiint, i. 168-189. I jyOkiSu, KL 357-
f Jfoora. Atiat, fih Mr., xvL 094.
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l6o HUTORY or THB MOMOOLB.
was not &ir to compwe the [daoo with Baghdad iChnUigii, we are told,
was mach di^leased at the anawer, and aent hiati word to keep out of hit
sight or he would kill htm, and twore he wonld lake Mayafiukhi hi three
dayi. He hastened dieie. The attacks of die anpeiMtiiral dianqiioiis
continiied, and many Moofob mnrinnedto he kifled, w hwtm i p e n Khakigu
remarind thai the teMas bekmged efvidsody to Ike Tengri (i>^ to
heavsni or to tiie godaX and he would spate k» hot he asked the citiaens
totdlhhnwhothewhiM-robeddttn^iioMWSffe. Thef swore th^ knew
not any more than hhna^ He tta«qp0D ofiered a propidatory ofienng
<tf i/)oo horsesy i/)oo canMls» i»ooocttia,and i,ooo slie q^ , bnt the dtiaens
wonM not acc^ his oftr. He tkw e ap o ii laiaed te snge, leanrhig
beldnd the ofi^hig he had made, and went towards a irardant pknn
called the Sahra i Mash {U^ die au phfo, nMdi ia maiked on die
maps, aocordihg to Raverty, on the eastern brandi of the Eophrates, fifty
miles west of Lake VanX There was soft mod and stagnant water, and
he tank in k.* Thta story dort>deaa giew out of the cspkiits of die
champions already named, and ont of the protonged i esiilanre oftred hy
the i^ace, and is mtesesting only as showing the Und of tales that tend
their way to India about die Mongol doings^ The same andior reporu
thet the son <tf Bedr ud din Lulu, of Meaul, who was with Yaphmnt, saw
in a dream, seveial times, Mohammed appear on die lamp a ^ta of Maya^
farkin and draw the hem of his garment about the fortress^ declaring fo
was under die i»otecdon of God and of himself, and that eventually he
became so frii^tened that he left the Mongol camp and went to his fiuher,
who reproached him for the danger and trouble he woidd bring upon his
kingdooL *' I cannot war with Muhammad, the Apostle of God, the
Almighty bless him and guard him," was the reply. And he wrote out
an account of what he had aeen, and departed.'!'
Mayaftukinfellintheeartyiq^ringof ia6a Matekia teHs us how seeae
of the Christians were enriched by the capture. Thus, we aie told, the
Armenian Grand Prince Thaghiatin, who was one of the Bagradd
princes of Lord, secured the cross of St Barthok>mew, iriiidi a Syrian
prince was carrying oft; and which he was afte r wards obliged to cede to
the Grand Prince Sadun the Ardanmian, who deposited it in the monastery
of Haghpat, which belonged to him, and with it the right arm of St
Bartholomew.t The Mongols nominated one of KamiFs amirs, named
Abdulla, to govern the city.§ At the same time as the capture of Maya-
farkin the country of Sanasun, or Sasun, a mountainous district in the
province of A^^ietsnik, north of Armenian Mesopotamia, south-east of
Mayafiarkin, also submitted This was throi^ the influence of Prince
Sadun, son of Sherparok and grandson of Sadun, a strong and brave
* Op. cit//st7Soit7S- t TabakAt-UNuiri, xtrjt^iT^. J Op. dt, 454.
f AbnlGui^, Cbroo. Arab^ 349.
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KHULAOU KHAK. l6l
warrior, ^o wm a Cliristuui, and bad gai&ad the goodwifl of Klnilaga by
hit skill as a wrestler. Thedistrictof Sasun watn&adeover tohim.*
About the same ttme that Kamil, Prkiee oi Mayaiufciii, came to kis
end, there also perished bis cousin, Mowahid, son of TnnmShah»the kit
Aynbtt Snhan of Egypt, iHio ruled over the strong iott of Hoi&keif (the
castle of Kiphas of the Byxantines), Which derived iu nMM from die
Syrian word kifo, a rodct Acootding to die Arab legends the n«ae %v«s
derived from a certain brave man named Hasan, who, eoained Ibere
as a prisoner, asked the Amir's permission one day to exerdse OMof bis
mares in the castle garth. He gaUoped round and round, and eveninaUy
leaped desperately over the wall into the Tigris below, over whkh he
safidy swam. The name of the pkice, it was said, was derived from the
exclamations of the bystanders, ^ Hasan Keifru" (Go on, Hasan.)} The
geogn^dier Seif ud danlah ibn Hamdan speaks of it as very strong, and
protected by defiles on all sides save the east It was situated on the
western bank of the Tigris, and opposhe to it was a hi|^ bridge of stately
architecture, re-erected m 510 H^. It contained beautiltil streets, shops
and houses, markets and baths, all buih of stone and with lime; but its
cUmate, e^edaily hi summer, was unhealthy. The author oi the
''Nodiat alkohd)" tells us ''that the town, a^iou^ hugely ruhied, had
a customs receipt of 83,ooopiecei of gokL" The Portuguese trawtUer
Teixeiro calls it Aroeagifrt; Josaphat Parfaaro^ Hassan Chifh. He
mentions the caverns cot in tiie mountain ctose by» which are also named
by the modem traveller, Kmaeird. A merchant, who tiayeUed in Persia
in the sixteenth century, and whose voyage was published by Ramusio,
calls it Atanchif. He places tt four days' journey from Mardin, and
men tio ns a magnifioent bridge of five arches over the Tigris, no doubt the
one abov«-named.9 Before it was fortified by the Ayubit Amur Merd
Mabmar, it was called Rasol Ghul (/.#., the Demon's Head) by the
Arab% probaUy firom tibe position of its cteadeL Hosnkeif was now
c a p tur ed by th^ Moagols, and its prince killed.||
When Khttlagu recrossed the Euphrates on his return from Syria, he
sent to command the ruler of Mardin to go to him in person. This he
refused. His son Moiaffsr, 1^ was at Khulagu's Court, was then
qiecially commissionad to urge his fitther to go, and to pomt out to him
te danger of obstinacy. The old man, mstead of listening to him, put
him in prisoalT The town was buOt m tenrace above terrace on the
mountain called lale, Jndi, or Masius, the last name derived from
its oak woods (from the Perrian, masm). In Moslem tradition
Noah's ark rested on its highest summit, and thence Noah and bis
sons went forth to repeople Mesopotamia. There Sunni and Shta,
* Guirngot. ed. Brottet. t88. Toorn. Asiat., stH ser., xL 495-49^
t Qmtnmmm, 333. Noc«. I llkhuis u t89>Mow ^ Qa»trmm% 3ai*334* Note.
I Ilkhaw, st9>s9e. On p, 193, Voa Haimntr ntyt uat tlit Ayubitt contiomd to rule thtre.
f Abvimnit Chron. Arab.» 349. Chroii. Syr., 557.
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l6ft HIdTORT OF THS MONGOLS.
Catholic and Schismatic, AnDenians, Jacohites, Nestoriaas, Chaldcaas,
and Jews, sun, fire, cal^ and devil worshippers still five over each
others' heads. The most numenms are die devil-worriiipping K«rdi»
called Yesidi, peihaps descended, says Von Hammer, finom the Mardi«
triio gave their name to the town.* Arkatn smnmoned the place,
and bade Malik Said remember that if his head reached the sky it wookl,
when trodden under by the Mongol army, be as dust, and that if he
refused to listen the Eternal God knew what would happen. The old
chief replied that it had been his inte^on to submit, but the &te of
several of his friends who had done so deterred him» and that, thank God,
the town was well provided with arms and provisions, and defended by a
good garrison of Turks and Kurd&.f Arkatu therelbie planted his si^;e
apparatus, and commenced a bombardment For eis^t months the place
held out bravely, while the Mongols plundered the neigfafoouring towns
of Duniasar and Arzan. At length peslBence, pr eceded by fiunine,
began to devastate the place, and Mahk Said himself iill ill| and as
he still refused to submit, his son Mosafier gave him a bowl of poison
and he died. Mozafier now surrendered. Khulagu reproached him for
the base crime, which he defended on the ground that his fether^
obstinacy was causing a terrible cakmity to the town and its mhabitants.
Khulagu pardoned him and gave him romnnind of Maidin, idiere he
ruled till the year 695 Hi^., and, was succ^^eded by his son and grandson,
the latter of whom was a fevourite of Gazan IQian, who also made him
governor of Diarfoekr and Diar rabiah.t Thus the femily of the Ortokida
subsisted here as vassals of the Mongols, as the Ayubitt did at Hosnkeif
and Hims.§ Wassaf calls the Mongol commander who attacked the town
Shamaghar. Soyuk Kotoghtai and Tenghur were the names of the
envoys he sent to summon the place. He says Moaaifer had been
imprisoned by his fether, and adds that Said was submissiveibut nocwidi-
standing was put to death with his seven viziers, and Mozaffsr havmg been
put on the throne in his place, the three envoys above*named were
appointed baskaks Of the town.||
Malik Ashraf Musa, the former Prince of Hims, or Emessa, had been
deprived of that fief by*Nasir, the Prince of Syria, and been given Tel
bashir in exchange. On the fisll of Aleppo he retbed towards Egypt, hot
changing his mind determined to submit to Khulagu, who reinstated him
at Hims, and presently appointed him Viceroy of Syria. Shortly after he
received orders from his new master to dismantle the walls of Hims and
of Hamath. He accordingly went to the latter town (whose prince, Malik
Mansur, son of Mozafier, had fled to Egypt with bis femilyX destroyed the
walls of the citadel, burnt the arsenal, and soki the library. He would
also have destroyed the dty walls but for the wamhig of Ibrahim, styled
• IlUuuit, L xoa t Quatrt«Mr», 397. 1 id^sil-Vn-
S IlkhaBt, t9t-i93. fOp. cH., 9t.9«,
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KHUtAOV RHAW. 163
Ibn d Afrangia from the duct of his mother hamg been a Frank, who
was m the Mongol service as a tax collector, and who reminded Khosru
Shah, the Mongol prefect at Hamatb, AbX the preaeace of the Crusaders
at Hesn el Akrad (? Acre) made it imprudent to do sa* The activity he
showed at Hamath covered an excusable lack of that quality at hk own city
of Hhns, where he only very nominally carried out his master's orders.
A few days after Ashraf was nominated Viceroy of Syria an outbreak took
I^ce at Damascus, in which the governor of Ae citadel was the leader.
Kitubttka proceeded at once to attack it, amidst a terrible hurricane oi
rain and hail. The place held out obstinately for forty^ive days, but was
at length battered by twenty war engines, and the garrison sued for
capitulation. The place was pillaged, and many of the towers, with the
war machinery and arms of the garrison, were destroyed. The Mongols
then marched upon Baalbek. Kitu)>uka*s camp was in the beautiliil valley
of Ghuta, deemed by Orientalists one of the four paradises of the Eastf
D'Ohsson calls the place Merj Bargutt There he received deputks from
the Franks (i>., the Crusaders), who were accompanied by Dahir, the
brother of Prince Kasir, who was confirmed in the possesnon of
Sarkhad.
Nasir himself conthiued his retreat towards Egypt He halted a few
days at Nablus, the ancient Neapolis, and having left a garrison there
under Mojir ud £n ibn Abu Zakr and the Amir All ibn Shogga ud din,
went on to Gaza, where he was joined by his brother Dahir, and by the
Mamluks who had recently deserted him. A few days after he left
Nablus the Mongols arrived there under Kushluk Khan, and the garriton
having made a sortie were put to death with their two oommanders.§
They continued their advance as fer as Gaza, Beit*Jebrail, Khalil
(Hebron), the lake of Zira, and the town of Salt, killing or makmg captive
the people, and carrying off a great booty. They then returned to
Damascus. II Malakia says Jerusalem also ML into their hands, but he
somewhat mars the credibility of this statement by telling us that
Khulagu went there in person, and having entered the '.Church of
the Resurrection, prostrated himself before the tomb.lT Nasir mean-
while arrived at Katia. The Egyptian Suhan, Kuttoz, was not well
pleased that an Ayubit prince with such prestige as Nasir AotM come
so near Egypt. He had, it appears, some reason for suspecting that he
had some designs on that goal of many fugitives,** and when he reached
Katia he went with his troops and encamped at Salahiyet, where Nasir was
deserted by his Kurdish and Turkoman folk>wers. Some of them nmged
themselves under the banners of Kuttuz. Odiers went to Belbeis, and
there only remained with him his brother Dahir, the Mah1c Salih Nur ud
• AMfe(U.iv.5S7,
k.iv.5S7. t IlkhMu, L 196. I Op. dk. ill. 3*9.
W. s8xV D'Ohaiom iU. s<9-33o. I Uukri^^.
f Op. cit., 4S8. •• W«n. IV. 13.
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l64 HISTORY OF THX IfOMOOLS.
din IsmMl, ton of the nikr o€ Hint, and three emirs of die trib^
Kaimeris. ThedeaerterthedbeeneediicedbyofierBofrewerd%&c,biit
they were not wdl treated. The Amir Jemal od din Miisa ibn Yagmnr
was hnprisoned, while Nasir's pages and secretaries were phmdered.*
Nasir himsd^ not daring to advance fiurther towards Egypt, crossed the
desert to Shobek, being robbed of his baggage MfMilf. Thencehewent
towards Karak, whose prince, like himsdf an Ayobit, sent him horses,
tents, and ck>thes, and ofibred him an asyhmi either at Shobek or Karak.
He did not accept this, but went on to BaUuu His place of retreat was
disclosed to Kitubuka by two Kurds in his sendce-f He was captured
on Lake Ziza, and taken before Kitubuka, who was then engaged in
besieging Ajakm. He bade him order tiie governor of the fortress to
surrender, which it did after some resistance, and its walls, which had
been built by Iz ud din, an amir of Saladin's, were razedt The Mongols
had a short time before secured the possession of Baalbek, wfich they
ruined, as well as itt citadel Malik es Said, s(m of Axis, son of Aadil, son
of Ayub, the ruler of Subaiba, or Sabib^ and Banias, who had been
incarcerated at Biret fo^ nine years and been released by the Mongols,
was invested with that district He supplied his patrons with suggestions
for punishing the Mussulmans.! Nadr, with his brother Dahir, and
the MaHk Salih above named, were sent on to Khnbigu at Tebris.
The Sultan of Karak also sent his mfont son Asis with them. They
passed through Damascus, Hamath, and Akppa When he saw the
ruins of the last of these towns, Nasir wept Khulagu treated him well,
and promised to restore Syria to him when he had conquered EgyptJI
The Mongols were disposed to be friendly towards the Crusaders of
Sidon and Beaufort, who were the enemies of their enemies, the
Mussulmans; but the Christians brought vengeance upon themselves by
plundering some of them, and then killing a nephew of Kitubuka, idiom
he had sent to get the phmder restored. He revenged hhnself by harrying
Sidon, and destroying a portion of its walls. Tbit cmtnttm^jbaaptdndfhe
conidence which previously existed between the Mongols and Christians,
and iriiich was due to D6km Khatun's influence, and to the friendship
which existed between Kht^agu and Haidion, the King of Little Armenia.
The latter, however, obtained for his sQn-in*law, the Prince of Antioch, the
restitution of all the places of which the Moslems had dqkrived him.ir
The successes of the Mongols in Syria were not altogether reassuring to
the Christians. We are told how the people of Acre cut down all the
gardens about their town, while urgsit letters were written to the
Sovereigiis of Western Europe to come to the rescue. A rumour spread
that Antioch and Tripolis had been taken by the Tartars, and an envoy
* MakrizL L zoo. t Makrm says he wm betrayed by the halbardier, Hotain KunU.
' ' " '^U. M«kria,{.88.
. „ QiMUrwiira % R—hfcl 341
" BiaKTizi, 1. xoo. 1 inaiuizi says nc was ucKrayra oy um naioan
1 AbuUiMia, iv. Ml. D'Obnon, tti. sy>-S3i. f AbuUvla, iJ,
I Aballeda, 99I-S93* I/Oh«M>n, Ui 330-JSS*- lOdiaiM, L Z95*t97. Qua
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KHULAGU KHAN. 165
feadied Engiaiidy where m counetl was bekl, and prayers and £uting
e&johied. SL Lmiis held a sunUar council at Paris^ where a Kke
discipline was enjoined, and orders given Aat no games were to be
pfaqred except aidwry and shooting with the cross-bow. The next year
(is6i) the Pope tried to arouse the Christians to malce some op position to
the Tartars, both in Persia and Hongary.* Egypt, vrhkk had been a
refiige and retreat for the varioits victims of die If ongols, now found itsdf
threatened, and the greater part of tiie Africans (we are told) who lived
there withdrew. Khulago, aooord^ to Rasfaid od din, as be was leaving
Syria sent an envoy named lldu Mogul with forty subordinates to summon
the Egyptian nder to snbmitt
Makrixi has preserved acopy of this mhuitory message, w&idi is couched
in the usually arrogant language of the Mongols. It was addressed from
the Xing of Kings of the East and West, die Supreme Khan, to Malik
Mottfier Kuttui, of die race of the Mamluks, who had fled to escape their
sword. It bade him and hispec^le remember diat the Mongols were the
soldiers of God on earth, who had created them in hid anger and ^vered
faito thehr hands all the ot]jects of his wrath. It bade hhn take
wamhig from what had occurred in other countries, and not to oppose
them, but to submit before the veil was torn, for they were insensible
to tears or entreaties. ** You have heard," says the letter, '^how we have
conq uer ed a vast empire, how we have purified the ^arth of the disorders
which tainted it, and have slaughtered the greater part of its hihabitants.
It is for you to fly and for us to pursue, and whither will you fly, and by
what road shaU you escape us ? Our horses are very swift, our arrows
4iarp^ our swords 1^ thunderbolts, our hearts are hard as die OMMmtalns,
our soldiers numerous as te sand. Fortresses wiQ not detain us, nor
anus stop w. Your prayen to heaven against us will not avaiL You
enridi yourself by vile means and break the most solemn ivoniises.
Revolt and disobedience are in your midst And you are about to receive
a terrible punishment for your pride. Those who have been unjust are
gonig to learn their frtfe. Those who dare to make war upon us are about
to repent Those who seek our protecdon will akme be safo; If yon will
submit to our orders and the conditions we impose you shall share our
fortune. If you resist you wiU perish. Do not commit suidde. He who
has been warned ought to be on his guard. You are persuaded we are
m6dds while we look upon you as criromals, and God, whose orders are
htevocaUe and whose deoees are perfecdy just, has caused us to triumph
over you. Your str onges t forces are in our eyes mere small bands ofmen,
and your most ^Hstlngui^ed people we contemn. Your kings we despise.
Do not dday long. Hasten to reply to us before war lights its fires and
throws dieir sparks upon you, or you will find no refuge from the terrible
* RtmoMt, Mans. Ink, vi. 467* t QuaUmiere, 341.
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t66 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
catastrophe that will overwheUn yoi lod yott wiU make a desert of your
Goitntry. We mean well by oar warning. It is to arouse you from your
^umbcr. At present you are the only enemy agafaist whom we have to
march. May safety be with as and yon and all those who follow the
divine GommandSyidio fear the issue of death and submit to the orders of
the Supreme King. Say to Egypt : ' Hofaum is about to come, escorted
by naked swords and sharp bkidee. He is going to humifiale the great
ones of this land, and win send the children to jdn the dd.'*** Aecordtag
to Novairi it was Kitobuka who sent the message.!
When the envoy arrived with this insolent letter Kuttus summoned a
council of his officers. He told them how Khulaga had been everywhere
successful and' was abeady master of Damascus, and asked them to
consider ii^iether they shouki resist or obeyhinL Thereupon Nasir ud
din Kaimeri, one of the six Khuareunian leaders who had abandoned
Nasir, spdce out, and said that in the presence of such a power it wouki
be no disgrace to give in, but they must femend)er how feithless Khulaga
was, and he recounted the names of the various princes who had trusted
him and been undone. Kuttuz then replied that all the country from
Baghdad to Rum was kid waste ; that unless they took time by the lore-
lock and attacked the Mongols, that Egypt wouki share the same fete.
There were only three courses open to then^— to submit, to fi^t, or to
abandon their country, and the last was impracticable, fer " the Maghreb^"
(f>., North-Westem Africa), their only resource, was too fer off ; while
peace with those who never kept treaties was also undesirable. Some
amirs urged that they had not resources with which to oppose the
enemy, but asked him to do as he pleased. Kuttuz then summed op
his resolve. ''* I un of opinion," he said, ^ that we should march together
to the combat. If we win, we shall gain our end ; if we lose, men cannot
re pr oach us." The same night the Mongol envoy and ^ree of his
companions were executed ; one in the horse-market, at the foot of ^e
famous Castle of the Mountain ; the second outside the gate of Zavila ;
the third beyond that of Nasr ; and the fourth in the place called Ridania.
Their heads were hung at the gate of Zavila, and, we are told grimly,
weo^ the first Tartar heads which were suspended in that place. Only
one of the envoys, who was a young mati, was spared, and was enlisted
among the Mamluks. The next morning the Egyptian army set out.}
To pay the expenses of the expe^tion, Kuttuz had recourse to sources of
revenue forbidden by Muhammedanism. He levied an income and a
capitation tax, but these only produced 600^000 dinars. He confiscated
the property of all the adherents of Nasir, who had abandoned the latter
to join him (assuredly a curious kind of gratitude). The vdfe of Nasir
was obliged to produce her jewels, of which a pcntion were taken. The
• Makriii. lofios. t D'Ohsson, iH. 333. Note.
I Makrixi, 103*103. IHcnans, i. 90s-ao3. Quatramert, 34S-347* D*OhnoD, UL 395.
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SH0LAOU KHAN. 1^7
wiv«s of other amirs had to make •imihtf sacnficosi and some of them
were badly treated^ and even put to death. Kuttui set out from his
fortress, called the fortress of the monntain, on the a6th of July, ia6o.
His army of lao^ooo men consisted (independently of the Egyptian
troops) ot the Syrians who had joined him, of Arabs and Turkomansi and
of the debris of the Khuarezm Shah's troops who had sought shelter in
Syria and ^gypt A general levy for the defittice of Islam waa made, and
tiiose who hid away were hasrinadotd. A taimmons was sent to Ashral^
Prince of Hims, Khttbgu's dqwty in Syria, and to Said, Prince of Sahib^
to ask them to aid him in the enterprise. Said iUused the envoy, and
received him with insulting phrases. The messeogtr then went on to
Ashra^ who gave him a private audience, and then prostrated himself
before him, offered him a seat, and told him to do obeisance in his name
to his master, to tell him that he was at his service, that he thanked God
that He had raised him to aid their common iaith, and to go on and
fight the Tartars, for the victory would behis.*
At Salahiyet Kuttus held a council of war. Most of his generals were
for halting there. '< Oh, dmft of the Mussuhnans," he said, " you who
have lived for so fong out of the publk purse, do you now shrink fimsa
holy war? I mean to advance. Those cm follow who please, while
thAse who remain befamd, God will not forget them ; on their heads rest
the dishonour of the Mussulman women." He then took an oath from
the generals he knew to be foithfol, to foUowhim to the war, and the next
day the cymbals sounded the advance, and none presumed to stay
behind. The advance guard was commanded by the Mamluk Rokn ud
din Bibars Bondukdari, a dependent of Nasi|^s.t Baidar, who com-
manded at Gasa for the Mongols, informed Kitubuka, who was at
Baalbek, of die advance of the £g^tians. He was ordered to stand
firm, but was beaten before Kitubuka could arrive, and pursued to the
River AsL Gasa was occupied 1^ Bibars. The army rested there
awhile, and Kuttus received a deputation from the Kni|^ts of St John,
ofiering him a contingent of troops and also presents. He distributed
robes of honour among them, and made them promise that the people of
Akka, or Acre, would remain neutral*} When he approached the enemy,
Kuttuz roused the enthusiasm of his troops by appeals to their iaith and
patriotism, calling upon them to rescue Syria, and to deal a great blow
ibr the faith. His officers shed (ears, and promised to use every effi>rt to
drive out the hated Tartars, bibars having gone on ahead with a body
of troops, was the fint to encounter the Mongols, and began a skirmish
with them. This was at Ain-i-Jahit (<>., the Springs of Goliath), between
Nabhis and Baissan. Kitubuka and BaidAr, on hearing of the march of
the Egyptians, had tomght together all the Mongol forces in Syria, and
^% ui* 33^*336« t Makrizi, io> D'OhMOo, Ui. 336-237.
I Maknxi, ioJ'Km. Quatrtneie's Rashid, 347*
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r66 HISTORY or rut mohools.
had marched agafaist them. The two anniet were in preaemre of one
another on the ard of September, 1260. Maknxi tells ns the Egyptians
went into the battle with litde confidence ; that it was smurise, and that
tfie cries of the tabonrersin theviBages were mingled with the martial
sotmd of drmns.* The Mongols pomtd m a diower of wei^Kms, and one
wing of the Egyptian army gare way.f Thereupon ICnttus pulled off his
hdmet and threw it to the ground, shoudng out, ''O, Ishun !" and threw
himsd^ with those about hhn, upon the enemy, who were in turn broken.)
Rashid says diat Kuttui had phmted a section of hb men b ambush, ana
that when his main army was beaten, and was being hotly pursued and
losing many men, those in ambush sprang out and restored the batde,
which lasted dU mid-day^ when the Mongob broke and fledg
Wassaf has an improbable story, in whkh he makes out that the
Mongols were taken by surprise in tiielr camp by die Egyptians, who
di^layed white standards, such as were used by themsehres,!! and dressed
themsielves in white overcoats caBed burkas, such as are sdll used and so
called by die Circassians, and whidi, he says, were 9lso used by them-
sehres.^ The Egypdan historians and HaidiondedarediatKittiraka was
killed in die batde, and Makrizi adds diat Malik Said, who fought in die
Mongol ranks, abo perished.^ Rashid, who was naturally a flatteror of
die Mongols, reports matters difierently. He tells us that during the
fight Kitubuka fought desperately. He refused to surrender. ~Go and
tell KhuUgu I refiised to retreat disgracefully, and sacrificed my life in
consequence. As for the rest, the loss of a Mongol army ought not to
distress the Khig. What does it signify? If die wives of his soldiers or
the horses in hn stables have young ones during one season, it will
rephice this loss. The monarch himself is safe) and this is a sufficient
balance to all the rest The 1^ or death of us his slaves matters
nothing." Although abandoned he fought on alone desperately. At
length, his horse having fellen, he was captured. His hands were ded,
and he was led before Kuttuz, who jeered at him, saying^ "Perfidious man,
alter having shed so much inndceni blood, after having undone a host of
warriors by your vile double-dealing, and overturned so many ancient
houses with your lies, you have at last fellen into a trap yourself"
Kitubuka, like a true Mongol to whom fear of death was unknown, replied
with dignity, " Do not be too much elated with your momentary victory.
If I periA it is by the hand of God, and not by yonrs. As soon as the
news of my death shall reach the ears of Khulagu Khan, his wrath will
boil over like an angry sea. From Aierbujan to the gates of Egypt the
whole land shall be trodden under by the hoofs of Mongol horses, and our
soldiers will carry off in the sacks of their horses the sands of Egypt
Khulagu Khan has among his followers 3oo,oop warriors equal to Kitubuka.
* op. ctt., 104. t Qoiuremert, 340. X Makrizi, ioa.zqs. ^ Quatreniere, 949.
I Op. dL, 89. %rtl., 69*90. •• Op. dt., »o5.
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KdtlLAfiU KHAN. 169
My death wiE only make them one leti." Kutto replied, '* Do not boast
ef the valour of the horsemen of Tnran, for they only succeed by treachery
andchicane. None of them have the courage of Rustem, son of Destan."
Khobuka answered again, ** From my both I have been the slave of the
King. I am not Eke you, a traitor and murd^er of my master. Make
haste and put an end to me that I may no longer hear your reproaches.**
Kuttns then ordered hhn to be decapitated* AbulMa makes Kttobuka
be killed in die fight, and his son be made prisoner.
Makrud tells us how, during the battle, tiie young envoy of the Mongols
who had been enUsted among the Mamlnks, put an arrow to his bow and
aimed it at the Sultan, but before it was shot he was cut down : others
reported that the arrow in fact struck the horse of Kuttus, and that he was
dtsmountedf The Mongob were sharply pursued, and many were kffled
and others captured ; one body of them took rduge fai a thicket of reeds,
which Kuttus ordered to be fired, and tiiey perished. The main body was
pursued as &r as Baisan, where they turned round, and a second fierce
struggle followed, more animated than the previous one, during which
^le Sultan is repoited to have cried out three times : ^O, Islam, O God
protect thy servant Kuttus, and make him triumph over the Taitars."
The Mongols were again defeated, n^ereupon Knttui dismounted, hud
his head.in the dust, and olfered a prayer of thanksgiving, accon^panied
by two rikah8.t The Mongols were everywhere driven out of Syria, and
as fiu- as the Euphrates. The camp of Kitubuka was pillaged. His wife,
chiktren, and dependents were captured. The various deputies and
governors, except those at Damascus, were put to death.§ Zain Hafidi
and the other authorities at the latter town fled hastily when they heard
the news, and thus escaped slaughter, but their goods were pillaged by
die villagers. The Mongols had been at Damascus altogether seven
months and ten days. Kitubuka's head was sent to Caka ||
In reference to this campaign, MaUdda tells us that ** Kitubuka had die
presumption to advance ten days' journey beyond Jerusalem, but the
doglike and impure Egyptians, knowing that the Tartar troops were not on
their guard, marched against and massacred many of them, making some
prisoners, and causing others to ffy/' They recaptured Jerusalem, Aleppo,
and Damascus, and were aided by the Prankish knights, who^ he says,
"had not as yet allied themselves with the Tartars.^
The victory .of the Egyptians was a turning point in the world's
history. It was the first time for a long while that the Mongols
had been fiuriy beaten, and although the defeat was probably hugely due
to the smallness of then- numbers, Kitubuka having iq)parently only
lo^ooo men with him, it was none the less decisive. It stopped the tide
of Mongol aggression and probably saved Egypt, and in saving Egypt
♦ Q«Atremer< 349-353. t Op. cU#, 1^. I Mftkrlal, lofi.
^ Qiiatrerocre, 353. I Mmizi, t xoe. % Op. cit., 458.
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I70 HISTORY OF TBK liOifOOLS.
saved the last rtfiige whefe the aru ami cakan of the Mussulman world
had taken shelter ; whert, under the fiunons Mamhik dynasties, and
under the new line of Khalils, it bloesonled over in wonderful luxuriance,
and not only made Cairo the cynosure of eastern cstiesi but was eventually
the means of distributing culture to the Golden Horde, and very largdy
Hso to the Empire of the llkhans itsel£
The march of the Egyptian army had greatly dated the dtisens of*
Damascus, and the MoDgoUMf who had imprisoned te Naib and Vali of
the town, apparently for encounging this feelings had then hanged them.
The Christians had during the domination of Kitubuka, who was hfansdf
a Kerait and a Christian^ behaved themselves with great arrogance towards
the Moslems, and had openly beaten in the streeu the wooden ch^pers,
called nakus, used instead of bells for summoning people to churdi, and
even taken wine into the great mosque. Their day of humiHatkm was
nowat hand, and the infuriated Mussulmans, on the victory at Ain^Julat
beconung known, destroyed the church of the Jacobites, and also the
fiunous great church dedicated to the Viigin. This was the church whidi
the Khalif Omar Hi, Ibn Abd d Asis, bad surrendered to the Christians
to compensate them for the loss of that of St John, which on die
capitulation of the diy to Omar I., Ibn Khattab^ had been made over In
perpetuity to them, but had been taken torn them again by Vdid,'the
son of Abdul Malik, and converted into the Great Mosque, the master-
jnece of Saracenic art% ^ The Mussulmans also put to death a great,
many Christians, and reduced the rest to shivery, and thus revengcfl
themsdves upon those who had latdy pulled down the mosques and
minaxets near their own churches, and odierwise aggrieved them. The
Jews were the next Victim^ and their houses, shops, and synagogues were
plundered or destroyed. Lastly came the turn of those Mussulmans who
had supported the invaders. Among others was Hussain, the Kurd, who
had betmyed his master, the Prince Nasir. Thirty of the Christiatts were
put to deadi, and a contribution of 150^000 drachmas was levied on their
community. Makriri, who was a Mussulman, says the town ofiered a
terriUe^pectacle.t
It was not only the Christians who suiiS^red severdy by the Egyptian
victory. The Ayubit princes of Syria also had cause to r^;ret it We
have seen how Said, the son of Asis and grandson of Malik d Aactil, who
had been grmted a fief at Sabib and Banias by Khulagu, recdved the
oveitures of Kuttuz for an alliance, with contumdy. On the defeat of the
Mongols he sur ^ndered himself and offered to kiss the hand of Kuttux.
The latter, however, struck him in the mouth with his foot, and thereupon
one of the Egyptians decapitated him.t A similar fate overtook Nasir,
the Prince of Aleppo. He had taken refuge, as we saw, with the Mongols,
* Abttlfcda, iv. 595. IlUiaju, u 007. t M«krin, 107. D'Ohaioo, iu. 94»-M9*
I Novairi, 10 D'Ohiacm, iii. 340>34t.
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KHULAOU KHAN. I7t
and had gained the good opinion of Khulagu, who had restored him to
the government of DamaioM, and had dispatdied him thither with 300
horsemen, the very evening whfen he heard of Kitubnfca's defisat A
Syrian who was present suggested time Naslr only widied to join Knttns,
who owed his victory to his machittalions, whereupon a party of horsemen
was dispatched in pursuit* Bar Hebneus reports what followed, on the
authority of one of Nasir^ oompanions. He reported that while Nasir
was sittii^ in his tent with himself whom he had ordered to draw his
horoscope, there arrived about noon a Mongol chie^ with fifty followers.
He ^>oke to Nanr, who had gone out to meet him, and told him that
Khukga was giving a gn^id feast tiiat day^ and had sent to ask him, with
his brother, sons, and gruidees to attend it Thereupon he set out
with twenty followers. Shortly alter a body c^ twenty horsemen came up
to the tent and summoned the rest of the party, except the servants, cooks,
and herdsmen. They mounted accordingly, and rode on to a deep valley
where the Mongol chiefs were assembled. The latter approached them
and took them severally into custody. The individual who reported
the matter to Abulforaj, and whom he calls Mohar ud din, is called
Mej ud din by Raiiiid, who says he came from Maghreb, or Africa.
He let them know that he was an astrologer, and could interpret the
stars, whereupon they spared him. All the rest, including Nash-, except
two of Nasir's sons, who were taken into his harem by Khulagu, were put
to death. t Rashid ud din confirms this.t The astrologer was sent to
join the staff at the observatory of Meragha. Makrizi reports that
Khulagu, in addition to Syria, had invested his proUgi with the govern-
ment of Egypt, had loaded him with presents and honours, and given
him a seat by himself. He says the party was overtaken in the mountains
of Selmas, and that, besides Nasir, there perished his brother Malik
Dahir Gazi, Malik Salih, son of Malik Ashraf, Lord of Hims, and many
others. Malik Azis, a son of Nasir, who was very young, was spared on
the intercession of Dokuz Khatun.§ This slaughter took place on the
29th of October, 1260. || Abulfeda reports that Nasir implored Khulagu
to spare him, and was rebuked by his brother, Dahir, who bade him meet
his fitte, which was inevitable, in a manly fashion. Nasir, he adds, foil by
Khulagu's hand, who shot hhn with an arrow.lT
He had been a very powerful prince. Not only had he ruled over
all Syria, but also over a large portion of Mesopotamia, inchiding Harran,
Roha, Rakka, Ras Ain and later over Edessa, Damascus, Baalbek, Csele-
Syria, and Palestine, as far as Gaza. He lived very luxuriously, and 400
sheep were daily killed for his kitchens. His clemency was so great that
the country was overrun with robbers, and men needed a military escort
* Qnatremere, Rashid, 353-35S.
t AbitMaraJ, Chron. Arab , 33c. Chron. S>t., 558*559. I QuiUrein«re, 355.359.
k lifikrai, loS'toQ. I Ilkhaiu, ao8. Note 4. f Op. du, hr. 6«z.
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173 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
in going from Damascus to Hamath ; whilt the Arabs and Turkomans in
his service greatly jdundered and illusod the people, and te miscreaals
11^ were hroos^ before him for pmifshmwrt: were lightly ti' o ali e d, his
policy being, we are told, to preserve tibe livings and not to increase
the dead. He was a poet, and AboUeda has preeerred some of his
verses. He also built a school at Damascus, which was called after
him, and prepared himself a grand tomb at Salahiyet, in n^ich be
was not buried himself bnt it became the tomb of tiie Mongol amir
JCarmun.*
Meani^iile let us tumisgain to Kottus. ^biUeda tells us he had been
accompanied frdm Egypt by BlaHk Mansor, die Prince of Haouuh, and
bythehuttn-'sbrother, Malik dA^ who was Abolfoda'sfoAer. After
his victory he proceeded to distribute fiefr among his foOowers. Malik
Ashra^ Prince of Himii, who had ronciliated tiie Mongols, and had also
sent hima friendly message, was pardoned andrestoredto his pcindpality,
to which were added Palmyra and Rahbah, Mananr was re-appmnted
Prince of Hamath, and was also given Barin and Maarah, tiie latter of
which the Prince of Aleppo had a^MOpriated twenty4bur years before.
Salamiah was taken from him, however, and given to the Arab Amir
Sherif ud din Isa ibn Mohanna. Mansur, with his brother Afoal, now
returned to Hamath, and imprisoned some of those who had sided with
the enemy, their advent being celebnued at Maarah in sqme verses by
the Sheik Sharif ud din Sheik es Shoiush, fHiooongratnlated diem on their
victory.t Alem ud din Sanjar, of Aksppo^ was appointed governor of
Damascus, and the Prince of Sanjar, Motafier Alai ud din Ali (called
Malik es Said by Abulfeda), son of Bedr ud din Lvhi, Prince of Mosul,
was made governor of the district of Akppa Shems ud din Aibarli
(Von Hammer says BerlasX a Turkish dependent of Nasir's fHio had
abandoned him and joined Kuttui in Egypt, and fought at Ain*Julat, was
appointed governor of the Sahd and Gaatt Hussain Kurdi, the tabarda^
who had betrayed Nasir, was strangled. Thirty Christians were put to
death, and a fine of 150^000 dirhems was imposed on their co-religionists.
y/e have seen how the Prince of Kaiak, Moguith, sent his son Asis to
Khulagu with his submisskm. He was then but six years old. Novairi
tells us how he heard from his lips the adventures he went throu^. He
was presented to Khulagu at Tebriz, and, aithouj^ so youngs ihs given a
seat by the great conqueror. The Empress (/./., Dokuz Khatun) then
spoke to him through an interpreter, asked him if his mother was still
living, and whether he preferred to stay or to return to his parents. The
boy answered that his mother was alive and with his fother, and that as
to his return it did not depend on himself^ who had merely gone on behalf
of his fother to secure his safety, and that he was at her orders. On her
•Aballbda,iv.6ti^5- tA^»S974>^ I A^-i 597*^03. Makrid, <• >o7'iol.
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. xmnJuxT KHAir. 173
iateicessioii, Kimlagtt granted his prayer on behalf of his fiober, and he
then knelt down aad withdrew. Ho set uS homewards widi a Mongol
idio had been nominatf^ Prefect of Karak. He was at Damascns when
Kitnbnka was defeated, was captored Uiere by die Egyptians, and taken
to Egypt, what he was detained for two year% when he was sent baek to
his bther, with whom the Sultan fanned an alliance. This did not
prevent him firom afterwards inviting him to Eg3rpt under pretence of
frienddup, executing him on a d^arge of holding communications with
the Mongols, and then api»opriatnig tiie principality of Karak.* After
ha victory, Kuttus entered Damascus in state. It had been hi the
Mongols' hands far seven numths and ten days. He dispatdied the
Mamluk chief Bibars towards Hhns in pnrsoit of the Mongols, <tf whom
he killed a great many, and then refoined his master. Rashid says th»
Mongol Noyan Ilka, with a number of his faUowers, fannd reftige in
RuuLt Vartan says the fugitives went ta Hahhon, Kh)g of Little
Armenia, who supplied them wi^ horses, dothes, and victuals, and
they then returned to their master, bedi Tartars and Christians pouring
blessings on his head. ** Tht^ was the name of Christ glorified hi tiie
person of the King, both by strangers and our own people."! From
the Euphrates to the borders of Egypt Syria was now btt from the
Mongols, itnd Kuttus turned his steps homewards to meet with a singular
fate. He had been a traitor to his master, as Kitubuka charged him, but
had assuredly done the Mussulman world sudi a service as might condone
many crimes. The Mamluk, Bibars, who had fought so well in the
hue battle having been refased die government of Aleppo^ was much
irritated, and formed a plot widi some of his friends to murder the Sultan.
The latter was huntmg near Kosseir, a day's journey from Salahiyet, and
had just returned to his tent when Bibars entered it and asked for the
hand of a female captive who had been taken from the Tartars. The
Sultan assented, whereupon Bibars kissed his hand and took the
opportunity to fall xxpon him with his companions and kill him.§ This
took place <m the 25th of October, i a6a The body of Kuttux was removed
to Cairo.
Meanwhile Bibars, with the other consph^ators, returned to the camp
at Safahiyet, and eotextd the royal tent They were about to proclaim
their senior Bilban Radtidi as sultan, when tiie Atabeg Fars ud din
Ogotai, called Aktai Moatareb by Makrixi, who had been left in charge of
Egypt, arrived and asked what they were doing. ^We are about to
prodaim Bilban." "What is the fashion among the Turin in such a
case? That the murderer should succeed. Which is he?" They there-
upon pointed out Bibars, idiom he accordingly oondncted to the throne.
The latter said, ** I sit here by the win of God ; kned down and swear
* lyOhMon, iB. 3Si*3S*> t Qnatnmtre, 3<o. 1 Joum. Afliat.» s^ Mr., xri. a^
^ UakiH iio-ti). tPObmon, VL 345-94^1
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174 HISTORY OF THB MOVGOLS.
allegiance." '' It is you,'' said Qgolai, ** who nrast wfmx fint that you
will treat them loyally «nd as your eqoal% and will ppoonoie them."*
After this grim <omedy» Bibars set out in: Gdnv wUdi was «f ffi^
preparing to welcome the victorious Kuttoz, and the people there were
naturally startled to hear the cners in the streets diOBt out, ** O people,
pray for divine pity on the soul of die Saltan £1 Moiafibr (ia^ KufttnxX and
pray for year Sultan, Ec Zahir Bibars.t Bifaan (^ the panther beg)
was a Turk of the Kipchak tribe of Berlasi called Albav^ by Abulfeda.
He had been sold dt Damascus for too drachmas. The purchaser,
noticing that he had a white spot on his eye, r^nidiated the purchase.
He was then bought by the Amir Idekin el Boadokdari, whencoi after
the custom of die Mamlnks, he was stj^ed Bibars al Bundokdari
His master havmg been disgraced in 1246^ he enteied the servke of the
Ayubit Sultan Salih, by whom he was successively pnmioted to sersfttl
oosts, and ^ded by becoming one of the daefs of the Bahrt Mamlnks.t
His fiill name was Roknud din Bibars^ and he first took the dtle of Sultan
Kahir (lU., the vanquisherX and afterwards that of Sultan Zahir (i>., the
glorious). A curious legend was afqparenUy current among die Armenians
about the origin of Bibars, for Malakia tells us that u^en the Tartars
captured Baghdad there w«re two slaves of the Egyptian Sultan there,
named Phentukhtar (<>., Bo^dukdar) and Sfi^ They managed to
secure horses and escaped They were pursued by the Tartars. The
former, im^o was grown up, rode a miserable horse, while S^^ur, who was
younger, jode an excellent one. As they were being overtdcen S^ur
exchanged horses with his companion and bade him flee, iaying that if
captured, as he was young, the Tartars would not harm him, but reduce
him to slavery, and that Phentukhtar could redeem him. Sghur was, in
fact, captured, while his companion arrived safely in Egypt The Suhaa
Being then dead, diey made Phentukhtar sukan in his piace.§ Bibars was
acknowledged by the several duefe who obeyed Kuttuz, except Alem nd
din Sanjar, the governor of Damascus, who httt up. authority on his own
account, adopted die tide of Ntalik Mujahid, and had his name inserted
on the coin and in the khutbeh jointly with that of Bibars. Presendy he
went still further, had the gaMa borne before him, and took the title of
Sultan4|
When the Mongol general Baidar heard of the assassination of Kuttus
he marched at the head of 6,coo troops, consisting of the dAris of the army
defeated at Ain Jalat, and some other troops from Mesopotamia, to try
and restore his master's fortune When he reached the fortress of £1
Biret, on the Euphrates, Prince Said, the governor of Aleppo, already
* Makria, t. zx6. Shaft, ill hb Life of Bibut, quoted by D'OhwoD, UL 345.j«&
t VObstuD. tfl. 347.
t Shaft's lifeof Bihan.D'CMiMon, 01.347.3^ AnoduraoooiintiifbDoirtdhy WoUi;0«KhIdit«
der Mohgoko, 403^ &nd I have abo foNoired it in an aariierBai^ ante ii. iij.
nd I have aleo followed it in an eazuer nai^ 1
I Op. dt., 459^60. I Maknti, 1. x.
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KHULAOU KHAN. r7S
named, sent a small body of troops under Sabuktigin against him, contrary
to the advice of the Mamluk chiefs of Aleppo, who thought that a disaster
was invited by sending such a small contingent. The Mongols were
victorious, and Said's people had to seek shelter at £1 Biret.* This
defeat exasperated the Mamluks, who were further estranged, according
to Abulfeda, by the cruelties and ill-conduct of Said himsel£ They -
accordingly seized him, plundered him of all his money, and pillaged his
tents, and after supplanting him by the chief amir, Husam ud din, they
sent him in chains to Shogr and Baka. Husam ud din received a
dipkma from Bibars constituting him ruler of Aleppo ; meanwhile the
Mongols had marched upon that town, which they * re-entered in
November, i26o^f and he sought refuge with Malik Mansur at
Hamath.^ Thither the Mongob now marched, whereupon the prince
withdrew towards Hims, Imd in conjunction with Malik Ashra^ ruler of
that town, and his own brothera, Afdal and Mobares ud din, set out at
the head of 1,400 horsemen, who were joined by a laige body of Arabs
under the Amir Zamil ibn Ali, and attacked the Mongols near Restin on
the loth of December, 136a Although the latter numbered 6,000^ the
confederates defeated and destroyed many of them^according to £z
Zehebi, with the toss of only one man, proving, if true, that the fight was a
surprise and massacre rather than a battle. The heads of the slain were
taken to Damascus.§ This victory was won on the 4th Muharrem, 659.
Baidar now retired by way of Famia, and was attacked and punished
by the governor of the citadel Damascus being relieved by this victory,
Mansur, Prince of Hamath, and Ashraf, Prince of Hims, put up at their
own palaces there. We have seen how Mujahid had usurped authority
at Damascus. Makrizi tells us that Bibars dispatched Jemai ud din
Muluunmed with iog^ooo pieces of money and an array of robes to gain
over the principal people of Damascus. This he succeeded in doing, and
they proclaimed Bibars as sultan, whereupon Mujahid with his supporters
marched against him, but they were defeated, and Mujahid himself was
wounded and sought refuge in the citadel Meanwhile an army mardted
towards Damascus under the Amir Ideldn Bundokdari, Bihar's former
master, and now his major don'o, and who had been nominated Govemo*
of Egypt by the Sultan, and Mujahid fled towards Baalbek* He ^^
pursued and captured, and sent to Egypt, where he >vas confined fbr
a while, and eventually released. || All Syria was now completely subject
to Bibars, who proceeded to rebuild the various fortresses there which had
been ruined by the Mongols— viz., the citadels of Damascus, Salt
Ajelun, Sarkhad, Bosra, Baalbek, Shaizer, Subaibah, or Sabib, Shemaimis,
and Hims. Their towers were restored and their ditches cleared, and they
* Abolfediw iv* 609^1. \ Mftkrisi. i. iti-ias. AboMWa, Iv. 6xi. IXOhnon. iiL 359.
I AlmUada, hr. 6x1. H Mmknxi, L f St-xss* Abnlftda, hr. 6x3. D'Ohiaon. Hi. 360. Nolt.
^ * I Mricttd. LT38.59. AboUWa, It. «S.
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176 HISTORY OF Tim MONGOLS.
were supplied wim gamsons and provisions, and Mir aHa tbexe was built
near'Ain Jolat, as a memento of the recent fight, a mommient named
**The Meshed of ^ct<»y.»»
Let us return to Baidar and his Mongols. After Aeir defeat they
withdrew by way of Fanna to Aleppo. Accor^ng to AbuUaraj, in his
** Syrian Chronide," their leader was called Khukhalaga Noyan, and in
his Arabic one Gugalki, both being probably corruptions of Kuka IIka«
A crowd of fugitives ftma the country round had cbQected at Akppa
The Mongols ordered the people to leave the pkoe, and that those of
each district and village should collect apart They assembled, accordm|f
to Abulfeda, at a place dalled Makar at Anbiia {U^ the seat of die
prophets, which was corrupted into Kamabia). D'Ohsson snys at BabiK.
The country people who had soufi^ refuge hi Alqppo were mercilessly
slaughtered, on the plea diat theyhad not trusted the Mongols, and among
them many Aleppms who had joined them, inchiding some of Nasii's
rdadves. The Aleppins themsdves who- had not fled were spared.
The invaders now withdrew towards the Euphrates. The town was
given up to various excesses, and the ill-fortune of the citizens was
completed by the arrival of an Egyptian army, which levied a contribution
of 1,600^000 drachmas.t
We must now devote a few words to a very important event, viz.,
the revival of the Khali&te. On the capture of Baghdad, Abul Kassim
Ahmed, son of the Khalif Dahhr Abu Nasir Muhammed, and uncle of
Mostassim, who was killed by Khulagu, fled, escorted by some Arabs.
After Kving for some years among the Arabs of Irak he determined to go
to Egypt, to the Court of Bibars. The latter gave orders that he was to
be received en route with the honours due to a relation of the Prophet,
and he himself went out to meet him, accompanied by the grandees and
the principal people of Cairo and Fostat. The Jews bearing the
Pentateuch, and the Christians the Gospels, also went out to greet him,
a piece of timely diplomacy. Ahmed entered Cairo on the 19th of
June, 1261, dressed in the costmne of the Abbasides, and rode through
the streets, accompanied by Bibars, to the Castle of die Mountain,
where splendid apartments were prepared for him, and where the
Sultan sat beside him without any symbols of his dignity— neither
throne, nor dais, nor cushion. Proofs of his identity were formally
examine^ and attested, and then the varioas dignitaries, headed by
the Sultan, did homage. He in turn invested Bibars with the govern-
ment, not only of all the lands subject to Islam, but of all such as l|e
should by the' aid of God conquer from the infidels. All classes in turn
swore allegiance to the new Imam. Messages were sent out to the
• Makriil, L I4x-f4«.
t AboMui^, QUOD. Syr., 9^; Chroo. Anb., 35i-35«. AbulMa, hr. 6ix4ii. ITOItftai,
iu. 361-361.
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KHOLAdU KRAN. 177
different provincesi calliog* upon thtm to follow the exan^ of. ICgypt,
and it wm ordered that tlie new Khalif s name should be inserted
m die khntbdiy or Friday prayer, and on the coin. He adopted the
same surname as his brother, the predecessor of the late Khalif, vii^
£1 Mostansir I^Uahi, which was an innovation on the previous practice
of the Abbasides.* He hhnself read the khutbeh in the great mosque in
the Castle, which he ended by imploring the blessings of heaven upon the
Sultan. The latter then strewed gold and silver pieces over him
and, amidst tears, repeated the prayer with his people. The Sunday
foOowtng^ the two made a progress in state on the Nile, where a sham
Bf^ tock place between the giAeys. The nesct day the Sultan was
dressed b the robes of the Abbasides, whidi were given him by the
Khalif omsisemg of a black turban embroidered with gold, a violet robe^
a golden cellar, a golden chain, whiefa was Aliened about his legs,anda
swoid, two pennons, two long arrows, and a buckler. He mouwted
a white horsey with a black scarf about its neck and a horsecloth of the
same ctikmr on its back. Ibn Lokman, chief secretary of the chancellery,
then got mto a pulpit and read out the formal dipkuna containing the
investiture granted by the new Khalif to die Sultan-f It is given at
lengdi by Makrixl h begins with the usual hmguage of praise to God
(who had once more displayed the gbry of his pearls, hidden for a while
in a rough shell), and to the Prophet It then goes on to describe the
virtues of Bibars, and especially his benefii^nce in restoring the family of
the Abbasides to prosperity. It then duly makes over to him die sovereignty
<'f Sgypt> Syria, Dtar-Bekr, Hejaz, Yemen, the borders of die Euphrates,
and an the lands he might conquer ; bids him cherish his people, and
beware to-day of ambition, for to-morrow he couM demand nothing, but
it would be from him that demands woukl be made ; tetts him to ck)ak
himself widi piety as with die p rovi si ons for a Journey, and to devote
himsdf to virtue and jusdce. The preadier reminded him that the
various provinces needed governors, both civil and mificary, and as he
woukl be re^wnsible foj them he ought to have confidential people to
report to him their doings t that he was to choose virtuous men as his
subordinates, who would foUow the precepts of clemency and moderation,
and not let private affection interfere with justice ; who would listen to
die compfatints of die poor with a bright face ; who wodd treat those
mbject to them with kindness, for every Mussubnan, whatever his rank,
01^ to deem himsdf the brother of another MussuUnan. Let them try
and win legithnate praise, which, at wjiatever sacrifice it is secured, is
always underpaid, and to remember that riches extracted by criipe are
akNMl which presses heavily on a prince, and that no one is more
aafotunate than he who at the day of Resurrection shall have die crowd
• iyOfc«cmiiL|6«. |iUkikl,Lt4S-t!ia^
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lyB HISTORY OF TSS M0IIOOL8.
for his enemies. The sermon afterwards went on to enjoin the duty of
fighting the infidel, which was indispensable to all Mussulmans, and
which God had promised to reward magnificently. It remhided him
how he had already distmgnished himself m this way, and how his
sword had dealt incurable bbws to the heart of the unbeUevers, and fbBt
it was his duty to restore the throne of the KhalifiB. It bad» him look
well to the fortresses on the frontier, especially those on the borders of
Egypt, and also to cherish his fleet God would not fiul to reward him,
for reward is the outcome of good deeds.* When this address was
finished, Bibars made a grand tour of Cairo, accompanied by a cavalcade,
the streets being carpeted with rich rugs. The Sultan then devoted
himself to providing his august ^atdgi with an army and a suitable
Court, the various officers of which are enumerated by MakrizL He
supplied the necessary arms, and, we are told, also bou^t him a hundred
Mamluks, great and small, and gave them eadi three horses, and camels
to carry their baggage; besides these there were pages, doctors, surgeons,
secretaries, horses, palfireys, muks, camels, &c.; while he gave to the
various persons who had come fix>m Irak in the Khalifs suite, diplomas
granting them fiefs.
At length the Khalif and Sultan set out together for Syria, acc om pani e d
by all the army. This was on the 4th September. They made a solemn
entry into Damascus^ whence Bibars returned home while the Khalif
went on.t Bibars intended to give his froUgi a body of 10^000 troope
to see him seated safoly on the throne at Baghdad, but was dissnaded by
one of his followers, who urged that he would thenbe too strong and would
try and deprive him of Egypt He accordingly only gave him an escort
of 300 horsemen. He set out accompanied by the three sons of Bedr ud
din, the Prince of Mosul, who had been to pay Bibars a visit, but they all
left him m rimU to go to their several appanages. At Rahbah he was
joined by the Amir Al? ibn Hodhalfah with 400 Arabs, by 60 Mamluks
firom Mosul, and some 30 horsemen firom Hamath.! They went on
towards Baghdad, along the western bank of the Euphrates, and at
Meshed Ali met El Haldm, who belonged to the stock of the Abbasides,
and claimed to be a rival Khali£ Mostansir invited him to make
common cause with him to restore the fortunes of the &mily. This he
agreed to do after he had been abandoned by 700 Turcomans who
escorted him, and they went on together. Mostansir was well received
at Anah and Hadits^ but at Hit the gates were closed against him, and
the place had to be stormed. This was on the 24th of November.
The Jews and Christians were duly plundered.§
Meanwhile Karabuka, the Mongol general whosn Khulagu had put in
command of the troops of Irak Arab, hearing of his approach, set out to
•Kakrai,i.t9o.xsS. t/W:, tjS-iS^. 1 M, t<r« f DtMMon, Bi. stt.
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KBVLkQU KHAN. 179
ittw± him with 5/xx> troofn. He fell suddenly upon Anbar and
afauightavd all iu ihhabitaiits. He was then joined by Behadur All, the
Governor of Baghdad, and met the Khalif dose to Anbar onthe 39ih of
November, 1263. The 4atter pHoed Ut? Turcomans and Arabs on either
flank, and reserved a corps of picked mnps for th^i centre. He fell in
pcnos upon the Mongols and broke their advance guard, but he was
betragredby the nomades ah«ady named, who fled. The troops about him
were thereupon surrounded and killed only a small body escaped.
The fete of the Khalif is unknown. According to some he was killed
dming the struggle $ according to others he was only wounded, and took
shelter with some Arabs, among whom he died.* Well may the
biographer of Bibars, Sfaafi, declaim agabst the absurdity of spending a
mfflkm and sixty tfaousaid dinars in inaugurating a new Khaiif with
becoming honours, and then sending him home with such an insignificant
escort, that it could not make head against 1,000 Mongjls, a race which
had made so many conquests.! It would almost seem as if Bibars was
chiefly ainung<at establishing bis own magnificence and power on a better
basis, and that he cared little for the ^rai^/v/bam he had so patronised.
It gives pdnt in fiu:t to the doubts of AbuUeda about the Khalifs origin,
fer he speaks of Ahmed as '^a certain Egyptian of a black colour, odled
Ahmed, who was said to be a son of the Imam Dahir."t Among those
who eao^wd in the struggle with Karabuka was Hakim, whom we have
d escr i bed as I iving rival pretensions to Ahmed. He claimed to be
ibnrth in descent from the Khalif Mostereshed, who was assassinated in
1 1 35 by the imaelites. He now fled to Egypt, where Biba*^ gave him
wekome. He was pleased to entertain and be the patron of one so
rfevtrenoed in the Moalem world as a scion of the house of Abbas. He
gav( m a lordly home in the pakice odled MenasirolkebeslL His
Jutiei were those of gMog legitimacy and a good title to those in
authority, otherwise his power was a mere shadow. He was styled
** Shadow of God upon earth. Ruler by the oommand of God, Hakim biemr-
iSkhL* He lired thus for forty ytsars, and was the first of a line of
Egyptian IQiaBfe who were mere puppets of the ^^ptian Sovereigns,
and were only displaced when Egypt was conquered by the Ottoman
Sohan, Sefim I. Shortly after the accession of Bibars, Said, brother of
Salih, Prince of Mosul, who had been driven away from Aleppo by the
Mamluks, as we have seen, and had gone to Egypc wrote a letter to his
brothei, the Malik of Mosul, advising him to repair to Bibars, who, when
he had conquered the Tartars, would constitute him ruler not only of
Assyria, hut of all the East This letter was surreptitiously acquired by
one of his ftther's magnates, Shems ud din Muhammed Ibn Yunus al
Baashiki> wbn put his band under the coverlet and abstracted it. He
» Mairii^ I t7i-t7a t D'Otuwn, iii. 96O. Not*. | Opk dt.. 69$.
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f 8d HISTORY OP THB HOMGOLS.
then set out for Baashika, in the province of Nineveh. When Salih
missed the letter he sent two slaves after him; hot afraid of punishment if
caught, he fled towards Irbil, and at Bakteli or Bartdia, advised Abad
ullah, son of Kushu, to escape at once widi his people, as Salih meant to
destroy the Christians there^ and then escape to Egypt. Theyaccoidinrtr
fled towards IrbiL* Meanwhile, Salih, afraid that Ibn Yonus mi^t
inform the Mongols, set out from Mosul with his son Alai nl Hoik,
and withdrew towards Syria. His wife, TmUiaa Khatmi, refosed
to go with him. She remamed behind with the Mongol prefect, Yasan*
They shut the gates and prepared to defend diemsdves. One
of Salih's oflicers, named Alam ud din Sanjar, left him as he
retired through Syria with a troop of soldiers, and returned to occopy
the town. He found the gates burred, and attacked it for some.
days, when Mohai, son of Zebdlak, and a number ot ^ dtisent
arose within, and opened the gates. Sanjar thereopon entered, and
the Mongol prefect, with the princess, were 4>btiged to seek shdter m
the dtadel Sanjar commenced a cmd p erse cuti on of ^le Chrisdans,
killing those who would not become Mussulmans; and we are tdd tiiat
many priests, deacons, grande^^ and others, except those bdonging to
the femilies of Said, DeUnddk, and Naphis the goldsmith, renounced
theirfaith. At the same time the Kurds made an attack on the surroondinit
district, and slaughtered many dristians. 1 hey stormed a mmnery at
Khudida, and put to death many who had sought refuge ther^ and forfonr
months they attacked the monastery of Mar Matthew widi i,ooo horsemen
and foot soldiers, and attempted to storm it, but the monks burnt tfie
scaling ladders with naphtha. The Kurds now rolled two great iod»
s^nst the walls from a hdgfat above. One of these stodc fest in tfie
wall, we are told, klce a seal in a ring; the odier pierced the wall When
they tried to force their way dirough the opening the moikks and odwrs
opposed them bravdy widi stones and darts, and repaind the binach
with stones and Ume. In these struggles the Abbot Abunser lost an eye.
The weapons and strength of the defenders began piesendy to feil, and
eventudiy the Kurds, who were afraid of a Mongol attack, were bought
off by the sacrifice of the gdd and silver ornaments in the dmrdies, &c.
Thdr booty wdghed i,ooo golden denarii. The Amir Knritighheg
perpetrated another sUnigfater of men and women at IifoiLt AlamSaii|Hr,
who had secured possession of Moed, as we have seen, having heard that
die Mongols were advancing upon that town, marched against them, bat
was defeated and killed.!
Let us now return to Salih, the Mahk of Mosul ile made his way,
with his son Aid ud din, to the Court of Bibars, who was then appaiendy
at Damascus with the Khali£ He was then received with i^eat
* iUmUanjf Cbioo. Sjr., 5<$x. Chroo. Arab., i|»>3|> t /d,^ duoo. Syr., ifi^-tfih
I /4^4 Chroo. Sjr.y i/6$.
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M wm bkbrallian lidft ll^jaUd Sdf «d4lia Id^
ofJonalHaiid MaHklteaftr AWvdjd&iA^ Tbey
vem tMPMUtol widi lobtt of boMOi^ itmmnt hmft ^ aod wtn
gnatad diplnmai ciwftmrfftg them in poiitnion of their italesi which
vem tether cQnfinned by the new Khelii Selih wns appointed Prinoe
ofMooal,Nitfrfn» AkrMulShaeh<botkaeer MoanlX <tf !>«% muI the
lorticaees of the dtttrkt of Amndiak Mi^ahid wae eiyled Prince of
Jed^d^ and Monfibr Prince of Senjer.* The three bfotfieri set out from
Kgypt^aa I mentioned, hi conqMutywitfitfie new Khali( bat they aD left
him m rmOt to go to their aeveial pdadpalttiet^ Salih r^aired to
MoeoL He was speedily followed by a Mongol chief named Samdagho
called Sadagm by MiMsi, and Shidai^ by RavertyX iHio^ we are told,
was a Oirittian^ aad therefoie probably a Keait He was aleo poong
aad amiable. He attadMd the pteee with a toman of tioope and twentyw
five batierii^ engines, friiile Blalik Sadr od din, of Tebrii^ assisted with
a toman of Ti^ks.t The si^ge b^iaa in December and lasted till
sonimer. The ganison consisted of Kards^Tosoomans, and Shuls (a tribe
of Loriatan, on whom Qoatremere has a long notetXw^ Salih distributed
hogesB freely among them, and promised that Biban would speedily send
to thefar assistance The place was bravciy defonded. One day eighty
Mongols socoMded in scaling the walls, bat tbey were all lolled, and their
beads shot among th^ oonmanionsi Sadr od din, of Tebcis, was himself
woonded, and was allowtd to retom invalided. He went to Alatagh and
reported wtmt was going on, whereupon Kholagu sent a second army to
reiievn Saindaghn Meanwhile Bibais ordered Agnsh Arbaihi (calted
Barhib his ''Arabic Chronicle ''by Abulfitti^ to. sttoooor the phu:e. He
sent a pigeon, witli a note frsfeened to its wini^ to inform the garrison that
he^ was at hand, but by a shigular fotality the bird elicited on one of the
Mongol battering engines. Samdsghu having had the letter read, dis>
patched a tamanof troops to surprise the Egyptians. They idanted
themselves in ambush in three sections, near Sai\|ar, almost destroyed
their army, and then took vengeance upon the people of Sanjar, many of
whomthqrhilled,carryingoff the women and children prisoners. T^iey
dien dressed themselves in the uniforms of the Syrians, and let their hkir
hang down after the £Mhion of the Kurds. When they neared Mosul
many of the citizens saw them and went out to meet them, foncying tbey
were friends, whereupon they were surrounded and all killed. The siege
had now lasted six months, and fhe terrible heat of summer had made
each party desist a while from attacking the other. Famine and pestilence
raged inside. Salih sent out a letter, ofiering to surrender if
Samdaghn would send him on to Khukgu and Intercede, for hioLg
Abulforaj si^^gests that it was the Mongols who made overtures and
• IfakiH s64.t^. t T«bdcat4.Nufai. xaSo-xaei. Notes. t 0|k dft , 38o.j6x.
f Qoititaiar*, 389.989. AbuUkinl, Chnm. Syr., 96$. •*^''
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l8a HISTORY OP THB UOHOOLS.
hk promises. Salih was a dissipated penon, and caaM om' oC the
dty accompanied by dancers aad tombleri, and amidst the pliyiiig
of cymbals and sistras.* Samdagha would not see him. The Mongols
Altered the town on the 25th of Jmie, 1962, when Uve whole popohdoBi
except the artisans, were put to death. The latter were carried away
captive. The phu^e was con^tely depopulated, and it was oulyafter the
withdrawal of the enemy that 1,000 fbgitives, who had shehcred in the
mountains and caverns, retumedt In reading these accounts we cao
realise why Mesopotaoua ceased to be a OYihsed land^ and howit caniie
about tliat a country once so diriving and prosperous became die home of
bitterns and peHcans.
Salih was sentto Khubigu, who treated him w^ groit cruelty. He
was wrapped in a fresh sheep^s skin, wluch was fastened tightly found
him, and in this condition he was exposed to the sun. In a week% tfane
die foul skin produced hotrible vermin, which attacked his flesh, and he
perished after a month's suflferings. His son, Alai ud din, only diree
years old, was sent to MosuLt Having nsade him drunk, diey fastened a
cord so tighdy round his body that they squeexed his entrails towards his
€Me. They then dove him asunder into two pieces, whidi they hung on
two gibbets on each side of the Tigris; Bar Hebrseus saiys, on each side
of the dty gates. Rashid ud <Kn says dolefully :
H« rotted and fell down bom that plaoa.
O, Hitnrtn, thoa art oottatisfied th«n with this aa of vengMnoti
Thoa hast d eli cat el y mutored this lorablt man.
And hast then gSven hiiiii>Ter to (he tooda of tbs wora. f
Mohai, son of Zeblak, was also decapitated. The traitor, Stems ud din
Ibn Yunus, called Bar Yunus by Bar Hebraeus, was app<^ted Governor
of Mosul Samdi^hu, after his success at Mosul, went on to Xerimh, called
GazarU by Abul£uaj, which he t)eleagured during aB:the winter and into
the summer. At that dmc^Hananieriraa (meaning the grace of Jesus) was
Neiiorian bishop there. He knew Khuk^ personally, who patitmiied
him on account of his knowledge of alchemy. He went to die Mongol
ruler, from whom he obtained a yarligh securing their Hves to the
inhabitants. The town gates were opened, and 5;amd«ghu entered
and ordered the walls to be rased. They then withdrew to Shemam, in
the district of IrbiL They set over the pUu:e Jemal ud din Gulbeg, an
officer of Self ud din, the Ayubit Prince of Jerirah, who, as we have seen,
had been a refugee in Egypt But some time after, die latter havingsent
to Gulbeg to forward him a quantity of gold which he had hid when he
retired, the news coming to Samdaghu's ears, he arrested Gulbeg and let
him know that he had been appointed ruler of Jezirah by the Mongols
and not by the Egyptian exile. He then had him executed, and replaced
him by Mar Hasia.|| This took place in 1263. The next year Bar Yunus,
* AbuUaxaj. Chroo. Syr.» <65. 1 Quatremere. 389. I fd., 3S9.
% /</., 389. AVunara), Chitm. Syr., 56s. | AbnUarig, Chroo. Syr., 565-566.
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mmmjon kham. 1S3
the niler of Moral, wliose tiMdMnet we lia^ descdLed, wM dMi^
KhoUigit fay a ^ly iMuiied Al.Ziki|Or Zbochttosy of IiW,wilh seoedng
aqnudty of tveenue with tlM iiUenfion offcndkigittoEgypt KiMnring
diat AlZald wMftwaieofhitdestgiiyhehadtriedtopoiMa him, bet he
had beta statd by a Chriatiaii doctor nenied Moi^iek, who gave him mi
aatidote; Khakgii, who wat emaged, ordered him to be beiti&adoed.
When he was stretched oota docement fell ifom the fbkis of his deaki
whkh was writm over widi the foUowiog seatence from the Koran : ^If
their tongues daveto their mouths, their feet were shackkd, and their
necks in chainsi we should be delighted and greatly pleased." Khak^tt
havii^ asked the meaaittg of these words was told it was an incantatioii
directed against himself i^wn which he had him killed* Al Zaki was
appomted in hia place.* About this time (i^^ June, ia6a) Sidar, Prince
of Vassit, Kuiat, and Hillet, a feudatory of the Khalir% who, after the
c^ituie of Baj^ad, ha^ sou^t reft^ in the desert of Hejai, and had
remained there six months^ received a message from Khulagu reinsdUing
him in his fonner donriiaons. When Bibars mounted the throne of
Egypt he had summoned him more than <mce to h^s presence, and he had
p rofe s s e d that he would go when he had c o llected his wealth. Thia
having reached the ears of KhulagU| he was summoned in turn by him.
Afraid to obey^ he left his family and goods and retired to Egypt, where
Bibars gave him a military command and a fief.t
We must now turn aside to consider what was takiQg phu:e in Rum.
We have seen hqwthe two brothers U ud din and Rokn ud din made
friends, submitted to the Moaffoli, and divided Rum between them4
They remained good friends till the death of thehr common viaet^ Shems
ud dm Mahmud, when each prince got a viner of his own. Rokn ud din's
visier, Moyin ud din Suliman, better known by his Persian tide of Sahib
Pervana, or keeper of the seals, and called the Peishwa of Rum by
Wassa^ determined to make his master ruler of the joint kingdom, and
ende av o ur ed to win over Khukgu's lieutenantm these part% the Noyan
Alijak, who^ under his instructioos, infonned his master that Is ud din
was. consp irin g with the EgypCiaa sukan, and meditated a revolt ; and, in
fiict, Iz ud din had sent a missive to Bibars offisring^ for his assistance, to
surender half his kingdom to him, and sending him a number of blank
patents, which Bibars might fill up and confer on whom he j^eased some
fiefii in Rum. The latter ordered his men to march from Damascus and
Aleppo to die aid of Is ud din, and prepared several diplomas conferring
fiefii in Rum on his friends. But he presently heard from his ally that
in view of his alliance his enemies had withdrawn, and that his own
people were attacking Conia (or Iconium). This was during the year
1262. Khulagu issued orders that Is ud din was to be suppressed. At first
* AboUkn^j, Chxoa. Syr., 567 ; Ouroiu Arab., jj4-355- t P'OhnoB, iU. 375-377
J Ante, I39-I40I
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it4 Bunon ov the mowoolb.
lieliioaglitofgofaigtoiaiiilagtt*sCoartin penoB. H« «•• MtHag out,
iriiea a m e n eagcr camd to anaomioe diat hit bnAm^ Rokii «d 4iD|
ividi his miniitcr, the p«rvMia, md the Mengol Noyw Al^ek vera
merging agehut hinii and fanended tocaplara Um and to take hfaoto
uie Mongol Cdnrt* He aocoftfanj^ abandoBed his can^ and fled*
Aliiak Noyan entered* Iconfann, and Rokn «d din was con ethut e d ede
raler of Rimii whfa the pervana aa hit nfailMr.* The Al^ak Noyan
of this nolico is no donbl the Aljakta Noyan of Mfaihi^ i Sha|, who
says Rokn od dfai married Us dai«hter.t Meanwhile^ It nd dhi sought
shelter with the Gnek Emperor Michael Palnokigos, who had recMidy
regafaied that city fimn the Latkis, and who had akeadfoAred an asyhnn
to several of his chie6 and foond diem emi^oyment in his service. Having
a>Hected his treasm^ he accordingly set ootftomlconimn lor Nyn^fcga,
where the Emperor was staying widi his trsasores. The hitter bdiaved
with marked diqilidty. While he pt o fcssc d to wdcome his gnest and to
trsat him widi hoq^talityy assigning him.a gnard ecfoal lo his owni.and
also the tise of die hnperial insignia, he mesnwhile negotiated with die
Mongols, who wished him tu ktffp U od din mider durance^ so that he
might not distmh thttr centred of Iconiom* To seonre this end still
more, he had the Saltan's wives and children sent to Nksou find din, to
whom Michael was imder oMigatJons, was detaided by one excoee after
another. He accompanied Mkhaellnhis various Jomneys, and e^foytd
akind of imperial servitude^ the wily emperor deeming anythhig better
than the imprudence of drawing upoh himself the Tartar arms, even to
the extent o^ disarming the natural bodder of the Gredt En^iire on its
eastern flank, namely, the Sdjiddan MngdomI Abdfeda says that
presenUy Ii od din. havhig co ns p ir ed agatost the ttfe of his host, was
imprisoned, and the eyes of his sup pog t e rs were seared with a hot iroo.§
Letnsnow tumto the MongoldofaigsatdMOdierendof Iran. Khidagn
had been nominated generalissimo of all his forces fai the west by Mangn*
He had a commission to destroy the enemies ctf the Mongols, hot he was
not ai^Mtfendy endowed with any territory or ^ledal jurlsdl ctkML This
came afterwards. He and his descendants nomiaally exercised Jorisdicthm
in the country east of Khorasan. The troops cantoned hi A^hanblan
and iu borders were, noadnally at all events, part ctf their command,
and when Khulagn mardied westwards we are ejqxessly told that SaU,
or Sari, idio had previoiisly commanded the troops on the borders uf
India, was ordered to pot himself at his diqMMaL Sail was a ihsr Tartar,
and bekmged to the Tartar tribe TittdoUhit When his race was
virtually exterminated by order of }ingis» he owed his liie to ^ inter-
cesskm of Yessdun and Yessugat, die two Tartar whres of Jfaigis. Salt,
we are told by Rashid, had efibcted the conquest ctf Kashndr, idience he
• iUMlfima*Chioii. 8^., 964. t TalwlcaU-KMiri, x«4-
I Stfitter, BL wi^'to^ iMimn, xvUL 79-81. f Op^ cit., ▼. 1%
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KHULAOU KHAH. lIS
kad ottiM off mmj thommd cqitivM. Ho adds that all the tiooya
whidi wore oader his ocderii wh er g f cr tfaajr wmt gtaticncd, becanw
by fi|^ of tohnitaace the ipodal ptopoty of the Khig of Itkiii
(O^ofthellkhan).* The oonqimt of Kashmir by tho Mongolt la alto
ncntioiiod in the biography of Kno Khan (^ the Knka 11^
dk indio''Ytianshi,"idiaraivoj«adtiiatKishimiMulAsiikannaniod
Holi,orKhnli,sano&d«odtothoMoQgola.t Indw^Yoanshi* woare
told that m 1263 tha gensfals Sa-U-tn-hi^iia md TartM^dai (t^ Sail
and Tair) wm sent to Hfai^do-saa and Kio-«hi-mirc4
In the year 654 Satt and his Moi^olshivaded India. We are told chat
after croMhif the Irdns diey sent Shems nd din Mnhenuned Kert^ who
was then the soler of Khaisar in Ghnri to Mnltan, on n mission to the
Sheikh of SheikhSiBahaiad din Zakarisi also known asBahai nl Hakk,
whose tomb Mi^ Raverty says was nmch battered by the.Eos^ in the
ffege of Mnltan, in 1^48^ He agreed to pay locym dinars, and to
accept a mamluk of Shems od din as hakim of the town.| Theinvaders.
dismanded the frT tifi fffl t 1i> nt of lloltan.|| After this they ms rrHi ^ i^on
Lahore^ or idiat remained of it.after its sadc byTyr Ba^Murin 639 hj^.
After that event it is said to have been ocq^Med by the Khokars and also
by Kurt Khan, mbo now agreed to pay a ransom of 30poo dinars, thirty
ass-loads of soft finbri ft , ^"^ 100 captives.^^ After t^»* Sali plotted f g*^««»
Shems nd din JAuhammed, who retired from India and went towards
Ghnr, hot was apprehended im routs by Malik Imad nd din, the Ghuri,
and we are told he thereupon sent a messenger to inform Tair Ba^^iatur
(1^ according to this account, still governed those parts). He ordered
his release, and afterwards had him living near his person.^^
At this dme Is nd din Balban, originally a Turkish skve fromKipchal^
was the governor of Uch and Multan.tt Hewasnotloyaltohissmsrnin,
the Sultan of Delhi, but entered into n^jotiadons with Khulagu through
the medium of the Malik Shems ud din Kert ; virtually threw off'his
allfgianrfi^ and asl^ die Mongols to send a shahnah or intendant to
luperintend his country. He also sent one of his grandsons to Khulagu
as a hostage. Soon after this Balban marched against Delhi, but after
making a demonstradon before its waUs withdrew again, and was
abandoned by many of his nnea Having reached Uch in safoty he went
to pay Khulagu a visit in Irak, whence he returned again to his fieCtt In
consequence of this he folt constrained to go to Sali who about this
time arrived, and proceeded to <}ismantle the walls of Multan. News of
the Mongol invasion having reached Delhi, the Sultan Ulugfa. Khan i
A^am summoned his troops. On hearing of thb concentradon they
ne-tti. D^OIhmb, E. t
-^ " Acnl«. XI0U Notewj.
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l86 HISTORY OP Tme MONGOLS.
did not advapce further, bat harried the frontiers of Shide and LahOfe,
as fiu* as the River Biah .«
About this time a curious diplomatic! intercourse took place between
Khulagu and the rulei of Delhi. According to Minhaj i SaraJ tlie
Malik Nash: ud din Muhammed, son of Hasan, the Kaxluk, who hdd
authority about Banian, had sent secret overtures to Ulugfa Khan
i A^zam, the Sultan of Delhi's most valiant feudatory, far a marriage
between their fiunilies. The latter sent a Khalj Turk named the Hajib
i Ajall (the most worthy chamberkdn) Jamal ud ^ AH With his answer.
En nmte^ he was detahied at Multan, tod dosdy questioned about his
Journey by Ae Malik Iz ud din Balban and the Mongol shahnah or
itttendants. He was allowed to go on, and reached Baenitfi safely, but the
news of his arrival having reached the Mongol shahnah diere, the Midik
Nasir ud din was forced to send him on to Khulagu to Irak and
Azerbaijan, and in addition wrote letters and sent presents by him in the
name of Uhigh Khan i A^tanL They reached Khulagu^s presence at
Tabriz ; the Hajib Ali w^^ well recdved, and his letters were transteted
from Persian into Mongol It was customary in writing letters to the
inferior Mongol and other dependent chiefe to alter the usual de«gnation
of Khan, borne by many of the grandees of In^a and Sinde, to MaUk,
since Khan was among the Mongols a title of supreme dignity. We are
told by our courtly author that Khulagu having noticed this alteration
in the case of Ulugh Khan i A'zam, enjoined diat in his case the title
Khan should be used— a very improbable story. When the Hajib
returned, Khulagu ordered the Shahnah of Banian, who was a
Mussulman, to accompany him, and we are again told a questionable
story, viz., that Khulagu sent orders to the Mongol troops under Sali
Noyan, saying : ^ If the hoof of a horse of your troops shall have
entered the dominions of the Sultan of Sultans, Nasir ud din Mahmud
Shah (God perpetuate his reign), the command unto you is that all
four feet of such horse be lopped ofr."t When Khulagu's envoys arrived
near the cajrital orders were given that they should be detained at
Barutakt After a while they were conducted to the capital to be
presented to the Sultan, and a magnificent review of troops was hdd,
when, according to Minhaj i Saraj, 200,000 feot soldiers and 50,000 horse,
fully equipped, were present^ and the imposing armament ** was paraded
in twenty lines of men one behind another, like the avenue of n pleasure
garden with the branches entwined, placed shoulder to dioulder, row after
row.''§ This 'Spectacle was doubtless arranged to create a feeling of
tespect on the part of the Mongols when they heard of it There is a
curious bit of local colour in the remaric that some of. the emissaries were
thrown from their horses when the trumpeting elephants charged || The
• TiaMkJit-i.Na«ri, 846450. t ItL, 859^3. I Ptrfaftps Btom. Id, 891.
f M. 856^ I id., 857.
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KHUUIOV KHAV. l97
cttvoyi weiB cpadocted to die opto! and gecctved with the honours dne^
to distmguubcd guests. They were eonduot^ to the Kftsr i Sd»i or
Gieen Caettau The castle was ^eoonted wilh irarious kinds of carpeU
andcQshionsi andagreatmimherofrase articles oCgeldJusdrihrer, with
two GKMipies, one red and the other hladc, adorned with coellf jeweb
ofer Ae throne. The distinguished maliks, amirs, and sadrsi ftc^ and
the handsome young Turk s]a%'eS| with golden girdles stood round ahont
On the throne sat the Sultan, '^ as a sun from the fourth heateni with
Ulng^ Khan 1 A sam in attendance as a shbing moon, knedtng upon the
knees of veneration and rsYeienoe, the nudiksm rows like untarevoWiog
pkoels, and the Turiu in their gold and gem-studded girdles like i^ito
stars tnnumeFahle.'^ MinhaJ i SaraJ tmfcrtunately ctoees to nasxative at
thiji point, and we do not know what was the issiie of the embassy.
Let us nosr turn n» Khnlagnte doings nearer home, especially in
Geoigia. According to Vaitan, en his return from Syria he went to
wmter in the pUin of Mughan.t There, accorfing to the Georgiaii
history, he was yislted by King David of Georgia, whonfterwards went to
his sununer camp, and was thence sent to Karthfi to prq[iare to assist b
the campaign against Egypt He traversed the territory of Avak^ the sou
of the Atabeg Ivaneh. Avak was then dead He had left no son, and
only a dau|^ter named Khoshak. David visited Bejni to mourn Unc
him, and having seen his widow, Gontsa, mbo' was of the fiunily of
Kskhaber, eristhaf of Radsha, and very beanti^ he shortlyiAer married
her and gave her the title of <|aeea KlA)6hak waa left behind in cfaaige
of Sadun Mankaberdd, a prudent and sagadout counaeOor, fintunate in
his undertakings, and Dsmous for his bodily strength, and hisddll as an
ardier and wrestler. Chamchean says he bddi^;ed to the princely fomily
of the Ardsnmians, and was the grandson of Kurd of Sasun. Malakia
calls the hater the Amir Kurd. Sadun visited Khulagu, and challenged
my man in the Mongol army to wrestle or dmw the bow with him, and
no one was found who could compet e with haaut Malakia reports a
curious story of him, viz., that Mangu was visited by an adventurous
character, who had a repulsive appearance, was veiy high, and had great
shoulders, a neck like a buffido^ hands like a beai; and who devoured a
she^ daily. He was a fomous iR^restler. He c<mmittted to him a
letter and a robe of honour of great value. The letter was addressed to
Khulagu, and stated diat if any wrestler overcame him he wt^ to have the
robe, but if his champion proved unconquerable he was to have it,
and to be sent back to Mongolia. Khulagu, on his arrival, summoned
. his chieft, and asked if they knew anyone who could cope with him. The
Anneniana and Georgians sdd they knew such an one, upon which he
sent for him. Tliis was Sadun. He was of great stature and well skilled,
* Tabftkat-i-MasiH, 8x8. t Jouni. AsUt.. 5th ser., xvL 193..
I Hist, at ift G4offfie, i. 594*555i »» nocat.
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l88 HISTORY or THE IfOMOOLS.
but was dbooncertsd by tbe invitadoiii as he had never wrestled before
the Khaa, and had heard of the prowess of his adversary. He repaired
to some hermits to pray in: hhn, went to Kak, to the Gnirchof St Sargts,
the di^easer of josdce, and reodved the blesring of ih» Vartabied
Mesfop, and having made a vow and an offering at the Orardi of die
Holy Cross then went on lo KhtdagUi who was delighted with his
appearance. He ordered the two atfiletes to live togedier for nine days,
and iomished them daily with a sheep and a sUn ctf wine. They were
at ki^ matched, and struggled for three hours withovt either gettbg
the advantage, when Sadwi, in the name ctf God, by a sodden tlmm
overt ur ned his opponent Kholagu was delighted, and gave hhn a
yarU^ freeing him and nine of his descendants from taxes.* He is
mentioned in several ArmeniaainsaripCioDs in the monastery of Haghbatf
One of these is on a cross, set op in 1^79^ and de<Bcated to St Saigis,
the general, to whom Sadun chiefly addressed his prayers beibre
encoontering the Mongol champion.
At diis time the kingdom snflfered greedy fifom the exactions of Argfaon
and his tax coUeetors. We read that duee whites (le^ silver pieces) were
levied on every 100 sathers (a derivative of the Gredc fcmjpoi^
a talent) of anyd&ing sold at TifUs. A certain Khoja Axis, who
was a Persian by race and religion, was the tax superintendent at
Tiflis, and was very e:au:ting, and even levied the tax on every sheep and
lamb for the royal kitchen. David, the Georgian king, was much
annoyed at this, and determined to revolt When he summoned his
supporters and told them his views, some of the grandees joined him, but
the greater part, such as Ivanch, son of ^lahinshah ; Grigol Suramel, the
Orpelian; Kakha Thorel,eristhaf of AUial-Kalah, and die majority of the
diieft of H6eth and Kakheth remained Caithftil to (he Mongols, and
went and joined Khulagu. He neverthdess determined to prosecute his
plans, and sent an invitation to Sargis, the commandant of Jak and
Tzikhis Juar, who bad the title of General of Samtdch^ to join him. He
2^[reed, and the king went to Samtckh^ where he was royally entertained,
and where he ^pent the summer with a few followers, while his queen,
Gontza, and his* son Dimitri stayed at Bejni, in the house of Avak.t
Khulagu, on hearing of this revolt, summoned Arghun and 200 other
captains, whom he placed under hif command, as well as 20,000
horsemen, and also ordered the Georgians friendly to him to assist.
Aighun. traversed Kantzag (^ Arran) and Somketh, and came to Tiflis,
where he was joined by the chieftains above named as siding with the
Tartars, and then marched towards Samtxkh^. Meanwhile the king
assembled the.Meskhes and the people of Khawkheth (>>., the Caucasus)
and of the Gaijeth, who had remained faithful to him, and managed to
* Op. dt., 457-458* t Hiit 4* k G4o(SK $55* Hota | A^. S56-s57*
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KHULAOU KHAK. 189
collect a mall anay of 8,000 men, of which Sargis Jakel, whose courage,
mOiCaiy rqratation, and phytiqne were exceptional, was in command.
Thia army set out, andreached the valleys of die Mtsnar. Arghun crossed
Kaidili, and having halted at Soram, detached a body of 6,000 men as an
advance guard, which proceeded to the valley of die Shola, and hhnsdf
remained at Shiadara. Sargis had also detached an advance guard. This
waa 1,500 strong, and went boldly across the bridge of Akhal Daba,
unaware of the proodmity of the Tartars. It was then midwinter, and
diere was a hard frost. Scarcely had they emerged from the defile when
the Tartar advanced guard was seen and very bravely charged by the
MesUies, who broke it and pursued it for a long distance, returning to
Saigis widi a number of Tartar heads as trof^es. Sargis determined to
at oooe march against Arghun with the main body of the army. The
latter would have retired, but his Georgian allies would not allow bim.
''We know how to fight these people^'' said Cakha Thorel, ''we will
defeat them for you.*** A hard struggle ensued, in which the Parthian
tactics of the Mongols were put in force. They professed to retreat, but
presently turned round on their pursuers, who were scattered, and
pitilenly shuightered them, few escaped, and they were pursued to the
bridge of Akhal Daba, or even further. Among the prisoners were
Murwan Gurcelel and others. Arghun now returned to Khulagu, and
Saigis to his unfortunate patron. King David. David having spent part
of the winter in Samtzkh^ went afterwards into Khawkheth (/.^., the
Cancatos) and Claijeth (? Abkhasia), and entered into the valley of
Nigal (prcbMy situated near Artaauj). When the spring grass was
ready for the horses, Khulagu again dispatdied Arghun with his Georgian
allies, who laid waste Samtikfa^ and besieged Tsikhis Juar, otherwise
called Juaris Txikh^ which he did not, however, succeed in taking. He
was a Mussulman, and no doubt enjoybd the task of harrying the
Christiaas. He was hastily sununoned away by a message firom Khulagu,
sayingthat the Khan of Turan (£#., the chief of the Jagatai horde) was
m ed i tatin g an attack i^on him in Khorasan-t Juveni, who describes
diese cveou very shortly, places them in die autumn and winter of
According to Guiragos, in the campaign just described, Arghun pursued
the king^ but could not overtake him, and proceeded to cruelly ravage
Geoigia. The fomous monastery of Gelath in Imeretia (the burial-place
of the Georgian kings) was rased to the ground, as was Atsghur, the
residence of the CathoHcos. Arghun having returned b his master
incited him to imprison Gcmtsa, the wife, and Khoshak, the daughter of
King David, together with the Grand Prince Shahin Shab, Jdal ud din
Hasan, lord of Khachen, and many odiers, under pretence that they were
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190 HISTORY or TH£ MONGOLS.
behind in paying their tribute. A large stun of money was extortedfrom
themas the price of their lives. }elal ud din was treated widi especial
cruelty. He was called upon to pay a ranch larger sum than he could
afford, and as he could not me^ the demand, he had a wooden coDar, or
cangue, fiutened about his neck» vdiile his feet wete dunned. This
treatment was suggested by the fanatical Mussulmans, who knew that Jelal
was a very fervid Christian, and whom they described as the greatest
enemy of their faith. He was removed to Kazvin. Meanwfade Ins
daughter Ruzukan, who had married Pora Moyan, the son of the Mongol
general Charmaghan, went to entreat the good cffioes of Dokus Khatun^
but Aighun, having heard of this, sent some eaeontionets, vAn^ having in
vaia adced him .to apostatise, put him to death during tiie ni|^ and
dismembered his body. This took pkoe in ia6j. His son Atabctg sent
furtively to collect his father's remains, whidi.had been dtfown into an
empty cistern. They were removed to the monastery of Kantia Sar, the
burial place of the princes of Khachen, situated on a mountain near the
t0¥m of Kantiag, in the province of Artsakh. A bright eAilgence is said
to have surrounded the body of the prince. With the consent (tf
Khulagu and Arghun, he was succ ee ded in his principality by Atabeg,
who was much given to religious exercises, and harmless as an anchorite.
Zakaria, son of Shahin Shah, the Lotd of Ain, hairing beennccused before
Khulagu, wab al^ put to death. He was in the Mongol service, and had
won the favour of its chiefs by his bravery. He was irith the army whidi
ravaged Georgia, on which occasion, without informing Arghnn, he went
to pay a visit to his wife, who waa living with her father, Saigis, here
called Prince of Ukhthik (a town and district in the province ci Daik),
who had taken part in the rdiellion of King David. This having been
reported to Khulagu ne was put to death, and his dismembered rtmains
4vere thrown to the dogs. When his father, Shahfai Shah, heard the news,
he became so depressed that he also died. He was buried in the monastery
of K'opair, some distance to the south-east of San&hin and Otton. Its
Arabic name means a tomb.* The Gt&rgioH CknmkU makes oat that
Zakaria, understanding that he was chaiged with being privy to Bereke's
invasion^ to be mentioned presently, fled to King David, son of Rusodan,
iu Kuthathi% where he was well treated. Presently the Khan having sent
lor him, and sworn not to kiii nini, he trusted himself at hb Court, idiere
he was nevertheless put to death.t
Let us now i^etum to the fugitive king, David. We are told that on the
retreat of the Ttears, he returned to Samtzkh^ and summoned his friends
to ask their advice. Sargis said the province was too small for him
Id live in, and he advised him to cross the mountains of Likh, and to go
to his cousin David, son of Rusudan, for each part of the kingdom really
* Cuiiagct, cil. Broteu, isc-i^s. Jotun. KdmU, sdi ttr., xL 499-S09> 1 Opw ck , §£8.
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KHULAOU KHAN. I9I
belonged jcMntly tp the two prinoeSi and addedf that he would devoie
himadf and all his wealth to his service, and if his cousin refused to haiRS
anything to do with him he (Sargis) would at aUeventscUng to him. He
accordingly sent a messenger to his cousin, who promised to receive him.
He went and was treated hospitably. There he remained a year.
Feelmg, however, that he was treated as a stranger. Saigis plotted
with Kakhabcr, Eristhaf of Raja, wkh the son of Kakhaber, and the
Phirdjainans, sons of Kn^abul, to nommale him as Kin^ and he having
consented there aroee a strife m Likht Imereth (/.#., the country beyond
the mountains of Likh). Seme espoused the cause of David Lasha, and
others that of his cousin. TheDadian Bed]an,sonof Juansher^attadied
himself to the latter. The Suans were also divided into parties.
Meanwhile^ however, the two kingi, notwithstanding that their partisans
were at issue, distributed no arms to them. They eventually decided to
divide the kingdom and the arsenal in two^ aswellasTiflis andXuthathis.
They also divided the thawads and eristha£i of Nraopbsia at Derbend.
The femousnecUaoe of diamonds, the precious stone cut in the shape of an
anvil, and the laige pearl, which it would seem were celebrated Georgian
state jewels, fell to David, son of Rusodan. This partition iqpplied only
to the part of Georgia beyond the mountains of Likh. The rest was too
ckMdy cootndled by the Tartars to be die subject of such arrangemenu.
Meanwhile Khulagu, wtu) wished to make terms with David, ordered
Aighun to send him a messenger with a guarantee for his safety.
Another account reporU that Davids wife Gontsa and his son Dimitri,
having been removed as prisofiers to die Ordu, and the Khan having
determined to do the ktter harm, the wife of a noyan who had no
children sent an eiqpress to David suggesting that peace might be made.
Atrsaty was theiefeie entered htto. David was to be restored to liis
khigdom, his w^ and younger son, while his elder son Giorgi was to be
detahied as a hostage. Khoja Axis, the author of his troubles, was
to be surrendered to him, to pardon or kill him as he ivished,
while David was to g6 in person to Khulagu's Court Enuk Arkun
(^ th% Christian) act^ as Khidagu's agent in this negotiation, and
answ e i e d widi his head for die safety of the king and his son. He was
aUowed to take the young prince with him. HetodihimtoTiflis,whereall
the mthawait and eristhafe went to meet him. Among others was an
Armenian, named Badin, who had charge of Tiflis and of the throne.
Ai|^un made Gioigi some rich presents, fie then went on to Khulagu's
Court The huter sent his wife, Tonghul Khatun (the Kerait Doknz
KbatunX who was a Christian, to meet him. When she saw him, we are
told,she loved him, for he was beautifel, she herieif being the same. The
Khan was also fdeased with him. He renudned at the Mongol Court for
a year. David himself had not yet been to the Ordu, and excused himself
through Ars^ran on die ground that Khoja Azix had not yet been
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19^ HISTORY or THB II0IIG0L8.
surrendered to him. Aii Mm the Khan was gready irriuted, and was
counselled by Arghun to put die young prinoe to death|«and to intrust
him with an anny; and promised to bring him back in chains. Khulaga
thereupon cmlered Giorgi and his attendants to be kiUed. At this news
Enuk Arkun at once repaired to Ddkm, Khatun, who reproached her
husband with his crudty in ordering the death of a descendant of such a
long race of Idngs, who had gone to him on the strength of his oath.
She added that he and Enuk Arknn were prepared to ofler their lives for
theprince. She also uigeddiat thornier ofthe Khanate of Kipchak was
habitua11> intriguing to persuade the Georgian king to open for him the
passes of Darialman and of the west, which were hi his power. ^What
was the life'of a Persian merchant to the danger of having the Uku of
Batu in alliance widi the King €i Georgia?" We see here how it was
that the Georgian kingdom survived so kmg. The fisict is the rival
policies oftheKhansofKipchak and of the Ilkhans made it easy to secure
an ally against either power when it assumed a threatening attitude.
Khulagu was disconcerted by these home truths. He at once handed
over Giergi to Dokuz Khatun and Enuk Arkun to do what they pleased
with him, and they in turn offered to secure the attendance of David if
Khoja Azix was handed over to them to take to him. This was done.
Enuk Arkun set out for Tiflis widi hia charges, and the kmg went to the
extr e mit y of Kwishkheth, and stopped between that place and Suram. A
soon as Khoja Azb was handed over to him he had him beheaded, and
his head was sent to Tiflis, where it was placed on a stake. Rashid ud
din mentions the death of Khoja Aziz. He calls him one of the governors
of Gurgistan (^ Georgia). This event happened, according to the
Persian lustorian, in November, i^ds.*
David now went to the Ordu, and was accon^Mmied by his friend
Sargis, lord of Tsikhis-Juar and Jak, who insisted upon going, although
the safe conduct did not inchide him. The King was much pleased at his
devotion, and conferred on him the district oi Kwabulian, in Samtddi^
and the church of Tbeth in the KhaiHdieth.t They presented them-
selves to Khulagu at Berdaa, his winter quarters, without knowing what
theu: £ite would be. He^ a fbw days later, summoned David and the
mthawars to an interview. Everyone thought diey would be put to death.
Khulagu, however, ofifored the king wine out of a gold cup with his own
hand, after the fitshion of the Khans. The King and the mthawars
having seated themsehres witfi their legs crossed, Khulagu then asked
him why he had rebdled and disobeyed his orders, and fought against
Arghun, and reminded him how, when an exile and condemned to death,
he had been drawn out of the pit filled with serpents and placed on the
throne. The King had nothing to say, and turned to Sargis, who had
• QiutrasMrt, 395 t Hisl. d« k Oteffe, f69-364.
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KHULAGU KHAN. I93
been the chief abettor of the attack on Arghun. Seeing that the blame
WIS going to be pot apon him, Sargis rose and advanced towards
KhuJagu, and laid boldly, •* It was I, great king, who attacked Arghun,
but the only blameworthy person was Khoja Axis. He took the king's
danams, towns, and villages, and u>ok possession of everything. He
nnned the churches and fortresses, most blessed Khan, and in order that
no one should suspect him he closed by corrupt means the avenues to
your Court This is why I carried off the Khig, in order that the Khan
might cause inquiries to be made, and that his eyes might be opened as
they are now. Know too, oh K^an, that from thne immemorial die
Persians have been the enemies of the Georgians. If I theielm fought
against Aighun it was because I could no longer bear the injustice of
Khoja Aiif towards the King. The King is innocent It was I who
prevented hfancomfaig to your Gmrt* The conversation was prolonged,
and diverged faito various matters, Sadun Mancaberdel, who was an
excdlentorat(»r, actmg as hiterpreter. Everyone expected that the King
woukl be punished and that Saigis would be put to death; but happily, as
the mterview was stiU in progress, one of the Khan's sentinels on the
route of Derbend arrived, saying : •« This is no time for disputation. The
Grand Ulus of the Khan Batu is in motion, and the Khan and his son
Barkai are advaucing towards Derbend with an innumerable army.''*
The mention of Batu b an atiachronism. He was then dead, and it was
his brother Bereke whose march was thiis announced.
I have described the struggle between Khulagu and Bereke in a
previous volume.t Since writing that account I have met with fresh
materiafs. As we have seen, Bereke had become a' convert to Muham-
medanism. The very orthodox and inaccurate author of the •'Tabakat-
i-Nasiri " gives us some characteristic details aboat bim. He tells us he
was bom about the time when his father captured Khuarezm {iJ., 618 HEJ.,
AJ>. 1321), and ad^'that the latter from the first was determined that he
should he brought up as a Mtissulman, and that accordingly his nurse
severed his navel string in the Mussulman fashion, that he was suckled by
a Mussulman nur^e, and taught the Koraii by a Mussulman doctor. Some
reported that he had studied the Koran at Khojend with a pious ulema of
that dty. On arriving at the proper age he was duly drcumdsed, and
when he arrived at manhood was set over the Mussulmans in his fiuhei^
ulus. Batu retained him in the same position, and confirmed him
in his command, fieft, vassals, and dependents.! The ^Shajrat ul
Atrak" has a similar story. It says Bereke refused to take tiie
breast of any female except that of the Mussuhnan woman who
brought him up. It also says his mother was a Mussulman. Whev
he grew up, his brother ordered him to gc to various parts of the
* A'-* 5^-s6s t Ante, U. 113, ftc. % rabAkat-l-IfwM, ziBs-itlf
N
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194 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
empire. On oat occasion he went to Bukhara, where he fell in wich-the
Sheikh Hazrat Self ud din Bakhuniny a disciple of the Sheikh Nejm ud
din Kobria. He remained for some time under his tuition, when he was
ordered to return home, which he did by way of Chiyi Turkhan (? Shash
or Tashkend}.* Mmhaj i Saraj tells us how in th^ year 631 HIV* tM*»
1234} a number of envoys went fiom Beieke to the Indian Stdtan lyal
tamsh, taking various rarities with them. The Sultan always refosed,
however, to have communication with the Mongol chiefr, and these
envoys were sent to the fortress of Gwalior. They were Mussulmans,
and used every Friday to be present hi the mosque thece, and, our andior
teUs us, used to say their prayers behind his own mmab. Eventually the
envoys were removed from Gwalior to Kinaqj, where they were restri ct ed
to the limits of the dty, ana there died. Minhiy i Sany tells us further
that Bereke made a pilgrimage to visit the Ohistrioos ulemas at Bukhara,
and also sent envoys to the Khali^ idio was said on two occasions during
his brother Batu's reign to have sent him robes of honour. All his army
consisted of orthodox Mussulmans, and trustworthy persons reported that
every one ol his horsemen had a prayer carpet, and that they refrained
from intoxicating drinks. Bereke made companicms of the great ulemas,
consisting of commentators, traditionists, theological jurists, ahd dis-
putants, and had many religious books. Most of his receptions and
debates were with ulemas, and in his place of audience debates on moral
science and ecclesiastical law constantly took place.t These exaggera-
tions are very pardonable when we consider what a notable event in
Mussulman history the conversion of such a potent Mongol chief as
Berdce must have been. We can well believe, too, that to a recent
convert the slaughter of the Khalif and his fiunily by Khdagu must have
been a great outrage. In addition to this, Ber^k^ as we have pointed
out, had other grievances.t In regard to the death of his relatives the
Armenian monk, Malakia, reports matters somewhat differently. He says
that after the capture of Baghdad the Khan's seven sons, who were gmged
with riches, gold, and pearls, would not obey each other, but each one
followed his own way, and pillaged and laid waste the country. Khulagu,
their senior, thereupon wrote to his brother, the Khakan Mangu, in these
terms: " We seven chiefe of tumans, thanks to the grace of God and to
yours, have arrived here, and have taken with us the former temashb
(<>., chiefs of tumans, meaning Baichu, &c). We have advanced and
captured Bagdad, the dty of the Tajiks, and have returned thence
laden with treasures, thanks to the grace of God and yours. Mean-
while, what are your wishes ? These people are lawless, and living
in anarchy; the country Is devastated, and the ordinances of Chanks
Khan are not carried out, for he ordered us to cherish the lands
* Op. ck., M9« t T«bdaU-i-Nuiri, i98|-i«86. rAm«,B. 114.
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fCHULACU KHAN. I95
sDbject to US or conquered by us, and not to lay them waste. If
fou have any olhcr commands, give them, and we will obey.** The
bearers of thts letter were questioned by Ma^gu as to what had
occurred. He now ordered his arghuchis or judges to proclaim
Khnlagu as Khan in the countries where he was, and that anyone who
disobeyed him was to be summoned to answer for it in Mangu's name.
The arghuchis tlbereupon summoned a kuriltai, to which all the various
chiefs^ as also the King of Georgia with his suite, were summoned The
Khan's sons, such as Balakhain, Bora, Tegudar or Nigudar, and Mighan,
son of Khuli, ^ere summoned by special messengers. It having been
announced that Khulagu was to be supreme, four of the chiefs,
VIZ., Balakhain, Tutar, Ghataghan, and Mighan, became rebellious.
Nigndar and Bora were more submissive. The arghuchis ordered
Balakhain, T^;udar,* and Tutar to be strangled with a bowstring (such
was the Mongol inediod of putting Khans to death), while Mighan, son
of Khuli, on account of his youth was arrested and imprisoned on an
island m the Lake of Urmia, called the >Vhite Sea by the Mongols. They
also ordered the troops of Khulagu, together with the Armenians and
Geoigians, to march against the contingents of the guilty princes and
extenninate them, which was accordingly carried out So many were
IdQed that the mountains and plains were infected with the Tartar
corpses. Two of ihe chiefs, however, named Nukhakuun and Aradamur
(the Ala Timur of the Geo^jtan Chronicle) fled, taking with them twelve
horsemen and considerable treasure. They crossed the Kur, and went
with all speed to the country whence they had come (f>., the Kipchak),
where they were protected by Bereke Khan, and for ten years committed
great depredations. Malakia goes on to say that Mangu's arghuchis then
proceeded to duly instal Khulagu (f>., to instal him as ruler of the
western countries he had conquered).t
The Georgian Chronicle calls the Kipchak princes who were put to death
Tutar^ or Khu.ar^ Balgha, and KulLt In regard to the families of the
slaughtered princes it adds some graphicdetails. We there read of the wives
of Tutar, Kuli, and Balgha, who were living in Greece (i>., among the
Seljuki), escaping with their baggage under charge of a certain distinguished
person named Ala Timur, in the direction of Samtzkhd They were
pursued by Khulagu's people, and in a struggle which followed many of
the latter were killed. Ala Timur fought several successful engagements
with his pursuers before he reached the mountains of Kola. He at length
arrived at the village of Glinaf, in Lower Artan, where he met Murvan
Gurcelel, son of Makhujag. They would have killed him, but he
promised to conduct them to Imereth, whence they might escape to
Bereke Khan. But instead of this he treacherously led them to the
* Thin ui ft misttake ; perfuipN O ht tl j lm n it meant,
t Op. cit., 454'45S- I Op. cil., i. ST't •b*! note.
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196 HISTORY or THl MONOOLS.
forest of Gurcel, in Samtzkh^ whence be sent on couriers to Sargis
Thmogwel, to Shalwa, son of Botxo, and all the Meskhes and people o£
Sargis Jakel, to come and seize them. Ala Timur having heard of this,
took his charges across the Mtsuar (Kur) and went towards jawakheth,
passed a place called Eladi, and reached Lerdzavni, below Oshora, whero
Sargis barred his way ; but as soon as he saw the Tartars be and the
army retired. Murvan Gurcelel encountered them with a small fbitre, but
Was beaten and lost many men. The enemy then traversed Jawakheth
and Trialeth, and crossed the Kur at Rusthaf. A succession of fights
followed, in which Ala Timur was continuously successful He traversed
Kambejian, Kakheth, and Hereth, and took the route to Belakan, entered
Ghundzeth (/>«, Kunzag, the country of the Avars), whose king gave him
battle, but he was again victorious, and eventually reached the Court ci
the Khan (t\e^ of Bereke) covered with glory. It was certainly a mar-
vellous march, and we are told the survivors who accompanied Ala Timur
were given the style of aghnargfaoms (superiors or elders).* Tutar, who
is also called Kutar, was put to death, according lo the, authority followed
by Major Raverty, for having caused Balgfaa's death by sorcery, on the
17th Safar, 658. The Sadr, Sauchi, he adds, was also put to death,
as he vw charged with having prepared a charm for Tutar.t
In addition to the various causes enumerated in a former volume tor
the strife between the two cousins, Guiragos tells us there was this— that
Bereke supported Arikbuka, while Khulagu was a champion of Khubilai
in the struggle for the Khakanship, thus confirming my conjecture.)
Guiragos names the princes of the ulus of Juchi who were killed by
Khulagu, Kuli, Balakha, Tutar, Meghan, son of Kuli, Ghatakan, and
Inany others, who he says were exterminated with many of their followers ;
old and young all securing the same fate. Some escaped to Bereke.§ He
also adds the interesting statement that Alghui, the son of Jagatai, had a
feud with Bereke, because the latter had incited Mangu to destroy his
familyJI and that he accordingly wrote to Khulagu offering him his
alliance against the common enemy.lf On the other hand, Makrizi tells
us that Bibars, the Sultan of Egypt, having heard that Bereke had become
a Mussulman, sent to ask iym to march against Khulagu.**
The envoys of Bibars and Bereke were welcomed at Constantinople,
where the Greeks had recently driven out Baldwin and hb supporters,
who were allied with the Crusaders, the friends of Khulagu. The Empennr
asked Bibars to send a patriarch to take charge of the Melkits,tt while he
received the Sultan's envoy, who presently escorted the patriarch, very
graciously, and allowed an old mosque which had formerly been
* Op. dt., 570-S7i> t TAUkat4.N«dri, ia86. Note.
t Gningot, ed. Brotict, zgs. Jonm. AiiiitM s^ Mr*i xL 504* Ante, u. 113.
i Jocin. Asiat, 5U1 wn,, id, 504. I Bronet bM mimid th* pMMge.
tt /^.> the Greek ChristisM who ■c ka owied n ed the Fetriarch of Antlodi M thehr h«Ml,
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KSULACU KHAff. 197
occupied by the Mussulnums, and ^hich was said to have been built in
the year 96 of the hej^ to be restored. Bibars also allied himself ^th
Manfred, the fiunous King of Nai^ea, who was styled Imperator by the
Arabs, and who was at deadly issue with the Pope.*
To rerert to Berdie. We are told he assembled an army of 5o»ooo
men to revenge his various wrongs. On his part Khulagu. also collected
bis forces, and divided them hito three sections. He'coAhded the first to
his son Abaka, associating with htm the experienced Aighun, and sent
them to Khorasan, to johi hands with Alghui, the ruler of the Khanate
of JagataL He posted a second division at the gate of the Alans (/.^., the
pass of Darid); while he himself with the third division, went towards
Derbendt .^Berske's army, under Nogai» who was a ntBx rdative of
Ttar, or Kotar,1uid therefore apptopriatdy helped uy Avenge him, had
afaeady crossed the mountains and was in die neighbooriieod of ^ihrvan.t
It attarhwi the advanced guard <^ Khulagu, commanded by Shiramun, the
toncf Oiartnaghan Noyai^aiid Stwagher, or Shamaghn, and defeated
it wi^ great carnage near Shamakhi, a chief named SuHan-jdc being
drowned. This was on the nth of November, I363,§ and the reverse
was upputaAy attributed to the fligfat of the troops of the KipdMk
princes KhnU and Bukan (? Migfaan).|| This defeat was avenged by
Abatait who arrived diortty after, and Kogai was in turn badly defeated.
Th ereupon Khnlagu set out in person from Shamaidii for Derbend
Some of the Inaks, we are told, denounced the vixier, Seif ud din
biddchi, as wett as Khoja AsiSyOne of the governors of Georgia, and Khoja
Mejd ud din Kerman. They were all put to deadi, as well as Hosam ud
dm, the astrofoger, who was atoo denounced. Malik Sadr ud din, of
Tebrii^ and AH Mjalflc, governor of Irak Ajem, escaped the kst penalty
and were bastinadoed. We are not told what the offence of these officials
was, but it was probably some oosspiracy on behalf of the Mussulman
princes who were at this time opposing Khalagu. The latter approached
Derbend, where some ef the enemy showed themselves, but were driven
away by a ffight oi arrows, and the place was stormed. A fight took
place with a Kspchak army outside tiie walls, which lasted till nightfall
It ended in the defeatof the ktter.lT It wonid seem that when Shiramun
was beaten Khulagu sent his son Abaka with a force to the rescue. I
have ahtady described what followed.** I would only add here diat
among the victhns in the battle on the Terek was Blurthel, nephew of the
Orpdkm iHrmce, Sempadtt
The CMfjjim ChrwtUie in describing this campiOgn, in which the
Georgians took port, makes them as usual fight in the advance guard.
Sargis, after his recent revoh, was evidently put upon his mettle to prove
*WfB,hr. 41-44; t Odnaw, •d. Browtt, 193. Joitni. AiUt^ 5th icr.,
f AateTB. ii«. f JhMMnm «93. I St. Mitf&, U. 983!
f QttiUrMMn, 39S. «• Aiit% 8. izC^ tt Hist. d« l« SiottnieTi
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198 HISTORY or TH& MONOOLS.
himsdf a hero. When he had fanged his men, a so-called shweli, or wild
goat of the Caucasus, ran along the lines, and was killed by Saigis, who
was armed cap d pU. Presently he killed a fox, and U»t of all a hare.
Khulagu, having seen this, comi^mented him gready. When the two
armies were dose to one another a taD archer left the ranksof Bereke and
approached King David. The Krag put an arrow to his bow, and struck
this man's horse in the chest The Geoigians diereupon raised a cry
of joy, and charged. When Berdce's men were defeated and being
pursued, Khulagu was left with but four men on a small eminence.
The fugitives noticing this, seven t& them rushed upon him. Sargis,
who was passing at the time with diree other warriors, went to the
rescue and killed four of the assailants, the rest escaping. On his
return to Bardaa, Khulagu, we are told, covered the Georgian king
with honours, and gave Sargis Samnkalak, with all the surrounding
district, and also £rak(? Irak).* This addition to his importance aroused
thejealousy of some of die Georgians, who urged on the king that Sargis
would now be so powerfiil that he would not obey him. He listened
to them, went to consult the Noyan Elgon (called Engin by Wakhusht),
and told him that if the Khan gave Samukalak t9. Saigis he might
as well make him king. Elgon was surprised, and said the Khan
had thus rewarded him because he had defended him, but if it di^leased
the King he would no doubt withdraw his gift "You Georgians," he
added, ** do not know how to reward those ii^o behave bravely in battle.
Don't you kAow that' Sargis saved the Khan's life, and fought most
gkmously ?** On Elgon's report to the Khan, Samukalak was taken
away from Sargis, who was much irritated. The King was detained at
Bardaa during the winter by the Khan, while Sargis, who was disa ffected ,
went to Samtzkh^t
Meanwhile, it would seem diat Guantsa, or Gontsa, die widow of Avak,
and wife of the Georgian King David, remained among the Tartars,
among whom she was killed. According to the G*orgUm ChnmkUy her
death was instigated by her daughter, Khoshak, who was married to the
Seviphaddar Khoja Shems ud din. Chamitch says it was Stephen the
Orpelian who ordered her death, seized her goods, and gave her daughter
in marriage to the Sahib divan of Khulagu. Stqihen the Oipelian
himself tells us Sempad, by order of Khulagu, caused her to be
drowned, and i4;>propriated the inheritance of Avak, of which he had
been trustee. It is probable that her death really occurred in 1262-3.}
The Georgian CkramcU says that the King, having thus lost his wife,
married Esukan. daughter of the great noyan, Charmaghan, and sister of
Shiramun, and left for Tiflis, ndiere he celebrated his wedding with great
rejoicings.
* Op. ctt., sfiS'Sti^ t Hbt de U Gteraie. cSy-sM
I Hilt, d* In G^orfic, 368-569. N0M4. HUu deUSIoonle, 334.
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KHVLAGU KHAN. 199
At this time there arrived at the Georgian Court, as fugitives from the
coontry of Bereke, two wonderful women named Lhnachav. 1 hey had
some yoiu^ children with them of the race of Akhasarphasaian, the elder
called Phanjn arid the younger Bakathar |* there also went several
chieft, who wore seat on to Khulagu. He remitted them again to
David, who assigned them lands at Tiflisy Dmanis, and Jinwan.f
Kholagu tumsd^ on the approach of October, went to Shirwan,
to a place called Chalan Ussuri, or White Water, where he fomwd
the entrenchment of a camp, which was called Siba (an Arabic word,
meaning an entrenchment). He went Uiere as he expected an attack on
the part of Bereke Khan. From this time, we are told, the Tartars and
Georgians b^;an to live at Siba from October till iSbt n^^g-t Guiragoe
says that the war lingered 'on horn the year 1961 to 1265, the two sides
combg to blows every winter, bttt remaining quiet in the summer on
account of die great heats and the swollen rlvers.§
Rashid ud din says that Khulagu, haviiig heard that Nogai was
meditating another attadc, ordered the Sheflih Sherif Tebrizi to cross the
mountains of Les^^iiitan and to spy of it what he was doing. The Sheikh
having ventured Into Nogai's camp, was made prisoner. Nogai asked
him if it was true diat Khulagu in his Ihry had slaughtered his sherife, his
grandees, his holy men, andiorites, and merdiants. *' It is true," said the
Sheikh, '^diat he was nmch Urritated, and has burnt the green with the
dry; botnow,* he added, diverting into poetry, ''by his justice the fire
no tonger bums the nik, and the kid sucks the lioness. Quite
recently envoys have arrived fnm Khitai with the news that Khubilai
has mounted die throne, that Arikbuka has recognised his authority, and
that Ali^ui is dead. A yariigfa, addressed to Khulagu, gives him authrrity
over all the lands from the Oxus to the borders of Syria and Egypt, and
30^000 young Mollis, picked men, are mardring to his assistance." On
bearing this Nogai was much disturbed, and the Sheikh returned again
to his master, who r ew a rded him handsomely. |t
At this time Jelal ud din, the son of the Lfttle Devatdax^ of whom we
heard much in die account of the overthrow of the Khali&te, who had
been much patronised by Khulagu, was nevertheless treacherous. He
urged that there dwelt in the territory of the KhaMf many Kipchak
T^irks, who knew perfectly the laws and customs of thenr country, and
requested permission to collect them M^ether, so that they might form
the advance guard in the contemplated campaign against Bereke.
Khulagu approved of the notion, and sent a yarligh and a paizah ordering
the governors of Baghdad to make over to Jelal ud din what he should
require in the shape of arms and war engines, and that he was to be free
* LOn BioiMt, I am at a lots to «xplato thb Mttnaot.
t Hitt. de l« G^orgie, 369. ^I Op. dt., 569. f Op. dt., ed. Browet, 193.
I QwitraMre, 9991^1.
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20O HISTORY OF THK MONGOLS.
to do as he pleased. He accordingly went to Baghdad, and having
assembled those whom he deemed suited for military service^ told diem
that Khulagu was enrolling them so that they might form a buckler and
shield from the blows of the enemy. He said that death was their
probable portion in the campaign, and if they survived it, it would only
be to be dragged to another elsewhere. ^You know," he said, **my
origin, my fiunily, and the ties which bind me to you. Although Khulagu
has shown me very great' favour, I cannot permit you to be slanghtifired.
I mean, with your help, to break the Mongol yoke. We must act
together.*^ They agreed to follow Um. Thereupon, croenng Uie bridfs
of Baghdad, he foil on some Arabs of the tribe Khafigah, and captured a
number of buffidoes and camels, and took from the treasury at Baghdad
the horses, arms, and money necessary for the equipment of his men.
Soon after, having tokl them to hold themselves in readtness, with
their wives, children, slaves, aervantSy and goods, he again beat the drum
for departure, and crossfaig the bridge of B ag h dnd» said to tfasn, ** Let us
take our wives and fomilies to visit the sacred pkcesi for otherwise they
will have no other dwelling-plaoesdian Deibeod, Shirvaniand ShamaHil
As for the rest of us, let us provision ourselves frMi4he Arabs of iChafi^falH
who are our enemies." Aftier crossing the Euphrates, he said to them,
** I mean to go to Syria and Egypt ; those who care may foflow me, while
the rest may return." They were all afraid to ^[leak, and went on together
by way of Anah and Hadithah towards Syria and Egypt Khulagu was
naturally very much irritated when he heard of this treacherous act*
Let us turn once more to Egypt, where a new Khalif was at this time
inaugurated. This was the Amir Abdul Abbas Ahmed, who had escaped
from thecombat at A'nbar, as I hare described. His inaiigvation took
I^ace on the 8th Moharrem, 66i, and he took the title of the Insam
Hakim hi Amr Allah, and idien he had seated his genealogy, which was
attested by the Kadhi Mohai ud din, the Sultan swore allegiance to liim»
and to his duty as k fruthftd Museuhnan, whereupon the Khalif in turn
invested him with the empire **over k in g d o ms and men" (£#^ widi mdversal
empire). His example was foUowed by die various grandees, all in turn
dofaig homage to the new head of the fiudt At the gmnd andienoe when
this cersmony took pkice the subfects of Bereke who had fled to Egypt,
as I have described,t were pitsent After dispatching the envoys udiom
he sent to Bereke, and nominating Jemal ud din Akush as his vicsroy at
Damascus, Bibars set out for Gaa, in Syria, where he r^;ttlated the
affiurs of the Turkomans, and wrote to the ruler of Shiras {i^ of Fais)
and the Arabs of Khafrijah, urging them to make war li^on Khulagu, and
encouraged them by telling them how he had heard of Beveke's recent
victories over hixn.t From Gaxa Bibars went on to Tur (^., Mount TaborX
* Qwurtm«rt, 4os•4>^ t Aata, il. tt4-tis* I Makrid, i. t89>i9o.
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KHULAOCJ KHAN. tOl
i^iere he recesvtd a vi«l from Malik Asbra^ Prince of Hktis, wbom be
treated with great courtesy. Not so Mogoith, Prince of Karak, wbo-was
charged before the great oAdals, the jtt4ges,.the ambassador of the
Franksi &&, with having carried on a ccm^iondeiice with the Mongols>
incititig them to invade Syria.. From an intercepted letter of Khalagu it
would seem the Utter had offered him the government of Gaza. He was
sentoffprisonertoEgypt^wfaece he was afterwards piitto death.* Karak
was soon after conqnered, idiile on another side Bihars laid a he^vy hand
on the Cmsaden, the a]}ies of the Mongols, and returned home itgain
after what was really a trinmphal progress. I have d e scrib e d the
e mb a ss i es thax passed at this time between Bggrpt and Kipchak at some
length, and how, in the aotonn of 1S63, a large body of Bereke^ PMple
arrived hi Egyptt In the following spring there alscf went thither tor
shelter seveial officers of the army of Ears, some chiefr of the Arab tri^
Khsfiijahi and .the Amir of Irsk Arab. ,They wtti% rewarded 4rith fiefs.
. While Bereke and Biban wen united uk their alliaace, Khnlagu was
befriended by Haithon, the King of Little Armenia, idio made an
mcursion upon the Egyptian territory, and advanced upon Aintab
(Makriri says upon Sarftmd). He had previously Ibrmed an alliance witb
Rokn ud din, the Sultan of Kwofu Bibars, who was kept well informed of
die doings of his neighbours, ordered the troops belonging to the
principalities oi Hamath and Hims to advance upon Aleppo. The
Egyptian troops followed them. This was in 1262*3. '^^ Armenians
were surprised and defeated, whereupon Haithon summoned to his help
700 Mongols idio were encamped in Rom. With them he advanced into
Syria, and was joined by 150 horsemen from Antioch. This little army
encamped near Harim, but was obliged to withdraw by the severity of
the weather. Haithon tried to deceive the Egyptians into bdieving that
he had received a rrinforcement, by^dressing i^ooo of his men m Moogc^
capes and caps, but it availed him pothing^ and the Egyptians revenged
themselves by ravaging his borders and those of AntiodLt
The rivalry of Kluilaguand Bihars extended to .the realms of diplomacy,
and each one sought diligently for allies against the other. While Bihars
drew the ties with Kipchak closer, and offered a ready asyhim in Egypt
to frigitives from the Ilkhan's dominions, the latter tried to win over some
ef Bihars* dependents, and allied himself with the varioqs Christian
communities, including the Crusaders, and with the rulers of Asia Min<»'.
About the same time Bihars heard firom his secret emissaries m Irak that
Khulagu had dispatched two agents to try and tamper with his officers,
andthattheyhadsetoffby way of Sis, the ciq;ntal of Little Armenia. He
afterwards heard of their departure from Acre for Damascus, and ordered
them to be arrested there. They were sent on to Cairo, where they
t Ants, li. tt^IM. > I BUkrid, L •34-a3& DXNiMoa, m, 993-394*
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a02 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
weiie interrogated^ and not being able to clear tlitmselveB were daly
lianged.*
Kbislaga had, as we have seen, put hb vixier to death In the spring of
1263, when he marched to Shamakhi, and appointed Shems nd din
Muhammied, of Jnveni, in his place; He was given entire charge <^ the
affiurs <tf the empire^ while his brother, Alai ud din Atta Mulk, the historian,
was appointed governor of Bagfadad.t The same fear, Zain nd din Abol
Moayid ^Snliman, son of die Amir El A'sarfoani, better known as El
Hafidi, was charged widi end)essting some of the revenues of Damascos
when he was governor there. Khulagu also accused him of nn attempt
to betray him, as he had betrayed his former masters, the Prfnoes Nashr
and Hafiz, and stiH earlier the Prince of Baalbek. He was executed, witfi
all his fiunily^— his brodiers, sons, relatives, and dependents^ to the
number of fifty; only one of his sons and one of his ne^iews escqwdt
Khulagu's attention was now turned to Fars. We hwe seen hikw its
ruler, Munrud din Abubekr,sent his brother Tahamtan with ridi presents
to the Khakan Ogotd,S with his submission. Ogotai gnmted him a
dipkxna of investiture, with the title of Kutfa^ Khan. Fars, by this
submission, was saved from Mongol attack. Its ruler paid an annual
tribute of 30^000 gold dinars, which was not much, considering the
revenues of the province. In addition, the prince generally sent a
member of his finnily every year with presents to the Court of the Gnmd
Khan. When Khulagu marched west he was met on the Oxom by Seljuk
Shah^ the nephew of Abobekr, who was well recmved by hfm. Abubdcr
died In 1360^ and was succeeded by hb son Said, who died twelve days
later, leaving a young son in the care of his widow, Turkhan Khatan,
sisterof Alaiuddaulat,AtabegofYexd. This in£uit, named Muhammed,
^Bed two years later, whereupon one of his uncles, named Muhanuned
Shah, who had commanded the contingent of Fars In Khulagu^ campaign
against Baghdad, succeeded. He was brave, but cruel, and his tyranny
caused discontent He hadmaniedTtarkhan Khatun (Von Hammersays
he married her daughter, Sdgham). The Khatun, who disUked him, had
him ar^Mted as he was passing her harem, and conducted to Khulagu,
with a message to the efiect that he was not fit to reign. She then, with
Khulagu's consent, released Seljuk Shah, brother of Mohammed (so
named because he was descended from the Seljuld on the mother's side),
from his impriscmment in the citadel of Istakhr, married him, and put
him on the throne. He had a vile temper, and one day, when dnmk,
having been taunted wHh what he owed to Tmkhan Khatun, he ordered a
eunuch to go and decapitate her. Presentiy, the negro tctumed widi the
head of the beautiful princess in a golden basin, whereupon her brutal
husband tore two pearis from her ears, and threw them to the musicians.
* lyOhstoo, iU. 394. t QoatrenMre. 409*^ I Novtiri, In DX)hsson,^ 397.
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KHVLAOU RRAN. 203
He then fell upon the two Mongol commissaries at his Court — Ogul Beg,
or Ogfalnb^, and Ratlug^ Bidkji — ^kiUed one with his own hand, and had
die other put to death, as well as all their people. Thereupon Kh\ilagu
ordered Muhammed Shah, whom he was about to release^ to be put to
death, and sent his generals, Altaju and Hmur, together with the con«
tingents of Ispahan, Luristan, Yesd, Kerman, and Ij,* to march upon
Fan. They sent a messenger to call upon Selfuk to submit, and o0ering
him pardon. The latter was cruelly nudtreated. The Mongols accordingly
entered Fars, with the ruler of Kerman, the Atabeg of •Yezd, who was
brodier to Tuxkhan Khatun, and the Prince Ilk Nizam ud din Hasneviyeb|
who ruled a small mountain district of Fars. Seljuk Shah retired with
his troops to the borders of the Persian Gulf. The magistrates of Shu^
went out with banners, korans, and provisimis to meet Altaju, who, having
promised them safety, forbade his people to plunder and mardied on.
They met Sdjuk Shah at Kazerun, or Kiarsun. He ibnght desperately,
but had to give way, and took shelter in the maosoleum d a noly
sheikh, named Morshed, where he was duly beleaguered. Going up
to the saint's tomb^ he sdruck its cover with his mace and broke it, ssyingi
"^O, sheikh, come to my help,** for it was known there that tiw shefldi had
bidden those who were menaced by any danger to let him know it at his
tomb. The Mongols soon forced their way in and captured the Atabeg,
who was put to death at the foot of the castle of Sifid. This was in
I264.t There only remained of the Salgar dynasty two daughters of
Said, son of Abubekr. One oi these, named Abish Khatun,t who was
the daughter of Turkhan Khatun, was placed by Khulagu on the throne of
Fars. Timur, one of the Mongol generals, wished to exterminate the
peoi^ of Shhas, as an example, but was restrained by his ooUeagne, who
decktfed its citixens were innooent, and that the army could not do this
without an order from theirmaster. He contented himself with carrying
off some of the notables to Khulagu's Court
Meanwhfle^ the grand judge of Fars, Sherif ud dhi, who was one of the
chief Seyids or descendants of the Prophet m Fars, and therefore a person
of much consequence, having become ambitious, called upon the people
of the province to do him homage. In the various towns and villages be
passed through many attached themselves to him, believing him to be the
Madh! expected at the end of the world by the Shias, and that he per-
formed nurades. Having adopted the insignia of royalty, he went from
Shebanldareh to Shiraz with a crowd of followers. The Mongol prefect
and Abish Khatun's chief roister sent an army of Mongols and Mussul*
mans against him. The rival forces met each other at Guvar. It was
thought that spirits fought for the Sheikh, and that whoever struggled
* TIm capital of Cbe SbetAokiv princes.
I Sat flUiaiia. L a49i
t MMdwod, quotad by UJbmcn, U. pf-^oa, Weilj^hr. tai.iaa. lUclumi, i •ii-uj.
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104 KISTORY OF THB MOMOOLB.
against him would be paralyted. At first the paopla of Shiras wore in
consequence afiraid to fi|^t» but two sddiers having vttntufed to shoot
their arrows others followed their fxamplf. The MoQgois now charged
the insurgentSi who iled, and the $eyid with the greater pan of his people
were killed. This was in May, 1265. When Khulagu heard of the
revolt he ordered Ahi^ to be bastinadoed for having interfered with his
colleague's wish to destroy the people of Shiraxi and he sent a tuman of
soldiers to wreak his vengeance on the place ;.biK hearing that the Seyid
had been killed, and that the Shiras people hadnpl taken his part, he
levoked his order.*
After reigning for a yeiMr, Abish Khatun, who is called Uns by
D'Ohssoo, was summoned to the Ordu to marry Mangu Timur, son of
Khukgu. From this time Fars was governed by the Mongol Dtvan, in
the name of Abish, who brought her husband a handsone dowry, com-
prising a snth of the domains of Shirai, with an annual charge of Zpoo
ducats upon them. She reigned nominalty for twenty years, hot the
authority was reidly in the hands of the Mongol badnks andmaliks. On
her dea^ in 1387, at Tebris, the Salgadd dynasty came to an endt
We wiU now turn to an obscure comer of our subject A turbulent
tribe of Kurds, named Shefaankian, oc cup ied one of the five districts of
Fars called Darabi^Mrd. They succeeded in forming a separate princi*
paKty, under Nizam ud din Mi^miud, son of Yahia, grandson of
Hasui^ or Hasnuieh. In 634 the principality was ruled by Muzafier
ud din Muhammed, son of Alman, mm of Hasiiieh, who rocreased his
territory by the conquest of several towns and districts bordering on
Hormus. The district of Shebankiareh was bounded towards Fars by
Hasuieh, Rabir, and Khireh. In another direction were the towns of Mish-
kaiHU^Lar,Babek or Sanek,and Guristan, seven parasangs firo^ Hormus.}
The turbulent Shebankiars made raids on Fars^ burnt the palm and other
fruit trees, destroyed the crops, &c, and the troops of Fars sent against
them made reidly no in^nression. In the year 658 hej. (i>., 1260),
Khulagu sent Tekucheneh, of the Jelair tribe, with orders to capture
the fortress of I j, the capital of the Shebankiars. He advanced with
17,000 men to attack it Malik Muzafo ud din Shebankiaii and the
garrison bravely defondett it, when at length he was struck in the eye
with an arrow, and died. His children and the principal inhabitants of
the place thereupon determined to submit Tekucheneh, having thus
secured the capital, marced upon Esfid (the White Castle), situated to the
south. This he a^tured, broke down its walls, and destroyed its
cisterns. Ij itself we are told, contained 179O00 houses, squeezed close
together round the citadel. It was much favoured by nature, and
pitiduced the fruits both of warm and cold countries, and its purple
•llirkfaowi, to XyOhMODtBi. 40^404- Ud., VH- Hktuuis, L •#>
I QuatreoMre, 445H4^
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KHULAOU KHAM. ^0$
onuigesi figs, and ^mcoU wen especially noted. Having secured the
tr eaiui ' es in the places Tekncheneh confinred the principality of ShdMUi-
Idafeh on Kutb od din Mubaxei, son oi Malik Mosafier ud din, and
appointed Mongol darnghas to be with him. Eleven months later, on
the loth Zttlhijah, 659^ Kotb ud din was assassinated by lus brothers. He
was succeeded by Niam ud din Hasuieh, or Hasnuidi, son of Ghiath
ffd din Muhammedy and grandson of J9luza£Eer ud din. He felT on Zebr
the 2nd, 663, in a fic^ widi Seyuk Shah, near Kaserun, and was succeeded
by his brother^ Nusret ud din IbraUm, by a special edict of Khulagu, and
as his brother had been lolled in fii^ting for the Khan he received
orders^ according to Mongol custom, to mairylus widow. She eventually
married in succession two of her husband's brothers. Nusret ud dm
died on Zebr the and, 664, and was succeeded by Jelal ud din Taib Shah,
who was on the thnme for seventeen years.*
In the tetteriMrt of 1^64 the Mongols bid singe to £1 Biret, where the
Amir Jemalud din Akush commanded on behalf of Bibars. Itwasdeemed
the key of Syria, and they proceeded to fill up its ditch with wood. The
besieged mined underneath and set fire to the wood, and the battery of
seventeen catapults whicli was brought against the walls was met by a
vigorous resistance on the other side, in idiich even the women took part
It seems that die Franks had written to the Mongds advisbg them to
invade Syria in the sprin^^ when the Syrian troops were dispersed in thehr
several fiefs and their horses were out at grass. When Bibars heard
diat El Biret was being assailed he sent a contingent under the Amir
h ud din Aigan, and four days later a second body, under Jemal lid din
Aidogdi, to its assistance. Bibars set out in person on the aTth of
January, 1965. He arrived six days later at Gasa, and there heard of
the preci|Htate retreat of the enemy, the foct being that on the approath
of the Amir Aigan, in alliattce with Mansur, Prince of Hamadi, they had
raised the siege and hastily reChed. Bibars ordered El Bket to be
sqif^ed with arms, provisions, and everything that would enable it to
sustain a siege for ten years. He sent aoo/xx> drachmas and 300 robes
of honour to be distributed amoog^ its defonders.t Meanwhile, he pro-
ceeded to press the Crusaders once more. AbuUeda tells us that this
year (/./., 1264) he captured Carkesia (O^ Ghrcesium, one of the
towns on the Euphrates) from the Tartars, which was governed in his
name by Rahaha.)
Let us return once more to Khulagu. He spent the year 1364 in
reforming the administration oi his dominions. He charged his eldest
son, Abaka, widi the government of Irak, Masanderan, and Khorasan, as
fiur as the Oxus. To Yashmut, his third son, he intrusted Arran and
Aserbaijan, as for as (he-Araxes, The provinces of Diarbekr and Diar-
* QiwtreiiMre, lUfthid od din, 447-448. t D'OhMoci, iv. 404>4o6.
I C^. dt., V. 17.
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306 HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
mbia, from the Tigris at far as the Euphrates, were made over to the
Amir Tudan. Rum was assigned to Moyin ud din Fervaneh, Tebriz to
the Malik Sadr ud din, Kerman to Tnrkan Khatun, and Fars to the
Amir Anldaou,* This is Rashid's statement, but in reference to
Kerman it is certainly a mistake, for Kerman was subject to the ftmily of
Borak, the Kara Khitaian.
Vartan tells us how, during the year i3iS4, ±e great Ilkhan, Khulagu,
summoned him by a man named Shnorhavor (/.«., the gracious), who had
acquired considerable influence at die Courts of Khulagu and Batu.
Shnorhavor transported hfim and his companions, vit., the Vmtabieds Saigis
and Gregory and the married priest Avak, from Tf flis. They arrived at
the solenm season of ^ Mongol new year, that is, in July, when the
Tartan spent a month in feasting, and held dieir kuriltai or grand
assembly, which was attended by the various chiefs and by the
subject princes. Each day, says our author, those who attended the
meetmg wore a costume of a different cokrar.f Vartan noticed at the
C6urt, Haidion, King of Little Armenia, David, King of Georgia^ ^
PrinoeofAntioch, and a number of Sultans from Persia* Whenhewas
admitted the ceremony of prostration was excused. Khulagu caused his
visitor to bless the wine which he received frcmi his hands. ** I have
tent for you," said the Mongol chief, ''that you might see me and make
my acquaintance, and pray for me with all your heart" He caused him
to be seated, and ofibred him wine, while the monks, his companions,
chanted hymns. The Georgians, the Syrians, and the Greeks all
celebrated their offices. Khulagu, noticing what a crowd of clergy had
assembled, said he had summoned only him, and wanted to know why
they had gone at this particular time to see and bless him— a most
unusual phenomenon — and concluded diat it was by the special favour of
God, a view in which Vartan diplomatically concurred. On one occasion
he sot^^ht a more private interview with our chronicler, making his people
stand at a distance, and related to him, in die pretence of two others
only, the various events of his life from his childhood. He told him that
his mother was a Christian, and diat be fek much attadied to the
Christians, and, taking his hand,'bade him speak frankly if he wanted him
to do anything. Vartan says he answered as he was inspired : "Just as
you are raised above other men, so are you more like a god. The throne
of God reposes on justice. He gives to each nation the empire of the
world, and puts it to the proof. Hitherto these nations have ravaged the
earth and been pitiless towards die unfortunate. They now have to bear
a heavy servitude themselves; and their plaints are laid before God, who
has taken the power away from them and given it to others. If you are
benefactors to the people and pitiful to the weak. He will not take it from
* Quatremtre, Rashid ud din, 403. t Compure the ttatementi of RubruQub, 4tew
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KHULAGU KHAN. JO?
yoo^biit will kt you keep wfajtt He gave you, for H4 takes away from one
tnd gives to another as He pleases. Place aboiii your gates uen who
ftar God and are Cuthful to yourself! When the unfortunate come to you
with tears in their eyes, and with nothing to oflfer, send tbem home again
satisfied. Cause your realm to be inspected by honest men, who will not
take bribes, and will report the truth to you." Khulagu- replied ^lat It
was singular these >dews should ha^ been abeady impressed on his
heart, and asked if God had appeared to his visitor or spoken to him.
Vartan said no, he was but a poor fisherman, and had merely read die
books of men who had spoken on God's behalf, while kings were in the
hands o£ God, who it was dear had spc^cen to him (Khukgn) personally;
He went on to teD him that all the Christians wiio lived on land or tea
w^xt devoted to him at heart, and did not cease to pray for him. ** I
believe it is so^" said Khulagu,''but the Christians are not in God's
presence. Whatgood will it do if they pray to Him forme? Can they
secure a &vonrable hearing? Can the Christian priest cause God io
come down on to the earth. Thosealooepray to God who follow His ways.
On these questions we and our brothers are at issue, for we loiw the
Christians and their foith is fovourably looked upon by tis, while tb^
fiivour die Mussulmans. Why dont you wear a robe oi golden tissue^
instead of one of sheep^s skin }** Vartan replied, he was not a grandeet
but a simple monk ; that gold and dust were to him of equal value, and
what he would prixe much more would be to secure his |;oodwill for tlie
people. The conversation ended by Khidagu offering him money to buy
incense for his church. At a subseq ue nt interview, where he bade him
adieu, Khulagu gave him a balish and two dresses. He also gave him a
yarligh or diptoma, which he bade him read to see if it contained what he
wished, and if not to alter it, and told him he had confided the care <^hb
country and person to Sakhaltu and Shampandin, with orders to obey his
behests.**
Abulfeda thus enumerates die provinces ruled by Khulagu : Kh-^rasan,
whose ci^ital was Nishapur ; Irak Ajem, commonly called Belad al Jibal
(Ci^ the mountainous region}, whose capital was Ispahan ; Irak Arab^
whose capital was Bagdad; Axerbaijan, with its capital, Tebrix;
Khurestan, with its capital, Tostar (f>., Shuster) ; Fars, with its o^ital,
Shiraz ; Diar Bekr, with its capital, Mosul ; and Rum, whose capital was
Conia (i>., Iconium).t Rashid says he had been told by the Sheikh Shems
od din, of Ispahan, that Khulagu never enjoyed absolute authority. He ruled
as the viceroy of his brother Mangu, and could not strike money in his
own name, but the dinars and dirhems were struck in the name oi Mangu
Khan, a practice which was followed out by Khulagu's son, Abaka.
Afghan, the son of Abaka, was the first to add his name to the coins, and
* JowB. Atist., stk Mr*» x^ 9oo-9^* t Opw cit., v. 15*17.
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20S HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
Gftsan eventually exdtided the iChakan's name altogether. During the
reign of Khulagu and his successors the Khabm had an amir who lived
at their Gnirfs as his representative, and who was treated with great
consideration and hdfiour,^ but after the step taken by Gaxan, as above
mentioned, this-officevirtuallyceased, and became of small rq>ute. The
andior oi die ^^Mesalik Alabsar* confirms the statement that Khulagu
never had absolute authority. During Khulagu's reign and those of his
successors the Khakan used to send an amir into Iran, who lived there
as Us representative, and who was treated with every honour and
consideration by the reigning Ilkhap«t
The actual power of Khukgu was no doiibt greatly strengthened by
die struggle which took place for the supreme Khanship of the Mongols
in Mongolia. I described this struggle in a former volume.^ We are
told that among those .who suppmted Arikbuka against Khulnlai was
Jamkur, th^e son of Khukgu, who had his camp in Mongolia^ in Mangufs
old country, and was therefore constrained to side with Arikbuka, who
repfesented the Nomadic Mongols against Khubilai, whose settienfent in
Giina, and adoption of Chinese habits, had probably irritated his less
sedentary subjects. When, subsequently, Arikbuka declared war against
Alghui, the chief of the Jagatai Horde, J umkur accompanied him; but,
feigning illness, he left him when near Samarkand and went to join his
fiuher, who all through took the side of Khubilai, as his rival, Berdce, did
that of Arikbuka. Jumkur had been previously ordered by Khulagu.to
remam neutraL§ Khubilai rewarded Khulagu's constancy by appointing
him, as we have seen, ruler of all the country from tfit Oxus to the
borders of £gypt,J| and he adopted the tide of Ilkhan, on which see the
note at the end of the chi^rter.
Khulagu &^ on the night of the i^di Rebi, 663 (Ce^ the 8th of
February, 1265), at die age of 48. **A comet," says Rashid ud cBn,
^appeared in the sky, in the shape oi a pointed column, and showed
itself for several nights. When it at length disappeared there happened
the'great catastrophe.*ir Makrizi also describes this comet in some
detail, and from his account it must have been a very imposingi^bject**'
Malaksa and Guiragos also describe it at some length. The former says
that Khulagu, as soon as he sav it,1mew that it referred to him. He
touched the ground with his headand adored God, and his fears increased
gready as its light diminished. Khulagu survived the appearance of this
comet only for a year« when he died, leaving thirty soiis.tt Vartan, in
referring to the great chiefs deadi, uses the turgid phrase, *' Death, with
his grea foot, overthrew this fofty mountain, and levelled it with the
»QMli Mi e r i > i«. Note. t QnaMwri, Ruhid nd din, is-ta. NoUt.
I Ante, I. n% &c f Qnatriroeri, xoi. Ukbant, L in.
|ltaihldnd<nn,qaotedbyQiiatteroeri,z«.s3. Notes. f QmrMwn, 417.
** Op. at., L i4i-«40.
ft Malddn. 453^59. Gidrafot, od. Bro w H , 194. Joum. Aaiiu., sth Mr., sL joS,
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XaVLAm KHAM. J09
plain." Thitf coDtiasUdiaiply with the terse imtk of Al^
year 683, 4th numth and 9^1 day, there died the cursed chief of the
Tartars^ Hulakn, son of Tuhiiy son of Jingip Khan, near Mengfaa."* It
hajipened in lus winter quarter^ on the banks of the Ri^er Qiagata
Nagato, that is, says Rashid, the Zerineh md, or golden rivar.t (See
Note 3.) According to the Egyptian historian, Il»i Tagri berdi, Khnkigu
was subject to fits of epilqMiy, which periiaps account for hii strange
cruelties at times, and the attacks became more and more fivqoent, until
he had two and three fits in one day. He al last became worse, and after
lingering for two months, died.| He was buried on die summit of the
mountainous island of Shahu, opposite Dihkhawarkan (the Desdbawakan
of Von HammerX D'Ohsson.identifies it with Yalai on Lake Urmia, but
Von Hanmier questions tiUs^ and quotes Rashid to show it was near
Mount Sehend 0^^ near Kazvia).§ Accordii^ to Mongol castom, Uiey
placed gM and precious stones in the tood)^ while some young and
beantifol damsels, in rich garments, were buried with him, and funeral
meats were ofiered at hb grave for several days-H
Vartan tells us that on one occasion Khulagu said to ^m, ^ I hsve not
sent for you to obtain ezen^;ition bom death for me, for I know it to be
inevitable, but that you will pray God that I may not die by the treason
of my enemies." **God alone knows," says this chvonider, **wheUier this
wish was gratified, for the news spread abroad that he was in foot
poisoned."^ This is not altogether unlikely, when we consider the
animosity he and his wife showed to the Mussulmans, His death was
quickly followed by those of two of his wives^-one <^ them the mother
of hiseij^th son, Ajai, eight days after his own death ; and four months and
eleven days later the fieuneus Pri^xess Tokus, or Doku2 Khaton, who had
been his fother's wife before she joined his harem.** She was a Christian,
and through her mfluence, as Rashid ud din says, die Christians were
much finroured by Khulagu, who, profiting by this patronage, built many
churches in various provinces.tt Vartan says the Tartars carried about
with them on their journeys a cloth tent in the form oi a diurdi, where
the jamahar or rattle called the foithfol to prayers, and where priests and
deacons performed the services daily. There were also schools for
Ihe children. The ecclesiasdcs were well treated at their Court, and
consequently crowded thither firom all parts.{t Mahilda says much the
»ame.§§
The deaths of Khulagu and his wifo were naturally much regretted by
the Christians. Rashid 4ells us how, to i^ease her, Khulagu had loaded
them with fovours, that churches daily aiose fn various parts of the
^ empire, and that one was always stationed at the gate of her ordu,
♦ QmIi ■■■11,417. raikHii,M9. {iy(Amami,VL M^-fM. W»amt,9f.
« t«M.Aiial.,5aiMr., xvtapS. "* Qitttrftm, lUdiJd «d db. 4i»^ia>
tt ItOImiiii,
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210 HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
where bells were sounded.* Bar Hebrseos writes, in is6s, **At the
banning of Easter died Khulagu, whose wisdom, magnanhnlty, and great
deeds are not to be matched. The following year died the very (aithfal
queen, Dokuz Khatun. The grief of Christians in all the worid was
very great at the departure of these great lights and protectort of the
Christian religion.'^' Stephen Orpelian speaks m even stronger terms.
** The great and pious kingi the master of the worid, the hope and stay
of the Christians, Khulagn Khan, died in the year 1264. He was soon
followed by his reelected wile, Dokus Khatun. They were both," he
adds, '* poisoned by the crafty Sahib Khoja. The Lord knows Uiey were
not inferior in well-dding to Constantine and his mother Hdena ! 1 ! "t
HaithoD, speaking of Dokus Khatun, says she was devoted to the
Christians and very zealous in destroying the temples of the Saracens,
and so iUused the hitter that they dared not show tiiemsdves.§
This sympathy for the Christians seems to have reached the ears of the
Roman Pontiff and Odoric Raynald has published a letter without name
or date, but which he assigns to Alexander IV., and the year 1261. The
Pope expresses the pleasure with which he had heard from a certain
Hungarian, named John, how he had been commissioned by Kfaulagu to
report to him his willingness to become a CathoHc, and his wish that
some one would go and baptise him. " O what joy," says the Pope, ** fifls
our heart when we consider how your presence will delight your Maker
and Redeemer, who gave Himsdf op for the salvation of mankind to the
punishment of the Cross, if you present yourself on the day of judgment
with the marie of baptism and die other emblems of Christianit>' ; not only
you, but all your subjects, m^o will no doubt follow your example, a feet
which will increase your merit and your eternal recompense. Surrounded
by this crowd, rescued from the very throat of the enemy, with what
safety will you await this terrible judgment. Consider, my son, consider
how transitory is this life— how quickly and easily the body decays. If you
have any such intention, therefore, it would be well to lose no time. See
how it would enlarge your power in your contests with the .Saracens if
the Christian soldiery were to assist you openly and strongly, as it could,
with the grace of God. You would thus increase your temporal power,
and inevitably also secure eternal glory. For the rest, as the afore-
said John has not produced clear proofs of his commission, we have
addressed our letters to our venerable brother, the Patriarch of Jerusalem,
telling him to inform himself of your Serenity's intentions, and then to
write to us. This is why we request you to confide your wishes to the
patriarch, so that we may make all the necessary arrangements.*'!!
Guiragos tells us how Khulagu was much imposed upon by the Tartar
* Quatitmere, 9$. t Op. cU. Chion. Syx.^ ^67. Chroo. Arab.. 351.
I Hilt, de la Sioanie, 334.135. St. Martin Manoures, li. isi*iS3. i Op^ dtf 44*
1 Moiheiiii, Uitt. EccL Tart., Appendix, xvu. D'OIimoo, iiL 4x0-4x1.
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KHULAOU KBAW. 21%
magidaiis, whom they called TtaiM, irtio he wys ooald make horiet^
caaeisy and the idols made of Ml* tdL The prieatt had their heads
shaved, and woee yellow mandes ktHtnd^ about their necks. They
adored everydiingi but e^edally Sakyanmi and Madri (le^ Maitreya).
The iormer, aays Vartan, was a god, and had abeady lived 3,04^ yean ;
he still hadr37 tomans of years.(^^ JTQ^oooX e^iea Madri wodd erkt
biuL Th4(ypei:saadedKhidagathathehhnselfwioakllhre toagreatagn
in his present body, and would then pass faito a new one-t Hersffdated
his ooodtoct ty^thlir dedslons, and halted, marched, or mennied on
h o rs eback wfaaa'tbey pfonoonced it propitloos. Ho daily pwisuate d
Umadf 8ei;eral thnes befcte tiMr idiieC He ate meats censecnted hi
die idol^tcoptes^ and trsated the priests with gieatierconsidentiondMn
anyone dse, and waa TSiry Uriah hi gifts to dMhr tamplss. His wHb^
Dokos Khatun,- i iprot h ed him fieqQently» but she codd nol turn hfan
asidefrom these magician^
Mabddatellaus that many kkigs and prinoesiutring olfared him rich
presents, Khukigu became so powecfiil and rich th^ his horsemen end
troqw wcie innomerafale. His riclis% pvedoos slones, and peeris were
like die sands of the sea, without counting all kinds of predoua diings,
a great quantity of gold and silver, and horses andcatd»widiout number.
Personally, ha says, he was a man of great mteOigenoe and justioe^.thai
he was very coldvated, and ahhougfa he shed a great qointity of Uood, he
only put the wicked andhis enemies to death, and not good meni It He
k>ved the Christians more diip any others. . He reports ^lat iriien he
once levied a tax of aoo^ooo heads of sowsf upoa Armenia, he aent aoo
swine uito each of die towns belonging^ to the Tiyiks (i#., ^ PershmsX
with orders that they ware to eat then^ and.ordetfed a special report to be
furnished hhn of those who ate the pork* If any Ti^ great or small,
rdbsed to eat^ he had hun decapitated. He did this (i^^ this outrage
upon Muhammedan feelmgs) to please the Georgians and Armaninni in
his service, who, from their bravery, he named bahadurs. HIa body
guard, who took charge of the entrance of his teut^ wis made 1^ of the
tons of the great Armenian and Georgian princes, whom he named
kesiktoL They were armed with bows and arrows. He bcfsn the
rettoradon of the pUures which had been devastated, and aelected certain
sitisans fiom each town, whom he called yam, one from each of the
small ones and two from die great, and sent them in various directkms to
repair the ruins, exempting them from. all taxes except to supply bread
and 80iq> to th6 Tartars who should pass that way.||
Novairi reports some singular judgments given by-Khuhigu. . Several
people went one day to ask justice from him against a manufricturer of
•Tbt IM or SMVfaM^r^lArvoritolmq^
llaioo Mo. ' tjooni. Asbu., $0i Mr., xvi. jo6.
I Oofaacpt, td. firoiMt, tQ3-z94. Tonrn. Asbt, sA Mr., xL 507.
ttMjvUMtoMlittkiiior&wonllftioabtfta. fOp. dt, 496^57
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aX3 mSTOKY OF THX MONGOLS.
files, who liad killed one of Hieir reladves, tnd tvfao they demanded
should be given up tb them for punishment Khulagn having inqmred if
there were many manufncturera of files fan the country, and learning there
were on)y few, ordered the aggrieved to avenge their relative's blood upon
a manufitetnrerofpack saddles, for they were numerous. As diey insisted
diat this would not do^ be made over a cow to them in satisfoction. On
anodier occasioii, a gold embroiderer havuig thrust out the eye of a min
ina quaifrel, Khulagu oidered an arrow maker to be deprived of an eye,
and when adttd the reason for this dnrious dedsion, he said the
embroiderer had need of both eyes, while the other had need of but one,
since he doaed the odier to see if Ids arrow was straight.^ Hewasvery
foiidofaidih8ctare.t The year before his death he divided between his
architectural woika and die administntlon of die empire. He also pushed
on the comqpletion of the dbservatory at Meragha, which we have already
named. Rashid ud din says he was also very fond of philosophy. He
encouraged learned men to discuss sdence and history, mad granted them
pensions and gifts, and was etpedaHy fond of akhemy. In the pursuit
of this hobby, says die matter^tl^foct historian, his assistants burnt a
great number of different substances and, "without any real gidn, caused
many large and small vohnnes of smoke, and made some large earthen
crudites. But all diis produced nothing, apd merely earned them thdr
morning and evening meals. Nor could they produce a single piece of
gold or sHverwUdi they had made, tern their laboratories. Theamoont
of money wasted in this search was so enormous that the unfintunate
Kamn,dnring all his life, and with die aid of the phikMopher's stone,
could not nave repkced it*t
Khidago had six wives and twdve concubines. The first wife was
Dokw KhatmiiOf whom we have said sonrach. She had been betrodied
to his father, Tuhii, shordy before die latter^ death, but Tului had not
consummated the marriage. According to Mongol custom, Khulagu
married his stepmodier. Her niece Tukuri, or Tuldti, became one of
his concubines, and inherited her ordu.S Dokus was the daughter of
Ittiko^ or Iku, second son of WlingKhan, and was therefore niece of
Khukigu% modier. They neither of them had children. He also married
two wivee from .the Ukat tribe, viz., Kubak, Kpyuk, or Kuik Khatun,
and her half-sister (MJki, the former the mother of his second son, Jumkur,
and the latter of his eleventh 8on» Mangu Timur. They were both
daughters of the Uirat chief, Turalji. Kuik's mother was Jijegan, daughter
of Jingb Khan. Kuik was the first wife married by Khulagu. She died
in MongoHstan. He also had two wives from the Kunkurat tribe—
Kutui khatun, die mother of Tekshin (called Bikin and also Tekshi by
Quatremere), his fourth, and of Ahmed Takudar, his seventh son ; and
* D'ObMOO, Ui. 409^16. t yUtii^/hu Notes. X Qm uimh i*, 4w-403-
iQMimwi,9s.
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KHULAOU KUAN« »3
Mertai Khatnn, who was childless. The fonner had the orda of Kwk
given her when she died. Yisut, or Yisunchin (Quatremere calls her
Sunjin), of the Suldus tribe, was the mother of Khulagu's eldest son
and successor, Abaka, who was only a month older than Jumkur.* Yash-
mot and Tuzin, Khulagu's third and sixth sons, were by a Chinese concn*
bine, named Tukaji, or Bukiyin Ikaji, who was a slave in the household of
his wife KutuL Tarakai, who was killed by lightning in Persia, was the
son of Burkajin, also a slave in Kutui's household ; he was Khnla|:u's fifUi
son. The mother of Ajai, his eighth son, was Ittikan Ikaji (called Arikak
by Quatremere), also in the household of Kutui. He femained it
the head oi her establishment when Khulagu marched westwards*
Ajuji or Juji Ikaji, the. mother of his ninth son, Kuikmtai, or
Kttnkurtai,f was a slave in the household of Dokus. She was after-
wards decked with the boktak or pyramidal cap, which was the symbol
and privilege of a wife, as distinguished from a coiicubfaie.t Yesudar,
the tendi son, had Uwishjin (Quatremere calls her Hesijin, sister
of Akrabeiglu), the Kurias, for his mother ; Hulaju, his twelfth son,
had n Kaji, a slave in the household of Dokuz, for his ; while the mpther
of Sherbaweji, or Sjauji, the thirteenth, and Taghai Timur, the four-
teenth son, was also a slave in the household of Kutui. Her name is
illegible in the MS. followed by Quatremere. OfKhulagu's seven daughters,
Bulughan Aka was the daughter of Kobak, or Kuik. She married her
uncle, Jume Kurkan, the son of the Tartar Juji, brother of Bokdan Kbatun,
chief wife of Abaka Khan ; on her death he married Jemi, Khulagu's
second dau^ter by his wife Oljai (Quatremere calls her Hami). His
third dangler, Mengefaqian, or Manghikan, also by Oljai, was married t»
Jakn, or Jakir, Kurkan, the son of die Uirat Buka, or Tuka, Timur, and
die brother of Oljai ; she therefore married her uncle. His fourth
daughter, Tutuki^, or Bndakaj, by a slave in the household of Doims, wa^
first married to the tJtrat Tengkir, or Tenker, Kurkan ; she afterwards
married his son Sukmish, and lasdy hb grandson Jijak Kuikan, so that she
was married to the felher, son, and grandson. The fifth, Tarakai, irtiose
mother was the concubine Irtikan Ikaji (Quatremere here calls her
Baganikaji) aheady named, was married to the Kunkurat Mlisa Kuikan,
the grandson of Jingis Khan, by his daughter Tmnahm. The sixdi
daughter, Kuthikan, or Kotlkan, whose mother was Menkfikaj ikaji, was
firsi married to Ylsubuka Kurican, of the tribe Duri)an, and afterwards
to his son TakeL Baba, Khulagu's seventh daughter, whose mother was
Oljai, was married to Legsi, or Lekzi, Kurkan, the son of the fomous
amir, Arghun Aka, of the Uirat tribe.§
During Khulagu's reign coins were struck both in silver and copper.
Tbey may be divided into two series— those struck during the supremacy
* Ilkhant, i. SMi. t Qnatremcre, 107. ^ I id.
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314 HISTORY OF IBB UOVOOHA
of Mangu (spdt M(teghe on the coins) as Siq;n«me-IChaii, ^
name and title occur in ibll ; and those strode daring the reign of
Khubilai, in which only the Grand Khan's title occurs, and on which the
inscription reads; ''The very great Kaan , the great Holagu Ilkhan."
Duritig ttib former period IQialagu st^es himself Khan on his coins,
and daring the latter Ilkhan. On his coins in the BritiA Maseom,
Mosul, £1 Basrah, Mardin, £1 Mobaraldyeh, El Jtmda^ Irbil, and Jorjan
occor aataunt places. As in the case of some of the Khans of the Golden
Horde, previoasly referred to,* cofais occur widi Khulagu'sname on them
struck in the years 665-669, that is, after his deatLt These posthomocis
coins are probably to be explained in the sune way as those of Janibeg. t
NoU i.--On his coins stmck dariflf the reign of Mango, as we have seen,
Khnlago styled himself Kbao, hot after the accession of Khubilai he called
himself, as did hit successors, Ilkhao. This title has received more than one
explanation. Quttremere hat devoted a learned note to it. 77, in the dialect
of Jagalai-Tnrldsh, and in Persian, means nation, tribe, or people. The word
it osed also as an adjective, and then meant subject, dependent. As used by
the Mongols, Ilkhan doubtless meant Khan of the people, or of the nation. It
must be remarked, however, that in a marginal note to a passage in Wassaf
II is glossed as meaning ** Great,*' Ilkhan thus meaning Great Khan. The
fonner meaning is, however, much more probable.| Praehn, in a memoir on
the coins of the dynasty, sopposes the title conveys a notion of dependence
on the Gfand Khan. He also eapUins it as msanhif the strong Khan, the
energetic Bum* It has also been espUiined as msaning Prince of Peace. Vaitan
gives the title as Bl^an, wbeoce Bcossel snggssti the Georgiatts deriftd
the ibrms Bldjln and Bh4ifai.|
IkU a.— The Mongols were essentially nomades, and tfiey neter ceased to
be mora or less nomadss doring tlwir oc capa tioo of Fsisia. Their armies had
wintving qoarters and sommering qoarters, between which th^y mofed to and
fra Many stories aie told to show their attaehment to their nomadic liis.
InUrmiia, we read how the powerftd amir Noras, wlaiiing to seeli shelter at
Herat, was warned by some of his people^ who said to hhn : ** The Mongols
have the immensity of the desert in lieo of fortresses and citadelat It behoves
the amhr, therefore, to renounce his project, and that he takes cara not to
confine himself between four walls.*^ The author of the *' Mesaldc Alabsar"
says: " The town of Aujao Is situated near Tebris. It It surrounded by
tplendid meadowt, and hat capital supplies of .water. There is a palace
there, built by the later Mongol chiefs, and all around it the principal amirs
have built themselves houses. The princes, amirs, and chiefii also form
* Ante, U. 004. . _ .
% Quatronere, RaiihU
t Poole'tCabdogue of Oriental Coiii>,vL8-sd. t ^i/^r Ante. 0. ac
uihU ad din. I4-Z5- Note. | Hist, de k G^oiiie, 1. 939. Hole.
1 Qnatremera, 6^70. Notes.
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KHULAGU KHAN. 21$
pounds or parka, iadoaad with reeda and watt]aa,in which they Iceep their
cattle, and in which th^ Kre during the winter season, which they pass
at Aajan. They also make teals of felt and horsehafa*. During the winter
Ibe place looks like a vast town, with great stieets and markets in it, bat
when they leave Anjan for their snmmer qoarteis they set fire to all the
hnts, for otherwise a vast nnmber of serpents would accnmulate there.
The princea of Inm.(ij^ the nkhans) paased the whiter either at AaJan
or at Bagdad. The snmmer camp ia at Karabagh, meaning in Tnrkish the
black, garden, and so called from the cokwr of the eoO. In that district are
many settlemeotSL The air is pnre, the water excellent, and the pasture
abundant When the ordu, or Ilkhan's camp, is fixed there, and the princesses
and amirs have built their houses, Jamia or mosques are also built, and baxaars,
where objects of all kinds are sold, are constructed* There are also houses for
courtesans. Although food, utensils, ck>theiL Ac.^ are there in any quantity,
they are very dear, in consequence of the cost of tran^Knt, which doubles their
value. The Sultan always has with him in his Journeys some of the principal
wise mtn and doctors, who receive pensions from the treasury. Each one is
accompanied by several lakihs (jurisconsults) and disdples, and they are known
as itinerant doctors. The chief officers of state, commanders of troops, tax
ofiSdals, scribes, and workmen of all kinds follow the orda, so that it resembles
a large town. Tents, ready made and furnished, and of varioua sixes, can
be bought by those who need them,'**
To revert to Aujan, the whitering quarters of the Mongol& Gbasan Khan
gave a grand fftte there, which ia described in detail by Raahid ud din. Wassaf
also namea a general kuriltai or diet aa having been held there. It was at
Aujan that Uljaitu was proclaimed Ilkhan, and it was near there that Adil
Shah Khatun, wife of Abu Said, died in 732 hbj. Timur, after his expedition
against Baghdad, spent eight days at Aujan, in Arghan*s palace. Las^y, in
823 the famous Turkoman chief Kara Yusuf died there.! Rashid ud din refers
to the Zerineh rud, or Golden River, called Chagatu Nagatu by the Mongols,
as the wintering quarters of Khulagu.^ According to the author of the ** Nozha^
Alkolnb " this river springs in the mountains of Kurdistan, not fsr from a town
called Siahkuh. It traverses the dist-ict of Meragha,a|id unites whh the rivers
of Ssfi, and Bagatu or Nagatu, and eventually falls into the salt lake of TasuJ (i>.,
the Lake of Urmia).§ The summer quarters of the Mongols in the time of
Khulagu and hlV successors, according to Rashid, were in the neighbour-
hood of Alatagh. Khulagu halted there in his campaign against Syria,
and, we are told, was so pleased with the pastures in the neighbourhood
that he gave it the name of Lebnasagut || According to the "Jihan
Nnma** the Alatagh range is that in which the Murad chai, or Euphrates,
iprmgs. Alatagh, in Turkish, means the spotted mountain.^ Rashid
ud din tells us that Khulagu built a palace ttiere, and idol temples
(i>., Buddhist temples) at Khoi.^ Malakia, in referring to this palace, says it
wjyi built in the plain of Darhin Dasht, adding the odd comment, which is no
* Quatremcre, 91*93. Note. t /^., 9^ Note. I Id,, 400.
t Id., toyxo^, KoU. I fd., 399. % l/Otasba, itt. 380. ** Qoatnmtre, op. dt, 411.
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3l6 HISTORY OP Tn MONGOLS.
doobt* a mit-tnmtlatkin, that bo caHad it afttr fait own name, Alatagh. Ha
adda ftirthar that tMa plaoa waa fenMriy tha raddanoa of tha Idsgi of
Annaniai of tha Arkhakoniao djraasty.* Chamitch idestiflea this plain. wHlr
tha ikmoiit plain of MnghaUi whoia paatoret am to iamoas, and whkh ia
sitnatad partly in Aaaibaijan aiad partly in ' Arraa aad 8binraa.t Staphao tha
Orpoiiaa, tpaakiaf of tha tamapalaca^calla tha plain whara it waa bidlt Dailian
Dadit, and Mja tha Tartara callad it Ahidagh. Sanpad, fla am Ibrthar told,
want to Batan, hv ordar of Khalagir, to sat md cadar*wood far thia palaca4
St. Martin alao IdantiSas this plabi with tha plain of MaghaOi •onth.of tha
Knr and tha Araxat.|
Ate 3.— The fiict of Khnlagn marrying bit ttapmothar, Dokox or Tokos
Khatan, tovads itiattgaly in onr mn, bat it wu qtdta in accoidanca with tha
Mongol law. Qvatremem taya that whan a man diad among tha Mongoli» and
abo¥a all a prince, hit wivae bacama tha property of bit ddettabn, who could
marry which ha likad, except bis mother, and diipoia of tha rest aa ha pleaaed.
Javani tiqrt ^ia wae tha cnatom among the Mongols and Uighors, and ha ia
oonirmad ^ AboUhraj. According to Raidar Rati, tha Mongol law pmseribad
that the senior wife had the disposal of tfie others, hot Qaatremcm soggeata
that the senior wife is hem a mistake fan the eldest son. Rnbraqiiia saya thai
on the death of a Mongol chief his son married his Tarious wives, except hia
own mother. SimitorsUtements am made ^Carpini and Marco Pola Among
tha Mongols a man's sons took rank according to the rank of their mother.l
Kbulagn only married Dokox Khatnn after he had crossed the Oxni, when ho
already bad several other wives, bat aa his fether*s widow she retail^ her
preeminent position.
AMr4.~In 1259 Khnlagn was visited by an envoy ftom his brother Ifango,
named Chang ti. The narrative of hie joiim(By has been published by Remnsat
and Pauthler, whence I abstracted it in the first volume of this history.^ Since
then them has appeared Dr. Bretschneider's sdmirabla edition of tha same
story, which has corrected many mistakes^ and iaiUnstrated by hie usual wealth
of notes, and I feel bound to abstract.the story again ftom his pages, in so fer
as it deals with the Ilkhan's dominion^ leaving the earlier part of the Jaumsgr
to be fllustrated in the next volume. Two daya after leaving Tales, he tt^ys,.ha
readied Ble-dil«lan (t Tashkend), whem a feir was held by the Muhammedana
like the fairs In China. Hext day Chang ti croesed the Hukien, or Sir Daria,
in a boat resembling a Chinese lady's shoe. Jade, we are told, was produced
in the mountdns at the sources of the Sir Daria. In the district our traveller
now entered them ware post statkms, and inns like batbing4iouses {i^
canvanserais), whose windows and doota were glased. Ten gdden dinan
waa tha maximum poll tax pdd by each individud there. 8<in sse kan (Ia,
Samarkand) our ^arist describes as large and populous^ and the coontiy
round aa very fertile, roses and other flowera, vines, rice, winter wheat, and
many medicind plants growing abundantly. Chang ti croesed the Anbo,
(/./., the Amu Daria or Oxus) on the 14th of the 3rd month. In thia district,
*Qp.eit^56. !/</. Nottf. t Hitt. d* k Sioiiiile» tss.
4 Mcmoires, 11 «S3. Xolt to. f QaatroBWo, Rasdd ad*diB, 99^3, Notas. f L ifOk
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KHULAOU KHAM. 317
lit ttllt Myit did aol nda ia tammtr, only in ralQntt,wben thegromid became
▼eiy moist There were large ewarms of locusts theie^ and oi birds which ate
them. Bretschneider identifies the latter with the ptulvr rMMt/.* Five dayt
biter he passed Lich a (?), whsre aralberry trees and jojabes abonoded. In thie
piacn ha tells ns the Mongols halted for some days in their march westward.
Oar trmreOer sooceesiTdy passed Ma Ian (?Merv),t Ka shang (? Nishapar)4
iHiere Ivcerae was the chief grass and where cyprssses wers osed kn hedges,
and Tl-eno-r I Theaee he went hf Oi-li-r (? some phiee ia eastern Masaa*
dei«0.| Here huveUsaid^ iff iMtloag,. and with blach and yellow bodies,
i>m aimnd >T and p ai ring AFla4ing(?) and Ma>taa4'sang-f(?Xwhars the people
worn diabevelled hair, red torbansy and hbwh clothes, thas rmsmhUnff devOi^ ha
appareatly tarmlnated his journey and reached the Coart of Xhnlaga (who was
then at Tebris) fai the latter part of April, xasg. We have ao acconaC of hii
farther progresi, or of his deallags with Khalagn.** I ought to add thai thf
irtMdeoftheBamtiveofhisJoarBeyyWithaearlyallfheinastralionSi lows to
Dr.1
ll^nr.' /^•fl.^Cot«9r«4. XJd, Not*9&
5K.Bnli^MfaltrMfgtiCidMrw«a«iptdMoCiMMK /A,IOi Note);. **M,8«.
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CHAPTER IV
ABAKA KHAN.
VARTAN, who was in the confidence of Dokm Khatani Khulagu'i
Christian wife, tells us thut before. the Khaa'i detth she
consulted him as to whether they should say nu»ses for his sqdL
He replied that this would not be proper, but that they should dis^bute
charity and remit taxes. The Syrians on the contrary aigned that
such a mass was allowable. Dokuz Khatun also consulted him as to
whether Abaka should be put on the throne in accordance with his fiithtt's
will, or no, and he advised that he should be so.^
When Khulagu died a courier was dispatched to summon Abaka, who
held the post of Governor of Khorasan, and who was then in winter
quarters in Arran,t with his vizier, Ars^un, aad the princess OQai
Khatun. All the routes leading to the imperial residence were meanwhile
dosed, and travellers were stopped. Yashmut, his younger brother, .who
was encamped in the neighbourhood of Derbend, arrived seven days
after hjs father's death, and hastened fb sound the amui as to his own
prospects, but meeting with no encowagement he left again, two days
later, for his government Abaka arrived at the ordu oi Chagatu on the
9th of March, 1265,! and was welcomed by the amirs; the marshal of the
ordu, Ilkai, offering him the funeral meat and wine osual on juch
occasions. Having presented their devotions to the qnrit of die dead
chieftain, the khatuns, princes of the blood, and generals meC.to elect
^a successor. The principal chiefs who thus came together were : Uga
or Ilkai, Sugunjak, Suntai, Abatai, Temagu (called Semaghar by Vcm
HanmierX Singtur or Shttctnr, and Arghun Aka.f Singtur, who had
received die last wishes of Khukgu, attested that he had noodnated
Abaka as his successcnr. As was usual, be professed to dadme the
honour, and offered it to each of his brothers, but they as regularly
on their knees pressed It upon hincL He then' said he could not
mount ^e thfone withoujt the concurrence of his uncle, the Khakan
KhubiUi. The whole asstoibly replied that no on» had a better right to
the throne than himself, who was the eldest brother and had been
* Toon. A«Ut., sth Mr^ xvi. 306, t lyOkmn wyto Mawndrnm.
i Wattftf says Azghnn Aka, lUuui, Pedcr l Shiktor, Boifliaii OsImU, Amir Sntk,
LWetl, on tht aiitUotity of Noiaifih «m tlM Sib of r«bnMvyw
rghnn Aka, lUouH F" ^ * ^ . . . .'-
•on of CbMBngban, ftc. Op. dt*, xdt.
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AlAKA KSifir. fll9
ttomhmfd by hit tmUkut^nd that ae om knM batter what the yata
praaoibad. Tberanpom 00 A* Hth of Jimi^ whkh te katbi aad
aatrdh^San dackiad to be a tador 4ag^ Abak% ufaaaa name meaaa
'maternal mida* in liooffolf itai dply Inaagisatad at Chai^Ma Ninr
(^ the Whhe LakeX in the diairict of Bvahaa.*
It if coriooi to raad diat aaMi« diaaa nho attended te obaaqidai of
Khnkgnandtha iaaagantlon of Abaka^ ins Mar Ignarinii die Jacobite
Patriarch of Antiod^ iiho<rtitakMd a ^^loaBa,cQnirmhig him in bis poitf
Vartan aqrs a pfbice of the blood aaoMd ^ttdwn TUeodar (? Abaka't
broiheri ao called) plaoad Urn en the teone^ and all tiie army radfied
the chojoe and dU homage^t The lartaioea |of te blood each ivant iHth
hb ghdla over the back of hie nacfc and proitraiad hfanaelf aefen times
before the son. The fttes lasted te einm«l days^ dmteg which
diadpatkmofTarkNM kinds was rifc. Abaka dM not fvish to adqit his
fidl styk midl the andierisadan oania ftom Xawbdaiy and tffi dien al^
a duonei and woold only consent to be seated on a stool, whence he
diycnsed justice^ Hnvhig dDabribuled gtts aaangthe inrioos oflMals,
messengers were sent ovt in ^BMrent direciiens to sfiiwiance his a c c essi o n ,
and that the yasa of Jingia Khan woold be rlgorondy carried oat He
dien distribttted the variotts great i^ipotntmenta. He was bora in
March, 1334, and was therelbre 31 years of age. His brother Yadmmt
was given command "ili 4he droops on dm northern fifdntier towards
Derixnd, Shinran, die phdn tif Mai^mn and Aktagh. TeUUn,
anodwr of his biothsrs, had dHnge of die eastern frontier of Khorasan
and Maandenm. T^igluH or Tc^gai^ the bitik^ or secretary, son of
nkai Noyan, and TMan, brodier of the Noyau Sonjak, or Sugunjak,
commanded the troops s tat io n e d in * Rnm, where diey were afterwards
reiieired by dm Aarisr Semaghai* and Kehnrkai. Dmtai, or Dtttai
Noyan, kd dwse at Diar Bskr and Diar Rabia, on the Syrian
frontier. SliiraaMni son of Charmag^Mn, c oo im a nded those in Georgia,
iHdle thoee in Bai^idad and Pars i»ein <Mifidsi ta Sugmijak Noyan,
whose deputy at the franier town was Alai ud din, brodiet of the
vUer. The management of Ae Crown d emesnes was* made over
to Baha|o Age, and that of the Imperial dvtei (makatfa*) to Ai^ghtm Aka.
Shens nd din Mtdmmmed, of Joveai imh nominated visier and head of
dm divan at Tbbrb^ and hie son Khoja Bahal ud din was put at the head
of affdis at Ispahan. The administradon df Khorasan was confided to
the Khoja Is ud dfai ThUr; and after him to his son die Khoja Weji ud
dfai. Pars was governed in die name of the Atabeg Abish, while Tasiloi
was sent thidier to superi n t e nd the dues daimed by the Imperial
tieasory. Kerman was subject to the Princes^ Turfcan IQiatun ; Nimniz
, or fmahuit wm a town ciwaoduUt sist sUuatad near* laka i6 pwasana iqa«re»
, apgloPMiii tmdidoii, TakoMinii tht DIvtUMrboilt Wnnilf > pdaw. tTOhMon,
t w HtbmMi, Qmos. ScdliT |<o<yte. Tj^n. Aiiat., ^tliter., stL 908-30^
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210 HISTORY or TRB MOfeKIOLt
to the MaHk Shems ud dSn Mohtmined Kerr ; Georsia to Abd (doubtless
a corruption of David) and his ion Sidren ; Artn«iifa(/^., Little Armenia)
to Hatthon. Diar Bekr ims gotemed hf Jdal ud^n^ T«ni» I>iai^ Rabia
by Moiafier FaUurnd din Kara Arslan, Kasvin and a portion of Irak by
IfHhshar ud din Kazvini, and Tebris by Sidr ud An. '
At Von Haaner aays^ this cnumaradon, ivMdi is that given by Rashid
ud din, proves the admkiBtratkm to have been Mtt that of the'Ottomans
in later times, which was in many points imitated firom that of the
Mongols. The military and dvil adi nhiis tfatton were in different hands,
as was the direction of the finances torn the other functions of state.
There were, as we have seen, sax fronder commanders, stationed
reflectively in Shirvan, Khocasan, Georgia, Rum or Asia Minor, Fars,
and the Arabian Irak ; three virief<s, heads of the divan, at Tebrii,
Baghdad, and Ispahan ; three su pe rint endents of taxes and revenue, and
five o vers eer s of internal affidrs. Rashid e num er at es, as we see, five
princes who still retamed their sovereignty under Mongol sureratnty.
These were the rulers of Kerman, Nimrus (i^ HeratX Georgia, Little
Armenia, and Pars. To tiiese should be added the MaHk of Herat, the
Atabegs of Great and Little Loristan and of Yesd, the Princes of Mardin
of the Ortokid stock, and those of HosnUef of Uie Ayubit ftunily.*
Soon after his appointment as head of ailairs at Baghdad Alai ud din,
of Juveni, the historian, was the victim of an intrigue. The prefect of the
town, Karabuka, and his deputy, €kt Armenian Isaac, having a grudge
against him^ plotted to undo him, and suborned a certain Bedouh^f who
falsely accused Alai ud din of intending to escape with his limily and
property into Syria, and declared that he himsdf was to conduct them.
Karabukathereuponhadhimconfined in his house. But the matter havfaig
been examined at the ordu, the Arab confessed under torture that he bad
been incited to say what he did by the Armeidan Isaac, a»d he and Isaac
were put to death. Alai ud dfa waa restored to his honeuri.t
Under the fostering care of ^e viiler, Shems ud *din Muhammad, the
empire began to revive. ''The sheep^" says the inflated Waasa^
''recovered the blood-tax which the wdives had so k»g taken,and the
partridge exchanged loving looks with the felcon and hawk. Through
him the good name of the Padishah was inscribed in fortunate dttractera
on the white and black pages of the day and the night* Under his
patronage Baghdad^ which was immediately governed by his brodier,
Alai ud din, began once more to flourish. He spent a hundred thousand
gold pieces in digging a canal leading fix»n the Euphrates to Meshed, near
Kufa, and the neighbourhood of NejeC Upon this canal Taj ud dm All,
the son of the Amir Dolfendi, who was intrusted by thft visler with its
I Abvtfui^, Chrott. Syr., 568. Cknw Anb., 199-916.
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AB4KA KRAH. tSl
coostnKtkm and mtb the coltivatkNi of tke ditotate laad| wrote a
qKcial treadae.* While the viiier^ Shema vd dhi, devoted hiniaeU
to lestoring iht comitry to p ro ap er Uy, hiaeldeat aon, the Khqja Bahai vd
din, who i»aa ov^ the divan at I^mhaa, ooa dacl ad Umaalf very
dtftreatly. He waa a penon of conaidenhte attainoNBt^ eapedally
cultivated philoaophy and the M/kf Mm, and atndied anialc nder
Safr ud din Abdul Momhi. At we have aeen^ he waa given diaige
of the Penian and AiaUan Irak, and ef Yeid, and had hia aeat at
Ispahan. He governed it with the greateil rigoor; a word qxiken
contrary to hia wiahea was followed by tiie oie i w h e linh y of the honse-
holdipot and branch, many thousands were tortored or put to deaAfgraat
andsnuyiaDtmiddedte Aeir lives^ and the people of Ispahan when
tiiey went to bed at night were in mortal drsad of what ihii^befia them
in the morning. Neverdielesi^ he pot down all khub of mfBanfsm.
Bl oods he d and ootrage had been common in die city, open robberie s in
the bamaf% and die wot hp e u p k had had neithef rest nor safety. The
ill-doennow became so cowed and hnmble dutt die peasants used to
leave dieir agrioultaral implements fai harvest time hi the fields at night.
If anyone dared to remove them ^ the harvest of life of the dettncpiettt was
speedily cot offwidi the sickle of destrucdon.'^ The overaeen and leaders
were to carefellydiedMd that the marioetiblk used at night to leave the
booths strewn iMl goods and food without anyone in diaige and
no one took the smallest A^« As a proof of diis it 4s said that on one
occasion at ni^ as the watchmen were going their rounds, one of them
entered die.booth of a sugar baker or confectioner, took a sweet cake, and
left twa silver &hems,whi4 was double the price, in die comer iof die
boodL On the following momfaig^ when the owner of the boodi found a
diilMm more than his dne he dared not conceal it, coold not rest, showed
die silver piece to die treasuier, and gave information of whi^ had
happened. It was fanmediately ordered that die watchman who had
tramgressed the ri|^ law shoold be hnng to a hook Uke meat at the
bntdieta.!
Bahai ud din hada slave named Nikpei, whom he emptoyed as a qpy
1900 die watchmen and police. Wassaf tells a story how he r e po rt e d of
three men : diat one was vigilant and dntifol, that another was found
ileq;nng at his post, and the third, instead of being on duty, had
wai^ered away. The governor ordered all three to have 71 strokesof the
codlgeL The Sheikh of Islam, Jemal ud din, protested that he who had
done his duty had not deserved this, and should not be treated like the
two ddinquents. The governor reined, ''The reason for their punish-
ment is ne^gence ; his feolt was that when Nikpei came to him fordvely
in the night he did not punish him as an evil doer, and did not make
* Wmmt, tis. UUmum; i. •!•• t Wumt, 116. I id,, it6-iif.
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aaa history or the Mongols.
inquiries into his reason for Mng i^>road at such an hour.*^ On one
occasion when the Khoja was riding ont with his Court amidst great pomp,
he was annoyed that one of the common people should stare at him,
summoned him and asked him what he was looking at. " The poor man's
longue was bound in a knot," says Wassai; meanmg he was silent. The
tyrant thereupon gouged his eyes out with his knife, and tore out his
eyelashes. The following quatram was written upon diis lugubrious act : —
An eye in Wrath was torn oat since it gaisd on yon,
And why, sinco mukf thousands do tha samaT
Tha ongttl of damh has wmoifai yo« 6ott olBoa.
How many souls does death not ovtrwfaaknY
To show his passion^ the same author mentions that one of his boys, a
favourite child, having in play touched his bend, he swore a terrible oath,
and ordered him to be put to death. As none of the grandees, tha
imaums, or the queens inteBceded te the chikl, he.was seized by the
executioner and put to death. This cenrible act stii^^ the rhetoric
of Wassaf into unwonted vigour, and seems to have made a great
impression. The rigorous meajrares of Bahai ud dhi certainly ^x>duced
order at Ispahan, and it is reported that after his death disorders again
broke out, and Wassaf was told that after an outbreak there more
dead bodies were Ibund about the streets than all die victims of his
severity put together. He wa^ a great worifier, and distributed his time in
the active duties of his position and in the patronage of learning^ devoting
little to sleep or to his harem. He built many palaces and other
buildings, and laid out pleasiure grounds. His weakness seems to have
been wine, in which he indulged with his brother Khoja Hasun and his
mtimaies. At these parties the great musician, Safr ud din Abdul
Mumin, akeady named, was generally present On one occasion
Hasun having had too much to drink, addressed the musician, and
called him familiarly by his proper name, Safr ud din. This familiarity
greatly displeased Bahai ud din. Hasun replied, " I am a son of the head
of the Divan, and have wedded a pearl from the mussel of the Khalifate.
My name is Hasun, and that ofmy son Mamun, and I am now Governor
of Baghdad, where the khali£i ruled, and where there are innumerable
excellencies. Is it strange, therefore, that I should adopt the mode of the
khalifs and address him as Safr ud din?'' This reply was unanswerable.
Soon after this Bahai ud din died. He was only 30 years old. Htadeath
took place on the 23rd of December, 1379, f and he was much regr^ted
by his father. His was a -strange type of a I^nnconiG nature, in which
hardness and cruelty were prominent- factors. He nevertheless secured a
short respite of peace in a very turbulent community.t
Abaka chose Tebriz for his capital, appointed Alatagh and Siah kuk
Wassaf. it7«tze. « A&, liii^Uju t Wassaf. be dt. D'Ohsson, Iv. it-it. Not*.
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KMAM. aas
(ii^ the Black Moantains) as his saminer qaartQn» and Anan, Baghdad,
9Qd Chagata for his quaiters in winter. We hare seen how Khnkgn
aslttd the hand of one of th6 dangkters of Michad Patoologas hi Qiacrlagei
and how he acoordins^y sent one of his natuc^ danghtrrs^ named Maria*
Her mother belooged to the fiunily Diplovatatie. She was esoofted l^
Tfaeodpsinsi of ViUe: Haidoidn, Archimandrite of the convent of
Pantocrator, and brother of the Prince of Aduda and the Pdopo n nesns>»
Her &ther gave her some .^Jendid presenrs,in€hiding a tent of sUtai
hangings, idiich was destined for a diurch, and oontabihg golden figtti^
of the samti^ crosses, sacred vessels, &af On airiviqg at Casvec the
princess heard of KhnUi^s death, but she continaed her Jooney and
mazried Ahaka.t Vartan siys that before marrying she wWied hhn to
be bi^idsed, and the ramoer went abiond thi|t he wasieo b ap ti sed.f
Goingoseapcessly says tint the Patriarch of Andoch and nAer bishops,
Saigis, Inshcnp of i^- ft n g^i •■mj tfae Vattabed Pener, H wrtis ft^ Abaka^ and
dien married hhn to the princess-U The Mongols called her Desphis,
from her Greek dtls of princsis, and she is so called by Bashidnddfai,
who makes her a davfl^iter of the mler of Trebiaond.
The first important event in the reign of Ahakn was the WMT he sustained
on his nordiem frontier against Nogai, the general of Berske Khan of dM
Golden Horde. This was in the qwing of ia66. The IlUian had passed
the previous whiter in Masanderan, whence he moved to Tebfis. It was
iriiik there he heard of Nogai's invasion. I have described wh^foOowed
dsewhere^Y Aocordmg to Vartan, Bereke defeated Abaka and Us son,
and afterwards crossed Uie Kur and repaired to pay his respects at the
tomb of a Mnssuhnan saint The troops iriio were stationed dieie had
built a solid rampart with a.difich, iriiach they edied Shipar (il^., the
Siba previously namedX and cmptoyed the whiter fai making all kbda of
preparations. Berdte, losing confidence, rethed. Vartan says he was
reputed to be of a pac^ nature, and averse to sheddhig blood.** The
'^ History of Herat" tdb us how, on the invasbn of the Tartars of Ae
Golden Hoide^ Shems uddhn the MaUk of Herat, was at Abaka's Omrt
The httter promised him a handsome reward if he wouM mar^wi^lum
andtake command of a picked body of aoo cavafary, eadi man having a
coat of mail, cunrass, sword, and javelin. The BMik swore to sacrifice
his life if necessary to secure victory, and we are told he tode off his
hehnet and rushed bardieaded into the fight He was badly wounded oh
this occasion. Abaka was much struck by his bravery, and sent his
private suig^tais to attend hhn, and after he had beaten the enemy he
conferred on ^lems ud din a special diploma, and the drums and banners
* Abottii^aBdOaifaffMadllMrooadMtorBttthymint, I^ttriardiorABtiodi.
] PadqroMrHi Sciittcr, VL zoaj. X AbulfiMng, Chrcn. Syr., j07-s68. Chroo. Anb., 355.
f Tovni* AMUittfSUk mTm xvL joo*
I Op. dt, td. BrotMt, 194. Jotani. AtiMl*, stn Mr., xi. 90S.
f Asm, Q. ia3-it4. ** j0nn, Ariac., 5U1 Mr., 3 *
I xri. 311.
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234 HISTORY OT TUB MOMOOLS.
fvMch were the msignia of royalty, sod returned to Herat widi a rich
bo6ty*
At tills time the Georgian kingi David, went to Abaka's Cdurt, and was
well received by hhn. When Berdke made his mvasion David was
smnmoned to attend Abdea with his troops. ThtGiargianCkr9iticUwf%
that the Indian, on discovefing tfie stroigth of Berdce's army, instead of
crossing the RWer Mtsnar (?Rar) contented himsdf with an inspecdon of
all the Hvrds, and planted garrisons at the confloence oftiielftsaar and
the Araxes, and thence as fiur as Mtddietha. Berdtt, when he had
ravaged Shirvan, lUreth, Kakh^ and die borders of die Yor, advanced
as Iftr as Tidis, and many Christians were klUed» but he died while hi die
mountains of Garesja, and his peo^ withdrew beyond DeiVend widi
their Booty. Fearmg' a repetition of tiie famrion the people of the
Ilkhan repah«danniuilly,fo October, to Slbat(^.,tiieSypar of Varta^
The rampart tiiere is said by eastern writen to have been bordered by
a wide ditch, and to have r^Mdied from Dahm or Valan, or Dafau Nmr
(? the Caspian), to the Kurdish waste. Wassaf calls It Assia. It was
garrisoned by Mongol and Mussulman troops.! At this time David,
the Georgian Idng, who had grown Jealous of Sargis-Jakd-TzilEhis-
Juarel, summoned him to his palace^ and ha pt is ened him in the arsenal
The arsnaurs hi Sargis* service r^Ndred to the Khan, wlib demanded
from Abathai Noyan that tiie kfaig should be punUied, tiiat Abaka shocdd
be informed of what had happened, and that the captive should be
released. Abaka consented to this. Saigis was sent for to Tiffis, and
thenceforward, until, tiie reign of George the ^illiaat, who -mounted the
throne in 1318, the pnnoes of Jak were immediataly subject to the
Ilkhans, and not to the Georgian kfaigs.t »
Abaka spent the winter of is66 in Maaaderan and Joijan, the ancient
Hyrcania, and the next year went to Kebud Jameh {U^ ** Bhie dotl^
in Taberistan, to meet his mother Yisundun Khatun, who arrived torn
Mongolia with Kutui Khatun, anotiier widow of Khulagc, with
Tekshin and Takudar, two sons of Khulajfu, with Jushka^ son of
Jumkur, and Badu, son of TarakaL Jumkur was Abakafs younger
brother, and had been left in charge of his ordus as we have mentkxied;
He afterwards set out to join Abaka, and died #» fmw^ leaving two sons,
Jushkaf and Kinkshu. Abaka gave the revenues of the district of
Mayafturldn as an appanage to Kutui Khatun for pin money(caUed tonllk
by the Mongols) ; Diarbekr and Jesireh to Oljai Khatun, another widow
of Khulagu, and other domains to the sons Khulagu had left by his
various coiicubines.|| He spent the winter at^ Changanln, near Meragfaa,
and the summer in the meadows of Alatagh at tiie sources of the
* Jonrii. Aaimt.. sUi mt.. xvfi. 4$«HS3L* IVOImob W, s8a
t HMt.d«l«G<o^i.57>573« |irOli£S^4i9- Voo Hamair, IlUtaas. t hS-
f O^ dc. $7»-|73. I D'OhMOD, iiL 4t9-4n'
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ABAKA KHAK. %!$
EupbnUes and Suihkiili and tbe following winiar (^ that of 1366-7) m
Anan.
We win. now revert to the progress ol the Egypdaa anns, whoee
lecovery of Syria we kave previously tiaced After the death of
Khohigii, Bibarsi the Egyptian Sultan, attacked the Cnisaders hi
Palestbe vigorottsly» and during the years is6s-6 a^^tmed the towns of
Cesaiea, Arssn^ Sa&d» Ya&, and Shaki( andthe fortresses of Mdohat,
Haifo, JeUba, ArlUy and Kaliai from tfaenu* Bibars now turned upon
HaithoQ, the King of Cilida, or Little ArmeniaiiHio under the aegis of the
Mongols had, as we have seen, coosiderahly entaiged his borders at the
expense of the Mussufanans. He demanded the surrender of thepe eon-
questsi the payment of tribute^ the Qpenmg of commercial oomnumicalions
with Syria, and the exportation of hones, mules, grai% and iron, from Mi
country. Not having received a satisfoctory answer he asm an army
against Cilida, commanded by Al Mansur, the Prince of Hamath, under
whom were the two genends, Is nd din Igban and Saif ud din ICalavaa«t
Mahdda tells us that Haithon left his army under his two sons, Leon and
Toros, and hhnself went with a body of troops to secure tbe assistance of
the Tartars between Afalastan and CocQsa4 Mnibni says he went to
make his appeal to die BloQgol commander in Rum, called Naphshi, who
replied he could do nothing for him widmut the orders of Abaka. He
thereupon dispatched a messenger to the Khan himself; bitt, meanwhile,
his army bad been attacked by the Egyptians. The eame audior teOs tis
that Haithon's brother, Gondn Setbal, as wei) aa his two sons, were with
die Armenians. Leon hadposted his men in thit pats ff( lfkt*vi1 ff* " ''* t mar
the sea, ii^kJiAbulfedasays»h#pioteelad with caHqMks. TheBgypdans
howeter^ ftnced t h e height s which commanded it^ and whkdi were thooe^
safe^ te forts aduch the king had phttted diere beiog very strongi They
attacked Leon near the fortress of Serund, or Hi^ SorMnd. The
Armenians were defoatedj Toros and one of his undss wen k&led, and
his other unde, the Constable, ikd, leaving his sons in the hands of the
Mwssiihnans. Leon himself was made prisoner, and the Armenian army,
whkh comprised twelve, princes, was completely dispersed.1 Malakia
chaiges the Armenian princes with treachery, saying they gave Ihe hevs
to the throne into the hands of the infidel wolves, and t h e ms e l ves fled to
their mountain fortresses.|| The foOowing day the vkrtors reached Tel
Hamdun, devastating the country on the road. They crossed the xiver
Jihan and o^ptured the fortress of AWidin (called Arsaf by Weil), whidi
belonged to the Knight Templars. Two thousand two hundred people
were in the fortress at the time ; the men were killed, the women and
^ IXOfaMOB, SL 4»o. Von Hunmer, ItUiaM, i. tsr-ssS.
n. Vutaa, in Joura. Aiiat., s^ wr^ zvt 3x1. LtbtM,
Abnlfkra), Chnm. Svr., 568 ;XhK>n. Arab., 336.
t jyObman, BL 40. Vartaa, in Joura. Aiiat., s^ wu^ zvt 3x1. LdbtM, xvBi. 479:
t Mahilrifi. op. ck., 460.
Syr., 1^369 ; Chroo. Arak, 396. IFohnoa, iii. 4n*4>*« IlUuni, L asr*
IOp.cit.1460.
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3S6 HlfllO&Y Of THS BfOWOOLS.
€hildrni were cairied ctl, end the fort was then bitrnt ' Vertan wys diet
the Sultan ci^ititred Sis, the Armenian CM^Haly and di acov ere d the royal
treasure^ whidi was contidned-in a storeroom, and it is said that out crone
vase or cistem6^ooo/)eo«foddtahegans wen taken. He advanced as for
as Adana, and eventually retired widi 40^000 captivesi hot our chronicler
chie9y Uunents the death ot Toros, whom he gieatly praisesi and who^ he ^
says, on being captured, refosed to give his fother's name, in ordei^ that
they might not spue him and useliimagahist his country.^ AbolforaJ tells
us the Great cburdi and an liie eiiiers there were bofltit, except the JacoMte
diurches of DeiparaattdBarsuma,«ndtlds because they were made of
8tone.t While the Prince of Hamath superintended the ndn of Sis, the
General Ighan moved towards the frontiers of Rmn, and. Kalavun
destroyed Ayas, Ma s si ssa (Mopsoeda), and Adana, and bmnt many ihips.
They carried off a great number of captives. They burnt the monastery
of Pasdmatus, but they did not molest Guiechat, since there was a
monk there who could speak Arabic and parleyed with them, nor did
they go to Tarsus. After wasthig the country for twenty days, and
advandng as for as Adana, they withdrew. Yartan mys they carried off"
4oyooo captives, t taid another anther that -te number of catde secured
was so greiit^ that although oxen were oAred at two drachmas eachtiiey
found no purchaser.! IQng Haidion, who was getting an old man, did
not shine in these transactions. Malakia says he repaired to die
hennitage of Acants, where he remained with die monks till the
wididrawal of the enemy, and afterwards gave way to exaggerated laments.
Meanwhile Leon, his son, was oarrted ttfff to Egypt, where Bibars, who
hadbesn jeered at Medave by Hidthon^ said to hhn, ^ThyfodiercalMd
me a riave, and reftised to be at peaee with me. Now it is thou who . art
my slave."|| Abulfon^ says that a fow days after the retreat of the
Egyptians, Haithon returned widi a body of Turks 'fitan Rum, and of
BCcM^llois, who foially destroyed what ^invadersl^ Mahdda
ttys Haithon summoned his grandees, and when diey were assembled
asked if aU were present When, they r^^lied yes, he asked padietlcally
%here Leon and Thoros were, whereupon die assemUy broke out into
fo me n tations fai the spirit and hmguage of Jeremiah. He afterwards
consulted with them as to the best way of securing the ycung princi^
release. He told tton that he was informed by Armenians at the Coim of
Abaka that the bitikchis, or secretaries, there, who were doubtless c^efly
Mussulmans, were secret partisans of the l^yptians, and were writing to
Bibars to my they would urge Abaka to overrun Armenia and tmmite it
nnder. It would seem that their method of operations was to suggest to
die Khan that Haithon was carrying on a secret correspondence with the
5 Chron. Syr., s^ ; Oam Aah,t |sou
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I ABAIU KBAJ. ttf
Kgyptian rakr» a duufe wttdi the dettii of his two flon, om would
ti|^poM| would have save^ hiift fifioBk* This reported commimicatioB
from the Annenian princes at Abala^s Court may have been gtomntf but
I omless it leeks like a clever tactical move mi the part of the Kiagto
assist his prop osed negotiations with Bibars.
Meanwhile the Pervana, who administered Rum, desired to ally himself
with the Armenian king by marriage, and suggested the matter to the
monk Persig^ who was Haithon's envoy at ^ Ilkhav's Conrt, who
suggested that when the King passed throu^^ his territory he ahoukl
afiffeadi haot pay Jiipi great hooouri and make his r^uest hi person,
whidihethoui^.wMdnotbemfliaed.' When the King; therttosi was
retunung from the ordo^ and arrived at Kertai, dte Pervaaa went to him
with his grandees and many ptcsenls, and p ge fei red Us miaest The
kiag; who was afraid he would be waylakl /Ml fMtf# If he tefiised, piomised
ito give him- his second daughter^ When he reached home.aiMl die
Peryana pressed for her to be sent, he replied it was not seemly that her
marriage festivities should be in progress while her brother was -ettll a
prisoner in Egypt Meanwhile she died, and die Penwna wreaked
his vengeance on Persig; the m(»k.t Haithon now appealed directly
to Bibass as to the terms upon which he would surrender his son.
He replied that if Haithon would procure the, liberty of a friend of
his, Shems ud din Sonkor el Ashfcar, of Samarkand, called Sangolascar
by Haithon, to whose good offices he ow^ his lucky esdipe from
Ba^idad, and who had been o^tmed at Aleppo by Khidagu, Leon
should be exchanged for him. fibers' friend is called Sghur by Midakia,
idio says the Armenian King collected a great number of. valuable
presents, with, which he repaired to Abaka at Mosul, and laid his
difficulties before him, and secured tbe release of Sghur, w^o had been
in confinement at Samarkand. In^aMtion to this Bibars also insisted on
the surrender of the fortresses of Bahasna, Darabsak (or Darbasak),
Manaban, Rohan (called Ra'nan by IVOhsson}, £r Rvh, and Sikh ul
Hadid, and undertook to release Hailhon's son and nephew and their
dependents, A treaty to this efiect was signed at Antioch, and was duly
carried out This took pUce m 12674 The country ceded by this treaty
was the district included betweesi the River Jihan and Syria. The Jiheli
Is a well-known river foiling into the Gulf of Iskandenm. Haidion says
that the King surrendered the citadel of Aleppo which the Armenians had
held since the days of Khulagu. He also gave up Te^ipesack aftd
dismantled two other fortresses.§ On the return of Leon from ciq;>tivity,
Haithon jset out for Abaka^s Court at Bsi^dad to thank his patron Uxr the
assistance he had rendered in securing his son's rdease, and to ask that
* Op. dL, 4^3^64* t AbuHimO, Gkron. Svr., sfo; Chraik Ai«K, «».
I AMftn^, Chron. Syr., 569.571. M«kkk,464. Abnlfeda, v. 83. D'OBmod, fiJU 4*^4^.
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HmOEY or TBI MOMOOLS.
t of Ut great age and MbaaMes he mii^t be aDowed to reaigii
the Royal dignity in fiivoar of Leon. To tliiaAbaka contented, and Leon
want to the Illdian'i Cout and mi duly invested with the kingdom;
HaidiOQ himself becoming a SMMik under the name of Macarius. He
shortly after died and was boned in the monastery of Dtaaik. Leon
was dnly consecrated at TaitaSi and devoted himsdf to restoring some
p to sp e r lflr tn his country, tdiich had been so terribly shattered by the
Egyptian inroadk Hai^on, according to Brpsset^ Aed on the 28th of
October, 137a*
We may well brieve Uiat te Egyptfan attadc 00 QUda was very
distasteftd to the Mongols, and we find Abaka in 1269 sendhig envoys to
Bibars, who received ti^m at Damascos, as wefl as those sent by die
Greek Snqperor and by Manga Timor, Khan eC the Golden Hei^ In his
letters Abaka reproached him with the nmrdsr of his master Knttai, and
demanded how hs^ a mere stove^ who had been sold at Sivis^ dared to
resist kings andrsons of kings. He mennted him with his vengeance^ and
lokl him if he mounted to die douds or descended into the ground he
should not escape hhn. Bibars acknowledge that he had killed Kuttus,
but he added that he had been elected by the people. As to his threats,
he was ready to receive mm, and hoped to recover what die Mussulmans
hadkwt Abakafs envoy was sent bade widi dds answer.f
Abaka's intentions m regard to Egypt were frustrated, for a while at
least, by an invasion of his eastern bordcii by Borak, the ruler of the
Jagatai Horde. Borak had sent Masud, the fiunous governor of Trans-
oodana, on a special mission to the Ilkhan. The prolessed motive of his
journey was to look after the spedal domains bdonging to Eaidu, QgotaFii
grandson,andtohhnself within the jurisAction of Abaka, and as die bearer
of a friendly m e ssa ge for die Jaitg; but he was secredyfestructed to make
faMpdries about the armies of Itak and Aserbaijan, and also about the
roads traversbg those pro vfa ice s . Masud crossed die Oxns, and posted
onwards, leaving two hortes with a trusty man at each post-statkm on his
route. When he drew near Abakafk reddenoe the latter^ vfsier,
^lems ud din, went out to meet hhn with presents, and ***** ^^'^'f'ftpifffg
his elevated rank he dismounted and kissed Ifasud's stirrup. The
latter asked him if he was die diief of the divan, and then ruddy
said diat his reputatkm was in excess of his worth. ShemKud din,
who was a proud man, dissembled his rage, for, as Khuandemir
says, the place was not a suitable one for explanations, and he remained
silent At his faitenriew with Abaka, Masud was treated with special
honour. He was given a seat above die other amfrs, except the
Noyan Ilka, and was dressed in the tunic of Jingis Khan. He acquitted
himself graoelully, using dijdomatic and courdy phrases, and gained the
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AEAXA KHAV. 399
confidence of Abtka; but ficeBog prMonUy that he wu an 6bject of
w if p icion, he asked for his cofijgd. Abaka ordered that the intonation
asked for by Masud was to be ready in eis^ days, wherei^xNi he hastily
set oat on his return. The day after he left, news came from Khorasan
that Borak was prefiaring for war, and that Mtsod was only a wgf.
Abaka dispatched a m es s e n ger to arrest him, but, as we hai« seen, he
had amnged rdays of fresh horses at the post stations, and retired so
rapidly that, according to Wassaf; he reached the Oxos hi foor days and
nights. Havh^ crossed that river, he reported to Bdiak wiiat he had
kamt* This joomey of Masod's was apparently made in the whiter of
666(f:«^ Ia6^8Xt Von Hammer dates it a year earlier ; WeD a year
later. Before he set out Bocak tried to secore the alUanoe of Nigodar, one
oftheprmcesinAbakafkswnce. It does not dearly appear whether he
sent a qwdal envoy for the pttrpose ot intntsted Masod with the
coinmiiiskwi. Nigodar was the eldest son of Jochi, the eldest son of
Jagatai, and had accomp ml ed Khnlagu m command of the contingent
fomished by the Uh|s of JagataL The Geetffkm ChrmM$ says he
commanded two myriads (/^^ 20^000 men) ; that he had his smnmer camp
in the moonti^ of Ararat, and his winter cme on the banks of the
Anoes and at Nakhchivan. It calls hhn Thaguthar Khan, and makes
hnn Honk's brother.t Mabdda, the Armenian historian, also calls hhn
Thagndar, and says he was very rich in men and treasores ; that it
reqofred 300 camels and 160 carts to carry his riches, while his flocks
and herds were innmnerable. He had 40^000 horsemen mider him, brave
and btrepid w arri or s , who were accostomed to pkmder the caravans.
They also attached and ravaged the villages, phmdering their contents,
and killfa^ their bdiabitants. They assailed the monasteries, hnngthe
monka* up by thdr heels, and having mhced salt and soot dirust it into
theh* nostrils, saying, ^ Bring us a seaof wfaie and a mountain of meat*
In many pknes they forced Uie monks in the monasteries who said they
had no wine to hold a dog's tail in their month while makhkg the statement,
this behig a mode ctf* swearing with them. In consequence <^ these
indignities the Armenian and Georgian princes went to Abaka, and putting
thdr swords down before him, demanded other that he would deliver
Nigodar and his people over to them or make them put him to death in his
presence. Other Tartars also presented then: complamts that the pec^
of Nigiidar plundered them and carried off their horses. MalaUa makes
Abaka dedase to them that Nigodar was too strong for him to puni^S
This author knows nothbg of the negotiations with Borak, to which we
most now revert Among the presents taken by the latter's envoy was
one of the arrows, called tugan^ by the Mongols, whidi concealed a
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130 HI8IOKY or TBI MOMOOIA
ktter. On {M^etentiiig H Uie taroy nuide a certain rign which Nigudar
understood, and on bfoildng the arrow he found in it a letter fixMn
Borak announcing hit intended invasion of Persia, and expressing a wiA
fliat he who, like hhnsd^ was descended from Jagatai, would not fight
against his relative. Nigudar, who was at tiie Court, accordingly asked
permission, to return to his quarters hi Georgia. Presently, on more
alarming news arriving from Khofasan, Nigudir was sunmioned to
Abaka's presence to take part in a council of war He made varioita
excuses, and presently set out for Derbend, hi order to reach Borak by
the north of the Caspian.*
The Gforg^m CkrmUcis makes the negotiations start with Nigudnr,
whosuggested to Borak that byattaddng die dominions of Abaka oa
either side they mig^ secure them, and makes him send the arrow.
Boiak is made to answer his overtures 1^ a similar mnsive^ and to
suggest that m the oourse of two months he should be ready to rise.
The time was very short, but Nigudar managed to assemble his women
and baggage and over lo^ooo of his men, and afraid of being dis co v ere d
he set out for the mountains of Ghado^ Kartddudni, and *'jn. When
he reached Phijutha he urged Satgis to let him pass into AbUiaiia, aa
he wanted to hav^ an mterview with the Geoigian kmg, and offiued to
reward him handsomely if he kt him pass. Sargis bommoned htt
droops, together with the great Shabin Shah, son of Ivaneh, chief of
the mandators, and Shimmun, son of Chamiaghan (styled, says MabJda,
the Golden ColumnX who was very friendly to the Christians, and wiio^
wUh other Mongdchiefr, was encamped in the mountains of Artan, wiiom
he sent m pursuit TheC^rf/^^isiiCArvMAi^herehasoneofitsmarvelloiis
tales. It says that Nigudar wished to plunder a rich henmtage dedicated
10 John the Baptist called Opta^ knd situated hi the moontahu of
Ghado, ^diere was preser » cd as a relic the saint's whidinpe. It was
IRored with rich unages, lamp% ftc., and Nigudar sent i^ooo of his men to
pillage it, but there came on a great stonn, induced by the sahit to
protect his shrine, and the wouUL-be plunderers all periihed except one
individual who^ like Job's herald, went to announce what had happened
to hb master.t As Nigudar was near the mountain Arsian he was
infoimed that his pursuers were on Mount Artan, and would arrive
the followii^ day. He accordinj^ posted his women and baggage on
the mountam 6f Kars, and himself crossed the mountak Arsian. At the
mountain Kud he found himself in the presence of Shiramun and his
men. The principal chiefr on the side of Nigudar were Segri, Jolaki,
Abib fChanui (the name is also given as Abibkhanokhi and Abib AkhaX
and Thelka Dtour. After a fierce Strugs^ Nigudar was beaten, and fled
to his wiHnen at Jinal, in the mouatmns of Ghado. Shiramun pursued
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ABAKA KHAN. SJI
him, and anoUier struggie, two days long, awiedy after whldi Nigudar
escaped secretly. Some of liis people retired towards Ae Adshara, and
others towards die vafley of Nigal, idiich was consid«ped almost
impassable for men— much more^ Iheidbie, for h o ii e s sorttgg^ ^'^'^ it»
and so incumbered with thick woods and prickly shrubs. In crossing one
portkn of the wood which was platttad on loose sell, the whole gave way,
sBppingover the rocks like an avalanche, and overwfaehnedathoosandmen
and women, who were prscfpitated into die valley of Adshara, " whe re,*
says die chnmicler, "the people still dig for and find women^ ornaments
m gold and silver.* Crossbg die vaOeys of Adshara and Nigal, they
reached Gnria and cameto Knt&adiis^to King David, vdio, we are told,
(M^epared a great foast for his guest, at which $00 oxen were boiled, hi
addition to pigs and sheep : 600 horses, 1,500 ooeen, 2/xn sheep, and
as many pigs were devoted to foeding the army, while Vine was given
without measure. We are told that the gift gready touched Nigudar,
espedaDy as the Kmg adopted the humble tone of a slave, while his wifo,
who was the natural daughter of Michael Patatologus, showed the same
consideradon to the wifo of Nigudar, dw two ladies treating each
other fomiliaily and on equal terms, while David paid his guest several
visits. Waaeaf says Nigudar gave die Khig one of his daughters in
maqiage. Meanwhile Shinunun had returned to Abaka, just before a
mes sen ger arrived to say duit Borak, with all the army of Toran, had
crossed the Jihun. On hearing the news, Abaka summoned all his
vassals, including the other Khig of Georgia (David, son of Lasha),
who^ notwithstanding the recent deadi of his son, set out for Khorasan
widi hb troops, to join his suserain.*
Letns now revert to Borak. Before setting out he asked assistance
from Us Aonunal soserafait ICaSdu, the grandson of Ogotai, who set up
rival clauBS to the Empkeof the Mongol worid against Khubiki. Kaidu
ghidly assented, and mlered Ahmed ibn Bmi, son of Moatugan, son of
Jagatai ; Nikbei Ogfaul, son of Sarban, son of Jagatai ; and Balighu^ or
Yalgu, the son of Kaidu, son of Jagatai, to cross the Oxus by the ford at
Termed ; Chabad, son of Hukur, or Huku, son of Kuyok Khakan ;
Mobarek Shah, the son of Kara Khulagu, the predece s sor of Borak on die
duone of Jagatai ; and his own son IQpchak, to cross the river with
Borsk at die town of Amuye : that Kokaju Busurg (called Gueuk Achui
the Great by D^hsson) and Bainal, or Banial, were to cross the river
at Khiva; and Koki^u Kuchuk (called Gueuk Achui the LitUe by
D'Ohsson) was to crossit at MmgKishkk, which was die most frequented
fording place in Khuaresm. They were to unite together beyond the river
and join Borakt Khuandemir says that ndien he gave orders to diese
princes to mardi he also gave them secret instnicdons that they were
*A£>SI9*5So. iyOhHon.BL434>4ii.
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t^Z HinORY or TBB MONGOLS.
to return befi)re Abaka a»d Bonk actually came io blows.* Besides
the chiefo ordered by Kaidn to job him, Borak was j<Miied also by the
two Yasanrs, the Great and Little (dieformer, called Besmar by Wassai;
was Borakfs brother, and was also dtfkd Yesas by Rashid nd din; the
latter was the son of Juchi, son of Kaido), and by Merghaid and Jdahrtai,
who was the son of Hindn, son of Jagalal, son of Jndil, of the Golden
Horde.t Borak forbade hb soldiers to ride on horseback, the horses
being needed for other pur pos es . Each horse was supplied with seven
mdnns of barley and com per day. The cattle were all killed, and
shields were made from thefar hides^ and Borak wished to make special
requisitions u^ Bokham and Samarkand, but was prevented by the
e]itreatiesofHasud.t Some dmeb^iore Borak sent a message to Tdcshin,
or Tushin, called Tebshin Qfjtisal by Khnandemir (Weil reads the name
Buchin), the brother of Abaka, who had been granted the g o vernmen t of
Badghii, east of Herat, by his ftther, Khulagu, and been conformed in
that post by Abaka, to tell him that the district between Badghiz, Ghazni,
and the Indus having bekmged to his ancestors,he (Tdahin)uDinst evacuate
it. Tekshin said he had received it as a patr i mony from his aka, or
elder brother, Abaka, to whom he mnst forst appeaL Abaka, on being
appealed to by his Inrother, said that Badghii bekmged to the dominion
of Khulagu, a;nd that he would defend it
Borak now crossed the Ozus, leavh^: his son Bey Tunur, or B^Timur,
with io^ooo men, to defend his dpminions during his absence. Hecrossed
the river on a bridge of boats, and encamped near Merv.S MaHk Shems
ud din Kert, of 'Herat, was summoned to do homage to him, in order to
save his district from being ravaged.* Orders were given to lay waste all
' the country subject to KhubiUu Khakan Or his mq^iew Abaka. Abaka's
army was commanded by his ddest son, Aighun, iriio was mtrusied with
the government of Khorasan. Among his officers was a leader of i,ooo
men, named Sijektu, who had been formeriy a d^endent of Kipchak
OghuL When he heard.dat the latter was in Book's army he deserted,
and sent him a present of some beantifol horses, widi some others for
Borak. The next day Kipdudc being at the latter's quarters, was
addmsed by the general JeUurtai, vtbo remarlced sarcastically that it
would seem the expedition had been made for his (Kipchak's) special
profit "^ What do you mean?* the ktter replied. ** Why,* said Jdairtai,
^ if Borak had no; come hither you would not have received a present of
these from Sijektu." He went on to suggest that he had taken advantage
of his position and recdved a number of horses, iriiich ought to have
been Borak's, for himself while the inferior horses which had been passed
on to Borak ought in reality to have been his. Kipchak, getting enraged
at this, asked hun how he, a karaju (il#., a sulject), dared to use each
* Jottni. Askty 4th wr, xis. tstf, t Voo Hammir, lUdiiBt, L tA^.
I Wmm^ x34^i35* S irObnon, iiL 416-437* Voo Humwr, nUuuM, i. ■64.
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ABAK4 KHAN. 333
Ikiigmige to a detoeoduit of Jlagft Khan. He aUo went on to compare
him to a dog. ''If I am a do^^* Mid Jekirtti, <*! am Boraies do^,
and not dune.'' ''I would hew thee in twain,* Mid Kipchek, ''only
that my aka (ilA« Borak) would blame me.* '^ If thon comest near me,*
•aidjelaiitalykyinghiabaiidonhis dagger, <* I wBl rip diy bdly ofen.*
As Borak did not qteak, Kipchak fimded he approved of his adverMry's
conduct, took oflence, returned to his quarters, two SMgoes oS, and
ha^ consulted c^ithliis ofltors, withdxew during die night, and retired
nq^y towards the Oxns with 1,000 horsemen. He left his fiunily,
however, behind, persimded that Borak would do them no harm, and
his wife was the first to bferm Borak of his flight. The latter,
fearing a surprise, doDected his people, and at daybreak sent his
thrM brodiers after the runaway, to persuade hhn to istum, or at all
events to detain him tin Jebirtal, whom he dispatdied with 3,000 men,
could overtake him. The three princes overtook IGpchak and rushed to'
embrace hfan. ** Borak is troubled at your departure,** Aey said, ''and
does not know how he has ofiendtfd you. Justly irritated agaii^tjelairtai,
ycm left witiiout hearing what he had to say. He intended punishing this
insolent ofllcer die flawing day. He begs that you will retum,andwiU
punish him as you may direct* ''I am not a dilld,*said Kipchak, ''to
be led away by your fiur words. I set out orighmlly by order of Kaidu ;
1 return home because you do not care for me. I have left my touly
behind ; send it on to me, or I will seize yours.* The three brothers,
seefaig they could not persuade him, asked him to drink a glass of their
wine before-separating. " People drink wine,* said Kipchak, " Vhen they
are gohig to make merry. Now is not such a time; but I see plainly that
SQiQe troops are coming aftv me, and that you wish to detain me. Leave
quiddy, or I will take you with me.* The three princes accordingly left,
and Kipchak entered the desert of Amu. Jdairtai, who was short of
proviaioosy was obliged to return, wliUe Borak presendy sent Kipchak's
tally back again. Kaidu was iqiparendy irritated at the treatment
Us son receivedi and made friends with Abaka, the two princes
stylmg themMlvM Ortak (/.#., companions).* Soon after, dabat,
grandson of Kuyuk Khan, taking advantage of a journey Borak made
towards Herat, also fled. Borak did not send in pursuit of him, but
complained to Kaidq» and demandftd die punidunent of the two princes.
Chabat remained for a while near Bukhara, and his presence diere.was
made known to Beg Timur Oghul, vrbxjm Borak had left in command of
Transoadana, by an amir of die Tijiks or Persians. He asked the latter
if he conki not arrest him whh 500 men. The Tajik replied he was a
kanja {i^^ a subjectX and could not attack an urugh (f.^., one of the
royal houM). Therepon Beg Timur himself went after and defeated
O'OlMoa, m. 496^40^ Vott Hmumt, IIUmdi, L fl«4-«6s.
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234 HISrmiY OF THE MONGOLS.
him. He barely escaped with ten men, after destnoong the bridge of
Chiramegan. After being pursiied thirty leagues, he at leng^ reached
Kaidu's camp, and eventually died from the results of the terror he had
suffered.*
Borak now entered Khorasan, and we 4ue told he ravaged the uliole
land from Badakhshan, Kishim, Shaburi^hani Talikan of Benda, Mer\'juk
(t\e^ Meruchak), and Mery Shajan, as &r as Nishapur.t Rashid says that
after some ^hts with Prince Tekshin he occupied the greater part of
Khorasan. His cavalry horses fed in the best pastures of the province^
and he forbade his soldiers to mount them, so that they might grow £it,
and they accordingly went to and frx) riding on bullocks and asses. The
army was living in clover. Borak took up his quarters ajt Talikan. His
troops entered and reached Nishapur, which they ^Mndoned the foUowing
day. He would have done the same thmg at Herat, but Kutlugfa
Timur assured him he would thereby alienate Shems ud din Kert and all
the grandees of Persia. Shems ud din, who had been invested, as we
have seen, by Khulagu with thie districu of Herat, Sebsevar, Ghur, and
Garja, had also occupied Seistan, and his dominioo extended to the
Indus. He lived at the fortress of Khaisar, east of Herat, whither
Kutlugh Timur, with 500 men, went to him. He told him that Borak
was marching into Irak, and if he would embrace his cause with seal he
should be invested with authority over all Khorasan He consented,
accompanied Kutlugh Timur on his letumtand was well recdved by
Borak, who gave him Khorasan as a fie^ and promised to add to this the
provinces which he should courier. Bocak's people boasted largely of
what they would do^ and talked of advancing to Ba|M^ ^^ Tdbriz.
After these fair promi^ Borak demanded from Shems ud din the names
of the richest men in Khorasan, and then dismiHfd him, but he sent
him several Mongol commissaries, who were ordered to raise a contri-
bution of money, arms, and cattle from the district of Herat Shems od
din had Borak's orders carried oat, and having heard of Abaka's advance
he withdrew to the fort of Khaisar, to await the tarn of events.!
Borak had now secured the greater part of Khorasan. A few days after
the plunderi4g of Nishapuxs viz., on the 28th of April, 1269, Abaka set oat
from Azerbaijan to oppose him. He ordered bis brother Yashmot to
leave 40^000 men, Mongo]s and Musaulmaas, for the defence of Derbend,
and to join him with 10,000 picked horsemen* The Sultan Mozafiv ud
din Hajaj received orders to march with the troops of Kerman. Tekahin,
who had withdrawn, waited with lo^ooo men in Mazanderan for his fafhtfs
arrival The virier, Shems ud din, s uppli e d a body of r^ooo horsemen, and
10,000 horses in addition.§ Abaka strictly forbade his troops to touch Ike
growing com. When he reached Sherubaz (called Kungkur-ulang by
. •iyOlMM%ia.440w ymlUmma;.lWmm,liM, t Wtmal, 135.
TD*0lHMmiii.44O4i«. ^ iyQimm,iSL 44; Bad mU^md^.,^ 60i,
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ABAKA KHAN. 235
the Mongols), a district of Irak Ajem, between Zengan and Ebher, famous
for Its pastures, and idiere was afterwards boilt the town of Sultania,* he
met Meka Bey (called Tekajhek by Von Hammer), the envoy of Khabilai,
who had been waylaid by Borak, but had escaped, and who fumibhed
mformation about the condition of his army. On reaching Kumis he was
joined by Tekshin, who, after being beaten by Borak's advance guard,
near Herat, had retired to Maxanderan. With him were his son ^rghun,
Aighun Aka, and Hajaj, the Sultan of Kerman. On the way to Tus (Von
Hammer says in the district of Rad^;an) Abaka distributed largess among
his soldiers. Thence he passed through Bakheis, the district lying
between Nishapur and'Herat, and famous as the country of the cele-
Inrated author BakhersL Near Faryab, he sent out flying parties and
distributed his army in various sections. Yashmut was appointed to
command the right wing, Abatai Noyan remained with himself and the
centre, while Tekshin was sent to Beljaghran, where the yurt of Merghau)«
one of Borah's commanders, was stationed, and who informed Borak of
the approtich of the enemy. Borak ordered him to go and stop Abaka's
advance until his people were got ready. From Badghiz Abaka sent
envoys to Borak with offers of peace. -He o£hped to give up the country
of Ghazni, as Ceu* as the Indus. If this oflfer were accepted, he might
return in peace ; if not, he must get ready for a struggle. The Prince
Yassaur advised that they should accept these terms, rather than
measure themselves against such a powerful ruler as Abaka, while
Kipchak and Chabat had both fled, and their horses were weak. The
astrologer Jelal also urged a delay of a month, as the stars were not
propitious. Merghaul argued, on the contrary, that they must not allow
themselves to be thus overcome by fear. ^ Where is Abaka ?" he said.
^ Is he not occupied in Syria? It is Tdcshin and Arghun Aka who have
spread the &lse rumour of his arrival" ^ We came here to fight," said
Jelairtai. "If we wished for peace We should have remained in
Transoxiana." These speeches decided Borak, who, boiling with rage,
said : ** What does it matter whether the stars are or are not propitious ?
We must remember that the enemy is coming to destroy us m our camps."
It was determined therefore, to give battle, and to send spies to
Abaka's camp.t
In regard to these spies Khuandemir has a good deal to say. He tells
us that Abaka, having set out for Herat, against which he was irritated
because of the assistance it had given his enemies, and which he hadgiven
orders to sack (an order which he recalled), the news of his march was
brought to Borak, whose men were further disconcerted by the defection
of the princes who had been told by Kaidu to join him. He accordingly
lent three spies to inquire if he was really with the army, or whether
*• IXOiNno. iti« 449 flod 305.
tirOlmtn,VLH»^^ V«i Ummbm^ IOcImqs i. a6i.«6^
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236 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
be had intrusted it to one of his princes. The spies found Abaka's people
encamped on a vast plain bordered by the mountains called Karasui by
the Mongols, and which his general, Burgur, had chosen as a battle-field.
Having been captcu«d by some of Abaka's men, they were conducted before,
him, were fastened to the pillar of his yurt, and under terrible me naret
one of them cokifessed. Abaka then caused a false rumour to be wpitaA
abroad that Aserbaijan was in a state of confusion in consequence
of an attack by an army from Kipchak, or the Golden Horde,* and
himself repeated publicly that the safety of the empire demanded the
withdrawal of the army. He then ordered the troops to retreat, and.
calcuUUed he would reach Tebris in ten days. The camp and baggage
were abandoned, and the army set out for Maianderan. Abaka also
shouted out loudly.that the wgim were to be put to death. He, however,
gave secret orders that the one who had conli^sed was to be allowed to
escape, and the other two alone were to be killed. The spy who thus
esci^ed fled to Bocak as quickly as he could, and reported how the plain
of Hazar J^rib was dotted with tents, pavilions, stufis, and carpets, while
not a soldier bekmging to the army of Azerbaijan remained there.
Thereupon Jelairtai and Meri^iaul both entered the audicance chamber in
high glee. Before dawn Borak and his amirs mounted their hoiyes, and
set out for the plain of Hazar J6nh, Having found that district crowded
with abandoned tents and booths theypassed the dayjp feasting. '* In the
morning, when {he sun; the King of the East, puts his chariots in the sky,
and chases the army of the stars, Borak Khan, like an impetuous torrent,
again broke forth in pursuit of Abaka,** and when he reached the village of
Shekendiar he was surprised to find encamped there the army of Irak and
Azerbaijan.f Abaka, we are tok), had encamped on the plain of Jin^ five
or six parasangs from Herat, and he sent to the Kadhi of Herat ordering
him not to open the gates of the dty to Borsk. When Borak^s army
neared Herat, Masud Bey went ahead, and, surprised to find the gates
dosed, he summoned the Kadhi, Shcms ud din, who cried out finom the
waUs that Abaka had intrusted him with the defence of the place^ and
that he had sworn not to surrender it Masud Bey returned after having
menaced him, and Bonk did not deem it prudent to delay, but, having
crossed the river of Herat and pillaged the valuables abandoned by
Abaka, speedily came upoh the tatter's forces set out in battle array. He
was naturally taken aback. His courtiers, especially Mergfaaul and
Jelairtai, offered him consolation, and devoted the night to preparations
for the struggle on the following day. Abaka exhorted his men to fight
bravdy. He told them how he had deceived Borak, and that it was now
their turn to show themselves, and that they were about to fight for their
femilies and their sovereign, whose ancestors had conferred so many
* VOtman mw Html ht «nweid thaftft ■mingerihould«riv»lM«dlywitlithii»iiilMdii^imn.
't Khniwitmir , Jonni. Asiat, 4th Mr., xtx. t^-sfo. lyOhMOO,-^ 44»44S*
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ABAKA KRAH. 337
benefits upon diem. His genenli repfied with a cheer, and repaired to
Ibeir pottg.* Ite Faiat tells us that the two armies were In presence of
one ano&er.when an astrologer, ddOed hi fbretdling events, deserted
Borak, and announced to Abaka a certain victory, whidi he foretold after
ezanuning the fissures on the shoulder bones of dieep m the approved
fitfhion. Abaka treated hnn with every hcmour, and promised to make a
village over to him if he was successAil— iC promise which he afterwards
carried out.t
The Georgian CkrtmUle^ of course, enlazges on the great doings of its
special /fv^Si^, the Georgians, in this campdgn. We are told how their
king, David, was sent ahead with tott advance ([Uard as the two armies
approadied each other, in the plain of Amos, near Her {f^^ Herat).
Other noyans also marched four or five miles ahead to report on the
measures of Borak. These advanced patrols were called karauls by
the Tartars. Havbg gone ahead hi diis wiy, the King and the Mongol
kanuds noticed a great dust, and were certahr it proceeded from Borak's
army. The Khig and Sikadnr (Samaghar) made thehr preparations.
The latter wished to retreat his soldiery, instinct telling him that advanced
patrols have no business to fight, save when compelled. The King
replied it was not the custom with the Georgians to turn their backs
without fighting when they saw the enemy coming. ** Ought we to
fight?" At these words the Tartars, who were rigid disdplinarians,
replied that they had received orders from Abaka .not to fight without
him agamst the Grand Khan. ^ You Georgians,'^ they added, ** are mere
ignorant people, and do not know how to behave ;" and they threatened
in the name of Abaka to ill-use the King and his people, but without efiect
They thereupon sent an express to the Khan, to tell him Borak was
approaching^ and that the dust raised by his army was to be seen in the plain
of Amos 2 that they wished to withdraw hi accordance with his orders,
but that the Geoi:gians, who understood nothing, would not retire,
saying it was not their wont to turn their backs on the enemy, and entreating
hmi to come to their aid or they would be lost Abaka ordered
his people to mount, and hastened forward to find the advanced patrols
set out in battle array. He summoned the King, and said, '' I know the
bravery of the Georgians. You are unruly, like real demons. If one of
my noyans had behaved thus I should have had him killed, but you do
not understand our methods. Meanwhile, take the advance-post with
your men." Descending firom his horse, the King bent the knee, and
repeated that it was not customary for the Georgians to turn their backs
when they had seen the enemy, and that the Khan should see how death
Gdtald be fiuied. He then left, and took his post with the advance guard.!
Let us now revert shortly to the Mussulman authorities. They tell us
• Kh w Mi d wi ir , asT^fe- IXOImoii, UL 444-447* Hkbiii^ U •67.«flS.
t Qua^WMre, aM. Nottu J Op. cu., ^fio^x*
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258 HI8T0R\ OF THE liONOOLS.
that Abaka gav^ the command of the light win^ to his brother Tekshin,
or Buchin, with the Noyan Semgfaur or Samaghar ; iht left wing to Prince
Yashmut, who liad under him the generals Sunatai, Mingtur Noyan,
Burultai Abdulla Aka, and Ai^hun Aka. Arghun Aka had m his
division the. troops of Kennan and Fars, which were led by the Sultan
Hajaj and the Atabeg Yusuf Shah ; Abatai commanded the centre. In
the beginning of the battle Mergfaaul was killed iidiile fighting bfavdy,
being shot with an arrow. Meanwhile, JeUirtai asked permission to
charge the left wing of Abaka's army, which he routed, and drove back
with great slaughter as far as Pushenk, or Fushenj, four leagues 60m
Herat. The centre and right of Abaka's army held their ground bravely,
and he ordered Yashmut to go and rally the broken left wing. Jelairtai's
men having got into disorder in the ardour of the pursuit, he could not
hold them in hand, and finding his retreat cut off he was obliged to fiee.
His success at the beginning of the fight stirred the xeal of the aged
Sunatai, who was over 90 years old, and who^ seating himself on a
stool in the middle of the battle^eld, cned out to the officers who
surrounded him : '* To-day we must show what we owe to Abaka, victory
or death.** Abaka himself charged at the head of some of his men»
and his troops gathered themselves together and made a desperate
effort. At (he third charge Borak's line was broken and he himself
was dismounted. He cried out to his officers, who sped past him in
their flight : " I am Borak, your sovereign ; give me a hcnrae.** They
were too frightened to stay. At lengUi one of them otered hhn his
horse in exchange for some axrows, which Borak threw to him, and he
thereupon hastily fled. Abaka pursued the defeated army, giving no
quarter. They would neariy all have perished but for the courage and
presence of mind of Jelairtai, who rallied them and led them to the
desert of Amu, protecting their retreat with a body of troops like Ney
so often did in the fiEunous retreat from Moscow. He thus saved the
rUMs of the Jagatai army, which recrossed the Oxus. Some men
had sheltered in a kiosk. Abaka ordered this to be fired, and all
perished in the flames.*
The Georgian Chronicle describes the battle with some detail It says
the Grand Noyan Abathan, whom it also calls Abathai, who was
generalissimo, commanded the left With him was Sirmon (f>., Shiramun),
Sikadur, Tougha-Bugha-Jinilis (the same person otherwise known as
Bugha Chiingsang ; Chingsang being a Chinese title). Arghun Aka and
Yasbugha were posted on the right, while the other noyans were dis-
tributed between the two wings. When the men were ragged in their
ranks a centurion, named Alinak, of great size, courage, and of comely
appearance, asked ^permission from the Generalissimo Abathan to be.
"t Khnandcmir, op.cit, 96o-t6a. IXOhtne, IB. 446-449. Von Hammtr, nitkaiM, L •68-«|0.
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ABABA KHAV. 339
tSkmtd to i^ in the front rank iHmto he thoold pleese. This was
gnmed hioL Twice with hit. compenions he cot lilt way dinmgh the
eoenty% ranki, crying cot, *^AUahl AOahl^and compelled them to
retire. Ahathan alio loofl^ very faravdy^ and wo are told ''he
dragged ope of the enemy in full annoor from his saddle |Uid held
Um on the pommel of his own during the rnt of die fi^ Ifloe an eagle
holds a pamidge." Shiramm also hehavod well Meanwfaiie Bonk
attadnd Abaka*s right wing^ where SOmdmr, Toogha-Bogha-JinOis, and
Afj^um Aha loand it impossible to hold their groond, and were pursued
till the isllowfaig day. Abalat rimlhuiy potsoed the wteg opposed to
him for two dayS| and during Ais long bterval it was not known what
had hqipened. Presently both Bonde and Ahaka retraced their steps,"
and a fredi stmgi^ ensued. Ahaidian Noyan at the head of his men
duBged those of Botak and made a dreadfol slanghter, an^ captured
many p n son ei B.*
Let us now diortly revert again to Nigudari whom we left as the guest
of David, aonof Rnsodaniin Gnria. Wassaf says that the latter ga(ire him
his danghfrr in marriage^t hut this is not mentkmed in the Giors^an
Ckrmick^ vdiich has so many details about his adventures. There we
read diat idiile Borak was invadfaig Khorasan, Nigudar contrived to send
some of hb officers, vis^ Segzi-Badur, Ahib Akha, Tholak^Demur,
and Jdak, with their wives and baggage, apparently to make a diversion.
They set out, and reached the mountains of LIkh (? Lesghistan), and
crossed its western portion called Ghado. They stopped at a place
called Lomis Tha^ and ravaged Jawakhedi as fiir as Phanawar. The
corps of Tartars which was posted m the district descended into the
vallBy of Eaer, crossed the lord of the Mtsuar (Kur) above Atskur, and
having penetratied into Jawakhedi, carried off a stud of horses belonging
to SaUia Thocel, entitled thief of the armourers (? of the Kubechi
or Siii^ierans, a fiunous tribe of l.asghistan, whose name means
aimourersX end aaodier belongfaig to Knrumchi, a commanderof i,ooo
men, and his son Aiafikan, and returned with them to Lomis Thaf.
Knrumchi and Sakha set off in pursuit The two bodies met by the
Kar, near the outM of the liver of OdrseL The people of Nigudar
were grsatly outnumbered, but Tbolak Demur having crossed the Kur
widioot being seen, and with hot thirty men, mounted a hillock and
QB&rled another standard, and advanced with loud cries. Kurumchi,
ftncyhig this was a ftesh army, and that he was being attacked in front
snd rear, fled hastily, and a nmriber of his followers perished, among
odicrs the two chieft of Sokhta. Sarnddmar lost his horse, and swam
Ofsr the river. Kurumchi fell by the hand of the Tartar chie^ and many
of his foOowers tost dieir way, and went towards the mountain of Rugetb,
* Op. dt., 58i-58t. t Op. dt, 137.
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340 HISTORY or THX MOIIOOLS.
which is fiearlsr impassaUe. Thfrsoooess of tfaisnid Blade Nlgudar i
audactous, and he descended into KanhU, where he oonunicted great
excesses.
Meanwhile Abaka sent word to David, son of Ruaadan, that he was no
longer to protect Nigudar^. making him at te same dme generaoa
promises, whereupon the Kktg phured guards so as to prevent his sodden
escape, Abaka also sent Shirsmmi and some other noyans to seaire
him. They entered Thnakth and smnmoiied the odier Georgian Kingf
David, son of Lasha, to go to hun, but he was tiicn 01, and sent hia
officers, who accompanied Shiranum to KarihH. A stmgi^ now took
place, which was prokmged mto the foUowingdayvandioiHddiNigodac^
people were utterly beaten and dispersed, and Nigadar hhnsel^ his wi6^
and his son were o^Kitred, stripped of their belooghigs, and taken
before Abaka, who pardoned him and sent bin to live in Irak,
gave bun abundance of food and rahnent, fidcons, &c, and a lotdkf
establishment, with a giard to prevent hhn moving elsewhere. He
termhiated his daya io peace^ while King DavkL mm rewarded with
numerous presents, and was given At£ni, with its anMrtenanoes, and
other viUages in Kaithli.* Wassaf says that Nigadar excused his cendoct
to Abaka on the ground that he had been invited to do what he did b|f
Borak, that he was pardoned^ but that six of his duef siqiporters werepm
to death, and his troops were incorpor ate d. wiUi diose of the Ilkhan.
Nigudar himself was put under the surveillance of the Noyan KuromchLf
Von Hammer says he was guarded by fifty Mongols and imprisoned at
Deriar Kebudan, whence he was rdeased on die defeat of Borakt
After his defeat Borak retired to Transoxiana. TheseiyKm Abaka^
leaving Tekshin in command of the army of Khoiasai^weot homewards.
On the way a party c^ people ftom Dikm tried to simssiiisle hfoL
Yusufehah, the son of Shemi ud din Alp Arghsn, the Atab^ of
Loristan, who lived at Abaka'S Court and had taken part in the
recent campaign (his own country being governed meanwhile by
prefects aj^mted by himselfX sprang from his hoiae and saved him.
For this, and his brave conduct in the war wi& Botak, for wMdtk he
had supplied a contingent, he was rewarded with Uie distiiet of
Khunstan, the mountain Kiluya, aad the two towns of Finnan and
Jerbadakan. The former took its name from the Sassanian monardi,
Firuz, who buih it ; it was famous for its cotton, com, and fruit, and was
situated in the Persian Irak. The latter was also called Derbayekan, or
Guljadkian, and was situated between Keij and Hamadan. Yusnfehah
repaired to the mountain Kiluya, where he defeated the Shuls, a Kurdish
tribe, the victory costing the life of his brother, Nejm ud din.S Abaka
reached Meragha on the i8th of October, 1270, and twentjf days later
* op. ck., sS*-58s. t Wassaf, y37-X38* TTOimoii, IH^433-435*
I IlkltanSf L 961. i /</.» i. 274. IrOhsaoD, iU. 4S4^4SV
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ABAKA KHAH. 241
mirivcd at his orda at Chagiitn, wbittt 1^ received horn the envoys of his
ancle, the Khakan Khubilai, a crown, a mantle of investiture, and letters-
patent confierrbg on him the government of Iran, which his fiuher had
held. The ceremony of investiture w^s accompanied by the usual
rejoicings. He also received envoys from. Mangu Timur, of the Golden
Horde, congratulating him on. his victory, and taking him presents of
fiUcons. '
When Abaka was hunting on one occasion outside Meragha, he was
wounded in the neck by the horn of a wild 01. To |top Uie flow of
bkod one of the aidijis or cooks made a light ligature about the wound
with a bowstring^ which caused it to become dcatrised. A tumour havi^ig
supervened, which caused him much pain, none of his doctors dared to
open it until the fieunous astronomer, Nasir ud din, offered to answer With
his head if any harm came of the operation, whereupon it was cut open
and he was relieved.* This was shortly fi^owed by the death of the two
princes, Yashmut and Tekshin, who had so distinguished themselves in
the war against Borak ; and six months later Yisunchin, the mother of
Abaka, also died Her household was made over to his wife, Padishah
Khatun, the daughter of Kutb ud din. Sultan of Kerman. It was in this
year also that Girdkuh, the fortress of the Assassins, identified by Von
Hammer with the Gilgerd of the Byzantines (a veritable castle of Lethe or
oblivion), is said to have been finally capturedt The next event of any
moment in Abaka's reign was the expedition he sent to ravage Trans-
Gxiana, which did its work very effiKtually. Its issue I shall reUue in
the next vdume. The Turcoman, Akb^, who took an active part in
this rampaign, would have gone with the booty he had secured to Kaidu,
but one of his brothers disclosed his i n tention s to Ar^jhun. He was
anested and sent on to Abaka. He was executed, m rtmUf at KOhje
denis, or the Blue Sea (i*./,, the Sea of Aral); the intendant, Malik Sadr
ud din, was also put to death at RaL Jenglaun Rakhthi, Khulagu's and
Abaka's secretary, and the Amir Ai]8^un Aka, son of Charmaghan, died
a natural death at this time. There was also an earthquake at Tebris
which caused much destruction there. The same year there died ht
Iconium the famous mystic sheikh,^Sadr ud din of Konia.t
The GiOf^giidM CkrofiicU tells us how, after his return fixxm the campaign
against Borak, Abaka went to Siba with King David (the son of Lasha),
who spent the winter there, where the king fell ill and died. Ue was
succeeded by his young son DimitrL The date of his death has been
discussed by Brosset§ He fixes it in 1269, but it would seem that
Malakia's authority must be right, and he tells us David died the same
year and the same month as Haithon, King of Armenia (i>., October,
1270). The youth of the young long, Dimitri, caused many of the ei^sthafs
, i. 9f^9fi% DXNmmb, ia. 4S^5Zi QwtrMMre, i> Note.
Q
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342 . HISTORY OF TRB MONGOLS.
t<» join the Mongol ranks. About this time also Aghalar and Sakhaoer,
eristhaf of Raja, determined to break the yoke of David, son oPI^tsodan,
and to go over to Abaka. They discossed matters with Alikan Behador,
ndio lived in the mountains of Jawakhedi. He informed the monarch, who
made them large promises. The Khan complained of the way in which
David had given dieker to hb enemies, such as Nigndar and Yalkhur,
and it was necessary to pnnish him. Thero^Km Sakhaber said he and
his companions knew tbo comitry wdl, and would wiUkigly act as his
guides. Abaka thereupon o^ered Shiramun, Alikan, Taicho^ ahd
Abchi to march against the King. They collected a force of 30^000 men,
traversed Trialeth, crossed the> mountain Likh, and ML on David, who
was then bathing at Kuthathis. He had barely time to mount, covered
with a single garment MeanndiQe the Tartars piUaged the churdies,
killed or made prisoners a large number of Christians, and returned
without any loss to Abaka. Two years later, ^liramun and Alikan,
called Alinakh by Stephen the Orpelian, and no doubt the Alinak
already named, were again • ordered to bvade Georgia. David at
once withdrew, and allowed them to plunder at their will Presently,
having heard that he was collecting a force to attack them, they withdrew
hastily with their prisoners and booty. At this time Sadun Mankaberdel
had become the first of the mthawars. Abaka attached him to hlh
person, and gave him the surveillance of Georgia, and also confided to
him the daughter oftheatabeg Avak, Who appomtedhim her chamberlain.
Meanwhile the Georgian thawads conveyed the .young king Dimitri, son of
David Lasha, to the ordu, and were accompanied by Ivan^ son of Shahin-
shah, the chief of the Mandators. Abaka invested Dimitri with the whole
kingdom, except the territory belonging to Sargis Jakel, and caused him
to be escorted home *by Sadun, whom he appointed atabeg, and on
reaching Tiflis he was duly consecrated Aere.»
We will now turn to Abaka's intercourse with Egypt The Mamluk
Sultan Bibars, who, as we have seen, now ruled there, was a terrible
foe to the CmJuiders, whom he had determined to drive out of Syria.
In 1268 he captured Antioch^ which belonged to Bohemond, Prince
of Tripoli. After the capture the citixens were killed or reduced to
slavery, while other districts subject to the Crusaders we^ devastated,
and Bibars* intentions were strengthened by the result of the ill-starred
expedition of Louis IX. to Tunis. Driven to desperation, the Crusaders
appealed to Abaka to go to their rescue.f By his orders a division of
10,000 men under Samaghar, the commander of the Mongols in Asia
Minor, with a body of Turks from Rum, under the Pervana, first minister
of the Sultan of Rum, advanced into Syria. Their advance guard, con-
sisting of 1,500 Mongols, commanded by Amal, son of Baichu, which went
* Op. dt., 58$-$8d. t IXOImmo, Ul, 458-4S9>
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ABAKA KHAN. 243
by way of Amk, in die district of Aintab, surprised and cot to.pieces
a tribe of Turkomans encamped between Harem and Antioch, ravaged
the districts of Harem and Al Muruji and advanced as €Eur as Apamia.
AbnUeda says they attacked Aintab, Rug, and Cami^ near Famia. The
garrison of Aleppo retired upon HamatlL A thousand pieces of silver
was asked for a camel, while to hire one for a journey to Egypt cost aoa
Bibars, who was at Damascus, sent orders to Baisari to march at once
with 3,000 men from Cairo. That oMcer duly arrived at Damascus on
the I2th of November, 1271. The Suhan, with his troops, set out for
Aleppo, but the Mongols had already retired. He, however, dispatched
the .Amir Ak Sonkor Farekani, with a large number of Arabs for Merash
(the Germanicia of the ancients), while another division was sent to
Harran and Roha (/>., Edessa), which opened its gates to them. At
Harran they put to death the Mongols who were in the town, and caused
the rest to take to flight* The Egyptians did not permanently occupy
Harran, and on their withdrawal the principal inhabitants, afraid of the
viengeance of the Mongols for having surrendered the place, left it, and
scattered themselves in various parts of Syria. A Mongol division
le-entered it on the 26th of April, 1272, razed the walls, destroyed the
buildings, carried off the greater part of the citizens, and the town was
thusniinedf
Meanwhile, supported by the Crusaders, die Mongols attacked the
fortress of Kakun, not far from Caesarea, which its governor, Bejka Alai,
abandoned. Bibars secretly left Aleppo, and arrived at Damascus with a
large number of Mongols captured at Harran. He dispatched Akush
Shemsi widi the troops of Ain Jalut to relieve Kakun, whereupon the
Crusaders fled. They were pursued and severely punished. While
Bibars was at Damascus envoys came from the Mongol general Samaghar
and the Pervana to negotiate for peace, and asking that some one should
be sent to treat. He accordingly sent Mobariz ud din Turi, the amir
taberdar, and Fakhr ud din Mukri, the hajib. They found Samaghar
encamped in the province of Sivas, and presented him with nine bows
and nine maces, excusing the poverty of their present on the ground that
they had had to ride post haste. On the following day they were received
by the Pervana, and gave him the costly stufls with which they had
been intrusted by Bibars. With him they went on to Abaka, to whom
they presented a cuirass, a helmet made of hedgehog s skin, a sword, a
bow, and nine arrows, and reported that their master had received several
envoys from Mangu Timur, of the Golden Horde, asking him to make a
joint attack upon himself. This news naturally distressed the Mongol
niler, and two days later he sent back the envoys. The fact is that the
bitter feud which separated the Khans of the Golden Horde and the
* Makrid, L (part U.) ioo>xoi. D^^aioo, iU. 459-460. Wtil, iv. 73.74.
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344 HISTORY or THH liOinXAS.
Ilkhaiifi earned the fomer to ledc tlie mtftHiye of their oc^raKgionitt,
the Saltan of Egypt, whik the IlUiaiu as natunUy chiDg to ^
and the Emperors of Byiantiiim.
In September, 1272, some fiesh envoys went to Damascus from Abaka,
and others from Rnm. Makrizi aays the former were tdd to go throa|^
the Juk or Kow-tow (ijt^ the wdl-known VLaaipA form of prost r ation)
before the two naibs of Alqq;x> and Hamath. They had been charged
to ask that Sonkor Ashkar shoukl be sent to the In4)erial Court,
but Uiey now changed this message into a scmmons to Bibars eitfaer
to go himself or to send his first suhjecL The Sultan replied tiiat as
it was Abaka who desired peace he had better go in person, or send one
of his brothers to go to him. He also ordered his troops, in complete
equipment, to perform their evolutions in the Meidan, outside Damascus,
before the envoys. Soon after, news arrived that the Mongols were
attacking the fortresses of El Biret and £r Rabbet, and had seized the
fords of the Euphrates. The people at Biret sent messengers to Hamath
ai^d Hims by pigeon post, asking for help. The Sultan diipatched Fakhr
ud din, of Hims^ from Harim, with one division, while Alai ud din AlhaJ
TaibarsWanri went in anodittr direction with a second one. He himself
set put frqm Damascus and Hims, taking with bun some boats inddch were
mounted on carts. On reaching the Euphrates, he was deceived by
the Mongols, who had moved from the ford where they had previously
been posted, and had intrenched themselves opposite a deep part of the
river. Bibars l aunched hb boats, filled with soldiers, and a sharp hail of
arrows followed from each side. Presently, Kelavnn crossed the river by
a ford, and defeated the Mongols. The rest of the troops then swam
over the river, the horsemen being cfose to each o^er, hokUag their
horses' bridles with one hand, and using their lanoes as oara. The Sultan
was one of the first over. The enemy's camp was captured, and he
thanked heaven for his victory in aprayer, accompanied by two rikats.
The enemy were 3,000 or, according^ Novairi, $,ooo-strong^ and lost
their commander, Haifor (read Chabakar by D'OhssonX and many of
thehr number. The Euphrates was crossed at Menbej, after iriUch troops
were dispatched up and down the river, who captured and killed many
others. Meanwhile Derbai, with the Mongol army that was besieging
El Biret, hastily withdrew, abandoning their cataqraUs, baggage^ and
provisions. Havihg waited to see if they would return, Bibars once
more recrossed the Euphrates and repaired to El Biret, which he
entered by a bridge of boats that had been prepared by the Mongols.
H^ rewarded the governor with a robe of honour and a thousand gold
pieces, while he distributed 100,000 dirhems and other marks of fovour on
the inhabitants; and having strengthened the garrison returned to
Damascus, which he entered in triumph, preceded by his amirs.* D'Ohsson
» Makriif, L (put a.) izo-iii. D'QhMOB, iiL ^.464. Wen iv. 76.
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ABAKA KBAK. 14}
tayi die Egypdan army numbered la/xxi^and diat to enable him to oom
the Euphrates Btbara threw 35/xx> camels into the river, whose
bodes formed a bridge over which his men advanced f" but this is
corrected by Von Hammer. What Wassaf says is that the camels were
linked together by their bridles.
The Egyptians now once more assailed Little Armenia, of which
Lecm III. wasmler. They complained that the citizens of Kinnkmdlested
die Mussulman merchants and travellers. They accordingly crossed the
frontier and suddenly appeared before the town. The inhabitants fled to
die dtadel, which was taken in July, 1373. The men were killed, and the
women reduced to slavery.t Tarsus was also sacked. Leon himself
.who suspected the fidelity of his vassals, withdrew to the mountains,
whence he, according to Chamitch, inflicted a defoat on a second Syrian
army which invaded the district These events took place in the latter
part of 1373-t
While his troqis were ravaging Cilida, Bibars learnt that Abaka was
naking pveparations to attack him, and prepared in turn to repel him.
He fel oat from Caho on Aqgust i2th,J273, andheardat Askakm that the
Ilkhan had left Baghdad on a hunting excursion towards the Zab^ and he
sent to Egypt to summon his troops. A division of 4,000 accordingly sec
out under his general, Taibars, and as the news from Persia became daily
more alarming^ the Sultan ordered all the Egyptian forces, including the
Arabs, to march, and whoever had a horse was instructed to obey the
sacred call and set out Bibars reached Damascus on the 2iid of
September, but no enemy ^)peared§ A fow months later Sherif ud
din Issa, son of Mohanna, the chief of the Bedouins of Syria, made a
raid by his orders into Irak Arab, and advanced as for as Anbar.
The Mongols, who fonded it was the Sultan in person, retired fij^ting,
and rejoined Abaka. II
The Malik Shems ud din Behadur, Prince of Semsat, son of the
Malik Ferej, chief cupbearer of the last Khuaresm Shah, after the
death of that prince, had occupied the strong fortress of Kirat and six
others in the district of Nakhchivan, and had then gone to Rum, where he
received the town of Akserai as an appanage. He ha ^ begun a secret
correspondence with Bibars, to inform the latter of what was going on
among the Mongols. He had also joined in a plot with the Sultan for
the destruction of the Catholvcos of the Christians (f .^., of the Nestorians)
at Baghdad. The latter lived in the palace of the Khalii; and had treated
the Mussulmans with contumely. The Sultan wrote him a letter, saying
he had heard how much he had at heart the wellbeing of the Christians
m his states, and that it was in consideration for him that he (Bibars)
treated him so kindly, and went on to say, '* Thanks to you, we are well
* irOllMOll. m. 464* y^taaal,^. tEKOlmoo.Ul^ t A^, 466-467.
f /d,, 4«7* I /A, 466-467. BUkriii, i. (part U) 117.
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Vfi HISTORY Of TRl WHMOLL
acquainted with the most ^teret aflUn of tlie Mongols.^ The tetter tlien
went on to mak^ some imaginary statement, as : ** We grant what yov
have asked for such an one. We pron^ to promote the person yoa
name. We shall know how to treat the person yon have in view. You
ask OS for some halm, and some rdics of the Messiah. We send tliem|o
yon, as well as a portion of the Cross. We have sent these things w
Rahbet, and we have commwiicated to the naib there the secret sign
between as ; send a confidential person^iho knows the sign to fetch
them." The Sultan gave this letter to the naib of El Biret, with ofders
to hand it to an Armenian, who was to pass it on to the CathoHcot. He
then informed Shems nd din Behadur of what he had done. The latter
had the messenger arrested and sent to Abaka, who ordered the Cathdicos
to be pift to death. Shems ud din did several other torvices for the
Saltan, bat the Mongols having discovered his intrigues, arrested and
conveyed hun to the ordo. His mamhiks and attendants, to the number
of 900^ fied to Egypt, where they were well received by the Sultan.
Shems nd din himsdf managed to eso^ and went to El Biret, wlMre
the peopte went out to meet hhn. Theilce he passed bto Egypt, where
he and his foUowers had appanages granted to theoL* This story is a
good exampde of the diabolicalingenuity of the eastern princes in intrigue.
It also shows a curious phase of relic-dealing, when ingenuous bishops
were ready to buy Oiristian relics and piecesr of the true Cross firomthe
Sultan of Egypt, the great antagonist of the Crusaders, and V-^ would
no doubt have gladly supplied such articles adUbiium. The story above
told is preserved for us by Novairi, but, as D^hsson says, there was at
this time no Catholicos living at ftaghdad, nor did any CathoUcos perish
by Older of Abaka. . Abul&raj tells us that in 1268 Henan Yidiua, bidiop
of Jeziret, was put to death by his orders, his skull being broken with a
stonovuHien he was asleep, and his head then exposed at the gate of
Jeziret He was accused of unnatural crimes, and of interfering in
matters of state. Perhaps he is the person mist^Jcen by Novairi for the
Catholicos.f Although no Catholicos was actuaUy kiUed, the Christians
seem to have had rather a bad time of it at this period, m consequence of
the intrigues of the Muhammedans. The Catholicos. of the Nestorians
left Baghdad in 1268, after an outbreak there. He wascalled Mar Denhai
and was the successor of Maldsa. He had seised a Nestorian firom
Takrit, who some years before had turned Mussulman, and had threatened
to drown him b the Tigris. The peopte appealed to Alai ud din, the
dvil governor of the town, who demanded the release of the apostate, and
on the refusal of the Catholicos they iittacked his house^ burnt the
entrance, and tried to get in and kin him. Mar Denha escaped by some
tortuous streets to the house of Alai ud din. He laid his compteints
•MakiHL (put lU 1x6-117, ai4nogii4S. D'Ohnoa, Ui. 4«F-4^.
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.ABAKA KHAN. 347
before the Mongol Court, but no one there supporting hinii he retired to
IrbiL In 1271 tome Ismaelites (/./., Bedouins) tried to assiuisinate Alai
ud diA. They failed, and were cut in pieces. The Muhammedans
dedared the attempt had been made by some Giristians, emissaries of
Mar Denha. This sufficed to cause .a general imprisonment of the
bi^iops and die heads of the regular and secular clergy at Baghdad.
At the same time Kutbuka, the governor of Irbil, imprisoned the
Cadiolicos and fafo bishops, and they were only released after some
wedOf and by order of the court Thereupon die Nestorian patriarchs
fixed their residence at Ashnu, in Azerbaijan.*
Sempad, whose journeys to the Mongol Court we have described,
apparently died about 1273.! We are told that he btiilt many churches,
monasteries, &c, and that having repaired to Tebriz, to visit Arghun Aka
and the Sohtb Divan, he fen in and died. He was succeeded by Hs brother
Tanaiy, with the permission of Arghun and the Sahib Divan.) In 1273
Abaka sent m army to invade Khuarezm, which was then subject to the
Khans of the Golden Horde. It laid waste the towns of IChivay Uxgenj,
and Karaka8h-.8
Abul&raj describes how, hi 1274, a Nestorian monk from St Michael's
monastery, near Mosul, having hafi. an intrigue with an Arab woman,
became a Mdssufanan, much to the distress of the Christians. His fellow
monks, hiduding his unde, repaired to Tepash, the leader of the Mongol
soldiery, ^sriio at their instance went to Mosul, where they sdzed the
renegade. Thereupon a tumult arose, and a crowd of Mussulmans went
to the palace armed with clubs a&d torches, and threatened to kiU the
Mongol leaders unless they released their co-religionist He was
accordingly released, and was taken in triumph on horseback round the
city, which was a greater grief to the Christians than his apostacy.|| We
are furdier told that at this time the Christians of Irbil, intending to
'cdebrate the festival of palms, and afraid they would be .molested by the
Arabs (/.^., the Mussulmans), asked a number of Christian Mongols who
were encamped not &r off to escort them. They did so, and they
mardied out, the Mongols carrying crosses on the points of their spears.
The crowd marched headed by the Nestorian metropolitan, and accom-
panied by Mongol horsemen. They were assailed with stones and
dispersed, however, by the Mussulmans, and for some time ^er dared
not come out of their hooses-i* During the same year (i>., 1274} some
of Btbars* officers having been found corresponding with the Mongols
were arrested, and twelve of them were put to death.**
In 1273 we read in Abul£uaj tiiat Intab and Birha, from Syria, made
a nud into the district of Claudia. They marched continuously, without
* Abul&n^. ChiOQ* Syr.. 57i.sy3*
f Hkt. (tote SkwaiBi 035. Kote4. SL MMd, Q. 991. Note 36.
Hist. d«te Sbunie, 93$, St. Martin. B. 153. i Weil, iv. 135.
•' -1, Onon. Syr., 574'575. H /<^, $75-576. •• D'Ohuoo, UTajI'
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a4S HISTORY OF THB MONGOLS.
Bivouacking, for fear the Mongols might attack them, and carried off
many pnsoners.* Two years later some £iktrs went to visit the tomb of
the Khalif Mamuni.at Tarsus. It was suspected that the Egyptian
Sultan, in person, was amor/^them, having gone to expk>re the oountt]^
and they were accprdingly arrested and imprisoned hf order of the
Armenian king. .Several people, were sent from Egypt to inquire wby
they were imprisoned, iriiich ooly increased Leon's aiispicions. This was
not the only grievance which Bibars had. He plausibly chaiged the
Armenian king wkh several offences— that he had not sent him the
presents agreed iq;xMi ; t t hp had built some new fortresses and added
to the old ones; that, contnury^o his promise, he had not furnished him
with usefol intelligence^ and, Ustly, that Armenians, invested with
Mongol sarakuchis, had assailed his caravans, folsely pretending to be
Mongols— acts which had led to the destruction of Kinuk, as we have
mentionfed. Bibars left Cairo on the ist of February, 1275, and Damasons
on Hit 6th Qf March. At Hamath he was join^ by Mansur, prince df
that country, and kiter by the Arab Sherif ud din Issa, son of Mohanyie.
He had kept his purpose secret When his army reached the country
between Derbessak and Bagras he divided it into bodies of 1,00a men,
which forced the mountains at various points. The soldiers carried
torches, and thhty boats followed the army, with which to cross the rivers.
The Sultan encamped beyond the defile of Iskanderun, behind a wall
which Haithon, father of Leon, had built, whence he advanced to Merkes
(not Mankab, as D'Ohsscin has it), which takes its name from the river,
the ancient Kersos. His people captured and burnt Massissm the ancieirt
Mopsuetia, on the Jihan (the Pyramus of Uie cUssicsX There they
secured a large booty, and caused much slaughter. We are told that
some clans of Arabs and Turkonums, who were owners of great herds
here, submitted to Bibars, who moved them into Syria. Once more
advancixig, he crossed the defile sepaiating Cilida from Rum, where he
captured the families of some Mongols. Thence on to Sis, which was
burnt, the palace of the king, with its pavilions and gardens, being
destroyed ; the citizens had abandoned the dty and sought shelter in the
citadel He dispatched the prisoners and cattle he had captured home-
wards, and sent detachmenu to the maritune towns of Tarsus (where they
recited the Mussulman prayers on the Friday), Adana, Barin, and Ayas^
Ayas, situated two days' journey from Baghras and one from Tel Hamdun,
was in the hands of the Crusaders. They transported their wealth on to
ships which were anchored in the harbour. The Egyptians burnt the
town and killed many of the dtixens. Two thousand Franks and
Armenians who tried to escape by sea were drowned. Some of its
citizens fled to the Lesser Jeziret, which was not fan off; others who
Syr., 574.
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ABAKA KHAN. 249
escaped were pillaged even of their coats by the Franks ; ''they did not
kill any of them, however,** says the considerate Abuliaraj. At Adana the
men were killed and the women carried off Abuliaraj says the invaders
advanced, plundering, burning, and murdering, to Cyric They killed
twenty-one monks in the monastery of Paximiatus, with an illustrious
dd monk naiped Salomon, and the praetor of the patriarch Mar Ignatius.
They burnt the monastery, as well as the one at Gujekhdit, and the rest of
the monasteries of the Armenians and Greeks, except the small one
bekmging to the Jacobite patriarch at Sis. That dignitary had fled to
Behga, where he hid till the invaders withdrew.^ On returning to
Massissa the Sultan set fire to the two parts of that town on the banks of
the Jihan,and when all his men had assembled again, and the Turkomans
and Arabs who were subject to him had passed the defiles on the Syrian^
fixmtier, he continued his retreat He stayed awhile on the plains of
Aotioch, which were covered with inunense numbers of cattle, and
proceeded to distribute the booty, every functionary, both of sword and
pen, participating ; he did not retain any for himsel£ He there learnt
that the division which he had sent to Biret had advanced as fiu' as
Rees Ain, drivbg before it the Mongols it met in rouU^ and had
returned loaded with booty. This terrible raid is said to have cost the
lives of 60^000 people, while a larger number were made captive.!
The next year the Mongols made an attack upon £1 Biret They
mvested the fortress on the 39th of November, 127s, and bombarded it
with cati^ts. They were led by the noyan Abatai (called Antai by
Abttlfeda). They had to withdraw, however, on account of the scardty
of provisions and the severity of the weather, which caused the death of
many horses ; and Bibars, who had already set out fix>m Damascus and
distributed Uugess to the troops, again returned.^ Abulfiinj tells us
the invaders on this occasion numbered 70,000^ and that after his Mure
Abatai returned to Assyria, where he became very ilL The withdrawal
of die Mongols, as here described, was followed by a raid upon Cilida by
a number of Turkomans, in which Sempad, Leon's uncle, and sevcftal
grandees were killed.§ The Pervana, who governed Rum, had a critical
part to play. His Mussulman inclinations inclined him to be firiendly
towards the Sultan of Egypt, whereas the way in which he had been
virtually cheated out of his wife by her father, King Haithon, made him
iU disposed towards the Armenians, although Haithon's son, Leon,
had tried to appease him by a marriage between his natural daughter
and the Pervana's son.|| To keep hinxself in good odour with th^
Mongols, he repaired to their ordu with the daughter of Rokn ud dm,
Sultan of Rum, to save her, as be alleged, from being taken off to Egypt
t MakriiS, i. fpart u.| xt^x^vkl^mm^ VL'ifi'Mi. llfthMHui. 190493.
X D'OhHOo, iU. 474H7&' i Qaoa. Syr . sSo* I Abt Ifami, Qmm. S/ri. )74*
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2SO HISTORY or THE MONGOLS.
He also wafned the Mongols that a certain amir, called Mar Khetir, had
got possession of the young Sultan Ghiath ud din, and was conveying him
to Egypt He asked for some troops with whom to rescue hinL These
were given him, under the command of Kongurtai, Abaka's brother.
They overtook Mar Khetir, with the young Sultan, at Ablestin, killed the
former, and rescued the latter, whom they made over to the Pervana,
who thus acquired great credit among them.* The yoiing Seljukian
Sultan, Ghiath ud din, had been taken to Nakidah (now called NigdehX
between Marash and Konia, for safety, by the Amir Sherif ud din Masud
Ibn Alkhatir, a strong opponent of the Pervana. Bibars, who had gone
to Aleppo, sent a division under Seif ud din Bilban Azzemi, with orders
to march upon Nakidah; but when he reached the Koksu, or Blue River
(probably an affluent of the Jihan, falling into it south-east of Marash), he
was attacked by a Mongol contingent and forced to retire upon Aintab.
The result of this expedition was that the Pervana once more secured
the custody of Ghiath ud din.t
About the year 1276, Alem ud din Yakub^ a great merdiant, who
was a Christian, and a native of Berkut, in the district of Irbil, and had
been on a visit to Khubilai Khan's Court, died on his way home in
Khorasan. Yashmut, an envoy of the Khakan's, who was his companion,
and also a man of great consequence and illustrious birth, of Uighur
origin, and who had been a monk, tookxharge of his sons, and went with
them to Abaka's Court Abaka received them weU, and appointed the
eldest of them, Masud, governor of Mosul and Irbil, while Yashmut
became Lis chief minister.} According to St Martin, Arghun Aka,^e
fiunous Mongol official, died in 1275. In the ** Shajrat ul Atrak" we are
told he died in 673 HEj., at Tus.§ Aifother important personage died at
this time, viz., Shems ud din Kert, the Malik of Herat His enemies at
Abaka's Court had intrigued against him, and the latter, grown suspicious,
determined to secure his person. He had to set abctut it diplomatically,
since th^ malik's fortress of Khaisar was impregnable. Accordingly, in
1275, b^ sent him a khilat or state robe, a paizah or official tablet, and a
yarligh or diploma. This last was thus phrased : '* The Malik Shems ud
din Muhammed Kert knows that we are very fond of him ; that his words
and acts have always won our approbation and praise ; that all which he
has sent to the foot of our throne has been very welcome ; that the
statements of his detractors and those envious of him have not been
listened to ; and that we have several times told our brother, Tekshin
Oghul,|| to send him some of his most distinguished officers to invite him
to quit his inaccessible home, .this abode of lions and tigers, this nest of
eagles and vultures (i>., Khaisar), and to take up his residence at Herat
* Almlfival, Chron. Svr., 562. t Weil. iv. 81.
J Abdfitfi^, ChroD. Syr^ sSt-sSj* D'Otaon, hr. 14. i Op. cit. 354* Set Ante, p. t^.
His muM it othtnHat read T«Uio and Bbhin.— Sm Jonni. Asnt., s^ itr., xVH. 454. Note.
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AlAKA UUN. 2$t
He moitt <A the receipt of this order, rqpeir at once to Herat and rule
there firmly, and make the frontier provinces, as fiur as Afghanistan on
the one hand, and of Shibuighan and the Amu (i^^ the Oxus) on the
other, flourish; he must reside in the flourishing dty of Herat, and
there punish those who have been oppressive and tyraniiicaL* Abaka
finished his letter with numerous espressloiis of his goodwill, and swore
never to Injure him. Shems ud. din thersnpon assured him of hit
obedienoe, and sent rich presents to him, as well as to Tdcshin Oifal and
Am great amirs and chlefc of the administratfcm, and he went to Herat,
wheiethemaliks and grandees of the surrounding district went to meet
hnn. Shortly after, there arrived letters from hb namrsaWt^ the vizier,
and from the vizier's son, the Khoja Bahai ud din, the governor of Ispahan,
inviting him to go to Irak. He accordingly set out Bahai ud din, with
a crowd of grandees, went to the borders of his province to meet him, and
conducted him to the ordu, but Abaka gave Um a very cold welcome,
and his suspicions having been aroused, determined that he should not
return again to Herat He was detained at the ordu, whilehis son, Rokn
od din, was sent to Join the army at Deibend.* Von Hammer has
tnuidated a number of epigrams and poems which he and his namesake,
the viiier, wrote in answer to one another at this time.t Abaka himself
refused bun an audience. He was detained at Ispahan, and his two sons
were enrolled among the troops stationed at Baku. The amir Bahai ud
dfai, supported by Tikneh, one of the diief dignitaries of the Court, in
vain recalled the sendees of the fiunily of Kert Abaka refused to see
him, and the foUowing year (^, 1277X ^^f^^ ^ ^"^a* ^ a bath at Tebriz,
he ate a waterman which Abaka had sent him, and which was poisoned,
and died. This was in January, 1278. The IQdian^ su^don of him
was so great that, fearing a trick and that he was not reaHy dead, he
ordered one of his courtiers to superintend the laying out of the corpse,
and to fitften the coffin with iron chains. He was buried at Jani, in a
turbdi, or funereal chapeLI The death of the malik caused matters at
Herat to fidl into disorder, and we are told dial die following year (/./.,
1378} Prince Tekshin, on his return from Ghasni, reported the state of
thmgs to his brother Abaka, and persuaded hhn to nominate Shems ud
.din's son, Rokn ud dm, who bm we have seen had been sent to Derbend,
in his fiither's ptece^ and ordered him to bear, Uke his frither, die title
of Shems ud din, adding to it diat of ^the Litde," to distmguish hhn
from his predecessor. He reigned widiout dispute for three years,
and received the homage of the chiefr of Khorasan, except of
the governor of Kandahar, agahist vdiom he marched in 680 (1281),
Khuandemur says in 677 (i>., 1378). The inhabitants defended Jiem-
sdves bravely, but after thirteen days' attack, finding that the gates
* D'OhaMo, W. iSmSo. t nkhuu, L t78-fl84.
t JowB. Adit., stfi Mr., xvfl. 4S3*4S4* D'OfaHoa, W, xls.x83.
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asa HISTORY or tub honools.
of their fortress had been ftred, they agreed to submit and to pay a
money fine.*
Let us now turn our attention to die other end of the empire. We
have seen how Is ud dbi the Joint ruler of Rum, fled to Constantinople,
leaving his brodier Rokn ud dhi fail complete possession of that empnef
We have also tiaced his subsequent Ibrtunes «]u»Hl his deadi.t Rokn ud
din was only nominally ruler. The real rater .wa« die Pervana, who»
leariug that Us nominal master meant to assart himself charged him at
tiie M<mgo| Court widi totendiag to revolt, and bavfai^ received doe
authority, he had him straaiM with a bowstring,, after he had corrupted
the Mongol generals with huge p res ea ts. This took place in 666 RSJ.
Ci367<^), at a banquet to whidi he had invited the Sultan and the Mongol
generals. Rokn ud dhi's son, Ghiadi ud ^ who was only four years
old, was put on die throne. Nfaie years later, troubles broke out in Rum.
Some of the amirs there, who had combined with thePervana to secure
an Egyptian alliance, having been betrayed by diat treacherous person,
fled to Egypt, and incited die Sultan to faivad^ Rum ; among diem Sdf
ud din Jendeibek (the Haidaibek of D'OhssonX Prince of Ablestin,
aii old amir called Bishar, end others. Bi>ars remitted the matter
for discussion to some of his own amirs, and ordered two of them,
Baisari and Anes (D'Ohsson calls him Akush), to ip^ort to him the
result Bibars himself repaired to Egypt, where we are told great
exertions were made^ and the artisans were fully employed fad prqiaring
anns,ftc Bibars presente d splendid equqwnents to his mamluks, and held
a grand review, a sham fight, and a foast, which are described in picturesque
detail by Makrizi.§ The^Sha}ratul Atrak*rq^oits how, before he set
out against the Mongols, Bibars went as a spy to Rum. On his return
to Egypt he sent a message to Abaka to tell him he had been to Rum for
his amusement, and had left a ring fan pledge with a certain cook or
confectioner for provisions supplied to him, and he coolfy asked Abaka
to raum it The latter, who was astoniriied at his rashness, ordered the
Pervana to send BTmus a friendly answer^l When the Armenian king
heard of the Egyptian preparations he warned the Mongols, but the eflect
of his messages was discounted by the Pervana, who disliked him, and had
a crooked policy of his own to carry out, and who suggested that Leon
had some coitupt motive in what he was doings whence they distrasted
hfan. Bibars, on setting out, left the anur Ak Sonkor Farekani as his
deputy m Egypt, with die title of naib algaibah, and left in his chaige his
son Said Bereke Khan, whom he had nonunated as his successor. When
he reached Aleppo he ordered its governor to march to Sajur, on the
Euphrates, to ipyird the fords and prevent the Mongols from invading
* JcnxD. Aakit.. 5th Mr., xvfl. 4S4-45JP t Ante, 1S4.
t Anifv put U. stt«x93. I ou^ to ata h«M that AboUtda awrilwtM Ut itpoiM rigbtly ti
Mwign Tunir, and not to Bortko lUuui. Op. cU., v. as.
t Op. cit.,L (pan U.) 135x38. ITObMoa, Itt. 4^0^. | Op. cit., ass-«S4. WMtaT. ^64.
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ABAKA KHAN. 3S3
Syxsa. In conjonctioii with the Arab amir, Sherif ud din Ista Ibn*
Mohinna, this general defeated a body of Kha&jah Arabs sent against
htm bf the Mongols, and captured lySoo camels.'* Bibars himself went
by way of Heikn, Aintab, Dulek, Meij Dibaj, and Kinuk (/./., by the
pass in the Taonis moontainsi still followed by the caravans of pilgrims).
He passed the defile of Akcha, where he stationed guards, and thence
sent on an advance guard, under the general Soukor, which met
and defeated a contingent of 5,000 Mongols, and captured many
prisoneri.t Bibars advanced to the Jihan, where the Mongob and
Sdjuki were assembled, and when he had crossed a mountain range he
found the enemy ranged in the plain of Ablestin. The Mongols were
divided into eleven divisions, each having more than 1,000 men in it
The Se(juki cavalry formed a division apart; the Mongols probacy
deemed them uncertain allies in a struggle with their co-religioidsts.
They were under the command of Tukuz (called Tanaun by Abulfeda)
son of the noyan Ilka, his brother Urugtu, and Tudun (the Behadur
Thttdan of Abulferaj), brother of Sugunjak, or Sughuijak (called Thonda,
of the family Saldukh Bahadur, governor of Gartha, in the Gecrgtan
ChroitUU\ who were encamped on the frontiers of Rum ; Wassaf says
of Temghur Noyan and Tudaun Behadur.t The battle took place on
Friday, the i6th of April, 1277, on a very cold day. The impetuous
chaige of the Mongols gained an advantage at first, but Bibars in person
urged his men thai this was a holy war. He thrust himself into the -thick
of the fi^t The fierce strug|^ ended in the victory of the Egyptians.
Tuktts and Tudun, two of the Mongol conupanders, were killed, as well as
6^0 Mongols. According to Abulferaj, out of 3,000 Georgians who
fought with them, a,ooo perished, and the rest were dispersed. One of
their champions, named Morghul, is spedally named as having thrown
himself alone on the enemy's ranks and cut his way through. He escaped,
his horse carrying him for three days, after being mutilated by being cut
above the pastern of the hind leg.§ Bibars occupied the enemy's camp,
where the Mongol prisoners were taken and put to death, except some of
the superior officers. He also spared the Seljuldan officers, whom he,
however, reproached with having fou^ on the side of the infidels.
Among the prisoners were a son and nephew, and die mother of the
Peivana. In r^;ard to the latter, we are told that before the Ifi^t
he supplied the Mongob freely with meat and drink, espedally with
drink, so that when the Egyptians arrived they were so drunk they
could hardly guide their horses ; but inasmuch as their laws forbade
U^em to fly until they had attacked the enemy, they rushed against
the Egyptians and were defeated.|| The Gtorgitm CkronkU teQs
•iyoii««,B.4Siu ^ ^^^^^^^'^^'^^
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254 HiyroRY or thb mohoou.
us how in the struggle the Georgians surprised the Tartars by their
valour.
Abulfiuraj tells us that after the great battle in Rum, Bibars sent bis
younger brother, whom he calls Bar Khedr, to examine the dead bodies
of the Mongpls to see which of diem of any distinction had been killed.
A Mongol who lay concealed among the dead, and hoped to escape at
night, fearing he would be discovered, shot the prince in the back. Those
who were with him thought the we^>on had come from heaven. He was
taken to his brother, and shortly afterwards died.* The next winter
(/>., that of 1278) .the weadier was again terribly severe, and many cattle,
ftc, perished. This was followed by great scardty. The Pervana
himself with Im^rO^ the young Sultan, Ghiath ud din, fled first to
Ccsazea, and then towards Tokat Bibars dispatched Sonkor in pursuit
of the fiigitives, and intrusted him with a missive to the inhabitants
of Cflcsarea bidding them submit, and ordering them to hdd maricets
outside the town. , Sonkor met and dispersed a body of Mongols who
were travelling with their Idbitkas. He was foUpwed by Bibars in person,
igrho marched along a route which had been much devastated. He
received the submission of the fortresses of Semendu, Darenda, and
Devalua. The people of Caesarea came out to meet him Bnd/Heii him in
some royal tents belonging to the ruler of Rum, and when he entered the
Seljuldan capital in triumph on the 23rd of April, a canopy was held over
his head like the one used by the Sdjuks. He sat himself on the royal
throne in the palace with a crown on his head, and sent a respectful
message to the princesses who were in the hsurem. He then again seated
himself on the throne, when the great religious and civil functionaries were
admitted, and ranged according to their rank by an officer of the Seljuki,
who wore the largest robe and the biggest turban. The royal air, only
played in the residence of the ruler of the Seljuks, was played ; pieces
from the Koran were read, and verses in Arabic and Persian in praise of
Bibars were recited. After a feast he repaired to the mosques. His
name was inserted in the Friday prayer in the various mosques of the
town, and his name was stamped on the coin. The vast weal^ which the
Pervana and his wife, Gurji Khatun (who was the daughter of the
Prince of Erzerum, Ghiath ud din Kai Khosru, and his Geoigian wife,
Thamai^t And the other fugitives had left at Csesarea was divided among
the victors. The Pervana himself with his usual versatile loyalty, sent to
congratulate Bibars on mounting the throne of the Seljuki. Whdi
he withdrew to Tokat, his wife, Gurji Khatun, who had also set
out for Caesarea with a following of 400 female slaves, died at four
days' journey from that town. In his reply to the Pervana, Bibars invited
him to go to Csesarea, intending to give him control of Rum during his
* Chroa. Sfr*! SM> t OwtflMi Oiroon 9^* NbM.
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ABAKA KHAW. 3S5
•teence. He asked for a delay of fifteen daysi while he mged the I Ikhan
to march at once to tht rescue, hopmg that in the meantime Bibars,
informed of the approach of Abaka» would withdraw. He did, in fact,
re^ settmg out from Caesarea on the oBih of April He had expected
tliat the grandees of the coontry would have hastened to him to escape
from the Mongol yoke, but they held aloof, fearing the vengeance of
AbUca, and he therefore deemed it prudent to return* He put to deafii
many Christians before doing so, but his troops did not otherwise
maltreat die inhabitants, paying for everything they took, even straw for
\iuk horses, as he said he had gone to Ruin not to devastate the country,
but to rescue it from the Mongol yoke. On leaving Kai Kpbad,he sent
Taibars to punish the Am^snians who lived in the town df Roman, which
had sheltered a body of Mongols. It was burnt, andits inhabitants JdUed
or made captive. At this time one of his officers. Is ud din Eibeg^ of
whose prowess he was Jealous, and whom hci had struck a blow, deserted
to die Mongols. On passing the battle-field of Ablestin, which was still
encumbered with the slain, he asked how many there were. The Mongol
dead numbered 6^77a He ordered most of his own people to be buried,
to make it appear his loss had been much less than that of the enemy.
At Caesarea he was visited by Shems ud din Muhammed, the chidT of
Karamania (the founder of the Turkoman dynasty of Karamania), at the
head of 3,000 Turkomans. He received standards and letters of investi-
ture for himself and his brothers. He had recently rebelled against the
Seljuki and the Mongols.^ The district ruled by him was in the south
of Asia Minor, and it is now known as Ich il. On leaving Bibars he
inarched upon Conia, or Iconium, which he obtained possession o^ as
wen as the citadel and the town, where he set up a Pretender, who he
made out was Iz ud din Kai Kobad, who, as we have seen, had gone to
die Krim, where he had died, Shems ud dSii only remamed in the place,
however, for thirty-seven days, for having heard thi^t Abaka was advancing
against him he wididrew to the mountains with his Turkomans. Bibars,
to avoid pursuit, gave it out on leaving Caesarea that he was going towards
Shras, and went across thte river Kizil Irmak (/.^., the Red River), which
Wen identifies with the upper Sihun.t When he reached Harim, he
recdved a letter from the Turkoman chief just named, saying he was going
to him with 20^000 cavalry and 30,000 foot soldiers, but he was too late.
Bibars had already set out for Damascus (taking with him the Pervana*s
aged mother and his eldest son), where he died on the 50th of June at the
1^ of fifty-five. Haithon says he was poisoned ; Abulfaraj that he was
struck in the leg with a weapon, the head of which remained in die wound,
and was extracted by the doctor when he died. He adds another report,
that the treasurer mixed some poison with mare's milk, and gave it
t Op. cn.» 9i^ lloti*
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256 HlffTORY OP THE MOMGOU.
him to drink. When he felt a pain he ordered that the treasurer should
drink also, an4 they b«th accordingly died. He was a brave soldier of
fortune, tall, with blue eyes. He was fiill of energy, and frequently passed
from Egypt to Syria, and vic$ versa^ on post horses or swift dromedaries,
to see for himself what his subordinates were doing. He had 12,000
Mamluks divided into three bodies, stationed respectively in Egypt and
in the districts of Damascus and Aleppa Tht Egyptian Mamluks were
his own private property, whom he had himself bought They formed
his bodyguard, and their officers occupied the chief positions in the
State. His entire army was about forty thousand strong. His death was
concealed till the army reached Cairo, the news being given out that be
was sick, and had therefore to be carried^ in a litter. Meanwhile, his
body had been buried at Damascus. He was succeeded by his son Said
who was nineteen years old.*
Bibars had few scruples when anyone stood in his way. Thus Almalik
Almuvahid, son of a former ruler of Egypt, Almalik Assalih Nedjm ud
din Ayub, having some claims to the succession, was an object of great
jealousy to him. Inasmuch, however, as he had submitted to the Mongols,
and been appointed by them governor of Hosn Kei^ he could only ruin
him by creating a dislike against him on the part of the Mongol^. He
accordingly incited some of the amirs to conunence a correspondence
witii some of his friends, suggesting that it was worth his while to make
an attempt upon Egypt, where the Ayubits still had many supporters.
One of the answers being somewhat compromising, was dexterously con-
veyed to Abaka, who ordered the writer of the letter to be put to death.
Malik Muvahid himself was imprisoned, and remained in confinement for
seven years, when he was restored to his principality, which he retained
till his death in 682 HEJ. Another of his victims was the amir Shems ud
din Sallar, a Turkish mamluk of the former Khalif Zahir, who had been
nominated by him governor of Kufa, Vasith, and Hillah, whidi post he
filled during the reigns of his two successors. When Khulagu attacked
Baghdad he fought agiunst him, in alliance with the princes of Khuristan,
and fied eventually to the Arabian desert Presently Khulagu invited
him to return, and reinstated him in his former position. When Bibars
became the ruler of Egypt and Syria he invited him to go to him. He
accepted the invitation, but delayed setting out, as he wished to put his
treasures in safety. He now dispatched a messenger with a letter, bidding
him go, and followed this up with a second one, ordering the bearer
of the second letter to overtake the first, to loll him, and leave his body,
with aU that was upon him, near the frontier guards of the Mongols. As
he expected, the body was duly found, and the letter upon it Khulagu
ordered him to be sent for, but he heard of this, and fled to l^gypt, where
• D'OhMoo, UL 4<9S9S*
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ABAKA KHAN. 3S7
Bibsn treated him in a very friendly manner. Again, Zain nd din
AUu^ who had been sent l^ Nasir, die Prince of Syria, to Khidafn,
with^ son, Ahnafik Alads, knd who afterwards induced die surrender
of Damascus, had gone after the batde of Ain Jalot to Khulagn, who
treated him in a very friendly manner. In order to undo him, Blban
ordered his brodier Imad nd din, who was in his service, to write and ask
him to go to Bgypt, and to betray Khnlago. He suspected the letter, and
showed it to Khulajgu. Bibars, not to be beaten, wroie a second one in
person, in which he commehded him lor showfaig ^e feimer one to
fOitihigu, as a good means of gaining his confidence, and thus more easily
betraying him. He ordered the bearer to drop his coat ofl^ with this letter
in it, as he crossed the Euphrates. The coat was My ftwnd by a
Mcmgol, and the letter having reached Khidagu, Zain nd dfai and all his
fiunHy were put to deadL* ^
We can hardly realise the misery and destruction caused by the
intemedne struggle of the two great rivals, the Ilkhan and the Egyptian
Sultan. Thus, in the year 660 Hij., Bibars, dreading a fresh invanon,
canned all the women and children to be removed from Northern Syria,
whOe the country was laid waste from Aleppo as frff as Mesopotamia and
Asia Minor, and the bushes and trees were burnt, so that the Mongols
should find no food for themsdves or forage for their catde. The results
of such policy are quite obvious, and we read that In 1271 the frunine
was so pressing that the people of Hamath had to seek shelter at
Damascus, and among odiers the parents of the prince-historian,
Abulfeda, who Was bom diat very year at Damascus.
Let us revert again to Abaka. The slaughter of his men by the
Egyptians was a heavy blow for him, and he set out from Tebriz to
revengeit. At Ablesdn, the site of the batde, he was metby^e Seljuk
chie( Ghiath ud din, who went to him with his vizier, Fakr ud din, of
Ispahan. He shed tears on the batde-field, and was surprised at the
discrepancy between the number of his own people who were dead and
those of the army of.Rtun, not knowing the trick which had been played
on him. In his rage he put to death several Sdjuki officers, to whom
he ascribed the disaster. Ife caused the Egyptian camp to be measured
with the handle of a mace^ to test what numbers the enemy had
nmstercd, and he reproached the Pervana for not having given him due
warning of the force of the Egyptians, The latter tried to excuse himself
on the ground that they had arrived suddenly, and he had not, therefore,
had means of informing himself. The amir, Iz ud din Eibeg, who had
deserted Bibars and gone over tp Abaka, pointed out to him, by thrusting
hij lance into the ground, wher^'the centre and wings of the Egyptian
amiy had been posted. Abaka remarked that it must have outnumbered
W«il,iv.j|S|p.
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^$8 HISTORY Oy THB IKWOOLS.
the army wliicii he then had wiA him, which was, nefrthtiiWi 30^000
strong. Abaka'0 troops now, by his ordersi spread thcmse h re s ovw die
country between Cscsarea and Enennli, wfaidi they wasted with fire and
swoid over a distance of seven dayi^ journey, so that dieie peiished
more than ao^ooo souls, or, according to some aocoonts, 50CVO00. The
kadhis, fiUdrs, &c, perished in the common daus^iter, idiicii lasted for
seventeen days. This ponishment was limited to the Mussulmans, how-
ever, and we are expressly told by Makrisi that no Christians were
killed.* Many captives were also redeemed by the viiier, Shems ud
dinJuvenL Half the town of Sivas was destroyed, the ottor half bcnig
spared on his represeatatkm th^ it was wrong to punish a whole peo^
for the fimlts of a lew.f Nur ud <Un Khasneyi and Sahir ud din Ibn
Hush were executed.) Bar Hebracos contradicts the statement made by
MakrizL He tells us that ahhou^^ Abaka had issued orders that the
Christians having sheltered and otherwise served the Mongols, were not
(o be molested, yet the latter through their cupidity killed some and
reduced others to slavery. He accordingly snpfdied a priest and a moi^
with a yariigh or order, and told them to traverse his camp and release
the Christians who werei of Rumean origin (Z.^*., from Asia Minor^K
Haithon says that the Mongols pursuing the Egyptians overtook abody
of them at a place called Pasblank, and captured a,ooo prisoners and
much booty, and also secured 5,000 Kurdish ftmilies who encamped hi
that districtll
Abaka wished to follow Bibars into Syria, but his amirs urged hhn that
this was imprudent in the heat of the summer, and that it was better to .
postpone the campaign till the spring. He contented himself therefofe,
with sending him a menacing message^ ** You pounced like a rotiber on
the advance guard of our army, and have defeated it, and when we drew
near you fled like a thiel'' He also bade him come and meet him like
a man, and not slink away like a fox. This letter reached Bibars at
Damascus shortly before his death.Y Having advanced as £n: as Aksha^
Derbend, in the mountains of Cappadoda, he left his brother Konghuratat
in command of the troops in Rum, ordered Tokat and the castle of
the Pervana to be destroyed, and then returned to his head-qpianers at
Alatagh.** As he passed the fortress of Baibur^ in Armenia, fiuned lor
the beauty of its women, it wa^ reported that a sheikh asked permission
to speak frankly to him, a permission which was freely granted. ''Sue,
your enemy entered your borders, but did no harm to your people^ nor
did he shed any of their bkxKL You march^ against this enemy, aad
because he has esoqped you you have slaughtered your own subjects
and ravaged this land. Whiqh Khan among your ancestors behaved
t IlkhaiM, i. 098. D'ObaKm, k>c cit7 I Ilkhans, I 99S.
♦ AbulfturaJ, Chroo. Syr., $84. |0p.cit..5«. ^ UHmim, i. a9«» ••/^••Lagt.
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ABAXA KHAK, a|9
thus?* Thest wofdS|We are toldyluidagrMt eftct iqpcmAlMlttyi^
ordered 40^000 Mntenlmen captives to be released.*
On readiing Alatagfa the Pervana was tried by a oomdl of feaeralsi
and was found guilty upon three cfaaxges : (i) of having fled belbre te
ehemy; (a) of not having warned Abaka of the invasion of the l^n^idaiis;
and (3) of not havmg^ inniedilt^ alter die battte of AbtaliB, repaited
tothellUian. Meanwhile, the me ssenge rs whom Aehttter had sent wiA
the above-menticmed menace to Bibars, retamed aad repocted tiiat diey
had been told at Cairo that the ei^edition of Bibars l»d been hndgatod
by the Pervana, who had nevertheless treated him fiOseiyy and fled on his
approach^ instead of* handing over tiie Vinglnm to ban. He was
accordiogly stnm|^ with a bowstring. This was on te ajfd of }alyt
i37S.t Novahi says that Abaka intended sending the Pervana to Egypt,
hot that the widows of the Mongols who had perished in tiie recent fight
went to the royal palace in tears, impbriqg that the manes of their
relatives might be avenged upon him, idiei ei^on he detennined upon his
death. He ordered one of his officers, named Gimkji Bchadnr, to carry
onthiswish. The hitter told his victim that the Khan widied to go out
ridings and wanted him and his companions to a ccom p a n y hinL ThU
Pervana, with thirty-siz of his people^ were accordingly esccflrM by
Gonkji and a body of apo horsemei^ and on asriving at the place
sppconted were smroonded. The Pervana, cpnadans of his fiite, asked
hi a momentary respite, n^ch he employed hi pntying a namax of
two rek*ats, after which he was pot to death, and with him all his com-
panions.! Abnlfiuriy says he was invited to a feast by the Mongols,
and liberally jii p pliied with mwe's milk, and that while he went out fbr
an mterval some Mongols, on a signal from the Khan, Remembered
him. He did not gii^e way to lameotatkms when he knew his fiue, but
poured m^recations 00 his muiderers.f The Armenian historian,
Haithon, makes out that his body was cut fai pieces, and a portion
of his iksh was mingled wHk tiie feed whldi Abaka and his chief
officersate»||
He was a native of Dilem, wfaeace'his fiilher, Mohazxab ud din All,
had gone to seek his tetone in Rum, where he was patronised by
Said nd dhv finance minisler of the St^A Suhan, Alai ud din Kai
Kobad, who gave him his datfghtcr in marriage. He afterwards became
vizier, and left the post to hb son Suliman, known as the Pervana.
Having oonqoered Sinope^ it was granted him as an hereditary fief by the
Sultan Rokn ud din Kili| Axdan. After his execution this fief, in fttct,
passed to his son, Moyin ud &in Muhammed, who, dying in 1297, left it
to his son, Mobaaab ud din Musod, who also took possession of
Janik and Samsnn. In 1399 two Butopean ships arrived at Sinope with
•Vov^miMMllnriyOiMoo. ML 497-498. t D'OKnoo, iU. 498* llkhant, I 399.
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ate HIRORY O? THE MOITOOIA
morduuKfis^ One day those who manned them fell suddenly oil the
Bey's palace, and captored and carried him oE He redeemed himself
for 900^000 aspies, and retomed home, where he died in 130a The
tonritory of Sinope 0ien passed into the possession of the Beys of
CastiamnnL*
Haithon teUs OS tiiat Abaka nowamnmoned the Armenian fing and
ofieredtomakahimnilerofRttmasarewaidibrthe fiuthfol services of
hfanself and his tatfier to tiie Mongols. The lOog was very grateful for
the oftr, but pradentty dec&ied it^ nigfaig dint he could not easily
govern two kingdodw^ and tiial hi view of die ill-will of the Egyptisin
Sultan he most devo«e Mmssff ^ protecting the Armenian frontiers.
He urged Abaka, however, tiiatbeforo he wididrew from Rimi he dioold
Pldfythat p fOf in oe, and not hand it over to a Mohammedan adminia-
trator. He also orgod him to lescne the Holy Land from the Mussulman
yoke, an appeal which was not ongiatefril to Abaka, who told him to
wifee to die Pope and tImChiiatfan princes to ask for their aid in such
a csmpalgn.t
The G€m'gim Ckumifk teBs as tet the post filled by Pervana was
omferredon Eri^i, a disdngaUMi person dte^ended from Onk Khan
(^ Wang Khan, of die KeraftaX and rebrted to the eariier Khans.
From this charge there was eioepted Atsknr, hi Samtddie, which the
Pervana had hekl in right of his wifo^ it having been made over as a
dowry to her mother Thamar. This was given to Sar^ Jakel and his
sonBdoL)
Six weeks afrar the eoBSoadon of the Penrana, Abaka sent his viaef,
Shems ud din, to lUun, to leatore p we p erily to that desototed tond. He
reboot the rained towns, and also innrodaced a stamp doty whidi was
previoosly not known thsra* The piedittMry prince of Kftraman having
eancealed himself hi pathless woodi^ thsy w«e firad, and he was barm in
them. Is ud din IbdK, the Syrian, was aomhiated governor of Malatiya.
Having setded matters hi Ban, Shemsoddfai went home by the Cancasoa,
Peib^ndy'Elbnn^ and die poontry of the TiHigiihins, whom he sab}ectedto
die Mongol yokej These good ottosa of the visier, wfaidi marked his
character as a sTstesman, were coincideBt widi tlm beghinhig of his
coDapse. This wasbroofl^abootby Mi^idMali^sooof SafrolMnQ^
theformierviiierofdieAiabegs ofYesd. At first hi die aerviee of tlm
Khqja Bahai nd din, Governor of Ispahan, he ifi e i w aids was eoqiloyed
by the Khoja's £ither, die visier, Shems ud dfai, hi varioos hi^ortaat
commissions. He superintended^ oensos of die faihabitants of Georgia,
and afterwards, by the influence of Bahai nddfai, he was emptoyed in Rnm.
The virier v^ not, however^ very food of htm, and he therefore deteimhied
to ruin him, and began acoordiofl^y to tamper wkh die Mongol amirs. He
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ABAK4 KBAV. 96I
ioggesled to YiMbnlQii Knrina, tiie hnibtiid of Abtka^ sittor^ Knthdna,
that Miyd ud dm Athir, the dtipotsrof Aki od dm Jmreni (tho yMot^
brotlier), was canying on a treacfatroos c o rreapondwice an behalf of the
two Inothera with the Egyptiani, and meditated haadinf Bai^kUd overlo
them. Informed by hie brother-in-law, Abaka had the deputy anested,
bttt, although he leceivedsoo^ioiwewiainetid^ no coniwM
him. Hoping to diaaim hb enemn the viaeroomiaaied Mi^nlMiiik
CkmnMT of Sivai, ai4 gnvo hhn A gnlden baliiht and a chaige of loyooo
dinan on the revemics oCRmn; but diis did not appeeae Urn, and he
intrigned atiU more against ^ two biothcn.
Abaka having left Tebris lor Kbon8an» in March, 1279^ his sooAighna
went to meet him at Kazvin, idiere Majd nl Mulk got an introdoction
to him. He assored him duit he had a secret which he had wished to
convey to the Khan for nxire than twelve months^ but the months of die
grandees of the Court had been cbsed by the gold which the vider had
liberally given them ont of the treasury. ** If they sell thrar sovereign's
rights you won^ sdl yours,* he added. He then went on to accuse him
of appropriating immense sums from the treasury; of bemg in corre-
spondence widi Bibars ; of having incited the Pervana to invite him to
his recent raid on Rum ; and of being the real cause of the death of so
many of his people. He also accused the vizier's brother, Alai ud din,
of seizing absohite power at Ba^^idad, and that he had had made for
himsdf & crown, garnished with precious stones fit for a royal head. He
accused the vizier of having aiq^wopriated 40Q tumans (/.#., 4/xxvxx))
worth of the public domainsi and of being posses s ed in addition of 2,000
tomans in money, jewds, and cattle; while the vdiole treasures bekmging
to the Ilkhan, including tbt booty fixMn Baghdad and die Ismaelites, only
amounted to i/)0O tumans. ** It is for this reason," he i|dded crafdly,
''that the vizier wishes to dose my mouth, by ofiMngme a sum of money
and the government of Sivas.*^ Aighun reported dib to his folher, who
recommended secrecy, so that eflective measures might be taken. Whfle
Abaka was at Sheruyas, a fortile district in the north of Irak Ajem,
between Zenjan and EUier, where Sokania was afterwards built, Majd
ol Mnik, thiOQC^ the intervention of the general Togachar and of Sadr
ud din of Zenjan,,secret enemies of the vizier, obtained an audience with
bim while he was having his bath. He repeated his accusations widi the
insmuattng diplomacy of lin eastern courtier, charged the vizier with '
never having furnished an account of the revenue, and of treating the
Stale as his private property ; while he accused his son, Bahai ud din, the
governor of Irak, with appropriating 600 tumans, without devoting a dinar
to the public service. Abaka listened to diese complaints, and rewarded
dieir author with the present pf a cap and a state robe. He also replied
•W«Mr,in.T7& iy<MMMO,lg.ygPt. IIkh«it,l.soo-su.
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262 mSIDRT or THB MONOOIA
to ably to bit qnetdons about the admioiitntloii tbat he wa
superintendeiit <rf the financesi and ofdned tou^ an mramlnafkm into
the receipts and eqienditare of die previoos lew yean. He was given a
patent mazked with a Uon^ head, a fitvoar neter before confened on a
Mtissiihnao, not even a sovermga prince^ In it everylKMijry indnding
nJfitaiy ccHnuMUMlei% khatms, and princes of the bloodi wete fof bid dc n
to pat any obstade in ihe way of the eomi^ete accomtdishmcnt of fSb/^
cortimission. The naibs,orUeatenants of die viiier, were snmmoned to
Tebris with diefar regifeters. ^Meanwhile the informer baslDed in tlie
sunshine of royal fovoer. He sonoonded himself widi pages with
golden girdles, moonied on Amb hersesi and built himself a tMit of sadn
of Shnster, si^pocted by forty pillars.* The visieri growing alarmed,
limbed to his patron and piolectoi^the Khaton OljaiyWho spoke fai his
behalf and he soi^ an audience with Abaka. The latter said to him :
'^Yooservedmyfodierforakmgtime. I rstidnedyoainyoaroldpositiaQ.
Mi^ ul MuQc has made these aocusaliQns against you. How could yon
be so ungrstefol?* He saw that Abaka's pretudices were too much
aroused to nudce it prodeol to accuse Ids enemy of cahmmiathig him, and
he was most submissive. '*Mylifeaiidgood8/'hesaid,.*'arenqrniastci^
Without doubt, with my brother and sons, I hove shared li^ munifioonoe^
and have dispensed it to others. Part pf it has been eipended vpoa the
royal princes, the kfaatuns, and grandees : anotlier part has been qwnt in
alms, to secure a long reign for your miyesty. What I possess now in
land, in goods, in skves and herds, I owe to your fovour. At your
command I will surrender it all, and only ask diat I may be aUowed to
serve my master to the end of my days." These words appeased Abaka,
wfaotpdt him* again into fovou^ and oideced the release of his naiba.
But Uaj/i ul Mulk was not satisied. Profossing himself in dangei^ he
asked for Abaka?s protecdon foom the visier, who was now in power again,
and requested to be put under the protection of one of the great amirs.
Abaka accordingly ordered him to live with the Amir Togachar. He
continued his intrigues^ and at length, thravgh the support of Sadr nd dfe
of Zenjan, he was, in die q^nng of laBo^ appobited joint viaer widi
Shemsuddin. Abaka ordered the ordinaiioe appointing him to be read
aloud in the idol temple at-Meia^ (poi Mekka, as Von Hammer says),
in presence of the various princes and prin c esses, and the grandees, and
it was remarked that n^ver had a Mongol prince treated a Persian thus.
He was given control of the finances of the treasury and the administra-
tion, and was told to remain near his sovereign, and that if anyone
il^empled hialifo, Abaka said he would have to answer for it to himsdlt
Majd ul Mulk was now the olgea of general respect, and had his
agents everywhere, while die various decrees issued from the royal divan
t D'Ofaaon, liL 9^9-5^9* IUtbui» C foa-SP^.
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Ixmtheviitor'siMmeitttherii^tttidhbMnondiekft. liwMtllUt
tixM he lent the viaer a wa^idi vorti^ which may ^
I vUi to dhrt I9ID the oc«n cf dqf iplMm
And Umts to drown, or bting with BM A pMri ;
It li not nft to itiiko diMi but I wffl daio,
Aad aqr iM or fcNMl *i|l erfoMB or«r.
A bfaidiiBg fim maaM a h^ipy lM0| wUlo a rad bmst n^
deadL* Todiittiieviileriqittadt-^
^ wo MIJ Pit ll^ OW CMl MWO IM BMBf
Wo MBrt MdnO tkt UQB 01 wttOBO S
Bot Boik Oot ift tfao toiC yoo 010 •ofoffid k
Both Bodt aad fteo win loddai or«r.t
The vbler taw his influence gradually decline, and some anecdotes are
p tes en re d diowbg tbe^ indignities which, under snch drcmnstances, die
Mongd officials had to snfamit ta Abaka having summoned him one
day to answer a charge made by ACaJd ul Mulk, the two appeared as
osoal before iht throne, and knelt down opposite one another. Abaka
ordered the vizier to kned fui^er away. On another occasion, at a feast,
Shems ud din three times ofoed his master the cup without his deigning
to notice it, and without his lodng his composure. On his oflering
it a foordi tfane, Abaka presented him b return with a morsel of iwine^
flesh at the tip of his knife. The viner, after Idssing the ground, ate this
(to a Muhammedan) most undean food, upon which the Khan took the
cop and pdnted him out to his courtiers. '^He was not oflfended when 1
rdhaed the cup^ and if he had in turn refused the meat I should have
durust his eye out with my knife.* Such was the subservience demanded
' by tiiese autocratic masters, and such the incense his subjects were
wilUng to oflfar him, rather than lose their positions.
In July, 1281, the vizier's brother, Alai ud din, arrived fix>m Baghdad to
pay his court to Abaka; He offered a large sum of gold as the regular
proceeds of the taxes fcM- the year, and a second sum representing the
mcrease these taxes had made during the year. Majd ul MuDc accused
him of having annually received twenty gold tumans more than he had
accounted for during the twelve years he had been governor of Irak Arab
and Khuzistan, ^d several naibs who were under 4cep obligations to the
vizier for various &vours nevertheless ungratefully joined in the denuncia^
tion of his brother. In vain he protest^ that it was impossible to save
SDch a sum, considering the expenses of his government, and (hat the
revenue was invaded by the assignations made to the royal princes, the
Uiatuns, &c, and by the profiiseness of the sovereign. That notwith-
standing he had had an actual defidt the year before, yet he had presented
the fuU amount of royalty due from him as the farmer of the tax. This
year he had done even more, for the excess which he presented was
imaginary, and had to be paid for by himself, while the revenue of
* Ilkhant, I $o%» Noto. t Wumt, ito. DXNmmq, UL $io, Noto. IIUmuh, L to9-904*
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964 HISIOftY OP m MONGOUL
the hat two years had been cmtailed by extraordittary cttwoa c i . Hia
enemies, afraid tfca^ he would prove his case, changed tfaefar mode of
attack. They declared that in the year 669 (1270-1) the officials charged
with receiving the revenue of the diflferent provinces had firand n defidt
of 350 tomans in that of Alai ud din, whiah was still unpaid ; but they
foigot to remind Abaka that drfa matlar had akeady been befiote Um,
when he had been convinced that the daicHooddaot benadet^ withom
ruining the inhabitant^ that he had rsmitladityaDdhadseatAhdiiddhi
back to his government with honour.*
The immediate cause of this pressure put upon Alai ud din was the
need of money for n campaign against Egypt Abaka sent a diviskm
under his brother Mangu Timur in that dhrection. He also reinfoicad
the conunand of his son Arghun, in Khorasan, and sent assistance to the
garrisons about Derbend. In the middle of Sqstember he set out by way
of Irbil and Mosul for Baghdad, where he intended to winter, and seat on
Alai ud din to prepare relays of horses and provisions. The very day
the latter set out, and when Abaka was having a great hunt at Deviasir,
iu the district of Rabbet, Majd ul Mulk laid before his master the diarge
about the defidt above named Officers were sent after him to inqohne
into the matter, who sequestered all his property. The viiier nhtaned
permission to set out at once for Baghdad, and to appease Abakan wrath
he brought together all the predous stones, the gold and silver vases
which he had iu his house and those of his children, predous caipets and
rich hangings, slave girls and palfreys, horses, mules, and camds, oxen
and sheep, drums and trumpets, and obtained from his naibs all the money
and precious objects they could frurnish. He repaired to Abaka, who was
at Dojdl, with them as a present The Ilkhan was e]q[Mcting a nmch
larger sum, and was by no means satisfied, and it was suggested that it
was because the vizier had been in collusion with his bcother that he now
sacrificed his private fortune to save him. Abaka was still more
embittered, and Togachar, the grand judge, was sent to Baglidad, wliere
the trial commenced. All conditions of people were interrogated about
the supposed secret hoards of the governor. A visit was then paid to his
pious foundations, and to the tomb where his family was buried. The
most minute search was made, but in vain. He was neverthdess cairied
otf from his house. Instead of being manacled, as was ordered, his
enemies had him fastened with a cangue, or wooden collar, a Chinese
punishment, introduced into the West, no doubt, under Mongol patronage.
His life was spared on his acknowledging himself debtor to the treasury
to the extent of 300 golden ttmians. His brother had advised him, in
order to avoid being put to torture, not to dispute any of the sums claimed
from hioLf
• Wamf, i8s.il6. IVOliMoa, in. «xo.st4.
t WasMf, 186-194. lyohmsm, iU. $w-sA tskbam, L 304-90$.
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ABAXA SHAM.
TUs was sola toHtary instance of t]ietMiiokiii4. Abultau itib us
hair Masiid, die governor of Mosnli haylair nontaajlalari tbo dsatliof a
csrtain Persiaay named Papa, he accused him in tem of waaliBig Ihe
province of Mosul and nwrfadminiitering its alBufS, Ahaka ecdsiedte
charges against Masud and his oiinister, the Uighor Yashnat, to be
faivestigated. Fa^ suborned some 61se witnesses and agiap ls d Che
judges* The two Christian govemocs were jiooordin^y diqiiscedi and
Papa put in dietr post Hasnd is else ^aUsd the son of Kola bf Bar
Hebneos.* Iliis went on tiU ia8o^ wkm the two diiplaoed gran dee s
tncceeded m obtaining a new inquiry; AbafcaseattwoofysrehMhrestD
investigale nation^ and the result wasdiatthe Ibcmfr judges
they had been bribed, Papa was beheaded, and Yashmut and Masud ^
Ddnstated at Mosnl and IrbiLt We are told that «l this time the
Christians not daring to go out at Spiphany-tide to Uess the watery on
account of the Mussulmans, the Khatun Kotai went to the tewn of
Mers^ia, and ordered abaX the Christians were as usual to bear crosses
at the ends of their ^leara. When they went out, our chroniclsr teQs
us that the wintry cold subsided and the weather became genial again,
much to the delist oi the Mongols, on account of ieeding their hones>
while the Christians rejoiced in the victory of their fiuth4
At this time troubles broke out in Far^ caused by an incursicm of the
Nigudars. These were the fi^wers of Nigrdar, grandson of Jagatai,
who had gone with JKbulagu, as we have described, and on the diagfaoe
of their leader had eso^ied and settled in Seistan* They.now invaded
Pars, Slid defeated a comUnedarmy of Mongols, Shal% Turkomans, and
Koida^ at Tank Smkem, on the fron^ers of K^rman, and caused them a
OSS of 700 men, and having pillaged the lown of Kierbal, retired again
oaded with booty. Three months later they again invaded Ears, and
advanced as ftr as the Perdan Gul( whence they retreated kiaded widi
booty.§ Abul&n^ speaking of this campaign, says that SaOOo fugitive
Tartars, who had gone to the borders of India, invaded the district of
Shiras and made a great slai^er there, but could not enter the town.
The garrison made a sortie, but was overwhehned and almost dsstroyed.
They also assailed the lion hunters of Shirai, who were men of wealth, and
de^Kiiled them. Abaka's son (^., no doubt, Axghun) went against and
killed many of them.|| In the spring of 1279 a certain informer or upf^
who was in the employment of Uie prefect of Baghdad,(? of Alai ud cyn)
committed great exces s es , corrupted the women, and mocked at the prsetor
(ig^ the mayor of the town). The latter took Uie <^»portimity of the
preficc^s absence on a hunting expedition, had him seized and bound
hand and foot, and paraded m a waggon round the streeu of ^^g*i*1fld^
with a jeering crowd as an escort, two huge pins being driven through
» CfaiWk Ofr^ |M^. t /C, S9o>50>* I /A, 587. % jyOhmoa, iO. st^S>7*
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966 Bssmm or ms momools.
Us toagoe. Btliiild him in the waggon stood ft boy, who wMi ft shoe
bfoihedftwftylhe lllMfroiBldtf fiKQb Ho bnflbtod him, nying: ^Thns
•re panbhed those who mike iport of the grmdees.* They then took
hhn to tbb Tigrisi where Aey decepitftted hhn, pat his head on die
bridge, and bomt his body**
We now rsftd of the Egyptians maldng en attack npon Kebt or Rom
(iA, the Roman tettessX whidi oceopied the rite of tiie andent Zeugma,
sod guarded one of d» lords of OeBt^hxates. They had 9,000 cavalry
andfbolbot sokDers wiOi then), and were led by Baser. and Hosmnd
dfai, te tatter of whom commanded the Syrian contingent They sent
two messengers, an Armenian and an Arah^ to the CathoHcos, and said
tolihn: ^ The Sultan orders yon to nnrrender the castle, and to take yoor
monks and remove tiiem to Jenisalem. He wiHgive yon landswhere yon
mayfive^ If yon prefer to go to Qlidi, he will provide yoo with hones
nnd males. If yon reftise, the blood of all tiiese Christians God win
demand at yoarhands.* The Catholicos repBed : ^ I wHI die then, and
will flght^ for I wffl not be feidiless to Godand'tiie Rmg.** Theyti^ere>
upon occupied fhtt surrounding gardens, and cot down the trees, firom
which theymade scaUng ladders. Theyattacked tiieciity on the Sabbadii
and drove away the Armenians from tiie lower waHs. They then stormed
the ptace, whidi they pIDaged and burnt The dtiaens had meanwhile
taken shdter in tiie dtadel, which they MLtd to take. They retired after
a dday of five days, having destroyed what they could, laid waste the
the vineyards and orchards, and carried off die baths to Beroea.t
Meanwhile, affairs in Egypt were very unsettled. Bibars, as we have
seen, had been succeeded by his son Said, over whom the chiefe of the
Mamluks acquired considerable mfluence; and the feudal military chieft,
who filled suth an inqportant part in Egyptian polity, growing Jealonsi
determkied to depose tiie yom^ prince, irfio received tiie fortress of Karak
as an alienage, wliere he died in Apdl, laSa He was replaced by
ftnoiher son of Bibars, vAo was only seven years <dd, and over whom
Kelavun eiercised complete control as tiie young prince's atabeg. He
was given command of die army, and his name was read out in the public
prayar after diat of Scilamish. The latter only reigned 100 days, until
Ktiavmi had pat his own cr e atur e s in die various places of trust, and pat
imder arrest the partisans of die fiunily of Bibars. The young prince was
then deposed and sent to Karak. This was -on the 27th of November,
13791 Kelavon was a Kipchak Turk of die tribe Burj Oghfi. He had
been sold to a Mamkdt when a diild for i,oqo dinars, whence his name of
Eifi (/.#., die millenarian). The Ayubit Suhtti, Salih, placed him among
the Bahrit Mamhiks, and in honour of that patron he added to his name^
on mounting the throne, diat of Es SaBhL Kekvun had appoUited
• Abalfi«4* ChroB. 8fr., fSf^jH. f M* SM-S89<
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ABiUU KHAV* 267
SodmAililour (or te&«d}goviAiorcf Syria. WbtndielittorlMaidof
UspttraifkmoimtiagtlMUiioac^heliliiit^ bollMwas
beatMi in two fig|its» In idiich Us troops abandopod hioi and Damascns
opened its galM to the ntw Sahan. The amir Bektnt wat i^^x^^ >^
fOftOMMTt and Si^ governor of Aleppo.* Sonkor fled to the ibrtreai of
Rahbely on the Bnphratet (to the Bedouin amir, Itea^soh of Mohanna),
iriddi he aeised, together with Bonaia, Blalaniiiai Shogr, Baka% Akkar,
Shaiar, and Famia, and then wrote to Abaka, ofiering hit whmiieionjt
and asking him to seise Syria. After his revolty Aki od din, the mH
fovemor of Baghdad, had, in concert with Uia military amdMirities there^
sent hfan and his IsOow rebel, Issa, an inritatkm to submit to the Uoi^^
bat beim the intisswigar aitifed Sonhor had repented^ and withdmim.
Issa aent the envoy back widi his brother, who wsia ghfen a robe of
honour, with a charge on the reveiMes of Baghdad, by Abaka. Sonhor
meanirtiile shut himself up with his fiunUy and treanues at Sihiun, iriiidi
wasone of the strong toues s e* bekniging to the A j iasi ini
Deeming this a fiivourable opportunity ftr attarking Syria, and
r eco v e rin g the ibimer Mongol possessiona there^ and hoping modi 60m
dwpartisansofSonkoi^Ahaka ordered his people to march. This was
mtheaatunmof laSa One body of them, under the generals Saganmi
snd Turui^ji, went towards Rum i another came from the east, under
Baidn, son of Taigai, son of Khulagu, accompanied also by the Prince of
liardin ; while the main body was commanded by Abaka^s brother
(AbuUanj calls bun Kon^uuatai; other authorities say it was Mangu
TimnrX Meaniriiile the Egyptian troops in Syria, together with a con-
tingent from Cains united together at Hamath, and sent an invitation to
Sonkitf to co-operate. He sent a division of troops, but remained himself
aear Sihiun. The Mongols wero accompanifid by Dimitri, the Geoigian
kiog^ with a contingent of his people. Mangu Timur also sent a summons
to Beka, who complained of Ari^un Aka'i inroad into his country, but
iriio ofiered to join him if his safety was guaranteed. Mangu Timur
tirore to protect him in the usual method, vix^ by drinldng water in which
gold was mingled, and gave him the ring on his finger, which was deemed
themost solemn engagement. Beka then assembled his Meskhes, and set
out Mangu Timor covered him with honours, and he was warmly
received by the Khan. The Mongols entered the province of Aleppo on
the i8th of October, laSa They speedily captured Aintab and Derbessak,
where Bdca and hk Meskhes greatly distinguished themselves being
the first to taatm the phK:e, and being duly rewarded with robes, ftc,
by Mangn Timur.. They then went on to Bagras, and advanced as fur
ss Uie town of Aleppo itself which was defenceless, and which they
entered, burning mpsques and colleges, the Sultan's palace^ and the
* lyOiana, §m9^*u t Ak«UUa, v. 53.
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«6S HISTORY or TRt wmoms.
houses of his generals. TbeyUM many men ^lere, and reduced
the women and children to ilaTery. The sack lasted for two days. Many
of the inhabitants of the p ro v i nce had previon slyi however, eseaped to
Damascus, and thence to Egypt* After this exploit the Mpngoto wt6i-
drew again from the city. Abnl Mahasb tells as that the cause of their-
sudden withdrawal was that a natrve of Aleppo^ who had remained in the
place^ aMWDted a minaret in despair, and shouted ^mt, "God is great, and
has sent us aid" Thereopon he began to wave a dodias a dgnal of
approaching succour, and entered the houses as ifhewece a woman. The
Mongols now took their departuie.t Kelavun set out from Egypt to meet
the invaders, leaving his son SaHh as his deputy there, and after dis-
tributinga gratuity of i,poodfaiarstoeachof hisoflScer8,and sooYlradmiaa
to each of his soldiers ; but having heard at Gaza that the Mongols had
withdrawn, he returned to Caira The next spring he set out to deal
with his vassals who had rebdied. Issa, the son of Mohanna, who had
gone from Irak to Egypt to implore his pardon, was treated generously,
wliile Sonkor, who demanded diat Shogr and Bakas, Famiat (Apamia),
Kaffiirtab, Antioch, Sahiun, Blattanus (the ancient -Banias), Bertiyet, and
Ladakiya (Laodicea) should be made over to him, and that he should aho
be given command'of 600 cavalry, whose officers he was to choose Idmsd^
was granted the conditions he asked for. Abulfeda says he .received
Shogr and Bakas.!
Let us now turn again shortly to Geoi:g^a. Its young king, Dimitn,
* ruled there under die superintendence of Sadun, the £unous wrestler, of
whom we have already spoken, and who had the confidence of the Tartars,
by whom he was invested with Th^af, Belakan, and odier districts ; and
during his rule the Tartars abstained from doing violence in Georgia,
which began once more to become prosperous. Dimitri himself visited
the Orda, where he was onstnuned to pay some large sums to the ever-
craving Tartars. Sadun himself became constantly more powerfoL He
asked for the district of Dmanis; which Dimitri was constrained to make
over to bim, and he was surrounded with wealth. He won the favour of
the monks by his benevolence to the monasteries, and we are told that
during his rule he paid the two Mongol taxes of kalan and mal for the
twelve monasteries of Garesja. He married Khoshak, the daughter of'
the atabeg Avak, and also apparently a daughter of Sargis Jakel, and bore
the title of grand Sahib divan of Avak. He resided at Kars, which
had been made over to him, and had control of all the Georgians,
except the grandees of the Court, of Karthli, Somkheth, Hereth, and
Kakheth, who were subject to the King.§ Dimitri was married about the
year 1277, to a daughter of the Emperor of Trebbond^l We now find
* MakrLdi i>. ts-a^ D'Ohsson, iil caa^sas* tWtiLir. im. Not«.
I D'Ohttoo, Ui. S93^*4* UkhMu, L jtt. AMfeda, ▼. 55.
( Hist, do la G^orgie, s89-49o> I ^1 590-S9>*
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Abaka kran. 369
Afj^mn Akiy who had made the fMriner census of Georgia, as we saw,
sent to repeat his work, and he found that the pm^bas calculations had
been greatly marred by the desolation caused by Bereke's invasion,
e^MdaOy in Hereth, Kakheth, and die plains of Kambej. While he
was at TUBa he asked for the hand of Dimitri's sister, Thamar, for his
son, amiion which had been consented to by his lather, David Dhnitri
strongly objected to this unkm of a Christian princess to an infidel, bnt
he was too weak to resi^andthe wedding having been celebrated with
daenjoidngSi Aighon returned to the ordu, leaving his son in Georgia.*
Ghilan was still independent of Abaka, and did not pay him the kharaj.
Shinmmn was accordingly sent with a force of Mongols and Geocgians
into this difficult country, protected on one side by the sea, and on the
odier by difficult mountains. A fierce fight ^sned, and we are told when
the Ghilanians fired their arrows^ Shiramun dismounted and sat on die
ground inth his bade to the enemy. His men also dismounted. When
the arrows were exhausted they remotmted, and he charged ^fike a tiger.**
He lost two fingers of lus ri^^t hand in die strugiB^ but otherwise d»
Tartars and Georgians sufiered no loss. Seeing the country was too
strong and difficult to be conquered, he returned again to Abaka.f
We now read of Arg^un Aka going with an army of 20^000 men to visit
Sargis Jakel, in the country of SamfiHu^. The latter was old and very
decrepit The Mongols traversed Somkheth, Tiflis, and Karthli, com^
raitting excesses 00 the way. This, we are tdd, was not by Arghun's
wisii, but was caused by the necessity of providing for such a large force.
Having reached Atskur, Sargis and his son Beka visited ham. Tbe
ioimer was taken to the ordu, while Beka was left in Samtxkhdt This
ruefol visit of Arg^un was followed by a terrible series of earthquakes in
those parts. Arg^un himself hc*dng returned to Abaka, fdl ill and died.§
His death, according to St Martin, took place at Radekan, near Tus, on
die a 1st of Jane, 1275.II Arghun's son was now deserted by his wife,
Thamar, who professed to detest him as an infidel, and more probably as
a Turanian of not very gainly appearance. She fled to Mthiuleth. As
she did not wish to return to her husband, Sadun negotiated for her
purchase (sic) torn Abaka, who approved of the negotiations, and the
King thereupon gave over his sister to Sadun, who, notwithstanding that
he was a Giristian, and in spite of being anathematised by the Catholicos
Nicholas, thus became the husband of three wives, the other two being
the daughters of the atabeg Avak and of Sargis. About this time wc are
tdd that Sargis and his son, for some unknown reason, revohed against
the Mongols. Sargis was then old, and his feet were bad (? with gout).
Buka Noyan (called '^The Eye'*) sent his brother Arukha, with 20^000
men, to ravage Samtzkh^. Beka withdrew to the mountuns between
•/<£., 391. .tA^»J9»-593-.,. t ''*^; 593* ♦/<pSW»
I McflKMit* for I ArUMne, u. ala.
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270 HISTORY OF THS IfONClOLS.
Ajara and Guria, and the Meskhea took rologe in tha fortrM i6i» caverns,
and woods. The enemy traversed ^ coHntryi and remained there for
twenty days, doing no hann.*
In the year laSo^ Masnd, who had been reinstated at Mosul, as I have
described, was accused by Jdal ud din Tuian, a native of Khoten, idio
was connected with the treasury there, wkh having appropriated a kffe
quantity of gold and piedous stones. Being put to the torture^ he
promised to refund spo^ooo darics. His cousin Smdat was coiHWiinff d
as an accomplice^ and put to death, while a Kurdish leader, named
Abubekr, who had i6t some years been lebellioDS in the mountnms of
Assyria, and had been pacified by Masod, was also put to death,
as was his son. Sheikh Ali, who had fled to Syria,^ and then
returned to the ordu to excuse his flight Masod Umsdf was taken to
Mosul, so diat he mi|^ pay over the money which he had promised
to da When he had been diere.a fow' days, however, he escaped at
nightf Scarcely was this matter settled, when news arrived diat the
Mongols were again advancing on Syria in two bodies. One, 30^000
strong, under Abaka himsdf «nd the Prince of Mardin, was marching
on Rahbet, while the other, commanded by hb brother, Mangu
Tjmur, was advancing by another route, and had encamped between
C«sarea and AblestuL Abaka was joined by Leon, the King of Little
Armenia. Wassaf says that Abdka and Mangu Timur had with tiiem
the amirs Ayaji,Ax|^iasnn, and Allnak, and direetumans of txoops.t An
Egyptian detachment, sent in advance fiorn Aintab^ captured an equerry
of Abaka's, who had been sent on to report on the state of the pastures.
He was taken before the Sultan, and reported that the Mongols intended
toinvade Syria, 50^000 strong, towards die middle of October. ThereiqMm
the people of Aleppo emigrated in large numbers towards Hims and
Hamath, so that the place was deserted.§ Mangu Tinmr advanced
leisurely and by dioit stages, contrary to the usual Biongol tactics, by
way of Aintab, Bagras, and Harim, and readied the envfaxms of Hamalft,
where he plundered the palace and gerdens of Ifalik Mansur. Kdavun,
who was at'Hims, was there Joined by Sonkor, whp had recently rebelled,
and who had consented to join him on condition* that afto die fight he
might be aUowed to go back to his fortress of Sahiun. He arrived with
seven amirs who followed his io t tuu es, each of whom headed a contingent
of troops, and whose arrival gready raised the spiriu of the Egyptians.
The two armies fiiced one another on the 30th of October, laSo^ in a
plain situated between Han(iath and Hims, near die tomb of Khahd, son
of VaUd, known as ^the Sword of God,* who ravaged Syria in the time
of the Khalif Omar, and who died at Hims in the year 643 AJ>. The
army of Mangu Timur comivised 35,000 Mongols, 5,000 Georgians, a
* WtiL d« UGtegi*, S(U. t Ab^lfioi^. OuroD. Sjjrr., 59x-S9»* t 0|k dt., tjo^
i D'OhMOO, in. 5M*5>S« AboUkral, Chron. Syr., 99s. Haitboo, S4*
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ABAKA KHAH. t7(
cootii^eiit under tbe King of Armenia, and another of Turkomans fxx>m
Rom. Makrixi also mentions Franks imong his allias. Abulfeda says
Che Mongol army was te^ooo strong^ S^ooo being Mongols, and the rest
Armeniansi GecMrgians, people from Irak AJem, ftc,* and says that a
Mamhik deserter pointed out to Mangtt Tfaaaar tiie most vulnerable points
in the array of the Egyptians. The latter, ulioaa numbers were about the
same as their opponents', passed the night OP horsebadr, and the folkming
day were reviewed by Kelavun. He put the Prinoe of Hamath, with tiie
generals Baisari, Alai ud dhi TaibaiSi Is ud din Ibak al Afram, and
Keshtagdi, with their troops, and also the governor of Damascus, in the
right wing ; fiddle in front of them were those admirable skumishers,
the Syrian Bedouins, of the tribes AlFaxel and Al Mora, under the orders
of Isn, son of Mohanna. To the left wing were attached Sonkor^ Bedr
ud din Bilik, Bedr ud din Bektash, Salah, Shijar, Bekjha, Bektuk, and
Cherek or Khabrek ; while its front was protected by the Turkomans and
thetroc^of the Castle of the Kurds. In ^e jalish, or advance guard of
the centre, were placed Tanmtai, viceroy of Egypt, the genbrals Aysgi and
Bektash, son of Keremun, With the Sultan's mamtoks to tihe number of tox
Kelavun himself remained with the royal standards, surrounded by his
guards, the ofiScers of hb honsehokl, and die dvU. functionaries. This
body, the dh'tf oi the army, consisted of 4,000 troops. There were with
him many Kurdish and Turkoman chie£i not belonging to the army of
Egypt and Syria. His entfre force was also estimated at 50,000 men.
Kelavun, we are further teld, wanted to await the enemy's attack near
Damascus, but his anurs insisted on advancing to Hints, and threatened,
if he did not go^ to kill him on thdr return. He therefoce went to that
town, and pbmted himself on a hill, whence he could survey and some-
what control the battle.t The battle began by the Mongol left wing
making a furious charge which was weU met by the Egjqpdan right, which
charged in turn, and fbroed it back upon the centre. Meann^iile tiie jeft
of the Egyptians and d» left of the centre weie utterly broken by the
onslaught of the Mongol ric^t, which Abnlfiuraj says was composed of
avarithei (^ UiradsX in which the Armenian kmg and his army were
mcoiporatcd, and also of 5,000 Geori^ane. They pursued them to the
gates of Hima. These were dosed, and the wretdied camp foflowers and
other non-combatants who crowded titere were merdlessly slaughtered.
Tlus Mongd wing^ Rashid ud din says, was commanded by Maiuk Aka,
Hhidnkur, and Alinak, and secured a vast booty in darics, mules, &c
Haithon says a division of the Egjqpdan army was routed by the Mongol
chief Ahnadc (? Alinak), and fled to a town called Taim.t The vtetories of
the Mongols at these points caused a panic m vaikms parts of Syria, as
t MdoUl, S- 34*|6. iy01iiMi^IIL5«S-S*7-^*^iSii]fcda.T.S7-i9- Wti],iv. ffll
I Op. fit., S4-
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•/a miioiiy or ths ifoiiooLS.
some of the fogidvet made thair way to Sa&d, others to Gatt, and othera
again to Danascus. The victois disnoonted imder the walls <tf Hima,
and proceeded to pillage the haggage of the Bgypfeiaasi tad Uien to
refiwsh theinselves, awaiting the anival ef Manga Timmr. As he did not
arrive, they sent to iaqith% and foond to their natural sorprise diathe
hadfled. They affwdiitfy lemoontedt and retired ptedpitaDBly.*
The canse of Maogn Tfannr^ innt is wriooaly aasigned. Theconr^
Rashid ud din, iriio naturally glosses over the ill fatone of hts patrona,
says merely that the centre of the Ifoi^ aimy» fionimandfd by Mangn
TimcDT, a young prince who had no eo^erieoce of war, was broken, that
the Mong^ fled disgracefully, and maiiy were killed. IboTagriBerdl
tells us diat If ud din Aitknnr ADug, one iof the first of tiie Sgyptian
generals, made 4iis way into the midst of the Mongol army, pretending
he was a deserter, and asking to see Manga Timnr, he rushed at, wounded,
and unhorsed him. The Mongols^ seekig their prince M, dismounted.
The Egyptians took advantage of this position and charged, whereupon
BiIanguTimur fled and his people folknred his eianqde. The Arab amir,
Issa,80nof Mohanna,oontribiitedto the final defeat by Mhig iqpon the
Mongols anddenly wiA his' 300 Bedouins, and proceeding, m^r€ moy to
pniage the baggage.t Wassaf says that Prince Bakurmishi and Knmt^
having fled were foUowed by Mangu Tfanur. Some one shot an arrow
after the hitter #hich killed him.t Abulfioij assigns to die Bedouin attack
the panic and rout <d the Mongol oentre.8 Haidum makes the
Armenian king command die Mongol right wing, which had been
victorioos. He adds that Manga Timnr, who was mexperienced in war,
st^emg the Bedouins, becaine firle^tened, recalled the Armenian king and
Almack, and fled. These two diiefii returned; the fonner, finding
Mangu Timnr had i«dred, followed his example, Almack did the same
after a delay of two days.|| Meanwhile Kdavun remained where he bad
planted hiaHsel^ as we have seen, on a hill, one half of his army being
dispersed and the other in pursuit of the Mongols. There only remained
with him ipao Egyptians (Haithon says but four armed men). When
the victorious Mongols returned from Hims he ordered die tymbals Co
be struck and die royal standards to be' raised, but they were in no,
mood to stay. They hastened past him, and were in turn pursued by the
Egyptians. The Mongols lost a itonsiderable number of men, among
them the noted general Samaghar, wbo had made sevehd attacks
uponSyruL The Egyptians also lost twelve noted officers, among others
Ai Timnr, who had wounded and unhorsed Mangu Timur.5 The victory
was a very complete and a very fortunat*- ona For the second time, the
Egyptians gave a heavy blow to tlie Mongols, and again prevented their
desolating influence finm overwhelming the only refuge left for Mussulman
Op.at.»i7a. ♦OpwdL,»». |Or.dt.,S3^ i iyo6wii,UI.
S9»>
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•It tnd odtttre. Bot it was pm food fivtone. No doobt tluu bat for
tbo ptnic of wlrfdi Mmga Tfaiiar was die i^ctim tbe Tictorjr would have
been on die other Me. As MakrisI franUy tay^ '^ It wu a wonderfbl
proof of Ae dhriae piotectioo afibrded to tbe Mnssnbnans, lor if it bad
pleased Hfan tbat tbe enemy sbonld retam, die troops of Islam were not
in a position to. resist** Kelavun bimself expttittd tbeir return, and
ranged bis men in order to meet diem, ondl tbe troops idiicb bad
pursoed tbe Monfols returned.
The Monger bad retired in two bodieSi one towards Sakmiyet and tbe
Syrian desert, tbe odier towards Aleppo and the Euphrates. Of die
iovmer, who were 4/)oo in number, we are told tbefar rstrsat was cut off
by tbe oomnumdaat of Rabbet, and takfaig to tbe desert they perished of
thirst and want, except 600 boffssmen, who were attacked by the garrison of
Rabbet, and pardykflled and partly made priseners. Tbe prisoners werS
deca]ritated at Ridibet Tbat town bad been besieged, as we laid, by a
dirWon under Abaim hfanseU^ but tbe day after tbe batde a pigeon with
the news reached tbe place, when the commandant caused rictorious
strains W be pUyed, and the besiegers witbdrew.f Of diose .who (led
towards the Ruphrstes, we are told many sought shelter in die caverns '
bordering that river, and were bonit out, as die Kabyles were in Algeria
by Pefissier.l A body of Mongols that was laying siege to Bbret was
also attacked by tbe garrison there ; $00 of them were kUled, and all tbe
rest were made prisooters. Mangu Timur hhnself cr pssftd the Euphrates,
and went to Jeiiret, his mother's appaoage.§ Theee incidents prove bow
very disastrous one defeat is to annies cons(j te» ed like thoee of tbe
Mongols, even when possessed of long prsstige and disdpllnet
Notwidistandin^ their idctory,tbe Egypdane had lost the greater pait
of their baggage, which (^ been pillaged after die tout of thehr left wing
by its custodlahs, but none of tbe cohi Kdavun Jiad taken with him was
kwtyss behad taken the precaution of distributing it among his mamhiks,
w^ carried it in thebr girdles.
Tbe Glmr^fAMi Cknmkli limits its account of the battle mainly to the
doings of the Georgians, who, there can be smaD doubt, distinguished
diemsehres by thebr usual bravery. Thenr young king, Dimidi, fought in
the advance guard, ind was attacked by the iUi$ of the Rgyptian army,
13,000 strong, under Kant Songhul {jL$^ Sonkor) and Yakub Aphrasb. A
terrible sbuggle and sbraghter followed. Dimitri's body guard of 200
men was cut in pieces,, bis own bprse being, lolled by a lance thrust from
Kara Songhul, but be was speedily remounted by one of bisfbOowers, and
tbe Georgians about him fought so desperately that the 12,000 Egyptians
who had diaiged them were thrown back. Meanwhile Mangu Timur,
widi bis Moi^ol^ had retreated, and the Georghms bad to do the same.
•Op.ck.,a.3l. tD^ObwMwUi.m. I]iakriiltt.s^
9
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274 HIST0R7 OF THB MONGOLS.
Thdr king Mcaped almost nmacnloiisly, allihoiigfa moH of their number
were kiHecL* The Annemans also soffoed greedy in tibe retreeli their
horses having been cpiite worn out by the b^ roads and scant forage.
Many of their soldiers were thus sqiarately overtaken and killed by their
pursuers ; and thus the greater part of the Armenian army, and especially
of its chie&, perished.
During the period of uncertainty before the victory was known, the
people of Damascus had passed an anxious time. Prayers were fervently
offered iq> in the Great Mosque, and in the oratory outside die town,
for the victory of the Mussuhnans, while the Koran of the Khalif Osman
was home on the head of one of the clergy. In the midst of the
excitement a pigeon alighted, after the Friday prayer, on the day after the
Gg^t, bearing news of the victory. Music at once resounded in the
citadd, and both U and the town were decorated, and the crowd loudly
expressed their joy. Presently there arrived some fogitives, who related
not a victory, but the defeat of n^ch they had been witness. The wave
of excitement now collapsed, and a rush was made for the <^»en gates, to
try and escape elsewhere, but a few hours later a special courier brought
the true account It was publicly read in the principal mosque. A
simikrly fitfol mood had pamd over Egypt There also people read the
Koran diligently, recited the Salih of Bokhari, &C., when a pigeon from
Kakun, a town situated between Lejun and Ramla, brought news of the
arrival of the fogittves there. Theagitation was very great Prince Salih
sent some Turkish and Arab troops to Kattiya to drive back the runaways
and prevent any of them from entering Cairo. A second pigeon post
speedily relieved the puUic mind. Great rejoicings took place in Egypt,
and Salih wrote to his fiither asking him to pardon the ftigitives, and
urging Baisari to intercede for them. ,
Among the ciqKives made by Tarentai, the yiceroy of Egypt, in his
pursuit of die Mongols, was a man iriio had charge of Mangu Timnr^
portfolio^ or valise. In thb were found letters from Sonkor and
some of his amirs, urging the Mongols to invade Syria, and promisii^
them their help. Kelavun magnanimously ordered the writing to be
erased, renewed his pact with Sonkor at Hims, and sent him back to his
fief of SihiuiL He then set oat for Damascus, into which be made a
triumphal entry, headed by the priscnerl, of whmn several carried the
tymbals and standards which had been captured, while the poets poured
out a dehige of compliments.t
When Mangu Timur invaded Syria, Abaka, as we have seen, advanced
hunting towards Rabbet He did not, however, cross the Euphrat^
\M after destroying some forts returned to Sinjar on the 25^1 of
September, and in the begiiming ai November rejoined his ordna at
•Hbt.dtlaG«orgi«,a9S^ t IfakriiS, U. 39^1. D'Ohnoo, Ui. 53»-53^
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ABAKA KHAK. 275
Mahlibiya, near Mosul There he learnt of the defeat of bis anny. He
was greatly imtated, and announced that at the next kurikai, to be held
in thespring^ those who were foond Nameworthy for the recent disaster
woold be ponidied. He also annoonoed his intention of marching in
person iqMm Egypt* The C^M^s^tfsii CilrvM^ teUs us tiie news of the
disaster to his. army was disclosed to Abaka by a Tartar, who addressed
him in verse in his own tongne, describing how each of the chieft had
behaved He said Alikan had attacked like a fidcon pouncing from the
donds^andconqiaredManguTimurtoaram; AbaganySonofShiramnn,
to a tiger, whidi bounds ; Yasbugha to a young biA ; Buka to a buflUo,
whSe as to the Geoigian king he expressed himself thus in the Tartar
tongue: ^Thengari methn kaurkurbai, boghar methu buirlaji* (t'^^**Thty
growled like God; they bit like the camd"). Abaka received the
Georgian king with honour and sent htm home.
When the defeated Mongob retbed from Syria, a body of Mussulmans
Turkomans, Kurds, &C, made a raid upon Cilida. They advanced as
fu as Aias, which they plundered and burnt It had been deserted by its
inhabitants, ^Hm had taken refuge in a fortress they had, built on a
neighbouring island. The Muhammedans wididrew with their booty, but
returned again three times, tiie last time advancing as fiur as Td Hamdun.
On this occaaon they were attacked, while retiring with their gains, by
the Armenians, who had occupied the defiles. They caplured their arms
aad stripp^ them (^ their scalps, and sent Abaka several loads of arms,
lances, swords, and scalps. A fr w days later the governor of Biret,
named Haidar, having collected a,ooo horsemen, captured the castle of
Saida. Many Christians who had sought refuge in a large mosque were
rdeased. Others had fortified themsdves in a place called Alastona, which
the bivaders had not been able to capture, as the approach to it was like
a cavern. They nevertheless carried off 4,000 women and children, with
whom they safely crossed die Euphrates, and w^t towards Malatia,
where diey laid waste the country, and carried off many Christians from
the town of Erka, with whom they again withdrew to Syria.t
We described the machinations of Miyd ul Mulk against the virier
and his bcother, the governor of Ba^^dad. The latter, to save his
positicm, had promised to restore 500 golden tumans to the treasury,
iriiich his enemy went to Ba^^dad to recdve. He add his wives and
children, and undertook to pay with lus head for the least prevarication
proved against him. Abaka p|tied him and released him from prison,
but soon after hb relentless enemy again went to Ba^^dad, with the
generals Togachar and Ordukaya, to drag firom him, by torment, if
necessary, the hundred tuinans he charged him with appropriating. Alai
od din could not pay, and was tortured and prmnenade4 naked about the
* irOhvoo, Hi. S3S* t Ab«U«^ dwoa. Syr., SM*
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976 HI9I0RV or THE MOVOOLS.
town.* Hit enemies were Yeleniless In Attirattadci. Hit<
with Sonkor and Isea tbo Mohamia, the Egyptian rrfi^^
triedtopennadetosiibmittoUie Moogola, was tamed into a chaifB of
treasonable correspondence wkh the Sakani and emidofsd as an instni-
mentor their plots, the Arab messengers whoas he had employed beinff
cormpted into maldng Mse charges against Urn. An nnknown Jew
hanng written several times widi safton and cfamabar on a pleoe of
papoTi as if it were a talisman, this was hidden away among his dodmn
wUle his honsd was being seaidied* Dnring all his tronUes the ftmoias
historian and admiijistratof ooMoled himself by compowng verses^
satfaical and olegiac, many of which became ftaMos. Several am con-
tabled in "The Consolations of die Broflier^* a khid of Arabic BoeAhia.
One of hife poems was i^ossed by many poeta As Aki nd din was
being led offby his enemies ftom Baghdad to Hamadan, a cco mpanie d by
his fidthfbl fHends, his nephew, lOK^a Bahd nd dhi; AH ibn Issa 0^
and Noruddin Abdnr Rahman of ^hoster, and when he had readied the
hein^ts of Asada b ad, he learnt of die death of Abaka, which brooi^t hbn
and his brodier considerable reqpite^ and proved, for a while at least, a
new turn in his fortiiiies.t
AbakasetoutfiMrBaghdadontheiithofFebraary, laSx Heanived
at Hamadan on the i8th, where he pot np at the palace of Fakr nd din
Minodi^. Tliere he fell QL Accordmg to the Persian historians he
was habitually given to drinUng to excess, and having onenl^ got very
drunk went oot, and believed he saw a raven sittfaig on the biandi of a
tree.. He ordered one of his guards to shoot itr widi an arrow. The
bystanders looked attentivdy, but could see no such bird. Suddenly
Abaka dosed bis eyes and died. This was, Wassaf says, on die ao
Sdhije (i^.f the first oi April). Abulferaj reporto that Abaka had
passed the previous Easter Sunday with the Christians, and taken part
in die service In the chmch at. Hamadan ; that on die Monday he
dhied with a Perdan gentleman named Bdma, and die night !bflowing
he sav visions in the air, and died on Tiiesday morning, the ist of
April The '^Shafrat ul Atrak" says he ^ed of excessive drinking^
afterafeM^atthehouseof the visier,ShemsuddhLt Novahri says that
according to some, Abaka, after hit defeat, fell hito a state of mdandioly,
which was Increased when newv arrived that die femous tieasuie hcnise
whidi his fether had built on Lake Urmia had coUapsed, and that the
various treasunes it contained had sunk into the lake. When he heard
this he was going to his bath. As he came out he heard a raven croak,
and declared that it presaged his deadi, while his fevourite hunting
dog barked at Um, whidi he accepted as another ill omen, and he
died shortly. after.§ Abulfeda says it was reported he had been
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AftAKA KHAN. ft77
poisoned.* Odier accounts say that Manga Tinmrdted fifteen days aftet
his brother, at Jeiirett Haithon says bodi brothers were poisoned, that
Abaka, having determined to avenge his reioent disasters in Syria, was
abom to set out, when a Mnssohnan arrived at his Court with rich
presents, and hi conjunction with some of Abaka's courtiers arranged his
death.| Abdfiuraj says that a certain informer, named Al SaphiKarbuki,
accused some of die grandees of Jeiiret to Mangu Tbnur. He accordingly
punished them, and they plotted with his butler, who, when he one day
came out of his heth, mixed poison with his cup. He set out ill
from Nisibm for Jesiret, and died on the way. The informer was duly
put to deadi.§ Raahid od din dnd Wassaf say nothing of diis, but it
must be remembered they were good Muhammedans, and that Abaka
was an infideL We, at all events, learn ftom Novairi that Mumin
Aga, tiie cnmrnandftT of Jesu:et, was accused of poisoning liflan||u
TImur, and fled to Bgypt widi his two «ons, where he was rewarded
with some fieft. His wifo and children were put to death by the
prince's relatives. It was said diat the poisoning was arranged by
Ahu ud din Juveni, who had ample reasons for willing Abaka's death.])
Abaka and his brodier were buried wHh dieir fother in the Inrtress of
Tda,orTdte^im theLakeofMerafl^T Soon after this the Georgian
diie( Sadun, died. The Gm^giam Ckr&mkU says that his son, Kutkk
Shah, succeeded to his fotheKs domains, and was raised to the rank of a
generalissimo.^^
The Christiail writers qpeak of Abaka in terms of considerable praise.
The GmgioH CkrmticU calls him good, genevoos, and dement, soft and
modest, a lover of justke, charitable to dM poor, and so forgiving that
whatevera man's fonhs he woidd not sacrifice his life. '* God haagiven
me the empire of die worid," he said, ** I mnst not take away that friiich I
cannot give.* Re urged that dieft was an elfect of poverty, and several
thnes refiised to punish with death those who had stoten fimn him. As
he was sonounded by pe<^ who phmdored the treasury by securing
iinmense sums, he chose a num who was diaritable, just, attentive to his
reBgious dudes, and a patron of pkms people, named Aghubagha, and
charged him to protect the weak and the poor.ff Haithon speaks of
Abaka as a prudent and pr o sp ero u s ruler, fortunate in all things save
. two: first, that he failed to become a Christian as lus father had been, bat
was devoted to'tdols i^mI their priests, and secondly that he was con*
tinnally at strife wfth Us neighbours, and did not lit consequence moteit
die Egyptian Sultan as he might have done, whose power consequently
gready mcreased. His people were so weired down widi n^rtinns
that many of diem fled to the Mtan, who showed his sagadty by
• Op. clu, r,^
I Qirao* Sjnr.y 194 "^
OifOa. AVHK. jDik I IT UnMony oi* 931. T la* i itlM i nt, t. 313.
** Op. at», 997. ft Op. dbu, STt*
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278 mSTORY OF TBB MONGOLS.
his dote aUlance with the l^utars in Cumania and Russia (i>^ in the
Kipchak), -which prevented Abaka from attacking the Egyptians as he
might have done, and thus the Christians lost Antioch and several other
fortresses which they had possessed in Syria**
Abaka had eleven wives a^ three concaUnes. These were (i) Oljiu,
who came out of his Other's harem ; (a) Durji Khattm ; (5) Tokini, the
cousin of Khidagtt's wife, Ddnis, who <m the death of Durji was given the
bagfatak, or wife's headrdress, and made his head wile ; (4) the Tartar
Nukdan, the mother of Gaikhatu ; (5) Iltirmish, the daughter of Timur
Kurkan, and belonging to the Konkurat tribe ; (6) Padishah Khaton,
daus^ter of Kutb ud din Muhammed, the Khan of Kennan i (7) Mertai
and (8) Kad, both Kookisrats and both widows oi Khulagu : they were
sisrters of Musa Korkan, and their mother was a daufi^ter of Jingis Khan ;
(9) Tndaiy also a Konkurat.; (10) Bulaghan, a relative of the chief
judge, Nokar (? a mistake for Buka) ; and (11) Maria, styled De^nna,
the daughter of Michael Pal8so)ogus.t Abaka left two sons, Aij^un, by
I concnbme named Katmish Ikaji,t and Odkhatu, by Nukdan.
Abaka, like his fiither, had considerable intercourse with the Christians,
(nfiurt, it was necessary the Mongols should begin to look out kit allies,
rhe world of Islam was naturally incited against them, and it had rpcdved
great encouragement by the Mongol defeat at Ain Jalut Although
Aommally their subjects, it was hardly likely tiiat the Seljuks of Rum,
that the Prince of Mosul, the chiefs of the Kurdish mountamsf or the
Ortokids of Mardin and Hosnkeif, should have felt any great loyalty for
the Mongols, who were mfideb and strangers. The latter naturally leaned
more and more on the Christians^ The prince of Georgia and Great and
Little Armenia dung to them as their natural allies, in the &ce of the
hereditary enemies of their fieudL So did the Crusadersi who probably,
as Remusat says, eipected to become their deputies in Syrta, where the
climate was so ungratdul to thern^ and eipeded also to be rdievedfirmn
taxation, as the Christians of Armenia and Geoigia were.§ We must
also remember that Abaka wasimanried to Maria, the daughter of Michael
Palaeologus, who doubtless used her influence to draw the Christians
of the West and the Mongols nearer together* We find the Ilkhan
engaged in a correspondence with the supreme Pontiff In a letter dated
1367, at Viterbo, Clement IV. says he had received his letter, but as
it was written in Mongol no one at his Court coiild read h, and he
expresses his regret that it was not written, as previous, letters had been,
in Latin, and that he had therefore been constrainoi to employ his
messenger as an interpreter, who apparently somewhat sophisticated in
his report his master's religious views, for the Pope begins his reply by
thanking God that Abaka recognised the Eternal God, and humbly
I AJL, 360. SidmaBnT«ni4luu aM* ( Acad. ditlMcripi. vtt. 333*397.
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AMiKA KHAK. ifp
adored Hit cnidted Son. He comiiitfM: ^Yoa f^joice,yottMytiiitlie
victory we have gmined in. Sicily, wliere the pfesanptnoas oeorper,
Manfred, natond Km of Frederidt^ Emperor of Rome, SbU on the field of
battle^ with m greet nunber of perfidious ChriiHana ami oif Sa r acen t ,
deprived of his life ami throne bytiie same blow, by our very dear son
in Jesus Christ, Charles, to whom we have given the kingdom. The
kings of France and Navarre^ ibUowed'by a great nnmber of comtsand
barons, a nmltitQde of soldiers, and odisrs, takmg to heert the'conditkn'
of the Holy Land, are preparing valiantly and powsrMIy to attack the
•enemies of die fiiith. Many others kvds and commoB% m other
ooontriesare wishloi to felkm Us eiampls^to enlt with all their power
the name of Christ, and to destroy die power and sect and even the name
oftheSaraoens. Yon have written to say yoo intend to join your fedmr«
fai-law to he^ the Latfais. We shall do everything to help yon, bat we
cannot say, mitil we iiave made inquiry firom these princes, what route
our people propose vo take. We wUl^emmunicate to them your intentions
and those of your fether«in-law, so that they may develop their plans, and
we will instruct your magnificence by a trusty messenger. Persevere,
therefore, in your admiraWe phms. If yon trust in God, he will strengthen
your throne. His is the power and tho dominion. He holds in His
hands the heaite of kings, and humiliates and raises whom He wishes; no
one can resist Him.** D'Ohsson doubts, very naturally, whether a letter
was ever written by AJbaka himself to which this was a re|^. The clause
about the &te of Manfi^d and the statement about his conversion are
hardly consonant with MoQgol ways of dmufl^ and it is more likely diet
the letter was dther con^posed or sophisticated by the hand of some
Eastern Chrisrian, not inqinrobahly by eome dependent of the Qntk
Emperor of Byiantium.
In 1269 the envoys ot Michael Pal»)k)gtts and of Abaka visited James,
King of Arragon, at Valencia. Surita says that James had not previously
heard of either of the ti^ princes, and that it was suspected, that the real
object of the mission was fer from being a pious one, and was merely to
rid themselves of some domestic foe. Mariana, on the other hand, says
fames had abready received smne Tartar envoys and had sent In rstum a
certain John Alaric, a native of Perirignan, with ^hem the new envoys
came. They promised, on behalf of their master, his h^ if he would
join his forces to those of the odier princes. The envoys stayed at
Barcelona, but Alaric went to Tdedo, where he laid befinre the Junta a
foil account of his doinp. James, although so old, determined to go to
the war, and wouki not be dissuaded by the prayers of his relative,
Don Alphonso^ and the Queen of Castile, who pointed out the treadiery
of the Gredcs and the ferocity of the Tartars. Alphonso promised
D^ObnoB, iiL 999-S4** IUmmH, Abid. dm Int., irU. jjb*34o>
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9tD HtStORY Of rUE 1I0N06U.
to sond MbtkBcs. Mldnel PilSeologus had QflBued^ by his entoys^
shipk and provi^ona. The expedition was wrecked, however, by a
storm at ''Aigues iiiortes"*(^ and obliged to retitm. The &tal
expedition to Tunis, fai 1270^ postponed any active allialioe between
Western Europe a&d Abaka. After his rettun from his campaign against
Borak, Abaka seems to have agidn made overtures to die Western
princes. To this, it is said he was urged by the ^ng of LitUe Armenia,
who wished him to relieve the Hdy Land. His envoys, according to
Remusat sixteen in number (one havfaig died m fvwfr), arrived at Lyons
in 1374, where Gr^;ory X. had called a coimciL They were admitted
to the council at its fbortii sesskm, on the 6th of July, I374- 'Hie Pope
made tiiem sit opposite to hfanself, and at the Ibet of the patriarchs,
and their letters, or rather the version they chose to give^ were read out
at the succeedhig session on tiie i6(h of July. The chief envoy, widi two
distinguished Tartars, was baptised by Peter of Tarantaise, cardinal of
Ostia, afterwards Innooent V;, and diey were ]^resented with precious
garments. Thb was tiit sole result of the embassy, for the con ti n u ed
aBvance of the Mussulmans and the decay of the cnmufing spirit niade a
great efibrt at this thne impossible.* Abaka's letter was sent to Edward L
by David, chaplain and fiuniliar of Thomas, patriarch of Jerusalem and
legatb of the Holy See. Edward's answer, dated the 26th of January, IS74
(? IS75), ^ Bellus locus (? Beauchamp), is given by Rymer. It runs as
foUows : ** Brother David, of the order c^ preachers, chaplain and ftuniliar
of brother Thomas, patriarch of Jerusalem, legate of the Apostolic See,
has arrived at our Court, and presented letters sent through your envoys
to die Holy Father and other Christian Idngs. We note in them the love
you bear to the Christian fiddi, and the resolu t ion you have taken to
relieve the Christians and die Holy Land ^nmi the enen^es of Christianity.
This is most grateful to us, and we thank you. We pray your magnifi*
cence to carry out this holy pTGJect But we cannot at present send you
any certain news about the tfane of our arrival in the Holy Land, and of
the mafch of the Christians, since at this moment noddng has been settled
by the Sovereign Pontifl^ but we win inform your erceHence bm soon as
weleam. We commend to your puissance both this matter of the Holy
Land and of all the Eastern Christians.*t
Two years lateff mdef die pontificate of John XXI., two fresh envoys,
named John and James VasalK (? VasfliX went to Rome from Abaka, and
were admitted to audience in an assembly of the cardinals. Theseenvoys
invited die Christians to invade Palestine^ and promised them aid if they
went They were sent on to the Courts of France and Enghmd. To
Philip III., kmg of France, they promised that if he would go to Acre,
with a view of invading Palestine, their master would help him. William
op. th.. |4i*S4S* t D'OfaaMO, B. S4J*544*
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ABAKA KHAN. sSl
of Nangifl, speaking of tban« my* : " Were they really envoy* or spiet
God knows. At leasi they were not Tartars, either by birth or manners,
but Oiristians of the sect of the Georgians.*^ They were taken to
St Denis for Easter, and then passed on to the Court of Edward, the
English Idng. What befd them in England we have apparently no record
o£ The two envoys reported that their master, as well as his imcle the
Khakan KhubOai, wished to be instructed in the Christian fiuth. This
persistent report was partially due, perhaps, to the welcome sound it
naturally had at Rome, but more, as Remusat suggests, to the open
patronage which the Mongol Khans, as we have seen, extended to
the Christians, according to their cosmopolitan notion that there is only
one rdigion, the forms of which have been varied according to time and
pUu:e by the wise men of each country.f The Pope determined to verify
this report, and five Franciscans, viz., Gerhard of Prato, Anthony of
Panna, John of St Agatha, Andrew of Florence, and Matthew of Arezzo,
were selected to go and preach the faith in the East John XXL having,
however, died during the year 1277, the mission was delayed, and only
set out the following year with letters from Nicholas III. to Abaka and
Khul^laL The former expressed the joy felt by the Roman see at the
news brought by the two brothers Vasalli, and acknowledged gratefully
the Indian's offers of assistance to any Christian army that might
land hi Syria. The Pope went on to say that to secure the salvation of
Abaka and of the Khakan, of his sods and of his people, he had
sent the friars mentioned to administer baptism to those who wished
for it, or who had not had it duly administered before, and had
Ofdered them, if he thouj^t rig^t, to go on to the Khakan's Court
and do the same there. By letters patent special powers were conferred
on the friars. They were authorised to preach .the Word of God
hi aO the land of the Tartars ; to baptise Abaka and those of his
sons and his people who should wish to become Christians; to
abaohFO those excommnnicated who wished to return to obedience ;
to coofoss and exact pdnance ; to absolve the murderers of clerics and
■woksi if they gave due satisfoction to the churches, monasteries,
or persons injured by their crimes ; to found new churches in extra*
^ocesan i^aces, and to confide them to meritorious men; to allow
converts already married to people withb the prohibited degrees to
contfame to cdiabit ; to dedde matrimonial cases brought before them ;
to perform mass and other divine offices, where there ^vas neither church
nor oratory ; to consecrate cemeteries, grant indulgences, dissolve vows,
bless the sacred vestments, altars, &c, where theris was no Catholib
bishop^ and, in foct, to do shigly or collectively everydiing that could
oontribote to die gfory of God's name and the fnrdierance of the fruth.t
* Th> aurooicte of St. Dmii ■■»• Grlg«oii, or Oraihi • t Rwnutof . op. cit. 990.
rX>'0hM0OpiU.54S-S49-
I
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7B2 RlffTORY OP THE MONGOLS.
Abaka's reign was coincident with a very flourishing ^och in Eastern
literature. The most famous am6ng his pfvi/gds w^ the great astroooner,
Nasir ud din, of Tas» of whom we have akeady spoken. Nasir ud din
died at Baghdad, on the 35th of June, 1274. As Bar Hebraeus says, he
excelled in all sciences, especially in mathematics. "He refers to the
famous astronomical instruments which he constructed, and which have
afaready occupied us, and Meragha, the seat of his observatory, became
the goal of a great number of learned men. As he had been assigned the
revenues from the temples, <>, mosques, and schools (the sixalled vak&)
of an Baghdad and Assyria, he distributed with a free hand assistance
to indigent scholars. He wrote worics on many subjects— on logic and
natural science— as well as commentaries on Euclid and the Almagest of
Ptolemy, and on the ethics of Plato and Aristotle, besides his fiunous
ephemerides, dedicated to the Mongol Khan, and entitled ''Zij IlkhanL**
It was reported that he died by poison.* Next to him were the two
brothers Shems ud din and Alai ud din Juveni, whose ill fortune during
the latter years of Abaka I have described. Wassaf has preserved a
number of poetical compositions which were exchanged between die
former of these, the Virier Shems ud din, and Shems ud din Kert, the
ruler of Henttt In Rum there lived the poets and philosophers,
Sadr ud lin, of Konia, and Jelal ud din, of Rum. At Shiraz there
still flourished the famous and now very aged Persian poet Saadi,
in dose friendship with Meid ud din Semeki, known as the king
of the poets, with Imami, of Herat, and with Khoja Hemam ud din,
who wzs clerk to Nasir ud din, of Tus^ and was well known for
his prodigality, having on one occasion given a splendid feast to the
son of the viiier, Shems ud din, at Tebriz, in irfiich 400 porodain
bowls were used. There also flourished the following poets : Purbeha
Jami, whose verses were compoaed in a mixture of Persian and Mongol ;
Abolmadhi Raigani, sq called from the village of Raigan, near Kaxvin ;
Jemal ud din, of Kashan ; Jemal ud din Rastak ol kotu, who lived to the
age of ninety, in the reign of Abaka, and was so called from Rastak, one
of the quarters of Kazvin ; the judge, Bahai ud din Senjani, the panegyrist
of the virier, Shems ud din, who also, like Purbeha, mingled Mongol and
Turkish words with his Persian ; Rasig ud din Beia, who had charge of
the revenues of Diarbekr, of whom Von Hammer quotes a verse, com-
plaining of Abaka having deprived him of his post in favour, of the amir,
Jelal ud din ; Nejm ud din Serkub (i>., the goldsmith), who flowished
also m the reign of Arghun ; and, lastly, Nisam ud din, of Ispahan.! The
chief poetry then Csishionable is marked largely by puns and play upon
words, ana by adulation, clothed in inflated imagery, whidi Wassaf also
introduced into his prose, and of which his work is an exaggerated
* AbnlfiuaJ, 576. D'QhHoa* IB. S3IMM* t Op. dt^ ts^i^- Hkhun, L afttB^,
i IlIcMnt, L 3^7-3x9.
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ABAKA KHAN. 3^3
example. Besides these poets there also flourished during Abaka's reign
the &moiis geographer, Jemal ud din Yakut, whose wfirk is still so
deservedly esteemed ; and the musician, Safr ud din Abd ul Mumin Al
Urmeir (i>^ from Urmia).*
In the year 1278, the Metropolitan of the Nestorians having died, the
patriarch, John Denha, ordained Sfaneon, called Bar KaMg^ formerly
bishop oTTus, to this post Before he left» hoivtver, be hada ftud wkh
the Catholicos (il^ with Denha), whom he treated badly, and was
accordingiy imprisoned. Having tried to escape, he presently, whh some
other bishops and monks, came to a violent endt Meanwhile, two
Uightor monks passed through Mesopotamia, m route for Jerusalem
They had come from China, and had gone by order of Khubihu Khan, for
die sake of visiting the Holy City. Mar Denha ordained one of them as
Metn^litan of Cliina, and- gave him the name of Yaballaha. Before he
set out for his post, however, Mar Denhadied. Thereupon Abaka having
been inionned by Yashnmt, who, like the two travellers, was a Uighur, of
the deadi of the Catfaelicos, aaked the Christians living there (/./., at
Bagjidad) to aooapt YabaUaha as their CathoUco% and issued an edict to
diis eflbct, wiifltenpon aome twenty^Mur biahi^ assembled together from
Seleuda and Ctesiphon, and ordained him as Catholicos. Bar Hebreus
says naively that this Mar YabaUaha, ^although he was too little Versed
in doctrine and in the Syriac tongue, was nevertheless of a natmally good
disposition, endowed widi the fear of God, and showed much charity to
us and our peopte.'^t Yaballaha now consecrated his late companion as
Bishi^ of Uighnria. He was called Bai Sunuu This very friendliness
and patronage of the Christians was no doubt a great cause of ofience to
his Muhammedan subjects and empk>yes,. who doubtless tooked with
much more fovonrable eyes upon his rival, the Sultan of ^(ypt, and made
it easy to sn^iect that his ^od was hastened by scmie sinister act on the
part of those who treated him as a heretic.
In the British Museum there are silver coins of Abaka struck at Mosul
and Tabriz, and copper coins struck at Mosul, Iibil, and Baghdad. They
occur of various dates, from 666 vxj* to 68a Most of them bear Arabic
legends, but some have an inscription on the obverse side in Mongol
characters, and in the Mongol language, friiich was read by Schmidt,
*" Khi^ianu darugha Aba^ Khan deled k^^uluksen'' (i>., ^ The Great
Khan's Viceroy Abagfaa-Khan, his coinage **).§ Mr. Poole questions the
reading ^ darugha," as did De Satdcy, and says the letters read *'arab ^ or
^arun."!! Although anything but a Mussulman, Abaka's coins often
contain a formula from the Koran, notably the sentence, '^ There is
no God but the one God who has no equal.^
•WaMaf.icn. ITOIinoa, UL sm! t MctfMiiB, 69-70!
\ AbulanL Chron. Bccitin u* 451-4S4* Moihitiiii« 7o>
4 Fishn RcMndo, ^, ' I CiUalMr^OtkntanSB^ of th« BrWi Mmeum, vi. 46-40.
% Pnuuit op* cu*t 636*
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384 HISTORY or THE HON OOLS.
AMr J,— Isalia UaaaUtioA oi Um <«Tariklii ChuiddC Cor wUch I am
iodabtodtoaiyfrtoiidlfr.G. LnBttraoftyliUid it ttatadthal In the jMr 674
a body of Mnlahidiy or AiMttin^ Joined tbo aoa of Khonbab, gavo him tha
oamtofMoDanlatyaiidttiMddie Ibrtraatf of Alamnt, and thair IswrracUoo
haviof tpiiad, Abaka Mit aa armyy wfaleb captoftd and rafaiad tba lbrtm i.
Mit a.— I find I oforioohad aa iataratting puugp in tba. Gm^gim Ch nmkli
fafimiflf to Maagn Timor'a ciwpaign in Sjiia. Wa raad thtrt'thal boftva
•ittinf o«t ba wmX a wmmona to tba mtbwar of SamttkM (U^ to Baka) to
aoconpaay blnu 5Myanaaiiei/'baiiiplied»''bava arooaed tbaaagorof 70V
brothary Abaka Kbani wbo tent Aii^on to devastate mjr conatfy* At I waa
innocent I withdrew, but now I dread the Khan. I^ therefore, yon win pioaliite
to forget the patt, to cevte tey landt in ftitiue to be retpeeted, I will go and
join yon with my troope." Manga Timor gave aa nadertakiog acoordingly,
and ratified it by drinking water in which gold had been ndngled, and abo eent
Beka the ring he had on his finger at a fbriber pledge. Beka ^en setembltd
liit If eikhet, and went and Joined Mango Tbaor, who lecaived Um h e arti ly
and introdnced him to Abaka. They then ael oat for Bgypt. At Daiabeak
Beka and hit Metkhet dittinguithed themtehrea ia repeUlag a eertia fiom the
Ummf and were the first to enter the place. Maagn Thaur r ew aid ad him, hta
didebalt, and arsaanfi whh preeentt of honet aad (
«»Higt(UkOtegm995
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CHAPTER V.
SULTAN AHMED KHAN.
BY hit win Abaka had nominated hb son Aigfatm, w&om ha had
previously appointed governor of Khorasan, as his snccessof*
Bat this was clearly contrary to the yasa or law of Jingis Khan,
which, in reguladng the sncAsdon to die throne, q>pointed that the
eldest living prince of the house should succeed. This position was now
occo|ried by Abaka's brodier, Tagudar (called Tongudar by Haithon and
Nigndar by Wassaf), the son of Khidagu by Kutui Khatun. He had
remained behind in China when his &ther set out for the West, as we
have seen, and was sent to Persia by Khubifad Khak^n during the reign
of Abaka. According to Haithon, he had been baptised in his youth
under the name of Nicholas.* Later in fife he greatly fiivoured Muham*
medanism, and this, together with his pattonage of the two viziers,
Shems ud din and Alai ud din, who controlled Tebriz and Baghdad, and
against whom Arghun had great animosity, created a powerfhl party in
his favour among the Muhammedans. He was supported by Khulagu's
three sons, Ajai,t Kon^uratai, and Hulaju ; by Juskab, or Chuskab, and
Kunkju, sons of Chumkur, the second son of Khulagu ; and by the amirs
Singtur and Sughunjak, Arab, and KarabukaL Arghun was supported
by the two brothers Buka and Aruk, and by Akbuka, amirs attached to
his fiuher's household, and by the great amirs, Shishi Bakhshi,-Doladai
Aidaji, Jushi, and Ordukia. A third party gathered about Oljai Khatun,
who tried to create a diversion in favour of her son, Mangu Tinrar, but
as he died twenty-five days after his &ther, she and Kutui Khatun jomed
the party of Arghun.$ The ^'Shajrat ul Atrak" says that Arghun was of
opinion that Mangu Timur should succeed his fiither, but Tagudar having
assumed the office he was reluctantly compelled to submitS
On Abaka's death, Tagudar set out for Tebriz from Kurdistan, and
Arghun, who war ahready oh his way from Khoras^ halted at
Meragha, and heard torn Singtm of his Other's death. There the
foneral ceremdhies, including the offering of the bowl of kumis, were
gone through, while Buka ordered the officers of Abaka's household to do
homage to him. After the funeral the assembly adjourned to Chagatu,
where Shishi Bakhshi, who saw that the majority of the princes favoured
I DXNMnn, BL 551 Ilklums, {. jsj. f Op. dl. •Sf.
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a86 lllgTOBY OP THK MONOOLi.
Tagadar, persuaded Argfami to mibmit gracefolly, and Tagodar was
unanimously elected on the 6th of Blay, 1:^2. Three days later
Arghun set out for the Siah Kuh, or Black Mountain, to secure his
Other's treasures.* Wassaf caUs the place Alatagh-t Abulfiuaj says
that on his accession to the throne he showed great generosity and
clemency. He distributed his treasures among his brothers, the great
amirs, and die army, and treated his people Idndly, especially the
heads of the Christian religion, and issued edicts in thdr finrodr,
exempting their churches and monasteries, then: priests and monksi
everywhere from tribitte.t The visier, Shems ud din, who was in
die hands of Aij^un, was summoned to Tagudar's presence, and 00 the
aist of June, the various princes having sypm the oath of allegiance^ he
was duly environed, his brother Kongfauratai and the amir Singtur Noyah
taking him by the n|^ and left hand respectively. This was on the 21st
of June, ia82.§ As he was a Muhammedan, he adopted the name
Ahmed (the Acomat of Blarco Polo) ttid the title of Sultan. He then
sent to the castle of Shaha-tda for the treasures, and distributed largess
liberally, each soldier reoeivisg lao diQan (Von Hammer says twenty).
Arghun now returned, and rompjahnwl that they had not waited his
arrival before goiog on with the ceremony of inauguration. Tagudar
received him graciously, and presented him with twenty golden bali sh es,
ndiidi he said he had specially reserved for hinL It was during thb visit
that he formed a dose friendship with Kong^uratai, and swore mutual
oaths of attachment in the ordu ii Tuktai Khatun (called Tuktini by
Von HammerX one of Abaka's widows^l
Ahmed, soon after his accession, made a pubfic profession of his foith,
and addressed A brief to the authorities of Baghdad, which has been
preserved to us. It runs as follows : '^ In the name of the clement and
merdfol God. There is no other God but God, and Muhammed is the
Prophet of God. We who are seated on the throne of sovereignty are
Mussulmans. Make it known to the inhabitants of Baghdad. Let diem
patronise tho medressehs (colleges), the wak£i (religious foundations), and
their other religious duties as they were accustomed to do in the time of
the Abbassidan khali£i, and let everyone who has claims upon the various
charities attached to the mosques and colleges be reinstated Do not
transgress the laws of Islam, O people of Baghdad. We know that the
Prophet (may God grant him peace and pity) has said : 'This fiuth of
Islam shall not cease to be triumphant till the day of resurrection.' . We
know that this prophecy b true, that it emanated from a true prophe^
that there is only one God unique and eternal Rejoice, all of you, and
make this known throughout the province."ir Haithon says his conversion
* jyC^moa, VLjS^ f Opw tkLjjm. J Chroo. Syr.. 99S.
i ytitlK£t MB. I V OhMOO. uL SS3.
<llJftorX«l«v«i,iB|f£B;&tSi>tS6. lyOhnoo, is. 5^554. UUhm.L3^
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SULTAK AHMID KHAN. 2S7
to Idam was ioOoived by that of many of his poople, and also by a
penecntion of Hie Cbristiaiis.* Ahaiedi^ipdiitedtlie Noyan Soghmijak
his lieatODant-geaeral, and Shems od din Miibaimii^
Ue stayodafew days at Siah Knh, and sent to Hamadan to stmunon
Ma|d al Mttlk Yesdi and his deadly rival, Alai nd din Jitveai, the Utter of
whom was still in prison.t
We have seen how Alai nd din learnt of the death of Abaka at Asadabad,
while on his way from Baghdad to Hamadan, His enemies instructed the
commissary idiowaa in chaise of hhn not to rekasehhn, and he remained
in chabs tiH the acoesrion of Ahmed, who ordered his rrieast Whenhe
readied the Court ifith Mi^ ol Mnlk^ te hater, s i ypor t e d by a Mongol
grandee, renewed his intrigues, and was on the point of again obtaming
the fimnlng of the taxes; but Sheas nd din haYing secured the protection
of Eimeni Khatnn, AhmoPk second wife, also obtained the &vour of her
hnsband, and poured a series of accusations, true and fidse, upon his bitter
TvnL He, in turn, wrote to Aighun, saymg : ^The vizier poisoned your
&ther,.and now wishes to take away my life because I am aware of his
crime. If I die yon will know the reason." Shems ad din, in turn,
empkyyed a nephew of Majd ul Mulk, named Said ud din, who bad been
deposed by his undo from his post of miestufi, or president of finan^es/in
Irak and Persia, on account of his dishonesty, and who now accused hun.
of having had secret correspondence with Argfaun. Ahmed orderM . Alai
ud ctin's confiscated property to be restored to him, but he would not take
it, and gave it op to te crowd for pillage, a very diplomatic movement.
Meanwhile^ Majd ul Mulk was hoist with his own petard. Sughunjak Aka
and Aruk (called Snnjak and Arukaka by Von HammerX who were sent
to apprdiend him, found among his effects a piece of lion's skin with
certain unknown figures upon .it in dimabar and saflSt>n {t^^ red and
ydknrX which had been secreted there by .Abdur Rahman, ai friend of
Shems nd din. The Mongols were very timid in the presence of such
necromantic charms. Their bakhshis and shamans declared that the skii*
was to be dipped in water ^ich the accused was to drink, whereupon he
acquired magical powers. This he stoutly denied, but he was found
goihy.t Si^unjak wotlld have spared him, but, unfortunately, he was laid
np with a bad foot, and Abdur Rahman urged his execution strongly upon
him. Ahmed ordered him to be handed over to his enemies. We are
toU by Rashid that Shems ud din wished to spare him, but that this was
opposed by Aki ud din and his son Harun. Wassa^ on the other hand,
says that Alai ud din would have pardoned his enemy, but was opposed
?3ydie Treasury officials. He was taken to ALu ud din's tent, where
from the mid-day till the evening prayer he was called to account for all
his extortions, and especially for the 300 tumans he had appropriated at
•Op,dfc^56. jmmBM.l.sn- IXOhMOQ, a. 5S4.
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lM HISTOltT OT TRB MOKOOU.
Baghdad, and also for the varioas warrantii diptomaa, Ac, he had unlaw*
Myisiiied. As Alai ud din went to the evening fmyer, he was hrooi^
out of the tent, and was.tom in pieces by the crowd. This was on the
14th of August, ia8a.« He wto dismembered, and his head was sent to
Bag hd ad, upon which Rashid ud din writes^
Tm imd wlilkio BUBGaptow MnWrtoo |^vt|
TiMt k MpM 0v« to dM vUwik^ ;
l«writtlwtoyaaJiporttoifth>hinsin,
A portiaB iMid b dlk« iMttd.
Some one paid a hundred gold pieces lor his tongue^ and took ft to Tibrif.
His feet were sent to Shfaas, where he had made Us entry so prooAn
and his hands to Ispahan. Wbefeiq>on the fiunoos poet Pur-bdia Jami
said:—
H» woild lai^ihii hfa had to htmmt
It did not fnohtUtlMr, tet it iMt ooBM Imm.
Ahu ud din was now restored to the government of Baghdad. Ahmed
gave him one of his own robes, and a paixah or tablet of oflio^
hoping thus to-secure a continuance of his services, he having e ipr e ase d
a wish to reture into private life. Shems ud din recovered his authority
as vizier, while the superintendence of the affidrs ot Islam was made over
to the sheikh Kemaiud din Abdurrahman erRafil The latter, according
to Bar Hebraeus, was the son ' 5 a slave of the Khalif Mostassem, and a
Turk of Rum by origin^t ^ho escaped from the massacre at Baghdad and
went to Mosul, where he carried on the trade of a joiner. Thence he
went to A^nadiyah, and informed its ruler, Iz ud din, tha^ die spirits had
taught him magic Being taken by him to Abaka, he told him that if he
were taken to the castle of Tala, where the imperial treasures were stored,
he would show him something wonderful, and having measured the
ground from one side to the other, he ordered them to dig in a place he
pointed out, while he stood some distance away. A valuable precious
stone was found and taken 'to Abaka. He acquired great r^uto in
consequence, and became head of the administration during the short
reign of Ahmed, and had control of the wak£i, or pious foundations, in all
his dominions, from the Oxus to the borders of Egypt, with orders to
restore them to their origfaial purpose, and to detach from their i ^^; is ter s
.of pensions the Christian and Jewish astrologers and doctors whose
names had been inscribed on them during the previous reigns, and whose
salaries wereordered to be paid out of the Treasury. Arrangements were
made for the comfort of the caravans of pilgrims to Mddca, and the
sending of provisions to the Kaaba, while Ahmed ordered the Buddhist
temples and the Christian churches to be converted into mosqoeB.t
Haithon says he caused the Christian churches at Tebriz to be destroyed.
He threatened to decapitate the Christians 1^0 refrised to adopt Islam,
* lllrTtiinti L jifi jay. IXOhiioii, BL SS7-SSS*
t AooordliV to dM PtntMi wittan >!• lias A iMtiv* of MotS^^
I Abotfmij, Ghno. ayr., Si44if. J/Okmoa, if. fdi.
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tULTAH ARUID fCHAH. S89
and MnuiiooidtfM kings of AnnenkaiulGMC^ H«idds
disc they preferred t6 ride a ttniggle rather than g(^
to tbe Armenian king.* Besides Abdor Rahman, he had another fiurouriteb
named Iffngneli, a Muhammedan saim, whom he called his son. He
qwnt a part of the day with these two doctors, listenmg to didr letsonsi
and occopied himself very fittle with affidn of government Hismotheri
Kmid Khaton, 11^ accordmg to the Wogxa|^y of Kekvun was a
Chdstian, nsed to go. to him there and discuss Jtate aAdrs with hinu
Ahmed n^;lected Saghunjak Aka and Singtor Noyan, to whom he owed
his devatiM to the-tkrone.t
Shems nd din b^psn Mi new career hy econem is ing the oqMnditnre of
the hi^Mrial household. The cost of ^ cooki^ department, iMch was
siqwrfaitended by the head cook, Fakr nd din, had hitherto been eighty
tomans amraally. This was redneed to one hal^ and was dictated by his
jeakxisyofFakrttddin, who at the acoesdon of Ahmed had applied fe
die post of vixier, and thns threatened to disidaoe him. Wassa( the
historian, tells us how he had also committed hhnssif in makbig accns»*
tlons^against Shems nd din, and tried to make amends by wa outflow of
hu very profuse rhetoric in apok>gies. Towards die end of Abaka'^rdgn,
vis., in U79, the government of Shiras had been en t ruste d to the amir
Suj^unjak, whose sagacity and equity Wassaf enlarges upon. Dis
contented with the fermers of the taxes, he selected the Khoja Nisam
ud din, the one who had embeoled the least public money, and sst him
over the rest He nombated Ibn Muhammed Yahya Imad ud din to be
diief judge, ahhougfa die dtiiens desired Seyid Abddtoh, die asdior of
many works on exegesis and henneneutics, on traditkm and jurispm*
denc^ on dogmadcs and philosophy. Sug^unjak went t9o the Court widi
some tax collectors who were short in their accounts. During his
absence his virier and chief judge quarrelled. He sent orders that the
farmer should be confined in the house of the latter. The judge Seyid
dierenpon repaired toBuka,one of the secret tax appraisers of Afaaka,
idio was dien at Shiras, who sent him with the tax fermert, who were
d^Nities of Shems ud.dhi, to the Court There they hud before Abaka
thehr oomphdnu against the administradon of Sugihun>J[, and of hts
vizier, Nisam ud din. Abaka offered them a beaker of wine, and ordered
that Nisam ud din should make good 100 tumaus that were wanting of
the public money. The amir Toghachar was sent to execute this order.
Nisam ud 6m was at this time under arrest in the house of Imad ud din,
but the tax farmers, becoming alarmed, made common cause with him.
They did not rest until they had released Nisam ud <Un, and caused
Toghachar great embarrassment Toghachar, on the accession of Ahmed,
repaired to the Court, taking with him the malik Shems ud din and
t Wmtmi^ WB% HI. P*Ofci— ■ B. ss9-96t mfiMi, t y /^ ^ t^
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390 HISTORY OF T8B XOHOOLS.
Inad od din. Ahmed apix>iiited the latter to ibevkten% of Shiiai^a^
promoted the govemory Bulghaveiiy who had openly taken sides agaiitot
Togbajar. The bitter accordingly went to jofai Aighun in Khorasan.*
After his conversion, Ahmed naturally desired to draw nearer to the
Egyptian Sultan, who controlled the head-quarters of Idam at this time.
As his envoys he selected the chief judge, Kutb ud din Mahmud of Shiras,
&e Kadhi of Sivas, and the Amir Bahai ud din (called Sebaby AbulfiuajX
Atabeg of Sultan Masud of Rum, while the Prince of Maidm also sent his
visier, Shems ud din ibn Sharf ud din ibn TenesL The envoys set out with
a magnificent carUgi^ leaving Alatagh on the 25th of August, 1282. What
die Sultan heard of this embassy he became suspicious, and sent two of
his hijibB or chamberlains to meet it at Biret, with orders to exercise
te greatest vigilance, not to pennit its members to communicate with any-
one^ and to cause theon to travel by nig^t. The remembrance of Mongol
treacheries was so recent and so keen that the Egyptians were naturally
timid. The envoys entered Alq»po by night, and their arrival there
was kqH secret Passing by Damascus, they arrived at Misr, opposite
Cains at ni^t, and in the month of October. Admitted to an audience
l)y Sultan Kelavun, they sulunitted their master's letter, as well as a verbal
message. The former is such an interesting document that I will
transcribe it at length from the copy printed by Quatremere in his
appendix to MakrizL It contained neither subscription nor seal, but was
marked with thirteen tamghas in vermillion, and was as follows :—
** In the name of God, the most clement and pitifiiL By the power of
God, and under the auspices of the Khakan. The Firman of Ahmed to
the Sultan of Egypt The Supreme Bong worthy of all praise has, by
his grace and the li^t of his supreme direction for a long time^ and since
our youth, caused us to loiow his divinity, to confess his unity, to proclaim
Muhammed. May God be propitious to him and grant him peace, to
venerate the saints whom he has chosen as his disciples and placed
among his creatures. God opens and fittrifies th$ heart qf him wh&m kg
inimds to direct^ so thai he wu^ adopt Islam, t For a long time^ and until
the death of our august father and brother opened the succession to us,
we have ever exalted religion and wished well to Islam and the Mussul-
mans. God has deigned to confer on us all the favours and benefits
which we would hope for from his munificence. He has opened this
em|ure to our eyes, and made it over to us as a bride. We have assembled
a kuriltai (a meeting where the friction of opinion produces light), where
we have collected all our brothers, sons, the princes of the blood, the great
amirs and generals, and the governors of the towns. At this meeting it
was resolved to carry out the work of our elder brother, and to send
against yoo such a multitude of men that the earth could scarcely hold
* JOthm, L 3a9-3Si. t Kocao.
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SULTAN AHMID KHAN. 3^1
them, with a zeal that would level the highest moimtaios and soAoi the
hardest rocks, and whose courage and fiiry would fill men's hearts with
fear. We have sifted the cream which rose from this discussion, and have
found it contrary to the wish of our heart for the general good. Inoiderto
strengthen the foundations of Islam, and being determined thai no orders
should come from our hand, save those which would tend to pravent the
shedding of blood, to caUn the troubles of men, and to csMe the soft
xephyrs of peace and security to blow over every eountry, to that the
Mussuhnans ^ould redine in peace on the couch of our finrour and
beneficence, wishing thereby to show our req^ibr theMosl Higl^ wM
our love for his people, God has in^nied us theielbve to qosndt tUs ire,
to re-establish cahn, and to make known to those who lwf<s advised us
that we should devote ours d yes to fiirtbering man'k weUbeing, and
postpone indefinitely an appeal to the last resort We have no wish to
draw Ae spear till we have gMiged the end tor wlridi we are doing it, nor
to throw it tin we have satisfied oursehes diat eur cause b liglit We
have fortified our resolution to make peace, and to do what is necessary
to secure it by the advkeof the Sheikh ul ItHmOf the model of wise men,
Kemal ud din Abdur Rahman, who is eur good better in. matters of
region. We have poUished this in te hope that God wiQ pity tiiose
who can upon him, and will punish the dlK»bedient We have sent the
chief judge, Kmb nd din, the pole of law and rdigkm, and the Atabeg of
Bahai ud din, both of whom have our confidence, in order thnt they may
convey to you our good fidth and good intentions towards att Mussuhnans,
that you may know that God has opened our eyes, dttt Islam may blot
out what has gone befoie, and that God has inspired our heait to fottow
the ways of truth, and to accept ai guides tliose wko know it You wiA
recognise in the intentions ke has inured us witk,a great ficreur of God
to men, and you wiU not thrust aside our peacelul messuge because of
what happened bi the past, for every day has its special characters
** If you wish for a proof of what we say, co nt enylnte our nets, ediidi
are weU known, and whose efiect has been univefsaL By the grace of
God we have unforled the banner of die foith, and proved our briief in
<fififerent ways— in recommendfaig the obseramce of the Muhammedan
law and in pardoning those who have incurred penahies. We have given
orders for the re-organisation of the wakfo or pious foundations attnched
to die mosques, tombs, and oolites ; to rebuEd the hespitaU and the
mined ribats ; to restore their incomes to those who have title to them
according to the wi^es of the founders ; and have given orders that
nothing is to be taken from the recent charities and nothing altered from
the okl ones. We have ordered the pilgrims to be well treated, and their
needs to be suj^fxlied, to guard the routes by which they travel, and to
find escorts for their camvans. We have given complete liberty to
the merchants who visit your country, and have expressly forbiddea
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392 RI8I0&T OF THB MOWOOU.
the sddBary, the keraguls (U^ the gaafdknt of the roedsX and the
govecnofs tif pfoyinoes to mcdest Umiiy either on setthig out or m
returning. Our keraguls having leiied m spy, di^uited as a fiddr, we
have remitted the ponidunent of death which was his dne, and out of
respect for the ^vine commands we have rdeased him and sent him back
agdn. Nevertheless, yon will not forget how prejudicial to the cans^ of
Mnsstdmanism the sending of s]^ is. For a long time our soldiers
havingfoond that Aese qrfes disgoise themsehes aa foldrs, andioiites,
Ac, have formed a very bad opinion of these religioosi and have killed
those they have laid dieir hands npoo. Thank God, since a free passage
to merchants has been granted dironi^ onr dominions, there b no kmger
any need for sndi^^^goises. If you consider all these acts, yoo will see
that they are innocent and natural, and quite inconsistent with artifice
and chicanery. Thb being so, there are no longer any causes of ill-will
between us. Our anxiety has had as its source a seal for religion and
for te defence of the land of the Mussnhnans, but by divine grace our
rdgn has been Kt up with a true li|^t We declare diat whoever
follows the way of reason will find in us a friend and a defender. We
liave raised the veil and QMsk finely. We have made known to you our
sincere views, which have the Ahnighty God for their object, and have
forbidden our-sdldiers to act contrary to these views, so that we may gain
the fevour of God and Hia Apostle, so that the Mussulmans may be glared
from the consequence of our discords ; that the mists of enmity may be
dissipated by the li|^ of good harmony, and that townsfaye and rustics
may equally repose undier its tutelary shade ; that the hearts wliich have
betti forced by foar to te gorge may be tranquillised, and that old
griev an ce s may be foigotter. I( by the grace of God, the Sultan of
Egypt b inspired to do that which diall secure peace to the worid and
tliewelM)eing of men, he win fellow the ri|^ path, and open the way to
union and good frienddiip. Thus shall his country prosper, trouUes will
be appeased, swords win return to dieir scabbards, the earth wiU become
calm again. The necks of Mussulmans wOl be rdieved firom the chains
of ignorance, but if evil thoughis prevail over the designs of the God of
pity, and yoo xefose to i^predate our benevolent ofiers» God wiU
r ecj omp e ns e our efibrts, and take note of our excuses. tVs $kail nci
it^fHeipmii$hmm t b^^on%mdkigaH A^osik. But may God point out the
ri|^t way, and grant success. He b the protector of countries ttid people,
and alone suffices forns.— Given in the middle of jumada die first, 68i
(list August, laSsX At our camp of Alatagfa.^
To tUs rhetorical epistle the Egypdan Sultan replied in Aese terms :
^In die name of God the dement and pidfiiL By the power of the
Most Hi|^ bydie fortune of tlie.reign of the Sultan MalOcMansur. The
jt-prphMoa, UL ^-51 0, OfM ngms Makrigj, H. iSy-iy, llMia«a» Chitm. iknOs 9(1.96$.
wiifiMji us 'vti VflB QMHBHTi DUmMi I* 911*39$*
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tuLTui AimiD lauM. 393
nfily^Kdannm to Sukaa Ahmed. Pnbe be to God who has opeaed
l9riisaiidbyiuthepethoftnith» i/rbo fai bringing us hither has made
dhrfaie help and victory follow our stqiSi so that m«i have in crowds
joined die leUgion of God. May his hhtisinf lesi en our Lord, our
Pffophet Mnhammed, whom God has made gieaterthaaalltfieprDph^
by which means he has saved the people. May this blessing lighten
those who are b darlmessy and overwhehn the hypocrites. Bytbe&vour
and devotion of the Imam, Hakim biemrillah, die amir ol mnminin, the
oApring of the khalifih^i^bas trodden the rii^tpalht the cousin of the
Lords of the Prophets, the Khalifs,wfao were the protectors of religion.
We have received your ndUe letter, in which yon report yoar coaveriion
to the fiuth, and yoor separation from those of yoitr fiwiily and yovr nation
who are its enemies. On the opening of this letter certifying your
IsUmusm to the Mossohnans^ thanks have been oflered to the Eternal,
and prayers have gdae np tohim prsying d>at he wU^make yon p er severe
in your resolution, and cause to grow in your heart a tove lor rdigion,
as he makes the tenderest plants grow in the most arid soil Wehave
atlentivdy read the first part of your letter, in vdiich you announce that
from yaof early youth you have ooniessed the unity of God and the truth
of Iskm in thou^^its, words, and acts. May God be praised that he has
thus opened your heart to the fiddi, and fitvoused you with his holy
inspirations. We thank God that he drew us to this sacred goal even
earlier, and has strengthened our steps where we have acted and fought
for his glory, for ^nthout him our stepe totter. If you have taken
possession by rifl^ of inheritance on die death of your frtther and elder
brother, if God has co nfe rred on you his surprising fovottrs,ifyoohave
mounted the throne whidi your foith has purified, and to whidi your
power has given additional lustre^ it is God 1H10 has given k to whom he
has chosen among.his servants^ and has realised in him what he has
promiaed, the graces bdonging to die saints of God and holy men.
<* You say that at die kuriltai Inhere your brothers and the other princes
of the blood, the grandees of th empire, the chiefo of the aimy, and the
g o v c m ot s of the provinces unanimously determined to send an aimy
against u% having reflected on this dedrion you frmnd it contrary to
your convictions, iridch were solely devoted to the* public good and the
general peace, that you, therefore, sou|^t to cafan the troubles^ and to
qofludi tUs fire. This is die conduct o£ a pious sovereign, who looks
tenderiy lo the safety of his subjects, and prudently calculates the resulu
of thh^gs. I^ in fiu:t, your people had foUowed out their intentions and
a b ando n e d tbemsdves lo their illusions, their exploit wouki assuredly
have brought them a teniUe reverse ; but you have acted like a man
fearing God, who is not mfeled by passkms nor shares the ways of evil
men, nor of those blinded by iSurions. You say that you do not wi^ to
rash into war before yon have traced out your path and justified it by
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1294 HISrrOltY OP THB MOIIGOLS.
argument, but now that you have joined the fidthful your efforts and ours
should be directed agmnst those whose idolatry prevents them following
this route, and God and man know that we have only armed ourselves in
order to protect the Muhammedans, and have only acted for the glory
of God and man. You have embraced the fiiith. AH animosity has
disappeared. The past is forgotten. Mutual aid has succeeded to
aversion, for the faith is like a building, each part of which supports
another. Wherever it unforls its banner there should be one fomily.
'* You say you have taken these steps by the counsel of the Sheikh ul
Islam, model of doctors, Kem^ ud dm Abdnr Rahman. We hope that
by his benign influence, and by the merits of the past, all countries may
be won over to Islam, and that the scattered fragments of die faith may
be re^onited, and we do not doubt that one who has begun so well will
complete his noble work. As to tiie mission of the grand judge, Kntb ud
dm, and the atab^ Bahai ud dfai, they have delivered your messages,
and they have reported a thousand interesting things about your situation,
your ideas, and projects.
^Yott can our attention to the prooft of your justice and equity,
especially in the good administration of the wakfs of the mosques, &c
These are acts worthy of reward, and of a great prince ir^ d^res the
stability of his empire, but such matters are too litde for agreat prince to
glorify himself about them. They are but elementary duties. The s^ory
of great sovereigns is to restore empires to their mlers. See what your
fother did. The Seljokian sultans and other princes were not of his
feMgion, yet he confirmed them in their sovereignty ; he did not eiqfiel
diem from diefar kbgdoms. If you find a ri^t vfolated it is your doty to
correct it, andnot pennit the oppressor to continue his oppression, so that
your empire may become conaolidatad, and your reign be embellished by
acts <tf piety.
*'The order you have given to your soldiers, your kanigul% and die
governors of the different provinces, to protect travelers torn aB vexations,
has been reciprocated by ourselves, vAiti have issued simHar orders to die
governors of Rabbet, Aleppo, BIret, and Aintab, as well as to llw
conmianders cf the provincial troops.
<* As to the spy disguised as a fokfar, whom you have rdeaaed, and as to
the suspicion attached to 1^ profession from such disguises, and Ibe
•number of dervishes and others who have consequently perished fttmi
suspicion, it is from your side that this kind of thing began. How many
people disguised as fekh^ have come to spy out our hmd? We have
arrested many and spared their lives, and have not tried to learn things
hidden under their mendicant robes.
** You say that our union wUI Irring peace to the world and wdl-being
to man. One ought certainly not to turn aside when the door of
reconciliation is opened, and he who turns aside to avoid an encounter is
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SULTAll AHHKD KHAW. ^y
as wortliyM he who offim the haad of friendship; peice Is assoredSiy the
first of the roiniimwiiitiits.
^The geoeral matters yoa enter into are iiukad nece ssr y as a basis on
whidi tibe social edifice may be bnilt, and by which we can ieam whether
peace exists or no; but we need odier matters more specifically settling ;
and m icgard to Aese we have charged our envoy to treat with you about
tiiem viva v&afkn what is ocaiained In the breast of a messenger is
better tiiian in^iat is written 00 a scroU. Yoa dte this passage from the
word of God t * IV$ hmvi ntvir pmds k ti mycm wUkout fint warning
him by an €nvoy? This sentence does not savoor of friendly intercourse'
Hke oars, and is not to be commended. The man who has the
advantage of priority on the road and in the defence of tiie fidth, has
rights whidi shoald be re^teded, and prerogatives which belong to him.
However many frdlow hfan, the first will retain his pre-eminence.* We
have heard the message whidi has been deHvered to -as by the grand
judge, Kutb ud din. It accords with your letter, and confirms ^e news
that you have embraced the true fidtfa, and have taken rank amOng th^
tnie believers, and are e v ei y w h e i e the patron of justice and right, qualities
which deserve the praise of men. May Godhave the glory. Did not he
m revealing to the prophet what concerns those who accept the fidth«
sfy : ' Do not think you do me service by bdng converted to Idamism,U
IS die grace of God 6iat draws you thither.'
^According to the message you have sent us, God has given you so
modi that you do not covet other terr i t o r i es, and you say that if we are
ready to treat on this bails yon, too, are willing. We rei^y that when
thhigs are setded on the fauis of a conunon accord tbey become stable,
and the^frwndations of friendriiip. God and man know how we exah our
fiiends, and abase our enemies. How many allies have we, when we
have neither fiither, nor brother, nor rdative? In the early days of Islam
die fidth was founded by the ooH^eration of the companions of the
prophet If you wish to be on firiencDy terms, make an alliance with iis
against our common foes, and lean on those who can ofibr you at all
times a strong succour. You remind us that If we covet any part of your
territory we shall merely ii^ure the cause of IsUm, by sending hostile
forces into yourterritory. We reply that if yon dose the hand of hostility
i^alnst travellers, and leave die Mussuhnan princes in peaceable possession
of their own, calamities will cease, and so will bloodshed. Nothing is
more just than to abstain fimn doing oursdves what we forbid another to
do^ and more unjust than to prescribe a good action to others and to
fnget to do it oursdf. At this moment Konghuratai is in the land of
Rum, which is subject to you and pays you taxes ; neverthdess he has
ihed blood there, has dishonoured women and reduced children to
ibivery, sold free men, and continues his devastating course.
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ngfi mnoKf OJLTBM momooLL
" You lend at word that if ttrtfe to not to CMwe batweea m^ that we had
better choose a batdo-fidd, and that God wiU gifo vktoqr to whom ho win.
Here it our answer : Those of your troops iHiosanrired their htft defeat
ars not aiudoos to riirisit die ftiKmer battle-fiekL They fear to go diere
agato to renew thsirai siMt i mes , As to die day of battle^ God can atone
ix that, and die victory will be to him iiAom God dKMseSi and not to him
idio feels himstslfseqire. WearenotofUioseidiocattbe deoeivedy nor
are we ansdotis about the result As to die hoar of victory^ It is hfce that
of the kst judgment : it anives tmsaqpectedly. God does what is best fer
his peopk^ and he is strong enona^ to do fight
** Written in Ramaan (December)."
When the eufoys had coadnded their mission^ and received 4obes of
honour and magnificent p r ee e nts from die Sullen, they agafaiset out
They were subjected to die same sonreiBance as on diek arrivaL Np
one was allowed to see them. They arrived at Alsppo on die ddi ol
Sheva],68i.*
Durbg this yter there arrived faiBgyptihe Sheikh AU, of die tribe of
the Uiiads or Kahnuks, idio had beoonia Mussohnan, and had adoptod
the profession of a fekir, and, according to Makrisi, miracles had been
performed by his hand. Fmding himself feUowed by a number of Mongol
children, he passed at Iheir head first into iSyria, then into Bgypt He
was there presented to the Sukan, togedier widi his bopther^ Akush,
Tunor, T^ildii, Juman^ and odiers. They were weU treated, and some of
them, inchiding the three brothen^ Akush, Tfanur, and Omar, were
enroOed en^ong the irregular troope, or khassdd (£*, kamksX and
p romoted to the rank of amirs; but preeendy ^eOdi All, having
misoondncted himself was'put in prison widi Aknsh. Thnur and Omar
died hi the exercise of didr fimcdons.t
Let us how return to die more tntnnato annis of the If ongoiSa We
have seen how Ari^uma^iired to the dnone on the deadi of his fiuher,
Abaka. He continued to nurse his resentment against his undo and dm
vizier, Shems ud din. After repeated reqne^ of Sultan Ahmed, he
sent the amir Buka, who married Kutd Khatun, Abaks^s widow, to him4
He was residing at Su|^uiiak^ hi the district of Baghdad, iHiere there
encan^ied a tuman of predatoiy Karaunas wbo had bdonged to the
military househdd of Abaka, and had thehr whiter quarters at ^idiknh.
Wassa^ vrho calls them a Und of demons, and the most fearless of die
Mongols, says that Aq^um made die General Toi^uKhar (oh whom he
conferred the insignia of drums and standard) thebr commander. Under
Togfaachar were Gaikhato and Baidu, the brother and cousin of Arghun, as
weU as the generals Chaukur, Chongutur, Dohulai, Idaji, Iji, Tetkaul, Judii,
• M,lrfd,oo.cm»P>«». Wgmf,n9-t9. AbdfeMa, Omm. Atib., 363-967. UtOkmom
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SULXUr AMffOD KHAir. ^
•ad KimflUKabd. The pfiadpid «9»oiten olAbikawcmUmidMM
to die caste of bit son. Tlut wet dowbtittt t dMnepitnt of die Mocf^
tad Shamaaitt dcmcntt of Iht fN.aiiimlty t fniatt <he Muheinaieden^
1^ nadar the tmf f^gimt, #aEe a^da beldiog up their headt; aad
HaidMm tayt Atijtkm ttat to iallDna their toitnua» the Xhakaa KhahOai,
how AhaMd had deterted dM myt of hit fitthti%aad hew he aad hit
ktkfmn were becoadag Mwttnlmaati which fieady diipltattd KhabiH
who teal Ahaied hit repiooC* WeanteUdialatdiit daiatwofidddett
d<T>WMltBtt of Alai ad dia JvYeai, aaaied Alt Chiataag aad Kadak
SlMh,wealtoAi|Mitotdlhimhehadttat wofdtoW^addia, die
VisierofKhecataa^topoltOBAii^hna. Hehadhhaatoaoeaiietledaad
ta^naoaed. at KMnr^ a pp rop ria ted hit pioper^> aad oaly^ tpared fait lift
eadie toBcitatiea of Bahighaa Khatna, Abakah teeviile widows iite
had jbiaedhiabaMB. Ai|fnatfaaaweat to whiter at Bi^MmL At he
patted dirn^ lUd he tinteted die Malik FaUir ad da widi hontai^ aad
appofatttd bioB governor of dMdittiict Whto Sotaa Ahmed htacd of
thia he had baa anctted aad lakea to SUrvaa» whtte be paid lor hit
raoeat hoaoars by beiBg toftnred. Aji^moii pcatly eaxagad at tUib Mlt
word to die Vitier Shemt ad dhi aad the aaiin that Abaka had aiade
Fakhr ad dia over to bha, aad that he woold revenge the iajviet doae to
hia/rv^;^^. Wlita he leeched Baghdad he dflaauided fiom Aki ad diat
deputy, Nejm nd dia Atier, that he iboald pay over the toait a^ich had
beea declared owiag to die treatory ia the reiga of Abaka, and which had
not yet beea paid. What there wat in die treatory wat teiied, aad
lortare wat applied to exdract more fiom the offidalti Aigfaaa^ efibrta
being tecooded by tHftVf of Sithi Fakrfiii Pulataaiiir« w*4 Toghachaiv
whoae aamet prove diem to have beea of Mof^eitraction. Alaioddiap
> J hearing of theae per t e cot ioat, had aa attack of apoplexy aad died
Thit was^accocdh^ to Abalfiumj» at Mm^iaii» io Anaa, He wai buried
at Tefarix oa the sth of l^archi laSa. That paiaed away the fiunooa
hittoriaa, iriio has preterved !it each graphic aocooatt of the earlier
MoQfol doingii aad who^ voder the aaaie of Jnveai, hat a worid-wide
ivi pirtatk i B He wat lo oceeded m hit office by hit aephew Haroa.t
The author of die GeoigiaaaaaaltyiarefeRiiig to Ahmed, vellt at he
wat waadag ia all the ^puditiet of a toverriga, which, ia ordJaary Kaglitb,
ihe&TOured the MabaaUBedaas aad aot the Cbrittiaat. At the
t of hit reiga the Georgian kiag viaited the rado, where be
gavehit dangbter Rntodaa ia laarriage to the son of the Great Bnka, an
aUiaace iridch greedy dystretted the Catholicot Nichohtf, and bmn^t oa
the kiag a severe rqirimaiid4 After bis accession to die dmme, and in
• lyOlMoa, ifi. 5tx:58*. Ttkbam, 1 34^.. NoU t. HaltW 57. ^ ^
t UUtaHL I i4t444:aiidM4,lloui. D'ObMoo, liL 58*. AbuUkn^ nyi : *• Bt
^"^^ tHbK.d«l»04otfKLS9«-
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^ Hmo&r or thb iioiraois.
April) 138a, Ahmed te&t hb brodiir Kntigimratiii with an amy to dM
boidfln of Rmn to gnml that uitflily fiontiori after licving mauled hin to
Taktai Khatun, the widow of Khtdago, and irfeoe of the fiunooa PrincaM
Dokuf Khatun.^ As he heard dart Kopi^wmrtai wa» coi'ie ap oodiag widi
Ars^no, he posted a fofce at Diar Bdar to pnfont them from uaitiBg
their forces. It would seem that Prince JxaSakaht die son of Jmnkmri the
second son of Khnlagii, a partisan oi Aif/bna^Mf $ko wfanered m that
town. Ahmed now sent AUnakj the Governor of Georgia, to sommdn
Ai^S^nm to a knrilcai. He was won over hy the iatter, and did him
homage^ and on his retom to the Court he tried to mste eacnsea for
Arghmi's non-a{^pearanoe there; hot the visier saw through it aU, and
Alinak was again won over bft>eing given the hand of Knchnk^ Ahmed!^
eldest daughter, and being raised hy an edict to a hifl^ rank When
in the spring Arghon left his winterquBrtersac Baghdad for hisi
in Khotasan, he took the Prince Jushkab with hkn^t Having :
Rai he had Ahmed^ deputy there bastinadoed, pot a cangiie on hfan, and
seat him thus to his imaster to remind hhn that Shams nd din had not yet
paid the sum whkh was found to be owing by him to the treasury. So
Von Hammer reads the story. Wassaf says he sent Juchi to ask Ahmed
to state that the vifier, atthongh he had eontroUed die fnanoes so long^
had not given any acooam ef them, and he seems to have raked up the
rumour about Abaka's andHangu Timur's death harii^ been cansed by
poison admiidstered by the vitier, isid asked that the ktter might be sent
back with Juchi, but the Khan replied that Shem» ud dhi could not be
spared finom the divan, as diere was no one to take hia plaoe^ and JncM
returned with this answer.t Meanwlule, Arghun was strengdiening his
position in Khorasan. When he reached the borders of Masaaderan, on
his way diidier, he met Yanknji Noyan, who commaiided a tuman thers^
and Hindu Noyan, who commanded two tmnans on th«ifonder of die Oxtts,
and told them how, on Ids fothcr's death, behig withoot an army,Mcould
not seize the throne, but now, if they would hdp him, he codd carve* his
way to it widi the sword. Hindu repliad that Ahmed, as the alca, or
eldest- prince of the lumse, was entitled to die throne, while he (Arghun),
God be praised, was ruler there. He bade him be content with this
position, ihd follow the advice of those who had grown grey in Jdafothei^
service. If Ahmed ventured to attack him, however, diey promised to
side with hinuS Arghun also needed money, and it was always possible,
under these circumstances, to make chaiges of embealemrat agafasst the
officials of his treasury. Some ofthe amirs now indtad AH Cheldifai and
others to accuse the Sahib Weji ud din Sengi el Furumdi, son of the
Sahib It ud din Tahir, of having misaiq^ropriated meney.tl When dius
t UkluM, i. 344. lyOhMOO, ai 58*. 1 Wa«af,«t4^$.T?Olioo,ia.5t5-5W.
i IlkhMM» L 949» I WimI; «y>.
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SULTAM ARMBD KIIAV. ^99
dMiyed, the viiier wrote a pathetic Isttar to Tupluui, die ruler of
KnMetani iHiidi, tqgatlier whh dM aatwer he lacehred, it reported in
iateed varee hf Wasia£« The viiier did aot fly, we are told, to the
women in the Serai lor foocoai^ bathe baldly &cad the charges, and
ofcad, if the ali|^itett mJiap ptopriation waft proved, to replace every
piecebyathoniandt Ai]g|innwaenottobemovedbyanyanfwer save
the p ro ducti un of some coin, ndr, says Waan^ would he accept golden
wocda in Ben ofgokL He had him arrsstad, and insisted on his finding
Sootnmans^ 300 tnmanifai gold bars and 200 in ldnd(f>^ in cattle, finit,
dothfa^ materials, ^) ^Eye-witnesses report,* says Wassa^*< that on
adofl^dayaanrachaaSiOOomeims of gold were paid down, while the
treaaorles of FlmsUi, Hentt, Merv, and odier places were stripped of
Jewda ind ridi robes to meet the demand.*! Ai:8^an thragave the vtsier
arobeofhonew^and lefthim in charge of Khorasan. He now demanded
firom the Illdum, in addition to that provfaice, the cesnon of the royal
domains in Iiakand Fars. ^As you hold in virtoe of your right and
the 0Bneral soAage the dvone el my fiaher, it is necessary I should have
apsovinoe inttdcnt to support the troops widch I command. If you
make over to me the provinces which pertain to the private domidn,§
the best fteHng win exist between us ; if not, the contrary.* The Khan
rallied: ^ We have finom our aflbction and soHcitude given him Khorasan,
his«appanage. If he wjshes for ano^er province, let him come to the
knrilttd. After having consulted about matters, we win not refuse him
oar foveors, hot if he perrists in his disobedience we shall march against
him.*||
Ahmed Yjd summoned Konghoratai to a kuriltaL The latter
a ccor di n g ly went to Ahrtagh. We have seen how he was on intimate
tenns widi Aighnn, and wavead how he sent the latter some rarities from
Rnm, and received fimn his nephew a i»eeent of two pairs of hunting
panthers inretam. The Ilkhaa tether heard that Koaghuratai had made
a conspiracy widi the two amirs, Kochuk Anukji and Shadi (or Shashi)
Akfataji, to seise upon him during tiie foast of the New Year, when,
aocoidingto Von Hammer, the Khan and aU his Court went through the
emblematic process of tempering iron in momory^ the march out from
kgene lCan.5 The plot was revealed by one of fhe conspirators. On
the mondi^ ofthe i8di of Janiaury, 1184, the day fixed for the carrying
out of the omsplracy, KInghuratal was arrested by xhe General AUnak,
and was put to deafii by having his backbone broken. Being a prince of
the blood, it was unlawful to shed his blood, according to the yasa of
Jingis Khan. This was in January, 1284. His two accomplices were
taken to Kaiatagli, in Arran, and after six days' t^'ial were condemned and
* Op. cit., ttt. t /A J /»*|Ua>aj4.
Dm jraater put orlrftk and Fan did fo. I IXOImmi, hi. jSy.
fSi* VoLTofthli worfc, p. 35- ••DrOlutoii, WL s88.
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joo HinoftT Of ms noMooUb
Tho GiOfgUu$ Chy09$icit^ in JttifsnAo% to tiioto 0vMts, wKf% Ahmod
committed, an taatcxMm dood Ho twmmnnod hb bfollior Kdngfaaida
from Greeoo» and pot him to death. Two brothers, tons of Aboleth, who
had escaped from the hands of Sadnn, met die same fiite by order of
Kothdc Shah» son of ^ latter.* Ste^Mn Orpefian says that, hi
addition to Kdnghiiratait there were pot to deaditfae twoeonsolTsefl^ban,
ypp**i '*i*^*f^ fpgg^*— I "^""1 jr*r to loe nnnqroi meminawaisoi i/siigams
Did, mentioned byWeUmshtf He i^lso says tiiat Oiiadi nd db, Sidian
ofRnm,waskiUedbfhim|bat die o4her an^oritiee aaitgn the deed to
Argh«a»Ahmed^ successor.
The diiefiiof the troops encajip edat Diar Beldir reosifed orders to
arrest AisNm'k officers hi the jtottictol B eg hd a rt, and a c c or dhiily the
geaeraU Toghachar, Chankor (paUed Jaaghir \t§ Wassel), JIhlattar,
Doladai (or TukdaiX Iji IlcU (or Aaji), Tedoud, Jiidd» and Kai^iddMd,
Abai(thesonof SaaataiXandJeafl^hatn(thesonolJodd)were taken to
Tebris, and pot in hons. Chtmi^ was sent to Ynsiif Shah, dM Atabeg
of Luristan, to tsU Um to prspare an army to co-operste widi hie
sosesain's and to guard his fionders. The Prince Gaihhetn (celled
Kenjatu by Von Hammer), with the Ambr Batnuji (celled Temi^i AkU^i
by Wassaf) end others, maneged to escepe^ when diey reached Sawnt
and made their way to Ari^ian in KhofMan. The ktter was hitemed
ofwfaathadhiwenedbydiejodgeof Kaivhi ^ashtddfa. Meanwhile
Ahmed was maiiiedlohis niece, Tadai Khattti,diedan|^hlerof Mnsa
Kuffcan, the husbend of Tarakai, Khidega's fitt dsn|^itsr.t Ahmed
was well seconded hi hisefiorto to oppose his rival by his viiier, Shems
ud din, e^ knew wdl that his own Hie and feitMne depended on the
Issue. Yusuf Shah, the Atebeg of Lm*, received otders to gnard hie
frontiers careftdly^ while 4 large force of all races end rehgiotts, ^foogols,
Mnssnhnanib Armenhms^ Geoighms, and ynrknmans^ was got leady^ die
army consi^mg of 80 tamane (^ te/m men). Ahmed was also
accompanied by the Georgian Kfaig Dhidtri» 1H10 took widi hhn Yoan^
the chief of the Mandatorib son of the great ShiddarShahy and die
Generalissimo Ktttlok Shah, son of Sedan. Aheavy Mof snowatthe
end of January (1284) deUiyed the inarch of die army, iddch at length
started from Mughan, die advance gnard of is^oooaenbebgeonananded
by die Ilkhan'sson-hi4aw, AUnak, by Baliar Oghol, and T^psi Kokoltash
(Wassaf insteed oC the hist, mendons the Prhice Hnh4o)» Gdisr ddefr
In it were Arghason Tekta, Narin, Ahmed, end AAghan Aean. The
advanced posts reached Talikan on die 37th of April, end advanced
agidnst Kasvin, where 300 fiunilies of Uses {fjt^ of Turkomans) belonging
to Arghon were seised. As soon as he heerd of AUnak^t advance Arghim
sent tohis treasury hi Gurgan (HyikanhtX and to die ddes of Nishapnr,
•Htak4tk
I""
i04o(sii»L8^ t Hbt. 4ilA SlooMltk nl.
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SULTAN AHMID KHAM. 50I
T^ and Isferaiiiy for mooey^ clodMs, aAd weapons, which he distriboted
amoqg hit amiis. Fakhr ad dui, o£ Rai| who kept the register of these
thingSi wrote above it, "Account of the sums distriboted among the
▼ictorioas anny." Aighun, who was accidentally present, took up the pen
and wrote the word ** victorious* in a beautifal Peciian hand, of which he
wasmaster. Kawam nd din, the Persian vizier, tfiereapon prognosticated
a happy issue to thehr venture.* On the fblk>wfaig day Arghun heard
of the oqiture of Kasvin, that Ahmed had ravaged the provhice of Rai,
and ruined the Serai of Lux^ which was his private domain, whence he had
carried off his people into Aaecbayao. He swore to be reveiiged,t and
dividing his army into three bodies, set out His advanced guard was
sent on under Yuk Timur, Joighodai, and Boltq^ian, while he himsdf
set out on the day fixed by Uie astrok>gers at the end of May, iaS4.t
With him were Uie amirs Amakaji, Nokai Yarghuji, Tawtai, Kasan
(the son of Kutluk Buka]^ Baitmish Kushji, Sertak, Alghu, Oladai,
Kadnghan, Aghman, and Afioo horsemen,S and he left Sishi Bakhshi in
charge o£Us baggage and impedimenta, iidiile he summoned Nurus to
join him with his tuman of Karaunas. From Irbil, Ahmed dispatched
Kurimshi, die son of Alinak, to his fiirher to tell him not to engage the
enemy unless he was superior to him in numbers, otherwise to await his
arrival. He now advanced again, leaving his baggage in charge of
Abukian. The advanced guards of the two armies met at Khiel biisiiig
(called Khail busurk by D'ObssonX situated abput half-way between Rai
and Kazvin. One of Arghun's spies^ iriio was caught and made drunk,
disclosed the strength and position of his master's peof^ Alinak
marched against him, and abattle was fought on Uie plain of Ak Khoja,
near Kazvin, on die 4th of May, iaS4. The ^ Shi^ ul Atrak " calls the
plain Fuhwacheh. Yuk Timur and Amalcaji commanded Arghun's ri|^
wing^ Bulua^ian the left, and Tawtai the centre ; whik on the side of the
nkhan the centre was fommanded by Prince Hukju, the twelftti son of
Khnkgu, the right by Alinak, and the left by BasaraghuL|| Notwith-
standing the disparity of numbers, Arghun's peopk fought well, and as
b often the case in Eastern batdes, where the picked troops are put
. in the ria^t wing^ the left wing of each army was d efe a t ed, and die
division of Basaraghul was {pursued as ftur as the walls of Kazvin.
His wife and son were o^itured, and the village of Guigan was
pkndered.5 The fight lasted horn mid-day to sunset At length,
seeing that his people were overmatched, he withdrew with joo
horses towards Firuslmh, where he hoped to meet the body of Karaunas
whom he had summoned to his aid. Meanwhik his men, on hearing
of his flight, disbanded. The Karaunas arrived at Ak Khoja after the
M^f' WMHf,t«)! trOhiioO|ifi. 589. SMiat nl Atnk, asS* Hitt^dok
fit,, a^t. IlUbos, }. 344. Dt)luMO, at. S9a^ ■% Waami, a«S*
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30a HISTORY OP THX MONOOtS.
tMittle, and procee d ed, after their tmculetit fibhion, to plunder and
bom Damaghan, and to Waste tiie country round.* On bit p re d p itoo a
retreat, Ar|^um was joined by an officer wl o had been dispatched by
Ahmed before the fig^t to tdl him that he had not Instructed Afinak to
attack him, but merdy to secure his presenting himself at the Court, and
asldng him to lay down his arms and submit Arghun sent Kuthik Shah
Noyan and Legs! Kuikan (Rashid calls them Legsi and Ordubuka) with
his answer, which was submisshre, but rembded the Ilkhan that If he
drove Ai^un to extremity, and he was Joined by the Karaunas, diiogi
might be very awkward, and complained of the ravage committed by the
Ifthan's troops, especially near Damaghan. The matter was remitted to
the visler, Shems ud din, who said it was impossible to stop the ravage by
the army, which was necessary tc keep up Its spirit ; ** predatory Urds
pre fer red to seize their prey rather than to live on r^^ular rations," a
sentiment which, Wassaf says, brought the vizier no good, while the
State speedily sufiered.t
It is reported that Arghun on his retreat towards Bostam made a
pilgrimage to the tomb of the Shdkh Abu Yezid, whUe Ahmed shnibrly
went to tiie grave of Babi to ask their aid, which, as Von Hammer says,
ts certainly remaikable hi the case of the former, who was not a
Mussulman. Ahmed now ordered his brother Hulaju to go to Ral with a
tuman of soldiers. He also ordered all Jie leading officers of the army to
subscribe a document stating that they would not obey any other
commander but Buka, whom he appointed genetalissimo. AH signed
diis, including Alinakt Ahmed's officers tried to persuade him to pardon
Afghun's conduct as due to youthfol indiscretion, and to end the campsdgn,
for Uie heat was terrible, and many horses had perished. He would not,
however, listen to them, and when Sadr ud din and knSi ud dui, ions of
the fomotts astronomer, Nasir-ud din of Ttis, declared that the stUffs were
unfiivourable, he was angry with them. When the Hkhan reached Surieh,
near Semnan, the Surikkala of Fraser, there went to him from Aighun the
latter's fomous son Ghazan, with Omar Oghul, son of Nigudar, of the
fomily of Jagatai, together with Nokai, the yarghuji (^., the superior
judge), and Sishi Bakhshi (/.«., the Secretary of State). Ahmed, In reply
to this embassy, dispatched his brother Togha TImur, and hb nephew
Suke, the tlurd son of Yashmut, son of Khulago, with the amirs Buka
(called Buka Gizbara by Abullhraj) and Poladal to tell Arghun that if he
was sincere he should go to him in person. Buka suggested, in setting
out on this missjpn, that it would be better if the army were meanwhile to
hah. Ahmed said he would go as for as Kharkaa (called Khojan In the
^Shajrat ul Atrak*)» where there was good pasture, and there await his
return. His men ravaged the country as they marched, e^eciaUy the
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ffULTAV AHMID EKAV. $9$
Geoigiansi and plnideMd in dM toim and diitrkt of I^^
Kanunias had spifod Kbarian was fiunooi at the birih and buial place
of the Sheikb Abol Hasan Khazhank The anwr Jtrindai^ hb
Yemdery and Bitfai|han, the Governor olSUraiy went there io <
to Ahmed. The httter did not etop at Khadcan, at he piomiaedy hot
<fiipatched Alhuik ahead widi an advance gtMUEdy while he hhnadf went to
Ka^wdi and Kdmd Jameh (ilj^ BbecloakX a district of Dahie
corny grape% and wSk, He was now joined by the envoys he had eent to
Ai^am^ vh^ the Princes Toi^ Tlnmr and Soke, end the amita Bdn
aad Ddadai, i^io took Gaildiatii, Axi^inn's brother widi then, fiidai
-oon^fadned that Ahmed had not halted at ^n*m!mit as he
^ms and Bmalij^ Aigliiitt*^ envoy Sy who affffowipaeied uieniy
without eecning anydihig. Shordy after the andr Yria Tfanr and
Imkajiny son of Smtai, went to Ahmed with dicir sobmisiifln. He grew
tmpadem at the dehqr in Aigfann's sobmissiony disph^ed Btika b^
aad natually made the temer even more a secset partisan of Ai|^hnL*
LetosnowtmrntoAiglnm. ^^^thonlyahandredfoUowefsherqpnired
to die strong tetress of Kehidrahtfinnons in early Pttsian history and hi
hiler times as ntnasoreplnod of Nadir Shah. Itissitaatodfaiabeandftd
valley ridi in hones and game^ between Kawrmian, Serkfaa% Ahherd,
and Ttas. The Georgian history caOs it Kak. Here Arghnn soai^
Aslter widi his ikvoiuite wife Bolnghan f Nnntii n fiiithtnl dependent^
mgedhimtocroestheOxnsand take shelter with Kid)inji, who had hie
yortdiere* On dM other hand, anodier of his offioerSiLegsiywmt over to
Ahmed and asked Um fi« an anny widi which to attack Um, and
widi whkJi he hi fittt hanied die yurt of Aq^hnnfs wBe^ Kndakh Khatmk
He also tried, hot in vain, to pwmadtNqmt to imitate his evamplei On
reacUng AhmedPs canqp with his booty he was riddy iewaided4
Meanwhile A&iak with his troops readied Kdatkuh. Ar|^an thereiqNm
came ovt ol the fortress alone, and shoated with a lood voice to him.
He ptoatrated himself and said his mide wanted to see hhn. Atifittm
rqiilied that he i^lso wished to see his uncle. Alinek made hhn a prsssnt
of a whhe horse. They then ootered the fortress together and had a
■Mlg interview, at whidi die jfoiiog prince was mndi pressed to snhmiti
Seob^ that there was 00 other ooorse open, he set oat widi Alinak^and
Jofaied Ahmed, at Auten, or Qn^an, on the aQdi of Jime.§ He was
treated with scant dvffity by his ande : entered the camp by the entrance
on die left side, and #a8 d^ved of Us girdl^ nor was he admitted to
an audience for some time, bat was eipoeed to the son tin the perspiimtion
covered Jbis fooe, until his $teer Ta^ian, who loved him dearly, came
out from die royal tent to shade him. Presently his wifo Buloghan
Khaton was aUowed to enter, and Ahmed presented her with a bowl of
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J04 HinORT or THB MOWOOM.
kmnist. Ho then went out hawkiact lor two hours. Whon at last AiiM>
was admittod, l|o knelt down and dkl Iwinage in tbo ■•nal Mongol
fiuhidn. Ahmed embiaoedhin^ and piomised that ho shodd fotain dM
govoramentofKhorasantaafai his fiidiorsfiiga. Neisithsisss he had
himck)sely watehedbyagaardof 4^oooaisn« comnandsd by Arakt te
bfother o£ Bnka, who sonronaded hin^ says Wassa^ lihs tiM dcdiBg
Ahmed now set out to Join his new wiia^ Tndai Khaton, to i^om he
was much attached, and, accordhig to Wassa^ left orders widi Afini^ to
pot Afghan to death iidien the royal banners had withdiawn.t Kadikl
says that it was Almak i^iotaged the Ilkhanto put an endtohhnatonoa.
He asked what harm he couki do with neldwr army nor treasnre, and
said he would first ask the advtee of his mother, KntoL Meanwhile ho
ordered Ai|^hnnfs amirs, Sishi BaUishi, Kadan, and Bandjgh to be
exftcated.) The GmfgiM CkrmkU t^s ns how, on the mirch. home,
some bends o£ Mnssaknens attacked and kOMseteral Georgians,
wh ere up o n Rat, son of BegaSttramel,|mrsued and dispewedtiiem; many
of them were killed, and others taken to the Geotgkmkfaig. Thekttter
was mnch thanked by Ahmed lor his senrkes in Khorssan. Ahmed
granted him many honours, and ggft him all the Georgian asaaon, after
which, we are tdd, he went to Us kin gdom to show his victorions self lo
his wiies. He was aocoBspanied by the Georgian kiag^ yMm MSmk
was left to look after Aigliuu, with orders to pftcssm^ put hnn to-
desth § Buka obtained permission to stay hfhind under pretence of
at the marrfaife of his Intimate friend, Kipdiak OiM* &
of Jndd Khasar. He had been attadied to Axguufn
househoki dnrfaig the reign of Abaka, and had only left hhn witfi
regret after considerable pressure fiom Ahmed, who had treated him
with disthictkm and givep hhn one of Khnkigu's robes. He had been
displaoed, as we have seen, by Kandiuka, and had a cotrespendiag
grievance. Henow persuaded sefiral ddkers, some of whom were his
lelstiies, diat Ahmed, widi his confidantes, Hugai, Kara BidEa, AUnak,
f i^ Abugui, JnifMilffii to make an ^^ of them near IsfiBrain* ^ It is
necessary to protect ourselves. Ahmed has detei mined to ^■i— 'g^i^iptf
tfaedeecendantaof JbgbKhan. Throm^ the Influence of tfie viiier he
lavours the Mussulmans. It is in order to destroy the Mongob that he
has i^aced the Georgians under die orders of AHnak, and diat he has
raised him above the other generab and oourtierB.* Seduced by these
words, the officers in questkm, as weU as the Princes Juddmb and
Hukju, deteimined to cany out dielr purpose that very ni^^it.
invited Karabuka,Biak,aiMAlinak to a test The last of these i
himself fipom drinking on the ground that thefoOowing night his regiment
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aUATAK AHMED ICUAH. ^0$
(K^aak) was to act as Ai;gbtm's guard. Joshkab ofimd to take his
place. He acconliiigly went, and at midnight was dead dinnk. Biika,
followed by three horsemen, now enlered Aighim's quarters, and sent one
of them to go quietly and awake him» and announce to him that he
had formed a party in his fitvour, and was there to save him. Arghun
was fri^^tenedp and thought it part of a plol» but being reassured on his
taking the most sdemn oathsi he came out of his tent, and Bnka bade
hun mount On leaving the camp the MoQgol sentry asked how it was
they were onlly four when they enteied, and werenow five. They assured
him he was mistakeH| and reached Buka's can^i safely.* Aighun having
put on his armour and mounted, they repaired to Alinak's tent, in wluch
they cut him to pieces* together with the mosquito net with which he was^
covered. Some of his men seittd their bows. Buka cried out to them,
*' Hitherto we have obeyed Ahmed. We have killed Alinak by order of
Hu^ju." Whereupon the guards threw down their anns and prostrated
themaelves.t Messengers were now sent to Huh^u and Bektu, who were
at Fhrusknh, bidding them do to Baser Ogfaul (the Yessar of D'Ohsson)
and toTtixdaan what they had dene to Alinak. Basari of Yessar, was
thereupon killed while drunk in his tent with someof his con^antons.
Karaboka, Biak, ahd Tabui were also arrested on the following morning.
Some of these were put to deadi, while others were released4
A horseman, named Mama, meanwhile escaped from the camp and
went to warn Ahmed, who was then four parasangs from Isferain. With
hun were Kinshu, the son of Jumkur, son of Khulagu, and the andrs Ak
Buka and Legsi. He had aheady turned back to punish the rebels when
he heard of the fete which had overtaken his officers. There was nothing
for it now but a rapid fli|^ He passed the night at Kalptfsh with his
wife Todai, and then went by way o^ Kumus and Irak in oitier to reach
the ofdtt of his mother, Kutui, near Serab, a town of Azerbaijan, between
Tebris and trW. As he retired, his officers and the petty princes who
were with him broke away. The^Shajratul Atrak^says tha^at Kazvin
he pot to death Ulai Timur, one of Arghun's chief amirs, and his sons*
The Visier himself arrived at Ji^jerem with only one attendant, and went
onto I^Mhan. ^It was a veritable rout," says Wassai; ^in which the
confusion and fear were such that gold and silver balishes, vessels
ornamented ^th precious stones^ rolls of golden tissue, and Chinese silk
ware strewn along the roads Hke stones or leaves, without anyone staying
to collect them. The fugitives threw away the pearls and jewels round
their necks and in their ears, and went to hide themselves in caverns,
ftc*g Sughunjak, with Agharuk Sultan, escorted Ahmed's treasures on
cameb and other beasts towards Mosellemi, intending to join his master
at Serab^ but he was attacked m rauii by Taiju Kushji and Khbuka
• DX>li«o«i. la S97-S99- lgh«M, I. 39ft. t DJDhMoa. HI. 59. I Id. Ilttftnt. . ^
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jo6 HmoRY or thb mmaouL
(called Ritugm Ktiniji by IVOhnon). They Monred Oe treaiores, wluch
were detained at MoaellemL* Buri waa seat to order the Kanmias who
were at Siah knh to aeise Ahmed* wUle Jerik, the waatr of the ofdn of the
murdered Prince Kongfanratai* was alto dispatched widi 4^000 men to
avenge hit kte master.f
The inrinces of the Uood, amirsi ftc., were met togedier at Khaxkan
witii Ai:8^an to decide upon a socoeMor to Ahmed. There diey were
joined by Hnhija and Kinahn. There were three partiea. Boka, and^
accordbg to the GsofgUm Ckrmid$^ Yaa Bnk^i chief of ^ Uirada,
supported Aigfaon. His brother Arok mid Kutmishi were in fitnmr of
Jushkab, the brother of KinshttyWho^ they eaidyhdd the great ymt; and
Bekta, or Tekia, of Ho^jn, who was a son of Khabga, and who^
therefore, accordhig to right, had snperior cfadms to the yoonger'men.
Bnka said that the Khakan, who was the master of the earth and also the
aka of the house of Jingis, had given the soversignty of Iran to Abaka
on his fiidier's death, and that it now ought tobekmg to his son; and
iriien Bekta inteifcred he drrw his sword, and swore that so kxng as he
bore it no one shoold be ralsr but Ai|^i«n« He then tomed to Tengaiiy
or Tengfa* Kmkan, the hnsband of the Piiaoess Todukash, the fourth
dai^|hlerofKhnhiga,and thefother of Aighoi's wife, Kntiok Shah, and
asked him what Abakan own intentioas had been. ** I and Sfaigtur,"he
repliedf "heard him say tiiat he left die tlmme to his brother Mango
Timor, and afterwards to Arghon.'* ^ You have invented diese words,*
said Bekta ; ^ where did you hear tiiem spoken?". Ar||faon said he did
not want the throne, and would be content widi the go vern ment of
Khorasan. Boka then interposed with the sage remark that their enemy
was yet at large, and that when he had been captured diey ^ould meet
in the yurt of Oljai Khatun and the other princesses to elect a new khan.
^1 agreed to this, and Aigfaun and Buka set out on the nth of July widi
the advance guard, while die other princes followed with three divisions.|
Meanwhile Ahmed, having reached Sheruyax, called Kunkur Olang by
the Mongols, pillagBd die ordu of Buka, and wotdd have put his fomily to
death but for the interference of SugfaoBjak. He reached his camp on the
i8th of July, and having endiraced Us modier and told her what had
happened, proposed escaping towards Derbend \ Kutui advised him to
stay toiler ordu, and to try and secure die support of die generals there.
But the news of his ill luck had ahready vpnaA. Karabuka and Singtur
having gone to do him homage, asked him why he had returned in this
haste, iinthoQt escort He said tiiat, havfaig secured Arghun, he had
returned to arrange about pre v iitoning the army. Naitan, or Natian,
who was seated outside the tdit, hadng heard this, said in a loud voice,
^ It is not so ; ten princes of die' Mood and sixty superi<Mr officers have
lyObMcn. Hi. 60s. t IlkhMt, i. 3S7> I XyObsaon. HL 6oi4q3. Ilkhiun, i. 357.
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lULTAir AHMED KHAN. 507
teagned themselves wttk Argfaun, while Ahmed has come here as a
fugitive. The good of the State and the public peace demand that he
should be arrested* The two generals thereupon placed a guard over
his tent Singtur committed his custody to the Princess Kutui, who
appomted 300 men to guard hiuL* We have seen that the Kanumas
had been ordered by Bnka to fall upon Kutoi's ordu, where Ahmed now
was. They arrived under Bureh, entered the tents of the princesses,
and robbed them of their clothes and jewels. Everything in the
royal camp—clothes and furniture, gold, silver, &c — became their
prey. They took the jewels from the neck and ears of Kutui herself, and
dragged the boots from her feet, and she was left naked with the
princesses Tudai and Ermeni Khatun. It was against the yasa of the
Mongols to thus illuse women and children, but the Karaunas (Mongolian
demons, as Wassaf calls them) were not subject to such scruples. They
ended by seiring Ahmed, stripped him of his robes, and guarded him in
his tent
Meanwhile, Argfaun himself, fearing that his victim might escape if he
waited till his horses were In condition and his men all with him, set cut
with but 300 horsemen. When he arrived near Mosellemin he was met
by Karabuka and Singtur at the head of the Karaunas, who had Ahmed
with them. It was the &shion with the Mongols, when engaged in
archery, that Ihe one who won stretched out or clapped his hands, and
shouted ^ Morio.** When Arghun saw Ahmed bound he cried out
** Mono," and his offieers followed his examine, and they celebrate their
good fortune beaker in hand, and congratulated Arghun.t. Arghun
having crossed the River Moor on the 26th of Juty, reached Abshur, near
Yuz Agach, on the Sunday following. His adherents, the generals
Toghachar, Kunjukan, and Doladai, who had been imprisoned at Tebriz,
were now released, and somt of the officers of the late Prince Konghu-
ratal, with Bektu, were told off to act as Ahmed's judges. They charged
him with ingr ati t ude towards those who had ralaed him to the throne, and
with ill-treating Konghuratai and Argfaun. He confessed his guilt.
Aighun and the amirs wished to^pare his lile on account of his mother,
Kntid Khatun, who was much respected ; but as the mother and six sons
of Konghuratai demanded the blood penalty, and as Yesubdca Kurkan,
the husband of Kotulun, Khulagu's sbcth daughter, reported that the two
princes Hulaju and Jushkab were collecting an army at Hamadan, Arghun
gave orders for his execution, and he was put to death in the same way
6iat Konghura^ had been, viz., by having hb back broken. This,
according to Radxid, was on the loth of August 1284. Abulfaraj says
the i6di.t The ^Shajrat ul Atrak" says they broke his back, and at the
same time the hearU of the people of Islam. Marco Polo, in relating the
* WaMai; asMra. DfOhaon, 18. 603^.
t Wamf, ate. IXOIimoo, ffi. ^jM. Itkhtaa, t. 338. t WtU, iv. 143. No(«.
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3oa HIStORY or THft MOMOOLS.
downfidl of Ahmed, speaks of Afghun's €hief tupporten as Bog^ (i>^
Buka), Ek^dai, Togan, Tcgana, Tagachar, Ulattu, and Samagar. He
also says that Acomat (i>^ Ahmed), when ho flod^ was tryhig to escape,
to take shelter with the Suftaa of Babykxi (i^ of EgyptX attended by a
small escort, and that he «m arrested and taken to the Coort hy aa
officer in chaige of a pass by wlxkh he had to go.* He was baiied at
' Kara KapchilgfaaL Wassaf says that it was Aq^um who incited Timor
and Iktns, or Ildir, to demand the death of Ahmedf There can be small
doubt that Ahmed's death, idiich was a remarkaUe event when we
oonsider the constancy and toyalty of the Mongob to their princes, was
mainly due to his patronage <>f Muhammedanism, whidi set against him
ifae conservative feeling, both political and religious, of the Mongol
chieftains, and also to hb injudicious behaviour.
We must now reveit somewhat, to rdate some other events that
occurred dnring his reign. The year before his death h^ sent a
second embassy to Bgypt, which was presided over by ftit Sheikh
Abd ur Rahman, his tutor, who had persusided him to become a M*isso!-
man. The envoy took with him as presents, predous stones and pearts,
rich 8tu£b, and gold tissues. Leaving Alata^ he went to Tebriz, where
he stayed a month, and enlisted a number of skilled artisans (goldsmiths,
shoemakers, &c), and prepared right royal surroundings for Kimsell
Thence he reached Mosul, and having sent for a large quantity of gold
from Baghdad, went to Mardin. There he was met by a messenger from
the Egyptian Sultan, bidding him hasten on to Damascus, where he had
been awaiting him for some time^ and whencehe must speedily set out
homewards, as the district could not maintain such a large army. Abd
ur Rahman, in rtply, said he was ready to go^ but he asked that he
mi^t be treated in a becoming manner, and not have to travel in the
night, as the preceding envoys had had to da The Sultan sept him an
assurance that this would be so^ an^he aocordin^y set out in January,
1284, with the Mongol general Samdagu, and with Shems nd din
Muhammed, vizier of the Prince of Mardin.) He marched with a suite
of about fifty persons^ including secretaries, doctors of the law, Ac,
lawyers, guards, servants, and slaves, and was escorted by a detachment
of Mongols, while the Prince of Mardin also joined him with his troops,
to see him safely to the Euphrates.§ When he reached Harran, he was
met by an Egyptian amir, named Jemal ud din Akush Faresi. He
expected that the latter would have dismounted and kissed his hand, but
he contented himself with saluting him from a distance. He also
demanded that the Sheikh should tend back his Mongol escort, which he
accordingly did. He had also to lay aside the State umbrella which he
* YnU't Maroo Polo» iL 490471.
*• WuMf. i6o>96i. AbttUkn^, Chron. Sft^ 6qo.6o». D'OWn, UL 6o6-^. Ilkham, i. is8-ss»-
: AbumiRvi. Chraik Syr., S96-S97' irOhMon, Ui. 6o8-6og.. $ l^OhiiQD* iU. ^.
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SULTAN AHIHD ICHAM. joq
earriedy and also hit arms, nor was lit permitted to advance by the
ordhiary route. When he reached the Euphrates the troops of Mardin
wished to return hocne^ but were told that the Sultan wished to see them
at Aleppo^ and they accordingly crossed the river. When they had
eacamped on the other banktiie Sheikh retired to rest after his evening
meal, but was awakened in an hour. TheAroir was already on horseback^
and said they must set out at once, and when the envoy said he should
not start till morning he was t6ld that the orders were that he was not to
be allowed to travel except by night ''You may kill me," said the
Sheikh, "but you will not make me travel by nis^t" ''We shall not kill
you,** was the unmistakable reply, " but we shall compel you to do our
way.** The Sheikh, indisposed to making a scene, consented to go. The
Amir had ordered his men not to exchange words with the strangers.
These indignities prove the intolerant arrogance of the Egyptian
authorities at this period, and also show the dread which the Mongols
everywhere in^nred. The envoy entered Aleppo on the night of the
7th January, 1284, so secretly that no one knew of his ai rival The
Mardinians were there rewarded with aooxuxae each, and sent home. The
travellers, again travelling by night and by unfrequented routes^ reached
Damascus on the 2nd of March, and were lodged in the Hall of Ridwan,
Otders were i^in given not to speak to the strangers ; they were to be
listened to^ but not answered. One thousand silver pieces were assigned
daily for Abdur Rahman's needs, and a similar sum to buy meat, sweets,
and fruits for his table.* At Damascus he had to await the return of
the Sultan Kelavun, who left Cairo on the 17th of July, and learnt at Gaza
of the death of Ahmed. On reaching Damascus, on the 20th of August,
he at once gave him an audience. This was also at night, in the
presence of 1,50a Mamluks, cLessed in red embroidered atlas (i>., satin),
with turbans made of golden tissue, and with golden girdles, each bearinga
torch. The Sheikh presented himself with the Mongol amir Samdagu,
and with Shems ud din Muhammed, son of Sherif ud din Beiti, sumamed
Ibn-alsahib, vider of Mardin.t The Sheikh was dressed as a iakir. He
was ordered to prostrate himself and on his refusal was rudely thrust
dowiL He made several prostrations, while the Sultan took no notice of
him. He nevertheless received Ahmed's letter from his hands, and
ordered the three envoys to be given kaftans. Ahmed's letter was dated
from Tebris, \n June, 1283. It was written in Arabic, and merely con-
tained a number of frioully phrases. Among the presents offered by the
Sheikh were sfacty strings of large pearls, a piece of yellow yakut (i>.,
topas) weighing more than aoo mithkals, a red yakut (a ruby), and a piece
of balkhash (/./., the precious ruby of Badakhshan) weis^ing 22 dirhems.
The envoys having delivered thehr message were sent to their quarters.^
• Abdfioid, Ottoa. Syr., 596-598. lUkriiL U. 64-^. D'OhMon, Ui. 6o94rt.
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5Y0 HISTORY OF THE MONGOLS.
While Ahmed and Kektvun were canrying on diis diplomatic interooa rse^
the latter did not scruple to commit acts of aggression on his neighbour
He sent a body of men from the fortress of Karkar to lay siege to Katiba,
one of the fortresses of the province of Amid. Ifwas blockaded until the
garrison surrendered it, and was then garrisoned with troops from Biret.
Aintab, and Revandant, and became, says Makrizi, one of the strongest
bulwarks of Islam. The Egyptians also this year secured the fortress of
Kakhta. Its governor was put to death by the citizens, who then gave the
place up freely. It formed a capital base in the Egyptian operations
against the Armenians in Cilicia, who, when at Aleppo, two years before,
had burnt the great mosque there. To avenge this, Kelavun now
ordered his troops to invade Cilicia. They advanced as far as Ayas,
plundering, and having defeated a body of the enemy near the deffle of
Izkandenm, arrived at home again safely with their booty.*
The Armenian historian, HaiUion^in describing the struggle between
Arghun and his uncle, tells us that the conversion of Ahmed to Muham-
medanism, and his efforts to convert the Mongols, were reported to the
Khakan Khubilai, who was much irritated by the news, and sent to reprove
him ; that he in turn was annoyed at the rebuke, and although he dared
not oppose himself to the Khakan, he proceeded agpiinst his own brother
(f>., Konghtbutai) and nephew (i>., Arghun).+
Ahmed had several i^rives. The first of these was Dokuz Khatun,
the Konkuitit. The second one was also of the same tribe, and was
called Ermeni. The third one was Tudakun Khatun, the daughter of
Musa Kurkan. The fourth, Baitegin, the daughter of Husemaga. The
fifUi, Ilkotlogh, the daughter of Shadi Noyan; she was the mother of
Tughanjik, who, being suspected of ma^c. was drowned in the River Knr.
The sixth was Tudai Khatun. By Gicse wives Ahmed had three sons—
Kaplanshi, Arslanshi, and Nukajiyeh— and six daughters.!
Mr. S. Poole only describes one coin of Ahme<Fs as being in the
British Museum. This was struck at Mosul. The date is obliterated. It
bears a curious type, which is also represented on one of Abaka's coins
fipom the same mint, viz., a figure seated cross-legged, holding the crescent
moon in its uplifted hands.§
^oU T.— Soltan Ahmed*B name before he became a Maatalman ia written
in several waya by the anthontiet, the confusion caused by mitplacing the
diacritie poinu being the main catfte. Hence aeveral PeraUo writers have
called him Nikodar* Hit name, as we learn froin KAshId od din and Abolfimj*
was really Takodar, and it is poeeible that the Krea&*graiidton of Jagatai, who
accompanied Khnlagu to Persiat waa alto called Takudar, and not, as he it
• MmkrM ii. $1-63. D'Ohsson, HI. 615-6*6 t Op. ch., 57. t Ilkhactf, i'jas*?^
I Catalogue Oritotal Coins, Brit. Mvs.^ vol. vi. 94.
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8VLTAN AHMXD KHAN. 311
geocnlly MyM, NIkiidtry or Nigodar. The Qaoq^ imiaUst oOlf th« IlkbHa
whom we have bModiaaiMiiig»Tluigatiitf. WekhMht caUt htm TheageHuur,
Ii»U a.— The Egyptian lattmlaas have a enrtae etory abdei the pOgrimage
ofaOeofgiaakiagto JeroaatemattUa tisM, which ia not leferred to <n the
aatlve annab. Novairi» Abnimahaaan and the ««^ Smmt Uaaan ibn Ibrahfan
report the fiict onder the year 197^ hi the feign of Bihata. Makiiai pnta it in
Uie reign of KDlavan, aa doee the biogn^her of the hitter Soltan. He ia
variooily called Boba ante, Tantaaeten% and Twnaanta, and ia aaid to have
been the^aon of Oalbas» or, aa it ia othenriae wiftten. of KiUaci. We aie told
hewatooeofthenMNtfiuthlhlallieaof the Taitaia. He had an old wonnd,
canted by an arrow, on hie neck» wore a golden ting on hie tight hand, and waa
about forty years old ; waa pak in colour, with Uach ^ea and a nanow lore*
head. Qoatremere reada the name of hia hingdon aa ChavahetL Bioaaet
reads the name of hia companion Thamgha, ton of Abgar; Qoatremere, ai
Tibaga ton of Ankavar; and we are told he had m nmnd fiice^ a cicatrice over
hit right and left eyea, a long beard of a roatet colonr, and a tall and itout
body. Hia Interpreter waa a prince of Abliasia. Some writers say he went
overiand to Sis, and thence net tail for Acre or Ptc^emaia. Another atory is
that be eeiled from Poti. When the Snltan heard of hia travllling tet^mtt^, he
gave ordera that hie etepe were to bn watched, tie waa arreated while MrvM^
by Bedr nd din, Qovemor of Jeruaalem, who handed hhn over to the amir Rokn
ltd din Maaknriai wlio tooh him to Bibare at Damancm, and he waa nventnaUy
hnprieoned hi the Gaetle of the Monntahi.*
•yUUin,}L^ K«C«. Hfat.d«ls04QigM,|96 Jod
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CHAPTER VI.
ARGHUN KHAN.
ARGHUN was the eldest son of Abaka by one of his concubines
named Kaimish Igaji (the latter being the title given by the
Mongols to the concubines of their princes, and meaning elder
sister). Immediately on Ahmed's death, on the 22nd of June, 1284, the
khatuns Oljai and Takteni, the anurs Bidca, Singtor, and Toghachar^ &C.,
having met together at Abshur, near Yuz Agach (called Kamsiun, between
Hesht er Rud* and Kiurban Shira, by Wassaf ) unanimously elected
Arghun as his successor. The festivities which took place on this
occasion are described by Wassaf in more than hit usually inflated
sentences, and with less than his usual nuniicum fit tangible fret He
tells us that news of the event was dis p atch ed in varioas direotionsi from
the sources of the Oxus to the bordecs of Egypt The princes Huiaju,
Jushkab, Kinshu, Baidu Oghul, and Gaikhatu had not armed wliea tfait
election took place, nor was Shems ud din, the visier, whom Arghun
cordially hated, present. A gracious messi^ was, however, sent to him,
and he sent a reply by Yusufthah, of Lur, and Malik Imad nd din KasvinL
Hulaju was tae s(m of Kumukur, second daughter of Khvlagu, and was
the agha or senior prince of the royal family, and as such entitled to
succeed, and a party was favourable to him. Aighun sent him a ptesent
of a rich tent, with a message telling him how he had been chosen by the
princesses, &c, to mount his lather's throne, and o£fering to share that
throne with him. Hulaju had no wish to do this, and joined Arghun,
who, with the other members of the kuriltai, adjourned to Kuiban Shira
(Rashid ud din says to the yurt Suktu), where Gaikhatu had also arrived.
The final ceremony of installation was completed on the nth of August,
1284, Hulaju taking Arghun by the right hand, and Anbaiji by the left, and
•eating him on the throne, while the various. gran lees prostrated them-
selves before him, putting their gurdles about their necks, like slaves
ready to be strangled for their lord, holding theu* caps in the air, and
drinking his health.f Three days later there arrived the princes Kinshu
and Jushkab, sons of Jumkur, son of KhuLigu, who had supported Hulaju
for the khanshij^ and also proffered their allegiance. , Abuldan, son o>
Shiramun son of the famous general Charmaghan who was yarghuji,
* The Hcfht Rod ritM in the nooDtaini oTOJaii, north oTMtnkgha.
tWMHa;«6t.aM. I>X>hnoo,iv.t.3. llkh«ks,i.357.
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4iumim KiuM. 31J
or chief judge, was pot to dcMh, m one of Ahmed^ mott iBtiiiiBte
advisers. Tht itst of Ahmed's si^porters were eadi gmited a yariigh
ofindeBiiiity. Wassaf niakcs ik) eMepckm, ami says thai Bddti Tinai,
AbUao, son of ShinuntiDy and Utth^ the baskak of Tehris, all received
dus&veor.* Baidl^ son of Taigni, son of Kholagu, was made governor
of Bai^idad ; Jushkab> of Diarbiriac ; Huh^a and GaHrhatisof Rum ; Ajai,
eighth son d'Khttlagu, of Georgia; while AijB^um's own son Ghasanwas
given Khorasan, Marandrnin, Rai, and Kumusi the Prince Kinshu and
Noroz, son of the iamoiis Arghun Aka, beiiig nominated hia assistants.
On the 18th S^ptemberi Aighun appointed hia luthM firiend Boka
vixier, and ordered as much gold to be poured over his bead as woM
entirely cover hiokt
Aig^ott'a acttresioa was natwaUy very gratefol to the Christians^ and
we are told bow the Georgian kin|^ Dimitri, was especially fitvoored by
him ; and by the inflaence of Boka, who was bit frieadi be was given
aathority over all the land of the Armeniansi lichidiag the principality of
Avakytbal of Shahan Shah, with Aoee of tbs filmilies el Vahnm and of
Sadnn, the last of whom had died in ia3a. Afi^mn also liTomed
Dimitri't ri|^t«hand man, the atabeg of Armenia, DarsaiJ.t The
" History of Geoigia ** adds that Dimitii sent bis yonng sen David to take
possession of the country of Avak, and to bold it as an appanage.§
Ghiath od din, the Saltan of Rmn, bad been deposed by Ahmed, who bad
appointed Masod, son of Ii od din Kai Kava% in hia places and sent
Ghiath ud din to Eraenjan. There be was atraagled by order of Axi^Mm,
for having been privy to the deatb of KonghamtaHI Hamdollab says he
was put to death by Ahmed, lor being ia^ilicated b Konghnratays
rebelli<m. Abolfiuaj says he was poisoned there by his gandees on
accoont of his prodigality and iUrgevermnentlT Abolfeda and Makiki
agree that this was in the year 1283. Hamdnilah saya tbat the affiurs of
Rimi at this Uroe were much distorbed, and that the cbildfin of Mnhammed
and Tngfarul Shah seiied on the coast of Anlakiab (?X Abisab,and LadaHah
by force, and took Basara sara^ a neighbouring province to Sis, firom the
Mongols. To put this down, the princes Gaikhatn and Hnli^ were
sent to Rum, and the visiership was conferred upon Fakfar ud din
Mohammed, otherwise called the Khoja Fakhr od din Mestofi, who by
his goodness and wise measures compelled some of these people to
submit, and destroyed others^ and made the kingdom of Rum the cynosure
of reahns. Presently Fakhr ud din visited the ordu»and showed Aigbun
an elaborate calailation, in which the various erpensfs of Ae emfnre
were ubnlatcd under several heads, as the treasury, the camp, Ac. This
aroused the jealousy of Arg^un's Jewish vi4Br, Said ud Dauhit^ who, when
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Jt4 HISTORY or THB 1IOMOOL&
Aigfaun was drank, got hit pemiiseiofi to executie him, and he was
accordingly «xocotad on the first of Ramasan, 689.
To revert, however. Abulfiff^ teQs us ^at on the accession of Aighitn
fear feUL opon everybody, and ^Mre was a general rash from Syria towards
Egypt, and the price of a camel fo the" transport rose accordingly.
Aighon re-appointed the Uigfaibr Masnd, whose former adnunistraticm
we have described,* ^governor of MosnLf This was greatly to the
ddifi^t of the Christians. His friend Yashmot had been assasnnated
a short time before by the sons of Jelal ud dhi Tiiran, whose death he had
brought about Abalfiuraj teUs ni that when die Egypdan Snkan heard
of Ahmed Khan's death, and the accession of his successor, he rdeased
Abd txr Rahman, the former's envoy, who had been imprisoned at
Damascus, gave hitn a pension, and assigned hhn a residence.^
Makriii says die envoys were thrice summoned to hb presence by
the Sultan, who^ having abstracted from diem the informadon he needed,
told them their master Ahmed was dead They were conducted to leas
stafcdy rooms in the citadel, and their rations were reduced to mere
necesshies. They were then ordered to disgorge. The Sheildi did not
long enjoy lus liberty, for he was presendy sent to the fortress of
Saphda, at Damascus, and detabed there. It is curiously like modem
journalism, and its great autumn gooseberry, to find AbnlfaraJ digressing
at this point to tell us how a pigeon at BerteUus Uud an egg as big
as diat of a goosey and another which was long and crooked like a
cocumber.§ Makrizi goes on to say that Abd ur Rahman was forced
to surrender the treasures he had with him belonging to the Ilkhan,
induding a great quantity of gcM, pearis, &&, if$ier alia^ being a nedc-
lace of pearls belonging to himself worth loopoo duhems. He and his
companions were put in prison, where he died on the 18th Ramaiain, His
companklis were presently released, except the Amir Shems ud din
Muhammed^ who was sent to Egypt, and imprisoned in the so-called
Casde of the Mountain^)
The new r^gimi at the Ilkhan's Court was naturally fraught with
danger for the late vizier, Shesds ud din, who had called down upon
himself Arghun's resentment in many ways, and he at once took flight
from Jajerem, where he was living. Mounted on a dromedary, and with
.but two companions, he hastened across the desert to Ispahan. News of
what had happened had not yet reached there, and the maliks (the
governors of provinces were so styled under the Ilkhans), amirs, kadhis,
and a crowd of people of all ranks went out of the town with presents to
meet the vizier. So says Wassal Von Hammer, apparently quoting
Rashid ud*din, says that having heard of the revolution which had taken
place, they^constdted widi the Atabeg of Yezd, who had been arrested by
• AbM. tTo. t Chroo. ftrr» 6ot. 1 /*, 604. % id^ 605^06.
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AROUUN KHAK. 315
Uw govtrnor of I wpahan during Ahmed*! rMgii» as a mi pporter of Aighua,
at to what thoukl be done. Sbems ud din, informed of this, under
pretence of gobg to pay a visit to aborying place outside the towoi fled
on aswifthorse towards Knm» to the fiuBous sacred tomb of the sister of
the Imaom Risa, which for a thotisand years has been a place of asyhun
for those who entered its waUfc Its sacred Character was rejected by
the Moogolsi no less than by the princes of the Sciyuki and Buyid
fosuUes. Chardm described its magnificfsire in detail, and it is still
fiunoos for its salver kttico-woric and gold-plated doors, and its treasury,
whose riches chiefly data from the time of the Safovi dynasty^ but were
much augmented by the gifts of Feth Ali Shah, whxs if$iir mlia^ dedicated
there a head-dress of his mothcf'% as Croesus did his wife's necklace and
girdk at Delphi. Morier says the town is now fornous for three things :
the gilt o^ola over the toinb|Aeniariiel-plac^ and also for its ruins. Its
old walls had a circuit of 40^000 ellSi /.^ 40 ells more than those of Kasvin.
Kum gave its name to ridi silk stuA, c«Ued kumash, which stil bear that
name. It is fomoos for its high cypi e i s cs and its blue drinking mugs.
At Knm Shems ud din was Joined by his friends^ who advised him to
go to Honnu% on the Persian Gul( and thence take ship for India,* but
he thought it would be wrong to abandon his fondly and su pp or t er s to
Mongol vengeance, and preferred to go to Axgliun's Court, hoping to
secure the good offices of his old friend BtdBa.t He therefore ddayed a
few days, and was then lypparently joined by Imad ud din, of KasviA,*and
Yusuf Shah, the Atabeg of the Greater Luristao, wlio had been sent by
the Ukhan. Yusuf Shah had beea forced to job Ahmed in his can^Mugn
against Arghun. Now that the latter was on the dtrone the Lum had left
Khorasan, and turned their feces homewards by way of Tabs, but die
greater part of them perished of thirst on the way.t Yusuf had married
a daughter of Shems ud din, and he tod^ hb fetheivin-kw with him.
When near Sava they were met by the amir Khomar, wlio faronn^ the
Visier word ^at the past was forgotten, and thai he was restored to
fevoor. He at once sent word round to inform the various chiefo of Irak
of the welcome news. He reached Kurban Shiia, where Arghun was^ on
the 3 1 St of September, and rqiaired to Buka, with whom he was foraeriy
on friendly terms. The meeting was foil of superficial good foeling, but
this was feigned on both sides. Buka presented him to Arghun, who
received him coldly, but restored hkn to his former post as Vtaer. He
now h^ it, however, jointly with Buka. Shems ad dm confessed that he
only wished to be the letter's substitute ; but inasmuch as pr esen t s and
gntitnde poured continuously upon the elder occupant of the office^ Buki^s
jealousy was aronsed.§ This was forther fenned by some ef the Court
sffidals vdwse enmity he had secured, vis., Ali Tamghaji, Fafchr ud din
* Waamt, «6st<6. IIUmm, L 363. IXOImmii, iv. 4-S* t WmmT, ta^adl.
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3l6 HISTORY OP THS liOMGOLS.
Mestofi, and Hosam ud din Hi^b^ who urged that he would be speedy
ecfipsed by Shems ud din, who would not be quiet until he had thrust
him into the shade, as he had Aigfaun Aka. Buka now urged upon his
master that the Viiier had been unfiuthful to his fiuher and would be the
same to him, and behig already irritated against him for various reascms,
he gave orders diat he was to be tried by the two anrirs Kadagai and
Ogotai. He had already been ordaied to find the 200^000 ^M fneces
which he had been declared to be deficient, and had reified that he had
no ready money, since he had not been accustomed to bury it like some
people, but had*bought properties with it which brought him in 1,000
dinars a day>
Abul&raJ tells us that whence Visfier 9e&d he could not find the sum
demanded, unless he were restored to his former income, he was bidden
to borrow it He tfiereupon borrowed what he could among his friends
and servants, but could not get together more than 40^000 goki pieces,
andsaidifthey were not sadsfied, they must put him to death.t When
he had been manacled he was sirisjected to the jeers of the Ttirks and
Persians, but stoutly affirmed his hmocence. He was bastinadoed, but
without eflect, and was therefore conducted, on the loth of October,
to the {dace appohited for his execution, vix^ Munia, near Ebher, north of
Kasvin. Having obtained a few minutes' surcease, he performed th^
prescribed ablutions, and opened the Koran he had with him at baphaza)^'\
kwking for an omen, and then sat down and wrote to the heads of ^is
faith at Tebriz: ** Having ooosuUed ^ Koran, I have found this passage,
^Truly those who have said, '^God is our master,** and who have after-
wards been constant to the foidi, will see angels descend upon thena.
Therefine have no fear. Do not regret, but, on the contrary, rejoice in
the p aradis e into which you are about to enter.' God, who has greatly
fevoured hisservant and granted him alibis wishes, has come to introduce
him to life eternal I deem it right, therefore, to inform the niulanas
Mohai ud din, Afdhal ud din, Shems ud din, and Humam ud din, and the
other great sheikhs whom this is neither the place nor time to mention
more particulariy, that I am about to quit this world, and wish diem to
aid me with their prayers. Let them look to my sons, whom I make over
to God as a pledge ; for God does not forget his pledges. I had hoped
to see them again, and help them with my counseL" As this was not to
be, he commended them to their care (f>., of the mulanas), bidding them
protect them, and see that they needed fbr nothing ; that they led good
lives, and did not fbrg^ what God had done for them. If his son
the Atabeg, and his mother Khoshek wished to return home, they
were to be aUowed to do sa His two sons Nuna and Masud, with
thdr mother, were to remab with die Prinoess Bulughan, and were to
* lyOhMOB, hr. 7<S. t CltfQO. Syr., 6^
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ARGHUN KHAN. 31/
sUttd at either end of his tomb. They were to support the eating-house
and cloister of the Sheikh Fakhr ud din, and to repair thither. Fernikh
and his mother were to attend on Atabeg. Sekeria was to work in the
Ilkhan's service. In regard to the rest of his property, he left it to the
amir Bnka. If he chose to return some of it, well and good ; if not, he
would still be satisfied " May God grant his pity and his blessing. I
now resign my life into the hands of God, who will not forget me. If the
Almighty gives anything to my sons, may they take it and be content.
Whatever happens to the great harem at Tebriz, this is my wish : May
he be haj^ who seeks the rig^t path.*^ When he had finisned writing
the Vizier said, '^What comes from thee, O Lord, is right, be it weal
or woe.** He was seiaed by the hands and feet by his executioners,
raised op and strudc against the ground three times. He was then
trodden under fobt till he was dead, after which he was castrated, a|id his
head was deoqritated. This was on the i6th of October, 1284.
''Such was the end,* says Abdfitfmj,** of this most powerful man, who
sup po rte d on his fii^ier the whole Mongol world. He was a prudent
man, and endowed with natural capadty, and well cultivated and
polished.*t This is remarkable testimony ,from a Giristian, and it is
not strange, therefore, that the Muhammedan writers should speak in
hyperbolic terms of his memory. He bad been a very powerful hctor in
die Mongol polHy for thhty years, and with his brother and other
rdatives had done nnich to restore pr oepe ri ty after the desolating wars of
Khulagn. He was^ neverthelesa, a vfaidictive, crafty, and not very
scn^tdoos person, and the misfortune iHiich eventually overtook him
he had not hesitated to bring upon his rivals. One of the contemporary
poets said of hb death—
OBtlM4ipMtMor8lMm(llMan)frMilMhwvtiMkniiDedblood ;
TVs BMOB MMNd Imt awwi iw^ aad V«Mi lert Imt hafar.
ll||^ CMttMa iMvatlf n Mocmdna Ibr hiaiy
Aad tiM noniiiif tiglMd dMply and tort W vdLt
His death was followed by the ruin of his £unily. Buka sent the amir
All Tamghi^ to Tebriz to seize his son Yahia, and he was put to death
there. His other sons, Ferrukhshah, Masud, and Atabeg were some time
after also put to death. Yusuf Shah, Prince of Luri^ta^, the Vizier's
son-in-law, (fied on his way back to Luristan. He left two sons,
Afrasiab and Ahmed, of whom the former was given hi« Other's state of
the Greater Luristan, while the latter remained with Arghun as a hostage..
Shems ud dm and his sons were buried at the burjang-place of Gierendab
at Tebriz, where his brother, Alai ud din, already reposed.§ With the
death of the Virier, Abulfaraj closes his Arabic chronicle.
During the year 1285 we read how a body of SyriAn, Kurdish, Turkish,
• I]kbw» L 106.107. « WHMf; 169.171.
t Op. dt, Chna. Syr** 603:604. IXOhmon, W, 9.1a I Sb^rmk ul Aink. o6t.
fWttiMf, r7s. llklMiM, 1 36^
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3lS HISTORY or THB JIONOOL&
and Bedouin vagabonds, 600 in number, made a raid upon the diitrict of
Irbil, and killed many Christians in the towns of Emkabad, Surfaegan,&c.
Behai ud din, a Kurdish amir at Irbil, went out agamst them and was
defeated, and they carried off a great booty and many women. Other
plunderers made another attack on the province of Turabden, and killed
many people at Kalesht, Beth Mana, and Beth Sebrina, and carried off
many captives bcm Beth Resha. In 1286 another band of Kurds,
Turkomans, and Arabs, 10,000 strong, with whom were 300 Mamluks,
attacked Mosul and its neighbourhood. Masud went out against them,
but finding himself quite outnumbered he withdrew again, crossed the
Tigris, and sought refuge in the monastery of Mar Matthew. They
entered the town, and were regaled there by the Arabs (li^ the
Mussuhnans) with rich meats and cooling drinks, in the hope that they
would wreak their vengeance on the Christians, they proceeded to
plunder and ravish at their will, and carried off many prisoners, both
male and fenude, and including both Mussulmans and Christians.* This
shows the confused condition of affiurs while the Mongol sceptre was in
uncertain hands.
After Shems ud din's death, Arghun went to his palace of Mansuria in
Arran, where, on the 33rd of September, 1384, he was joined by Pubui
Ching Sang, whom he had sent to the Khakan KhubilaL A kuriltai was
held between Serah, Irbil, and Sain, and nine days later (^., on the
2nd of October) hit returned to Tebris, and thence agun went to his
winter quarters in Arran, where a solemn assembly was held for the trial
of the Princess Abish, the widow of Mangu Timur, in whose name, as
we have seen,f as the heiress of the Salghurid family, Fars had been
governed by the Mongols for many years. After her marriage with Mangu
Timur, she had lived at the Ilkhan's Court, and the country was really
under the control of the Mongol baskaks, or gof em or s . Daring Ahmed's
reign this post had been filled by die Noyan Toghachar, who had command
of 10,000 men» and who sided with Arghun in the latter's quarrel with his
uncle.} He was succeeded by Bulughan, or Bulghuran, whose rule was very
unsatisfactory, and he was accordingly displaced in favour of Tashmenku.
Bulughan was not disposed to give op his post without a struggle. He
put to death Hosam ud din, son of Muhammed Ali of Lur, an employ^
in the office of Crown demesnes, whom Tashmenku had sent as his
forerunner, but when the latter called in the aid of the Atabeg of Lunstan
Bulughan seized what there was in the treasury and fled to Khorasan
with his agents, Kawam ud din and Seif ud din. Tashmenku busied
himself in administering the province, but was deposed in the course of a
year for beading the orders issued in Ahmed's name with the formula,
** Ahmedaga," which was contrary to all the rules of the Mongol
" Abolfim^, Chraiu Syr., 6aS4oS. t AnM, M4. t iUthant, i. 344*
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AMOmm KHAM. J19
chancdlvx. On bis d^oshkii die Princess AbMi was herself tiyoiKftd
govsHMNr, a posidoo die owed to the iniuence of Oljei, tlie nother oT
Maqgo Tinrar, wbo had mnch infloence at the Court There was great
refoidnginFanatthenewsofhsrretnm. As her sobsdtote» or deputy,
shenommatedhsrrehitive^Jehaiiddin Aikan, the son of Mslik Khan,
son of Mnhaaned, son of Zengi, while she appointed die Khoja Nisam
nd dhi Abobefar, wfaohadanoldlMMlwidiUie chief Judge, Imad od din,
tobeYisier^ Nisam od dfai| who was a dever financier, proposed to the
princess to noqiifaw^diroq^ a diploma of the Ilkan, power to redeem sQch
of the piopsttsrofhsr family as was in strangers' hands. Ahmedgranted
dds diploma tfaonghtlsisiy. Nisam nd dKn, however, speedily confosed
die princess^ property with that of the Crown demesnes and diat
belonging to private people, and treated the people of Shiras, bodi the
crowd and aristoeracy, as if diey were slaves. The beginnteg of the
a dminisUaU on of Abish and her finance mhdstermi in the httter part of
Ahmetfsreign. On the accession of Aighnn^ Baka% prai4g>i^ the Seyid
Imad od din, vqiahed to the Court to hqr beiore it the true condidon of
aflUis in regard to the tieasury at Fan, and tfaioogh the infioenoe of
Buka he obtained a dipknna constitudng him sole administrator of Shiras,
bodi sea and land (^ htdnSog die i^ands in the Persian Gulf), with
very large powers, his diploma being sealed widi a lion's and a cat's head.
MeaniHiile die two e m p l oyis of Buhighan who had fied with him to
Khofasan^as I have described, vis., Kawam nd dfai of Bokhara and Self
nd din Yumd, had returned to Fars and been Intmsted by the Princess
with the manageoMttt of the finances. They aroused her hatred against
the Seyid beioffehuarrhpal, and as he began his woik by hanging one of
her baililb to a tree^ and suminoain g her to the Hkhsite presence, her
apt» was still iurther inflamed As soon as die Seyid readied Shiras he
erected himself a royal throne. Wiffbit days later there commenced the
eastef Bauam, at which the Princess did not i^pear as usuaL Presently
there came news diat the Nigudars were threatening an invasion, and
dial it would be prudent for her to take shelter hi the Casde Istakhr.
This die derthied, as dm was aMd he wished to imprison her. One
evening after diis the S^yid repaind to her house with a great Ibfiowihg.
On the road he wna met byapaityof liamhilfB beloogfaig to her bouse-
hokL A struggle ensued, in whidi the leader of his own men, on whom
he had heaped hb finrours, and idio was called Zermj ud din Faili of
Lur, and was doubtless a Kurd, strudc Mm the first btow. He was killed,
bis head was cut ol^ and his house was plundered.t His death was
ibOowed by that of his cousin, the Seyid Jemal ud din Muhammed,
whom the Mamlnks murdered in the night, end then spread the rq>oft
disthe hadfiedto Kerleer. The pestilence and fiunine which visited
i. 366-969. t «n fn-J7«
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3ao HISTOEY or THE lft>NOOLS.
Shim shortly after, and in wliidi over loo^ooo people are said to have
died, was deemed a punishment from heaven for this doable crime,
for the Seyids were a sacred fiunily.
The Seyid's son, who was a minor, now npmnd with his complaint to
his Other's protector, Buka.* Buka called the Ilkhan's attention to these
occurrences, and he accordingly summoned the Princess, with the
o[qxments of the Seyid, to the Court, and also sent word to Oljai, by
whose influence Abidi had been made governor of Fars. They loaded
the mess^gers with pce«ents, but did not obey ^ttt summons. Doladai
Yaighuji, Jiyuighutai, and Hosam ud dm were commissioned to inquiie
into the whole i>f&ir. Kotan Ai^{i was sent to bring her by force, wfaUe
her foiance officers were imprisoned. She arrived at Aighon^ Coot
at night, and was conducted by BidEa's major-domo to one of Us
master's tents. It was contrary to Mongol custom for a princess thus to
enter the tent of a karaju, or subject, and the unfortunate mi^or-domo
was ordered to be bastinadoed for his pams. Oljai nwde excuses for her
praUjfpit laying the blame for what had happened on her relative, Jelal ud
din Arkan. The three head man of her tveMury, Kawam ud din, Self ud
din, and Shtms ud din, each received seventy^wo strokes on the soles of
his feet. Imad ud din'e Mamlnks, who had been treacherous to her, were
unsparingly punished JeUd ud din justified himsdf at die cost of the
Princess. She and her relatives were ordered to pay fifteen gold tumans
as a Bnt^ together ividi twenty tumans to the orphans of the murdered
Seyids. The Princess oudived these events but two years. On her deadi,
prayers, readings of the Koran, and distributions of ahns took place in
the mosques at Shiraz. According to her will, her private estate was
divided into four portions, of which two fell to her daughters, the Princesses
Gttrdujan and Alghaiji, another to ha- Mamluks and ftvedmen, and the
ftwrth to Taiju, the son of Maagu Tfanur, to whom she also left 10,000
gc^ pieces. With her the fomoos dynasty of die Salghurs auasnt to an
end. Fars test even the sembhmce of independence, and was inooip or a t ed
with the Mongol empire.t
We will now return to the more immediate affiurs of the Ilkhan. On
the a4th of February, 1286 (Quatremere says on die 25tfa of June),
the general Ordu- Kia, who had been sent by Arghnn to the Khakan
Khubilai with the news of his elevation, returned with die title of
Khan for Arghun, and that of CMiigBang for Buka. The /fits and
rejoicings ctf the instidlation were accordin^y renewed. Ten days
later a body of 16,000 men were sent against the Kurdbh tribe Hakari,
under the Amir Masuk Kusbji (<>., the fowler; and Nurinaga the Jehdr.
A month later the Princess Bulughan died on the banks of die Kur, and
her remains were taken to the mountain Sejas. On the 20th of April
• IIUmm, i. 37»'37 t U., S7»'374-
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AROHUN KRAW. Jtl
Aigiuni watt to Tdirii, iriierB h» was htadsoiudy enltrttiiied t»y Biika»
and afterwaids want to Sngliiiriak I17 wagr of Meragluu There he wai
met by Arak^ Baki^ bfothefi with tU bJtehJIii or Mongol Mcieteiwt of
Begfadedy widi whom was Hanm, the ton of tfie iMer, Shems vd ^»
whoae strict nde at Itpahaa we hanr previously descried. Andt, on ^
strength of the support given Mm hy his brother Bdka,had pot to death
Mestofi Said ad <!Kn, the brother of Fakhr ad dfai, and Mafd ad dfai| son
of Asir, without the Khan's perndssioo. The latter was a f^w^igi til
Gaildiain^ Afi^inn'k brother, who poisoned the Ilkhnn^ ndttd against A^
An& had another enemy in Yesa Knifcan, the husband of the Pr ince ss
Tudokashy Khoh^s femidi daughter. Boka, on the odier hand,
supp oited Ms brother and the death of the sen of Asir was attributed to
the bsdgation of Harun, 1H10 was aeoordingly put to death.* Wassaf
says that Arak, wlio commanded in Irak Arab under the Prince Baidu,
put to deadi Khoja Harun, whom he accused of beteg in league widi
Majd ud din Asir, one of the richest and most Influential men of his time,
todUugehimwidipecidation.t Bm this seems at issue widi a previous
statement of die same audior that Horun, wlioee rsmariBable career at
Ispahan we described under the rugn of Abaka, died hi his fiither's
ltfttime.t Soon after this Yesu Knrfcan, Arak's enemy, ^Bed, and for a
while he and his brodier basked hi prosperity.
OntheaTthofSqifeember, laM^ArghunweattoTebris. Two months
kOtf, when he was one day in Arian, oomMQg himself an unusual quantity
of hair came out in the coosb. This, according tt> Mongol notions, was
caused by Ms having taken poison, and Wejih, the son of Is ud din,
was executed on suspicion of having administered it On die ydi of
January, ia87f Tudai Khatun, the Konkurat princess, who had passed
from AMdoi^ harem to dttt of Ms son, was crowned with die head-dress
of the royal wives (baghtak). Aighun, during the year 1287, lived
leqiecdvdy at Pilsuvar^ at Tebris, in tlie summer camp of Alatagfa, and
the winter one of Arran. In Mardi, 12S8, he lost his wife, Kuduk,
the mother of Ms yuonge s t son, Khatai Os^ul ; while in ^mtU Buka's
envoys broufl^ back widi them to Persia one of the relics so mudi
esteemed among the Buddhists, called rimifl. These are hard pieces of
a substance wMch is said to ht found in the ashes of some saintly persons
when oemated. Von Hammer says that Buddha's heart was supposed
to be made of bone and not of fledi, similarly with the hearts of great men,
and that the sharil is rsafiy held to be die ossified heart of the cremated
persofk Arghnn, we aie tdd, treated this relic widi the greatest honour,
gold was strewn over it, while a least was duly cdebmted.
Later* vi&, in May, ia88; news arrived that Kogai, the fiunous
leader of the armies of Kipchak, was makmg an hivasion, by way
• IlkhMis, L J74.S7S. t Wjiid; tfi. I id,, itj.
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333 HISTMY or TBB MOIIOOLS.
of Derbend, at the hmd of S>ooo wbmif and naa pnttiiig to deadi audi of
the merchants as he oould meet with. Aighim at ooea marched to tiie
jrescoe, crossed the Kur, and halted at fShaiaaMM, Boka and Kimjiikbal
were sent on with an advance foard, and' ratamad in a few days with the
news thai the enemy had retired.* A few months hrter, vii.| in the
spring of 1390^ the Khan of iGpchak mada a 6esh iavanoo by way of
Derbend. The amirs Slktor Moytti, KantoUMl, and Tofl^nchar, were
ordered to march, and Aighnn followed to Pyswrar, and thence poshed
on to Shabwan with the heavy baggage^ dDc The two armies met at the
Karaso. The army of Atffimn was fommanded by the amfai Toifiundtmr^
KnnjaKba^ToiMiyi,andTaija,dMaoftofBidaswa; and diat of Kipcfaak
byNogaifandbythetwosonsofMangttTimnr, Aba}iand Mengli The
enemy was defeated, 300 of them were skin, and many were captured.
The '^Shi^ 111 Atrak" says that Choban^ tha Stddn, of whom we shell
hear mnch presently, gready distingnished hhnstf hi the fight, wliidi,
according to Hamdnllah, was the first in idiich he todc part Theviclory
was celebrated by a feast at Pflsavar, and was annoonoad by special
letters throughoat the empire by the Viiier.t
The ''History of Geoigia" has a notice of a campaign which seen» to
be the same as this. It says die people of Derbend having revolted,
Arghmi marched against them in company iMi Dimitti, whereopoa the
rebels retued to the strong fortress of An*k, which, having vssisted
obstinately^ DImitri was told to attack it The Geotgiana were net long
in storming it. Rat Begashwili leading the aasaalt The princ^ people
in the fort were pot to deaths and a laxgt nnnyber of pdsoners, riches^ and
women were captured, while the citadel was bunt The Khan, who waa
aq^ectator of the whole afiair^ conoehwl a violent jealoiisy against the
kini^ who surrendtted to him a femoMs soH of armoor which he wore4
We most now describe the collapse of the great Monger chieftain,
Bttka, callftd Buka Gisbara by Bfur Hebrseos. We have seen how the
Khakan conferred on him the title of Chingsang^ In addition to diis
ha had secured special privileges. He was not to be ponidied qntil
he had committed nine offences, and waa only to be called to acooont
by the Khan himsel£ The oidhianoes of die Khan were not to be
valid unless hi% red seal was attadied, while his own oiders dki not
need the royal sanction. These pdvileges no donbt aroused die animosity
and envy of the other amirs, for he was a haniJity and fai q wtu o os person,
Wassaf describes him as a teciible Tlitfc^ v^ioee saventy and prudence
were remarkable. As an mstaace of hjs severity, it is reported that he
put one of his own ostlers to death for stealing an i^n^ 60m a frah ataU.
Abolfenj says that the various princes and princesses had to stand at his
gate while he distributed their salaries to them. Anmig his principal
* Ante. C 139. Voo Hammtr, ttklums, I srS. Golddi Hotdt, ttfs*
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( were Saltan Aidi^ juid Tu^iao, toa of Tarakjai, Govtraor of
Knbittaii, Aigfann't Jntimaie coinpeaioai, who had been twke codceUed,
and had had many ind^inities pot updn them by Buka'i orders, and they
lort no opportimity of demwinnng htm to Argfaun. The arbitrary doings
of his brother Amk, who governed the piovinces of Baboon, Attrbaijaa,
and Mesopotamia, also reflected on himseH Amk treated the Ilkhan's
envoys with scant courtesy. Three offidats having brought an accusation
against hhn weio ordered to be pot in custody till his arrivaL He had
them execaied aserdlessly belbre any trial, and appropriated the
revenues which shonld have gone into the State treasury. Theofficersof
Ordn Kia, Sberif ud din, and the Jew, Said, handed over 500 twnans to
Aruk, who did not account for a farthing of it to Arghun.* Abulfiuny calls
this Jew Said uddanlet, and says he was the fiidier-in-law of the PrefiKt
of Baghdad, 1^ had recntly died, and that he told the Mongol amirs
if they would pteveot Aruk from g!Mng to Baghdad he would undertake
to double the iaoooM of the treasury, whereupon Aruk was ordered
not to go there, and the Jew was nominated Procurator of Baghdad.
^^BeBokl,* says the Syrian chronicler, ''there sits a Jew there to-day as
prefect in the capkal of the Abbassid«. How humUed is the position of
the Arabs (/./., of the Muhammedans}." From this time various
accusations began to.pour in upon Aruk--Mir aiA^ we are told a Persian
named Abd ul Mumin declared that he and his creatures had so
phmdered the country, that if he were arrested a million golden dinars
might be evtmeted from hinLf
Turning to Fars, we read that Sadr ud din Zenjani, the financial
secretary of Toifiachar, complained to his master of Buka's contmual
demands §at money, and that he was virtually the ruler, the Khan
havhig quite a secondary asthority.) The financial affidrs of Fars had
been a aouroe of urritation §at a long time. FaUir ud din Hassan,
one of the inustrioos Sisyids of Shiras, who durh« Abaka's reign was
attached to the Court of Ari^iun, had often told Um that inoch property
in the pro^noe of Shiras, whkfa had belonged to his ancestoi^ the
grand judges Seyid Sherif ud din, and n^iich he had inherited from the
dai^hier of die Sultan Aad ud Devle^ of the Sal^iur dynasty, had
been unjusdy confiscated by the atab^ Abubdor, Prince df Fars,
and its revennes appropriated to the puUic treasury. He. produced
abundant d o c a m e nta ry proofe of this, and urged Arghun to press his
fiidier tohanretheeehmds transferred from the registers of the general
treasury, and assigned to his ^)edal domain (ii^). Abaka consented,
and sent one of his officers with the Seyid to carry out the transfer; but
the treasury officials put obstacles in the way, and were supported by the
Mongol commanders, and the affiur was not carried out Fakhr ud din
* mrlMiW,Liyy. t AboMuig, Chno. Sjfr., 6x»6n. | IlkhM% L 37^9;f .
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514 HisTOKT or mc wmoou.
veconied to Arglniii. Whm thft^ yoing priaoe nooMed the timne, te
issued an order wididrawiBg tills pioperty fiem the poblic fegisters»
and essignlag it to Us own domain, acoixding to dM tkle he had
proved, and the SeyidsdnunoMd the inaMDe officials of Firsi idio were
tfien at die Conrtt and pemapto t i ly dmanded the resto r ation of die
property according to die Ilkhan^ orders. Bdn wged xeasonahly that
inansnch as the province of Shiras now belonged to Urn (AfghonX
whatwasthenecenity of separating diese lands, and making a ^ledal
department of diem. Arg^im would not listen, and ordered diat Boka
dioald not meddle widi Falchr nd dfai^ aflUrs, nor widi diose of his own
private domafak At dM same dme^ die tatterpvoperty was confided todie
Noyan Togadiar as admfaiistrator. Bnka was dms deprived of die
greater part of his andlority. PUhr nd dfai was ordered to repair to
SUras with Yiil Kndngh, son of Arghnn Aha, toei^stintend die transfer
of the disputed property from die register of the p^illc tieasory to that of
the private one of Arghon, and as no one was hi apesltioii toanswerdieir
asserdons on the subject, they soooeeded in dms transiting one-faorth of
the viUages, fidds, gardois corv^es, irrigiftfaig canals, and windmills in
the pro^^oe of Pars, so that in a short dme these private domahis were
fanned for die large sum of 600^000 dtanrs, and many tayiies who bad
been in possesion of their property for a century were ocmpeiled 10
surrender it Fakhr nd dfai himsdf died e^een days aftor his arrival
at Shnas, wfaidi looks suspickms. His son, Seyld Kod> nd dfai, was
invested widi his fiuher^s authority in the Ilkfaan^ name by Ynl Kndogli,
already named.*
This matter, dius carried out hi spile of Buka^ views, was no doubt a
huge hivasion of his presdge. Another attadc on It was made by the
appofaitment of the amir Knnjukbal tosoperlmend die affidrs of die amiy.
MeanwMe^ Tughui continued to -poison Argfmn^ mind agsiinst hfan,
urging diat, akhoo^ Ahmed had complelsly confided in hfan, he had,
nevertfadess, betrayed him, and he was now appropr ia ting aU the power
in the Idngdom. One day Baka and Bekta quarrelled over dieir copa in
die presence of Arghnn, and the latter not havfaig reprimanded Bdcta,
BukairasfiutherhTitated, while a more real grievance was fa ■^^M« ft f T^^g
when his principal dependents, uidndfaig especkiHy the Amhr AU,
cdlector of die customs at Tebrl^ were deprived of diefar posts* It is not
to be wondered at that under these cfacumstanees he should have begun
to conqiire with a nuutber oi discontented pcteces and amirs. Among
these were the Princes Huhiju, Toka Timor, Karabidm, Kfaigshu, and
Gabarchin (Von Hammer caHs the last three Kaiaakal, Kongliddr, and
Anbeijfai), with the Amirs Amk, Karmishi (the son of Hakln Noyan),
Machu, Tsmdui, and Tughlufc Karauna. Rashid ud dfai adds to dds
* DXNhmb, It. IS*!?. IDdnm, !• tie.
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ABOBtm JLfUaC SMS
fist, Anjaii, tlia afflKwr-bearer ; Kadan, tbe envoy ; Zengi, tbe son of
Babn Noyan, amir of tht camp of the Khatim Oljai ; Ghaiaii Behador,
Ithik Tk^ and Asbak TogH.* Bnka alao wrote to Prince Jwhkab^ who
was en ca mp ed by dM Eophratei, to mge that aMhough Arghun owed his
tiBQoe to]dm»hehad showntafanadf veryongratelaL Jndikid)^ who Mt
ionaBalmiManttomalBea toolof Um^feftsedto joininthecon^iiracy
aalesa he saw the written agfeemnt (called mnchalga fai Mongol) between
the cona p l iatoi s. TMa Boka incantioiisly tent to Mm. Jinlikab now
tepaiied to AxfftOMkf in Airan^ to acijaunt him wiQi um^ plot* lie would
notbelie»e hikimtildie wrfttsn pmlii were produced, and then brohe
ont hUo Mtner fw npMn ts against Bdm, whom he had raised to sodi
l iono m ' f and who had^ neverlhelsiSi been so treadiefOQS* He ordered
Ida three oilosrs, Saltan Aidi^ IMadai, and Toi^ian, to go and arrest
him. He had had tfanely warning, however, and had crossed the Ito and
sheltered in the camp of die Khaton Oljai, one of Arghmi's wives. She
rstoed to receive him, but the amir of her camp, Zengoi (Von Hammer'
saysthesoiioCZengidXallolvedhimtosheherfaihistent Dobidaiand
T^^ghs^ speedily croeaed the Knr in pnrsidt of him, and having secured,
csnveyad him to the Gonrt. There he waa broo^jht before Siktm*,
who sarcastically ashed hhn if he wanted to ham a ftesh matter every
wKffWoA charged him with btfng the cause of moch iiilsiiiieC He denied
hMlng done anythfaigagafaist die Ilkhan, end said that he had only been
plottiiig agafaist his own personal enemies, Aldaji and Toghan, who had
so pefsisiendy insHgiied him, but being confronted with die incriminating
papera he trembled and ftinted. Arglnm ordered hfan to be at onoe pot
todeadi,andJnddtabadBedthefiivoQrofbdnghisexecodoner. When
they readied die pboe of eie c a don Tteghan kicked hhn hi the chest,
saying, ''This is the reward fott diy arnbttion to mount die dtrone.**
jiiflhkid>hfan8elfcutoflrhirhead,andtfittheshhiofhisback hKo strips
Bar Hebcans eaya he was dismembered. The head was stofibd widi
strswy and dien displayed on die bridge Jaghan, while thte troops were
ordered lo piOage his quarters. Thb execution took pboe on the 17th of
Jonnary, 1189^ and was followed by the deaths of the irarious amhs who
hnd Jollied in the conspiracy, Mafn, Tnghhikf Asbak, ToghU, Zerwana,
Nokhshi, ToshkfaM, Hosam nd din of Kasrin, and die Malik Ah, die
teoD^hi^i of Tcbris. Kadan, the Khakai^ envoy; die Bitekjl Ni^iai,
who had spoken out die truth; and anodier, for whoae life die emits
ncerceded, were spared. Among those who perished were alao the
astrooomer, Imad ud>dhi ; the Chriatfan, dhnon of Rumkriia; Bahaiod
danlet Abul Kirnn, and the Khig of Georgia, Dimitri, to whom we diall
revert pwsently.t Abulfiuraj says there perished Simeon the priest, and
a doctor and scribe from IrhU called Abu'A&dierem, and many Mongols.
«m)lMMo,W.sS. HUmomi L 376. Kott. tnUwns^LaSo
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336 HtanatY or thb monools.
fiuka's wives and daofl^tert w&m distryxitod amMif die tacmf. The
oorptes of the slam weft pal tofstlier in pUe% and left te the wolves
and dogs to devour their flesh, after which dieir bones wera buried.
Betmish Kiiddi» Tamodai AkU^ and Shndi, son of Boka, were sent
to Diar Bekhr to fetch BukaV sons and bcodien. In dx days tey
reached Irbil» and IdUed GhasaOi Boka's eldest son, who was living
with hi« undo Arok. Amk hinMMsl^ who did not know what had
happened to his brother, seeing the Moi^ol ganrisons oCthe district of
Amid approaching^ fled to the tetress of Kesha£ Betnishp sanmoned
himtosorrender. He said he had no fansntkin of fesisttm^ bat wanted
to know why they had thus come. Betn^sh tiien told him what had.
happened to his brother, and that he had been ordered to Uke him to
the Court He tiien ieft the fortress, and was carried off in dbains.
When he saw his brother's head on the bridge Jaghan, he merely asksEl
where diat of his armour-bearer, Ai^an, was. He was then pot to death
This was on the jrd of February, laSg. His head, with that of Us
rektive Knrmishi, was exposed near that of Boka. Zengui, iriio had
sheltered Boka hi his tent, was handed oiver eo Oyai, as one of her
d^endents, for punishment She ordered him to be decapitated, saying
she woold have done so if he had been her eldest son, AnlNMJL Foot
sons of Buka, named Abi^ Malik, Teikhan Timor, and Kittlngh Tinmr,
flod to Ti«ghan« He gave them shelter until he thoagM Ai|^mn*s aoger
was appeased; butthelatter, when he heard of it, ordered thttn to be pot
to death, and thus eititrminated the £|unily. A proclamatien was now
issued announcing for and wide how Buka, having been guilty of the
basest ingratitude, had been destroyed, with his wives and children, his
friends and relatives ; friiile his wealth, which he had acquired throoi^
the Ilkhan's munificence, had been pillaged, and all who were suspected
of having abetted him, Mongols or Mussulmans, paid the last penalty.*
The sudden downfoll of such a powerfol chief as Buka, who&t
dependents filled places of trust in various directions, naturally entailed a
reaction, mbitn envy, ciq>idity, and revenge had a free field. Under the
orders of Betmish, Abdul Mnmin, whom we have previously named, paid
the sum of money which each of Arukfs officers sa Mosul was charged with
having robbed. Torture and death were freely applied to extort thb
money aikd to punish the wro^g-doeis. Among diose wiio sufiered from
therevolutioa was Masud, the Governor of Mosul Devoted to Buka, and
probably fruicying diat that minister's position was impregnable^ he had
ncijected to be civil and attentive to Aigbun^own creataes. Accordingly
the very day of Aruk'sanest he was put under surveillance until thearrival
of Abdul Mumin, which was the signal for a cruel persecution agaioBt the
Christians. BethagAlden,sonof Mohiesi,wfaowasPnfoctof Irbil^ was
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AROHUN JLHAM. 39/
r tboM put to th« torture. They put him on tho rack and sat down
upon him, and thus tortured him till thoy had extorted Soyooo dinars from
him. He at lei^ escaped and phmfed into the Tigris. Masod was
hhnself il^ so tfai^did not torture Umi as tfaey feared that if he died they
woold not be^aUe to secure the wealth he was siqpposed to have
ronr eale d . The Mongd rommitnaries promised that be should retain
his podtion and be released if he paid ten tumans of gokL But^ftncying
they were afraid of Umi he dealt hard words to them. Thereupon he
wae codgdledand threatened until they bed extracted iriiat they could,
and hft wae tfien taksn to Irbil, wtoe he was put to deadi on the
4th of Apr&i 1289^ His son wae branded and hiqprisoned, v^ile bit
faeoUier, Sbibab nd din, fled, and a viOa^er named Ddbis, from Beth
SebaiV ^vho was suspected of sheltering fafan, akbongfa be swore be
had never seen bim» was killed and bis oofpee waa atoned by tiie crowd.
This series of cmebieewaa no doubt instigated by Mubammedan hatred
of the Christians. A yeong Christian aecnsed of en illidt intercenrse
with a Mubammedan was also put to death. His body was dngged
through the streets and burnt, wb&e bis head was carried round in
prooeesion past dM various church doors to hnwiliafe the Christians
**Tbecrod pen ec uti ons r , aays Abulfiuc^j, ** which the people of Mosul
wflfered during these two montb% tongue camot describe nor pen indite
Awake, O Lord, and do not sle^ I Look at the blood of thy servants
dwd widioat mercy. Have pity on thy Church and flock^whicfa are being
torn by p e r secu t km.* Abdnl Mumin, the prime actor in the movement
did not long survive. Denounced by an Egyptian scribe employed at
Mosul, named Fany AUah, be was tried and executed.*
ThMe were not the only troubles of the wretched inhabitants oi
Mesopotamia and its borders at this time. We read bow 3^000 Syrian
csvafary crossed the borders of Shogr and Arabia, and went asfiur asthe
town of Pishabur, near the Tigris. Crossmg that river, they approacbed
Vassit, where the Nestoriana were very strong; The town was captured,
500 men were killed, and ipoo boys and girls carried oS, as well as gn:.it
herds of oxen and flocks of sheep. When the invaders reached the River
Habora, which was traversed by a very narrow bridge, they had great
difficulty in passing over. News of this having readied the Mongol amir
St Mosul, he set out, and cangbt the intruders while still embarrassed at die
bridge. They killed all who had not yet crossed, and rescued 300 boys
aadguls. The same summer 1,000 Syrian horsemen approached MabOia.
Kaibenda, die Mongol governor tbere^ attadmd diem, but was defeated,
and many of his peof^ were killed, while several of his friends and
relatives were captured. He himself widi forty IbUowers, redred to the
fortress of Hesnun.t At this time, Alaahnish, die g o v ernor of Maya-
* AboMui^ Chioo. Syr., 6ia-6ts. jyOhmm, hr# iyy. t Aboiawal, Chroa. Syr^ «<64i7.
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yA HisfroRY or thb monools.
farkk), groatly persecuted the Christians, and especially laid heavy hands
on the monks of the monastery of Mar Kolna. One of the monks repaired
to Arghim, who listened comteonsly to hbn. When ^ Ilkhan was one
day crossing a bridge over die Rivtr Khoreri thu monk sensed bb brMDOt
and swore he woold not let him passimtilhe had ocdered Akafanish to
be pat to death, whidi he acoor$n|^ did.*
Among tiiose who were c o mpr oinised when Bdm ^ pohaps tiie
most important was the Kingof CSoofgia, who had been Vm doso *friead.
On his execution, we are told, a msssangir was.aent to sammon Dimttri
to die ordn. Greatly dktressad, he calkd together Umi Qta Mk rm
Abraham, the bishops, the monks from the mooaateriea and from die
hermitages of Garesja, and aU die mthawarsof the khgtan. Seadng
hhnself on his throne, n^ile they were seated also, he bade diem Hsien,
and told them that when his ftdMr David died he was left very yomg,
and at the mercy of the Tartars; dmt God, the aU-poweHbl, oar
Saviour, Christ, the most holy mollier of God, and the adorable crOas
which had been pre s e nted to hfan by the emperor had protected him (so
that he had arrived at die age of ifanhoodX had granted him the kingdoni,
the soqitre, and the past^ whi^ widi their hdp hii reign had been a
p roqieroas one, and there had been general peace. Now the Khan was
irritated, and had extemynated the mthawars, and summoned him to his
presence, no doubt with evil intendons against him. I^ histead of going
to die ordu, he withdrew to the strong positions of Mdiinleth, he woidd
save his life, but his khigdom would be at the mercy of the Tartars.
*^How many Christians would be enslaved, how many churches profimed
or pillaged, how many hnages and crosses broken? If I go," he said*
^they are certain to kfll me. Decide, therefore, according to yonr
wisdom. As for me, I look upon die worid as a troubled sea, and fife
as a dreans, a shadow, and in spite of ourselves we must leave it What
advantage n it to me to live if many have to die hi consequence? If I
must some day leave life bearing die burden of my shis, I would prefer to
go to die Khan ; the divine will will dien be accomplished. If I am pot
to death my country will not suffer.* The assembly, touched by the
proof of his devotion, declared diirt there was no one who oouM replaoe
him. ^ God preserve us from seeing you massacred by the Tartars.
The country irill be desolate, your sons cBspersed. No one can replace
you. Our advice is that you seek the festnesses of Mthhileth and
Aphkhaseth, as your fether did. We must not de^mir of your safety.
We win remam feithfol to you." He sdfl insisted that he codd not leave
his people to become the victims of the Mongols, and dedared he should
go to the ordu ; and, notwithstandbg theh* arguments, he determhied to
go in great pomp, and to take the Cadiolioos Abraham widi hhn. Ke
* AbttlAuili C1u«B. Syr.i 617.
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AROHUM KHAN. 399
assigned fittiag portions ta ^ach of his sons, and confided them to the
caie of the mdiawars, who remained behind, and sent some of them to
Mdiialeth and others to Kakheth, while the yoong George was sent to
Asparakhen, to the dtadd of Ishkhan in Tao.
When the Khig arriYed in the territory of Khodiak, son of Avak, he
met his soi^ David, whom he took widi hhn, so is to disarm Arghmi^
sn^dons by another proof of loyalty. As he drew near, Arghmi, who
had not expected that he would go, sent the Noyan Siukol, son of Yas
Bidca, who deprived the King of his baggage and weahh, and led him
captive to the* Khan, and he was put oniter arrest. Argfaun^ we are
told, was troobled, becanse he did not know who to pitt in his place, while
he coold hardly spare one who had been an accomplice in die treadieries
of Boka. Kndogh Baka dierenpon suggested that he should put
Wakhtang, son of Narin David, who, as we have seen, was die ruler of
Abkhazia, on the throne. Arghnn thereupon sent Buka to David,
bidding him send his son, whom he intended to put on the throne,
and to give him his rister Oljath in marriage. Dimitri was ordered to
draw up a list of his possessions, his arms, cattle, sheep, and all that he
had. He was compelled to obey, and a Mongol was sent to bring the
enormous wealth, the sight of which seemed to appease Arghun, who
rdeased him, and
