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i 



CABINET CYCLOPEDIA. 

CONDUCTED BY THE 

REV. DIONYSIUS LARDNEB, LL.D. P.R.S. L.&E. 
BLB.I.A. F.L& F.'z.a HoaF.CF.a M.Ast,& &c. &c. 

ASSISTED BY 

EMINENT LITERARY AND SCIENTIFIC MEN. 



— 7 



THE NETHERLANDS. 

BY 

THOMAS COLLEY GRATTAN. 



LONDON: 

PBINTBD FOB 

tONGMAN, REES, ORMEi BROWN, AND GREEN, 

PATEBN08TER.B0W ; 

AND JOHN TAYLOR, 

UPPBB GOWBB STBBET. 

1830. 



»ip.(W(r,H«.n3T5 



j/n- 



THE NEW YORK 

PUBLIC LIBRARY 



ASTOH, LENOX AND 
TILDEN FOUNDATIONS. 

1899. 



Cirii* c> 



HISTORToF THB M ETHEKIaAHDS. 




(1 THOMAS COLLEY GRATTAli^ 




THE ASSASSIN.AXION OT VTiVLUCU PRlHfE OF OHAKGE 



ITcmdon; 

PRUTTED rOR LON-GMA1I. KEES.OaVUi.BIUJWN& OKEEN. PATEKNOSTER ROW. 

AND JOHN TASXOR.XTPPBR CiOWKR STREET. 

ISflCT. 



h«i£NEWYORKi 

(PUBLIC library! 
163082 

T.f!JI°"' '^^••OX AND 
TIU>eN FOONOATIOMa. 

1899. 




CONTENTS. 



B.C.50.— A.D. S50. 



PBOM THS INYASION OF THE NETHERLANDS BY THE ROMANS TO THE 
INVASION BT THE 8ALIAN FRANKS. 

Extent of the Kingdom. — Description df the Pec^e. — Andent State of the 
Um Countries —Of the High Grounds— Contrasted with the present 
Aspect of the Country. — Expedition of Julius Csesar. — The Belgae. — 
The Menafnans. — Batavians — EHstinguished among the Auxiliaries of 
Borne— Decrease of national Feeing in Part of the Country. —Steady 
Patriotism of the Prisons and Menapians. — Commencement of CiviL 
isation. — Early Formation of the Dykes. — Degeneracy of those who be- 
came united to the RomAns. — Invasion of the Netherlands by the Salian 
Franks. Page 1 

CHAP. II. 

250— 8oa 

FROM THE SETTLEMENT OF THE FRANKS TO THE SUBJUGATION OF 
FRIE5LAND BY THE FRENCH. 

Character of the Franks. — The Saxon Tribes. — Destruction of the Salians 
by a Saxon Tribe. — Julian the Apostate. —Victories of Clovis in Gaul. 
Contrast between the Low Countries and the Provinces of France. — 
State of Friesland.- Charies MarteL— Friesland converted to Chris, 
tianity— finally subdued by France. - - . .10 

CHAP. IIL 

^ 800^1000. 

FRdM THE CONQUEST OF FRIESLAND TO THE FORMATION OF HOLLAND. 

Commencement of Che Feudal System in the High Lands. — Flourishing 
State of the Low Countries. — Counts of the Empire. — Formation of the 
Gilden or Trades. — Establishment of popular Privileges in Friesland. — 
In what they consisted. — Growth of Ecclesiastical Power. — Baldwin of 
Flanders — Created Count — An>earance of the Normans. — They 
nvagetbe Netherlands — Their Destruction — And final Disappearance. 
— Division of the Empire into Higher and Lower Lorraine. — Establish. 
mc^t of the Counts of Lorraine and Hainault — Increasing Power of the 
Bishops of Liege and Utrecht — Th«r Jealousy of the Counts ; who 
resist their Encroachments. ...... 17 

A 4 



VUl CONTENTS. 

CHAP. IV. 

1018 — 1384 

FROM THE FORMATION OF HOLLAND TO THB DEATH OF LOUIS DB MALE. 

Origin of Holland. — Its first Count — • Aggrandisement of Flanders. — Its 
growing Commerce. — Fisheries. — Manufactures. — Formation of the 
County of Guelders — And of Brabant — State of FriesUnd. — State <d 
the Provinces. — The Crusades. —Their good Eff^ts on the State of the 

Netherlands Decline of the Feudal Power — And Growth of the In. 

fluence of the Towns. —Great Prosperity of the Country. — The Flem. 
ings take up Arms against the French —Drive them out of Bruges— 
And defeat them in the Battle of Courtrai. — Popular Success in Brabant 
^ Its Confederation with Flanders. — Rebellion of Bruges against the 
Count — And of Ghent under James d* Artaveldt — His Alliance with 
England. — His Power — And Death. — Independence of Flanders. — 
Battle of Roosbeke — Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, obtains the 
Sovereignty of Flanders. ..... PageS7 

CHAP. V. 
1384—1506. 

FROM THE SUCCESSION OF PHILIP THE BOLD TO THE COimTT OF FLANDERS 
TO THE DEATH OF PHILIP THE FAIR. 

Philip succeeds to the Inheritance of Brabant — Makes War on England as 
a French Prince— Flanders remaining neuter. — Power of the Houses 
of Burgundy and Bavaria — And Decline of public Liberty. — Union of 
Holland, Hainault, and Brabant. — Jacqueline Countess of Holland and 
Hainault — Flies from the Tyranny of her Husband, John of Brabant, 
and takes Refuge in England. — Murder of John the Fearless, Duke of 
Burgundy. — Accession of his Son, Philip the Good.— His Policy.^ 
Espouses the Cause of John of Brabant against Jacqueline. — Deprives her 
of Hainault, Holland, and Zealand. — Continues his Persecution, and de. 
spoils her of her last Possession and Titles. — She marries a Gentleman 
of Zealand — And dies. — Peace of Arras. — Dominions of the House of 
Burgundy equal to the present Extent of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. 
— i Rebellion of Ghent — Aflfkirs of Holland and Zealand. — Charles the 
Rash.— His Conduct in Holland.— Succeeds his Father.— Efibcts of Philip's 
Reign on the Manners of the People. — Louis XI. — Death of Charles, 
and Succession of Mary. — Factions among her Suhiects. — Marries Maxi. 
milian of Austria. — Battle of Guinegate. — Death of Mary.— Maximilian 
unpopular, -i- Imprisoned by his Subjects. — Released. — Invades the Ne. 
therlands. — Succeeds to the Imperial Throne by the Death of his Father. 
— Philip the Fair proclaimed Duke and Count— His wise Administra. 
tion. -Affairs of Friesland. — Of Guelders. — CharW of £gmoDt-> Death 
ofPhUiptheFair. - . . ^. . , . 43 

CHAP. VI. 

1506—1555. 

FROM THE OOVBRNMBNT OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA TO THB ABDICATION 

OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 

Margaret of Austria invested with the Sovereignty. —Her Character and 
Government — Charles, Son of Philip the Fair, created Duke of 



CONTENTS. IX 

Brabant and Count of Flanders and Holland. —The Reformation. ~ 
Martin Luther. — Persecution of the Reformers. — Battle of Favia. — 
Cession of Utrecht to Charles V. — Peace of Cambray. — The Anabap. 
lists* Sedition at Ghent — Expedition against Tunis and Algiers.— 
Charles becomes possessed of Friesland and Guelders. — His increasing 
Severity against the Protestants. — His Abdication and Death. — Review. 
— Progress of Civilisation. ..... Page 65 



CHAP. VII. 
1555—1566. 

FSOM THE ACCESSION OF PHILIP II. OF SPAIN TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF 
THE INQUISITION IN THE NETHERLAND& 

Accession of Philip II. — His Character and Government — His Wan 
with France, and with the Pope. — Peace with the Pope — Battle of 
St Quentin.— Battie of Gravelines. — Peace of CAteau-Cambresis. — 
Death oi Mary of England. — Philip's Despotism.— Establishes a Pro- 
visional Government ^ Convenes the States-general at Ghent— -Hit 
Minister Granvelle. — Goes to Zealand. — Embarks for Spain.— Pros, 
perity revivesw — Effects of the Provisional Government — Marguerite 
of Parma. — Character of Granvdl& — Viglius de Berlaimont — De. 
parture of the Spanish Troops. —Clergy. — Bishops. — National Disooii. 
tent — Granvelle appointed Cardinal. — Edicts against Heresy. — Tapa. 
lar Indignation. — Reformation. — State of Brabant — Confederacy 
against Granvelle. — Prince of Orange — Counts Egmont and Horn 

■ join the Prince against Granvelle. — Granvelle recalled.— Council of 
Trent — Its Decrees received with Reprobation. — Decrees againt Re. 
formers. — Philip's Bigotry. — Establishment of the Inquisitioa — Popu. 
lar ResisUnce. • - . - - - 78 



CHAP. VIIL 

1566. 

COMMENCEMENT OF THE REVOLimON. 

Commencement of the Revolution. — Defence Qf the Prince of Orange. — 
Confederacy of the Nobles. — Louis of Nassau. — De Brederode — Philip 
de St Aldegonde. — Assembly of the Council of State. — Confederates 

. enter Brussels — Take the Titie of Gveux — Quit Brussels, and disperse 
in the Provinces.— Measures of Government — Growing Power of the 
Confederates. — Progress of the Reformatioa —Field-Preaching.- 

, Herman Strieker. — Boldness of the Protestants. — Peter Dathea — 

. Ambrose Ville. — Situation of Antwerp. — The Prince repairs to it, and 
saves it — Meeting of the Confederates at St Trond.— The Prince of 

. Orange and Count Egmont treat with them. — Tyranny of Philip and 
Moderation of the Spanish Council — Image-Breakers. — Destruction of 
the Cathedral of Antwerp. — Terror of Government — Firmness of 
Viglius. — Arbitration between the Court and the People. — Concessions 
made by Government — Restoration of Tranquillity. - < lOS 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAP. IX. 
1566—1573. 

TO THB ADMINISTRATION OF EBQUB8BN8. 

Philip's VliidictiTeneBs and Hypocrisy. — Progress of Protestantism. — Gnu 
dual Dissolution of the C<mspiracy. — Artifices of Philip and the Court 
to disunite the Protestants. — Firmness of the Prince of Orange.^ Con- 
ferenoe at Termonde. — Egmont abandons the Patriot Cause. — Fatal 
Effects of his Conduct — i Commencement of Hostilities. — Siege of 
Valenciennes.— Protestant Synod at Antwerp.— Haughty Conduct of 
the Government — Royalists repulsed at Bois-le-duc. — Battle of Oster. 
weel, and Defeat of the Patriots. — Antwerp again saved by the Firmness 
and Prudence of the Prince of Orange. — Capitulation of Valenciennes. 
— Successes of the Royalists. — Death of De Brederode. — New Oath of 
Allegwice— Reftised by the Prince of Orange and others. —The Prince 
resolves on voluntary Banishment, and departs for Germany. — His 
Example is followed by the Lords. — Extensive Emigration. — Arrival of 
the.j)ulce of Orleans. — Egmont's Humiliatioa — Alva's Powers.— 
Arteft of Egmont and others. — Alva's first Acts of Tyranny. — Council 
<tf Blood.— Recall of the Government— Alva's Character.— He summons 
the Prince of Orange, who is tried by Contumacy. — Horrors committed 
by Alva. — Desolate State of the. Country.- Trial and Execution of 
Egmont and Horn. — The Prince of Orange raises an Army in Ger. 
many^ and opens his first Campaign in the Netherlands. — Battle of 
Heiligerlee. — Death of Adolphus of Nassau. —Battle of Jemminghem. 
—Success and skilful Conduct of Alva. — Dispersion of the Prince of 
Orange's Army. — Growth of the naval Power of the Patriots. — Inun- 
dation in Holland and Friesland. — Alva reproached by Philip. — Duke 
of Medina.Celi appointed Governor. — Is attacked, and his Fleet de. 
stroyed by the Patriots. — Demands his Recall. — Policy of the English 
Queen, Elizabeth. —The Dutch take Brille. — General Revolt in Holland 
and Zealand. — New Expedition of the Prince of Orange. — Siege of 
Mons. — Success of the Prince. — Siege of Haerlem ^ Of Alkmaer. — 
Removal of Alva.— Don Luis Zanega y Requesens appointed Governor- 
General. - - - - - - - Page 118 

CHAP. X. 

1573 — 1576. 

TO THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT. 

Character of Requesens.- His conciliating Conduct. — Renews the War 
against the States. — Siege of Middleburg. — Generosity of the Prince of 
Orange. — Naval Victory. — State of Flanders. — Count Louis of Nas. 
sau. — Battle of Mookerheyde. — Counts Louis and Henry slain. — Mu. 
tiny of the Spanish Troops — Siege of Leyden. — Negotiations for Peace 
at Breda. — The Spaniards take Zuricsee. — Requesens dies. — The 
Government devolves on the Council of State. — Miserable State of the 
Country, and Despair of the Patriots.— Spanish Mutineers. — The States- 
general are convoked, and the Council arrested by the Grand Bailifi'of 
Brabant— The Spanish Mutineers sack and capture Maestricht, and 
afterwards Antwerp.— The States.gcneral assemble at Ghent and assume 
the Government — The Pacification of Ghent . .139 



CONTENTS. XI 

CHAP. XL 

1576 — 158a 

TO THB RBMUNCUTIOir OFTHB SOTBRBIGNTY OF SPAIN AND THE DECLARATION 
OF INOEPENOENCB. 

Don John of Austria, Goveraor-General, arrives in the Netherlands. — 
His Character and Conduct — The States send an Enycgr to EUzabeth of 
£ngland. —> She advances them a Loan of Money. — The Union of 
BrusseU— The Treaty of Marche-en-Famenne, called the Peipetual 
£dict.— The impetuous Conduct of Don John excites the public Suspi. 
cion. — He seises on the Citadel of Namur. — The Prince of Orange is 
named Protector of Brabant— The People destroy the Citadels of Ant. 
weip and other Towns.— The Duke of Arscbot is named Governor of 
FlandersL —> He invites the Archduke Mathias to accept the Government 
of the Netherlands. — Wise Conduct of the Prince of Orange. — Ryhove 
and Hembyse possess themselves of supreme Power at Ghent — The 

. Prince of Orange goes there and establishes Order. ^The Archduke 
Mathias is installed. —The Prince of Parma arrives in the Netherlands, 
and guns the Battle of Gemblours. — CcmAision of the States-general — 
The Duke ot Alen^on comes to their Assistance — Dissensions among 
the Patriot Chieft. — Death of Don John of Austria. — Suspicions of his 
having been poisoned by Order of Philip IL — The Prince of Parma is 
declared Govemor.GeneraL — The Union of Utrecht — The Prince of 
Parma takes the Fidd. — The Congress of Cologne rendered firuitless by 
the Obstinacy of Philip. —The States-general assemble at Antwerp, and 
issue a Declaratitm of National Independence. — The Sovereignty of the 
Netherlands granted to the Duke of Alen9on. - . . Page 150 

CHAP. XII. 
1580— 1581. 

TO TBB m/RDBR OF TRB PRINCB OF OBANOB. 

Proscription of the Prince of Orange. — His celebrated Apology. — Philip 
proposes sending back the Duchess of Parma as Oovemant — Her Son 
refuses to act jointly with her, and is left in the Exercise of his Power. — 
The Siege of Cambray undertaken by the Prince of Parma, and gal. 
lantly defended by the Princess of Epinol — The Duke of Alen^on 
created Duke of Ai^ou. — Repairs to England, in hopes of marrying 
Queen Elizabeth. — He returns to the Netherlands unsuccessftil, and is 
inaugurat4^ at Antwerp. —The Prince of Orange desperately wounded 
by an Assassin. — Details on John Jaureguay and his Accomplices.— 
The People suspect the French of the Crime. —Rapid Recovery of the 
Prince, who soon resumes his accustomed Activity. — Violent Conduct 
of the Duke of Aqjou, who treacherously attempts to seise on Antwerp.— 
He is defeated by the Townspeople. — His Disgrace and Death — Unge- 
nerous Suspicions of the People against the Prince of Orange, who leaves 
Flanders in Disgust —Treachery of the Prince of Chimay and othersL^ 
Treason of Hembyse. — He is executed at Ghent — The States resolve to 
confer the Sovereignty on the Prince of Orange. ~ He is murdered at 
DeUt — Parallel between him and the Admiral Coligny. — Execution 
of Balthasar Gerard, his Assassin. — Complicity of the Prince of Parma. 

168 



XU CONTENTS. 

CHAP. XIII. 

1584—15981 

TO TBB DBATR OF ALBXANDBE^UMCB OF PABMA. 

Eflteti of William's Death on the History of his Country. — Firm Conduct 
of the United Province*. — They reject the Overtures of the Prince of 
Parnuu — He reduces the whole of Flanders. — Deplorable Situation of 
the Country. — Vigorous Measures of the Northern States. ^ Antwerp 
besieged. — Operations of the Siege. — Immense Exertions of the Be. 
riegers. — The Infernal Machine. — Battle on the Dyke of Couvestien. — i 
Surrender of Antwerp. — Extravagant Joy of Philip II. —The United 
Provinces solicit the Aid of France and England. — Elisabeth sends them 
a Supply of Troops under the Earl of Leicester. — He returns to England. 
—Treachery of some English and Scottish OflBcers. — Prince Ifaurice 
commences his Career. —The Spanish Armada. — Justin of Nassau 
blocks up the Prince of Parma in the Flemish Ports. — Ruin of the Ar. 
mada. — Philip's mock Piety on hearing the News. — Leicester dies. — 
Exploits and Death of Martin Schenck. — Breda surprised. —The I.uke 
of Parma leads his Army into France. — His fiunous Retreat — His 
Death and Character. .... Pftgel74 

CHAP. XIV. 
1592-15991 

TO TBB niDBPBNDENCB OF BBLOIITM AND TBB DBATH OF PHIUP IL 

Count Mansfield named Oovemor-GeneraL— State of Flanders and Bra- 
bant—The Arcbduke Ernest named Oovemor.Oeneral. — Attempts 
against the life of Prince Maurice— He takes Oroningen. — Death of 
the Archduke Ernest — Count Fuentes named Oovemor-GeneraL — He 
takes Cambray and other Towns. — Is soon replaced by the Archduke 
Albert of Austria. — His high Reputation. — He opens bis first Campaign 
in the Netherlands. — His Successes. — Prince Maurice gains the Battle 
of Tumhout — Peace of Vervin& — Philip yields the Sovereignty of the 
Netherlands to Albert and Isabella.- A new Plot against the Life of 
Prince Maurice. — Albert sets out for I^Mun, and receives the News of 
Philip's Death. — Albert arrives in Spain, and solemnises his Bfarriage 
with the Inftota Isabella. — Review of the State of the Netherlands. 192 

CHAP. XV. 

1599-lGOl 

TO TBB CAMPAIGN OF PBINCB MAUBICB AlTD 8PIMGLA. 

(Cardinal Andrew of Austria Governor. — Francisco Mendosa, Admiral of 
Aragon, invades the neutral States of Germany.— His atrocious Cqii' 
duct — Prince Maurice takes the Field. — His masterly Movements. 
— Sybilla of Cleves raises an Army, which is quickly destroyed.— 
Great Exertions of the States-general — Naval Expedition under Vander 
Goes. — Its complete Failure. — Critical Situation of the United Prou 
vinces. — Arrival of the Archduke in Brussels. — Success of Prince 
Maurice. — His Expedition into Flanders. — Energy of the Archduke. — 
Heroism of Isabella. — Progress of Albert's Army. — Its first SuccessL — 
Firmness of Maurice. — The Battle of Nieuport— Total Defeat of the 
RoyaUsts. — Consequences of the Victory. — Prince Maurice returns to 



CONTENTS. XiH 

HoUand. ~ Negotiations for Peace. —Siege of Ostend. — Death of Eliza, 
betb of England. — United Provinces send Ambassadors to James I. — 
SuccessAil Negotiations of Barneveldt and the Duke of Sully in London. 

— Peace between England and Spain. — Brilliant Campaign between 
j^tinola and Prince Maurice.— Battle of Roeroord. — Nayal Transac- 
tiona. — Progress of Dutch Influence in India.— Establishment of the 
East India Company. ..... Page SOS 

CHAP. XVI. 

1606—1619. 

TO THE SnrOD OF DOVr AND THB EXBCUTIOIT OF BAMfETBLDT. 

Spinola proposes to invade the United Provinces. — Suecessfblly opposed by 

* Prince Maurice. — The Dutch defeated at Sea. — Desperate Conduct of 
Admiral Klagoon. — Great naval Victory of the Dutch, and Death of 
their Admiral Heemskirk. — Overtures of the Archdukes for Peace— 
How received in Holland. — Prudent Conduct of Barneveldt. — Negotia. 
tions opened at the Hague. — John de Neyen, Ambassador for the 
Archdukes. — Armistice for Eight Months. — Neyen attempts to bribe 

* D* Aarsens, the Oreffler of the States-general. — His Conduct disclaimed 
by Verreiken, Counsellor to the Archdukes. — Great Prejudices in HoL 
land against King James T. and the English — And Partiality towards 
France — Rupture of the Negotiations. —They are renew^ —Truce for 
Twelve Years signed at Antwerp. — Gives great Satisfaction in the Ne. 
therlands. — Important Attitude of the United Provinces.— Conduct of 

- the Belgian Provinces. — Disputes relative to Cleves and Juliers. — 
Prince Maurice and Spinola remove their Armies into the contested 
States. — Intestine Troubles in the United Provinces. — Assassination of 
Henry IV. of France. — His Character.— Change in Prince Maurice's 
Character and Conduct — He is -strenuously opposed by Barneveldt — 
ndigious Disputes.— King James enters the List of Controversy. — 
Barneveldt and Maurice take opposite Sides. — The cautionary Towns 
released firom the Possession of England.— Consequences of this Event 

— Calumnies against Barneveldt — Ambitious Designs of Prince Mau- 
rice. — He U baffled by Barneveldt — The Republic assists its Allies with 
Money and Ships. — Its great naval Power. — Outrages of some Dutch 
Sailors in Ireland— Unresented by King James. — His Anger at the 
manufacturing Prosperity of the United Provinces. — Excesses of the 
Gomarists — The Magistrates call out the National Militia. — Violent 

- Conduct of Prince Maurice. — Uncompromising Steadiness of Bame- 

- TcUtt- Calumnies against him. — Maurice succeeds to the Title of 
Prince of Orange — And acts with increasing Violence. — Arrest of 
Banieveldt and his Friends- Synod of Dort — Its Consequences.— 
Trial, Condemnation, and Execution .of Barneveldt — Grotiua and 
Hoogerbeets sentenced to perpetual Imprisonment— Ledenburg com- 
mits Suidde. - . . . . . - 218 

CHAP. XVI L 

1619— 16!25. 

TO TBE DEATH OF PRINCE MAURICE. 

The Parties of Arminianism quite subdued. — Emigrations. — Orotins 
resolves to attempt an Escape firom Prison. — Succeeds in his Attempt 



XVr CONTENTS. 

— He repairs to Paris — And publishes his " Apology.**— Expiration 
' of the Twelve Years* Truce. —Death of Philip IIL and of the Archduke 

Albert — War in Germany. — Campaign bettreen Prince Maurice and 
Spinola. — Conspiracy against the life of Prince Maurice. — Its Failure. 

— Fifteen of the Conspirators executed. — Great Unpopularity of Mau- 
rice. — Death of Maurice. - - - . Page 841 

CHAP. XVIIL 

1625—1648. 

TO THB TREATY OF MUmTSB. 

Frederick Henry nicceeds his Brother.— Charles I. King of England. — . 
War between France and England. — Victories of Admiral Hein. — 
Brilliant Success of Frederick Henry. -^Fruitless Enterprise in Flandem 

— Death of the Archduchess Isabella. — Confederacy in Brabant — Its 
Failure, and Arrest of the NoblesL- Ferdinand Prince-Cardinal Governor. 
OeneraL — Treaty between France and Holland. — Battle of Avein.— 
Naval Aflbirs. —Battle of the Downs. — Van Tromp — Negotiations for 
the Marriage of Prince William with the Princess Mary of England. — 
Death of the Print^CardinaL — Don Francisco de Mello Goveroor-Ge- 
neraL — Battle of Bocroy. — Gallantry of Prince William. — Death of 
Cardinal Ric)ieUeu and of Louis XI IL— English FoltUca. — Afflurs of 
Germany. — Negotiations for Peace. — Financial Embarrassment of the 
Republia — The Republic negotiates with Spain. — Last Exploits of 
Frederick Henry. — His Death — And Character. — WilUam II. Stadt. 
holder.— Peace of Mttnster —Resentment of Louis XIIL —Peace of 
Westphalia. ^ Review of the Progress of Art, Science, and Manners. — . 
Literature. — Painting. — Engraving. — Sculpture — Architecture.— 
Finance. — Population. — Commercial Companies. — Manners. . £51 

CHAP. XIX. 

1648—1678. 

FROM THE PEACE OF MUNSTBR TO THE PEACE OF NIMBGUBN. 

State of the Republic after the Peace of Munster. — State of England. — 
William II. Stadtholder. — His ambitious Designs and violent Conduct. 

— Attempts to seise on Amsterdam. — His Death. — Different Sensations 
caused by his Death. —The Prerogatives of the Stadtholder assumed by 
the People. — Naval War with England. — English Act of Navigation. — 
Irish Hostilities. — Death of Tromp — A Peace with England. — Dis. 
turt>ed State of the Republic. —War with Denmark. —Peace concluded. 

— Charles II. restored to the Ei^lish Throne. — Declares War against 
Holland. — Naval Actions. — ^ Charles endeavours to exdte all Europe 
against the Dutch. —His Failure. — Renewed Hostilities.— De Ruyter 
defeated. — Peace of Breda. — Invasion of Flanders by Louis XII. — He 
over.runs Brabant and Flanders. — Triple League, 1668. — Perfidious 
Conduct of Charles II. — He declares War against Holland, ftc., as does 
Louis XIV. — Unprepared SUte of United Provinces.— WiUiam III. 
Prince of Orange. — Appointed Captain.General and High Admiral. — 
Battle of Solebay.— The French invade the Republic— The States, 
general implore Peace. — Terms demanded by Louis XIV. — And by 
Charles II. — Des}.)eration of the Dutch.— The Prince of Oxange pro- 



CONTENTS. XV 

claimed Stadtholder. ^ Massacre of the De Witts. ^Fuie Conduct of the 
*Prince of Orange. — He takes the Field — Is reinforced by Spain, the 
Emperor, and Brandenburg. — Louis XIV. forced to abandon his Con. 
quests. — Naval Actions with the English. — A Peace, 1674 — Military 
Afftirs. — Battle of Senef. — Death of De Ruyter. — i Congress for Peace 
at Nimeguen. —Battle of Mount CasseL — Marriage of the Prince of 
Orange — Peace of Nimeguen. .... Tage 869 

CHAP. XX. 

1678— 17ia. 

FROM TBS PKACB OF NIMBGUEN TO TRB PBACE OF VntBCBT. 

State of E;urope subsequently to the Peace of Nimeguen. — Arrogant Con. 
duct of Louis XIV. — Truce for Twenty Years. — Death of Charles IL of 
England. — League of Augsbourg. — The Conduct of William. — He in. 
▼ades England. —James IL deposAL —William III. proelaimed King of 
England. — King WUliam puts himself at the Head of the Confederacy 
against Louis XIV. — And enters on the War. — MUitary Operationfe. — 
Peace of Ryswick. — Death of Charles II. of Spain. — War of Succession. 
— Death of William III.— HU Character.— Duke of Marlboraugh. — 
Prince Eugene. — Successes of the Earl of Peterborough hi Spain and 
Portugal — Louis XIV. solicito Peace. — Conferences fbr Peace. >— Peace 
ofUtrecht — Treaty of the Barrier. S90 

CHAP. XXI. 
1713—1794. 

FSOM THB PBACB OF UTBBCHT TO THB INCOBPOBATIOM OF BBLGIUM WITH 
TUB FRBMCH REPUBLIC. 

Quadruple AUiancft— General Peace of Europe. — Wise Conduct of the 
Republic. — Great Danger from the bad State of the Dykes. — Death of 
the Emperor Charles VL — Maria Theresa Empress. .- Her heroic Con. 
duct— Battle of Dettingen. — Louis XV. invades the Netherlands.- 
Conferences for Peace at Breda. — Battle of Fontenoy. — William IV. 
Stadthokler and Captain. General. — Peace of Aix-la-ChapeUe. — Death of 
the Stadtholder — Who U succeeded by his Son William V. — War of 
Seven Years. — State of the Republic. — William V. Stadtholder. — Dis. 
memberment of Poland. —Joseph IL Emperor. — His attempted Reforms 
in Religion. — War with England. — Sea Fight on the Dogger Bank. — 
Peace with England, 1784 — Progress of public Opinion in Europe— In 
Belgium — And Holland. — Violent Opposition to the Stadtholder.— 
Arrest of the Princess of Orange. — Invasion of Holland by the Prussian 
Army. — Agitation in Belgium. — Vander Noot — Prince Albert of 
Saxe Teschen and the Archduchess Maria Theresa joint Governors-Ge- 
neraL — Succeeded by Count Murray. — Riots. — Meetings of the Pro- 
visional States. — General Insurrection. — Vonckists. — Vander Mersch 
-Takes the Command of the Insurgents — i His skilftd Conduct — Be 
gains the Battle of Tumhout —Takes Possession of FUnders. —Con. 
federation of the Belgian Provinces. — Death of Joseph II. —Leopold 
Emperor. — Arrest of Vander Mersch. — Arrogance of the States-general 
of Belgium. —The Austrians over-run the Country. —Convention at the 
Hague. —Death of Leopold. —Battle of Jemanies. — General Dumou. 



irvi CONTENTS. 

ries. — Conquest of Belgium by the French. — Recovered by tl^e Aus- 
triani.— The Archduke Charles GoTemor.Oeneral. —War in the Nethor. 
landa — Duke of York. —The Emperor FrancU. —The Battle of Fleurus. 

— Incorporation of Belgium with the French RepubUc^Peaoe of Leoben. 
— Treft^ofCampoFormia PageSM 

CHAP. XXIL 
1794 — 18ia 

raOM THE rirYABION OF HOLLAND BT TQB PRBNCH TO TBB EETUSN OF 
■ran PRINCE OF OBANOB. 

Fichegru invades Holland. —Winter Campaign. —The Duke of Yodc vainly 
resists the French Army. — Abdication of the Stadtholder. — Batavian 
Republic— War with EngUnd. — Unfortunate Situation of Holland. — 
Naval Fight — English Expedition lo the Helder. ~> Napoleon Bona- 
parte. — Louis Bonaparte named King of Holland. — His popular Con. 
duct — He abdicates the Throne — Annexation of Holland to the French 
Empire —> Ruinous to the Proqierity of the Republic. —The People desire 
the Return of the Prince of Orange — Confederacy to effect this Purpose. 
—Hie Allied Armies advance towards Holland.— The Nation rises to 
throw off the Yoke of France — ^ Count Styrum and his Associates lead on 
that Movement— And proclaim the Prince of Orange— Who lands from 
England. — His first Proclamation. — His second Proclamation. . 319 

CHAP. XXIII. 
1813—1815. 

FROM TBB INSTALLATION OF WILUAM L AS PRINCB-BOVEBBIGM OF THB 
NBTHBRLAN08 TO THB BATTLE OF WATBBLOOl 

Rapid Organisation of Holland. — The Constitution formed. — Accepted 
by the People — Objections made to it by some Individuals. — Inaugura. 
tion of the Prince-Sovereign. -<• Belgium is occupied by the Allies. — 
Treaty of Paris. —Treaty of London. — Formation of the Kingdom of 
the Netherlands. — Basis of the Government — Relative Character and 
Situation of Holland and Belgium.— The Prince-Sovereign of Holland 
arrives in Belgium as Governor-General — The fundamental Law.— 
Report of the Commissioners by whom it was framed. — Public Feeling 
in Holland— And in Belgium. — The Emperor Napoleon invades France 

— And Belgium —The Prince of Orange takes the Field. — The Duke 
of Wellington. — Prince Blucher. —Battle of Ligny. — Battle of Qiiatre 
Bras.- Battie of Waterloo, — Anecdote of the Prince of Orange— 
Who is wounded. — Inauguration of the King. . . . $SS 



HISTORY 

or 

THE NETHERLANDS. 



CHAP. I. 
B. 0. 50 — ^A. D. 250. 

FROM THE INVASIOK OF THE KETHERLANOS BT THE ROICAKS TO 
THE INVASION BT THE 8ALIAN FRANKS. 

The Netherlands form a kingdom of modemte extent^ 
situated on the borders of the ooean^ opposite to the 
south-east coast of England^ and stretching from the 
frontios of France to those of Hanover. The country 
is principally composed of low and humid grounds^ 
presenting a vast plain^ irrigated by the waters from 
all those neighbouring states which are traversed by the 
Rhine, the Meuse^ and the Scheldt. This plain^ gradu- 
ally rising towards its eastern and southern extremities, 
blends on the one hand with Prussia^ and on the other 
with France. Having, therefore, no natural or strongly 
marked limits on those sides, the extent of the kingdom 
oould only be determined by convention ; and it must 
be at all times subject to the arhiti-ary and varying in- 
fluence of European policy. Its greatest length, from 
north to south, is about 220 EngHsh miles; and its 
breadth, from east to west, is nearly 140. 

Two distinct kinds of men inhabit this kingdom; 
the one occupying the valleys of the Meuse and the 
Scheldt, and the h^h grounds bordering on France, speak 
a dialect of the language of that country, and evidently 
belong to the Gallic race. They are called Walloons^ 



2 HI8T0BT OF TO NETHKBLANIM. 

and are diBtinguiahed from die others by many peculiar 
qualities. Their most prominent characteristic is a pro- 
pensity for war^ and their principal source of subsistence 
the working of their mines. They form nearly one 
fourth of the population of the whole kingdom^ or about 
1^300^000 persons. All the rest of the nation speak Low 
German^ in its modifications of Dutch and Flemish; and 
they offer the distinctive characteristics of the Saxon 
race^— talents for agiicolture^ nayigadon, and com- 
merce; perseverance rather than vivacity; and more 
oourage than taste for the profession of arms. They are 
subdivided into Flemings^ — those who were the hut to 
submit to the house of Austria ; and Dutch^ — those who 
formed the republic of the United Provinces. But lliere H 
no difference between these two subdiviAons, except such 
as has been produced by political and religious institu* 
tions. The physical aspect of the people is the same : 
•and the soil^ equally low and moist^ is at once fertilised 
and menaced by the waters. 

The history of this last-mentioned portion of the na^i 
tion is completely linked to that of the soil which they 
occupy. In remote times^ when the inhabitants of this 
plain were few and uncivilised^ the country formed but 
one immense morass, of which the chief part was inces* 
sandy inimdated and made sterile by die waters of di£ 
sea. Pliny the naturalist, who visited the nordiem 
CDSSts, has left us a picture of their state in his days. 
*' There," says he, '* die ocean pours in its flood twice 
every day, and produces a perpetual uncertainty whe» 
ther the country may be considered as a part of the 
oondnent or of die sea. The wretched inhabitants take 
refuge on die sand-hills, or in litde huts, which they 
construct on die summits of lofty stakes, whose elevation 
is conformable to diat of the highest tides. When the 
sea rises, diey appear like navigators ; when it retires, 
they seem as though diey had been shipwrecked. They 
subsist on the fish left by the refluent waters, and which 
they catch in nets formed of rushes or sea-weed. Nei^ 
iher tree nor shrub is visible on diese shores. The drink 



.EABLY STATE OF THE <X>VNTBT. 8 

of the people is rain water^ which they preserve with 
•great care ; their fiiel^ a sort of tuzf^ whidi they gath£!r 
•and form with the hand. And yet these unfortunate 
beings dare to complain against their fate^ when they 
fall under the power and are incorporatcsd with the em- 
pire of Home !"♦ 

The picture of poverty and suffering which this pas- 
sage presents is heightened when joined to a description 
of the country. The coasts consisted only of sand- 
.banks or slime^ alternately overflowed or left imperfectly 
dry. A little farther inland trees were to be founds but 
on a soil so marshy that an inundation or a tempest 
threw down whole forests^ such as are still at times 
discovered at eight or ten feet depth below the surface. 
The sea had no limits ; the rivers no beds nor banks ; 
the earth no solidity — for^ according to an author of the 
.third century of our era> there was not^ in the whole of 
the immense plain^ a spot of ground that did not yield 
•imder the footsteps of man.t 

It was not the same in the southern parts^ which 
form at present the Walloon country. These high 
grounds suffered much less from the ravages of the 
waters. The ancient forest of the Ardennes^ extending 
from the Rhine to the Scheldt^ sheltered a numerous 
though savage population^ which in all things resembled 
the Germans^ from whom they derived their descent. 
The chase and the occupations of rude agriculture suf- 
ficed for the wants of a race less poor and less patient^ 
but more unsteady and ambitious than the fiehermen 
of the low lands. Thus it is that history presents us 
■with a tribe of warriors and conquerors on the southern 
frontier of the country ; while the scattered inhabitants 
of the remaining parts seemed to have fixed there with- 
out a contest, and to have traced out for themselves^ by 
necessity and habit, an existence which any other people 
jnust have considered insupportable. 
. This difference in the nature of the soil and in the 
fate of the inhabitants appears more striking, when we 

• FUa HSft Nat liU xtL f Eumeniui, Faneg. Const Ceefe. 

B 2 



« HI8T0BT OF THB NBTHEALANDB. 

consider the present sitaation of tbe country. The high 
grounds^ formerly so preferahle, are now the least valu- 
able part of the kingdom^ even as regards their agricul- 
ture; whUe the ancient marshes have been change4 by 
human industry into rich and fertile tracts^ the best 
parts of whidi are precisely those conqu^ed from the 
grasp df the ocean. In order to form an idea of the 
solitude and desolation which once reigned where we 
now see the most richly cultiyated fields^ the most thrir- 
ing villages^ and the wealthiest towns of the continent^ 
the imagination must go back to times which have not 
left one monument of antiquity and scarcely a vestige of 
fact. 

The history of the Netherlands is^ then^ essentially 
that of a patient and industrious population struggling 
against every obstacle which nature could oppose to its 
well-being ; and^ in this contest^ man triumphed most 
completely over the elements in those places where they 
oflfeied the greatest resistance. This extraordinary re- 
sult was due to the hardy stamp of character imprinted 
by suffering and danger on those who had the ocean 
for their foe ; to the nature of their country^ which 
presented no lure for conquest; and, finally, to the to- 
leration, the justice, and the liberty nourished among 
men left to themselves, and who found resources in their 
social state which rendered diange neither an object of 
their wants nor wishes. 

About half a century before the Christian era, the 
obscurity which enveloped the north of Europe beg^an 
to disperse ; and ihe expedition of Julius Ceesar gave 
to die civilised world the first notions of the Ne£er- 
lands, Germany, and England. Cssar, after having 
subjugated the chief part of Gaul, turned his arms 
against the warlike tribes of the Ardennes, who refused 
to accept his alliance or implore his protection. They 
were called Belgs by die Romans ; and at once pro* 
ndunCed die least civilised and the bravest of the Gauls. 
Cesar diere found several ignorant and poor but in- 
trepid dans of warriors, who marched fiercely to en- 



IKVASION OF GSSAiU 5 

counter him ; and^ notwithsUmiMhg th^ inferiority in 
numbers, in weapons^ and in tactics^ they nearly de« ■ 
stroyed the disciplined armies of Rome. They were, 
however^ defeated^ and their country ravaged by the 
invaders^ who found less success when they attack^ 
the natives of the low grounds. The Menapian8j>a 
people who occupied the present provinces of Flanders 
and Antwerp^ though less numerous than those whom^ 
the Romans had last vanquished^ arrested their progress 
both by open fight and by that petty and harassing con* 
test^ — that warfare of the people rather than of the 
^Idiery^-— so well adapted to the nature of the country. 
The Roman legions retreated for the first time^ and 
were contented to occupy the higher parts^ which now 
form the Walloon provinces.* 

But the policy of Cesar made greater progress than 
his arms. He had rather defeated than subdued those 
Irho had dared the contest. He consolidated his vic- 
tories without new battles ; he ofiered peace to his ene- 
mies^ in proposing to them alliance; and he required 
their aid^ as friends, to carry on new wars in other 
lands. He thrs attracted towards him, and ranged under 
his banners, not only those people situated to the west 
of the Rhine and the Meuse, but several other nations 
more to the north, whose territory he had never seen ; 
and particularly the Batavians— a valiant tribe, stated by 
various ancient authors, and particularly by Tacitus, as 
a fraction of the Catti^ who occupied the space com- 
prised between these rivers.t The young men of these 
warlike people, dazzled by the splendour of the Roman 
armies, felt proud and happy in being allowed to iden- 
tify themselves vrith them. Ceesar encouraged this dis- 
position, and even went so far on some occasions as to 
deprive the. Roman cavalry of their horses, on which he 
mounted those new allies, who managed them better 
than thdr Italian riders. He had no reason to repent 
these measures : almost all his subsequent victories, and 

• Caesar, Comm. de BelL Gall. Dio. Cass. lib. Ir. 
f Berlier, Pr&x Hist, de I'Ancienne Gaule. 
B 3 



6 BUTontr OF* tab nbtbeblands. 

particularly tliat of Pharsalia^ being decided by tlfe 
Talonr of the auxiliaries he obtained from the Low 
Countries.* 

These auxiliaries were chiefly drawn from Hainanlt^ 
Luxembourg^ and the country of the Batavians^ and they 
formed the best cavalry of the Roman armies^ as well as 
their choicest light infantry force. The Batavians also 
signalised themselves on many occasions^ by the skill with 
which they swam across several great rivers without 
breaking their squadrons' ranks. They were amply re- 
warded for their military services and hazardous exploits^ 
and were treated like stanch and valuable allies. But 
this unequal connection of a mighty empire with a few 
petty states must have been fatal to the liberty of the- 
weaker party. Its first effect was to destroy all feeling 
of nationaility in a great x^ortion of the population. The 
young adventurer of this part of the Low Countries^ 
after twenty years of service under the imperial eagles^ 
returned to his native wilds a Roman. The generals of 
the empire pierced the forests of the Ardennes with cause- 
ways^ and founded towns in the heart of the country. 
The result of such innovations was a total amalgamation 
of the Romans and their new allies ; and little by little 
the national character of the latter became entirely obli* ■ 
terated. But to trace now the precise history of this 
gradual change would be as impossible as it w^ be one 
day to follow the progress of civilisation in the woods of ' 
North America. 

But it must be remarked^ that this metamorphosis 
affected only the inhabitants of the high grounds^ and the 
Batavians (who were in their origin Germans) properly 
so called. The scanty population of the rest of tbe^ 
country^ endowed witJi that fidelity to their ancient 
customs which characterises the Saxon race^ showed no 
tendency to mix with foreigners^ rarely figured in their • 
ranks, and seemed to revolt from the southern refine-i: 
ment which was so little in harmony with their manners, 
and ways of life. It is astonishing, at the first view, that 

* Des Bodief, Hist de la Btigique. 



EFFECTS OP THE BOIUN AJLUAKCE. 7 

liiose beings^ whose whole existenoe was a contest against 
fiuBine or the waves^ should show less repugnance than 
4iietr happio: neighbours to recdve from Rome an abun- 
dant^ recompense for their services. But^ the greater 
their difficulty to find subsistence in their native land^ 
the stronger seemed their attachment ; like that of the 
Sivitzer to his barren rocks^ or of the mariner to the ' 
frail and hazardous home that bears him afloat on the 
ocean. This race of patriots was divided into two se- 
parate people. Those to the north of the Rhine were the' 
Prisons ; diose to the west of the Meuse^ the Menapiaiis^ 
already mentioned. 

The Frisons differed little from those early inha- 
bitants of the coasts who^ perched on their Mgh-built 
huts^ fed on fish and drank the water of the clouds. Slow^ 
and successive improvements taught them to cultivate 
the beans which grew wild among the marshes^ and to- 
tend and. feed a small and degenerate breed of homed: 
cattle. But if these first steps towards civilisation were 
slow^ they were also sure ; and they were made by a 
race of men who could never retrograde in a ciureer once 
begun. 

The Menapians^ equally repugnant to foreign impres- 
sions^ made^ on their parts^ a more rapid progress. 
They were £dready a maritime people^ and carried on a 
considerable commerce with England. It appears that 
they exported thither salt^ the art of manu£Eicturing 
which was well known to them ; and they brought back 
in return marl^ a most important conunodity for the 
improvement of their land. They also understood the 
preparation of salting meat^ with a perfection that made 
it in high repute even in Italy; and^ finally^ we are told 
by Ptolemy that they had established a colony on the 
eastern coast of Ireland^ not far from Dublin.* 

The two classes of what forms at present the popu- 
lation of the Netherlands thus followed careers widely 
different^ during the long period of the Roman power 
in these parts of Europe. While those of the high 

• Des Roches. ■ 
B 4 



8 BISTORT OF THI NBTHBBLAin>6. 

lands and the Batoviana diadsgniahed itoitaeLyea hf 
a long-oontinued ooiine of military aemoe or servitade^ 
those of the plains improved' by d^rees their social 
condition^ and fitted themselTes for a place in crrillsed 
Europe. The former receired from Rome great marks 
of faTonr in exchange for their freedom. The latter^ 
Kjecting the honours and distinctiona layished on their 
neighbours^ secured theur national independence^ by 
trusting to their industry alone for all the advantages 
they gradually acquired. 

Were the means of protecting themselves and their 
country from the inundations of the sea known and 
practised by these andent iiahabitants of the coast ? or 
did they occupy only ithose elevated points of land whidi 
stood out like islands in the middle of the floods ? These 
questions are amongst the most important presoited by 
^eir history ; since it was the victorioxn struggle of man 
against the ocean that fixed the extent and form of the 
country. It appears ahnost certain^ that in the time of 
Cesar they <£d not labour at the construction of dikes^ 
but that they b^;an to be raised during the obscurity of 
the following century ; for the remains of ancient towns 
are even now discovered in places at present overflowed 
by the sea. These ruins often bring to light traces of 
Roman construction^ and Latin inscriptions in honour of 
the Menapian divinities.* ' It is^ then^ certain that they 
had learned to imitate those who ruled in thendgh- 
bouiing countries : a result by no means surprising ; for 
even England^ the mart of their commerce^ and the na« 
tion with whidi they had the most constant intCTOourse^ 
was at that period occupied by the Romans. But the 
nature of their coimtry reptdsed so effectually every at- 
tempt at foreign domination^ that the conqueroTB of the 
world left them unmolested^ and established arsenals 
and formed communications with Great Britain only 
at Boulogne and in the island of the Batavians nekr 
Leyden. 

This isolation formed in itself a powerful and perfect 
• M^xDoires de l*Academie de Mlddlebouia. 



BBOENEBACr OF THB BATAVIAIIB. "9 

barrier between the inhabitants of the plain and thoae 
of die high grounds. The first held firm to their pri* 
mitiTe customs and their ancient language : the second 
finished by speaking Ladn^ and borrowing all the man- 
ners and usages of Italy. The moral effect of this 
eontraat was^ diat the people^ once so famous for their 
bravery^ lost^ with their liberty^ their energy and their 
eourage. One of the Batavian chieftains^ named Civilis^ 
Ibrmed an exception to this degeneracy^ and^ about 
the year 70 of our era, bravely took up arms for the 
expulsion of the Romans. He effected prodigies of ya« 
lour and perseverance, and boldly met and defeated the 
enemy both by land and 6ea. Reverses followed his 
first success, and he finally concluded an honourable 
treaty, by which his countrymen once more became the 
allies of Rome. But after this expiring effort of valour, 
the Batavians, even though chosen fron^ all nations for 
the body guaids of the Roman emperors, became rapidly 
degenerate ; and when Tacitus wrote, ninety years after 
Christ, they were already looked on as less brave than 
the Prisons and the other people beyond the Rhine** 
A century and a half later saw them confounded with 
the Gauls; and the barbarian conquerors said, that 
'* they were not a nation, but merely a prey" t 

Reduced into a Roman province, the southern por- 
tion of the Netherlands was at this period called Belgic 
Gaul; and the name of Belgium, preserved to our days, 
has imtil lately been applied to distinguish that part of 
the country situated to tibie south of £e Rhine and the 
Mouse, or nearly that which formed the Austrian Ne- 
therlands. 

During the establishment of the Roman power in 
the north of £urope, observation was not mudi excited 
towards the rapid effects of this degeneracy, compared 
with the fast-growing vigour of the people of the low 
• lands. The fact of the Prisons having, on one occasion, 
near the year 47 of our era, beaten a whole ftrmy.of 
Romans, had confirmed their character for intrepidity, 

• TlwitUB de Mor. Oenn. t Tacit lib. Iv. 



10 flXSTORY OF THI KBTHE]U.Ain)S. 

But the long stagnation produced in these remote cdon- 
tries by the colossal weight of the empire was broken^ 
about the year 250^ by an irruption of Germans or- 
Salian Franks, who, passing the Rhine and the Mena^ 
established ihemselTes in the vicinity of the Menapiaos, 
near Antwerp, Breda, and Bois-le-duc. All the nations 
that had been sulgiigated by the Boman power appear 
to liave taken arms on this occasion and opposed the' 
intruders. But the Menapians united themsdves with' 
these new-comers, and aided them to meet the shock of 
die imperial armies. Carausius, originally a Menapian 
pilot, but promoted to the command of a Roman fleets . 
made common cause with his fellow citizens, and pro- 
claimed himself emperor of Great Britain, where the 
naval superiority of the Menapians left him no fear of 
a competitor. In recompense of the assistance given 
him by the Franks, he crossed the sea again from bis 
new empire, to aid them in their war with the Batavians, 
the allies of Rome ; and having seized on their island, 
and massacred nearly the whole of its inhabitants, he 
there established his faithful friends the Salians. Con« 
stantius and his son Constantine the Great vainly strove^ 
even after the death of the brave Carausius, to regain 
possession of the country; but they were forced to leave 
the new inhabitants in quiet possession of their conquest. 



CHAP. II. 

250—800. 



raOM THX SETTLEHZKT OF THE FRANKS TO THE SUBJUGATION 
OF FRIE8LANO. 

From this epoch we must trace the progress of a totally 
new and distinct population in the Netherlands. The 
Batavians being annihilated, almost without resistance, 
the low countries contained only the free people of the 



Cf&ABACTEB OV THB FBANKfiT. - 11 

German race. But these people did not completely 
sympathise together so as to fonn one consolidated na-^ 
thm. The Salians, and the other petty trihes of Franks, 
tiieir allies^ were essentially warlike^ and appeared . pre- 
•casdy the same as the original inhabitants of the high 
gromids. The Menapians and the Prisons^ on th^ con^ 
tnxy, lost nothing of their spirit of commerce and in- 
dustry. The result of this diversity was a separation 
between the Franks and the Menapians. While the latter^ 
under the name of Armoricans^ joined themselves more 
dosdy with the^ people who bordered the Channel*^ 
the fVisons associated themselves with, the tribes settled 
an the limits of the German Ocean^ and formed with 
them a connection celebrated under the title of the 
$axon Leaguct Thus was formed on all points a union 
between the maritime races against the inland inhabit- 
ants ; and their mutual antipathy became more and more 
developed^ as the decline of the Roman empire ended 
llie former struggle between liberty and conquest. 

The Netherlands now became the earliest theatre of 
^ entirely new movement^ the consequences of which . 
•If ere destined to affect the wh<de world. This country, 
was occupied towards the sea by a people wholly ma- 
ritime^ excepting the narrow space between the Rhine 
and the Vahal^ of which the Salian Franks had become 
possessed. The nature of this marshy soil, in compa- 
rison with the sands of Westphalia, Guelders, and North 
Brabant, was not . more strikingly contrasted than was. 
the character of their population. The Franks, who 
had been for awhile under the Roman sway, showed, 
a compound of the violence of savage life and the. 
corruption of civilised society. They were covetous 
and treacherous^ but made excellent soldiers j and at 
this epoch, which intervened between the power of 
imperial Rome and that of Germany^ the Frank, 
might be morally considered as a borderer on the fron- 
tiers of the middle ages. X The Saxon (and ihis name 

• ProQop. de Bdl, Gotb. + Van Loodj Alonde Higt. 

X Scriptores Minoruzn Cesarum, passim. 



H BJ8T0BT OW IBM NBTHERLAI^S. S50^ 

oomprdiends all the tribes of the coast from the Rhine 
as far north as Denmark^) mudng in himself the di»- 
tinctive qualities of German and navigator^ waamodezmte 
and sincere, but implacable in his rage. Neither oi 
these two races of men were excelled in point of oou* 
rage; bat the number of Franks who still entered into 
the service of the empire diminished the real force of 
this nation, and naturally tended to disunite it. There- 
fore, in the subsequent shock of people against people, 
the Saxona invariably gained the find advantage. 

They had no doubt often measured their strength in 
the most remote times, since the Franks were but the 
descendants of the ancient tribes of Sicambers and others, 
against whom the Batavians had offered their assistance 
to Cssar. Under Augustus, the inhabitants of the coast 
had in the same way joined thanselves with Drusus, to 
oppose these their old enemies. It was also after having 
been expelled by the Frisons from Guelders, that the 
Salians had passed the Rhine and the Meuse ; but, in 
the fourth century, the two people recovering thdr 
strength, the straggle recommenced, never to terminate 
-^ at least between the direct descendants of each. It 
is believed that it was the Vami, a race of Saxons 
nearly connected with those of £ngland, (and coming, 
like ^em, from the coast of Denmark,) who on this oc- 
(Sasion struck the decisive blow on the side of the Saxons. 
£mbarking on board a numerous fleet, they made a de- 
scent in the ancient ide of the Batavians, at that time 
inhabited by the Salians, whom they completely destroy- 
ed. * Julian the Apostate, who was then with a nu- 
merous army pursuing his career of early glory in these 
Countries, interfered for* the purpose of preventing the 
expulsion, or at least the utter destruction, of the van- 
quished : but his efforts were unavailing. The Salians 
appear to have figured no more in this part of the Low 
Countries. . 

The defeat of the Salians by a Saxon tribe is a fact on 
which no doubt rests. The name of the victors is, how- 
« Gibbon, U.S7a 



490. DEFEAT OF THE FRANKS. 13 

ever, questionaUe.* The Pami haying remained settled 
near the mouths of the Rhine till near the jear 500, there 
U strong probahility that they were the people alluded 
to. But names and histories, which may on this point 
appear of such little importance, acquire considerahle 
interest when we reflect that these Salians, driven from 
their settlement, hecame the conquerors of France ; that 
those Stoons who forced them on their career of con- 
quest were destined to hecome the masters of £ngland; 
and that these two petty trihes, who battled so long for 
a comer of marshy earth, carried with them their reci- 
procal antipathy while involuntarily deciding the destiny 
of Europe. 

The defeat of the Franks was fatal to those people 
who had become incorporated with the Romans; for it 
was from them that the exiled wanderers, still fierce in 
their ruin, and with arms in their hands, demanded 
lands and herds; all, in ishort, which they themselves 
had lost. From the middle of the fourth century to the 
end of the fifth there was a succession of invasions in 
this spirit, which always ended by the subjugation of a 
part of the country ; and which was completed about 
the year 490, by Clovis making himself master of almost 
the whole of Gaul.t Under this new empire not a vestige 
of the ancient nations of the Ardennes was left. The 
civilised population either perished or was reduced to 
slavery, and all the high grounds were added to the pre- 
vious conquests of the Salians. 

But the maritime population, when once possessed of 
the whole coast, did not seek to make the slightest pro- 
gress towards the interior. The element of fiieir enter- 
prise and the object of their ambition was the ocean ; 
and when this hardy and intrepid race became too nu^^ 
merous for their narrow limits, expeditions and colonies 
beyond the sea carried off their redundant population. 
The Saxon warriors established themselves near the 
mouths of the Loire ; others, conducted by Hengist and 
Horsa, settled in Great Britain. It will always remaia 
* Zbdmui. f Abr^gi Chron. Hist de Fnnce, 



14 HI8T0BT OP THB KBTHERLAKDS. TOCU 

problematical from what point of the coast these adven*- 
turers departed; but many circumstances tend to give 
weight to the opinion which pronounces those old Saxone 
to have started JGrom the Netherlands. 

Paganism not being yet banished from these countries^ 
the obscurity which would have enveloped them is in 
some dejgree dispelled by the recitals of the monks who 
went among them to preach Christianity. We see in those 
records^ and by the text of some of their early laws^ 
.that this maritime people were more industrious^ pro8> 
.perous^ and happy^ thui those of France.* The men 
were handsome and richly clothed; and the land well 
cultivated^ and abounding in fruits^ milk^ 4nd honey. 
The Saxon merchants carried, their trade far into the 
southern countries. In the mean time^ the parts of the 
Netherlands which belonged to France resembled a de* 
sert. The monasteries which were there founded were 
established^ according to the words of their charters, 
amidst immense solitudes ; and the French nobles only 
eame into Brabant for the sport of bear-hunting in its 
interminable forests. Thus^ while the inhabitants of tha 
low lands, as far back as the light of history penetrates, 
appear in a continual state of improvement, those of the 
high groimds, after frequent vicissitudes, seem to sink into 
utter degeneracy and subjugation. The latter wished to 
denaturalise themselves, and become as though they were 
foreigners even on their native soil ; the former remained 
firm and faithM to their country and to each other. 

But the growth of French power menaced utter ruin 
.to this interesting race. Clovis had succeeded, about the 
year 485 of our era, in destroying the last remnants of 
Roman domination in GauL The successors of these 
iconquerors soon extended their empire from the Pyrenees 
to the Rhine. They had continual contests with the 
f Iree population of the Low Countries and their nearest 
neighbours. In the commencement of the seventh cen- 
tury, the French king Clotaire II. exterminated the chief 
part of the Saxons of Hanover and Westphalia; and 

* Acte Sanct. Belgu. 



710. BADBOIl. 15 

the historians of those barbarous times unanimously 
relate that he caused to be beheaded every inhabitant of 
,the vanquished tribes who exceeded the height of hii 
sword.* The Saxon name was thus nearly extinguished 
in those countries ; and the remnant of these various 
people adopted that of Prisons (Friesen), either because 
they became really incorporated with that nation^ or 
merely that they recognised it for the most ppwerfi(l of 
their tribes. Friesland^ to speak in the language of that 
.^e^ extended then from the Scheldt to the Weser^ and 
formed .a considerable state. But the ascendency of 
Prance was every year becoming more marked^ and 
king Dagobert extended the limits of her power even as 
far as Utrecht. The descendants of the Menapians, 
known at that epoch by the different names of Mena- 
pians^ Flemings^ and Toxandrians^ fell one after another 
direcdy-or indirectly under the empire of the Merovin* 
gian princes; and the noblest family which existed 
among the French^ — that which subsequently took the 
name of Carlovingians^--*- comprised in its dominions 
nearly the whole of the southern and western parts of 
the Netherlands. 

Between this family^ whose chief was called duke of 
the Frontier Marshes, {Dtue JBrabantiiB,) and the free 
tribes^ united under die common name of Prisons^ the 
same struggle was maintained as that which formerly 
existed between the Salians and the Saxons* Towards 
the year 700, the French monarchy was torn by anarchy^ 
and, under *' the lazy kings/' lost much of its concen* 
trated power ; but every dukedom formed an indepen* 
dent sovereignty, and of all those that of Brabant was 
the most redoubtable. Nevertheless the Prisons, undev 
thdr king Radbod, assumed for a moment the supe* 
riority ; and Utrecht, where the French had established 
Christianity, fell again into the power of the pagans. 
Charles Martel, at that time young, and but commence 
fng his splendid career, was defeated by the hostile king 
in the forest of the Ardennes ; and though, in subse« 
• Van LooD, Alonde HUt 



16 HIgTOBT OP TUB ITXTHEBLANDS. 719- 

qnent conquests^ he took an ample revenge^ Radbod i^iO 
remained a powerful opponent. It is related of this 
fierce monarchy that he was converted by a Christian 
missionary ; but^ at the moment in which he put his foot 
in the water for the ceremony of baptism^ he suddenly 
asked the priest, where all his old Prison companions in 
arms had gone after iheir death ? ^' To faell^" replied 
the priest. '* WeH, then/' said Radbod^ drawing back 
his foot from the water^ '^ I would rather go to hdlwith 
themy than to paradise with yott and your fellow fo« 
Feigners ! " and he refiued to receive the rites of baptism, 
and remained a pagan.* 

After the death of Radbod^ in 719> Charles Martel, 
now become duke of the Franks, mayor of the palace, 
or by whatever other of his several titles he may be 
distinguished, finally triumphed over the long-resisting 
Prisons. He laboured to establish Christianity among 
them; but they did not understand the Prench lan- 
guage, and the lot of converting than was consequently 
reserved for the English. St. WiUebrod was the first 
missionary who met with any success, about the latter 
end of the seventh century ; but it was not till towards 
the year 750 that this great mission was finally accom- 
plished, by St. Boniface, archbishop of Mayence, and the 
apostle of Germany. Yet the progress of Christianity, 
and the establishment of a foreign sway, still met the 
partial resistance which a conquered but not enervated 
people are always capable of opposing to their masters. 
St. Boniface fell a victim to this stubborn spirit. He pe- 
rished a martyr to his zeal, but perhaps a victim as well 
to the violent measures of his colleagues, in Priesland, 
the very province which to this day preserves the name. 

The last avenger of Priesland liberty and of the na- 
tional idols was the illustrious Witikind, to whom the 
chronicles of his country give the title of first azing, or 
judge. This intrepid chieftain is considered as a com- 
patriot, not only by the historians of Priesland, but by 
those of Saxony ; both, it would appear, having equit 

• Vita Sti. BonifacIL ' 



800. riNAL CONQUEST OF FRIESIiAND, 17 

claims to the honour ; for the union between the two 
people was constantly strei^thened by iRterinarriages 
between the noblest families of each. As long as 
Witikind remained a pagan and a'freeman^ some doubt 
existed as to the final fate of Friesland-; but when by 
his conversion he became only a noble of the court of 
CSiarlemagne^ the slavery of his country was censum- 
mated. 



CHAP. III. 
800—1000. 

FKOM THE CONQUEST OF FRIESLAND TO THE FORMATION OF 
HOLLAND. 

£y£N at this advanced epoch of foreign domination^ 
there remained as great a difference as ever between the 
people of the high grounds and the inhabitants of the 
plain. The latter were, like the rest, incorporated with 
the great monarchy; but they preserved the remem- 
brance of former independence, and even ■ retained their 
ancient names. In Flanders, Menapians and Flemings 
were still found, and in the country of Antwerp the Tox- 
andrians were not extinct. All the rest of the coast was 
stall called Friesland. But in the high grounds the 
names of the old inhabitants were lost. Nations were 
flesignated by the names of their rivers, forests, or towns. 
They were classified as accessories to inanimate things; 
and having no monuments which reminded them of 
their origin, they became as it were without recollec* 
tions or assocititions ; and degenerated, as may be almost 
said, into a people without ancestry. 

The physical state of the country had gready changed 
from the times of Cesar to those of Charlemagne. Many 
parts of the forest of the Ardennes had been cut down 
or cleared away. Civihsation had only appeared for 
awhile among diese woods, to perish like a delicate plant 
in i|n ungenial clime ; but it seemed to have sucked the 



18 HUTORT OF THE NETHEBLANDS. 800. 

very sap from the soU^ and to have left the people no 
remains of the vigour of man in his savage state^ nor of 
the desperate courage of the warriors of Germany. A 
race of serfs now cultivated the domains of haughty lords 
and imperious priests. The clergy had imm^ise pos- 
sessions in this country ; an act of the following century 
recognises 14^000 families of vassals as belonging to the 
single abbey of NiveUe. Toumay and Tongres^ both 
episcopal cities^ were by that title somewhat less op- 
pressed than the other ancient towns founded by the 
Romans ; but they appear to have possessed but a poor 
and d^raded population. 

The low lands^ on the other hand^ announced a strik- 
ing commencement of improvement and prosperity. The 
marshes and fens^ which had arrested and repulsed the 
progress of imperial Rome^ had disappeared in every part 
of ^e interior. The Meuse and the Scheldt no longer 
joined at their outlets^ to desolate the neighbouring lands; 
whether this change was produced by the labours of 
man^ or merely by the accumulation of sand deposited 
by either stream and forming barriers to both. The 
towns of Courtraig^ Bruges^ Ghent^ Antwerp^ Berg-op- 
zoom^ and Thiel^ had already a flourishing trade. The 
last-mentioned town contained in the following century 
fifty-five churches ; a fact from which, in the absence 
of other evidence, die extent of the population may be 
conjectured. The formation of dykes for the protec- 
tion of lands formerly submerged was already well 
understood, and r^ulated by uniform custom. The 
plains thus reconquered from the waters were distri- 
buted in portions, according to their labour, by those 
who reclaimed them, except the parts reserved for the 
chieftain, the church, and die poor. This vital necessity 
for the construction of dykes had given to the Prison and 
Flemish population a particular habit of union, good 
will, and reciprocal justice, because it was necessary to 
make common cause in this great work for their mutual 
preservation. In all other points, the detail of the laws 
and manners of this united people presents a picture 



800. COUNTS OF THE EMPUUB. 19 

similar to that of the Saxons of EngLand^ with the sole 
exception that the people of the Netherlands were milder 
than the Saxon race properly so called — their long habit 
of laborious industry exercising its happy influence on 
the martial spirit original to both. The manufacturing 
arts were also somewhat more advanced in this part ai 
the continent than in Great Britain. The Prisons^ for ex- 
ample^ were the only people who could succeed in making 
the costly mantles in use among the wealthy Franks. 

The government of Charlemagne admitted but one 
form^ borrowed from that of the empire in the period 
of its decline — a mixture of the spiritual and tem- 
poral powers^ exercised in the first place by the emp^or^ 
and at second hand by the counts and bishops. The 
counts in those times were not the heads of noble fa- 
mlliesj as they afterwards became^ but officers of the 
government^ removable at will^ and possessing no here- 
ditary rights. Their incomes did not arise from salaries 
paid in money^ but consisted of lands^ of which they had 
the revenues during the continuance of their authority. 
These lands being situated in the limits of their adminis- 
tration^ each regarded them as his property only for the 
time beings and considered himself as a tenant at will. 
How unfavourable such a system was to culture and im- 
provement may be well imagined. The force of posses- 
sion was^ however^ frequently opposed to the seignorial 
rights of the crown ; and thus^ though all civil dignity and 
the revenues attached to it were but personal and reclaim- 
able at will^ stiU many dignitaries^ taking advantage of 
the barbarous state of the country in which their isolated 
cmtons were placed^ sought by every possible means to 
render their power and prerogatives unalienable and real. 
The force of the monarchical government^ which consists 
mainly in its centralisation^ was necessarily weakened by 
the intervention of local obstacles^ before it could pass 
from the heart of the empire to its limits. Thus it was 
only by perpetually interposing his personal efforts^ and 
flyings as it were^ from one end to the other of his do- 
minions^ that Charlemagne succeeded in preserving his 
2 



20 BISTORT OF THB N£THEBI«ANDS. 800. 

tuthority. As for the people^ without any sort of guarantee 
against ihe despotism of the government^ they were utterly 
at the mercy of the nobles or of the sovereign. But this 
state of servitude was quite incompatible with the union 
of social powers necessary to a population that had to 
struggle against the tyranny of the ocean. To repulse its 
attacks with successful vigour^ a spirit of complete concert 
was absolutely required; and die nation being thus united, 
and consequently strong, the efforts of foreign tjrrants 
were shattered by its resistance, as the waves of die sea 
that broke against the dykes by which it was defied. 

From the time of Charlemagne, the people of theandent 
Menapia, now become a prosperous commonwealth, 
formed political associations to raise a barrier against the 
despotic violence of the Franks. These associations were 
called Gilden, and in the Latin of the times Gildonia. 
They comprised, besides their covenants for mutual pro- 
tection, an obligation which bound every member to give 
succour to any other, in cases of illness, conflagration, 
or shipwreck. But the growing force of these social 
compacts alarmed the quick-sighted despotism of Charle- 
magne, and they were, consequently, prohibited both 
by him and his successors. To give a notion of the 
importance of this prohibition to the whole of Europe, 
it is only necessary to state that the most ancient cor- 
porations (all which had preceded and engendered the 
most valuable municipal rights) were nothing more than 
gilden. Thus, to draw an example from Great Britain, 
the corporative charter of Berwick still bears the title 
of Charta Gildonia. But the ban of the sovereigns was 
without efficacy, when opposed to the popular will. The 
gilden stood their ground ; and within a century after 
the death of Charlemagne, all Flanders was covered with 
corporate towns. 

This popular opposition took, however, another form 
in the northern parts of the country, which still bore the 
common name of Friesland; for there it was not merely 
local but national. The Prisons succeeded in obtaining 
the sanction of the monarch to consecrate, as it were. 



800. PRIVILEGES OF THE PRISONS. 21 

those rights which were established under .the ancient 
farms of government. The fact is undoubted ; but the 
means which they employed are uncertain. It appears 
most probable that this great privilege was the ^ price of 
their military services ; for they held a high place in the 
victorious armies of Charlemagne ; and Turpin^ the old 
French romancer^ alluding to the popidar traditions of 
his time, represents the warriors of Friesland as endowed 
with the most heroic valour.* 

These rights, which the Prisons secured, according to 
their own statements, from Charlemagne, but most 
undoubtedly from some one or other of the earliest em.> 
perors, consisted, first, in the freedom of every order of 
citizens; secondly, in the right of property, — a right 
which admitted no authority of the sovereign to violate 
by confiscation, except in cases of « downright treason ; 
thirdly, in the privilege of trial by none but native 
judges, and according to their national usages ; fourthly, 
in a very narrow limitation of the military services which 
they owed to the king ; fifthly, in the hereditary title to 
feudal property, in direct line, on payment of certain 
dues or rents. These five principal articles sufficed to 
render Friesland, in its political aspect, totally difibrent 
from the other portions of the monarchy. Their privi- 
I^es secured, their property inviolirtile, their duties 
limited, the Prisons were altogether free from the servi- 
tude which weighed down France. It will soon be seen 
that these special advantages produced a government 
nearly analogous to that which Magna Charta was the 
means of foimding at a later period in England. 

The successors of Charlemi^e duefiy signalised their 
authority by lavishing donations of all kinds on the 
church. By such means the ecclesiastical power became 
greater and greater, and, in those countries under the 
sway of France, was quite as arbitrary and enormous as 
that of the noUility. The bishops of Utrecht, Liege, 
and Toumay became, in the course of time, the chief 
personages on liiat line of the frontier. They had the 

• Oude Vriesche Wetten, boek li. 

c 3 



22 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 864. 

great advantage oyer the counts^ of not being subjected 
to capridoos or tyrannical remoyals. They therefore^ 
even in civil afikirs^ played a more considerable part 
than the latter ; and began to render themselyes more 
and more independent in their episcopal cities^ which 
were soon to become so many principalities. The 
counts^ on their parts^ nsed their best exertions to wear 
out^ if they had not the strength to breaks the chains 
which bound them to the footstool of the monarch. 
They were not all now dependant on the same sovereign; 
for die empire of Charlemagne was divided among his 
successors : France^ properly so called^ was bounded by 
the Scheldt ; the country to the eastward of that river, 
that is to say^ nearly the whole of the Netherlands, 
belonged to Lorraine and Germany. 

In this state of things^ it happened that in the year 
864^ Judith, daughter of Charles the Bald king of 
France, having survived her husband Ethdwolf king of 
England, became attached to a powerfid Flemish chief- 
tain called Baldwin. It is not quite certain whether he 
was count, forester, marquis, or protector of the fron- 
tiers ; but he certainly enjoyed, no matter under what 
title, considerable authority in the country; since the 
pope on one occasion wrote to Charles the Bald to be- 
ware of offending him, lest he should join the Normans, 
and open to them an entrance into France. He carried 
off Judith to his possessions in Flanders. The king her 
father, after many ineffectual threats, was forced to con- 
sent to their union ; and confirmed to Baldwin, with 
the title of count, the hereditary government of all the 
country between the Scheldt and the Somme, a river of 
Picardy. This was the commencement of the cele- 
brated country of Flanders ; and this Baldwin is desig- 
nated in history by the surname of Braa^de^fer (iron- 
handed), to which his courage had justly entitled him. 

The Belgian historians are also desirous of placing 
about this epoch the first counts of Hainault, and even 
of Hollands But though it may be true that the chief 
families of each canton sought then, as at all times^ to 



S82» BALDWIN BRAS-DB-FER. 23 

to shake off the yoke^ the epoch of their independence 
can only be fixed at the later period at which they ob- 
tained or enforced the privilege of not being deprived 
of their titles and their feudal estates. The counts 
of the high grounds^ and those of Friesland^ enjoyed 
at the utmost but a fortuitous privilege of continuance 
in their rank. Several foreigners had gained a footing 
and an authority in the country : among others Wick« 
mand^ from whom descended the chatelains of Ghent ; 
and the counts of Holland^ and Heriold^ a Norman 
prince who had been banished from his own country. 
This name of Normans, hardly known before the 
time of Charlemagne^ soon became too celebrated. It 
designated the pagan inhabitants of Denmark^ Nor- 
way, and Sweden, who, driven by rapacity and want, 
infested the neighbouring seas. The asylum allowed in 
the dominions of the emperors to some of those exiled 
outlaws, and the imprudent provocations given by these 
latter to their adventurous countrymen, attracted various 
bands of Norman pirates to the shores of Guelders; and 
fi^m desultory descents upon the coast, they soon came 
to inimdate the interior of the country. Flanders alone 
successfully resisted them diuing the life of Baldwin 
Bras-de-fer ; but after the death of this brave chieftain 
there was not a province of Uie whole country that was 
not ravaged by these invaders. Their multiplied ex- 
peditions threw back the Netherlands at least two cen- 
turies, if, indeed, any calculation of the kind may be 
fairly formed respecting the relative state of population 
and improvement on the imperfect data that are left 
us. Several cantons becanie deserted. The chief cities 
were reduced to heaps of ruins. The German empe- 
rors vainly interposed for the relief of their unfortunate 
vassals. Finally, an agreement was entered into, in the 
year 882, with Godfrey the king or leader of the Nor- 
mans, by which a peace was purchased on condition of 
paying him a large subsidy, and ceding to him the go- 
yemment of Friesland. But, in about two years from 
this period, the fierce barbarian began to complain that 
4 



£4 HZ8TOBY OF THB NETHERLANDS. 89 !• 

the country he had thus gained did not produce grapes^ 
and the present inspiration of his rapacity seemed to be 
the blooming yineyards of France* Theemperor Chmilea 
the Fat^ anticipating the consequences of a rupture with 
Godft-ey, enticed him to an interview^ in which he 
caused him to be assassinated. His followers^ attacked 
on all points by the people of Friesland^ perished almost 
to a man ; and their destruction was completed^ in 89 1> 
by Amoul the Germanic. From that period, the 
scourge of Norman depredation became gradually less 
felt. They now made but short and desultory attempts 
on the coast ; and their last expedition appears to have 
taken place about the year 1000^ when they threatened, 
but did not succeed in seizing on^ the city of Utrecht. 

It is remarkable that^ although for the space of 150yeara 
the Netherlands were continually the scene of invasion and 
devastation by these northern barbarians^ the political state 
of the coun^ underwent no important changes. The 
emperors of Germany were sovereigns of the whole coun- 
try, with the exception of Flanders. These portions of the 
empire were still called Lorraine, as well as all which they 
possessed of what is now called France, and which was 
that part forming the appanage of Lothaire and of the 
Lotheringian kings. The great difficulty of maintaining 
subordination among the numerous chieftains of this 
country caused it, in 958, to be divided into two govern- 
ments, which were called Higher and Lower Lorraine. 
The latter portion comprised nearly the whole of the 
Netherlands, which thus became governed by a lieutenant 
of the emperors. Godfrey count of Ardenne was the 
first who filled this place; and he soon felt all the perils 
of the situation. The other counts saw, with a jealous 
eye, their equal now promoted into a superior. Twp of 
the most powerful, Lambert and Reginald, werC brothers. 
They made common cause against the new duke; and after 
a desperate struggle, which did not cease till the year 985, 
they gained a species of imperfect independence, — Lam- 
bert becoming the root from which sprang the counts of 
Louvain, and Reginald that of the counts of Hainault. 



990. HIOHEIl AND LOWER LORBAINB. 25 

The emperor Othon II. who upheld the Authority of 
his lieutenant Gkxlfrey^ became convinced that the im- 
perial power was too weak to resist singly the opposition 
of the nobles of the country. He had therefore trans- 
ferred^ about the jrear 980^ the title of duke to a young 
prince of the royal house of France; and we thus see the 
duchy of Lower Lorraine govemed, in the name of the 
emperor^ by the last two shoots of the branch of Chiorle- 
magne^ the dukes Charles and Othon of France^ son and 
grandson of Louis d'Outremer. The first was a gallant 
prince : he may be looked on as the founder of the great- 
ness of Brussels^ where he fixed his residence. After seve- 
ral years of tranquil government^ the death of his brother 
called him to the throne of France ; and from that time 
he bravely contended for the crown of his ancestors^ 
against the usurpation of Hugues Capet^ whom he fre- 
quently defeated in battle : but he was at length treache- 
rously surprised and put to deaths in 990. Othon^ his 
son^ did not signalise his name nor justify his descent 
by any memorable action ; and in him ingloriously pe- 
lisited the name of the Carlovingians. 

The death of Othon set the emperor and the great 
yassals once more in opposition. The German monarch 
insisted on naming some creature of his own to the dig- 
nity of duke ; but Lambert II. count of Louvain^ and 
Robert count of Namur^ having married the sisters of 
Othon^ respectively claimed the right of inheritance to 
hia title. Baldwin of the comely beard> count of Flan- 
ders, joined himself to their league, hoping to extend 
his power to the eastward of the Scheldt. And, in fact^ 
the emperor, as the only means of disuniting his too 
powerful vassals, felt himself obliged to cede Valenciennes 
and the islands of Zealand to Baldwin. The imperial 
power thus lost ground at every struggle.* 

Amid the confusion of these events, a power well 

calculated to rival or even supplant that of the fierce 

counts was growing up. Many circumstances were 

combined to extend and consolidate the episcopal sway. 

• Htet Crit Com. HolL torn. L p. SL 



26 BI8TOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. . 1013. 

It is trae tbat the bishops of Toumay had no temporal 
authority^ since the period of their city being ruined by 
the Normans. But those of Liege and Utrecht^ and 
more particularly the latter^ had accumulated immense 
possessions ; and their power bdng inalienable^ diey had 
nothing to fear from the caprices of sovereign fayonr, 
which so often ruined the families of the aristocracy. 
Those bishops^ who were warriors and huntsmen rather 
than ecdesiasticii, possessed^ however^ in addition to ihe 
lance and the sword^ the terrible artillery of exconunn- 
nication and anathema^ which they Plundered forth 
without mercy against every laical opponent : and when 
they had^ by conquest or treachery^ acquired new 
dominions and additional store of wealthy they could not 
portion it among their children, like the nobles, but it 
devolved to their successors, who thus became more and 
more powerful, and gained by degrees an authority 
almost royal, like that of the ecclesiastical elector of 
Germany. 

Whenever the emperor warred against his lay vassals 
he was sure of assistance from the bishops, because ihej 
were at all times jealous of the power of the counts^ 
and had much less to gain from an alliance with them 
than with the imperial despots on whose donations they 
throve, and who repaid their efforts by new privil^es 
and extended possessions. So that when the monarch, at 
length, lost the superiority in his contests with the counts, 
little was wanting to make his authority be merged al- 
together in the overgrown power of these churchmen. 
Nevertheless, a first effort of the bishop of Li^e to 
seize on the rights of the count of Louvain, in 1013, 
met with a signal defeat, in a battle which took place 
at the litde village of Stongarde. * And five years later, 
the count of the Friesland marshes (comes Frisonum 
Morsatenorum) gave a stUl more severe lesson to the 
bishop of Utrecht. This last merits a more particular 
mention, from the nature of the quarrel and the import- 
ance of its results. 

* Ann. Dua Brab. torn. L 



FOBMATION OF HOLLAND. 27 

CHAP. IV. 

1018 — 1384. 

FAOX THE FORKATION OF HOLLAND XO THE DEATH OF LOUIS 
DB MALE. 

The district in which Dordrecht is situated^ and the 
grounds in its environs which are at present submerged^ 
formed in those times an island just raised above the 
waters, and which was called Holland or Holtland, 
(which means wooded land, or, according to some, hoi- 
low land.) The formation of this island, or rather its 
recovery from the waters, being only of recent date, the 
light to its possession was more disputable than that of 
long-established countries. All the bishops and abbots 
whose states bordered the Rhine and the Mouse had, being 
equally covetous and grasping, and mutually resolved to 
pounce on the prey, made it their common property. 
A certain coimt Thierry, descended from the counts of 
Ghent, governed about this period the western extremity 
of Friedand, — the country which now forms the pro- 
Tinoe of Holland ; and wi^ much difficulty maintained 
his power against the Prisons, by whom his right was not 
acknowledged. Beaten out of his own territories by these 
refractory insurgents, he sought refuge in the ecclesiastical 
island, where he intrenched himselfj^ and founded a town 
which is believed to have been the origin of Dordrecht. 

This count Thierry, like all the feudal lords, took 
advantage of his position to establish and levy certain 
duties on all the vessels which sailed past his territory, 
dispossessing in the mean time some vassals of the church, 
and beating, as we have stated, the bishop of Utrecht 
himself. Complaints and appeds without number were 
laid at the foot of the imperial throne. Godfrey of 
Eenham, whom the emperor had created duke of Lower 
Lorraine, was commanded to call the whole country to 
arms. The bishop of Liege, though actually dying, put 
himself at the head of the expedition, to revenge his 
brother prelate, and punish the audacious spoiler of the 



28 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1046. 

church property. But Thierry and his fierce Prisons 
took Godfrey prisoner^ and cut his army in pieces. The 
victor had the good sense and moderation to spare his 
prisoners^ and set them free without ransom. He 
recdved in return an imperial amnesty; and from diat 
period the count of Holland and his posterity formed a 
barrier^ against which the ecclesiastical power and the 
remains of the imperial supremacy continually stru^led^ 
to be only shattered in each new assault.* 

As the partial independence of the great vassals became 
consolidated^ the monarchs were proportionally anxious 
to prevent its perpetuation in the same famUies. In 
pursuance of this system^ Godfrey of Eenham obtained 
the preference over the counts Lambert and Robert ; and 
Frederick of Luxembourg was named duke of Lower 
Lorraine in 1046^ instead of a second Godfrey who was 
nephew and expectant heir to the first. But this God- 
frey, upheld by Baldwin of Flanders, forced the emperor 
to concede to him the inheritance of the dukedom. 
Baldwin secured for his share the country of Alost and 
Waas, and the citadel of Ghent; and .he also succeeded 
in obtaining in marriage for his son the countess Richilde, 
heiress of Hainault and Namur. Thus was Flanders 
incessantly gaining new a^randisement, while the duchy 
of Lorraine was crumbling away on every, side. 

In the year 1066 this state of Flanders, even then 
flourishing and powerful, furnished assistance both in 
men and ships to William the Bastard of Normandy, for 
the conquest of England. William was son-in«law to 
count Baldwin, and recompensed the aasistanoe of his 
wife's father by an annual payment of three hundred 
silver marks. It was Mathilda, the Flemish princess and 
wife of the conqueror, who worked with her own hands 
the celebrated tapestry of Bayeux, on which is embroidered 
the whole history of the conquest, and which is the most 
curious monument of the state of the arts in that age. 

Flanders acquired a positive and considerable superi* 

• John Egmont, an old chronicler, says, that the counts of Holland were 
« a iword in the flanks of the bishops of Utrecht'* 



1071* COMMERCE OF FLANDERS. 29 

ority over all the other parts of the Netherlands^ froni 
the first estahlishment of its counts or earls. The 
descendants of Baldwin Bras-de-fer, after having va- 
liantly repulsed the Normans towards the end of the 
ninth century, showed themselves worthy of ruling ovet 
an industrious and energetic people. They had huilt 
towns, cut down and cleared away forests, and reclaimed 
inundated lands: ahove all things, they had understood 
and guarded against the danger of parcelling out their 
states at every succeeding generation ; and the county 
of Flanders passed entire into the hands of the first-hom 
of the family. The stability produced by this state of 
things had allowed the people to prosper. The Normans 
now visited the coasts, not as enemies but as merchants ; 
and Bruges became die mart of the booty acquired by 
these bold pirates in England and on the high seas. The 
fisheries had begun to acquire an importance sufficient 
to establish the herring as one of die chief aliments 
of the population. Maritime commerce had made such 
strides, that Spain and Portugal were well known to both 
sailors and traders, and the voyage from Flanders to 
Lisbon was estimated at fifteen days' sail. Woollen 
stuffs formed the principal wealth of tiie country ; but 
salt, com, and jewellery, were also important branches of 
traffic ; while the youth of Flanders were so famous for 
their excellence in all martial pursuits, that foreign 
sovereigns were at all times desirous of obtaining bodies 
of troops from this nation. 

The greatest part of Flanders was attached, as has 
been seen, to the king of France, and not to Lorraine; 
but the dependance was little more than nominal. In 
1071 the king of France attempted to exercise his au- 
thority over the country, by naming to the government the 
same countess Richilde who had received Hainault and 
Namur for her dower, and who was left a widow, with 
sons still in their minority. The people assembled in the 
principal towns, and protested against this intervention 
of the French monarch. But we <must remark, that it 
was only tiie population of the low lands (whose pturdy 



so HISTOBT OP THB NETHBBLANDS. 1086. 

ancestors had ever resisted foreign domination) that now 
took part in this opposition.* The vassals which -the 
counts of Flanders possessed in the Gallic provinces (the 
high grounds), and in general all the nobility, pronounced 
strongly for submission to France ; for the principles of 
political freedom had not yet been fixed in Uie minds of 
the inhabitants of those parts of the country. But the 
lowlanders joined together under Robert, sumamed the 
Prison, brother of the deceased count ; and they so com- 
pletely defeated the French, the nobles and their unworthy 
associates of the high ground, that they despoiled the 
usurping countess Richilde of even her hereditary pos- 
sessions. In this war perished the celebrated N(»Tnan 
William Fitz-Osbom, who had flown to the succour of 
the defeated countess, of whom he was enamoured. 

Robert the Frison, not satisfied with having beaten 
the king of France and the bishop of Liege, restored in 
1076 the grandson of Thierry of Holland in the pos- 
sessions which had been, forced from him by the duke 
of Lower Lorraine, in the name of the emperor and the 
bishop of Utrecht : so that it was this valiant chieftain 
who, above all others, is entitled to the praise of having 
successfully opposed the system of foreign domination 
on all the principal points of the country. Four years 
later, Othon of Nassau was the first to unite in one 
county the various cantons of Guelders. Finally, in 
1086, Henry of Louvain, the direct descendant of Lam- 
bert, joined to his title that of coimt of Brabant ; and 
from this period the coimtry was partitioned pretty 
nearly as it was destined to remain for several centuries. 

In the midst of this gradual organisation of the 
various counties, history for some time loses sight of 
those Frisons, the maritime people of the north, who 
took little part in the civil wars of two centuries. But 
still there was no portion of Europe which at that time 
offered a finer picture of social improvement than these 
damp and unhealthy coasts. The name of Frisons ex- 
tended from the Weser to the westward of the Zuyder 
• Van Fraet, Origlne des Communes de Flandre^ 



<th^ 



1086. 8TATB OF THE PRISONS. 31 

Zee, but not quite to the Bhine ; and it became usual 
to consider no longer as Prisons the subjects of the 
counts of Holland, whom we may now begin to distin- 
guish as Hollanders or Dutch. The Prison race alone 
refused to recognise the sovereign counts. They boasted 
of being self-goYemed ; owning no allegiance but to the 
emperor, and regarding the counts of his nomination as 
so many officers charged to require obedience to the 
laws of the coimtry, but themselves obliged in all things 
to respect them. But the counts of Holland, the bishops 
of Utrecht, and several German lords, dignified from 
time to time with the title of counts of Priesland, in- 
sisted that it carried with it a personal authority superior 
to that of the sovereign they represented. The des- 
cendants of the count Thierry, a race of men remarkably 
warlike, were the most violent in this assumption of 
power. Defeat after defeat, however, punished their 
obstinacy ; and numbers of those princes met death on 
the pikes of their Prison opponents. The latter had no 
regular leaders ; but at the approach of the enemy the 
inhabitants of each canton flew to arms, Uke the mem* 
bers of a single family; and all the feudd forces brought 
against them failed to subdue this popular militia. 

The frequent result of these collisions was the refusal 
of the Prisons to recognise any authority whatever but 
that of the national judges. Each canton was governed 
according to its own laws. If a difficulty arose, the 
deputies of the nation met together on the borders of 
the Ems, in a place called *^ the Trees of Upstal" (Q)- 
9t(iU-boomen), where three old oaks stood in the middle 
of an immense plain. In this primitive council-place 
chieftains were chosen, who, on swearing to maintain 
the laws and oppose the common enemy, were invested 
with a limited and temporary authority. 

It does not appear that Priesland possessed any large 
towns, with the exception of Staveren. In this respect 
the Prisons resembled those ancient Germans who had 
a horror of shutting themselves up witMn walls.* They 

* Gibb0D,iL3Ga 



32 HISTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 10S5. 

lired in a way completely patriarchal ; dwelling in iso- 
lated cabins^ and with habits of the utmost frugality. 
We read in one of their old histories, that a whole con- 
Tent of Benedictines was terrified at the voracity of a 
German sculptor who was repairing their chapel. They 
implored him to look elsewhere for his food ; for that 
he and his sons consumed enough to exhaust the whole 
stock of the monastery. * 

In no part of Europe was the good sense of the 
people so effectively opposed to the unreasonable prac- 
tices of Catholicism in those days. The Prisons buc-> 
oessfully resisted the payment of tithes ; and as a pu- 
nishment (if the monks are to be beJleved) the sea 
inflicted upon them repeated inundations. They forced 
their priests to marry, saying that the man who had no 
wife necessarily sought for the wife of another. They 
acknowledged no ecclesiastical decree, if secular judges, 
double the number of the priests, did not bear a part in 
it. t Thus the spirit of liberty burst fortli in all their 
proceedings^ and they were justified in calling themselves 
Fry^Friesen, Free- Prisons. 

No nation is more interested than England in the 
examination of all that concerns this remote comer of 
Europe, so resolute in its opposition to both civil and 
rdigious tyranny; for it was there that those Saxon 
institutions and principles were first developed without 
constraint, while the time of their establishment in 
England was still distant. Restrained by our narrow 
limits, we can merely indicate this curious state of 
things ; nor may we enter on many mysteries of social 
government which the most learned find a difficulty in 
solving. What were the rights of the nobles in their 
connection with these freemen ? What ties of reciprocal 
interest bound the different cantons to each other? 
What were the privileges of the towns ? — These are the 
minute but important points of detail which are over- 
shadowed by itie grand and imposing figure of the 
national independence. But in fact, the emperors them- 
* Chroti. Menconis Abb. in Wervaa. f Oude Yriesche Wetten, DecL 1. 



1086. THEIB POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS. 33 

sdves^ in these distant times^ had little knowledge of 
this province^ and spoke o£ it vaguely, and as it were 
at random, in their diplomas, the chief monuments of 
the history of the middle ages. The counts of Holland 
and the apostolic nuncios addressed their acts and re- 
scripts indiscriminately to the nohles, clergy, magistrates^ 
judges, consuls, or commons of Friesland. Sometimes 
appeared in those documents the vague and imposing 
title of '' the great Prison," applied to some popular 
leader. All this confusion tends to prove, on the au« 
thority of the historians of the epoch, and the charters 
80 carefully collected by the learned *, that this question, 
now so impossible to solve, was even then not rightly 
understood,— -what were really those fierce and redoubt- 
able Prisons in their popular and political relations ? 
The fact is, that liberty was a matter so difficult to be 
comprehended by the writers of those times, that Prois- 
sart gave as his opinion, about the year 1380, that the 
Prisons were a most imreasonable race, for not recog- 
nising the authority and power of the great lords. 

The eleventh century had been for the Netherlands 
(with the exception of Friesland and Planders) an epoch 
of organisation ; and had nearly fixed the political ex- 
istence of the provinces, which were so long confounded 
in the vast possessions of the empire. It is therefore 
important to ascertain imder what influence and on 
what basis these provinces became consolidated at that 
period. Holland and Zealand, animated by the spirit 
which we may fairly distinguish under the mingled tide 
of Saxon and maritime, countries scarcely accessible, 
and with a vigorous population, possessed, in the de- 
scendants of Thierry I., a race of national chieftains 
who did not attempt despotic rule over so unconquerable 
a people. In Brabant, the maritime towns of Berg-op- 
Zoom and Antwerp formed, in the Flemish style, so 
many republics, small but not insignificant ; wldle the 
southern parts of the province were under die sway of 
a nobility who crushed, trampled on, or sold their vassals 

• F. Van Mlerif « Oroot CSiartwboek Tan Holl Zed. en Vriedand. 
D 



34 HISTORT 0W THB NETHEBLAKDS. 1090. 

at thdr pleasure or caprice. The bishopric of Lieg^ 
offered also the same contrast; the domains of the 
nobility bang governed with the utmost harshness^ 
while those prince-prelates lavished on their plebeian 
vassals privil^;es which might have been supposed the 
fruits of generosity^ were it not dear that ihe o\3Ject 
was to create an opposition in the lower orders against 
tile turbulent aristocracy^ whom they found it impossible 
to manage single-handed. The wars of these bishops 
against the petty nobles^ who made their castles so many 
receptacles of robbers and plunder^ were thus the found- 
ation of public liberty. And it appears tolerably cer- 
tain that the Paladins of Ariosto were in reality nothing 
more than those brigand chieftains of the Ardennes, 
whose ruined residences preserve to this day the names 
which the poet borrowed from the old romance vmters. 
But in all the rest of the Netherlands^ excepting the 
provinces already mentioned, no form of government 
existed, but that fierce feudality which reduced the 
people into serfs, and turned the social state of man 
into a cheerless waste of bondage. 
^ It was then that the crusades, with wild and stirring 
fanaticism, agitated, in the common impulse given to aU 
Europe, even those little states which seemed to slumber 
in their isolated independence. Nowhere did the voice 
of Peter the Hermit find a more sympathising echo than 
in these lands, still desolated by so many intestine strug- 
gles. Godfrey of Bouillon, duke of Lower Lorraine^ 
took the lead in this chivalric and religious frenzy. 
With him set out the counts of Hainault and Flanders; 
the latter of whom received from the English crusaders 
the honourable appellation of Fitz St. George. But 
although the valour of all these princes was conspicuous, 
from the foundation of the kingdom of Jerusalem by 
Godfrey of Bouillon in 1098, until that of the Latin 
empire of Constantinople by Baldwin of Flanders in 
1203, still the simple gentlemen and peasants of Fries- 
land did not less distinguish themselves. They were, 
on aU occasions, the first to mount the breach or lead 



1200. THB CRUSADES. 35 

the charge ; and the pope's nuncio found himself forced 
to prohibit the very women of Friesland from embarking 
for the Holy Land— so anxious were they to share the 
. perils and glory of their husbands and brothers in com- 
bating the Saracens. 

The outlet given by the crusades to the over-boiling 
ardour of these warlike countries was a source of infinite 
advantage to their internal economy: under the rapid pro- 
gress of civilisation the population increased and the fields 
were cultivated. The nobility^ reduced to moderation 
by the enfeebling consequences of extensive foreign wars^ 
became comparatively impotent in their attempted efforts 
against domestic freedom. Those of Flanders and 
Brabant^ also^ were almost decimated in the terrible bat- 
tle of Bouvines^ fought between the emperor Othon and 
Philip Augustus king of France. On no occasion^ how- 
ever, had this reduced but not degenerate nobility shown 
more heroic valour. The Flemish knights, disdaining to 
mount their horses or form their ranks for the repulse of 
the French cavalry, composed of common persons, con- 
temptuously received their shock on foot and in the dis- 
order of individual resistance. The brave Buridan of 
Ypres led his comrades to the fight, with the chivalric 
war-cry, " Let each now think of her he loves !" But 
the issue, of this battle was ruinous to the Belgians, in 
consequence of the bad generalship of the emperor, who 
had divided his army into small portions, which were 
defeated in detail. 

While the nobility thus declined, the towns began 
rapidly to develop the elements of popidar force. In 
1120, a Flemish knight who might descend so far as to 
marry a woman of the plebeian ranks incurred the pen- 
alty of degradation and servitude.* In 1220, scarcely 
a serf was to be found in all Flanders. t In 1300, the 
chiefs of the gilden, or trades, were more powerful than 
the nobles. These dates and these facts must suffice to 
mark the epoch at which the great mass of the nation 

• Vita Caroli bonl 

t The countess Jane had enfranchised all those belonging to her as early 
as less. ^Vredii Sig. Com, FL 

D 2 



56 HISTORY OP THB NBTHEBLANDS. 1200. 

arose from the wretchedness in which it was plunged by 
the Norman invasion^ and acquired sufficient strength 
and freedom to form a real political force. But it is 
remarkable that the same results took place in all die 
coimties or dukedoms of the Lowlands precisely at the 
same period. In fact^ if we start from the year 1200 
on this interesting enquiry^ we shall see the commons 
attacking^ in the first place the petty feudal lords, aAd 
next the counts and the dukes themselyes^ as often as jus< 
tice was denied them. In 1257, the peasants of Holland 
and the burghers of Utrecht prodaimed freedom and 
equality, drove out the bishop and the nobles, and b^an 
a memorable struggle which lasted full two hundred 
years. In 1260, the townspeople of Flanders appealed 
to the king of France against the decrees of their county 
who ended the quarrel by the loss of his county* In 
1303, Mechlin and Louvain, the diief towns of Brabant, 
expelled the patrician families. A coincidence like this 
cannot be attributed to trifling or partial causes, such as 
the misconduct of a single count, or other local evil ; but 
to a great general movement in the popular mind, the 
progress of agriculture and industry in the whole country, 
superinducing an increase of wealth and intelligence, 
which, when unrestrained by the influence of a corrupt 
government, must naturally lead to the liberty and the 
happiness of a people. 

The weaving of woollen and linen cloths was one of 
the chief sources of this growing prosperity. A prodi'p 
gious quantity of cloth and linen was manufactured in all 
parts of the Netherlands. The maritime prospoity 
acquired an equal increase by the carrying trade, both 
in imports and exports. Whole fleets of Dutch and 
Flemish merchant ships repaired regularly to the coasts 
of Spain and Languedoc. Flanders was already become 
the great market for England and all the north of Europe. 
The great increase of popidation forced all parts of the 
country into cultivation; so much so, that lands were in 
those times sold at a high price, which are to-day left 
waste from imputed sterility. 



1200. OOMMEBCB AND LEGISLATION. 37 

LegiaUtion naturally followed the movements of those 
positive and material interests. The earliest of the 
towns^ after the invasion of the Normans^ were in some 
d^ree but places of refuge. It was soon> however, 
established that the regular inhabitants of these bulwarks 
of the country should not be subjected to any servitude 
beyond their care and defence; but the citizen who 
might absent himself for a longer period than forty days 
was considered a deserter and deprived of his rights. It 
was about the year 1100 that the commons began to 
possess the privilege of regulating their internal affairs : 
they appointed their judges and magistrates, and attached 
to their authority the old custom of ordering all the citi- 
zens to assemble or march when the summons of the 
feudal lord sounded the signal for their assemblage or 
service. By this means each municipal magistracy had 
the disposal of a force far superior to ihose of the nobles, 
for the population of the towns exceeded both in number 
and discipline the vassals of the seignorial lands. And 
diese trained bands of the towns made war in a way very 
different from that hitherto practised ; for the chivalry 
o£ the country, making the trade of arms a profession 
for life, the feuds of the chieftains produced hereditary 
struggles, almost always slow, and mutually disastrous. 
But the townsmen, forced to tear themselves from every 
association of home and its manifold endearments, ad- 
vanced boldly to the object of the contest ; never shrink- 
ing from the dangers of war, from fear of that still 
^;ieater to be found in a prolonged struggle. It is thus 
that it may be remarked, during the memorable conflicts 
of the thirteenth century, that when even the bravest of 
the knights advised their counts or dukes to grant or 
demand a truce, the citizen militia never knew but one 
cry — *' To the charge I"* 

Evidence was soon given of the importance of this 
new nation, when it became forced to take up arms 
against enemies still more redoubtable than the counts. 
Jn 1301, tiie Flemings, who had abandoned their own 

• Butkeof , Troph^M d* Bcabvit, 
D 3 



SB hutoby of thb Netherlands. ISOOl 

toyerdgn to attadi themtdves to Philip the Fair, king 
of France^ began to repent of thdr newly formed a]le« 
gkooe, and to be weary of the master they had chosen. 
Two dtisens of Bruges^ Peter de Koning, a draper, 
and John Breydd^ a butdier^ put themselves at the 
head of their fdlow townsmen, and completely dislodged 
the French troops who garrisoned it The fi^llowing 
year, the militia of Bruges and the immediate neigh- 
bourhood sustained alone, at the battle of Courtrai, die 
shock of one of the finest armies that France ever sent 
into the field. Victory soon declared for the gallant 
men of Bruges ; upwards of 3000 of the French chi- 
Tslry, besides common soldiers, were left dead on the 
field. In 1304, after a long contested battle, the Flem* 
ings forced the king of France to release dieir count, 
whom he had held prisoner. *^ I bdieve it rains Flem- 
ings !" said Philip, astonished to see them crowd on 
him from all sides of the field. But this multitude of 
warriors, always ready to meet the foe, were provided 
for the most part by Uie towns. In the seignorial sys- 
tem a viUage hardly furnished more than four or five 
men, and these only on important occasions; but in that 
of ^e towns, every dtizen was enrolled a soldier to 
defend the country at all times. 

The same system established in Brabant forced the 
duke of that province to sanction and guarantee the po- 
pular privileges, and the supmority of the people over 
the nobility. Such was the result of the famous con- 
tract concluded in 1312 at Cortenbergh, by which the 
duke created a legislative and judicial assembly to meet 
every twenty-one days for the provincial budness; and 
to condst of fourteen deputies, of whom only four were 
to be nobles, and ten were chosen from the people. The 
duke was bound by this act to hold himsdf in obedience 
to the legislative decidons of the council, and renounced 
all right of levying arbitrary taxes or duties on the 
state. * Thus were the locd privileges of the people 
by degrees secured and ratified ; but the various towns, 

* DInteruf, MSS. Bibl BruxelL 



1323. REVOLT OF THE TOWNS. 39 

making common cause for general liberty^ became strictly 
united together^ and progressively extended their in*^ 
fluence and power. The confederation between Flandeis 
and Brabant was soon consolidated. The burghers of 
Bruges^ who had taken the lead in the grand national 
union^ and had been the foremost to expel the foreign 
force^ took umbrage in 1323 at an arbitrary measure of. 
their county Louis (called of Cressy by posthumous no« 
mination^ from his having been killed at that celebrated 
fight)^ by which he ceded to the count of Namur^ his 
great uncle« the port of Ecluse^ and authorised him to 
levy duties there in the style of the feudal lords of the 
hi^ country. It was but the affair of a day to the 
intrepid citizens to attack the fortress of Echise^ carry 
it by assault^ and take prisoner the old count of Namur. 
They destroyed in a short time almost all the strong 
■castles of die nobles throughout the province; and 
having been joined by all the towns of western Flan- 
ders^ they finally made prisoners count Louis himself> 
with almost the whole of the nobility^ who had taken 
refuge with him in the town of Courtrai. But Ghent^ 
actuated by the jealousy which at all times existed he^ 
tween it and Bruges^ stood aloof at this crisis. The 
latter town was obliged to come to a compromise with 
the county who soon afterwards^ on a new quarrel break- 
ing outj and supported by the king of France^ almost 
annihilated his sturdy opponents at the battle of Cassel^ 
where the Flemish infantry, commanded by Nicholas 
Zannekin and others, were literally cut to pieces by the 
French knights and m^i at arms. 

This check proved the absolute necessity of union 
among the rival cities. Ten years after the battle of 
Cassel, Ghent set the example of general opposition* 
this example was promptly followed, and the chief towns 
flew to arms. The celebrated James d'Artaveldt, com- 
monly called the brewer of Ghent, put himself at the 
head of this formidable insurrection. He was a maii 
of a distinguished family, who had himself enrolled 
among the guild of brewers, to entitle him to occupy a 

D 4 



40 BISTORT OF THE VETUEBJJLS1}S. 1340. 

plmce in the oorporatioD of Ghent^ which he soon suo 
ceeded in managing and leading at his pleasure. The 
tyranny of the count, and the French party which sup- 
ported him, hecame so intolerahle to Artaveldt, that he 
resolved to assail them at all hazards, unappalled by die 
fate of his father-in-law, Sohier de Courtrai, who lost 
his head for a similar attempt, and notwithstanding the 
hitherto devoted fidelity of his native city to the coajat 
One only object seemed insurmountable. The Flem'- 
ings had sworn allegiance to the crown of France; and 
they revolted at the idea of peijury, even from an ex- 
torted oath. But to overcome dieir scruples, Artaveldt 
proposed to acknowledge the claim of Edward III. of 
England to the French crown.* The Flemings readily 
acceded to this arrangement ; quickly overwhelmed count 
Louis of Cressy and his French partisans ; and then 
joined, with an army of 60,000 men^ the English mo- 
narch, who had landed at Antwerp. These numerous 
auxiliaries rendered Edward's army irresistible; and 
soon afterwards the French and English fleets^ both of 
formidable power, but the latter of inferior force, met 
near Sluys, and engaged in a battle meant to be decisive 
of the. war : victory remained doubtful during an entire 
day of fighting, until a Flemish squadron hastening to 
the aid of the English, fixed the fate of the combat by 
the utter defeat of the enemy. 

A truce between the two kings did not deprive Arta- 
veldt of his well-eamed authority. He was invested 
with the title of ruward, or conservator of the peace, 
of Flanders, and governed the whole province with 
almost sovereign sway. It was said that king Edward 
used familiarly to call him " his dear gossip ;" and it is 
certain that there was not a feudal lord of the time 
whose power was not eclipsed by this leader of the 
people. One of the principal motives which cemented 
the attachment of the Flemings to Artaveldt, was the 
advantage obtained through his influence with Edward 
for facilitating the trade with England^ whence tbey 
• Villaret, Hiat de France, t. viiL 



1350. JAMES d'abtavbldt. 41 

procured the chief supply of wool for their manufac- 
toriefl. Edward promised them 70,000 sacks as the 
reward of their alliance. But though greatly influenced 
by the stimulus of general interest, the Flemings loved 
their domestic liberty better than English wo<d ; and 
when they found that their ruward degenerated from a 
firm patriot into the partisan of a foreign prince, they 
became disgusted with him altogether ; and he perished 
in 1^45, in a tumult raised against him by those by 
whom he had been so lately idolised. The Flemings 
held firm, nevertheless, in ^eir alliance with England, 
only regulating the connection by a steady principle of 
national independence.* 

^I^dward knew well how to conciliate and manage these 
faithfid and important auxiliaries during all his conti- v- 
nental wars. A l^emish army covered the siege of 
Calais in 1348 ; and, under the command of Giles de 
Rypergherste, a mere weaver of Ghent, they beat the 
dauphin of IVance in a pitched battle. But Calais once 
taken, and a truce concluded, the English king aban- 
doned his allies. These, left wholly to their own re- 
sources, forced the Frendi and the heir of their count, 
young Louis de Male, to recognise their right to self- 
government according to their ancient privileges, and 
of not being forced to give aid to France in any war 
against England. Flanders may therefore be pronounced 
as forming, at this epoch, both in right and fact, a trulf 
independent principality .t 

But such struggles as these left a deep and immovable 
sentiment of hatred in the minds of the vanquished. 
Louis de Male longed for the re-establishmeht and ex- 
tension of his authority ; and had the art to gain over 
to his views not only all the nobles, but many of the 
most influential guilds or trades. Ghent, which long 
resisted his attempts, was at length reduced by famine ; 
and the count projected the ruin, or at least the total 
subjection, of this turbulent town. A son of Artavddt 
started forth at this juncture, when the popular cause 
• Meyenu, Ann. Fl. f Meyenu. 



49 HIBTOBT OF THB NKTHEBIiANOS. 1384u 

leemed lost ; and joimng with his fellow dtizeiis John 
Lyons end Peter du Bois^ he led 7000 resolute burghers 
against 40^000 feudal vassals. He completely defeated 
the count, and took the town of Bruges^ where Louis de 
Male only obtained safety by hiding himself under the 
bed of an old woman who gave him shelter. * Thus 
once m<H:e feudality was defeated in a fr^sh struggle with 
dyic freedom. 

The consequences of this event were immense. They 
reached to the very heart of France^ where the people 
bore in great discontent the feudal yoke ; and Froissart 
declares, that the success of the people of Ghent had 
nearly overthrown the superiority of the nobility over 
the people in France. But the king, Charles VI., ex- 
cited by his unde,. Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy, 
took arms in support of die defeated count, and marched 
with a powerful anny against the rebellious burghers. 
Though defeated in four successive combats, in the lat- 
ter of which, that of Roosbeke, Artaveldt was killed, the 
Flemings would not submit to their imperious county 
who used every persuasion with Charles to continue his 
assistance for the punishment of these refractory sub- 
jects, f But the duke of Burgundy was aware that a 
too great perseverance would end, either in driving the 
people to despair and the possible defeat of the French, 
or die entire conquest of the country and its junction to 
the crown of France. . He, being son-in-law to Louis 
de Male, and consequently aspiring to the inheritance 
of Flanders, saw with a keen glance the advantage of a 
present compromise. On the death of Louis, who is 
stated to have been murdered by Philip's brother, the 
duke of Berri, he concluded a peace with the rebel 
burghers, and entered at once upon the sovereignty of 
the country, f 



* Oudeghent, Chroa van Vlaenderen. 
' De Bannte, Hiat. des Duc«(' "* 
; Mejer de Barante, &c. 1384 



f De Barantej Hiat. des Ductde Bourgogneu 
J P . »-» 



1384. PHILIP THB BOLD. 43 

CHAP. V. 

1384—1506. . 

FROM THE SUCCESSION OF PHILIP THB BOLD TO THE COUNTT Of 
FLANDERS, TO THE DEATH OF PHIUP THE FAIR. 

Thus the house of Burgundy, which soon after hecame 
so formidable and celebrated^ obtained this vast acces* 
sion to its power. The various changes which had 
taken place in the neighbouring provinces during the 
continuance of these civil wars had altered the state of 
Flanders altogether. John d'Avesnes count of Hai- 
nault having also succeeded in 1299 to the county of 
Holland^ the two provinces^ though separated by Flan-* 
ders and Brabant^ remained from that time under the 
government of the same chief, who soon became more 
powerful than the bishops of Utrecht^ or even than their 
formidable rivals the Prisons. 

During the wars which desolated these opposing 
territories, in consequence of the perpetual conflicts 
for superiority^ the power of the various towns insen^ 
nbly became at least as great as that of the nobles to 
whom they were constantly opposed. The commercial 
interests of Holland^ also^ were considerably advanced 
by the influx of Flemish merchants forced to seek re- 
iage there from the convulsions which agitated their 
province. Every day confirmed and increased the pri- 
irileges of the people of Brabant ; while at Liege the 
inhabitants gradually began to gain the upper hand^ and 
to shake off the former subjection to their sovereign 
bishops. 

Although Philip of Burgundy became count of Flan- 
der8> by the death of his faUier-in-law, in the. year 
1384!, it was not till the following year that he con* 
•eluded a peace with the people of Ghent^ and entered 
into .quiet possession of the province. In the same year 
the duchess of Brabant^ the last descendant of the duke 



44 HISTORY OF THE KETHEKLANDS. 1385. 

of that province^ died^ leaving no nearer relative than 
the duchess of Burgundy ; so that Philip obtained io 
right of his wife this new and important accession to his 
dominions. But the consequent increase of the sove- 
reign's power was not^ as is often the case^ iigurious to 
the liberties or happiness of the people. Philip conti- 
nued to govern in the interest of the country^ which he 
had the good sense to consider as identified with his 
own. He augmented the privileges of the towns^ and 
negotiated for the return into Flanders of those mer- 
diants who had emigrated to Germany and Holland 
during the continuance of the civil wars.* He thus by 
degrees accustomed his new subjects^ so proud of their 
rights^ to submit to his authority; and his peaceable 
reign was only disturbed by the fatal issue of die expe- 
dition of his son^ John the Fearless^ count ^f Nevers^ 
against the Turks. This young prince^ filled with am- 
bition and temerity^ was offered the command of die 
force sent by Charles III. of France to the assistance of 
Sigismund of Hungary in his war against Bijazet. Fol- 
lowed by a numerous body of nobles^ he entered on the 
contest^ and was defeated and taken prisoner by the 
Turks at the battle of Nicopolis. His army was totally 
destroyed^ and himself only restored to liberty on the 
payment of an immense ransom, t 

John the Fearless succeeded in 1404 to the inherit^ 
ftnce of all his father's dominions^ with the excepti(m 
of Brabant^ of which his younger brother^ Anthony of 
Burgundy^ became duke. John^ whose ambitious and 
ferocious character became every day more strongly 
developed, now aspired to the government of France 
during the insanity of his cousin Charles VI. He 
occupied himself little with the affairs of the Nethav 
lands, from which he only desired to draw supplies of 
men. But the Flemings, taking no interest in his per- 
sonal views or private projects, and equally indifferent to 
the rivalry of England and France which now b^an so 
fearfully to afflict the latter kingdom, forced thdr am- 

f Oudeghent, Cbron. VlaencL f De Bannteb t U. 



14s04. JOHN THE FEARLBBI. 45 

bitiouB count to declate their province a neutral country * ; 
80 that the English merchants were admitted as Usual to 
trade in all the ports of Flanders^ and the Flemings 
equally well received in England^ while the duke made 
open war against Great Britain in his quaUty of a prince 
of France and sovereign of Burgundy. This is probably 
the earliest well-estabUshed instance of such a distinction* 
between the prince and the people. 

Anthony duke of Brabant^ the brother of Philip^ was 
not so closely restricted in his authority and wishes. He 
led all the nobles of the province tq take part in the 
quarrels of France ; and he suffered the penalty of his 
radmess^ in meeting his death in the battle of Agincourt. 
But the duchy suffered nothing by this event, for the 
miHtia of the country had not followed their duke and 
his nobles to the war; and a national council Was now 
established, consisting of eleven persons, two of whom 
were ecclesiastics, three barons, two knights, and four 
^mmoners. This council, formed on principles so 
fairly popular, conducted the public affairs with. great 
wisdom during the minority of the young duke. £ach 
province seems thus to have governed itself upon prin-. 
etples of repubUcan independence. The sovereigns could 
not at discretion, or by the want of it, play the bloody 
game of war for their mere amusement ; and the em- 
peror putting in his daim at this epoch to his ancient 
rights of sovereignty over Brabant, as an imperial fief, 
the council and the people treated the demand with 
derision. 

The spirit of constitutional liberty and legal equality 
which now animated the various provinces, is strotigly 
marked in the history of the time by two striking and 
characteristic incidents. At the death of Philip the 
Bold, his widow deposited on his tomb her purse, and 
the keys which she carried at her girdle in token of 
marriage; and by this humiliating ceremony she re- 
nounced her rights to a succession overloaded with her 
husband's debts. t In the same year (1404) the widow 
^ MeTenu. f Moutrelet, t L 



43 HI8TOBT OF THE HBTHEBLAND8. 1431. 

▼ince of Holland to be invaded by the same ungratefol 
bishop of Liege^ John the Pitiless^ whom his wife's 
father and his own micle had re-established in his justly 
forfeited authority. But John of Brabant revenged 
himself for his wife's contempt by a series of domestic 
persecutions so odious^ that the states of Brabant inter- 
fered for her protection. Finding it^ however^ impossible 
to remain in a perpetual contest with a husband whom 
she hated and despised^ she fled from Brusseb^ where he 
held his ducal courts and took refuge in Enghuid^ under 
the protection of Henry V.^ at that time in Sie plenitude 
of his fame and power.* 

£ngland at this epoch eigoyed the proudest station in 
European afiairs. John the Fearless^ after having caused 
the murder of his rival the duke of Orleans^ was himself 
assassinated on the bridge of Montereau^ by the followers 
of the dauphin of France^ and in his presence. Philip 
duke of Burgundy^ the son and successor of John^ had 
formed a close alliance with Henry V.^ to revenge his 
father's murder ; and soon after the death of the king he 
married his sister^ and thus united himself still more 
nearly to the celebrated John duke of Bedford^ brother 
of Henry^ and regent of France^ in the name of his in- 
fant nephew^ Henry VI. But besides the share on which 
he reckoned in the spoils of France^ Philip also looked 
with a covetous eye on the inheritance of Jacqueline^ his 
cousin. As soon as he had learned that this princess^ so ~ 
well received in England^ was taking measures for having 
her marriage annulled^ to enable her to espouse the duke 
of Gloucester, also the brother of Henry V., and subse- 
quently known by the appellation of " the good duke 
Humphrey," he was tormented by a double anxiety. 
He, in the first place, dreaded that Jacqueline might 
have children by her projected marriage with Gloucester, 
(a circumstance neither likely, nor even possible, in the 
opinion of some historians, to result from her union with 
John of Brabant t,) and thus deprive him of his right 
of succession to her states ; and in the next, he was 
* Monstrelet. f Hume^ vol iu. p^ laSL^ 



1431. IS DESPOILED OF HER DOMINIONS. 49 

jealous of the possible domination of England in the 
Netherlands as well as in France. He therefore soon 
became self-absolved from all his vows of revenge in the 
cause of his murdered father^ and laboured sokly for the 
oliject of his personal aggrandisement. To break his 
connection with Bedford; to treat secretly with the 
dauphin^ his fatlier's assassin^ or at least the witness and 
warrant for his assassination; and to shuffle from party 
to party as occasion required; were movements of no 
difficulty to Philip, siumamed " the Good." He openly 
espoused the cause of hift infamous relative John of 
Brabant; sent a powerful army into Hainauit, whidi 
Gloucester vainly strove to defend in right of his affi- 
anced wife ; and next seized on Holland and Zealand, 
where he met with a long but ineffectual resistance on 
the part of the courageous woman he so mercilessly 
oppressed. Jacqueline, deprived of the assistance of her 
stanch but ruined friends *, and abandoned by Glou- 
cester, (who, on the refusal of pope Martin V. to sanction 
her divorce, had married another woman, and but feebly 
aided Ae effi^rts of the former to maintain her rights,) 
was now left a widow by the death of John of Brabant. 
But Philip, without a shadow of justice, pursued his 
designs against her dominions, and finally despoiled her 
of her last possessions, and even of the title of countess, 
which she forfeited by her marriage with Vrank Van 
Borselen, a gentleman of Zealand, contrary to a compact 
to which Philip's tyranny had forced her to consent. 
After a career die most checquered and romantic which 
is recorded in history, the beautiful and hitherto un- 
fortunate Jacqueline found repose and happiness in the 

* We must not omit to notice the existence of two factions, which, for 
near two centuries, divided and agitated the whole population of Holland 
and Zealand. One bore the title of Hoeb^ (fishing-hooks) ; the other was 
called Kaabeljauws (cod.fish). The origin of these burlesque denomin. 
ations was a dispute between two parties at a fa&st, as to whether the cod- 
fish took the hook, or the hook the cod.fish ? This apparently fVivolous dis. 



pute was made the pretext for a serious quarrel ; and the partisans of the 
nobles and those of the towns ranged themselves at either side, and assumed 
different badges of distinction. The Hoeks, partisans of the towns, wore 
red caps : the KaabeUauvaa wore grey ones. In Jacqueline's quarrel with 
Philip of' Burgundy, she was supported by the former ; and it was not till 
the year 149S Uiat the extinction of that popular and turbulent ftctioii ftruck 
a final blow to the dissensions of both. 
E 



so omoftT or tbb Netherlands. 1436^ 

tranquillity of pfriyate life; and her deaA in 14i36, «l 
the age of thirty-nx^ xemoTed all restraint from Philip's 
thirst for aggrandisement^ in the indulgence of which 
he drowned his remorse. As if fortune had ooBspired 
for the rapid consolidation of his greatness^ the death of 
Fhil^i count of St. Pol^ who had succeeded his lMx>thet 
John in the dukedom of Brahant^ gave him the sove- 
reignty of that extensive province; and his domkiions 
soon extended to the very limits of Picardy^ by the 
peace of Arras^ concluded with the dauphin^ now be- 
come Claries VII.^ and by his finally contracting a strict 
alliance with France. 

Philip of Burgundy^ thus become sovereign of domi-i 
nions at once so extenmve and compact^ had the pre^ 
caution and address to obtain from the onperor a fomud 
rmunciation of his existing^ though almost nominal^ 
rights as lord paramount. He next purchased the 
title of the dudiess of Luxembourg to that duchy ; and 
thus the states of the house of Burgundy gained an 
^Etent about equal to that of the existing kingdom of 
the Netherlands. For although on the north and east 
they did not indude Friesland^ the bishopric of Utrecht^ 
Guelders, or the province of Li^e^ still on the south 
and west they comprised French flanders^ the Boulon- 
nais^ Artois^ and a part of Picardy> besides Burgundy, 
But it has been already seen how limited an authori^ 
was possessed by the rulers of the maritime provinces. 
Flanders in particular^ the most populous and wealthy^ 
strictly preserved its republican institutions. Ghent and 
Bruges were the two great towns of the province^ and 
each maintained its individual authority over its re- 
spective territory, with great indifference to the will or 
the wishes of the sovereign duke. Philip, however, had 
the policy to divide roost effectually these rival towns. 
After having fallen into the hands of the people of 
Bruges, whom he made a vain attempt to surprise, and 
who massacred numbers of his followers before his eyes^ 
he forced them to submission by the assistance of the 
citizens of Ghent, who sanctioned the banishment of 



l4iSCk BBBELUnXN OF OHENT* 51 

l^e diief men of the vanquished town. * But some 
years later Ghent was in its turn oppressed and pun« 
i^ed for having lesisted the payment of some new tax. 
It found no support from the rest of Flanders. Ne^ 
Verth^ess this powerM city sin^y maintained the war 
for the space of two yeaars ; but the intrepid burghers 
finally yieMed to the veterans of die duke^ formed to 
victory in the Frendi wars. The principal privileges 
of Ghent were on tiiis occasion revokec) and annulled, f 

During these transactions the province of Holland^ 
which enjoyed a degree of liberty almost equal with 
FUmders^ had declared war agiunst the Hanseatic towns 
<m its own prop^ authority. Supported by Zealand^ 
vrhich formed a distinct country^ but was strictly united 
to it by a Oommon interest^ Holland equipped a fleet 
i^ainst the pirates which infested their coasts and as- 
sailed their commerce^ and soon forced them to sub^ 
mission. Philip in the mean time contrived to manage 
the conflicting elements of his power with great subtlety. 
Notwithstanding his ambitious and despotic character, 
he conducted himself so cautiously^ that his people by 
c(mimon consent ttonfirmed his title of " the Good," 
which was somewhat inappropriately given to him at 
the very epoch when he appeared to deserve it least. 
Age and exhaustion may be adduced among the causes 
of the toleration which signalised his latter years ; and 
if he was the usurper of some parts of his dominions, 
he cannot be pronounced a tyrant over any. 

Philip had an only son, bom and reared in th# 
midst of that ostentatitms greatness which he looked on 
as. his own by divine right ; whereas his fath» remem* 
bered that it had chiefly become his by fortuitous ac-^ 
quirement. Mid much of it by means not likely to lodk 
well iti the sight of heaven. This son was Charles 
count of Charolois, afterwards celebrated under the 
name of Charles the Rash. He gave, even in the Kfe^ 
time of his father, a striking specimen of despotism tb 
the people of Holland. Appointed stadtholder of tha^ 
* Oudeghent f De Barante, t tL 

£ 2 



52 BUTOBY OF TBB NETBEBLANDS. 14i67« 

province in 1457> he appropriated to hiniBelf several 
important successiona ; forced the inhabitants to labour 
in the formation of dykes for the security of the pro- 
perty thus acquired ; and^ in a word^ conducted himself 
as an absolute master. * Soon afterwards he broke out 
into open opposition to his father^ who had complained 
of this undutiful and impetuous son to the states of the 
provinces^ venting his grief in lamentations instead of 
pimishing his people's wrongs. But his private rage 
burst forth one day in a manner as furious as his public 
expressions were tame. He went so far as to draw his 
sword on Charles and pursue him through his palace t: 
and a disgusting yet instructive spectacle it was^ to see 
this father and son in mutual and disgraceful discord, 
like two birds of prey quarrelling in the same eyrie ; 
the old count outrageous to find he was no longer un- 
disputed sovereign, and the young one in feeling that 
he had not yet become so. But Philip was declining 
daily. Yet even when dying he preserved his natural 
haughtiness and energy ; and being provoked by the 
insubordination of tiie people of Liege, he had himself 
carried to tiie scene of tiieir punishment. The refractory, 
town of Dinant, on the Meuse, was utterly destroyed by 
the two counts, and 600 of tiie citizens drowned in the 
river, and in cold blood. The following year Philip 
expired, leaving to Charles his long wisbed-for inherit- 
ance. 

The reign of Philip had produced a revolution in 
Belgian manners ; for his example and the great increase 
of wealth had introduced habits of luxury hitherto quite 
Viknpwn. He had also brought into fashion romantic 
notions of military honour, love, and chivalry ; which, 
while they certainly softened the character of the no- 
bility, contained nevertheless a certain mixture of fri- 
volity and extravagance. The celebrated order of the 
Golden Fleece, which was introduced by Philip, was less 
an institution based on grounds of rational magnificence, 
than a puerile emblem of his passion for Isabella of 

• Preuvef et AddiUoDB but Cominee, t ir. f Cbronique de HoUande. 



1467* CHARLES THE BA8H. . $3 

Portugal, his third wife. The verses of a contemporary 
poet induced him to make a vow for the conquest of 
Constantinople from the Turks. * He certainly never 
attempted to execute this senseless crusade ; but he did 
not omit so fair an opportunity for levying new taxes 
on his people. And it is undoubted^ that the splendour 
of his court and the immorality of his example were 
no slight sources of corruption to the countries which 
he governed. 

In this respect, at least, a totally different kind of 
government was looked for on the part of his son and 
successor, who was by nature and habit a mere soldier. 
Charles began his career by seizing on all the money 
and jewels left by his father ; he next dismissed the 
crowd of useless functionaries who had fed upon, under 
the pretence of managing, the treasures of the state. 
But this salutary and sweeping reform was only effected 
to enable the sovereign to pursue uncontrolled the most 
fatal of all passions, that of war. Nothing can better 
paint the true character of this haughty and impetuous 
prince than his crest (a branch of holly), and his motto^ 
" Who touches it, pricks himself." Charles had con- 
ceived a furious and not ill-founded hatred for his base 
yet formidable neighbour and rival, Louis XI. of France. 
The latter had succeeded in obtaining from Philip the 
restitution of some towns in Picardy; cause sufficient to 
excite the resentment of his inflammable successor, who, 
during his father's lifetime, took open part with some 
of the vassals of France in a temporary struggle against 
die throne. Louis, who had been worsted in a combat 
where both he and Charles bore a part, was not behind- 
hand in his hatred. But inasmuch as one was haughty, 
audacious, and intemperate, the other was cunning, cool, 
and treacherous. Charles was the proudest, most daring, 
and most unmanageable prince that ever made the sword 
the tjrpe and the guarantee of greatness; Louis the 
most subtle, dissimulating, and treacherous king that 
ever wove in his closet a tissue of hollow diplomacy and 

' • Monstrelet Olivier de U Marcbe. 
E 3 



54 BISTORT 99 ram w r mR uurog. 1467. 

bad faidi in gOTemmeot. The atrugg^e between tfaeae 
aorcragna waa nneqnal only in respect to tbia dififerenee 
of character ; for France, anbdiYided aa it atill waa, and 
OKhansted by the wars with Bngtand, was not com- 
parable, either aa regarded men> money, or the other 
leaooroes of the state, to the compact and proqierona 
dominiona of Bm^midy. 

Charlea ahowed aome aymptoms of good sense and 
greatness of mind, soon after his accession to power, that 
gave a f alae edaiiring to his disposition, and eaoouraged 
iUosory hopes as to his future career, gcarody was he 
proclaimed count of Flanders at Ghent, when Ibe popu- 
lace, surrounding his hotel, absolutely indsted op and 
cxfanrted hia conaent to the restitution of their ancient 
priyileges.* Furious aa Charlea was at this bold proof 
of insubordination, he did not rerenge it ; and he treated 
with equal indulgence the dty of Mechlin, which bad 
expdled its governor and rased tbe citadel. The people 
of liege, haTing revolted against their bishop, Louis of 
Bourbon, who was doedy connected with the bouse of 
Burgundy, were defeated by the duke in 1467j but he 
treated them with demency ; and immediatdy after this 
event, in February 1468, be conduded with Edward lY. 
of England an alUance, offendTe and defensive, against 
Franoe.t 

Tbe real motive of this alliance was rivalry and 
hatred against Louis. Tbe ostensible pretext was this 
monarch's having made war against the duke of Bri- 
tany, Charles's old ally in the short contest in which bcj 
while yet but count, had measured his strength with bis 
rivsl after he became king. The present union between 
England and Burgundy was too powerful not to alarm 
Louis; he demanded an explanatory conference with 
Charles, and the town of Feronne in Pie^dy was fixed 
pn for their meeting. Louis, willing to imitate the 
boldness of his rival, who had formerly oome to m^t 
him in the very midst of his army, uow came to the ren-? 
dezvoiis almost alone. But he was severdy morti^^ 
• Philip de Cominti. f Rymer, vol v. p^ IL 



fmd near paying a greater penalty than fright, for this 
hazardous conduct The duke^ having r?c^vol intelli^ 
gence of a new revolt at Idege excited hy some of the 
agents of France^ instantly n^de Louis prisoner^ in 
defiance of every law of honour or fair dealing. The 
excess of his rage and hatred might have carried him 
to a more disgraceful extremity^ had not Louis^ by 
force of bribery^ gained over some of his most influential 
counsellors, who succeeded in appeasing his rage. He 
contented himself with humiliating, when he was dis- 
posed to punish. He forced his captive to accompany 
him to Li^e, and witness the ruin of this, unfortunate 
town, which he delivered over to pluxider ; and having 
given this lesson to Louis, he set him at liberty. 

From this period there was a marked and material 
change in the conduct of Charles. He had been pre- 
viously moved by sentiments of chivalry and notions of 
greatness. But suUied by his. act of pubUo treachery and 
violence towards the monarch who had, at least in seem- 
ing, manifested unlimited confidence in his honour, a 
secret sense of shame embittered his feelings and soured 
his teniper. He became so insupportable to those around 
him, that he was abandoned by several of his best ofiicers^ 
and even by his natural brother, Baldwin of Burgundy^ 
who passed over to the side of Xiouis. Charles was at 
this time embarrassed by the expense of entertaining 
and maintaining Edward IV. and numerous English 
exiles, who were forced to take refuge in the Netherlands 
by the successes of the earl of Warwick, who had 
replaced Henry VI. on the throne.* Charles at the 
same time held out to several princes in Europe hopes 
of bestowing on them in marriage his only daughter and 
heiress Mary, while he privatdy assured his friends, 
if his courtiers and ministers may be so called, '' that 
he never meant to have a son-in-law until he was dis- 
posed to make himself a monk." In a word, he was no 
longer guided by any principle but that of fierce and 
brutal selfishness. 

* Philip de Cominci, L y. 
E 4 



56 HIBTOBT OF THB VBTVKBIASDB. 1472. 

In this mood he soon became tired of the service of 
his nobles and of the national militia^ who only main- 
tained towards him a forced and modified obedience 
founded on the usages and rights of their seyeral pro- 
vinces ; and he took into his pay all sorts of adventurers 
and vagabonds who were willing to submit to him as 
their absolute master. When the taxes necessary for the 
support and pay of these bands of mercenaries caused the 
people to murmur^ Charles laughed at their complaints, 
and severely punished some of the most refractory. 
He then entered France at the head of his army, to assist 
the duke of Britany ; but at the moment when nothing 
seemed to oppose the most extensive views of his am- 
bition, he lost by his hot-brained caprice every advantage 
within his easy reach: he chose to sit down before 
Beauvais; and thus made of this town, which lay in his 
road, a complete stumbUng-block on his path of conquest. 
The time he lost before its walls caused the defeat and 
ruin of his unsupported, or as might be said his aban- 
doned, ally, who made the best terms he could with 
Louis; and thus Charles's presumption and obstinacy 
paralysed all the efforts of his courage and power. But 
he soon afterwards acquired the duchj of Guelders 
from the old duke Amoul, who had been temporarily 
despoiled of it by his son Adolphus. It was almost a 
hereditary consequence in this family that the children 
should revolt and rebel against their parents. Adolphus 
had the effi'ontery to found his justification on the 
argument, that his father having reigned forty-four 
years, he was fully entitled to his share — a fine prac- 
tical authority for greedy and expectant heirs. The 
old father replied to this reasoning by offering to meet 
his son in single combat.* Charles cut short the affair 
by making Adolphus prisoner and seizing on the dis- 
puted territory, for which he, however, paid Amoul the 
sum of 220,000 florins. 

After this acquisition Charles conceived and had muck 
at heart the design of becoming king, the first time 
• Comines, t !▼. 



1473. CHABLES'eT plans of AOOBANDI6EMENT. 5? 

that the Netherlands were considered sufficiently im- 
portant and consolidated to entitle their possessor to that 
title. To lead to this object he offered to the emperor 
of Germany the hand of his daughter Mary for his son 
Maximilian. The emperor acceded to the proposition^ 
and repaired to the city of Treves to meet Charles and 
countenance his coronation. But the insolence and self- 
ishness of the latter put an end to the project. He 
hutniHated the emperor^ who was of a niggardly and 
mean-spirited disposition^ by appearing with a train so 
numerous and sumptuous as totally to eclipse the im- 
perial retinue ; and deeply offended him by wishing to 
postpone the marriage^ from his jealousy of creating for 
himself a rival in a son-in-law, who might embitter his 
old i^e as he had done to that of his own father. The 
mortified emperor quitted the place in high dudgeon^ 
and the projected kingdom was doomed to a delay of 
some centuries. 

Charles, urged on by the double motive of thirst for 
aggrandisement and vexation at his late failure, at- 
tempted, under pretext of some internal dissensions, to 
gain possession of Cologne and its territory, which be- 
longed to the empire ; and at the same time planned the 
invasion of France, in concert with his brother-in-law 
Edward IV., who had recovered possession of England. 
But the town of Nuys, in the ardibishopric of Cologne^ 
occupied him a full year before its walls. The emperor, 
who came to its succour, actually besi^ed the besi^ers 
in their camp ; and the dispute was terminated by leaving 
it to the arbitration of the pope's legate, and placing the 
contested town in his keeping. This half triumph gained 
by Charles saved Louis wholly from destruction. Ed- 
ward, who had landed in France with a niunerous force, 
seeing no appearance of his Burgundian allies, made 
peace with Louis ; and Charles, who arrived in all haste, 
but not till after the treaty was signed, upbraided and 
abused the English king, and turned a warm friend into 
an inveterate enemy. 

Louis, whose crooked policy had so far succeeded on 



58 HUTOBT OF TBB IVETHKBLANDS. 147& 

all oeeaaoDB^ now letmed to £iyonr Cluuries's plant of 
iggrandiiemflnt, and to recognise hia pretended liglit to 
Lorraine, which legitimately belonged to the empire, and 
the invaaion of wldch by Charles would be aore to set 
him at yarianee with ^ whole of Germany. The 
infatuated duke, blind to the ruin to which he was tbna 
hurrying, abandoned to Louis, in return for this insidioiu 
support, the constable of St Pol; a nobleman who had 
long maintained his independence in Picardy, where he 
had large possessions, and who was fitted to be a Talu** 
able friend or formidable enemy to either. Charles now 
marched against, and wocn overcame, Loiraine. Thenee 
he turned his army againat the Swiss, ii^ wei« aUiea to 
the conquered province, but who sent the most sabmit- 
give dissuasions to the invader. They bagged for peace, 
assuring Charles that their romantic but sterile moun- 
tains were not altogether worth the brlcQes of his splep^ 
didly equipped cavalry. But the more tbey humbled 
Aemselves, the higher was his haughtiness raised. It 
appeared that he had at this period conpeived the project 
of uniting in one common conquest the ancient domi-> 
nions of Lothaure I., who had possessed the whole of ^e 
eoimtries traveised by the llhine, the IUione> and the 
Fo ; and he ^ven spoke of passiqg tho Alps, Ul^^ Han-i 
lubal, for the invasion of Italy* 

Switzerland was, by moral analog as well as physioal 
fact, the rock against which these extravagant prqjecta 
were shattered. The army of Charles, which engaged 
the hardy mountaineers in the gorges of the Alpa near 
the town of Granson, were literally crushed to atomfi by 
the stones and fragments of granite de^ched from the; 
heights and hurled dovm upon their heads. Charle«^ 
after this defeat, returned to the charge six weeks lat^^ 
having ralli^ his army and drawn reinforcements froii^ 
Burgundy* Bi|t Louis had despatched a body of cayalry. 
^ the Swiss,— -a force in which they were before deficient 4 
and thus augmented, their army amounted tQ 34,00Q 
men. They took up a position, skilfully phosen, on the 
borders f4 the lake of Mprat^ where they were attacked 



1477* INVASION OF gWITZBRLANB. 59 

by Charles at the head of 60^000 soldiers of all ranks. 
The result was the total defeat of the latter^ with the 
loss of 10^000 killed^ whose hooes^ gathered into an 
inunense heap> and hleadliing in the winds^ remained for 
aboye three centuries * ; a terrible monument of rash- 
Bess and injustice on the one hand^ and of patriotism and 
iralour on the other. 

Charles was now plunged into a state of profound 
mdancholy ; but he soon burst from this gloomy mood 
into one of renewed fierceness and fatal desperation. 
Nine months after the battle of Morat he re-entered 
Lorraine, at the head of an army, not composed of his 
Huthfiil militia of the Netherlands, but of those mer- 
eenaries in whom it was madness to place trust. The 
xeinforoements meant to be dei^atched to him by those 
fffovinoes were kept back by the artifices of the count of 
Campo Basso, an Italian^ who commanded his cavalry, 
and who only gained his confidence basely to betray it. 
Ren^ duke of Lorraine, at the head of the confederate 
forces, ofibred battle to Charles imder the walls of 
Nancy ; and the night before the combat Campo Basso 
went over to the enemy with the troops under his 
command. Still Charles had the way open for retreat. 
Fresh troops from Burgundy and Flanders were on their 
inarch to join him ; but he would not be dissuaded from 
his resolution to fight, and he resolved to try his fbrtune 
once more with his dispirited and shattered army. On 
tills occasion the f^te of Charles was decided, and the 
fbrtune of Loins triumphant, tlie rash and ill-fated 
duke lost both the battle and his ]ife.t His body, muti^ 
lated with wounds, was found the next day, and buried 
with great pomp in the town of Nancy, by the orders of 
the generous victor, the duke of Lorraine. 

Thus perished ^e last prince of the powerful! house 
of Bui^undy. Charles left to his only daughter, then 
dghtecn years of age, the inheritance of his extensive do- 
minions, and with them that of the hatred and jealoiisy 
which he had so lai^ly excited. External spoliation 

• 0«idlii,Abrtg6cterHiitcte]aSui8se>p.6SL f 5th Jan. 1477. 



60 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1477* 

immediately commenced^ and internal disunion quickly 
followed. Louis XI. seized on Burgundy and a part of 
Artois^ as fiefs devolving to the crown in default of 
male issue. Several of the provinces refused to pay the 
new subsidies commanded in the name of Mary ; Flan- 
ders alone showing a disposition to uphold ihe rights 
of the young princess. The states were assembled at 
Ghent^ and ambassadors, sent to the king of France^ in 
the hopes of obtaining peace on reasonable terms. Louis^ 
true to his system of subtle perfidy^ placed before one of 
those ambassadors, the burgomaster of Ghent, a letter 
from the inexperienced princess, which proved her in- 
tention to govern by the counsel of her father's ancient 
ministers, rather than by that of the deputies of the 
nation. This was enough to decide the indignant 
Flemings to render themselves at once masters of the 
government, and get rid of the ministers whom they 
hated. Two Burgundian nobles, Hugonet and Imber- 
court, were arrested, accused of treason, and beheaded 
under the very eyes of their agonised and outraged mis- 
tress, who threw herself before the frenzied multitude^ 
vainly imploring mercy for these innocent men. The 
people having tihus completely gained the upper hand 
over the Burgundian influence, Mary was sovereign of 
the Netherlands but in name. 

It would have now been easy for Louis XI. to have 
obtained for the dauphin, his son, the hand of this 
hitherto unfortunate but interesting princess; but he 
thought himself sufficiently strong and cunning to gain 
possession of her states without such an alliance. Mary^ 
however, thus in some measure disdained, if not actually 
rejected, by Louis, soon after married her first-intended 
husband, Maximilian of Austria, son of the emperor 
Frederick III.; a prince so absolutely destitute, in con- 
sequence of his fadier's parsimony, that she was obliged 
to borrow money from die towns of Flanders to defray 
the expenses of his suite.* Nevertheless he seemed 
equally acceptable to his bride and to his new subjects. 
* Comines, t tl 



1484. MABT AND HAXIMIJMAN. 6l 

They not only supplied all his wants^ but enabled him 
to maintain the war against Louis XI., whom they 
defeated at the battle of Guinegate in Picardy^ and 
forced to make peace on more favourable terms than 
they had hoped for. But these wealthy provinces were 
not more zealous for the national defence^ than bent on 
the maintenance of their local privileges^ which Maxi- 
milian Uttle understood^ and sympathised with less. 
He was bred in the school of absolute despotism ; and 
his duchess having met with a too early death by a fall 
from her horse in the year 1 484^ he could not even suc- 
ceed in obtaining the nomination of guardian to his own 
children without passing through a year of civil war. 
His power being almost nominal in the northern pro- 
vinces^ he vainly attempted to suppress the violence of 
the factions of Hoeks and Kaabeljauws. In Flanders 
his authority was openly resisted. The turbulent towns 
of that country^ and particularly Bruges^ taking um- 
brage at a government half German half Burgundian^ 
and altogether hateful to the people^ rose up against 
Maximilian^ seized on his person^ imprisoned him in a 
house which still exists^ and put to death his most faith- 
ful followers. But the fury of Ghent and other places 
becoming still more outrageous^ Maximilian asked as a 
favour from his rebel subjects of Bruges to be guarded 
while a prisoner by them alone. * He was then king of 
the Romans^ and all £urope became interested in his 
fate. The pope addressed a brief to the town of Bruges^ 
demanding his deliverance. But the burghers were as 
inflexible as factious ; and they at length released him^ 
but not until they had concluded with him and the 
assembled states a treaty^ which most amply secured the 
ei^oyment of their privileges and the pardon of their 
rebellion. 

But these kind of compacts were never observed by 
the princes of those days beyond the actual period of 
their capacity to violate them. The emperor having 
entered the Netherlands at the head of 40^000 men^ 

*Heutenu,l.UL 



68 HI8T0AT W TAB lf«rHtttJtKD8. 

Maximilian, to tupported, toon thoired his contempt to 
the obligatiDns he had sworn to, and had Mtonrae to 
force for the extension of his authority. The valour 
of the Flemings and the military tidents of their leader, 
miip of Cleves^ thwarted all his prefects, and a new 
compromise was entered into. Flanders paid a large 
anbsidy^ and bdd last her rights. The German trD<^ 
were sent into Holland, and employed for the extinction 
of the Hoeks ; who, as they formed by far the weaker 
faction, were now soon destroyed. That province^ wliich 
had been so long distracted by its intestine feads^ and 
which had consequently played bat an insignificant part 
in the transactions of the Netherlands, now resumed its 
place ; and acquired thencrforth new honour^ till it at 
length came to figure in all the importance of historical 
distinction. 

The situation of the Netherlands was now extrondy 
precarious and difficult to manage^ during the unstable 
sway of a government so weak as Maximilian's. But 
he having succeeded his father on the imperial throne 
in 1493^ and his son Philip having been proclaimed the 
following year duke and count of the various provinces 
at the age of sixteen^ a more pleasing prospect was 
offered to the people. Philip, young, handsome, and 
descended by his mother from the ancient sovereigns of 
the country, was joyfully hailed by all the towns. He 
did not belie the hopes so enthusiastically expressed. 
He had the good sense to renounce all pretensions to 
Friesland, the fertile source of many preceding quarrds 
and sacrifices. He re-established the ancient commercial 
relations with England^ to which country Maximilian 
had given mortal offence by sustaining the imposture of 
Perkin IVarbeck. Philip also consulted the states-gene- 
ral on his projects of a double alliance between himself 
and his »ster with the son and daughter of Ferdinand 
king of Aragon and Isabella queen of Castile ; and 
from this wise precaution the project soon became one 
of national partiality instead of private or personal in- 
terest. In this manner complete harmony was estab- 



1493. ' ^HltilP TAiB FAIB. 6S 

Bsbed between die young ^nce and the inhabitants of 
ihe Netherlands. All the ills produeed by dvil war 
disappeared with iliriftiense rapidity in FLutders aad 
Brabant^ as soon as peace was dnis consolidated, fiten 
Holland, diougk it had particttlariy felt the scourge of 
Aese dissensiont, and sufibred sevwAj from repeated 
inundations, b^n to recover. Yet for aU this, Philip 
can be scarcely called a good prince : his merits were 
]i^;ative radier than red. But that sufficed for the 
nation ; which found in the ntiflity of its soyeieign no 
obstacle to the resumption of that prosperous career 
which had been checked by the despotism of tiw house 
of Burgundy, and the attempts of Maximyiaii to coa* 
tinue the same system^ 

The reign of Philip, unfortunately li short one, was 
tendel'ed remarkable by two intestine quarrels ; one m 
-Fiieslattd, the other in Guelders. The Prisons, who 
had been so isolated from the mote important affiiirs of 
Europe that they w^re in a manner lost sight of by. 
history for seyeral centuries, had nevertheless their fuU 
share of domestic disputes ; too long, too multifarious, 
And too minute, to allow us to give more than this Mef 
notice of their existraioe. But finally, about the period 
of Philip's accession, eastern Friesland had diosen for 
,it8 count a gentleman of the country sumamed Edzart^ 
who fixed Ihe head quarters of his military government 
at Embden. The sight of such an elevation in an in« 
dividual whose pretensions he thought far inferior to 
his own, induced Albert of Saxony, who had well served 
Maximilian against the refractory Flemings, to demand 
as his reward the title of stadtholder or hereditary go- 
vernor of Friesland. But it was far easier for the em- 
per(»: to accede to this request than for his favourite to 
put the grant into effect. The Prisons, true to their 
old. character, held firm to their privileges, and fought 
for their maintenance with heroic courage. Albert, 
furious at this resistance, had the horrid barbarity to 
cause to be impaled the chief burghers of the town of 



6'i HISTORY OF THB NBTHEBLAN0S. 1500* 

Leuwaarden^ which he had taken by assaidt. * But he 
himself died in the year 1500^ without succeeding in 
his projects of an ambition unjust in its principle and 
atrocious in its practice. 

The war of Guelders was of a totally different nature. 
In this case it was not a question of popular resistance 
to a tyrannical nomination^ but of patriotic fidelity to 
the reigning family. Adolphus^ the duke who had 
dethroned his father> had died in Flanders^ leaving a 
son who had been brought up almost a captive as long 
as Maximilian governed the states of his inheritance. 
This young man^ called Charles of Egmont^ and who is 
honoiured in the history of his country under the title 
of the Achilles of Guelders^ fell into the hands of the 
French during the combat in which he made his first 
essay in arms. The town of Guelders unanimously joined 
to pay his ransom; and as soon as he was at liberty^ they 
one and all proclaimed him duke. The emperor PhiMp 
and the Germanic diet in vain protested against this 
measure^ and declared Charles a usurper. The spirit 
of justice and of liberty spoke more loudly than the 
thimders of their ban ; and the people resolved to sup- 
port to the last this scion of an ancient race^ glorious in 
much of its conduct^ though often criminal in many of 
its members. Charles of Egmont found faithful friends 
in his devoted subjects ; and he maintained his rights, 
sometimes with, sometimes without, the assistance of 
France, — making up for his want of numbers by energy 
and enterprise. We cannot follow this warlike prince 
in the long series of adventures which consolidated his 
power ; nor stop to depict his daring adherents on land, 
who caused the whole of Holland to tremble at their 
deeds; nor his pirates — the chief of whom. Long Peter, 
called himself king of the Zuyder Zee. But amidst all 
the consequent troubles of such a struggle, it is mar- 
vellous to find Charles of Egmont upholding his country 
in a state of high prosperity, and leaving it at his death 
almost as rich as HoUand itself, t 

* Beninga, Hist Van Oo«t Friie f Van Metenn. 



1606, CHARLES OF EOMONT. 65 

The incapacity of 'Philip the Fair doubtless con- 
tributed to cause him the loss of this portion of his 
dominions. This prince^ after his first acts of moder- 
ation and good sense^ was remarkable only as being the 
father of Charles V. The remainder of his life was 
worn out in undignified pleasures ; and he died almost 
suddenly^ in the year 1506^ at Burgos in Castile^ whither 
he repaired to pay a visit to his brother-in-law^ the king 
of Spain. 



CHAP. VI. 

1506—1555. 

FEOM THE OOVKENMXMT OF MARGARET OF AUSTRIA TO THE 
ABDICATION OF THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 

Philip being dead^ and his wife^ Joanna of Spain^ having 
become mad from grief at his loss^ after nearly losing her 
senses from jealousy during his life^ the regency of the 
Netherlands reverted to Maximilian^ who immediately 
named his daughter Margaret govemant of the country. 
This princess^ scarcely twenty-seven years of age, had 
been, like the celebrated Jacqueline of Bavaria, already 
three times married, and was now a^ain a widow. Her 
first husband, Charles VIII. of France, had broken from 
his contract of marriage before its consummation ; her 
second, the Infant of Spain, died immediately after their 
union ; and her third, the duke of Savoy, left her again 
a widow after three years of wedded life. She was a 
woman of talent and courage; both proved by the couplet 
she composed for her own epitaph, at the very moment 
of a dangerous accident which happened during her 
journey into Spain to join her second affianced spouse.* 
She was received with the greatest joy by the people of 

* Ci-git Margot la gente demoijelle. 
Qui eut deux maru, et si piourut pucelle. 

Here gentle Margot quietly is laid, 

'Who had two husbands, and yet died a maid. 



66 BUTOKT OF THB KaTHEBLANDS. 1508. 

the Netheriands ; and the goyemed diem as peaceably 
as drcumttances allowed. Supported by England^ she 
firmly maintained her authority against the threats of 
France; and she carried on in person all the negocia- 
tions between Louis XII.^ Maximilian^ the pope Jules 11.^ 
and Ferdinand of Aragon^ for the famous league of 
Venice. These negociations took place in 1508^ at 
Cambray ; where Margaret, if we are to credit an ex- 
pression to that efiect in one of her letters *, was more 
than once on the point of having serious differences with 
the cardinal of Amboise, minister of Louis XII. But, 
besides her attention to the interests of her father on 
this important occasion, she also succeeded in repress- 
ing the rising pretensions of Charles of Egmont ; and, 
assisted by the interference of the king of France, she 
obliged him to give up some places in Holland which 
he ill^ally held. 

From this period the alliance between England and 
Spain raised the commerce and manufactures of the south- 
em provinces of the Netherlands to a high degree of 
prosperity, while the northern parts of the country were 
still kept down by their various dissensions. Holland 
was at war with the Hanseatic towns. The Frisons 
continued to struggle for freedom against the heirs of 
Albert of Saxony. Utrecht was at variance with its 
bishop, and finally recognised Charles of Egmont as its 
protector. The consequence of all these causes was 
that the south took the start in a course of prosperity, 
which was, however, soon to become common to the 
whole nation. 

A new rupture with France, in 1513, united Maxi- 
milian, Margaret, and Henry VIII. of England, in one 
common cause. An English and Belgian army, in which 
Maximilian figured as a spectator (taking care to be 
paid by England), marched for the destruction of The- 
rouenne, and defeated and dispersed the French at the 
battle of Spurs. But Louis XII. soon persuaded Henry 
to make a separate peace ; and the unconquerable duke 

• Lettret de Loui« XII. t L p. 1S9L 



1515. PSOORBSS OF THE REFORMATION. 6? 

of Guelders made Margaret and the emperor pay the 
penalty of their success against France. He pursued his 
victories in Friesland> and forced the country to recog- 
nise him as stadtholder of Groningen^ its ddef town; 
while the duke of Saxony at length r^iounced to another 
his unjust claim on a territory which ingulfed both his 
armies and his treasure. 

About the same epoch (1515)^ young Charles^ son 
of Philip the Fair^ having just attained his fifteenth 
year^ was inaugurated duke of Brabant and count of 
Flanders and Holland^ having purchased the presumed 
right of Saxony to the sovereignty of Friesland. In 
the following year he was recognised as prince of Cas- 
tile^ in right of his mother^ who associated him with 
herself in the royal power^ — a step which soon left her 
merely the title of queen. Charles procured the nomi- 
nation of bishop of Utrecht for Philip^ bastard of Bur- 
gundy, which made that province completely dependant 
on him. But this event was also one of general and 
lasting importance on another account. This Philip 
of Burgundy was deeply affected by the doctrines of the 
Reformation, which had burst forth in Germany. He 
held in abhorrence the superstitious observances of the 
Romish church, and set his face against the celibacy of 
the clergy. His example soon influenced his whole 
diocese, and the new notions on points of religion became 
rapidly popular. It was chiefly, however, in Friesland 
that the people embraced the opinions of Luther, which 
were quite conformable to many of the local customs of 
which we have already spoken. The celebrated Edzard 
count of eastern Friesland openly adopted the Reform- 
ation. While Erasmus of Rotterdam, without actually 
pronouncing himself a disciple of Lutheranism, effected 
more than all its advocates to throw the abuses of Catho- 
licism into discredit. 

We may here remark that, during the government of 

the house of Burgundy, the clergy of the Netherlands 

had fallen into considerable disrepute. Intrigue and 

court favour alone had the disposal of the benefices; 

F 2 



68 HIBTORY OF THB NETHERLANDS. 1515. 

while the career of commerce was open to the enterprise 
of every spirited and independent competitor. The 
Reformation, therefore, in the first instance found hut a 
slight obstacle in the opposition of a slavish and ignorant 
clergy, and its progress was all at once prodigious. The 
refoual of the dignity of emperor by Frederick "the 
wise" duke of Saxony, to whom it was offered by the 
electors, was also an event highly favourable to the new 
opinions ; for Francis I. of France, and Charles, already 
Idng of Spain and sovereign of llie Netherlands, both 
claiming the succession to the empire*, a sort of inter- 
regnum deprived the disputed dominions of a chief who 
might lay the heavy hand of power on the new-springing 
doctrines of protestantism. At length the intrigues of 
Charles, and his pretensions as grandson of Maximilian, 
having caused him to be chosen emperor, a desperate 
rivalry resulted between him and the French king, which 
for a while absorbed his whole attention and occupied all 
his power. 

From the earliest appearance of the Reformation, the 
young sovereign of so many states, having to establish 
his authority at the two extremities of Europe, could not 
efficiently occupy himself in resisting the doctrines which, 
despite their dishonouring epithet of heresy, were doomed 
so soon to become orthodox for. a great part of the Con- 
tinent. While Charles vigorously put down the revolted 
Spaniards, Luther gained new proselytes in Germany ; 
so that the very greatness of the sovereignty was the cause 
of his impotency; and while Charles's extent of dominion 
thus fostered the growing Reformation, his sense of ho- 
nour proved the safeguard of its apostle. The intrepid 
Luther, boldly venturing to appear and plead its cause 
before the representative power of Germany assembled at 
the diet of Worms, was protected by the guarantee of the 
emperor t; unlike the celebrated and unfortunate John 
Huss, who fell a victim to his own confidence and the 
bad faith of Sigismund, in the year 1415. 

Charles was nevertheless a zealous and rigid -catholic; 

* Robertson. f Idem. 



1525. WAB WITH FRANCE. 69 

and in the Low Countries^ where his authority was un- 
disputed^ he proscribed the heretics^ and even violated 
the privileges of the country by appointing functionaries 
for the express purpose of their pursuit and punishment.* 
This imprudent stretch of power fostered a rising spirit 
of opposition ; for^ though entertaining the best dispo- 
sition to their young prince^ the people deeply felt and 
loudly complained of the government^ and thus the germs 
of a mighty revolution gradually b^an to be developed. 

Charles V. and Francis I. had been rivals for dignity 
and power^ and they now became implacable personal 
enemies. Youngs ambitious^ and sanguine^ they could 
not^ without reciprocal resentment^ pursue in the same 
field objects essential to both. Charles^ by a short but 
timely visit to England in 1520^ had the address to 
gain* over to his cause and secure for his purpose the 
powerful interest of cardinal Wolsey^ and to make a 
most favourable impression on Henry VIII. t ; and thus 
strengthened, he entered on the struggle against his less 
wily enemy with infinite advantage. War was declared 
on frivolous pretexts in 1521. The French sustained it 
for some time with great valour; but Francis being 
obstinately bent on the conquest of the Milanais^ his 
reverses secured the triumph of his rivals and he fell 
into the hands of the imperial troops ai the battle of 
Pavia in 1525. Charles's dominions in the Nether- 
lands suffered severely from the naval operations during 
the war ; for the French cruisers havings on repeated 
occasions^ taken^ pillaged^ and almost destroyed the prin- 
cipal resources of the herring fishery^ Holland and Zea- 
land felt considerable distress, which was still fiirther 
augmented by the famine which desolated these provinces 
in 1524. 

While such calamities afilicted the northern portion 
of the Netherlands, Flanders and Brabant continued 
to flourish, in spite of temporary embarrassments. The 
bishop of Utrecht having <Hed, his successor found him- 
self engaged in a hopeless quarrel with his new diocese, 
• Meteren, I. i. f Robertfoa 

F 3 



70 HI8T0RT OF THE N&THEBLANI>S. 1 527- 

already more than half conyerted to protestantism ; and 
to gain a triumph over these enemies^ even by the 
sacrifice of his dignity^ he ceded to the emperor in 
1527 the whole of his temporal power. The duke of 
Guelders^ who then occupied the city of Utrecht^ re- 
doubled bis hostility at this intelligence; and after 
having ravaged the neighbouring country, he did not 
lay down his arms till the subsequent year^ having first 
procured an honourable and advantageous peace. One 
year more saw the term of this long continued state of 
warfare by the peace of Cambray^ between Charles and 
Francis^ which was signed on the 5th of August, 1529** 
This peace once concluded, the industry and perse- 
verance of the inhabitants of the Netherhmds repaired 
in a short time the evils caused by so many wars, excited 
by the ambition of princes, but in scarcely any instance 
for the interest of the country. Little, however, was 
wanting to endanger this tranquillity, and to excite 
the people against each other on the score of religious 
dissension. The sect of anabaptists, whose wild opinions 
were subversive of aU principles of social order and every 
sentiment of natural decency, had its birth in Germany, 
and found many proselytes in the Netherlands. John 
Bokelszoon, a tailor of Leyden, one of the number, 
caused himself to be proclaimed king of Jerusalem; and 
making himself master of the town of Munster, sent out 
his disciples to preach in the neighbouring countries. 
Mary, sister of Charles V., and queen dowager of Hun- 
gary, the govemant of the Netherlands, proposed a cru- 
sade against this fanatic ; which was, however, totally 
discountenanced by the states. £ncouraged by im- 
punity, whole troops of these infuriate sectarians, from 
the very extremities of Hainault, put themselves into 
motion for Munster ; and notwithstanding the colds of 
February, they marched along, quite naked, according 
to the system of their sect.t The frenzy of these 
fanatics being increased by persecution, they projected 
attempts against several towns, and particularly against 
• Bobertson. f L. Horteni. de Aoab. 



1534. THE ANABAPTISTS. 71 

Amsterdam. They were easily defeated^ and massacred 
without mercy ; and it was only by multiplied and hor- 
rible executions that their numbers were at length dimi- 
nished. John Bokelszoon held out at Munster, which 
was besieged by the bishop and the neighbouring princes. 
This profligate fanatic^ who had married no less than 
seyenteen women^ had gained considerable influence over 
the insensate multitude ; but he was at length taken and 
imprisoned in an iron cage, — an event which undeceived 
the greatest number of those whom he had persuaded of 
his superhuman powers.* 

The prosperity of the southern provinces proceeded 
rapidly and uninterruptedly, in consequence of the great 
and valuable traffic of the merchants of Flanders and 
Brabant, who exchanged their goods of native manu- 
facture fOT the riches drawn from America and India 
by the Spaniards and Portuguese. Antwerp had suc- 
ceeded to Bruges as the general mart of commerce, and 
was the most opulent town of the north of Europe. The 
expenses, estimated at 130,000 golden crowns t, which 
this city voluntarily incurred, to do honour to the 
visit of Philip, son of Charles V., are dted as a proof 
of its wealth. The value of the wool annually im- 
ported for manufacture into the Low Countries from 
England and Spain was calculated at 4,000,000 pieces 
of gold. Their herring fishery was unrivalled ; for even 
the Scotch, on whose coasts these fish were taken, did 
not attempt a competition with the Zealanders. X But 
the chief seat of prosperity was the south. Flanders 
alone was taxed for one third of the general burdens 
of the state. Brabant paid only one seventh less than 
Flanders. So that these two rich provinces contri- 
buted thirteen out of twenty-one parts of the general 
contribution ; and all the rest combined, but eight. A 
search for further or minuter proofs of the comparative 
state of the various divisions of the country would be 
superfluous. 

• HUt Anabapt f Ouiociardlni, Descriptio BelgiL 

X Vaodergoes. Regist. t L 

* 4 



72 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1539 

The perpetual quarrels of Charles V. with fVands I. 
and Charles of Guelders led^ as may be supposed^ to a 
repeated state of exhaustion^ which forced the princes to 
pause^ till the people recovered strength and resources 
for each fresh encounter. Charles rarely appeared in 
the Netherlands; fixing his residence chiefly in Spain, 
and leaving to his sister the r^ulation of those distant 
provinces. One of his occasional visits was for the pur- 
pose of inflicting a terrible example upon them. The 
people of Ghent, suspecting an improper or improvident 
application of the funds they had furnished for a new 
campaign, ofibred themselves to march against the 
French, instead of being forced to pay their quota of 
some further subsidy. The government having rejected 
this proposal, a sedition was the result, at the moment 
when Charles and Francis already negotiated one of 
their temporary reconciliations. On this occasion^ 
Charles formed the daring resolution of crossing the 
kingdom of France, to promptly take into his own hands 
the settlement of this affair — trusting to the genero- 
sity of his scarcely reconciled enemy not to abuse the 
confidence with which he risked himself in his power. 
Ghent, taken by surprise, did not dare to oppose the 
entrance of the emperor, when he appeared before the 
walls ; and the city was punished with extreme severity. 
Twenty-seven leaders of the sedition were beheaded ; 
the principal privileges of the city were withdrawn ; and 
a citadel built to hold it in check for the future. Charles 
met with neither opposition nor complaint. The pro- 
vince had so prospered under his sway, and was so flat- 
tered by the greatness of the sovereign, who was bom in 
the town he so severely punished, that his acts of des- 
potic harshness were borne without a murmur. But 
in the north the people did not view his measures so 
complacently: and a wide separation in interests and 
opinions became manifest in the different divisions of 
the nation. 

Yet the Dutch and the Zealanders signalised them* 
selves beyond all his other subjects on the occasion of 



1555. ABDICATION OF CHARLES. 73 

two expeditions which Charles undertook against Tunis 
and Algiers. The two northern provinces furnished a 
greater number of ships than the united quotas of all 
the rest of his states.* But though Charles's gratitude 
did not lead him to do any thing in return as peculiarly 
favourable to these provinces^ he obtained for them ne- 
vertheless a great advantage in making himself master 
of Friesland and Guelders on the death of Charles of 
Egmont. His acquisition of the latter^ which took place 
in 1543^ put an end to the domestic wars of the north- 
ern provinces. From that period they might fairly look 
for a futurity of union and peace ; and thus the latter 
years of Charles promised better for his country than 
his early ones^ though he obtained less success in his 
new wars with France^ which were not, however, sig- 
nalised by any grand event on either side. 

Towards the end of his career, Charles redoubled his 
severities against the protestants, and even introduced a 
modified species of inquisition into the Netherlands, but 
with little effect towards the suppression of the reformed 
doctrines. The misunderstandings between his only 
son Philip and Mary of England, whom he had induced 
him to marry, aind the unamiable disposition of this 
yonng prince, tormented him almost as much as he was 
humiliated by the victories of Henry II. of France, the 
successor of Francis I., and the successful dissimulation 
of Maurice elector of Saxony, by whom he was com- 
pletely outwitted, deceived, and defeated. Impelled by 
these motives, and others, perhaps, which are and must 
ever remain unknown, Charles at length decided on ab- 
dicating the whole of his immense possessions. He 
chose the city of Brussels as the scene of the solem- 
nity, and the day fixed for it was the 25tli of October, 
1555. t It took place accordingly, in the presence of 
the king of Bohemia, the duke of Savoy, the dowager 
queens of France and Hungary, the duchess of Lor- 
raine, and an immense assemblage of nobility from 
various countries. Charles resigned the empire to his 
• Cbroa van Zeeland. f Vandervynct, tip. 107. 



74 BI8T0BT OF THB NETHERLANDS. 1555L 

brother Ferdinand, already king of the Romans ; and all 
the rest of his dominions to his son. Soon after the 
ceremony, Charles embarked from Zealand on his voyage 
to Spain. He retired to the monastery of St. Justus, 
near the town of Placentia, in Estremadura. He entered 
this retreat in February, 1556, and died there on the 
21st of September, 1558, in the 59th year of his age. 
The last six months of his existence, contrasted with the 
daring vigour of his former life, formed a melancholy 
picture of timidity and superstition. * 

The whole of Uie provinces of the Netherlands being 
now for the first time united under one sovereign, such 
a junction marks the limits of a second epoch in their 
history. It would be a presumptuous and vain attempt 
to trace, in a compass so confined as ours, the various 
changes in manners and customs which arose in these 
countries during a period of one thousand years. The ex- 
tended and profound remarks of many celebrated writers 
on the state of Europe from the decline of the Roman 
power to the epoch at which we are now arrived must be 
referred to, to judge of the gradual progress of civilisation 
through the gloom of the dark ages, till the dawn of 
enlightenment which led to the grand system of European 
politics commenced during the reign of Charles V.t 
The amazing increase of commerce was, above all other 
considerations, the cause of the growth of liberty in the 
Netherlands. The Reformation opened the minds of men 
to that intellectual freedom, without which political en- 
franchisement is A worthless privilege. The invention of 
printing opened a thousand channels to the flow of eru- 
dition and talent, and sent them out from the reservoirs 
of individual possession to fertilise the whole domain of 
human nature. War, which seems to be an instinct of 
man, and which particular instances of heroism often 
raise to the dignity of a passion, was reduced to a 
science, and made subservient to those great principles 
of policy m which society began to perceive its only 
chance of durable good. Manufactures attained a state 
* Bobertion. f See Oilibon, Robertson, ftc 



1555. COMMEROIAIf WEALTH. 75 

of high perfection, and went on progressively with the. 
growth of wealth and luxury. The opulence of the 
towns of Brahant and Flanders was without any previous 
example in the state of Europe. A merchant of Bruges 
took upon himself alone the security for the ransom of 
John the Fearless, taken at the hattle of Nicopolis, 
amounting to 200,000 ducats. A provost of Valen-> 
ciennes repaired to Paris at one of the great fairs pe- 
riodically held there, and purchased on his own account 
every article that was for sale. At a repast given hy one 
of the counts of Flanders to the Flemish magistrates, the 
seats they occupied were unfurnished witii cushions. 
Those proud hurghers folded their sumptuous doaks and 
sat on them. After the feast they were retiring without 
retaining these important and costiy articles of dress; and 
on a courtier reminding them of their apparent neglect, 
the hurgomaster of Bruges replied, ^* We Flemings are 
not in the hahit of carrying away the cushions after 
dinner !"* The meetings of the different towns for the 
sports of archery were signalised hy the most splendid 
display of dress and decoration. The archers were 
hahited in silk, damask, and the finest linen, and carried 
chains of gold of great weight and value. Luxury was 
at its height among women. The queen of Philip the 
Fair of France, on a visit to Bruges, exclaimed, with 
astonishment not unmixed with envy, ^^ I thought my* 
self the only queen here ; hut I see six hundred others 
who appear more so than I." 

The court of Philip the Good seemed to carry mag- 
nificence and splendour to their greatest possihie height. 
The dresses of hotii men and women at this chivalric 
epoch were of almost incredihle expense. Velvet, satin^ 
gold, and precious stones, seemed the ordinary materials 
for die dress of either sex ; while the very housings of 
the horses sparkled with hrilliants and cost immense 
sums. This ahsurd extravagance was carried so far, 
that Charles V. found himself forced at lengtii to pro- 
claim sumptuary laws for its repression. 
* CroiL van Vlaendereil. 



76 HISTORY OF THB METHEBLANPS. 1555. 

The style of the hanquets given on grand occasions 
was tegulated on a scale of almost puerile splendour. 
The banquet of vows given at Lille^ in the year 1453^ 
and so cidled from the ohligations entered into by some 
of the nobles to accompany Philip in a new crusade 
against the infidels^ showed a succession of costly fool- 
eries^ most amusing in the detail given by an eye-witness^ 
•the minutest of the chroniclers^ but imluckily too long to 
find a place in our pages.* 

Such excessive luxury naturally led to great corrup- 
tion of manners and the commission of terrible crimes. 
During the reign of Philip de M^e, there were com- 
mitted in the city of Ghent and its outskirts^ in less than 
a year^ above 1400 murders in gambling-houses and 
other resorts of debauchery.t As early as the tenth 
century^ the petty sovereigns established on the ruins 
of the empire of Charlemagne began the independent 
coining of money; and the various provinces were 
during the rest of this epoch inundated with a most 
^nbarrassing variety of gold, silver, and copper. Even 
in ages of comparative darkness, literature made feeble 
efforts to burst through the entangled weeds of super- 
stition, ignorance, and war. In the fourteenth and fif- 
teenth centuries history was greatly cultivated; and 
Froissart, Monstrelet, Oliver de la Marche, and Philip 
de Comines, gave to their chronicles and memoirs a 
charm of style since their days almost unrivalled. 
Poetry began to be followed with success in the Nether- 
lands, in the Dutch, Flemish, and French languages; 
and even before the institution of the Floral Games in 
France, Belgium possessed its chambers of rhetoric 
Crederykkarnersjf which laboured to keep alive the sacred 
flame of poetry with more zeal than success. In the 
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, these societies were 
established in almost every burgh of Flanders and Bra- 
bant; the principal towns possessing several at once.j: 

The arts in their several branches made considerable 

• See pitver de la Marche, I L f. 29. f Oudegbent, t. ii 

JDeSmet Hiat.de la B€feique,ti. p. S0& «« «"*.«««. 



1665, THE FINE ARTS. 77 

progress in the Netherlands during this epoch. Archi* 
tecture was greatly cultivated in the thirteenth and four- 
teenth centuries ; most of the cathedrals and town houses 
being constructed in that age. Their vastness^ solidity^ 
and beauty of design and execution^ make them still 
speaking monuments of the stem magnificence and finish- 
ed taste of the times. The patronage of Philip the Good^ 
Charles the Rash^ and Margaret of Austria^ brought music 
into fashion^ and led to its cultivation in a remarkable 
degree. The first musicians of France were drawn from 
Flanders ; and other professors from that country ac- 
quired great celebrity in Italy for their scientific im- 
provements in their delightful art.* 

Paintings which had languished before the fifteenth 
century^ sprung at once into a new existence from 
the invention of John Van £yck^ known better by the 
name of John of Bruges. His accidental discovery 
of the art of painting in oil quickly spread over Europe^ 
and served to perpetuate to all time the records of the 
genius which has bequeathed its vivid impressions to 
the world. Painting on glass> polishing diamonds^ the 
Carillon^ lace^ and tapestry^ were among the inventions 
which owed llieir birdi to the Netherlands in these ages^ 
when the faculties of mankind sought so many new chan- 
nels for mechanical development. The discovery of a 
new world by Columbus and other eminent navigators 
gave a fresh and powerful impulse to European talent^ 
by affording an immense reservoir for its reward. The 
town of Antwerp was, during the reign of Charles V., 
the outlet for the industry of Europe, and the receptacle 
for the productions of all the nations of the earth. Its 
port was so often crowded with vessels, tliat each succes- 
sive fleet was obliged to wait long in the Scheldt before 
it could obtain admission for the discharge of its cargoes. 
The university of Louvain, that great nursery of science, 
was founded in 1425, and served greatly to the spread 
of knowledge, although it degenerated into the hotbed 
of those fierce disputes which stamped on theology the 

* OuicciardinL 



78 HIBT0B7 OF THB MBTHEBLAND8. 1555. 

degradation of bigotry^ and drew down odium on a study 
that^ if purely practised^ ought only to inspire veneratioD. 
Charles V. was the first to establish a solid plan of 
goTemment, instead of the constant fluctuations in the 
management of justice^ police^ and finance. He caused 
the edicts of the various sovereigns^ and the municipal 
usages^ to be embodied into a system of laws ; and thus 
gave stalnlity and method to the enjoyment of the pros- 
perity in wldch he left his dominions. 



CHAP. VII. 

1555 ---1566. 



FROM THS ACCX8SI0K OF PBIUP U. OP SPAIN TO THK KSTABLISH- 
XSNT or THS INQUISITION IN THE NETHERLANDS. 

It has been shown that the Netherlands were never in a 
more flourishing state than at the accession of Philip II. 
The external relations of the country presented an aspect 
of prosperity and peace. England was closely allied to 
it by queen Mary's marriage with Philip; France, 
fatigued with war, had just concluded with it a five 
years' truce ; Germany, paralysed by religious dissen- 
sions, exhausted itself in domestic quarrels ; the other 
states were too distant or *too weak to inspire any un- 
easiness ; and nothing appeared wanting for the public 
weal. Nevertheless there was something dangerous and 
alarming in the situation of the Low Countries; but 
the danger consisted wholly in the connection between 
the monarch and the people, and the alarm was not 
sounded till the mischief was beyond remedy. 

From the time that Charles V. was called to reign 
over Spain, he may be said to have been virtually lost to 
the country of his birth. He was no longer a mere 
duke of Brabant or Limberg, a count of Flanders or 
Holland; he was also king of Castile, Aragon, Leon, 
and Navarre, of Naples, and of Sicily. These various 
kingdoms had interests evidently opposed to those of the 



1555. PHILIP II. 79 

Low Countries^ and forms of government far different. 
It was scarcely to be doubted that the absolute monarch 
of so many people would look with a jealous eye on the 
institutions of those provinces which placed limits to his 
power ; and the natural consequence was^ that he who 
was a legitimate king in the south sooii d^enerated into 
a usurping master in the north. 

But during the reign of Charles the danger was in 
some measure lessened^ or at least concealed from public 
view^ by the apparent facility with which he submitted 
to and observed the laws and customs of his native 
country. With Philip the case was far different^ and 
the results too obvious. Uninformed on the Belgian 
character^ despising the state of manners^ and ignorant 
of the language^ no sympathy attached him to the people. 
He brought with him to the throne all the hostile pre- 
judices of a foreigner, without one of the kindly or con- 
siderate feelings of a compatriot. 

Spain, where this young prince had hitherto passed 
his life, was in some degree excluded from European 
civilisation. A contest of seven centuries between the 
Mahomedan tribes and the descendants of the Visigoths, 
cruel like all civil wars, and, like all tliose of religion, not 
merely a contest of rulers, but essentially of the people, 
£ad given to the manners and feelings of this unhappy 
country a deep stamp of barbarity. The ferocity of 
military chieftains had become the basis of the govern- 
ment and laws. The Christian kings had adopted the 
perfidious and bloody system of the despotic sultans they 
replaced. Magnificence and tyranny, power and cruelty, 
wisdom and dissimulation, respect and fear, were inse- 
parably associated in the minds of a people so governed. 
They comprehended nothing in religion but a God armed 
with omnipotence and vengeance, or in politics but a 
king as terrible as the deity he represented. 

Philip, bred in this school of slavish superstition, 
taught ^at he was the despot for whom it was formed^ 
familiar with the degrading tactics of eastern tyranny, 
^as at once the most contemptible and unfortunate of 



82 HUTOBT OF vmm nbtbxblands. 1557. 

yetrly applicadon to ihe three orders^ the guardians of 
the public liberty. At the same time he sent secret 
9gentB to Rome^ to obtain the approbation of the pope to 
hit insidious but most effbctire plan for placing the whole 
of the clergy in dependance upon the crown. He* also 
kept up the army of Spaniards and Germans whidi 
his fadier had formed on the frontiers of France ; and 
although he did not remove from thdr employments the 
functionaries already in place^ he took cans to make no 
new appointments to office among the natiyes of the 
Netherlands. 

In the midst of these cunning preparations for 
tyranny^ Philip was suddenly attacked' in* two quarters 
at once ; by Henry II. of France^ and by pope Paul IV^ 
A prince less obstinate than Philip would in such dr« 
cumstances have renounced^ or at least postponed^ his 
designs against the liberties of so important a part of 
his dominions^ as those to which he was obliged to have 
recourse for aid in support of this double war. But he 
seemed to make every foreign consideration subservient 
to the object of domestic aggression whidi he had so 
much at heart. 

He^ however^ promptly met the threatened dangers 
from abroad. He turned his first attention towards }a» 
contest with the pope ; and he extricated himself from 
it with an adroitness that proved the whole force and 
cunning of his character.. Having first publicly ob- 
tained the opinion of several doctors of theology, that he 
was justified in taking arms against the pontiff (a point 
on which there was really no doubt)^ he prosecuted the 
T^r with the utmost vigour^ by the means of the after- 
wards notorious duke of Alva^ at that time viceroy of las 
Italian dominions. Paul soon yielded to superior skill and 
force, and demanded terms of peace, which were granted 
with a readiness and seeming liberality that astonished no 
one more than the defeated pontiff. But Philip's moder- 
ation to his enemy was far outdone by his perfidy to his 
allies. He confirmed Alva's consent to the' confiscation 
of the domains of the ^oble Romans who had espouaed 



.1559* V^M WITH FlUNCS AND T^B POPE. 83 

Ida came; and thus gidned a stanch and powerful sup* 
porter to all his future projects in the religious authority 
Df the successor of St. Peter. 

His conduct in the conclusion of the war with Franee 
was not less hase. His army^ tinder the command of 
Fhilibert Emmanuel duke of Savoy> consisting of Bel« 
gians, Germans^ and Spaniards^ with a considerable 
body of English sent by Mary to the assistance of her 
husband^ penetrated into Picardy^ and gained a complete 
victory OTer the French forces. The honour of this 
brilliant afiair^ which took place near St. Quintin, was 
almost wholly; due to the count d'£gmont^ a Belgian 
noble^ who commanded tlie light cavalry ; but the king, 
unwilling to let any one man ei\]oy the glory of the 
day, piously pretended that he owed the entire obliga^ 
tion to St. Lawrence, on whose festival the battle was 
fought. His gratitude or hypocrisy found a fitting 
monument in the celebrated convent and palace of the 
Escurial, which he absurdly caused to be built in the 
form of a gridiron, the instrument of the saint's martyr- 
dom. When the news of the victory reached Charles V« 
in his retreat, the old warrior enquired if Philip was in 
Paris ? but the cautious victor had no notion of such 
prompt manoeuvring; nor would he risk against foreign 
enemies the exhaustion of forces destined for the en^^ 
alavement of his people. 

. The French in some measure retrieved their late dis- 
grace by the capture of Calais, the only town remain- 
ing to England of all its Frendi conquests, and which, 
consequently, had deeply interested the national glory 
of each people. In the early part of the year 1558, 
one of the generals of Henry II. made an irruption into 
western Flanders; but the gallant count of Egmont once 
more proved his valour and sldll by attacking and totally 
defeating the invaders near the town of Gravelines. 

A general peace was concluded in April, 1559^ which 
bore the name of Cateau-Cambresis, from that of the 
place where it was negotiated. Philip secured for him- 
self various advantages in the treaty ; but he sacrificed 
o 2 



84 mammr w raa ii>mJu« «Aiwwfc fMB^ 



the interests of Ebg^and, hj egmentrng to die i 
of Calais by ^e Frendk kii^— .a cession deeply i 
liating to the national pride of his allies; and, if i 
rtl opinion be correct, a proxiinate cause of his eonaoKt's 
death. The alliance of Fnmce and the siippwt of Bmd% 
the important results of the two wan now brought te » 
dose, were counterbalanced by the w^-known hostilityof 
EHzabetfa, who had succeeded to the throne of Engtand; 
and this latter consideratkm was an addttimud mottw 
with Philip to push forward the design of conaolidfttMig 
his despotism in the Low Countries. 

To lead his already deceired subjects the move simly 
into the snare, he announoed his intended d^iartujie <hi 
a dwrt riail to Spain ; and created for the period of 
Ida a hwn e e a pmvialoiial govenunent, chiefly compeaed 
of Ae Ifading men ame^g^ tiba Bsl^aa nofaBxty. He 
flattered himself limit ^ states daniad by tibe iBm- 
trious illusion thus prepared, wodd t^Bukdfy fftmk ta 
this prorisional government the right of Wryim^ tnes 
during ^ temporary absence of the sovereign. He 
also reckoned on the influence of the clergy in the 
national assembly, to procure the revival of the edicts 
against heresy, wliich he had gained the merit of soe- 
pending. These, with many minor details of i»ofband 
duplicity, formed the principal features of a plan, whidi, 
if successful, would have reduced the Netherlands to die 
wretched state of colonial dependence by which Naples 
and SicQy were hdd in the tenure of Spain. 

As soon as the states had consented to place the 
whole powers of government in the hands of the new 
administration for the period of the king's absence, the 
royal hypocrite believed his scheme secure, and flattered 
himself he had established an instrument of durable , 
despotism. The composition of this new government 
was a masterpiece of political machinery. It consisted 
of several councils, in which the most distinguished 
citizens were entitled to a place, in sufficient numbers 
to deceive the people with a show of representation, 
but not enough to command a migority, which was 



15^9* VBUJP*M CrXBieVSS FOB DJKPOTXO POWER. 85 

ware cm any imponant^qaesticHi to rest with the titled 
creatures of the court. The edicts against heresy^ soon 
cdopted^ gave to the ckigy an ahnost unlimited power 
^yver the Htcs and fortunes, of the people. But almost 
all the dignitaries of the church being men of great re^ 
spectability and moderation^ chosen by the body of the 
inferior clergy^ these extraordinary powers exdted little 
alarm* PhUip's project was suddenly to replace these 
virtuous ecclesiastics by othors of his own choice^ as 
90on as the states broke up firom their annual meeting ; 
and for this intention he had procured the secret consent 
and authority of the court of Rome. 

In support of these combinations the Belgian troops 
yrere completely broken up and scattered in small bodies 
oyer the country. The whole of this force^ so redoubt^ 
able to the fears of despotism^ consisted of only 3000 
cavalry. It was now divided into fourteen companiea 
(or squadrons in the modem phraseology)^ under the 
eommand of as many independent chiefs^ so as to leave 
little chance of any principle of union reigning among 
them. But the Grerman and Spanish troops in Philip's 
pay were cantoned on the frontiers^ ready to stifle any 
iiudpient efibrt in opposition to his plans. In addition 
to these imposing means for their execution^ he had se* 
cured a still more secret and more powerful support; 
' — ^a secret article in the treaty of C4teau-CambresiS 
oWged the king of France to assist him with the whole 
armies of France against his Belgian subjects^ should 
liiey prove refractory. Thus the late war^ of which the 
Meth^kn^ had borne all the weighty and Earned all 
tibe glory, only brought about the junction of the de- 
feated enemy with their own king for the extinction of 
their national independence. 

To complete the execution of this system of perfidy, 
Philip convened an assembly of all the states at Ghent, 
in the month of Julv, 1559. This meeting of the re* 
t>resentatives of the three orders of the state offered no 
aipparent obstade to Philip's views. The clergy, alarmed 
at ihe progress of the new doctrines, gathered more 
qS 



St> HI8V0BT OF THB K#raBB&AKl>8. 155^. 

dofldy round the gOTernment of "WhitStk they lequired ^ 
rappcnt. The nobles had l^t mudi of their andent attadi^ 
ment to liberty ; and had beeome^ in Tarions ways^ de« 
pendant on the royal fkyour. Many of die firat fainSietf 
were then represented by men possessed rather of^ courage 
and candour than of foreaigfat and sagadty.. Hiat of 
Nassau, the most distingoished of a]I> seemed the leaatin-^ 
terested in the national cause. A ^eat part of its posses' 
dons were in Germany and France, where it had reoen% 
acquired die sorerdgn prindpaU^ of Orange^ It wae 
only £rom the diird order — diat of the commons — thi^ 
Philip had to expect any oppodtion. Already, during tl^ 
war, it had shown some discontent, and' had insisted on 
the nomination of commisdonen 'to oontrd the accountt 
and the disbursemdits of the' subdues. But it seemed 
imptobabte, that among this dass of men, any would be 
found capaUe of penetrating the: manifold cotnbiiiationa 
of the king, and disconcerting hisdedgns. 

Anthony Pezrenotte de GranTelle, bidiop of Aifas,.wlio 
was conddered as Philip s favourite counsellor, but who 
was in reality no more dian hk docile agent; was .eona^ 
misdoned to address the assembly in the name.af Ins 
master, who spoke only Bpanidi. His oration was one 
of cautious deception, and contdned the most flatter^ 
ing assurances of Philip's attadiment to the pooplo of 
the Netherlands. It excused the long for not hadng 
nominated his only son Don Garkm to reign ovist them 
in his name ; alleging, as a proof of his royal afiection j 
that he preferred giving them as govemant a Belgian 
princess, madame Marguerite duehess of Parma, the na*; 
turd daughter of Charles V. by a young lady a native Of 
Audenarde. Fair promi9e8 and fine words were tfa^la- 
vished in profudon to gdn the confidence of the deputies.. 
. But notwithstanding all the tdent, thecautioi^ and 
the mystery of Philip and his nunister, there was 
among tiie nobles one man. who saw through all. This 
individud, endowed with niany of the highest attributes 
of politicd genius; and pre-eminentiy with judgm^^ , 
the most important of all, entered fearlesdT into the con-. 



liffO*^ BBSnTANCM iHT tB9 CTATES-eBNEnAL. 8? 

test. against tynnny-^d^pisiBg every penonal sacrifice 
for the country's good. Without makLig himself sus- 
piciously pronunent^ he privately warned some members 
of the states cf the 000)11^ danger. Those in whom he 
ocMifided did not betray ' die trust. They spread among 
the other deputies ,the alann^ and pojinted out the danger 
to which th^y had been so judiciously awakened. The 
oonaequraioe wai^ a r^ly to Philip's demand^ in vague 
and general termfli^ without binding the nation by any 
pledge ; and an unanimous entreaty that he would dimi- 
nish the taxes^ withdraw the foreign troops, and entrust 
no official employments to any but natives of the coun« 
try. The object of this last request was the removal 
of GranveUe> who was bom in Franche-Comt^. 

. . PhiUp waa utterly astound^ at all this. In the first 
noipcnt of his . vjexation he imprudently cried out, 
*' Would ye, then, also bereave me of my place ; I, 
who am a Spaniacd?" But be soon recovered his self- 
eommandi and resumed his usual mask ; expressed his 
regret at not having sooner learned the wishes of the 
states ;. promised to remove the foreign troops within 
three months; and set ofi* for Zealand, with assumed 
composure,, but filled with the fury of a discovered 
traitor and humiliated de^ot. 

. A fleet under, the .command of count Horn, the ad-t 
miral of the United -Provinces, waited at Flessingue to 
fonn his escort to Spain. At the very moment of his 
depifftiHe, William of Na9sau^ prince of Orange and 
governor of Zealand, waited on him to pay his official 
rejects. The Idng, taking him apart from the other 
attendant nobles, recommended him to hasten the exe« 
cntaonof several gentlemen and wealthy citizens attached 
to the newly introduced religious opinions. Then^ quite 
auddenly, whether in the random impulse of suppressed 
rage, or that his piercing glance discovered William's 
secret feelings. in his countenance, he accused him with 
having been the means of thwarting his designs., ^^ Sire,'' 
replied Nassau, *^ it was the work of the national states." 
— '* No !" <jried Philip, grasping him furiously by the 
o 4 



88 BIST0B7 ^9 nm KBTHEBLAKDB. 1559« 

arm; " it wss not done hj the states^ but by yon, aa& 
yoa alone!"* 

Thia gloriooa aecoaation waa not repdled. He wbo 
nad laved his country in wnmaaking the deatgna of ita 
tyrantj admitted by hia rilence bia title to the hatred of 
the one and the gratitude of the other. On the 20th of 
Auguat^ Philip embarked and aet sail ; turning hia back 
for ever on the country whidi ofibred the first cheek to 
hia despotism ; and, after a periloua voyage, he anived 
in that which permitted a free indulgence tohia ferocioua 
and sanguinary career* 

' For some time after Philip's departure the Nether* 
lands continued to eigoy considerable prosperity. From 
the period of the peace of C^teau-Cambresis commerce 
and navigation had acquired new and increasing actiTity. 
The fisheries, but particularly that of herrings, became 
daily more important; that one alone occupying 2000 
boats. While Holland, Zealand, and Friedand made 
this progress in their peculiar branches of industry, the 
southern provinces were not less active car successfuL 
Spain and the colonies ofiered such a mart for the ob- 
jects of their manufacture, that in a single year they^ 
recdved from Flanders fifty large ships, filled with ar- 
ticles of household furniture and utendls. The export* 
ation of woollen goods amounted to enormous sums. 
Bruges alone sold annually to the amount of ^fiOO,OQ& 
florins of stuffs of Spanish, and as much of fa^iahj 
wool ; and the least value of Ihe florin ^len was qui^ 
druple its present worth. The ecmimerce with EnglancU 
though less important than that with £^>ain, waa calca« 
lated yearly at 24,000,000 fiorins, which was chiefly 
dear profit to the Nedierlands, as their exportationa 
consisted almost entirely of objects of their own ma« 
nufacture. Their commercial relations with France^ 
Germany, Itady, Portugal, and the Levant, were daily 
increasing. Antwerp was the centre. of this prodigious 
trade. Several sovereigns, among others Elizabetib of 

* Schiller. The words of Philip were : ** No, no lot ettadot s ma m», miu 
jm^ rof thus used in Spuiish is* t«nn of oonten^ ejiuindent toM Ui 



Ungland^ had recognised agents in that dty, equivalent « 
to consuls of the present times ; and loans of immense 
amount were frequently negotiated hy them with wealthy 
merchants^ who furnished them^ not in negotiable hills 
or for unredeemable debentures^ but in solid gold^ and on 
a simple acknowledgment. 

. Flanders and Brabant were still the richest and most 
flourishing portions of the state. Some mimicipal fetes 
given about this time afford a notion of their opulence. 
On one of these occasions the town of Mechlin sent a 
deputation to Antwerp^ consisting of 326 horsemen 
dressed in velvet and satin with gold and silver orna- 
ments; while those of Brussels consisted of 340^ as 
qilendidly equipped^ and accompanied by seven huge 
triumphal chariots and seventy-eight carriages of various 
constructions^ — a prodigious number for those days. 

But the splendour and prosperity which thus sprung 
out of the national industry and independence^ and which 
a wise or a generous sovereign would have promoted^ or at 
least have established on a permanent basis^ was destined 
speedily to sink beneath the bigoted fury of Philip II. 
The new government which he had established was most 
ingeniously adapted to produce every imaginaMe evil to 
llie stat& The Idng^ hundreds of leagues distant^ could 
not himself issue an order but with a lapse of time ruinous 
to any object of pressing importance. The govemant- 
geneial^ who represented him^ having but a nomimd 
authority^ was forced to follow her instructions^ and 
fiable to have all her acts reversed *; beddes which, she 
had fhe king's orden to cmisult her private eounciL oa all 
ikffidrs whatever, and the council of state on any matter of 
paramoimt importance. These two councils, however, 
contained the elements of a serious opposition to the roysJ 
projects, in the persons of the patriot nobles sprinlded 
among FhUip's devoted creatures. Thus the Influence of 
the crown was often thwarted, if not actually balanced ; 
and the proposals which emanated from it frequently op^* 
posed by the govemant herself. She, although a woman 

• Vandervynct 



90 BISTORT OF TUB KBTHB&LAKDS. IS6(X 

of iiMwcatinft appeannce and habits ^, was possessed tf 
no strength of inind. Her preTailing sentiinent seemdl 
to be dread of tlie long ; yet she was at times influcnoed 
by a sense of justice, and by the remoDstninces of the 
weU-jndging members of her cooncils. But these ivere 
not all the difficulties that clogged the madunery of die 
state. After the kii^^ the government^ and the ooandb, 
had deliberated on any measure^ its execution rested irilk 
the provincial govemors or stadtholders, or the mttga^ 
Irates of the towns. Ahnoet every one of these^ beii^ 
strongly attached to the kws and customs of the nation^ 
hesitated^ or refiised to obey the orders conveyed to 
them^ when those orders appeared illegal. Some, hew^ 
#ver, yielded to the authority of the goveniment; so it 
often hai^iened that an edicts which in one district was 
carried into full effect, was in others deferred, r^ected,. 
or violated, in a way productive of great confusion in 
the public affidrs. 

Philip was consdoos that he had himsdf to bkune 
for the consequent disorder. In nominating the mem- 
bers of the two councils, he had over-reached himself 
in his plan for silently sapping the liberty that was 
io obnoxious to his designs. But to neutralise the 
influence of the restive members, he had left GranveOe 
the first place in the administration. This man, an 
immoral ecdestastic, an doquent orator, a supple cour- 
tier, and a profound politidan, bloated with pride, envy, 
insolence, and vanity, was the leal head of the govern- 
ment, t Next to him among the royalist party was 
Viglius, president of the privy council, an erudite 
schoolman, attached less to die broad principles of jus- 
tice than to the letter of the laws, and thus carrying 
pedantry into the very councils of the state. Next in 
order came the count de Berlaimont, head of the financid. 
department,-^- a stem a&d intolerant satellite of the cour^ 

• Stnda. 

t Stnuia. a royalist, a Jesuit, and therefore a fair witnest on thia point, 
uses the foltowinff words in portraying the character of this odious mini». 
J^i^KSSSST*** **'****'«^» ^ tiamttates inter firinc^temetpogmloB 



1561. ZNEFFIOIENCr OF THB OOVSRNHBNT. 91 

«aid a loiums en^ny to thoae national institutions wfaicli 
'uperated as cheeks upon fraud* These three individuals 
fonned the goveniant'« privy council. The remaining 
creatures of the king were m»e suhaltem agaits. 

A government so composed could scarcely fail to ex« 
-cite discontent^ and create danger to the puhlic weaL 
The first proof of incapacity was ehcited by the measures 
required for the departure of the Spanish troops. Tba 
period fixed by the king had already expired, and theai 
obnoxious foreignei^s were still in liie country, living in 
part on pillage, and each day committing some new 
excess. Complaints were earned in successive gradation 
from the government to the council, and from die coun* 
dl to the king. The Spaniards were removed to Zea^ 
land ; but instead of being embarked at any of its ports, 
they were detained there on various pretexts; Money, 
ships, or, on necessity, a wind, was professed to be 
still wanting for their final removal, by those who found 
excuses for delay in every element of nature or subter* 
fuge of art. In the mean time those ferocious soldiers 
ravaged a part of the country. The simple natives at 
leng^i declared they would open the sluices of their dykes; 
preferring to be swallowed by the waters rather than 
remain exposed to the cruelty and rapacity of those 
Spaniards.* Still the embarkation was postponed; 
until the king, requiring his troops in Spain for some 
domestic project, they took their long desired departure 
in the beginning of the year 1561. . . _^ 

The public discontent at this just cause was soon^ 
Tiowever, overwhelmed by one infinitely more important 
and lasting. The Belgian clergy had hitherto formed 
a free and powerful order in the state, governed and 
represented by four bishops chosen by the chapters of 
the towns, or elected by the monks of the principal 
abbeys. These bishops, possessing an independent ter<^ 
ritorial revenue, and not directly subject to ^e influence 
of the crown, had interests and feelings in common with 
the nation. But Philip had prepared, and the pope had 
• Watson'a Life of PhUip II. 



9S HUTOBT OF tnm kethbblands* 1561. 

^Mif^^ia^, ^ new systeai of ecdesiastical orgsiiuatio& 
btkn aSiided to« and the proridonal goyemment now 
pat it into esecatioD.* Instead of four bishops^ it wafe 
intended to appoint eighteen^ their nomination being 
seated in d&e king. By a wily system of trickery the 
aobaerviency of the abbeys was also aimed at. The new 
prdates, on a pretended principle of economy^ were en« 
dowed with the title of abbots of the chief monasteries 
of thdr respective dioceses. Thus not only would ihey 
tmjoj the immense wealth of these establishments^ hot 
the pditiGal rights of the abbots whom they were to 
anooeed ; and the whole of the ecclesiastical order become 
gradually rep res en ted (after the death of the then H^g 
abbots) by ^ creatures of the crown. 
• The consequences of this Tital blow to the integrity 
of the national institutions were evident ; and the indig- 
nation of both clergy and laity was universal. Every 
Isgtl means of oppoidtion were resorted to^ but the peo* 
pie were without leaders; the states were not in session. 
While the authority of the pope and the king combined, 
the reverence ezdted by the very name of religion^ and 
the address and p a s evera nce of the government, formed 
too powerful a combination, and triumphed over the 
national discontents which had not yet been formed into 
resistance. The new bishops were appointed; Granvdle 
aecuring for himself the archiepiscopal see of Mechlin, 
witb the title of primate of the Low Countries. At the 
same time Paul IV. put the crowning point to the capital 
of his ambition, by presenting him. with a cazdinaTaiiaC 
, The new bidiops were to a man most violent, intele* 
rant, and it may be coDsdentioas, opp<«ent8 to the vride- 
spreading doctrines of reform. The execution of the 
^cts against heresy was confided to them. The pro* 
vindal governors and inferior magistrates were con»* 
fnanded to aid them with a strong arm ; and the most 
Ui\ju8t and frightful persecution immediatdy commenced. 
But still some of these governors and magistrates, con- 
sidering themddves not <mly the officers of the prince, 
• TandeiTyiict 



Id6l THE BBFOBKATIOlf. ^ 

tet ^ptoteetors of the people^ and the defenders of tb* 
Jtmn n^er tinm of the £tdth^ did not blindly confonn 
to tho89 iursh and illegal commands. The prince of 
OttBge, fitadtholder of H<^and^ Zealand^ and Utrecht^ 
and the ccant o£ Egmont, gov^nor of Flanders and 
Ajtoh, permitted no persecutions in those five provinces. 
&it in vanous places the rery people^ even when influ- 
eneed by their saperioirfi^ openly oj^KMsed it. Catholics 
as well as protestants were indignant at the atrodons 
^e<;taeles of cruelty presented on all sides. The public 
]Wftce was endangered by isolated acts of resistance^ and 
fears of a general insurrection soon became tmiTersaL 

The apparent temporising or seeming uncertainty of 
the champions of the new doctrines formed the great 
olMrtade to the r^ormation^ and tended to prolong the 
dreadful strode which was now only commencing in the 
Low Countries. It was a matter of great difficulty to 
convince the people that popery was absurd^ and at the 
same time to set limits to the absurdity. Had th^ 
diange been from blind belief to total in^elity^ it would 
(as in a modem instance) have been mu^ easier^ though 
less lasting. Men mighty in a time of such excitement^ 
have been persuaded that aU religion productive of abuses 
such as then abounded was a farce^ and that common 
sense called for its abolition. But when the boundaries 
of belief became a question; when the world was told it 
on^t to reject some doctrines^ and retain others which 
seemed as difficult of comprehension; when one tenet 
was pronounced idolatry^ and to doubt another declared 
damnation; — the world either exploded or recoiled: it 
went too far^ or it shrank back ; plunged into atheism or 
r^psed into popery. It was thus the reformation was 
checked in the first instance. Its supporters were the 
strong-minded and intelligent; and they never^ and 
least of all in those days^ formed the mass. Superstition 
and bigotry had enervated the intellects of the minority 
and the high resolve of those with whom the great work 
eommenced^ was mixed with a severity that materially 
retarded its progress. For though personal interests^ as 



jQi BISTORT OF THE NBTHBBX.AKDS. IdSl. 

Jirith Henry VIII. of England^ and rigid entfaEiuiasni, tm 
with CalyiDj Bti«iigtfaened the infant reformation; tbe first 
led to Tioknee which irritated many, the second to aus- 
Iflrity which disgnsted them ; and it was soon discovered 
that the change was ahnost confined to forms of practice, 
and that the essentiaUi of abase were likdy to he carefully 
preserved* All these, and other arguments^ artfully modi- 
fied to distract the people, were urged by the new bishops 
in the Netherlands, and by those whom they employed 
to arrest the progress of reform. 

Among the Tarious causes of the general confusion, 
the situation of Brabant gave to that province a pecu- 
liar share of suffering. Brussels, its capital, being the 
seat of government, had no particular chief magis- 
trate, like the other provinces. The executive power 
was therefore wholly confided to the municipal author- 
ities and the territorial proprietors. But these, though 
generally patriotic in their views, were divided into a 
multiplicity of different opinions^ Rivalry and resent- 
ment produced a total want of imion, ended in anarchy, 
and prepared the way for civil war. William of Nassau 
penetrated the cause, and proposed the remedy in mov- 
ing for the appointment of a provincial governor. This 
proposition terrified Granvelle, who saw, as clearly as 
did his sagacious opponent in the council, that the no- 
mination of a special protector between the people and 
the government would have paralysed all his efforts for 
hurrying on the discord and resistance which yrere meant 
to be the plausible excuses for the introduction of arbi- 
trary power. He therefore energetically dissented from 
the proposed measure, and William immediately desisted 
from his demand. But he at the same time claimed, in 
the name of the whole country, the convocation of the 
states-general. This assembly alone was competent to de* 
ade what was just, legal, and obligatory for each province 
and every town. Governors, magistrates,- and simple d- 
tizens, would thus have some rule for their common con-' 
duct ; and the government would be at least endowed 
with the dignity of uniformity and steadiness. The xxdm* 



iS6U CONFEOBBACnr AOAINST ORANYELLE. 9^ 

sters endeayoured to evade a demakid wluch they were a| 
first unwilling openly to refuse. But the firm demeanour 
mid persuasive doquence of the prince of Orange carried 
beforethem all who were not actually bought by the crowni 
and Granvelle found himself at length forced to avow that 
en express order from the king forbade the convocation of 
the states^ on any pretext^ during his absence. 

The veil was thus rent asunder^ which had in some 
measure concealed the deformity of Philip's despotinm 
The result was a powerful confederacy among all who 
held it odious^ for the overthrow of Granvelle^ to whom 
they chose to attribute the king's conduct ; thus brings 
ing into practical result the sound principle of ministerial 
reaponsibility, without wluch^ except in some peculiar 
case of local urgency (nt political crisis, the name of daa^ 
atitutional government is but a mOckery. Many of ibt 
royalist nobles united for the national cause; and even 
the govemant joined her effi>rts to theirs, for an ob* 
ject which would relieve her from the tyranny whitfa 
none felt more than she did. Those who composed iMs 
confederacy against th^ minister were actuated by a 
great variety of motives. The duchess of Parma hated 
him, as a domestic spy robbing her of all real authority; 
the royalist nobles, as an insolent upstart at every in- 
stant mortifying their pride. The counts Egmont and 
Horn, with nobler sentiments, opposed him as the author 
of their country's growing misfortunes. But it is doubt* 
ful if any of the confederates except the prince of Orange 
dearly saw that they were putting themselves in direct 
and personal opposition to the king himself. WiUiam 
alone, dear-sighted in politics and profound in his views, 
knew, in thus devoting himsdf to the public cause, the 
adversary with whom he altered the lists. 

This great man, for whom the national traditions 
atill preserve the sacred title of '^ father" {Fader" 
WiOem), and who was in truth not merdy the parent 
but the pohtical creator of the country, was at this period 
in his thirtieth year. He already joined the vigour of 
, manhood to the wisdom of age. Brought up under the 



96 raroBT of tbb kethsblands. tsSi, 

Bfe of Ciharlet V., whose sagadty soon discovered lak 
pfeoodous talents^ he was admitted to the couneils ^ 
the emperor^ at a time of life which was little advanced 
beyond mere boyhood. He alone was chosen by this pow« 
flvfol Boverdgn to be present at the audiences which he 
gave to foreign ambassadors^ which proves that in early 
youth he well deserved by his discretion the surname of 
<' the tadtnm." It was on the arm of William^ &en 
twenty years of age^ and already named by him to the 
canunand of the Belgian troops^ that diis powerful 
monarch leaned for support on the memorable day of his 
abdication; and he immediately afterwards employed 
him on the important mission of bearing the impend 
crown to his brother Ferdinand^ in whose favour he had 
resigned it. William's gratefid attachment to C^arie^ 
did not blind him to the demerits of Philip. He repaiied 
to France^ as one of the hostages on the put of' the la^er 
monarch for the ftdiSlment of the peaee of Glfcteau-CSam^ 
bresis; and he then learned from the lips of Henry II., 
who soon conceived a high esteem for him^ the measures 
redprocaUy agreed on by the two sovereigns for the op- 
pression of their sulrjects.* From that moment his mind 
was made up on the character of Philips and on the part 
which he had himself to perform; and he never Mr a 
doubt on the first point> nor swerved from the latter. 

But even before his patriotism was openly dis^^ed, 
Philip had taken a dislike to one in whom his shrewd- 
ness quickly discovered an intellect g( which he was 
jealous. He could not actually remove William from 
all interference with public affairs ; but he refused him 
the government of Flanders^ and opposed^ in secret, 
his projected marriage with a princess of the house 
of Lorraine, which was calculated to bring him a con- 
aiderable accession of fortune^ and consequently of 
influence. It may be therefore said that William^ in 
his subsequent conduct, was urged by motives of per- 
sonal enmity against Philip. Be it so. We do not seek 
to raise him above the common feelings of humanity ; 

. • Vandcrvynct 



156*1. TUB PBINCE OF ORANGE. 97 

and we should risk the sinkiDg him below them^ if we 
supposed him insensible to the natural effects of just 
resentment. 

The secret impulses of conduct can nerer be known 
beyond the individual's own breast ; but actions must, 
however questionable^ be taken as the tests of motives. 
In all those of William's illustrious career we can detect 
none that might be supposed to spring from vulgar or 
iMise feelings. If his hostility to Philip was indeed in- 
creased by private dislike^ he has at least set an example 
of unparalleied dignity in his method of revenge ; but 
in calmly considering and weighings without deciding on 
the question, we. see nothing that should deprive Wil- 
liam of an unsullied title to pure and perfect patriotism. 
The injuries done to him by Philip at this period were 
not of a nature to excite any violent hatred. Enough of 
public wrong was inflicted to arouse the patriot, but not 
of private ill to inflame the man. Neither was William 
of a vindictive disposition. He was never known to turn 
the knife of an assassin against his royal rival, even when 
the blade hired by the latter glanced from him reek- 
ing with his blood. And though William's enmity may 
have been kept alive or strengthened by the provocations 
he received, it is certain that, if a foe to the king, he 
was, as long as it was possible, the faithful counsellor of 
the erown. He spared no pains to impress on the mon- 
arch who hated him the real means for preventing the 
coming evils ; and had not a revolution been absolutely 
inevitable, it is he who would have prevented it. 

Such was the chief of the patriot party, chosen by the 
silent election of general opinion, and by that involun- 
tary homage to genius, which leads individuals in the 
train of those master-minds who take the lead in public 
affairs. Counts Egmont and Horn, and some others, 
largely shared with him the popular favour. The mul- 
titude could not for some time distinguish the uncertain 
and capricious opposition of an offended, courtier from 
the determined resistance of a great man. William was 
still comparatively yoimg ; he had lived long out of the 



gS BISTORT OF THE NBTBERLANDS. 1563. 

country; and it wa» little by little that hk eminent 
|>ublic yirtues were devdoped and understooii. 

The great object of immediate good was the remoitsl^ 
of cardinal GranveUe. WiBiam bt^y put hims^ at 
|he head of the confederacy. He wrote to the king^ 
ooi^jointly with counts Egnaont and Horn, faithfully 
{MTtraying the state of affidis. The duchess of Panna 
badnd this remonstrance with a strenuous request for 
GranTelle's dismission. Philip's reply to the three no* 
blemoi was a mere tissue of duplicity to obtain dday, 
accompanied by an invitation to count £gmont to repair 
to Madridy to hear his sentiments at large by word of 
mouth. His only answer to the govemant was a po8i<^ 
tive recommendation to use every possible means to 
disunite and breed ill- will among the three ^confedecate 
lords. It was difficult to depriye William of the con^ 
fidence of his friends^ and impossible to deceive him. 
He saw the trap prepared by the royal intrigues, re* 
strained Egmont for a while from the fatal step he wa8> 
but too well inclined to take^ and persuaded him and 
Horn to renew with him their firm but respectful re- 
presentations; at the same time begging pormissicm to 
resign their various employments, and simultaneously 
ceasing to appear at the court of the govemant. 

In the mean time every possible indignity was offered 
to the cardinal by private pique and public satire. Seizeral 
lords, following count Egmont's example, had a kind of 
capuchon or fool's cap embroidered on the liveries of their 
varlets; and it was generally known that this was meant 
as a practical parody on the cardinal's hat. The crowd 
laughed heartily at this stupid pleasantry; and the coarse 
satire of the times may be judged by a caricature, which 
was forwarded to the cardinal's own hands, representing 
him in the act of hatching a nested of eggs, from whidi 
a crowd of bishops escaped, while overhead was the devil 
in proprid persond, with the following scroll: — '* This 
is my well-beloved son "^ listen to him ! " * 

Philip, thus driven before the popular voice, found 

• Dujardin, Hist Gen. des Prov. Un. t. v. p. 7& 



1564. OBANVBLLB REOALUBD. 99 

himself forced to the choice of throwing off the mask .at 
once^ or of sacrificing Granvelle. An inviudhle inclin- 
ation for manoeuvring and deceit decided him on the 
fatter measure ; and the cardinal^ recalled but not dis- 
graced^ quitted the Netherlands on the 10th of March^ 
1564t** The secret instructions to the governant re- 
mained unrevoked; the president Viglius succeeded to 
the post which Oranvelle had occupied; and it was clear 
that the projects of the king had suffered no change. 

Neverthdesa some good resulted from the departure 
of the unpopular minister. The puUic fermentation 
subsided; the patriot lords reappeared at court; and 
the prince of Orange acquired an increasing influence in 
the council and over the goveniant^ who by his advice 
adopted a conciliatory line of conduct — a fallacioua but 
still a temporary hope for the nation. But the cahn was 
of short duration. Scarcely was this moderation evinced 
by the government^ when PhUip^ obstinate in his de- 
signs and outrageous in his resentment^ sent an ord» to 
have the edicts against heresy put into most rigorous 
execution^ imd to proclaim throughout the seventeen 
provinces the furious decree of the council of Trent. 

The revolting cruelty and illegality of the first edicts 
were already admitted. As to the decrees of this me- 
morable council^ they were only adapted for countries 
in submission to an absolute despotism. They were 
received in the Netherlands with general reprobation. 
Even the new bishops loudly denounced them as unjust 
innovations; and thus Philip found zealous opponents 
in those on whom he had reckoned as his most servile 
tods. The governant was not the less urged to implicit 
obedience to the orders of the king by Viglius and De 
Berlaimont^ who took upon themselves an almost me- 
nacing tone. The duchess assembled a council of state^ 
and asked its advice as to her proceedings. The prince 
of Orange at once boldly proposed disobedience to mea- 
sures fraught with danger to the monarchy and ruin to 
the nation. The council could not resist his i^eal to their 

♦ Vandervynct 
H 2 



1 (^''^■r^'^'^^ 



100 HI8TCNRT OP THB NETHERLANDS. 1565* 

best fedings. His proposal that Areah remonstranoes 
should he addressed to the king met with almost general 
sapport. The president Viglius, who had spoken in the 
opening of the council in favour of thet king's ozden^ 
was overwhelmed by William's reasonings and demanded 
time to prepare his reply. His agitation during the 
debate^ and his despair of carrying the measures against 
the patriot party^ brought on in the nig^t an attadc of 
apoplexy. 

It was resolved to despatch a special envoy to Spain> 
to explain to Philip the views of Uie coundl^ and to lay 
before him a plan proposed by the prince of Orange for 
forming a junction between the two councils and that of 
finance^ and forming th^n into one body. The olgect 
of this measure was at once to give greater union and 
power to the provisional government, to create a central 
administration in the Netherlands, and to reoMve from 
some obscure and avaricious financiers the exclusive 
management of the national resources. The count of 
Egmont, chosen by the coimcil for this important mis- 
sion, set out for Madrid in the month of February, 1565. 
Philip received him with profound hypocrisy ; loaded 
him with the most fiattering promises ; sent him back in 
the. utmost elation : and when the credulous count re- 
turned to Brussels, he found that the written orders, of 
which he was the bearer, were in direct variance widi 
every word which the king had uttered.* 

These orders were chiefly concerning the: reiterated 
subject of the persecution to be inflexibly pursued against 
the religious reformers. Not satisfied with the hitherto 
established forms of punishment, Philip now expressly 
commanded that the more revolting means decreed by his 
father in the rigour of his early zeal, such as burnings 
Uving burial, and the like, should be adopted ; and he 
somewhat more obscurely directed that theMctims should 
be no longer publicly immolated, but secretly destroyed. 
He endeavpured, by this vague phraseology, to avoid. the 
actual uttenmce of the word inquisUions but he. thus 

" • Vanderrynct 



1566* TBULtT ASTABIitSHBS TUt INqVUtttOS. lOl 

yirtnaUy establiidied that atrocious tribunal^ with attri- 
butes still more terrific than even in Spain; for there the 
eondemned had at least the consolation of dying in open 
day^ and of displaying the fortitude which is rarely proof 
against the horror of a private execution. Philip had 
thus consummated his treason against the principles of 
justice and the practices of jurisprudence which had 
heretofore characterised the country; and against the 
most vital of those privileges which he had solemnly 
sworn to maintain. 

His design of establishing this horrible tribunal^ so 
ira|>iously named holy by its founders^ had been long 
suspected by the people of the Netherlands. The ex« 
piression of those fears had reached him more than once. 
He as often replied by assurances that he had formed no 
such project^ and particularly to count d'Egmont during 
his recent visit to Madrid. But at that very time he 
assembled a conclave of his creatures^ doctors of theology^ 
of whom he formally demanded an opinion as to whether 
he could conscientiously tolerate two sorts of religion in 
the Netherlands. The doctors^ hoping to please him^ 
replied that " he mighty for the avoidance of a greater 
evil." Philip trembled with rage, and exclaimed^ with a 
threatening tone> " I ask not if I can, but if I ought" 
The theologians read in this question the nature of the 
expected reply; and it was amply conformable to his 
wish. He immediately threw himself on his knees 
before a crucifix^ and raising his hands towards heaven^ 
put up a prayer for strength in his resolution to piursue 
as deadly enemies all who viewed that effigy with feel- 
ings different from his own. If this were not really a 
sacrilegious farce^ it must be that the blaspheming bigot 
betieved the Deity to be a monster of cruelty like himself. 

Even Viglius was terrified by the nature of Philip's 
commands ; and the patriot lords once more vrithdrew 
from all share in the government^ leaving to the duchess 
of Parma and her ministers the whole responsibility of 
the new measures. They were at length put into actual 
and vigorous execution in the beginning of the year 
B 3 



lOS nSTOBT OF THB NCTBBiUiAXD6k 156& 

1666. The inquifliton Of the £utii, wilh their familian, 
•talked abroad boldly in the devoted provinces, cairy« 
ing penecution and death in their train. Numerous 
but partial insumetiona opposed these odious intruders. 
Every district and town became the scene of fri^tfiil 
executions or tumultuous resistance. The conv»ts to 
the new doctrines multiplied^ as usual, under the effisets 
of persecution. " Thero was no whero to be Boea/' says 
a contemporary author^ " the meanest medianie who did 
not find a weapon to strike down the murderors of his 
compatriots." Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht, alone 
escaped from those £ast accumulating h^rcMrs. William 
of Nassau was thero. 



CHAP. VIII. 

1566. 

COMMXVCIHEVT OF THE REVOLVTIOK. ' 

Thb governant and her ministers now began to tremble. 
Philip's favourite counsellors advised him to yield to the 
popular despair; but nothing could change his deter^ 
mination to pursue his bloody game to the last chance. 
He had foreseen the impossibility of reducing the country 
to slavery as long as it maintained its tranquillity, and 
that union which forms in itself the dements and the 
cement of strength. It was from deep calculation that 
he had excited the troubles, and now kept them alive. 
He knew that the structure of illegal power could only 
be raised on the ruins of public rights and national hap« 
piness; and the materials of desolation found sympathy 
in his congenial mind. 

And now in reality began the awful revolution of the 
Netherlands against their tyrant. In a few years this 
so lately flourishing and happy nation presented a firight- 
ful picturo ; and in the midst of European peace^ pros-, 
perity, and idvilisation, the wickedness of one prince 
drow down on the country he misgoverned more evils 



1566. COXUENe^MENT OF THE BBVO&UTION. lOS 

than it had-eufiared fdr centuries from the worst effects 
.of its foreign foes. 

William of Nassau has heen accused of having at 
length urged on the goyemant to promulgate the final 
edicts and the resolutions of the council of Trent^ and 
then retiring from the council of state. This l^e of 
conduct may he safely admitted and fairly defended hy 
his admirers. He had seen the uselessness of remon- 
strance against the. intentions of the king. Every pos- 
aihle means had been tried^ without effect^ to .soften his 
pitiless- heart to the sufferings of the bountry. At length 
the moment came when the people had reached that 
pitch of despair which is the great force of the oppressed, 
and WiUiam felt that their strength was now equal to 
the contest he had long foreseen. It is therefore absurd' 
to accuse him of artifice in the exercise of that wisdom 
which rarely failed him on any important crisis. A 
change of circumstances gives a new name to actions 
and motives ; and it would be hard to blame William of 
Nassau for the only point in which he bore the least re* 
semblance to Philip of Spain^ — that depth of penetration, 
which the latter turned to every base, and the former Uf 
every noble purpose. 

Up to the present moment the prince of Orange and 
the counts Egmont and Horn, with their partisans and 
friends, had sincerdy desired the public peace, and acted 
in the common interest of the king and the people. But 
all the nobles had not acted with the same constitutional 
moderation. Many of those, disappointed on personal 
accoimts, others professing die new doctrines, and the 
jrest variously affected by manifold motives, fonned a 
Jbody of violent and sometimes of imprudent malcontents. 
The marriage of Alexander prince of Parma, son of the 
govemant, which was at this time celebrated at Brussels, 
brought together an immense number of these dissatis- 
fied nobles, who became thus drawn into closer connee-^ 
tion, and whose national candour was more than usually 
-inrought out in the confidential intercourse of society> 
Politics and patriotism were the common subjects of 
H 4 



104 HmroRT op tbm nethebiiAnds. 1566. 

c o o fc m tiop in the yarioos eonvivial meetings diat took 
place. Two Gennan nobles, counts Holle and Schwar- 
aembetgy at diat period in the Netherlands, loudly pro- 
claimed the fayourable disposition of the princes of the 
empire towards the Belgians. * It was supposed even 
diiis eariy that negotiations had been opened with several 
of those soyereigns. In short, nothing seemed wanting 
bat a leader, to giye consistency and weight to the con- 
federacy which was as yet but in embryo. This was 
doubly furnished in the persons of Louis of Nassau and 
Hemy de Brederode. The former, brother of the prince 
of Orange, was possessed of many of those brilliant 
qualities which mark men as worthy of distinction in 
times of peril. Educated at Geneva, he was passionately 
attached to the reformed religion, and identified in hh 
hatred the cathc^c dmrch and the tyranny of Spain. 
Brave and impetuous, he was, to his elder brother, bat 
as an adventurous partisan compared with a sagacious 
general. He loved William as well as he did their 
common cause, and his life was devoted to both. 

Henry de Brederode, lord of Vianen and marquis of 
Utredit, was descended from the ancient counts of 
Holland. This illustrious origin, which in his own eyes 
Ibrmed a high daim to distinction, had not procured Idm 
any of those employments or dignities which he con- 
sidered his due. He was presumptuous and rash, and 
rather a fluent speaker than an eloquent orator. Louis 
of Nassau was thoroughly inspired by the justice of the 
cause he espoused ; De Brederode espoused it for the 
glory of becoming its champion. The first only wished 
for action; the latter longed for distinction. But neither 
the oithusiasm of Nassau, nor the vanity of De Brede- 
rode, were allied with those superior attributes required 
to form a hero. 

The confederation acquired its perfect organisation m 
the month of February, 1566, on the 10th of which 
month its celebrated manifesto was signed by its nume- 
rous adherents. The first name affixed to this document 

• Schiller. 



3.566. MANIFESTO OF THE CONFBDEAATES. 105 

was that of Philip de Mamix, lord of St. Aldegonde, 
firom whose pen it emanated; a man of great talents 
both as soldier and writer. Numbers of the nobility 
followed him on this muster-roll of patriotism^ and many 
of the most zealous royalists were among them. This 
remarkable proclamation of general feeling consisted 
chiefly in a powerful reprehension of the illegal estab- 
lishment of the inquisition in the Low Countries^ and a 
solemn obligation on the members of the confederacy to 
unite in the common cause against this detested nuisance. 
Men of all ranks and classes offered their signatures^ and 
several catholic priests among the rest. The^ prince of 
Orange^ and the counts Egmont^ Hom^ and Meghem^ 
declined becoming actual parties to this bold measure ; 
and when the question was debated as to the most appro- 
priate way of presenting an address to the governant^ 
these noblemen advised the mildest and most respectful 
demeanour on the part of the purposed deputation. 

At the first intelligence of these proceedings^ the 
duchess of Parma^ absorbed by terror^ had no resource 
but to assemble hastily such members of the council of 
state as were at Brussels; and she entreated^ by the 
most pressing letters, the prince of Orange and count 
Horn to resume their places at this council. But three 
courses of conduct seemed applicable to the emergency; 
— to take up arms — to grant the demands of the con- 
federates — or to. temporise and to amuse them with a 
feint of moderation, until the orders of the king might 
be obtained from Spain. It was not, however, till after 
a lapse of four months that the council finally met to 
deliberate on these important questions; and during this 
long interval at such a crisis, the confederates gained 
constant accessions to their numbers, and completely 
consolidated their plans. The opinions in the councU 
were greatly divided as to the mode of treatment towards 
those, whom one party considered as patriots acting in 
their constitutional rights, and the other as rebels in 
open revolt against the king.* The prince of Orange 

* Vandervynct 



i06 HI8T0BT OF THB NBTHEBJLANDS. 1566. 

and De Berlainumt were the principal leaders and chief 
^eakers at either side. "Etiit the reasonings of the 
former^ backed by the urgency of events^ carried the 
majority of the suffrages; and a promised redress of 
grievances was agreed on beforehand^ as the anticipated 
answer to the coming demands. 

£yen while the council of state held its sittings^ the 
report was spread through Brussels that the confederates 
were approaddng. And at length they did enter the 
city, to th^ amount of some hundreds of the represents- 
tives of the first families in the country. On the follow- 
ing day, the 5th of April, 1566, they walked in solemn 
procession to the palace. Their demeanour was highly 
imposing, from &eir mingled air of forbearance and 
determination. All Brussels thronged out, to gaze and 
sympathise with this extraordinary spectacle, of men 
whose resolute step showed they were no common 
suppliants, but whose modest bearing had none of the 
seditious air of faction. The govemant receiyed the 
distinguished petitioners with courtesy, listened to their 
detail of grievances, and returned a moderate, condlia-* 
tory, but evasive answer. 

> The confederation, which owed its birth to, and waa 
cradled in social enjoyments, was consolidated in the 
midst of a feast. The day following this first deputa- 
tion to the govemant, De Brederode gave a grand repast 
to his associates in the hotel de Culembourg. Three 
hundred guests were present. Inflamed by joy and 
hope, their spirits rose high under the influence of wine, 
and temperance gave way to temerity. In the midst of 
their carousing, some of the members remarked, that 
when the govemant received the written petition, count 
Berlaimont observed to her, that '' she had nothing to 
fear from such a band of beggars," (tas de Gueux). 
The fact was, that many of the confederates were, from 
individual extravagance and mismanagement, reduced to 
such a state of poverty as to justify in some sort the 
sarcasm. The chiefs of the company being at that very 
moment debating on the name which they should choose 



1566. baztquet of the confedbbates. 20? 

for diis patriotic league^ the title of Gueuas was instantly 
proposed^ and adopted with acclamation* The reproach 
it was originally intended to convey became neutralised^ 
as its general application to men of all ranks and for- 
tunes concealed its effect as a stigma on many to whom 
it might be seriously applied. Neither were examples 
wanting of the most absurd and apparently dii^onouring 
nicknames being elsewhere adopted by powerful political 
parties. ^^ Long live the Gueux !" was the toast given 
and tumultously drunk by this madbrained company ; 
and Brederode^ setting no bounds to the boisterous ex- 
citement which followed^ procured immediately^ and 
slung across his shoulders^ a wallet such as was worn by 
pilgrims and beggars; drank to the health of all present, 
in a wooden cup or porringer ; and loudly swore that he 
was ready to sacrifice his fortune and life for the common 
cause. Each man passed round the bowl^ which he first 
put to his lips-*- repeated the oath-— ^nd thus pledged 
himself to the compact. The wallet next went the 
rounds of the whole assembly^ and was finally hung upon 
a nail driven into the wall for the purpose ; and gazed 
on with such enthusiasm as the emblems of political^ or 
religious faith^ however worthless or absurd^ never fail 
to inspire in the minds of enthusiasts. 

The tumult caused by this ceremony, so ridiculous 
in itself, but so sublime in its results, attracted to the 
spot the prince of Orange and counts £gmont and Horn, 
whose presence is universally attributed by the historians 
to accident, but which was probably that kind of chance 
that leads medical practitioners in our days to the field 
where a duel is fought. They altered ; and Brederode^ 
who did the honours of the mansion^ forced them to be 
seated, and to join in the festivity.* The appearance 
of three such distinguished personages heightened the 

* The following was Egmont^s account of their conduct ** We drank i( 
single glass of wine each, to shouts of ' Long live the king I long live the 
Oueux I' It was the first time I had heard the confederacy so named, and 
I avow that it displeased me ; but the times were so critical, that people 
were obliged to tolerate many things contrary to their inclinations, and I 
bdieved myself on this occasion to act with perfect innocence." — ProcM 
trimimU du Comie tTEgvwnt. 



108 HISTORY OF THE KBTHERLANDS. 1566. 

general excitement ; and the most important assembli^ 
that had for centuries met together in the Netherlands 
mingled the discussion of affairs of state with all the 
burlesque extravagance of a debauch. But this frantic 
scene did not finish the afikir. What they resolved on 
while drunk^ they prepared to perform when sober. 
Rallying-signs and watch- words were adopted and soon 
displayed. It was thought that nothing better suited the 
occasion than the immediate adoption of the costume as 
well as the title of beggary. In a very few days the city 
streets were filled with men in grey doaks^ fashioned on 
the model of those used by mendicants and pilgrims. 
Each confederate caused this uniform to be worn by 
every member of his family^ and replaced with it the 
livery of his servants. Several fastened to their girdles 
chr their sword-hilts small wooden drinldng-cups^ clasp- 
knives^ and other symbols of the begging fraternity; 
while all soon ware on their breasts a medal of gold or 
sUver^ representing on one side the effigy of Philip^ with 
the words, " Faithful to the king ;*' and on the reverse, 
two hands clasped, with the motto, ^^ Jusqu*iL la hesace,'^ 
(Even to the wallet). From lliis origin arose the applica- 
tion of the word Gueua, in its political sense, as common 
to all the inhabitants of the Netherlands who embraced 
the cause of the Reformation, and took up arms against 
their tyrant. Having presented two subsequent remon- 
strances to the govemant, and obtained some consoling 
promises of moderation, the chief confederates quitted 
Brussels, leaving several directors to sustain their cause 
in the capital; while they themselves spread into the 
various provinces, exciting the people to join the I^al 
and constitutional resistance with which diey were re- 
solved to oppose the march of bigotry and despotism. 

A new form of edict was ■ now decided on by the 
govemant and her council ; and after various insidious 
and iU^al but successful tricks, the consent of several 
of the provinces was obtained to the adoption of mea- 
sures that, under a guise of comparative moderation^ 
were little less abominable than those commanded by 



1566. POLICY OF THE PRINCE OF OBAN«£. 109 

the Idng.'^ These were formally signed by the council^ 
and despatched to Spain to receive Philip's sanction^ and 
. thus acquire the force of law. The embassy to Madrid 
was confided to the marquis of Bergen and the baron de 
Montigny ; the latter of whom waa brother to count 
Hom^ and had formerly been employed on a like mis* 
sion. Montigny appears to have had some qualms of 
apprehension in undertaking this new office. His good 
genius seemed for a while to stand between him and 
Uie fate which awaited him. An accident which hap- 
pened to his colleague allowed an excuse for retarding 
his journey. But the govemant urged him away: 
he set out^ and reached his destination ; not to defend 
the cause of his country at the foot of the throne^ but 
to perish a victim to his patriotism, f 

The situation of the patriot lords was at this crisis 
peculiarly embarrassing. The conduct of the confe-. 
Jerates was so essentially tantamount to open rebellion,, 
ihat the prince of Orange and his friends found it almost 
impossible to preserve a neutrality between the court, 
and the people. All their wishes urged them to join at 
once in the public cause ; but they were restrained by a. 
lingering sense of loyalty to the king, whose employ- 
ments they still held, and whose confidence they were, 
therefore, nominally supposed to share. They seemed 
reduced to the necessity of coming to an explanation, 
and, perhaps, a premature rupture with the government ; 
of joining in the harsh measures it was likely to adopt 
against those with whose proceedings they sympathised; 
or, as a last alternative, to withdraw, as they had done 
before, wholly from all interference in pubUc affairs. 
Still their presence in the council of state was, even 
though their influence had greatly decreased, of vast 
service to the patriots, in checking the hostility of &e 
court ;. and the confederates, on the other hand, were 
restrained from acts of open violence, by fear of the 
disapprobation of these their best and most powerful 
Aiends. Be their individual motives or reasoning what 
* Schiller. f Idem. 



110 HI8T0BT OF THB NVrBBRLANDS. 1566. 

they mighty they at length adopted the alternative above 
alluded to^ and resigned their places. Count Horn re- 
tired to his estates ; count Egmont repaired to Aix-k- 
Chapdle, under the pretext of being ordered thitliei* l^ 
his physicians ; the prince of Orange remained for a 
while at Brussda. 

In the mean while the confederation gained ground 
every day. Its measures had totally changed the face of 
affidrs in all parts of the nation. The genend discon- 
t^t now acquired stabihty^ and consequent importance. 
The chief merdiants of many of the towns enrolled 
themselves in the patriot band. Many active and iu*dent 
minds^ hitherto withheld by the doablitd construction of 
the association^ now freely entered into it when it took 
the form of union and respectability. Energy, if not 
excess, seemed legitimatised. The vanity of the leaders 
was flattered by the consequence they acquired; and 
weak minds gladly embraced an occasion of mixing with 
those whose importance gave both protection and con- 
cealment to their insignificance. 

An occasion so favourable for the rapid promulgation 
of the new doctrines was promptly taken advantage of 
by the French Huguenots and their protestant brethren 
of Germany.* The disciples of reform poured from 
all quarters into the Low Countries, and made prodi- 
gious progress, with all the energy of proselytes, and too 
often with the fury of fanatics. The three principal 
sects into which the reformers were divided, were those 
of the Anabaptists, the Calvinists, and the Lutherans. 
The first and least numerous were chiefly established in 
Friesland. The second were spread over the eastern 
provinces. Their doctrines being already admitted into 
some kingdoms of the north, they were protected by the 
most powerful princes of the empire. The third, and 
by far the most numerous and wealthy, aboimded in the 
southern provinces, and particularly in Flanders. They 
were supported by the zealous efforts of French, Swiss, 
and German ministers; and their dogmas were nearly 

• Scbiller. 



1566. PB06RBSS OF THE REFORMATION. Ill 

the same with those of the established religion of Eng*- 
land. The city of Antwerp was the central point of 
union for the three sects ; but the only principle they 
held in common was their hatred against popery^ the 
inquisition^ and Spain. 

The govemant had now issued orders to the chief 
magistrates to proceed with moderation against the he« 
retics ; orders which were obeyed in their most ample 
latitude by those to whose sympathies they were so con* 
genial. Until then^ the protestants were satisfied to 
meet by stealth at night; but under this negative pro- 
tection of the authorities they now boldly assembled in 
public. Field-preachings commenced in Flanders ; and 
the minister who first set this example was Herman 
Strieker^ a converted monk^ a native of Overyssel^ a 
powerful speaker^ and a bold enthusiast. He soon drew 
together an audience of 7000 persons. A furious tda- 
gistrate rushed among this crowds and hoped to disperse 
them sword in hand ; but he was soon struck down, 
mortally wounded^ with a shower of stones.* Irritated 
and emboldened by this rash attempt^ the protestants 
assembled in still greater numbers near Alost ; but on 
this occasion they appeared with poniards, guns, and 
halberds. They entrenched themselves under the pro-* 
tectlon of waggons and all sorts of obstacles to a sudden 
attack; placed outposts and videttes; and thus took the/ 
field in. the doubly dangerous aspect of fanaticism and 
war. Similar assemblies soon spread over the whole of 
Flanders, inflamed by the exhortations of Strieker and 
another preacher, cdled Peter Dathen, of Foperingue. 
It was calculated that 15,000 men attended at some of 
these preachings; while a third apostle of Calviniion, 
Ambrose ViUe, a Frenchman^ successfully excited the 
inhabitants of Toumay, Valenciennes, and Antwerp,' to 
form a common league for the promulgation of their 
faith. The sudden appearance of De Brederode at the 
latter place decided their plan, and gave the courage to 
fix on a day for its execution4 An immense assemblage 

* Vandcrvynct. 



112 HUTOBT OF THB NETBE&I.AND8. 1566. 

aimultaneously quitted the three cities at a preconcerted 
time ; and when they united their forces at the appointed 
rendezvous^ the preachings^ exhortations^ and psahn- 
singing commenced^ under the auspices of several Hu« 
guenot and German ministers, and continued for several 
days in all the zealous extravagance which may he well 
imagined to characterise such a scene. 

The citizens of Antwerp were terrified for the safety 
of the place, and courier after courier was despatched to 
the govemant at Brussels to implore her presence. The 
duchess, not daring to take such a step without the au- 
thority of the lung, sent count M eghem as her represent- 
ative, with proposals to the magistrates to call out the 
garrison. The populace soon understood the object of 
this messenger ; and assailing him with a violent out- 
cry, forced him to fly from the dty. Then the Calvin- 
ists petitioned the magistrates for permission to openly 
exercise their religion, and for the grant of a temple in 
which to celebrate its rites. The magistrates in this 
coi\juncture renewed their application to the govemant, 
and entreated her to send the prince of Orange, as the 
only person capable of saving the city from destruction. 
The duchess was forced to adopt this bitter alternative ; 
and the prince, after repeated refusals to mix again in 
public a£fairs, yielded at length, less to the supplications 
of the govemant than to his own wishes to do another 
service to the cause of his country. At half a league 
from the city he was met by De Brederode, with an im- 
mense concourse of people . of all sects and opinions, 
who hailed him as a protector from the tyranny of the 
king, and a saviour from the dangers of their own ex- 
cess. Nothing could exceed the wisdom, the firmness, 
and the benevolence, with which he managed all con- 
flicting interests, and preserved tranquillity amidst a 
chaos of opposing prejudices and passions. 

From the first establishment of the field-preachings 
the govemant had implored the confederate lords to 
aid her for the re-establishment of order. De Brede- 
rode seized this excuse for convoking a general meeting 



1566. pa&fOB car oftAvoB tAVBs jLMTwmp. lis 

#f ih« aiii9<»aCe8> whieh eooseqfiiendy took pUco at the 
town of at« Tiond^ in th«distiiet of liege. Full 2000 
of &6 members appeased on the sammons. The lan- 
goage held in this assembly was much stnmgar and less 
eqnivood than that formerly used.''^ The delay in the 
aniTal of the king's answer presaged ill as to his in- 
tentions ; while the rapid growth of the public power 
seemed to mark the p^resent as the lime tot successfully 
demanding all that the people required. Several of the 
eathoHc members^ still royalists at hearty were shocked 
to hear a total Hbcrty of conseienee spoken of as one of 
the privileges sought for. t The young count of Mans« 
fieLd, among others^ withdrew immediately from the 
oonfederadon ; and thus the first stone seemed to be 
Femoved from ^s Imperfectly constructed edifice. 

The prince of Orange and count Egmont were ap- 
plied to^ and appointed by the goTemant^ with fiill 
powers to treat with the confederates. Twelve of the 
latter^ among whom were Louis of Nassau^ De Brede- 
rode^ and De Culembourg^ met them by appointment at 
Duffle^ a village not far from Mechlin. The result of 
the conference was a respectful but firm address to the 
govemant^ repeUing her accusations of having entered 
into fbrdgn treaties ; declaring their readiness to march 
2^ainst the French troops^ should they set foot in the 
country ; and claiming^ with the utmost force of reason* 
ing^ the convocation of the states-general. This was 
replied to by an entreaty that they would still wait pa- 
tiently for twenty-four days, in hopes of an answer 
from the king ; and she sent the marquess of Bergen 
in all speed to Madrid, to support Montigny in his 
efibrts to obtain some prompt decision from Philip. X 
The king, who was then at Segovia, assembled his 
council, consisting of the duke of Alva and eight other 
grandees. The two deputies from the Netherlands at- 
tended at the deliberations, which were held for several 
successive days ; but the king was never present. The 
whole state of affairs being debated with what appears 
• Yandervynct t Schiller. t Vandervynct 

I 



114 az8T0B7 or thb kjetbeblakds. 1566. 

a calm and dispasmonate view^ conndering the hostile 
prejudloei of. this council, it was decided to advise die 
Jong to adopt generally a more moderate line of con- 
duct in the Netherlands, and to abolish the inqidsition ; 
at the sapie time prohibiting under the most awful 
threats all confederation, assemblage, or public preach* 
ings, under any pretext whatever. * 

The kiog's first care on receiving this advice was to 
order, in all the principal towns of Spain and the Ne- 
therlands, pray^ and. procession to implore the divine 
approbation on the resolutions which he had formed. 
He appeared then in person at the council of sti^, and 
issued a decree, hy which he refused his consent to the 
convocation of the states-general, and bound, himself to 
take several German regiments into his pay. He or- 
dered tlie duchess of Parma, by a private letter, to im- 
mediately cause to be raised 3000 cavalry and I0,000< 
foot, and he remitted to her for this purpose 300,000- 
florins in gold. He next wrote with his own hand to> 
several of his partisans in the various towns, encouraging 
them in their fidelity to his purposes, and promising 
them his support. He rejected the adoption, of the 
moderation recommended to him ; but he consented to 
the abolition of the inquisition in its most odious sense, 
re-establishing that modified species of ecclesiastical 
tyranny which had been introduced into the Netherlands 
by Charles V.. The people of that devoted country were 
thus successful in obtaining one important concession 
from the king, and in meeting unexpected consideration 
from this Spanish council.. Whether these measures > 
Ijad been calculated with a view to their failure, it is 
not now easy to determine : at all events they came too 
l^te.t When Philip's letters reached Brussds, the ico- 
noclasts or image-breakers were abroad, f 

It requires no profound research to comprehend the 
impulse which leads a horde of fanatics to the most 
monstrous excesses. That the deeds of the iconoclasts, 
arose from the spontaneous outburst of mere vulgar fury,. 

• Schiller. f Vanderfynct % Schiller. .. 



1566. IMAGE-BBEAKEBS. '^ 115 

admits of no doubt.' The asjSersioii which would trace 
those deeds to the meeting of St. Trond^ and Bx the in- 
famy on the' body of nobility there assembled^ is scarcely 
worthy of refiitlition. The very lowest of the people 
were die actors as well as the authors of the outrages^ 
which were at once shocking to every friend of liberty, 
and injurious to that sacted cause. Artois and western 
Flanders were the scenes of the first exploits of the ico- 
noclasts. A band of peasants^ intermixed with b^gars 
and various other vagabonds, to the' amount of about 
300;*^, urged by fanaticism and those baser passions 
which animate every lawless body of men, armed with 
hatchets, clubs, and hammers^ forced open the doors of 
some of the village churches in the neighbourhood of 
St.Omer, and tore dotra and destroyed not only the 
images and relics of saints, but those very ornaments 
which Christians of all sects hold sacred, and essential 
to the most simple rites of religion. 

The cities of Ypres, Lille, and other places of import- 
ance, were soon subject to similar visitations ; and the 
whole of Flanders was in a few days ravaged by furious 
multitudes, whose frantic energy spread terror and de- 
struction on their route. Antwerp was protected for a 
wlrije by the presence of the prince of Orange; but an 
order from the govemant having obliged him to repair 
to Brussels, a few nights after his departure the cele- 
brated cathedral shared the fate of many a minor temple, 
and was utterly pillaged. The blind ftiry of the spoilers 
was not confined to the mere effigies which they con- 
sidered the types of idolatry, nor even to the pictures, 
the vases,' the sixty-six altars, atid their richly wrought 
accessories; but it was equally fatal to the splendid 
organ, which was considered the finest at that time in 
existence. The rapidity and the order with which this 
torchlight scene was acted, without a single accident 
among the numerous doers, has excited the wonder of 
almost all its early historians. One of them does not 
hesitate to ascribe the '^ miracle" to the absolute agency 

• Vandervynct 
I 2 



116 BISTOBT^ OT TBV NBTBERLAND6. 1566. 

of dfiomis.* ' Fof three day and nights these reToltIng 
seaiei were aeted^ and erery chordbi in the city shared 
the fate of the cathedral^ which next to St Peter's at 
Rome was the most magnificent in Christendom.t 

Ghent^ Toumay^ Valencienitts^ Medilin^ and other 
dties, were next the theatres of similar excesses; and in 
an incredibly short space of time above 400 drarches 
were pillaged in Flanders and Brabant. Zealand, 
Utrecht^ and others of Ihe northern provinces^ suffered 
D^ore or less; Friedand, Gudders^ and Holland alone 
escaped, and even the latter bat in partid instances. 

These terrible scenes extingnidied erery hope of 
reconciliation with the king. An inveterate and inter- 
minable hatred was now established between him and 
the people ; for the whole nation was identified with 
deeds, which were in reality only diared by l&e most 
base, and were loathsome to all who were enlightened. 
It was in vain that the patriot nobles mig^t h(^ Or 
strive to exculpate themsdves ; they were sure to be 
hdd crimind either in fact or by implication. No diow 
of loydty, no efforts to restore order, no persond sacri- 
fice, could save them from the hatred or screen lliem 
firom the vengeance of Philip. 

The affright of the govemant during^ the short rdgn 
of anarchy and terror was without bounds. 1S8ie strove 
to make her escape from Brussels, and was retrained firom 
80 doing only by the joint solidtations of Viglliis and die 
Various knights of the order of the Golden FleeOe, con« 
sisting of the first among the nobles of all parties. Btit, 
in fact, a species of violence was used to restrdu her fi!om 
this most fatd step ; for Viglius gave orders that the 
gates of the city should be shut, and egress refiised to 
any one belonging to the court. J The somewfai^ less 
terrified duchess now named count Mansfield governor 
of the town, reinforced the garrison, ordered arms to 
be distributed to all her adherents, and theta called a 
council to deliberate on the measures to be adopted. A 
aompromise with the confederates and the reformers was 
• Strada. f Schiller. % Menu 



U^^ COJfPROMm^ WUH TPB HBFOJUfBBS. 117 

unaoimoiisly agreed to. The pri^e of Orange and 
counts Egmont and Ham were once more appointed to 
this arduous arbitration between the court and the peo« 
pie.* Necessity now extorted ahnost every concession 
which had been so long denied to justice and prudence. 
The confederates were declared absolved irbm ail respon« 
flibflity relative to their proceedings. The aappreaacni 
0f the inquisition, the abolition of ihe edicts aguast 
beresy, and a permission fi)r the preachii^^ were maa^ 
taneouftly published. 

Thp confederates^ on dieir side, undertook to remain 
faithM to the service of the king, to do thdr bebt for 
the estaUifihmokt of <n:der, and to punish the iconodasts. 
A regular treaty to this ^ect was drawn up and exe* 
teated by the respective plenipotentiaries, and formally 
a^roved hy the govomant, who affixed her«ign<»manual 
to die instniment. She only consented to this measure 
after a long stru^le, and with tears in her eyes ; and it 
was with a trembling hand that she wrote an account 
of these transactions to the king. + 
' Soon aftor this the several governors repaired to their 
irespective provinces, and their efforts for the re-establish- 
ment of iranquiBity was attended with various degrees 
of success. Several of the ringleaders in the late ex- 
cesses were executed ; and this severity was not confined 
to the partisans of ^e catholic church. The prince of 
Orange and count Egmont, with others of the patriot lords, 
set the example of this just severity. John Casambrpt 
lord of Beckerzeel, Egmont's secretary, and a leading 
member of the confederation, put himself at the head 
of some others of the associated gentlemen, fell upon a 
tefractory band of iconoclasts near Grammont, in Flan- 
ders, and took thirty prisoners, of whom he ordered 
twenty-eight to be handed on the spot. 

• VftoderyTDct t Schflter. 



X 3 



lis HI8T0&T OP THB NBtHEBLANDS. 1566. 

CHAP. IX. 

1566—1573. 

TO THE ADHIMISTBATION 07 RXQUESENS. 

Ai«L the services just related in the common cause of 
the country and the king produced no effect on .the Tin- 
-dictive spirit of the latter. . Neither the li^se of time, 
the proofs of repentance^ nor the fulfilment of thear duty^ 
could e&ce the hatred excited hy a conscientious opposi- 
tion to even one design of despotism.* 
.. Philip was ill at Segovia when he received accoimts of 
•the excesses of the image-breakers^ and of the conven- 
tion concluded with the heretic8.t Despatches from the 
govemant^ with private advices from Viglius^ Egmont, 
Mansfield^ Meghem^ De Berlaimont,ai\d others^ gave him 
ample information as to the real state of things^ and they 
,thu^. strove to palliate their having acceded to the conven- 
tion. The emperor even wrote to his royal nephew, im- 
ploring him to treat his wayward subjects with moder- 
.ation, and offered his mediation between them. Philip, 
though severely suffering, gave great attention to the de- 
.tails of this correspondence, which he minutely examined, 
and laid before his council of state, with notes and ob- 
servations taken by himself. But he took special care to 
send to them only such parts as he chose them to be well 
informed upon; his natural distrust not suffering him to 
have any confidential communication with men. X 

Again the Spanish council appears to have interfered 
between the people of the Netherlands and the enmity 
.of the monarch ; and the offered mediation of the em- 
peror was recommended to his acceptance, to avoid the 
. appearance of a forced concession to the popular will. 
I%ilip was also strongly urged to repair to the sdene of 
the disturbances ; and a main question of debate was, 
whether he should march at the head of an army or con- 
fide himself to the loyalty and good faith of his Belgian 
• Schiller. f Hopper. t Idem. 



1566. PHIUP's yiNDIOTIVBKXfiS AND DVPUCITY. 119 

4ulrjects. But the indolence or the pride of Philip wa» 
too strong to admit of his taking so vigorous a measure; 
and all these consultations ended in two letters to die 
govemant. In the first he declared his firm intention to 
Tisit the Netherlands in person ; refused to convoke the 
states-general ; passed in silence the treaties concluded 
with the protestants and the confederates ; and finished 
by a declaration that he would throw himself whdly on 
the fidelity of the country. In his second letter^ meant 
for the govemant alone^ he authorised her to assemble 
ilie states-general if public opinion became too powerful 
for resistance^ but on no account to let it transpire that 
lie had under any circumstances given his consent. 

During these deliberations in Spain^ the protestants in 
.the Netherlands amply availed themselves of the privi- 
l^es they had gained. They erected numerous wooden 
xliurches with incredible activity."*^ Young and old^ 
noble and plebeian^ of these energetic men^ assisted in 
jthe manual labours of these occupations; and the women 
freely applied the produce of their ornaments and jewels 
to forward the pious work.t But the furious outrages 
.of the iconoclasts had done infinite mischief to both po- 
litical and religious freedom: many of the catholics^ and 
particularly the priests^ gradually vrithdrew themselves 
from the confederacy^ which thus lost some of its most 
-firm supporters. And on the other hand^ the severity 
with which some of its members pursued the guilty 
offended and alarmed the body of the people^ who could 
not distinguish the shades of difference between the love 
.o£ liberty and the practice of licentiousness. 

The govemant and her satellites adroitly took advan- 
tage of this state of things to sow dissension among the 
patriots. Autograph letters from Philip to the principal 
lords were distributed among them with such artful and 
mysterious precautions^ as to throw the rest into perplex- 
ity, and give each suspicions of the other's fidelity. The 
report of the immediate arrival of Philip had also con- 
siderable effect over the less resolute or more selfish ; and 
» Vaadervynct , t Schiller. 

1 4 



tlie eon&deraftkm wai dhMbiiig npidly under the oponi 
ptuma of intrigue, tdf^intocett, and fetr. Even the 
«mni of Egmont wis not proof against ^ subde se^ 
dttctions of the wily monaidi, whose seTare yet flatter* 
ii^ letters half fini^tened and half soothed him into a 
rel^ise of loyaUsm. Bat with the prince of Onnge 
FfaUip had no dianee of sneeess. It is unqoestioiiaUe^ 
diat be his means of aeqnking information what th^ 
mighty he did sneoeed m ptocnring mimite intelligence ^ 
an that was going on in &e king's most secret oovnciL 
He had fkom time to time procuied copies of the gover- 
ttmt's de^Mttches; bat the documoit which threw the 
most impwtant figjht upon the real intentions of Philip 
was a ecmfidential cpisde to the gOTemant from D'AlaTs, 
the Spanish imiuster at Paris^ in which he i^oice in 
terms too dear to admit any doubt as to, the terriUe ex« 
ample wfaidi the king was resolved to make amoi^ the 
patriot lorda.* Beigen mad Montigny confinned tMs by 
the accoonts they sent home from Madrid of ihe idter* 
ation in the manner with whidi they were Seated bf 
Philip and his courtiers ; and the prince of Onmge was 
more firmly derided in his opinions of the coming renge* 
anee of the tynmt. 

William sommoned his brother Louis^ the eonnts Eg« 
mont; Hom^ and Hoogstraeten, to a secret conference at 
Termonde; and he there submitted to them this letter of 
Alava's^ with others which he had receiyed frmn Spain^ 
confirmatory of his worst fears. Louis of Nassau roted 
for open and instant rebellion : WHliam recommended 
a cautious obsenrance of the projects of goremment, not 
doubting but a Mr pretext would be soon given to justify 
Oie most rigorous overt-acts of revolt : but l!gmont at 
once struck a death-blow to the energetic prqject of one 
brother and the cautious amendment of the other, by de- 
claring his preset resolution to devote himself wholly to 
the serrice of the king, and on no inducement wfaate^ 
to risk the perik of rebdlion. He expressed his perfect 
rehance on the justice and the goodness of ^litipj 'when 



•l56&. ' (DOKFeifcENCE AT nSRMONBB. 121 

-nmce he should see the determined loyalty of those whom 
-he had hithaiio had so much reason to suspect ; and he 
-exhorted llie others to follow his example. The two 
%rothen and count Horn implored Mm in their torn to 
•abendoB this Uind reliance on the tyrant ; hut in yairi* 
His new and unlooked-for profession of fail^ completely 
^ralysed their plans. He possessed too largely tte 
confidence of both the soldiery and the people, to make 
it possible to attempt any serious meatore of resistance 
In which he would not take a part. The meeting broke 
Qp without coming to any decision. AH those who bore 
« part in it were expected at Brussds to attend the 
council of state ; Bgmont alone repaired Either. The 
gOTcmant questioned him on the object of the conference 
at Termonde: he only reined by an indignant glance^ at 
Ihe same time presenting a copy of Alara'^ letter. 
' The govemant now applied her whole efforts to 
destroy the union among ^e patriot lords. She in Use 
mean time ordered leries of troops to the amount oif 
some thousands, the command of which was given to the 
nobles on whose attachment idie could reckon. The most 
vigorous measures were adopted. Noircarmes governor 
of Hainault appeared before Valenciennes^ which being 
in the power of the Caivinists^ had assumed a most de» 
tennined attitude of resistance. He vainly summoned 
the ^lace to submission, and to admit a royalist gar? 
xison; and on.receiviiig an obstinate refusal, he com- 
menced the siege in form. An undisciplined rabble of 
between 3000 and 4000 gueuw, under the direction of 
SiAm de Soreas, gathered together in the neighbourhood 
of LiHe and Toumai, with a diow of attacking these 
places. But the governor of the former town dic^tersed 
one party of them; and Noircarmes surprised and 
almost destroyed the main body— their leader falling in 
the action.* These were the first encounters of the 
dvn war, which raged without cessation for upwards of 
forty years in these devoted countries, and which 1$ 
imiverally allowed to be tiie most remarkable that ever 

• BcnttTQgUo. "' 



132 BISTORT OF TBB NBTHJB&LAKDS. .1567- 

desolated any isolated portion of Europe. The space 
. which we have already given to the causes which produced 
this memorahle revolution^ now actually commenced^ wifl 
not allow us to do more than rapidly sketch the fierce 
events that succeeded each other with frightful rapidity^ 

While Valenciennes prepared for a vigorous resist- 
ance^ a general synod of the protestants was hdd al 
Antwerp^ and De Brederode undertook an attempt to see 
the govemantj and lay before her the complaints of this 
body ; but she refused to admit him into the capita^ 
He then addressed to her a remonstrance in writing, in 
which he reproached her with her violation of the treaties 
on the faith of which the confederates had dispersed^ and 
the majority of the protestants laid down their arms. 
He implored her to revoke the new proclamations^ by 
which she prohibited them from the free exercise of tiieir 
jeligion ; and above aE things he insisted on the aban- 
donment of the siege of Valenciennes^ and the disbanding 
of the new levies. The govemant's reply was one of 
haughty reproach and defiance. The gauntlet was now 
thrown down; no possible hope of reconciliation re- 
mained ; and the whole country flew to arms. A sud- 
den attempt on the part of the royalists^ under count 
Meghem^ against Bois-le-duc^ was repulsed by 800 men^ 
commanded by an officer named Bomberg, in the imme- 
diate service of De Brederode^ who had fortified himself 
in his garrison^town of Vienen. 

The prince of Orange maintained at Antwerp an atti- 
tude of extreme firmness and caution. His time for 
action had not yet arrived ; but his advice and protec- 
tion were of infinite importance on many occasionSf 
John de Mamix lord of Toulouse^ brother of Philip de St. 
Aldegonde^ took possession of Osterweel on tiie Scheldt^ 
a quarter of a league from Antwerp^ and fortified 
himself in a strong position. But he was impetuously 
attacked by the count de Lannoy with a considerable 
force, and perished, after a desperate defence, with full 
1000 of his followers. Three hundred who laid down 
(heir arms were immediately after the action butchered 



1567. SUBBEKDEB OF VALENCIBNNES. 1123 

in cold blood.* Antwerp was on this occasion saved 
from the excesses of its divided and furious citizens^ and 
. preserved from the horrors of pillage,, by the calmness 
and intrepidity of the prince of Orange. .. Valenciennes 
at length capitulated to the royalists, disheartened by 
the defeat and death of De Mamix, and terrified by a 
bombardment of thirty-six hours. The governor, two 
preachers, and about forty of the citizens, were hanged 
by the victors, and the reformed religion prohibited. 
Noircarmes promptly followed up his success. Maes*> 
tricht, Turnhput, and Bois-le-duc submitted at his 
approach ; and the insurgents were soon driven from all 
the provinces, Holland alone excepted. Brederode fled 
to Germany, where he died the folloydng year.t 

The govemant showed, in ber success, no small proofs 
of decision. She and her coimsellors, acting under orders 
from the king, were resolved on embarrassing to the 
utmost the patriot lords ; and a new oath of allegiance, 
to be proposed to every functionary of the state, was 
considered as a certain means for attaining this object 
^without the violence of an unmerited ^smissal. The 
terms of this oath were strongly opposed to every prin^ 
cdple of patriotism and toleration. Count Mansfield 
was the first of the nobles who took it. The duke of 
Arschot, counts Meghem, Berlaimont, and Egmont, .£qLp 
lowed his example. The counts of Horn, Hoogstraeten, 
De Brederode, and others, refused on various pretexts. 
Every artifice and persuasion was tried to induce the 
prince of Orange to subscribe to this new test ; but his 
resolution had been for some time formed. He saw 
that every chance of constitutional resistance to tyranny 
.was for tiie present at an end. The time for petitioning 
was gone by. The confederation was dissolved. A 
royalist army was in the field ; the duke of Alva was 
notoriously approaching at the head of another, more 
numerous. It was worse than useless to condude a 
hollow convention with the govemant, of mock loyalty 
on his part and mock confidence on hers. Many othe; 

♦ Yanderyyiict f S^ntiTOglio. 



124 amo&T or tbb KBTHEaLANDs. 15^. 

important coDBidentioiiB eonyinoed William diat his only 
honourable, safe, and wise course was to oxile himself 
from the Netherlands altogether, until more propitious 
circomstaaees aUowed of his acting openly, b^dly, and 
with effect* 

Before he put this plan of voluntary hamshmqit into 
execntionf he and Egmont had a parting interview, at 
the village of Willebroek, between Antwerp and Brussds. 
Count Mansfiel4, and Berti, secretary to the govemant, 
^ere present at this memoraUe meeting. The details 
of what passed were reported to the confederates by one 
of their party, who contrived to conceal himself in the 
chimney of die chamber. * Nothing could exceed the 
energetic warmth with whidi the two illustrious friends 
reciprocally endeavoured to turn each other from their 
respective tine of conduct ; but in vain. Egmmit's fatal 
eonfidenoe in the king was not to be shaken ; nor was 
Nassau's penetrating mind to be deceived by the romantic 
jlelusion which led away his friend. They separated 
with most affectionate expressions ; and Nassau was even 
moved to tears. His parting wcnrds were to the follow- 
ing eflfect >— ^' Confide, then, since it must be so, in the 
gratitude of the king ; but a painful presentiment (God 
grant it may prove a false one !) tells me that you wHl 
serve the Spaniards as the bridge by which they will 
enter the country, and which they will destroy as soon 
as they have passed over it ! " t 

On the 1 llh of April, a few days afrer this conference, 
die prince of Orange set out for Germany, with his three 
brothera and his wWe family, with the exception of his 
eldest son Philip William count de Beuren, whom he 
left behind a student in the university of Louvain. He 
believed that the privileges of the college and the fran^ 
diises of Brabant would prove a sufficient protection to 
A» youth ; and this appears the <»dy instance in which 
WiOiam^s vigilant prudence was deceived. % The de* 
pBvtmre of the prince seemed to remove all hope of pro« 
teetion or support from the unfortunate protestants, now 
t VAnderryiict t Hehliler. 



1567- DJflBOLUTION OF TBM CORlVDBBAerr* 12> 

left the {irey of their implaeable tynmt. The (araifedera- 
tion of die nobles was completely broken up. The countss 
o£ Hoogstraeten, Bergen^ and CulemboHrg^ followed the 
examjde of the prince of Orange^ and escaped to Ger- 
many ; and the greater number of those who remained 
behind took the new oath of allegiance, and became 
reconciled to the government.* 

This total dispersion of the confederacy brought all 
the towns of Holland into obedience to the king. But 
the emigradon which immediately commenced threatened 
the country with ruin. England and Germany swarmed 
with Dutch and Belgian refugees ; and all the efforts of 
the govemant could not restrain llie -thousands that took 
to flight. She was not more successful in her attempts 
to influence the measures of the king. She implored 
him^ in repeated letters^ to abandon his design of sending 
a foreign army into the country, which she represented, 
as being now quite reduced to submission and tran- 
quillity. She added> that the mere report of this royal 
invasion (so to call it) had already deprived the Nether- 
lands of many thousands of its best inhabitants ; and 
that the appearance of the troops would change it into 
a desert. These arguments^ meant to dissuade, were 
the very means of encouraging Philip in his design. 
He conceived his project to be now ripe for the com- 
plete suppression of freedom ; and Alva soon began his 
march. 

On the 5th of May, 1567, this celebrated captain, 
whose reputation was so quickly destined to sink into 
the notoriety of an executioner, began his memorable 
march ; and on the 22d of August he, with his two 
natural sons, and his veteran army consisting of about 
15,000 men, arrived at the walls of Brussels, f The 
discipline observed on this march was a terrible fore- 
warning to the people of the Netherlands of the influence 
of the general and the obedience of the troops. They 
had little chance of resistance against such soldiers so 
commanded. 

* Schiller. f BentivogUa 



126 HISTOBT OF tax KBTaXBLANDS. 1567* 

Sercnl of the BdgUn nobilitj went forwaid to meet 
Alva, to render him the acenstomed honours^ and ehdea- 
TOUT thna early to gain his good graces. Among them 
was the infatoaled Egmont, who made a present to AIts 
of two snperh horses^ which the latter received with a 
diadainful air of condescension.* Alva's first care was 
the distribntion of his troops — several thousands of whom 
were placed in Antwerp^ Ghent, and other important 
towns^ and the remainder reserved under his own imme- 
diato orders at Bnissela. His approach was celebrated 
by universal terror; and his arrival was thoroughly hu« 
n^Iiating to the duchiess of Parma. He immediately 
produced his commission as conmiander-in-chief of the 
royal armies in the Netherknds; but he next showed 
her another^ which confided to him powers infinitely 
more extended than any Marguerite herself had enjoyed^ 
and which proved to her that the almost sovereign power 
over the country was virtually vested in him. 

Alva first turned his attention to the seizure of those pa- 
triot lords whose pertinacious infatuation left them within 
his reach. He summoned a meeting of all the members 
of the council of state and the knights of the order of 
the Golden Fleece, to deliberate on matters of great im- 
portance. Counts Egmont and Horn attended, among 
many others ; and at the conclusion of the council they 
were both arrested (some historians assert by the hands 
of Alva and his eldest son t), as was also Van Straeten 
burgomaster of Antwerp, and Casambrot, Egmont's se- 
cretary. The young count of Mansfield appeared for a 
moment at this meeting ; but, warned by his father of 
the j^te intended him, as an original member of the 
confederation, he had time to fly. The count of Hoog- 
straeten was happily detained by illness, and thus escaped 
the fate of his friends. Egmont and Horn were trans- 
ferred to the citadel of Ghent, under an escort of 3000 
Spanish soldiers. Several other persons of the first 
families were arrested; and those who had originally 
been taken in arms were executed without delay. J 

♦ Schiller. f Strada. Vandervynct t Schiller, 



f 567. A1VA*S ARRIVAL AN© TYRANNY. 127 

The next measures of the new governor were the 
re-establishment of the inquisition^ the promulgation of 
the decrees of the council of Trent^ the revocation of 
the duchess of Parma's edicts^ and the royal refusal to 
recognise the terms of her treaties with the protestants. 
He immediately established a special tribunal^ composed 
of twelve members^ with full powers to enquire into 
and pronounce judgment on every circumstance eon- 
nected with the late troubles. He named himself pre-' 
sident of this council^ and appointed a Spaniard^ named 
Vargas, as vice-president — a wretch of the most diabo- 
lical cruelty. Several others of the judges were also 
Spaniards, in direct infraction of the fundamental laws 
of the country. This council, . immortalised by its in- 
famy, was named by the new governor (for so Alva was 
in fact, though not yet in name) the Council of Troubles. 
By the people it was soon designated the Council of 
Blood. In its atrocious proceedings no respect was paid 
to titles, contracts, or privileges, however sacred. Its 
judgments were without appeal. Every subject of the 
state was amenable to its summons; dergy and laity, 
the first individuals of the country, as well as the most 
wretched outcasts of society. Its decrees were passed 
with disgusting rapidity and contempt of form. Con- 
tumacy was punished with exile and confiscation. Those 
who, strong in innocence, dared to brave a trial, were lost 
without resource. The accused were forced to its bar- 
without previous warning Many a wealthy citizen was 
dragged to trial four leagues' distance, tied to a horse's 
tail. The number of victims was appalling. On one' 
occasion, the town of Valenciennes alone saw fiifty-five" 
of its citizens fall by the hands of the executioner. 
Hanging, beheading, quartering, and burning, were the 
every-day spectacles. The enormous confiscations only 
added to the thirst for gold and blood by which Alva 
and his satellites were parched. History offers no ex« 
ample of parallel horrors : for while party vengeance on 
other occasions has led to scenes of fury and terror, they 



^»e 




.^r^^. 






1567- SENTENC3B AOAIH8T THB PBINCB OF OSANOE. 129 

he assumed the chief command in the Netherlands, he 
was sixtj years of age ; having grown old and obdurate 
in pride^ ferocity, and avarice. His deeds must stand 
instead of a more detailed portrait, which, to be tho- 
lon^y striking, should be traced with a pen dipped in 
Uood. He was a fierce and clever soldier, brought up 
in the school of Charles V., and trained to his profes- 
sion in the wars of that monarch in Germany, and sub- 
sequently in that of Hiilip II. against France. * In 
addition to the horrors acted by die council of blood, 
Alva committed many deeds of collateral but minor 
tyranny : among otbm, he issued a decree forbidding, 
under severe penalties, any inhabitant of the country to 
marry without his express permission. His furious 
edicts against emigration were attempted to be enforced 
in vain. Elizabeth of En^and opened all the ports of 
her kingdom to the Flemish refugees f, who carried 
with them those abundant stores of manufacturing 
knowledge which she wisdy knew to be the elements of 
naticMial wealth. 

Alva soon summoned the prince of Orange, his bro- 
thers, and all the confederate lords, to appear before the 
council and answer to the charge of high treason. The 
prince gave a prompt and contemptuous answer, deny- 
ing the authority of Alva and his council, and acknow- 
led^g for his judges only the emperor, whose vassal 
he was, or the king of Spain in person, as president 
of the order of the Golden- Fleece. The other lords 
made replies nearly similar. The trials of each were, 
therrfwe, proceeded on, by contumacy ; confiscation of 
property being an olgect almost as dear to the tyrant 
viceroy as the death of his victims. Judgments were 
prcnnptly pronounced against those present or absoit, 
aKve or dead. Witness die case of the unfortunate 
marquis of Bergues, who had previously expired at 
Madrid, as was universally believed, by poison ; and 
his equally ill-fated colleague in the embassy, the baron 
Montigny, was for a while imprisoned at S^ovia, whero 

• YaMidarynd. f Van Heteren. 



130 BlflTORT OF TBS KETHEBLANDS. 1568. 

he was loon after secretly beheaded^ on the base pre- 
text of former diaafiection.* 

The departure of the duchess of Parma haying left 
Alva undisputed as well as unlimited authority^ he pro- 
ceeded rapidly in his terrible career. The count of 
Beuren was seized at Louvain^ and sent prisoner to 
Madrid ; and wherever it was possible to lay hands on 
a suspected patriot^ the occasion was not n^ected. It 
would be a revolting task to enter into a minute detail 
of all the horrors committed^ and impossible to record 
the names of the victims who so quickly fell before 
Alva's insatiate cruelty. The people were driven to 
frenzy. Bands of wretches fled to the woods and 
marshes; whence^ half famished and perishing for 
want^ they revenged themselves with pillage and murder. 
Pirates infested and ravaged the coast ; and thus^ from 
both sea and land^ the whole extent of the Netherlands 
was devoted to carnage and ruin, t The chronicles of 
Brabant and Holland X, chiefly written in Flemish by 
contemporary authors^ abound in thrilling details of the 
horrors of this general desolation^ with long lists of 
those who perished. Suffice it to say^ that on the re- 
corded boast of Alva himself^ he caused 18^000 inhabit^ 
ants of tlie Low Countries to perish by the hands of 4he 
executioner^ during his less than six years' sovereignty 
in the Netherlands. § 

The most important of these tragical scenes was now 
soon to be acted. The counts Egmont and Hom^ 
having submitted to some previous interrogatories by 
Vargas and others^ were removed i&om Ghent to Brus- 
selsj on the 3d of June^ under a strong escort. The 
following day they passed through the mockery of a 
trial before the council of blood ; and on the 5th, they 
were both beheaded in the great square of Brussels^ in 
the presence of Alva, who gloated on the spectadle from 
a balcony that commanded the execution. The same 
day Vanstraelen and Casambrot shared the fate of 
their illustrious friends^ in the castle of Vilvorde; with 

• VAndervynct. -f Idem. j Batavia iUiutrated. ^ Orotiufc 



i.568. HOBBOBS OF AI*Ya's ADtflNZSTBATION. ISl 

ma&y Others^ whose names oaly.find a place in the local 
chronicles of the times. Egmont and Horn met their 
fate with the firmness expected from their well-proved 
courage. 

These judicial murders excited in the Netherlands 
an agitation without hounds. It was no longer hatred 
or aversion that filled men's minds^' hut fury and des- 
pair. The out-hursting of a general revoh was hourly 
watched for. The foreign powers^ without excep- 
tion^ expressed their disapproval of these executions. 
The emperor Maximilian 11.^ and all the catholic 
princes^ condemned them. The former sent his hrother 
expressly to the king of Spain^ to warn him^ that with- 
out a cessation of his cruelties^ he could not restrain a 
general declaration from the memhers of the empire^ 
which woul4> in all likelihood^ deprive him of every 
acre of land in the Netherlands. * The princes of the 
protestant states held no terms in the expression of their 
disgust and resentment; and every thing seemed now 
ripe^ hoth at home and ahroad^ to favour the enterprise 
on which the prince of Orange was determined to risk 
his fortune and his life. But his principal resources 
were to he found in his genius and courage^ and in the 
heroic devotion partaken hy his whole family in the 
cause of their country. His hrother, count John, ad- 
vanced him a considerable simi of money; the Flemings 
and Hollai^ders, in England and elsewhere, subscrihed 
largely ; the prince himself, after raising loans in every 
possible way on his private means, sold his jewels, his 
plate, and even the furniture of his houses, and threw 
the amount into the common fund. 

Two remarkable events took place this year in Spain, 
and added to the general odium entertained against 
PhiUp's character throughout Europe. The first was 
the death of his son don Carlos, whose sad story is too 
well known in connection with the annals of his country 
to require a place here; the other was the death of 
the queen. Universal opinion assigned poison as the 

• Vandervynct 
K 2 



132 BISTORT OP THE NETHERLANDS. 1568, 

cause ♦ ; and Charles IX. of France^ her brother^ who 
loved her with great tenderness^ seems to have joined in 
this belief. Astonishment and horror filled all minds on 
the double denouement of this romantic tragedy; and the 
enemies of the tyrant reaped all the advantages it was so 
well adapted to produce ^em. 

The prince of Orange^ having raised a considerable 
force in Germany^ now entered on the war with all the 
well-directed energy by which he was characterised. The 
queen of England^ the French Huguenots, and the pro- 
testant princes of Germany, all lent him their aid in 
money or in men ; and he opened his first campaign 
vnth great advantage. He formed his army into four 
several corps, intending to enter the country on as many 
different points, and by a sudden irruption on that most 
vulnerable to rouse at once the hopes and the co-oper- 
ation of the people. His brothers Louis and Adolphus, 
at the head of one of these divisions, penetrated into 
Friesland, and there commenced the contest. The count 
of Aremberg, governor of this province, assisted by the 
Spanish troops under Gonsalvo de firacamonte, quickly 
opposed the invaders. They met on the 24th of May 
near the abbey of Heiligerlee, which gave its name to 
the battle ; and after a short contest the royalists were 
defeated with great loss. The count of Aremberg and 
Adolphus of Nassau encountered in single combat, and 
fell by each other's hands, t The victory was dearly 
purchased by the loss of this gallant prince, the first of 
his illustrious family, who have on so many occasions, 
down to these very days, freely shed their blood for the 
freedom and happiness of the country which may be so 
emphatically called their own. 

Alva immediately hastened to the scene of this first 
action, and soon forced count Louis to another at a place 
called Jemminghem, near the town of Embden, on the 
21st of July. Their forces were nearly equal, about 
1 4,000 at either side; but all the advantage of disci- 
pline and skill was in favour of Alva ; and the conse- 

♦ Vandervynct f Strada. 



1568. DISASTERS OF THE PATRIOTS. 133 

quence was^ the total rout of the patriots with a con- 
siderable loss in killed and the whole of the cannon 
and baggage. The entire province of Friedand was 
thus again reduced to obedience^ and Alva hastened 
back to Brabant to make head against the prince of 
Orange. The latter had now under his command an 
army of 28,000 men, — ah imposing force in point of 
numbers, being double that which his rival was able to 
muster. He soon made himself master of the towns of 
Tongres and St.Trond, and the whole province of Liege 
was in his power. He advanced boldly against Alva, 
and for several months did all that manoeuvring could 
do to force him to a battle. But the wily veteran knew 
his trade too well ; he felt sure that in time the prince's 
force would disperse for want of pay and supplies ; and 
he managed his resources so ably, that with little risk 
and scarcely any loss he finally succeeded in his object. 
In the month of October the prince found himself forced 
to disband his large but undisciplined force; and he 
retired into France to recruit his funds and consider on 
the best measures for some future enterprise. 

The insolent triumph of Alva knew no bounds. The 
rest of the year was consumed in new executions. The 
hotel of Culembourg, the early cradle of De Brederode's 
confederacy, was rased to the ground, and a pillar erected 
on the spot commemorative of the deed ; while Alva, 
x«8olved to erect a monument of his success as well as 
of his hate, had his own statue in brass, formed of the 
cannons taken at Jemminghem, set up in the citadel of 
Antwerp, with various symbols of power and an inscrip- 
tion of inflated pride. 

The following year was ushered in by a demand of 
unwonted and extravagant rapacity ; the establishment 
of two taxes on property, personal and real, to the 
amount of the hundredth penny (or denier) on each 
kind ; and at every transfer or sale, ten per cent, on 
personal, and five per cent, for real property. The 
states-general, of whom this demand was made, were 
unanimous in their opposition, as well as the ministers ; 
K 3 



IS^ HISTOBT OF THE ineTHBRLAK1>S. 15^. 

but particularly De Beilaimont and VigUus. Alva wu 
80 irritated that he eyen menaced the veneraUe presidoit 
of the council^ but could not succeed in in^midating 
him. He obstinatdy persisted in his design for a con- 
dderaUe period ; resisting arguments and prayers, and 
eyen the more likely means tried for softening his cu- 
pidity, by furnishing him with sums £rom other sources 
equiyalent to those which the new taxes were calculated 
to produce.* To his repeated threats against Vig^ius 
the latter replied, that *' he was conyinced the king 
would not condemn him unheard; but that at any rate 
his grey hairs sayed him from any ignoble fear of 
death." t 

A dq[iutation was sent from the states-genoal io 
Philip, explaining the impossibility of perseyering in 
the attempted taxes, which were incompatible with eyery 
principle of commercial liberty, j: But Alya would hot 
abandon his design till he had forced eyery province 
into resistance, and the king himself commanded him 
to desist. The eyents of this and the following yiear 
(1570) may be shortly summed up ; none of any strik- 
ing interest or ey^itual importance haying occurred. 
The sufferings of the country were increasing from dasy 
to day under the intolerable tyranny which bore it down. 
The patriots attempted nothing on land ; but their nayal 
force began from tiiis time to acquire that consistoicy 
and power which was so soon to render it the chidt 
means of resistance and the great source of wealth. The 
priyateers or corsairs, which began to swarm from eveiy 
port in Holland and Zealand, and which found refuge 
in all those of England, sullied many gallant exploits by 
instances of culpable excess ; so mudi so, that the prince 
of Orange was forced to withdraw the command yrhich 
he had delegated to the lord of Dolhain, and to replace 
him by Gislain de Fiennes; for already seyeral of the 
exiled nobles and ruined merchants of Antwerp and 
Amsterdam had joined these bold . adyenturers ; and 

• Vandervynct + Vif IH Comment n. 307. 

t De Neny, M^m. Hist et PoL sur lea Pays By. 



1572m NAVAI. FORCB 09 THE PATRIOTS. 135 

piirchased or built^ with the remnant of their fortunes^ 
many vessels^ in which they carried on a most productive 
warfare against Spanish commerce through the whole 
extent of the £nglish channel^ from the mouth of the 
Embs to the harbour of La Rochelle. * 

One of those frightful inundations to which the north- 
ern provinces were so constantly exposed occurred this 
year> carrying away the dykes^ and destroying Uves and 
property to a considerable amoimt. In Friesknd alone 
20,000 men were victims to this calamity. But no 
Eofieiing could affect the inflexible sternness of the duke 
of Alva ; and to such excess did he carry his persecu- 
tion, that Philip himself began to be discontented, and 
thought his representative was overstepping the bounds 
of delegated tyranny. He even reproached him sharply 
in some of his despatches. The governor repUed in the 
game strain ; and such was the effect of this correspond- 
ence, that Philip resolved to remove him from his com- 
mand. But the king's marriage with Anne of Austria, 
daughter of the emperor Maximilian, obliged him to 
defer his intentions for a while ; and he at length named 
John de la Cerda duke of Medina^Celi for Alva's suc- 
cessor. Upwards of a year, however, elapsed before 
this new governor was finally appointed ; and he made 
his appearance on the coast of Flanders with a consider- 
able fleet, on the 11th of May, 1572. He was afforded 
cm this very day a specimen of the sort of people he came 
to contend with; for his fleet was suddenly attacked 
by that of the patriots, and many of his vessels burned 
and taken before his eyes, with their rich cargoes and 
eondderable treasures intended for the service of the 
state, t 

The duke of Medina-Cell proceeded rapidly to Brus- 
sels, where he was ceremoniously received by Alva, who 
however refused to resign the government, under the 
pretext that the term of his appointment had not ex- 
pired, and that he was resolved first to completely sup- 
press all symptoms of revolt in the northern provinces. 

• Vandenrynct t W«n. 

K 4 



156 H18T0BT OF TtkB KBTHEBLAK08. 1572. 

He succeeded in efibetnally difigusting La Cerda, who 
almost immediately demanded and obtained his own 
recal to Spsin. Alya, left once more in undisputed pos- 
session of his power^ turned it with increased vigour 
into new channels of oppression. He was soon again 
employed in efforts to effect the levying of his fayomite 
taxes ; and such was the resolution of the tradesmen of 
Brussds^ that, sooner than submit, they slmost unir 
yerssUy closed thdr shops altogether. Alva^ furious at 
this measure, caused sixty of the dtisens to be seized^ 
and ordered them to be hanged opposite their own doors.* 
The gibbets were actually erected, when, on the very 
morning of the day fixed for the executions, he recdved 
despatches that wholly disconcerted him, and stepped 
their completion.* 

To avoid an open rupture with Spain, the queen of 
England had just at this time interdicted the Dutch and 
Flemish privateers from taking shelter in her ports. 
William de la Marck count of Lunoy had now the diief 
command of this adventurous force. He was distin- 
guished by an inveterate hatred against the Spaniards, 
and had made a wild and romantic vow never to cut his 
hair or beard till he had avenged the murders of Egmont 
and Horn. He was impetuous and terrible in all his 
actions, and bore the surname of '' the wild boar of the 
Ardennes." Driven out of the harbours of England, he 
resolved on some desperate enterprise ; and on tibe Ist of 
April he succeeded in surprising the little town of Biille^ 
in the island of Voorn, situate between Zealand and 
Holland. This insignificant place acquired great cele- 
brity from this event, which may be considered the first 
successful step towards the establishment of Uberty and 
the republic, f 

Alva was confounded by the news of this exploit, but 
with his usual activity he immediately turned his whole 
attention towards the point of greatest danger. His em- 
barrassment, however, became every day more considem 
able. Lunoy 's success was the signal of a general revolt. 

• Vnnderrynct ^ Mem. 



1572. QENKBAL INSURRECTION. 137 

In a few days every town in Holland and Zealand declared 
for liberty^ with the exception of Amsterdam and Mid* 
dkbu]^ where the Spanish garrisons were too strong for 
tiie people to attempt their expulsion. 

The prince of Orange^ who had been on the watch 
for a favourable moment^ now entered Brabant at the 
head of 20>000 men^ composed of French^ German^ and 
Snglish^ and made himself master of several important 
places; while his indefatigable brother Louis^ with a 
minor force^ suddenly appeared in Hainault^ and^ joined 
by a large body of French Huguenots under De Genlis, 
he seized on Mons, the capital of the province^ on the 
25th of May. 

Alva turned first towards the recovery of this import- 
ant place^ and gave the command of the siege to his son 
Frederic of Toledo^ who was assisted by the counsels of 
Noircaimes and Vitelli ; but Louis of Nassau held out 
for upwards of three months^ and only surrendered on an 
honourable capitulation in the month of September; his 
French allies having been first entirely defeated^ and their 
brave leader De Genlis taken prisoner. The prince of 
Orange had in the mean time secured possession of Lou* 
▼ain^ Ruremonde^ Mechlin^ and other towns^ carried Ter- 
monde andOudenarde by assault, andmade demonstrations 
which seemed to court Alva once more to try the fortune 
of the campaign in a pitched battle. But such were not 
William's real intentions*^ nor did the cautious tactics of 
his able opponent allow him to provoke such a risk. He^ 
however^ ordered his son Frederic to march with all his 
force into Holland, and he soon undertook the siege of 
Haerlem. By the time that Mons fell again into the 
power of the Spaniards, sixty-five towns and their terri- 
tories, chiefly in the northern provinces, had thrown off 
the yoke. The single port of Flessingue contained 150 
patriot vessels, well armed and equipped t ; and from that 
epoch may be dated the rapid growth of the first naval 
power in Europe, with Uie single exception of Great 
Britain. 

• Vanderrynct t Certoler. 



1$S HISTORY OF THB NBTHERIiANDS. 157^. 

It is here worthy of remark^ that all the horrors of 
which the people of Flanders were, the victimsj and in 
their full proportion^ had not the effect of exciting them 
to revolt ; hut they rose up with fury against the paym^it 
of the new taxes. They sacrificed every diing sooner 
Chan pay these uigust exactions—* Omnia dabant, ne 
decimam darant, * The next important event in these 
wars was the siege of Haerlem^ hefore which place the 
Spaniards were arrested in their progress for iseyen 
months^ and which they at length succeeded in taking 
with a loss of 10^000 men. 

The details of this memorahle siege are calculated to 
arouse every feeling of pity for the heroic defenders^ and 
of execration against the cruel assailants. A widow^ 
named Kenau Hasselaer^ gained a niche in history by 
her remarkable valour at the head of a battalion of 300 
of her townswomen^ who bore a part in all the labours 
and perils of the 8iege.t After the surrender^ and in pmr- 
suance of Alva's common system^ his ferocious son caused 
the governor and the other chief officers to be beheaded; 
and upwards of SOOO of the worn-out garrison and 
burghers were either put to the sword^ or tied two and 
two^ and drowned in the lake which gives its name to 
the town.:^ Tergoes in South Beveland^ Mechlin^ Naer- 
den, and other towns, were about the same period the 
scenes of gallant actions, and of subsequent crudties of 
the most revolting nature as soon as they fell into the 
power of the Spaniards. § Horrors like these were sure 
to force reprisals on the part of the maddened patriots. 
De la Marck carried on his daring exploits with a 
crudty which excited the indignation of the prince of 
Orange, by whom he was removed from his command. 
The contest was for a while prosecuted, with a decrease 
of vigour proportioned to the serious losses on both sides ; 
money and the munitions of war began to fail ; and 
though the Spaniards succeeded in taking the Hague^ 

• Orotius. f Strada. t Bentivoglio. 

I Strada, ytitb all his bigotry to the Spanish cause, admits that theae ex* 
cesses were atrocious crimes rather than just punishmenu : non poena, aed 
Jiagiimin, 



1573. ATB0CITIB8 OF ALVA HIS. RECALL. 139 

they were repulsed before Alkmaer with great loss/ and 
their fleet was almost entirely destroyed in a naval ix»m« 
bat on the Zuyder Zee. The count Bossu^ their admiral^ 
was Ukken in this fight^ with about 300 of his best sailors. 
Holland was now from one end to the othar the the- 
atre of the most shocking events* While the pe<^le 
performed deeds of the greatest heroism^ the perfidy and 
cruelty of the Spaniards had no bounds. The patriots 
saw more danger in submissioh than in resistance; each 
town^ which was in succession subdued, endured the last 
extremities of suffering before it yielded, and victory was 
frequently the consequence of despair.^ This unlooked- 
for turn in a£&irs decided the king to remove Alva, 
whose barbarous and rapacious conduct was now objected 
to even by Philip, when it produced results disastrous to 
his cause. Don Luis Zan^a y Requesens, commander 
of the order of Malta, was named to the government of 
the Netherlands. He arrived at Brussels on the 17th 
of November, 1573; and on the 18th of the following 
month the monster whom he succeeded set out for Spain, 
loaded with the booty to which he had waded through 
oceans of blood, and with the curses of the country, 
which, however, owed its subsequent freedom to 1^ 
impulse given by his intolerable cruelty. He repaired 
to Spain ; and after various fluctuations of favour and 
disgrace at the hands of his congenial master, he died 
in his bed, at Lisbon, in 158S, at the advanced age of 
feventy*four years. 



CHAP. X. 

1573—1576. 

ID THE PACIFICATION OF GHENT. 

The character of Requesens was not more opposed to 
that of his predecessor, than were the instructions given 
to him for his government. He was an honest, well- 

* Orotiut. Strada. Bentivoglio. 



140 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDg. 1573. 

mMning^ and moderate man * ; and the king of Spain 
hoped^ that by his influence and a total change of mea« 
curea^ he might sacoeed in recalling the Netherlands to 
obedience. But^ happily for the country^ this change 
was adopted too late for success ; and the weakness of 
the new goyemment completed the glorious results which 
the ferocity of the former had prepared. 

Requesens performed all that depended on him^ to 
giin die confidence of the people. He caused Alva'a 
■tatue to be removed ; and hoped to efface the memory 
of the tyrant^ by dissolying the council of bloody and 
abandoning the obnoxious taxes which their inventor 
bad suspended rather than abolished. A general am- 
nesty was also promulgated against the revolted pro- 
vinces: they received it with contempt and defiance. 
Nothing then was left to Requesens but to renew the 
war ; and this he found to be a matter of no easy ex- 
ecution. The finances were in a state of the greatest 
oonfusion ; and the Spanish troops were in many places 
seditious^ in some openly mutinous, Alva having left 
large arrears of pay due to ahnost all, notwithstanding 
the immense amount of his pillage and extortion, t 
Middleburg, which had long sustained a siege against 
all the efforts of the patriots, was now nearly reduced 
by famine, notwithstanding the gallant efibrts of its go- 
vernor Mondragon. Requesens turned his immediate 
attention to the relief of this important place ; and he 
soon assembled, at Antwerp and Bergen-op-Zoom, a 
fleet of sixty vessels for that purpose. But Louis 
Boisot, admiral of Zealand, promptly repaired to attack 
this force ; and after a severe action he totally defeated 
it, and killed De Glimes, one of its admirals, under the 
eyes of Requesens himself, who, accompanied by hia 
suite, stood during the whole afiair on the dyke of 
Schakerloo. % Tliis action toqk place the 29th of Ja- 
nuary, 1574; and, on the iptli of February following, 
Middleburg surrendered, after a resistance of two yeara. 
The prince of Orange granted such conditions as were 

• De Thou. f VanderTTiict. X I<*on. 



1574* BATTLE OF MOOK. lit 

due to the bravery of the governor ; and thus set an 
example of generosity and honour which greatly changed 
the complexion of the war. * All Zealand was now 
free ; and the intrepid admiral Boisot gained another 
victory on the 30th of May> — destroying several of 
the Spanish vessels^ and taking some others^ with their 
admiral Von Haemstede. Frequent naval enterprises 
were also undertaken against the frontiers of Flanders ; 
and while the naval forces thus harassed the enemy on 
every vulnerable pointy the unforl!\mate provinces of the 
interior were ravaged by the mutinous and revolted 
Spaniards^ and by the native brigands^ who pillaged 
both royalists and patriots with atrocious impartiality. 

To these manifold evils was now added one more 
terrible^ in the appearance of the plague^ which broke 
out at Ghent in the month of October^ and devastated 
a great part of the Netherlands; not^ however^ with 
that violence with which it rages in more southern 
climates, t 

Requesens^ overwhelmed by difficulties^ yet exerted 
himself to the utmost to put Uie best face on the affairs 
of government. His chi^ care was to appease the mu- 
tinous soldiery : he even caused his plate to be melted^ 
and freely gave the produce towards the payment of 
their arrears. The patriots^ well informed of this state 
of things^ laboured to turn it to their best advantage. 
They opened the campaign in the province of Guelders^ 
where Louis of Nassau, with his younger brother Henry, 
and the prince palatine, son of the elector Frederick III., 
appeared at the head of 1 1,000 men : the prince of 
Orange prepared to join him with an equal number ; 
but Requesens promptly despatched Sanchez d'Avila to 
prevent this junction. The Spanish commander quickly 
passed the Meuse near Nimeguen ; and on the 14th of 
April he forced count Louis to a battle, on the great 
plain called Mookerheyde, close to the village of Mook. 
The royalists attacked with their usual valour; and 
after two hours of hard fighting, the confederates were 

• Meteren. f Vandervynct 



148 HISTORY or THB NETHERLANDS. 1574. 

toUDj defeated. The three gallant princes were among 
die ikin, and didr bodies were never afterwards dia^ 
eoTcred. It haa been stated, on doubtful audioritf, 
thai Louis of Nassau, after having lain some time 
among the heaps of dead, dragged himself to the side 
of die river Mense, and while washing his wounds was 
inhumanly murdered by some straggling peasants to 
whom he was unknown.* The unfortunate fate of this 
enterprising piinoe was a severe blow to the patriot 
canae, and a cmd afilietion to the prince of Orange. 
He had now already lost three brothers in the war ; and 
remained alone, to revenge their fate, and sustain the 
canse for which they had perished. 

D'AviU soon found his victory to be as fruitless as it 
waa briDiant. The ruffian troops by whom it was gained 
became immediately sdf-disbanded ; threw off all au- 
diority ; hastened to possess themselves of Antwerp ; and 
threatened to proceed to the most horrible extr^nides 
if their pay was Icmger vrithheld. The citizens succeed- 
ed with difficulty in appeasing them, by the sacrifice of 
some money in part payment of their claims. Requesens 
took advantage of their temporary calm, and despatched 
them promptly to take part in the siege of Ley den. i* 

This siege formed another of those numerous instances 
which became so memorable from the mixture of hero- 
ism and horror. Jean: Vanderdoes, known in literature 
by the name of Dousa, and celebrated for his Latin 
poems, commanded the place. Valdez, who conducted 
the si^e, urged Dousa to surrender; when the latter re- 
plied, in the name of the inhabitants, '' that when pro- 
visions failed them they would devour their left hands, 
reserving the right to defend their liberty." A party of 
the inhabitants, driven to disobedience and revolt by the 
excess of misery to which they wel« shortly reduced, 
attempted to force the burgomaster, Vanderwerf, to 
supply them with bread or yield up the place. But he 
sternly made the celebrated answer, which cannot be 
remembered without shuddering — ''Bread I have none; 

• Hannii. f Vaodenrynct 



1515, SIBOB OF I«ETDEN. 143 

but if my death can afford you rdief^ tear my body in 
pieces^ and let those who are most hungry devour it \" 
But in this extremity rehef at last was afforded by 
the decisive measures of the prince of Orange^ who 
ordered all the neighbouring dykes to be opened and the 
sluices raised^ thus sweeping away the besiegers on the 
waves of the ocean : the inhabitants of Leyden were 
.apprisied of this intention by means of letters entrusted 
to the safe carriage of pigeons tiained for the purpose.* 
The inundation was no sooner effected^ than hundreds 
of flat-bottomed boats brought abundance of supplies to 
the half famished tO¥m ; while a violent storm carried 
the sea across the country for twenty leagues around^ 
and destroyed the Spanish camp> with above 1000 sol- 
diers^ who were overtaken by the flood. This deUver- 
ance took place on the 3d of October^ on which day 
it is still annually celebrated by the descendants of the 
grateful citizens, f 

It was now for the first time that Spain would con- 
sent to listen to advice or mediation^ which had for its 
object the termination of this frightful war. The em- 
peror Maximilian II. renewed at this epoch his efforts 
with Philip ; and under such favourable auspices con- 
ferences commenced at Breda^ where the counts Swart- 
zenberg and Hohenloe^ brothers-in-law of the prince of 
Orange^ met^ on the part of the emperor^ the deputies 
from the king of Spain and the patriots j and hopes of 
a complete pacification were generally entertained. But 
three months of deliberation proved their fallacy. The 
patriots demanded toleration for the reformed religion. 
The king's deputies obstinately refused it. The con- 
gress was therefore broken up ; and both oppressors and 
oppressed resumed their arms with increased vigour and 
tenfold desperation. 

Requesens had long fixed his eyes on Zealand as the 
scene of an expedition by which he hoped to repair the 
faUure before Leyden ; and he caused an attempt to be 
made on the town of Zuriczee^ in the island of Scauwen^ 

• Strada. t Vandenrynct. 



144 HISTORY OF THE NBTHSRIiANDS. 1575. 

which merits record, as one of the boldest and most 
original enterprises of the war. 

The little islands of 2Sealand are separated from each 
other by narrow branches of the sea, which are fordidile 
at low water ; and it was by such a passage, two leagues 
in breadth, and till then untried, that the Spanish 
detachment of 1750 men, under UUoa and other vete- 
ran captains, advanced to their exploit in the midst of 
dangers greatly increased by a night of total darkness. 
Each man carried round his neck two pounds of gun- 
powder, with a sufficient supply of biscuit for two days; 
and holding their swords and muskets high over their 
heads, they boldly waded forward, three abreast, in some 
places up to their shoulders in water. The alarm was 
soon given ; and a shower of balls was poured upon the 
gallant band, from upwards of forty boats which the 
Zealanders sent rapi<fly towards the spot. The only 
light afforded to either party was from the flashes of 
their guns ; and while the adventurers advanced with 
undaunted firmness, their equally daring assailants, 
jumping from their boats into the water, attacked them 
with oars and hooked handspikes, by which many of Ae 
Spaniards were destroyed. The rear-guard in this ex- 
tremity, cut off from their companions, was obliged to 
retreat ; but the rest, after a considerable loss, at length 
reached the land, and thus gained possession of the 
island, on the night of the 28th of September, 1575.* 

Requesens -quickly afterwards repaired to the scene of 
this gallant exploit, and commenced the siege of Zuric- 
zee, which he did not live ^o see completed. After 
having passed the winter months in preparations for the 
success of this object which he had so much at heart, 
he was recalled to Brussels by accounts of new mutinies 
in the Spanish cavalry ; and the very evening before he 
reached the city he was attacked by a violent fever, 
which carried him off five days afterwards, on the 5th 
of March, 1576. f 

The suddenness of Requesen's illness had not allowed 

• Strada. f BentivogUo. 



1576. JOBATH OF .BBQ¥ESEN8. 145 

time for even the nominatioii of a successor^ to which 
he was authorised hy letters patent from the long. It 
is believed that his intention was to appoint count 
Mansfield to the command of the army^ and De Ber- 
laimont to the administration of civil affairs.* The 
government^ however^ now devolved entirely into the 
hands of the council of state> which was at that pe- 
riod composed of nine menibers. The principal of 
these was Philip de Croi duke of Arschot ; the other 
leading members were Viglius^ counts Mansfield and 
Berlaimonjt ; and the council was degraded by number- 
ing^ among the rest> Debris and De Roda^ two of the 
notorious Spaniards who had formed part of the council 
of blood. 

The king resolved to leave the authority in the hands 
of this incongruous mixture^ until the arrival of don 
John of Austria^ his natural brother^ whom he had 
already named to the office of governor-general. But in 
the interval the government assumed an aspect of unpre- 
cedented disorder ; and* wide-spread anarchy embraced 
the whole country. The royal troops openly revolted^ 
and fought against each other like deadly enemies. The 
nobles^ divided in their views^ arrogated to themselves 
in difierent places the titles and powers of command. 
Public faith and private probity seemed alike destroyed. 
Pillage^ violence^ and ferocity^ were the commonplace 
characteristics of the times.t 

Circumstances like these may be well supposed to 
have revived the hopes of the prince of Orange^ who 
quickly saw amidst* this chaos the elements of order^ 
strength^ and liberty. Such had been his previous afflic- 
tion at the harrowing events which he witnessed, and 
despaired of being able to relieve^ that he had proposed , 
to the patriots of HoUand and Zealand to destroy the 
dykes^ submerge the whole country, and abandon to the 
waves the soil which refused security to freedom. But 
providence destined him to be the saviour, instead of 
the destroyer, of his coimtry. The chief motive of this 

• Strada. f B^tiyogUa 

li 



146 HISTOBY OF THB NSTHKBI.ANDS. 157^ 

exoeHive desperation had been the apparent desa-tion 
by queen £lixabeth of the cause which she had hitherto 
■o mainly assisted. Ofiended at the capture of some 
English ships by the Dutch^ who asserted that they 
carried supplies for the Spaniards^ she withdrew from 
them her protection: but by timely submission they 
appeased her wrath ; and it is thought by some histo- 
rians^ thateyen thus early the prince of Orange proposed 
to place the revolted provinces wholly under her protec- 
tion. This^ however^ she for the time refused ; but she 
strongly soHcited Philip's mercy for these unfortunate 
countries^ through the Spanish ambassador at her court. 

In the mean time the council of. state at Brussels 
seemed disposed to follow up as far as possible the plans 
of Requesens. The siege of Zuriczee was continued ; 
but speedy dissensions among the members of the go- 
vernment rendered their authority contemptible^ if not 
utterly extinct^ in the eyes of the people. The exhaus- 
tion of the treasury deprived them of all power to put 
an end to the mutinous excesses of the Spanish troops^ 
and the latter carried their licentiousness to the utmost 
bounds. Zuriczee^ admitted to a surrender^ and saved 
from pillage by the payment of a large smn^ was lost 
to the royslists within three months^ from the want of 
discipline in its garrison ; and the towns and burghs of 
Brabant suffered as much from the excesses of their 
nominal protectors as could have been inflicted by the 
enemy. The mutineers at lengthy to the number of 
some thousands^ attacked and carried by force the town 
of Alost^ at equal distances between Brussels^ Ghent^ 
and Antw^^j imprisoned the chief citizens; and levied 
contributions on-aU the country round. It was then that 
the council of state found itself forced to proclaim them 
rebels^ traitors^ and enemies to the king and the country, 
and called on all loyal subjects to pursue and extermi- 
nate them wherever they were found in arms.* 

This proscription of the Spanish mutineers' was fol- 
lowed by the convocation of the states-general; and the 

• Bentiroglia 



1576. SACK OF ANTWSBP. 147 

goyeminent thus hoped to maintain some show of union^ 
and some chance of authority. But a new scene of in- 
testine violence completed the picture of executive in- 
efficiency. On the 4th of Septemher^ the grand bailiff 
of Brabant^ as lieutenant of the baron de Hesse^ governor 
of Brussels^ entered the council-chamber by force, and 
arrested all the members present, on suspicion of trea- 
cherously maintaining intelligence with the Spaniards. 
Counts Mansfield and Berlaimont were imprisoned, with 
some others. Viglius escaped this indignity by being 
absent from indisposition. This bold measure was 
hailed by the people with unusual joy, as the signal for 
that total change in the government which they reckoned 
on as the prelude to complete freedom. 

The states-general were all at this time assembled, 
with the exception of those of Flanders, who jpined the 
others with but little delay. The general reprobation 
against the Spaniards procured a second decree of pro- 
scription; and their desperate conduct justified the 
utmost violence with which they might be pursued. 
They still held the citadels of Ghent and Antwerp, as 
well as Maestridit, which they had seized on, sacked, 
and pillaged with all the fiiry which a barbarous enemy 
inflicts on a town carried by assault. On the 3d of 
November, the other body of mutineers, in possession of 
Alost, marched to the support of their fellow brigands 
in the citadel of Antwerp; and both, simultaneously 
attacking this magnificent city, became masters of it in 
aU points, in spite of a vigorous resistance on the part of 
the citizens. They then began a scene of rapine and 
destruction unequalled in the annals of these desperate 
wars. More than 500 private mansions and the splendid 
town-house were delivered to the flames : 7000 citizens 
perished by the sword or in the waters of the Scheldt. 
For three days the carnage and the pillage went on with 
unheard-of f^ ; and the most opulent town in Europe 
was thus reduced to ruin and desolation by a few thou- 
sand frantic ruffians. The loss was valued at above 
2,000,000 golden crowns. Vargas and Romero were 
L 2 



148 HISTOBT OF TBX NETHnULANDS. 157^- 

tbe principal leaden of this infernal -exploit ; md De 
Roda gaiMd a new tide to his immortaMty of shame^ by 
atanding Ibrth as its apologist. 

The Btates-generalj assembled at Gbent^ were solemnly 
i^pened on the 14th of September. Bttng appi^ensiTe 
of a sadden attack from the Spanish troops in ihe citaddi^ 
they proposed a negotiation^ and demanded a jHrotecting 
foree from the prince of Orange, who immediatdy en« 
tered into a treaty with their envoy, and sent to their 
aisutance eight companies of infantry and seventeen 
pieces of cannon under the command of the Englidi 
colonel Temple.* In the midst of this turmoil and ap^ 
parent insecurity, the stated-general proceeded in their 
great work, and assumed the reins of government in 
the name of the king. They allowed the eouncU of 
state still nominally to exist, but they restricted its 
powers fir within those it had hitherto exercised ; and 
the government, thus absolutely assuming the form oi a 
republic, issued manifestos in justification of its eon- 
duct, and demanded succour from all the foreign powers. 
To complete the union between the various provinces^ it 
was resolved to resume the negotiations commenced the 
preceding year at Breda; and the 10th of October was 
fixed for this new congress to be held in the town-house 
of Ghent. 

On tiie day appointed, the congress opened its sittings; 
and rapidly arriving at the termination of its important 
object, the celebrated treaty known by the titie of The 
Pacification of Ghent was published on the 8 th of No- 
vember, to the sound of bells and trumpets ; while the 
ceremonv was rendered still more imposing by tiie thun- 
der of the artillery which battered the walls of the be- 
sieged citadel. It was even intended to have delivered 
a general assault against tiie place at the moment of the 
proclamation ; but tiie mutineers demanded a capitula- 
tion, and finally surrendered three days afterwards. It 
was tiie wife of the famous Mondragon who commanded 
the place in her husband's absence ; and by her heroism 

* VandenTnct; 



1576, PAOiFrcATio^ oi^ ohent. 149 

gave a new proof of the capability of the sex to surpass 
the limits which nature seems to have fixed for dieir 
conduct. . , 

The Pacification contained twenty-five articles : — 
amongst others^ it was agreed^ 

That a full amnesty "shotuld be passed for all ofiences 
whatsoever. 

That the estates of Brabant^ Flanders^ Hainault^ 
Artois^ and others> on the one part; the prince of 
Orange, and the states of Holland and Zealand and their 
* associates, on the other ; promised to maintain good 
Mth, peace, and ^endship, firm and inviolable; to 
mtitually assist each other, at aU times, in council and 
aetion ; and'to employ life and fortune, above all things, 
to expd from the country the Spanish soldiers and 
other foreignersi 

That no one should be allowed to injure or insult, by 
word or deed, the exercise of the catholic religion, on 
pain of being treated as a disturber of the public peace. 

That the edicts against heresy and the proclamations 
of the dttke of Alva should be suspended. 

That all confiscations, sentences, and judgments ren- 
dered since 1566 should be annulled. 

That the inscriptions, monuments, and trophies erected 
by the duke of Alva should be demolished. 

' Such were the general conditions of the treaty ; the 
remaining articles chiefly concerned individual interests. 
The promulgation of this great charter of union, which 
was considered as the fundamental law of the country, 
was hailed in all parts of the Netherlands with extrava- 
gant demonstrations of joy. 



1.8 



150 HIRTORT OF THX NETHERLANDS. 1576. 

CHAP. XI. 

1576—1580. 

TO Tm MtWUWCIATION OF THX lOTKRUaHTT OF STAIN AND THX 
DXCLA&ATION OF nTDXPKNDXMCX. 

On the yery dty of the sack of Antwerp^ don John of 
Austria arriyed at Luxembourg. This ominous com- 
mencement of his vice-regal reign was not belied by 
the eyents which followed ; and the hero of Lepanto^ 
the yictor of the Turks^ the idol of Christendom^ was 
destined to have his reputation and well-won laurels 
tarnished in the service of the insidious despotism to 
whidi he now became an instrument. Don John was a 
natural son of Charles V., uid to fine talents and a good 
disposition united the advantages of hereditary courage 
and a Uberal education. He was bom at Ratisbon, on 
the 24th of February^ 1543.* His reputed mother was 
a young. lady of that place^ named. Barbara Blqmberg: 
but one historian states^ that the real parent was of a 
condition too elevated to have her rank betrayed; and 
that^ to conceal the mystery^ Barbara Blomberg had 
voluntarily assumed the distinction t^ or the dishonour, 
according to the different constructions put upon the 
case. The prince, having passed through France, dis- 
guised, for greater secrecy or in a youthful frolic, as a 
negro valet to prince Octavo Gonzaga j;, entered on the 
limits of his new government, and immediately wrote 
to the council of state in the most condescending terms 
to announce his arrival. $ 

Nothing could present a less promising aspect to the 
prince than the country at the head of whidi he was 
now placed. He found all its provinces, with the sole 
exception of Luxembourg, in the anarchy attendant on a 
ten years' civil war, and apparently resolved on a total 
breach of their alliance to Spain. He found his 
best, indeed his only, course to be that of moderation 

. • Btrada. + Amelot de la Houifaye. t Strada. S Bentiroglia 



1577* DON JOHN OF AUdTAlA. 151 

and management ; and it is most probable that at the 
outset his intentions were really honourable and candid. 

The states-general were not less embarrassed than the 
|»ince. His sudden arrival threw them into great per- 
plexity^ which was increased by the conciliatory tone of 
his letter. They had now removed from Ghent to Brus- 
sels ; and first sending deputies to pay the honours of a 
ceremonious welcome to don John^ they wrote to the 
prince of Orange^ then in Holland^ for his advice in this 
difficult conjuncture. The prince replied by a memorial 
of considerable lengthy dated Middleburg^ the dOth of 
November^ in which he gave them the most wise and 
prudent advice ; the substance of which was to receive 
any propositions coming from the wily and perfidious 
Fldlip with the utmost suspicion^ and to refuse all ne- 
gotiation with his deputy^ if the immediate withdrawal 
of the foreign troops was not at once conceded and the 
acceptance of the pacification guaranteed in its most 
ample extent.* 

This advice was implicitly followed; the states in the 
' mean time taking the precaution of assembling a large 
body of troops at Wavre, between Brussels and Namur^ 
the command of which was given to the count of La- 
lain. A still more important measure was the despatch 
of an envoy to England, to implore the assistance of 
Elizabeth. She acted on this occasion with frankness 
and intrepidity; giving a distinguished reception to the 
envoy De Sweveghem, and advancing a loan of 100^000/. 
sterling, on condition that the states made no treaty 
without her knowledge or participation.t 

To secure still more closely the federal union that 
now bound the different provinces^ a new compact was 
concluded by the deputies on the 9th of January, 1577> 
known by the title of The Union of Brussels, and 
signed by the prelates, ecclesiastics, lords, gentlemen^ 
magistrates, and others, representing the estates of the 
Netherlands. A copy of this act of union was trans- 
mitted to don John, to enable him thoroughly to 'ander<r 
• Heteren, L & ' t Idem. 

L 4 



15S HinORT OF THB NETHBRLAN1>8. 1577- 

ttind the pieBent state of feeling among those widi 
whom he was now about to negotiate. He midntained 
a general tone of great moderation throughout the con- 
ISerence which immediately took place ; and after some 
months of cautious parleying^ in die latter part of which 
the candour of the prince seemed doubtful, and which 
^e natiTe historians do not hesitate to stigmatise as 
merdj assumed, a treaty was signed at Marche-en- 
Famenne, a place between Namur and Luxembourg, in 
which every point insisted on by the states- was, to the 
surprise and delight of the nation, fully consented to 
and guaranteed. This important document is called 
The Perpetnal Edict, bears date the 12th of February, 
1577, and contains nineteen articles. They were all 
based on the acceptance of the Pacification; but one 
expressly stipulated that the count of Beuren should be 
set at liberty, as soon as the prince of Orange, his father, 
had on his part ratified the treaty.*. 

Don John made his solemn entry into Brussels on the 
1st of May, and assumed the functions of his limited au- 
thority. The conditions of the treaty were promptly and 
r^i;ularly fulfilled. The citadels occupied by the Spanish 
soldiers were given up to the Flemish and Walloon troops; 
and the departure of these ferocious foreigners took place 
at once. The large sums reqiured to facilitate this mea- 
sure made it necessary to submit for a while to the 
presence of the German mercenaries. But don John's 
conduct soon destroyed the temporary delusion which 
had deceived the country. Whether his projects were 
hitherto only concealed, or that they were now for the 
first time excited by the disappointment of those hopes 
of authority held out to him by Philip, and which his 
predecessors had shared, it is certain that he very early 
displayed his ambition, and very imprudently attempted 
to put it in force. He at once demanded from ijhe 
council of state the command of the troops and the 
disposal of the revenues. The answer was a simple 
reference to the Pacification of Ghent ; and the prince's 
• VaodenTiict 



1577* PRINCE OF OBANOB ENTERS RRUflSELS. 153 

rcgoittder was an apparent submission^ and the imme- 
diate despatch of letters in cypher to the long, demand- 
ing a supply of troops sufficient to restore his ruined 
snthority. These letters were intercepted by the king 
of Navarre^ afterwards Henry IV. of France^ who im- 
mediately transmitted them' to the prince of Orange^ his 
old friend and fellow-soldier. 

Public opinion^ to the suspicions of which don John 
had been from the first obnoxious^ was now unanimous 
in attributing to design all that was unconstitutional 
and unfair. His impetuous character could no longer 
submit to the restraint of dissimulation^ and he resolved 
to take some bold and decided measure. A very fk- 
▼ourable opportunity was presented in the arrival of 
the queen of Navarre^ Marguerite of Valois^ at Namur^ 
on her way to Spa. The prince^ numeroudy attended^ 
hastened to the former town under pretence of paying 
his respects to the queen. As soon as she left the place^ 
he repaired to the glacis of the town^ as if for the mere 
enjoyment of a walk^ admired the external appearance 
of the citadel, and expressed a desire to be admitted 
inside. The young count of Berlaimont, in the ab- 
sence of his father, die governor of the place, and an 
accomplice in the plot with don John, freely admit- 
ted him. The prince immediately drew forth a pistol, 
and exclaimed, that " that was the first moment of 
his government ;" took possession of the place with his 
immediate guard, and instantly formed them into a 
devoted garrison. 

The prince of Orange immediately made public the 
intercepted letters ; and, at the solicitation of die states- 
general, repaired to Brussels; into which city he made a 
tndy triumphant entry on the 23d of September, and was 
immediately nominated governor, protector or ruward 
of Brabant, — a dignity which had fallen into disuse, but 
was revived on tiiis occasion, and which was littie infe- 
rior in power to that of the dictators of Rome.* His 
authority, now almost unlimited, extended over every 

• Yandenrynct 



154 BmoBT or tu NBraSBijums. 1577. 

piOTUice of the NetherlandBj except Namur and Laxem- 
boaig, both of which acknowledged don John. 

The fint care of the fiberated nation was to demc^ish 
the Tariona dtadeb rendered celebrated and odioos by 
the exoesaea of the Spaniards. This was done widi an 
enthusiastic industry in which every i^ and sex bore a 
party and which promised well for liberty. Among tis 
ruins of that of Antwerp the statue of the duke of Alva 
waa disooyexed ; dragged through the filthiest streets of 
the town ; and^ with all the indignity so well merited 
1^ the original, it was finally broken into a thousand 
pieces. 

The country, in conferring such extensiye powers on 
the prince of Orange, had certainly gone too far, not for 
his desert, but for its own tranquillity. It was impos- 
siUe that such an elevation should not excite the discon- 
tent and awaken the enei^ of the haughty aristocracy of 
Flanders and Brabant ; and particularly of the house d 
Groi, the ancient rivals of that of Nassau. The then le- 
presentatLve of that family seemed the person most suited 
to counterbalance William's excessive power. The duke 
of Arschot was therefore named governor of Flanders ; 
and he immediately put himself at the head of a am- 
federacy of the cadiolic party, which quickly decided to 
offer the chief government of the country, still in the 
name of Philip, to the archduke Mathias, brother of the 
emperor RodoLf II., and cousin german to Philip of 
Spain, a youth but nineteen years of age. A Flemish 
gentleman named Maelsted was entrusted with the pro- 
posal. Mathias joyously consented ; and, quitting Vienna 
with the greatest secrecy, he arrived at Maestricht, with- 
out any previous announcement, and expected only by 
the party that had invited him, at the end of October,. 
1577. 

The prince of Orange, instead of showing the least, 
symptom of dissatisfaction at this underhand proceeding 
aimed at his personal authority, announced his perfect 
approval of the nomination, and was the foremost in 
^commending measures for the honour of the archduke 



1577* RTHOVB AND HEUBTtE. 155 

and the security of the country. He drew up the basis 
of a treaty for Mathias'a acceptance^ on terms which 
guaranteed to the council of state and the states-general 
the Tirtual sovereignty^ and left to the young prince 
little beyond the fine title which had dazzled his boyish 
vanity, ^he prince of Orange was appoint^ his lieu- 
tenant^ in all the branches of the administration^ civile 
military^ or financial ; and the duke of Arschot^ who had 
hoped to obtain an entire domination over the puppet 
*he had brought upon the stage, saw himself totally 
foiled in his project^ and left without a chance or a 
pretext for the least increase to his influence. 

But a still greater disappointment attended this am- 
bitious nobleman in the very stronghold of his power. 
The Flemings, driven by persecution to a state of i^iry al- 
most unnatural, had, in their antipathy to Spain, adopted 
a hatred against Catholicism, which had its source only 
in political frenzy, while the converts imagined it to 
arise from reason and conviction. Two men had taken 
advantage of this state of the public mind, and gained 
crrer it an unbounded ascendancy. They were Francia 
de Kethulle lord of Ryhove^ and John Hembyse, who 
each seemed formed to realise the beau-id^al of a factious 
demagogue. They had acquired supreme power over 
the people of Ghent, and had at their command a body 
of 20,000 resolute and well-armed supporters. The 
duke of Arschot vainly attempted to oppose his authority 
to that of these men ; and he on one occasion impru- 
dently exclaimed, that ^' he would have them hanged, 
even though they were protected by the prince of Orange 
himself." The same ni^t Ryhove summoned the leaders 
of his bands; and quickly assembling a considerable 
force, they repaired to the duke's hotel, made him pri- 
soner, and, without allowing him time to dress, carried 
him away in triumph. At the same time the bishops of 
Bruges and Ypres, the high bailiffs of Ghent and CouTr 
trai, the governor of Oudenarde, and other important 
magistrates, were arrested — accused of compHdty with 
the dvke, but of what particular offence the lawless de* 



156 HISTOmr of the NETHEBLANDg. 1577* 

magogaes did not deign to specify. The two tribiUKs 
immediately divided the whole honours and authority of 
administration ; RyhoTe as miHtary^ and Hembyse as 
dTil chief. 

The latter of these legislators completdy changed the 
forms of the goyemment ; he reviyed the ancient priyi- 
legea destroyed by Charles V.^ and took all preliminary 
measures for forcing the yarious proyinces to join with 
the city of Ghent in forming a federatiye republic. The 
8tates*generai and the prince of Orange were alarmed^ 
lest these troubles might lead to a renewal of the anardiy 
from the eff^ts of which the country had but just ob^ 
tained breathing-time. Ryhoye consented^ at the remon- 
strance of the prince of Orange^ to release the duke of 
Arschot ; but William was obliged to repair to Ghent in 
person^ in the hope of establishing order. He arriyedtm 
the 29ih of December^ and entered on a strict enquiry 
with his usual calmness and dedsion. He could not 
succeed in obtaining the liberty of the other prisoners^ 
though he pleaded for them strongly. Having seyerdy 
reprimanded the factious leaders^ and pointed out tl^ 
dangers of their illegal course, he returned to Brussds, 
leaving the factious city in a temporary tranquillity 
which his finnness- and discretion cotdd alone have 
obtainfed.* 

The archduke Mathias, having visited Antwerp, and 
acceded to all the conditions required of him, made hia 
public entry into Brussels on the 18th of January, 1578, 
and was installed in his dignity of governor-general 
amidst the usual fetes and rejoicings. Don John ai 
Austria was at the same time dedared an enemy to the 
ocnmtry, with a public order to quit it without d^lay;; 
and a prohibition was issued against any inhabitant 
admowledging his forfeited authority. 

War was now once more openly dedared; some 
fruiUesEf negotiations having afforded a fair pretext fbr 
hostilities. The rapid appeao^nce of a numerous army 
i&ider the orders of don John gave strength to the sus- 

♦ Vanderyynct 



1578* CIVIL WAB BEVIVES. 157 

picioBS of his former dissimiiUtion. It was currently 
believed that large bodies of the Spanish troops had 
remained concealed in the forests of Luxembourg and 
Lorraine ; while several regiments^ which had remained 
in France in the service of the League^ immediately 
re-entered the Netherlands. Alexander Famese prince 
of Parma^ son of the former govemant^ came to the aid 
of his uncle don John at the head of a large force of 
Italians; and these several reinforcemeuts^ with the 
German auxiliaries still in the country^ composed an 
army of SO^OOO men.* The army of the 8tates-gen«*al 
was still larger; but far -inferior in point of discipline^ 
It was commanded by Antoine de Goignies^ a gentle* 
man of Hainault^ and an old soldier of the school of 
Charles V. 

After a sharp affair at the village of Riminants^ in 
which the royalists had the worsts the two armies met 
at 6emblours> on the 3 1st of January^ 1578; and the 
prince of Parma gained a complete victory^ almost with 
his cavalry only^ taMng De Goignies prisoner^ with the 
whole of his artillery and baggage, t The account of 
his victory is almost miraculous. The royaHsts^ if we 
are to credit their most minute but not impartial his- 
torian, had only 1200 men engaged; by whom 6000 
were put to the sword, with the loss of but twelve men 
and little more than an hour's labour. X 

The news of this battle threw the states into the 
utmost consternation. Brussels being considered inse- 
cure, the archduke Mathias and his council retired to 
Antwerp ; but the victors did not feel their forces suf- 
ficient to justify an attack upon the capital. They, 
however, took Louvain, Tirlemont, and several other 
towns; but these conquests were of little import in com- 
parison with the loss of Amsterdam, which declared 
openly and unanimously for the patriot cause. The 
stated-general recovered their courage, and prepared for 
a new contest. They sent deputies to the diet of Worms, 
to ask succour from the princes of the empire. The 

* VandenTnct f Bentiroglio. t Strada. 



158 H18T0R7 OF TUS NETHERLANDS. 1578. 

count palatine John Casimir repaired to their assistanoe 
with a considerable force of Germans and English^ all 
equipped and paid by queen Elizabeth.* The duke of 
Alen9on^ brother of Henry III. of France^ hovered on 
the frontiers of Hainault with a respectable army j: and 
the cause of liberty seemed not quite desperate. 

But all the various chiefs had separate interests and 
opfposite views ; while the fanatic violence of the people 
of Ghent sapped the foundations of the pacification to 
whidi the town had given its name. The Walloon pro- 
vinces^ deep-rooted in their attachment to religious bi- 
gotry> whidi they loved still better than political freedom, 
gradually withdrew from the common cause; and without 
yet opeidy becoming reconciled with Spain^ they adopted 
a neutrality which was tantamount to it. Don John was, 
however, deprived of all chance of reaping any advan- 
tage from these unfortunate dissensions. He was sud- 
deoly taken ill in his camp at Bougy ; and died, after a 
fortnight's sufiering, on the Ist of October^ 1578^ in the 
38d year of his age. t 

This unlooked-for dosie to a career which had been 
so brilliant, and to a life from which so much was yet 
to be expected, makes us pause to consider for a mo- 
ment the different opinions of his times and of history 
on the fate of a personage so remarkable. The contem- 
porary Flemish memoirs say that he died of the plague; 
those of Spain call his disorder the purple fever. The 
examination of his corpse caused an almost general 
belief that he was poisoned. '^ He lost his life," says 
one author, '^ with great suspicion of poison." X An- 
other speaks of the suspicious state of his intestines, but 
without any direct opinion. § An English historian 
states the fact of his being poisoned, without any re- 
serve. || Flemish writers do not hesitate to attribute his 
murder to the jealousy of Philip II., who, they assert, 
had discovered a secret treaty of marriage about to be 
oonduded between don John and Elizabeth of England, 

* Vanderrynct f Idem. 

t Acabo tu vida, eon gram 90$pecho de veiwno. — Herrera. 

\ CabrerJi. U Hume. 



1579- UNION OP UTRBCHT. 159 

secttring them the joint sovereignty of the Netherlands.* 
Alt Italian historian of credit asserts that this amhitious 
design was attributed to the prince; and admits that 
his death was not considered as having arisen from 
natural causes, t It was also believed that Escovedo, 
bis confidential secretary^ being immediately called back 
to Spain^ was secretly assassinated by Antonio Perez, 
Philip's celebrated minister^ and by the special orders of 
the king. Time has^ however^ covered the affair with 
impenetrable mystery ; and the death of don John was 
o£ little importance to the affairs of the country he 
^vemed so briefly and so ingloriously^ if it be not that 
it added another motive to the natural hatred for his 
assumed murderer. 

The prince of Parma, who now succeeded, by virtue 
oi don John's testament, to the post of governor^ge- 
neral in the name of the king, remained intrenched in 
his camp. He expected much from the disunion of his 
various opponents ; and what he foresaw, very quickly 
happened. The duke of Alen9on disbanded his troops 
and retired to France ; and the prince palatine, follow- 
ing his example, withdrew to Germany, having first 
made an unsuccessful attempt to engage the queen of 
England as a principal in the confederacy. In this per- 
plexity, the prince of Orange saw that the real hope for 
safety was in uniting still more closely the northern 
provinces of the union ; for he discovered the fallacy of 
reckoning on the cordial and persevering fidelity of the 
Walloons. He therefore convoked a new assembly at 
Utrecht; and the deputies of Holland, Guelders, Zea- 
land, Utrecht, and Groningen, signed, on the 29th of Ja- 
nuary, 1579^ the famous act called the Union of Utrecht, 
the real basis or fundamental pact of the republic of thq 
United Provinces. It makes no formal renunciation of 
idl^ance to Spain, but this is virtually done by the 
omission of the king's name. The twenty-six articles 
o€ this act consolidate the indissoluble connection of the 

• Sec Vandervynct 

f ** E quindi nacque Topinione dispena aUoni, ch' egli mancasse di 
morte aiutata fiH tosto die naturale.**— JBeii/iwv/io. 



160 HISTOBT OP THB KETHEBLANDS. 1579* 

United ProTinces; eadi prefendng its separate franchises, 
and following its own good pleasure on the subject of 
rdigion. The towns of Ghent, Antwerp, Bruges, and 
Ypres, soon after acceded to and joined die union. 

The prince of Parm»now assumed the offensive^ and 
marched against Maestricht with his whole army. He 
took the place in the month of June, 1579^ after a gal- 
lant resistance, and deliyered it to sack and massacre for 
thiee entire days. About the same time Mechlin and 
Bois-le-duc returned to their obedience to the king. 
Hembyse having renewed his attempts against the public 
peace at Ghent, the prince of Orange repaired to that 
place with speed ; and having re-established order^ and 
frightened the inveterate demagogue into secret flight, 
Flanders was once more restored to tranquillity. 

An attempt was made this year at a reconciliation 
between the king and the states* The emperor Ro- 
dolf II. and pope Gregory XIII. offered their medi- 
ation ; and on the 5th of April a congress assembled at 
Cologne, where a number of the most celebrated diplo- 
matists in Europe were collected.* But it wais early 
seen that no settlement would result from the apparently 
reciprocal wish for peace. One point, — that of religion, 
the main, and indeed tlie only one in debate, — was now 
maintained by Philip's ambassador in the same imchris- 
tian spirit, as if torrents of blood and millions of trea- 
sure had never been sacrificed in the cause. Philip was 
inflexible in his resolution never to concede the exercise 
of the reformed worship ; and after nearly a. year of 
fruitless consultation^ and the expenditure of immense 
9ums of money, the congress separated on the 1 7th of 
November, without having effected any thing. There 
were several other articles intended for discussion^ had 
the main one been adjusted, on which Philip was fully 
as determined to make no concession ; but his obstinacy 
was not put to these new tests. 

The time had now arrived for the execution of the 
great and decisive step for independence^ the means of 
• Vandiervynct. 



1580. SOVEREIGNTY OF SPAIN RENOUNCED. l6l 

ciffecting which had been so long the object of exertion 
and calculation on the part of the' prince of Orange. 
He now resolved to assemble the states of the United 
Provinces^ solemnly abjure the dominion of Spain^ and 
depose king Philip from the sovereignty he had so justly 
forfeited. Much has been written both for and against 
this measure^ which involved every argument of natural 
rights and municipal privilege. The natural rights of 
man may seem to comprise only those which he enjoys 
in a state of nature : but he carries several of those 
with him into society^ which is based upon the very 
principle of their preservation. The great precedent 
which so many subsequent revolutions have acknow- 
ledged and confirmed^ is that which we now record. 
The states-general assembled at Antwerp early in the 
year 1580 ; and^ in spite of all the opposition of the 
catholic deputies^ the authority of Spain was revoked 
for ever, and the United Provinces declared a free and 
independent state. At the same time was debated the 
important question as to whether the protection of the 
new state should be offered to England or to France. 
Opinions were divided on this point ; but that of the 
prince of Orange being in favour of the latter country^ 
from many motives of sound policy, it was decided to 
offer the sovereignty to the duke of Alen9on. The 
archduke Mathias, who was present at the deliberations, 
was treated with little ceremony ; but he obtained the 
promise of a pension when the finances were in a situ«- 
ation to afford it. The definite proposal to be made to the 
duke of Alen9on was not agreed upon for some months 
afterwards ; and it was in the month of August follow- 
ing that St. Aldegonde and other deputies w^ted on the 
duke at the chateau of Plessis-le-Tours, when he accepted 
the offered sovereignty on the proposed conditions, which 
set narrow bounds to his authority, and gave ample 
security to the United Provinces.* The articles were 
formally signed on the 29th day of September ; and the 
duke not only promised quickly to lead a numerous army to 

* Vandervynct 
M 



l63 HUTOBT OF TH« ITETHBBIiANDS. 1580« 

the Netherlands^ bat he obtained a letter from his brother 
Henry 1 11.^ dated December 26th^ by which the king 
pledged himself to give further aid^ as soon as he might 
succeed in quieting his own disturbed and unfortunate 
country. The states-general^ assemUed at Delft^ ratified 
the treaty on the 30th of December ; and the year which 
was about to open seemed to promise the consolidation of 
freedom and internal peace. ' 



CHAP. XII. 

1580—1584. 

TO THi Muaoaa ot the peincb of ouanqc 

Philip might be well excused the utmost violence of 
resentment on this occasion^ had it been bounded by 
fair and honourable efforts for the maintenance of his 
authority. But every general principle seemed lost in 
the base inveteracy of private hatred. The ruin of the 
prince of Orange was his main object^ and his industry 
and ingenuity were taxed to the utmost to procure his 
murder.* Existing documents prove that he first wished 
to accomplish this in such a way as that the responsi- 
bility and odium of the act might rest on the prince of 
Parma ; but the mind of the prince was at that period 
too magnanimous to allow of a participation in the crime. 
The correspondence on the sulgect is preserved in the 
archives^ and the date of Philip's first letter (30th of 
November, 1579^) proves that even before Uie final 
disavowal of his authority, by the United Provinces, 
he had harboured his diabolical design. The prince 
remonstrated, but with no effect. It even appears that 
Philip's anxiety would not admit of the delay necessary 
for the prince's reply. The infamous edict of proscrip- 
tion against William bears date the 15th of March; and 

• D'Ewex, Hi»t Gen. des Pay« Ba«, t vi. p. 12a 



1580. EDKXr AQAtSWt (THE PRIN€E OF ORANGE. l6$ 

the most pressing letters commanded the prince of 
Parma to make it public. It was not^ however^ till the 
15th of June that he sent forth the fatal ban. 

This edicts under Philip's own signature^ is a tissue 
of invective and virulence. The illustrious object of its 
abase is accused of having engaged the heretics to pro- 
fane liie churches and break the images; of having 
persecuted and massacred the catholic priests ; of hy- 
pocrisy^ tyranny^ and peijury ; and^ as the height of 
atrodty^ of having introduced liberty of conscience into 
Ids country ! For these causes^ and many others^ the 
king declares him ^' proscribed and banished as a public 
pest ;*' and it is permitted to all persons to assail him 
*^ in his fortune^ person^ and life^ as an enemy to human 
nature." Philip also^ '' for the recompense of virtue 
and die punishment of crime^" promises to whoever 
will deliver up William of Nassau, dead or alive, '^ in 
lands or money, at his choice, the sum of 25,000 golden 
crowns ; to grant a free pardon to such person for all 
former offences of what Idnd soever, and to invest him 
with letters patent of nobility." 

In reply to this brutal document of human depravity, 
William published all over Europe his famous '^Apology ;" 
of which it is enough to say, that language could not 
produce a more splendid refutation of every charge, or 
a more terrible recrimination against die guilty tyrant. 
It was attributed to the pen of Peter de Villiers, a 
protestant minister. It is universally pronounced one 
of the. noblest monuments of history. * William, from 
the hour of his proscription, became at once the equal 
in worldly station, as he had ever been the superior in 
moral worth, of his royal calumniator. He took his 
place as a prince of an imperial family, not less ancient 
or illustrious than that of the house of Austria ; and he 
stood forward at the supreme tribunal of public feeling 
and opinion as the accuser of a king who disgraced his 
lineage and his throne. 

By a separate article in the treaty with the states, 

• Voltaire. 

SI 2 



l64 BISTORT OF THE NETHERLAin>S. 1581. 

die duke of Alen9on secured to William the soyereignty 
of Holland and Zealand^ as well as the lordship oi 
Friesland^ with his tide of stadtholder^ retaining to the 
duke his claim on the prince's faith and homage. * The 
exact nature of William's authority was finally ratified 
on the 24th of July^ 1581 ; on which day he took the 
prescribed oath and entered on the exercise of his weU- 
camed rights. 

' Philip now formed the design of sending back the 
duchess of Parma to resume her former situation as 
govemant, and exercise the authority coi^ointly with 
her son. But the latter podtivdy declined this propossl 
of divided power ; and he^ consequently^ was left alone 
to its entire exercise. Military afiairs made but slow 
progress this year. The most remarkable erent was 
the capture of La Noue^ a native of Bretagne^ one of 
the bravest^ and certainly the cleverest^ officers in the 
service of the States^ into which he had passed after 
having ^ven important aid to the Huguenots of France. 
He was considered so important a prize^ that Philip 
refused all proposals for his exchange^ and detained him 
in the castle of Limbourg for five years. 

The siege of Cambray was now imdertaken by the 
prince of Parma in person ; while the duke of Alen90B^ 
at the head of a large army and the flower of the French 
nobility^ advanced to its relief^, and soon forced his rival 
to raise the siege. The new sovereign of the Nether- 
lands entered the town^ and was received with tumult- 
uous joy by the half-starved citizens and garrison. The 
prince of Parma sought an equivalent for this check in 
the attack of Toumay, which he immediately afterwards 
invested. The town was but feebly garrisoned ; but the 
protestant inhabitants prepared for a desperate defence, 
under the exciting example of the princess of Epinoi, 
wife of the governor^ who was himself absent. This re- 
markable woman furnishes another proof of the female 
heroism which abounded in these wars. Though wounded 
in the arm^ she fought in the breach sword in hand, 

* Meteren. 



1582. ANJOU REJECTED BY ELIZABETH. l65 

braving peril and death. And when at length it was 
impossible to hold out longer^ she obtained an honourable 
capitulation^ and marched out> on the 29th of November^ 
cm horseback^ at the head of the garrison^ with an air 
of triumph rather than of defeat. 

The duke of Alen^on^ now created duke of Anjou^ 
by which title we shall hereafter distinguish him^ had 
repaired to England in hopes of completing his project 
of marriage with Elizabeth. After three months of 
almost confident expectation^ the virgin queen^ at this 
time fifty years of age^ with a caprice not quite justi- 
fiable^ broke all her former engagements ; and^ happily 
for herself and her country^ declined the marriage. 
Anjou burst out into all the violence of his turbulent 
temper^ and set sail for the Netherlands. * Elizabeth 
made all the reparation in her power^ by the honours 
paid him on his dismissal. She accompanied him as 
far as Canterbury^ and sent him away under the convoy 
of the earl of Leicester^ her chief favourite ; and with 
a brilliant suite and a fleet of fifteen sail. Anjou was 
received at Antwerp with equal distinction; and was 
inaugurated there on the 19th of February as duke of 
Brabant^ Lothier^ Limbourg^ and Gudders^ Trith many 
other tides^ of which he soon proved himself unworthy. 
When the prince of Orange^ at the ceremony^ placed 
the ducal mantle on his shoulders^ Ai^jou said to him^ 
** Fasten it so well^ prince^ that Ihey cannot take it off 
i^ain!" 

During the rejoicings which followed this inauspicious 
ceremony^ Philip's proscription against the prince of 
Orange put fordi its first fruits. The latter gave a 
grand dinner in die chateau of Antwerp^ which he oc- 
cupied^ on the 18th of March^ the birthday of the duke 
of Anjou ; and^ as he was quitting the dining-room on 
his way to his private chamber^ a young man stepped 
forward and offered a pretended petition^ William being 
at all times of easy access for such an object. While 
he read the paper^ the treacherous suppliant discharged 

• Camden, {k 48& 
M 3 



l66 HIITOBT OF THE NETHERI«AKD8. 1582. 

a pistol at his head : the ball struck him under the left 
ear and passed out at the right cheek. As he tottered 
and ieil, the assassin drew a poniard to add suicide to 
the crime^ but he was instantly put to death by the 
attendant guards. The young count Maurice^ Williani's 
second son^ examined the murderer's body; and the 
papers found on him^ and subsequent enquiries^ told 
fuUy who and what he was. His name was John 
Jaureguay^ his age twenty-three years ; he was a natiye 
of Biscay^ and derk to a Spanish merchant of Ant- 
werp called Caspar Anastro. This man had instigated 
him to the crime ; having received a promise signed by 
king Philip^ engaging to give him 28^000 ducats and 
other advantages^ if he would undertake to assassinate 
the prince of Orange. * The inducements held out by 
Anastro to his simple dupe were backed stron^y by the 
persuasions of Antony Timmerman^ a dominican monk; 
and by Venero^ Anastro's cashier^ who had from fear 
declined becoming himself the murderer. Jaureguay 
had duly heard mass and received the sacrament before 
executing his attempt ; and in his pockets were found 
a catechism of the Jesuits^ with tablets filled with pray^s 
in the Spanish language; one in particular being ad- 
dressed to the angel Gabriel^ imploring his intercesaon 
with God and die Virgin to aid him in the consumma- 
tion of his object. Other accompanying absurdities 
seem to pronounce this miserable wretch to be as mudi 
an instrument in the hands of others as the weapon of 
his crime was in his own. Timmerman and Venero 
made a full avowal of their criminality^ and suffered 
death in the usual barbarous manner of the times. The 
Jesuits, some years afterwards, solemnly gathered the 
remsuns of these three pretended mart3rrs, and exposed 
them as holy relics for public veneration, f Anastra 
effected his escape. 

The alarm and indignation of the people of Antwerp 
knew no bounds. Their suspicions at first fell on Qxe 
duke of Anjou and the French party ; but the truth 

• Meteren, De Thou, &c. f D'Ewei; 



1583. ATTEMPT TO MURDER WILLIAM. 157 

was soon diseovered; and the rapid recovery of the 
priBce of Orange from his desperate wound set every 
thing once more to rights. But a premature report ^f 
his death flew rapidly ahroad ; and he had anticipated 
proofs of his importance in the eyes of all £urope^ in 
the frantic delight of the base^ and the deep affliction of 
the good. xWithin three months William was able to 
accompany the duke of Anjou in his visits to Ghent^ 
Bruges^ and the other chief towns of Flanders ; in each 
of which the ceremony of inauguration was repeated. 
Several military exploits now took place^ and various 
towns fell into the hands of the opposing parties; changing 
masters with a rapidity^ as well as a previous endurance 
of sufferings that must have carried confusion and change 
on the contending principles of allegiance into the hearts 
and heads of the harassed inhaMtants. 

The duke of Anjou^ intemperate^ inconstant^ and 
imprincipled^ saw that his authority was but the shadow 
of power^ compared to the deep-fixed practices of des« 
potism which governed the odier nations of £urope. 
The French officers^ who formed his suite and possessed 
all his confidence^ had no difficulty in raising his dis- 
content into treason against the people with whom he 
had made a solemn compact. The result of their coun^ 
cils was a deep-laid plot against Flemish liberty ; and 
its execution was ere long attempted. He sent secret 
orders to the governors of Dunkirk^ Bruges^ Termonde, 
and other towns^ to seize on and hold them in his 
name; reserving for himself the infamy of the enter- 
prise against Antwerp. To prepare for its execution^ 
he caused his numerous army of French and Swiss to 
approach the city; and they were encamped in the neigh- 
bourhood^ at a place called Borgerhout. 

On the 17th of January^ 1583^ the duke dined 
somewhat earlier than usual^ under the pretext of pro^ 
Ceeding afterwards to review his army in their camp. 
He set out at noon^ accompanied by his guard of 200 
horse ; and when he reached the second drawbridge^ one 
of his officers gave the preconcerted signal for an attack 
M 4 



l68 HI8T0BT OF THB NBTH£BZ«AMDS. 1586« 

<tt the Floniflh guards by pretending that he had fallen 
and broken his leg. The duke called out to his fol- 
lowers, " Courage, courage ! the town is ours ! " Thit 
guard at the gate was all sooii despatched; and tha 
French troops, which waited outside to the number of 
SOOO, rushed quickly in, furiously shouting the war-cry, 
'' Town taken ! town taken ! kill ! kill !" The aston- 
ished but intrepid citizens, recovering from their confu* 
sion, instantly flew to arms. All differences in religion 
or politics were forgotten in the common danger to their 
freedom. Catholics and protestants, men and womeo^ 
rushed alike to the conflict. The ancient spirit of 
Flanders seemed to animate all. Workmen, armed with 
the instruments of their various trades, started from 
Iheir shops and flung themselves upon the enemy. A 
baker sprang from the cellar where he was kneading his 
dough, and with his oven shovel struck a French dra- 
goon to the ground. Those who had fire-arms, after 
expending their bullets, took from their pouches and 
pockets pieces of money, which they bent between their 
teetl^ and used for charging their arquebusses. The 
French were driven successively from the streets anil 
ramparts, and the cannons planted on the latter were 
immediately turned against the reinforcements which 
attempted to enter the town. The French were every 
where beaten ; the duke of Anjou saved himsdf by 
flight, and reached Termonde, after the perilous neces- 
sity of passing through a large tract of inundated coun- 
try. His loss in this base enterprise amounted to 1500; 
while that of the citizens did not exceed eighty men. * 
The attempts simultaneously made on the other towns 
siicceeded at Dunkirk and Termonde ; but all the others 
failed. 

The character of the prince of Orange never appeared 
so thoroughly great as at this crisis. With wisdom and 
magnanimity rarely equalled and never surpassed, he 
threw himsdf and his authority between the indignation 
of the country and the guilt of Anjpu ; saving the ioKr 
• Metereo, 



1584. DEATH OF ANJOU. tdQ 

mer from excess^ and the latter from execration. The 
disgraced and discomfited duke proffered to the states 
reuses as mean as they were hypocritical; and hifi 
]brother> the king of France^ sent a special- envoy to in-* 
tercede for him. But it was the influence of William 
that screened the culprit from public reprobation and 
ruin^ and regained for him the place and power which 
he might easily have secured for himself, had he not 
prized the welfare of his country far above all objects of 
private advantage. A new treaty was n^otiated^ con- 
firming Anjou in his former station^ with renewed 
security against any future treachery on his part. He 
in the mean time retired to France^ to let the public in- 
dignation subade ; but before he could assume sufficient 
confidence to again face the country he had so basely 
injured^ his worthless existence was suddenly termin- 
ated^ some thought by poison^ — the common solution 
of all such doubtful questions in those days^ — in the 
month of June in the following year. He expired in 
his twenty-ninth year. 

A disgusting proof of public ingratitude and want of 
judgment was previously furnished by the conduct of 
the people of Antwerp against him who had been so 
often their deliverer from such various dangers. Unable 
to comprehend the greatness of his mind^ they openly 
accused the prince of Orange of having joined widi the 
French for their subjugation^ and of having concealed 
a body of that detested nation in the citadel. The 
populace rushed to the place^ and having minutely ex- 
amined it^ were convinced of their own absurdity and 
tlie prince's innocence. He scorned to demand their 
punishment for such an outrageous calumny ; but he 
was not the less afflicted at it.^ He took the resolution 
of quitting Flanders^ as it turned out^ for ever ; and he 
retired into Zealand^ where he was better known and 
consequently better trusted. 

In the midst of the consequent confusion in the 
former of these provinces^ the prince of Parma^ with 

• D'Ewes. 



170 HI8T0RT OF THB NETHERLANDS. 1584^ 

indefatigable vigour^ made himself master of town aAier 
town ; and turned his particular attention to the crea- 
tion of a naval force^ which was greatly faToiired by 
tile possesson of Dunkirk^ Nieuport^ and Gravelines. 
Native treachery was not idle in this time of tumult 
and confusion. The count of Renneberg^ goyemor of 
FriesLand and Groningen^ had set the basest example, 
and gone over to the Spaniards. The prince of Chi* 
may^ son of the duke of Arschot^ and governor of 
Bruges^ yielded to the persuasions of his father^ and 
gave up the place to the prince of Parma. Hembyse 
idso^ amply confirming the bad opinion in which the 
prince of Orange always held him^ returned to Ghent^ 
where he r^ained a great portion of his former influence^ 
and immediately commenced a correspondence with the . 
prince of Parma^ ofitning to deliver up both Ghent and 
Termonde. An attempt was consequently made by the 
Spaniards to surprise the former town ; but the citizens 
were prepared for this^ having intercepted some of the 
letters of Hembyse ; and the traitor was seized^ tried^ 
condemned^ and executed on the 4th of August^ 1584. 
He was upwards of seventy years of age.^ Ryhove^ his 
celebrated colleague^ died in Holland some years later. 

But the fate of so insignificant a person as Hembyse 
passed almost unnoticed^ in the agitation caused by an 
event which shortly preceded his death. 

From the moment of their abandonment by the duke 
of Anjou^ the United Provinces considered themsdves 
independent; and although they consented to renew his 
authority over the country at large^ at the solicitation of 
the prince of Orange, they were resolved to confirm the 
influence of the latter over their particular interests^ 
which they were now sensible could acquire stability 
only by that means, t The death of Anjou left them 
without a sovereign ; and they did not hesitate in the 
choice which they were now called upon to make. On 
whom, indeed, could they ^x but William of Nassau, 
without the utmost iigustice to him, and the deepest in* 
* Vanitervynct f MeCeren. 



1584. OHABAOTEB OF WILLIAM. l?! 

jury to themselves ? To whom could they tum^ in pre- 
ference to him who had given consist^iicy to the early ex- 
plosion of their despair ; to him who first gave the coun- 
try political existence^ then nursed it into freedom^ and 
now heheld it in the vigour and prime of independence ? 
He had seen the necessity^ but certainly over-rated the va- 
lae^ of foreign support^ to enable the new state to cope with 
the tremendous tyranny from which it had broken. He had 
tried successively Germany^ England^ and France. From 
the first and the last of lliese powers he had received 
two governors^ to whom he cheerfully resigned the title. 
The incapacity of both^ and the treachery of ^e latter^ 
proved to the states that their only chance for safety was 
in the consolidation of William's authority ; and they 
contemplated the noblest reward which a grateful nation 
could bestow on a glorious liberator. And is it to be 
believed^ that he who for twenty years had sacrificed his 
repose^ lavished his fortune^ and risked his life^ for the 
public cause^ now aimed at absolute dominion^ or coveted 
a despotism which all his actions prove him to have ab- 
horred ? Defeated bigotry has put forward such vapid 
accusations. He has been also held responsible for the 
early cruelties which, it is notorious, he used every means 
to avert, and frequently punished. But while dhese re- 
volting acts can only be viewed in the light of reprisals 
against the bloodiest persecution that ever existed, by 
exasperated men driven to vengeance by a bad example, 
not one single act of cruelty or bad faith has ever been 
made good against William, who may be safely pro- 
nounced one of the wisest and best men that history has 
held up as examples to the species. 

The authority of one author has been produced to 
prove that, during the lifetime of his brother Louis, 
offers were made to him by France, of the sovereignty 
of the northern provinces, on conation of the southern 
being joined to the French crown.* That he ever ac- 
cq^ted those offers is without proof : that he never acted 
on them is certain. But he might have been justified in 
• Amelot de la Hoiuiaye. 



172 HUTOBT OF THE NSTHERLANDS. 1584. 

purchasing freedom for those states which had so wdl 
earned it, at the price even of a qualified independence 
under another power, to the exclusion of those which had 
never heartily struggled i^ainst Spain. The hest evidence^ 
however, of William's real views is to he found in th« 
Capitulation, as it is called; that is to say, the act which 
was on the point of heing executed hetween him and the 
■tates, when a base fanatic, instigated by a bloody tyrant, 
put a period to his splendid career. This capitulation 
exists at Aill length *, but was never formally executed. 
Its conditions are founded on the same principles, and 
conceived in nearly the same terms, as those accepted by 
the duke of Ai^ou ; and the whole compact is one of the 
moat thoroughly liberal that history has on record. The 
prince repaired to Delft for the ceremony of his inaugur-- 
ation, the price of his long labours ; but there, instead of 
anticipated dignity, he met the sudden stroke of death, t 
On the lOlh of July, as he left his dining-room, and 
while he placed his foot on the first step of the great 
■tair leading to the upper apartments of his house, a man 
named Baldiasar Gerard, (who, like the former assassin, 
waited for him at the moment of convivial relaxation,) 
discharged a pistol at his body : three balls entered it. 
He fell into the arms of an attendant, and cried out 
Mndy, in the French language, '' God pity me ! I am 
gadly wounded — God have mercy on my soul, and on 
this unfortunate nation !" His sister, the countess of 
Swartzenbei^, who now hastened to iiis side, asked 
him in German, if he did not recommend his soul to 
God ? He answered, " Yes," in the same language, but 
with a feeble voice. He was carried into the dining- 
room, where he immediately expired. His sister closed 
his eyes % : his wife, too, was on the spot, — Louisa, 
daughter of the illustrious Coligny, and widow of the 
gallant count of Teligny, both of whom were also mur- 
dered almost in her sight, in the frightful massacre of 
St. Bartholomew. We may not enter on a description 

• Bor. Uv. 15. p. S03L f Grotiiui 

t L« PiM^ HUt <les rrinces d'Onuige. 



1584. CHABACTER OF WILUAH. 173 

of the afflicting scene which followed: hut the mind in 
pleased in picturing the hold solemnity with which 
prince Maurice^ then eighteen years of age^ swore — not 
vengeance or hatred against his father's murderers-^— 
but that he would faithfully and religiously follow the 
glorious example he had given him. * 

There is hut one important feature in the character 
of William which we have hitherto left imtouched^ hut 
which the circumstances of his death seemed to sanctify, 
and point out for record in the same page with it. We 
mean his religious opinions; and we shall despatch a 
subject which is^ in r^ard to all men^ so delicate^ indeed 
so sacred^ in a few words. He was bom a Lutheran. 
When he arrived, a boy, at the court of Charles V., 
he was initiated into the catholic creed, in which he 
was thenceforward brought up. Afterwards, when he 
could think for himself and choose his profession of 
Caith, he embraced the doctrine of Calvin. His whole 
public conduct seems to prove that he viewed sectarian 
principles chiefly in the light of political instruments ; 
and that, himself a conscientious Christian, in the broad 
sense of the term, he was deeply imbued with the 
spirit of universal toleration, and considered the various 
diades of belief as subservient to the one grand prin- 
ciple of civil and religious liberty, for which he had long 
devoted and at length laid down his life. His assassin 
was taken alive, and four days afterwards executed with 
terrible circumstances of cruelty, which he bore as a 
martyr might have borne them.t He was a native of 
Burgundy, and had for some months lingered near his 

* Whoever would really enjoy the spirit of historical details should never 
omit an opportunity of seeing places rendered memorable by associations 
connected with the deeds, and en)ecially with the death, of great men : 
the spot, for instance, where William was assassinated at Delft ; the old 
staircase he was just on the point of ascending; the narrow pass between 
that and the dining-hall whence he came out, of scarcely sufficient extent 
for the murderer to hold forth his arm and his pistol, 2^ feet long. This 
weapon, and its fellow, are both preserved in the museum of the Hague, 
together with two of the fatal bullets, and the very clothes which the victim 
wore. The leathern doublet, pierced by the balls and burned by the powder, ' 
lies beside the other parts of the dress, the simple gravity of which, in 
fashion and colour, irresistibly brings the wise great man before us, and adds 
a hundred fold to the interest excited by a recital of his murder. 
^ t Le Petit, Hiitoire des Pays Bas. 



174 HI8T0BT OF TUB NETHERLANDS. 1584. 

victim^ and insiiiuated himself into his confidence 1^ a 
feigned attachment to liberty^ and an apparent zeal for 
the reformed faith. He was nevertheless a bigoted 
catholic ; and^ by his own confession^ he had oommn- 
nicated his design to^ and received encouragement to 
its execution from^ more than one minister <^ the sect 
to which he belonged. But his avowal criminated a 
more important accomplice^' and one. whose character 
stands so high in history^ that it behoves us to examine 
thoroughly the truth of the accusation^ and the nature 
of the coliateral proofs by which it is supported. Most 
writers on this question have leaned to die side which 
all would wish to adopts for the honour of human 
nature and the integrity of a celebrated name. But an 
original letter exists in the archives of Brussels^ from 
the prince of Parma himself to Philip of Spain^ in which 
he admits that Balthazar Gerard had communicated to 
him his intention of murdering the prince of Orange^ 
some months before the deed was done ; and he mixes 
phrases of compassion for '^ the poor man" (the mur- 
derer) and of praise for the act; which^ if the docu- 
ment be really authentic^ sinks Alexander of Parma as 
low as the wretch with whom he sympathised.* 



CHAP. xni. 

1584—1592. 

TO TBB DEATH OF ALBXAKDSIl FRINCX OF PARMA. 

The death of William of Nassau not only closes the 
scene of his individual career, but throws a deep gloom 
over the history of a revolution that was sealed by so 
great a sacrifice. The animation' of the story seems 
suspended. Its events lose for a time their excitement. 
The last act of the political drama is performed. The 
great hero of the tragedy is no more. The other most 
. * See on this subject D'Swez, Hist Gen. de la Belgique, t vL pi 197. &c. 



15S5. SPANISH BUIA KC-SSTABLISUED IN BELGIUM. 175 

memorable actors have one by one passed away. A 
whole generation has fallen in the contest ; and it is 
with exhausted interest^ and feeUngs less intense^ that 
we resume the details of war and bloody which seem no 
longer sanctified by the grander movements of heroism. 
The stirring impulse of slavery breaking its chains yields 
to the colder inspiration of independence maintaining 
its rights. The men we have now to depict were bom 
free ; and the deeds they did were those of stern resolve 
rather than of frantic despair. The present picture may 
be as instructive as the last^ but it is less thrilling. 
Passion gives place to reason ; and that which wore the 
air of fierce romance is superseded by what bears the 
stamp of calm reality. 

The consternation caused by the news of WUliam's 
death soon yidded to the firmness natural to a people 
inured to suffering and calamity. The United Provinces 
rejected at once the overtures made by the prince of 
Parma to induce them to obedience. They seemed proud 
to show that their fate did not depend on that of one 
man. He therefore turned his attention to the most 
effective means of obtaining results by force^ which he 
found it impossible to secure by persuasion. He pro- 
ceeded vigorously to the reduction of the chief towns 
of Flanders^ the conquest of which would give him pos- 
session of die entire province^ no army now remaining 
to oppose him in the field. He soon obUged Ypres and 
Termonde to surrender ; and Ghent^ forced by famine^ 
at length yidded on reasonable terms. The most severe 
was the utter abolition of the reformed rehgioii; by 
which a large portion of the population was driven to 
tne alternative of ex^le ; and they passed over in crowds 
to Holland and Zealand^ not half of the inhabitants re- 
maining behind. Mechlin^ and finally Brussels^ worn out 
by a fruitless resistance^ followed the example of the rest; 
and thus, within a year after the death of William of Nas- 
sau, the power of Spain was again estabUshed in the whole 
province of Flanders, and the others which comprise 
what is in modem days generally denominated Belgium. 



176 HISTORY OF TUB NETBEBLANDS* 1585. 

But these domestic victories of the prince of Parma 
were barren in any of those results which humanity 
would love to see in the train of conquest. The recon- 
ciled provinces presented the most deplorable spectacle. 
The diief towns were almost depopulated. The inha- 
bitants had in a great measure fallen victims to war, pes- 
tilence, and famine. Litde inducement existed to replace 
by marriage the ravages caused by death, for few men 
wished to propagate a race which divine wrath seemed to 
have marked for persecution. The thousands of villages 
which had covered the face of the country were abso- 
lutely abandoned to the wolves, which had so rapidly 
increased, that they attacked not merely cattle and child- 
ren, but grown up persons. The dogs, driven abroad by 
hunger, had become as ferocious as other beasts of prey^ 
and joined in large packs to hunt down brutes and men. 
Nei^er fields, nor woods, nor roads, were now po be 
distinguished by any visible limits. All was an entan- 
gled mass of trees, weeds, and grass. The prices of the 
necessaries of life were so high, that people of rank, 
after selling every thing to buy bread, were obliged to 
have recourse to open beggary in the streets of the great 
towns. 

From this frightful picture, and the numerous details 
which imagination may readily supply, we gladly turn to 
the contrast afforded by the northern states. Those we 
have just described have a feeble hold upon our sym- 
pathies; we cannot pronounce their sufferings to be 
unmerited. The want of firmness or enlightenment, 
which preferred such an existence to the risk of entire 
destruction, only heightens the glory of the people whose 
unyielding energy and courage gained them so proud a 
place among the independent nations of £urope. 

The murder of William seemed to carry to the United 
Provinces conviction of the weakness as well as the 
atrocity of Spain ; and the indecent joy excited among 
the royalists added to their courage. An immediate 
council was created, composed of eighteen members, at 
the head of which was imanimously placed prince Mau- 



l$B5: ' hbob of antvebf. 177 

lioe of Nassau (who evoi then gave striking indications 
oi talent «nd prudence) ; his elder brother, the count of 
B&aieo, now prince of Orange^ being still kept captive 
in SpaiB* Count Hohenloe was appointed lieutenant* 
general; and several other measures were promptly 
adr^ted to consolidate the power of the infant republic. 
The whole of its forcfs amounted but to 5500 men. 
The prince of Parma had 80^000 at liis command.* 
Wldi such means of carrying on his conquests^ he sat 
down regularly before Antwerp^ and commenced the 
(^^erationa of one of the most celebrated among the many 
memorable sieges of ^ose times. He coriipletely sur- 
rounded the city with troops; placing a lai^e portion of 
his aimy on the left bank of the Scheldt^ the other on 
the light ; and causing to be attacked at the same time 
the two strong forts of Liefkinshoek and Lillo. Re- 
pulsed on the latter important pointy his only hope of 
gaming the command of the navigation of the river^ on 
which the success of the siege depended^ was by throwing 
a bridge across the stream. - Neither its great rapidity^ 
nor its immense widths nor the want of wood and work- 
m^^ could deter him from this vast undertaking. He 
was asflistedj if not guided^ in all his projects on the 
occasion by Barroccio^ a celebrated Italian engineer sent 
to him by Philip ; and the merit of all tiiat was done 
ought fairly to be^ at leasts divided between the general 
and tiie engineer. If eliterprise and perseverance be-, 
longed to the first, science and skill were the portion of 
the latter. They first caused two strong forts to be 
erected at opposite sides of the river; and adding to 
thdr resources by every possible means, they threw for- 
ward a pier on each side of, and far into, the stream.. 
The stakes, driven firmly into the bed of the river and 
cemented with masses of earth and stones, were at a 
proper height covered with planks and defended by 
parapets. These estoccades, as they were called, reduced 
the river to half its original breadth; and the cannon 
with which they were mounted rendered the passage 

•Hooft. 



ns msTOBT or tbb vetbebulsj^ 1585#^ 

fxtxtmdj dangeroos to hostile YesseLs. But^ to fiU up- 
this strait, a ocmsiderahle numher of boats were fastened 
together by chain-hooks and andiors; and being manned 
and armed with cannon^ they woe mocned in the inter- 
val between the estoccades. Daring these operations^ a 
canal was cut between the Moer and Calloo ; by which 
means a oommnnication was formed with Ghent^ whidi 
csuRired a supply of ammunition and provisions. The 
wmka of the Inidge^ which was 2400 feet in lengthy 
were constructed widi such strength and solidity^ that 
they brayed the winds^ the floods^ and the ice of the 
whole winter. 

The people of Antwerp at first laughed to scorn the 
whole of these stupendous preparations: but when they 
foimd that the bridge resisted the natural dements^ by 
which they doubted not it would have been destroyed 
they b^an to tremble in the anticipation of famine; yet 
they vigorously prepared for their defence^ and rejected 
the overtures made by the prince of Parma even at this 
advanced stage of his proceedings. Ninety-seven pieces 
of cannon pow defended the bridge; besides which^ 
thirty large barges at each side of the river guarded its 
extremities ; and forty ships of war fonned a fleet of 
protection, constantly ready to meet any attack from the 
besi^ed. They, seeing the Scheldt thus really closed 
up, and all communication with Zealand impossible, £elt 
their whole safety to depend on the destruction of the 
bridge. The states of Zealand now sent forward an 
expedition, which, joined with some ships from Lil]o> 
gave new courage to the besieged ; and every thing was 
prepared for their great attempt. An Italian ejigineer 
named Giambelli was at this time in Antwerp, and by 
his talents had long protracted the defence. He has the 
chief merit of being the inventor of those terrible fire- 
ships which gained the tide of '^ infernal machines ;" 
and with some of these formidable instruments and the 
Zealand fleets the long-projected attack was at length 
made. 

Early on the night of the 4th of April, the prince of 



1585. fiFFEOTfi OF THE JPlBBHIBIHb - 179 

Fanna and his army were amazed by die spectade of 
three huge masses of flame floating down the river^ ac- 
companied by numerous lesser appearances of a similar 
Idnd^ and bearing directly against the prodigious barrier^ 
whidi had cost months of labour to him and his troops^ 
and immense sums of money to the state. The whole 
fiorface of the Scheldt presented one sheet of fire ; the 
country all round was as visible as at noon ; the flags^ 
the arms of the soldiers^ and every object on the bridge^ 
in the fleets or the forts^ stood out clearly to view ; and 
the pitchy darkness of the sky gave increi&sed effect to 
the marked distinctness of all. Astonishment was soon 
succeeded by consternation^ when one of the three 
machines burst with a terrific noise before they reached 
their intended mark^ but time enough to offer a sample 
of their nature. The prince of Parma^ with numerous 
officers and soldiers rushed to the bridge^ to witness the 
effects of this explosion; and just then a second and still 
larger fire-ship^ having burst though the flying bridge of 
boats^ struck against one of the estoccades. Alexander^ 
unmindful of danger^ used every exertion of his au- 
thority to stimulate the sailors in their attempts to clear 
away the monstrous machine which threatened destruc- 
tion to all within its reach. Happily for him^ an ensign 
who was near^ forgetting in his general's peril all rules 
of discipline and forms of ceremony^ actually forced him 
from the estoccade. He had not put his foot on the 
river bank when the machine blew up. The effects were 
such as really baffle description. The bridge was burst 
through ; the estoccade was shattered almost to atoms^ 
and^ with all that it supported^ »-men^ cannon> and the 
huge machinery employed in the various works^ — - dis- 
persed in the air. The cruel marquis of Roubais^ many 
other officers^ and 800 soldiers^ perished^ in all varieties 
of death — by floods or flame^ or the horrid wounds from 
the missiles with which the terrible machine was over- 
charged. Fragments of bodies and limbs were flung far 
and wide ; and many gallant soldiers were destroyed^ 
without a vestige of the human form bein^ left to prove 
N 2 



180 BI8T0»T or TUB NETHERLANDS. 1585, 

that they had ever existed. The river^ forced from its 
bed at either side> rushed into the forts and drowned 
numbers of their garrisons; while the ground far beyond 
shook as in an earthquake.* The prince was struck 
down by a beam^ and lay for some time senseless^ to- 
gether with two g^ieraht, Ddvasto and Gijitani^ both 
more seriously wounded than he ; and many of the sol« 
diers were burned and mutilated in the most frightful 
manner. Alexander soon recovered; and by his presence 
of mind^ humanity^ and resolution^ he endeayoured with 
incredible quickness to repair the mischief^ and raised 
the confidence of his army as high as ever. Had ite 
Zealand fleet come in time to the spot^ the whole plan 
might have been crowned with success ; but by some want 
of concert^ or accidental delay^ it did not appear; and 
consequently the beleaguered town received no relief. 

One last resource was left to the besieged; that whidi 
had formerly been resorted to at Leyden, and by which 
the place was saved. To enable them to inundate the 
immense plain which stretched between Lillo and 
Stabrock up to the walls of Antwerp^ it was necessary 
to cut through the dyke which defended it against the 
irruptions of the eastern Scheldt. This plain was tra- 
versed by a high and wide counter-dyke^ called the dyke 
of Couvestien ; and Alexander^ knowing its importance^ 
had early taken possession of and strongly defended it 
by several fbtts. Two attacks were made by the gar-- 
rison of Antwerp on this important construction ; the 
latter of which led to one of the most desperate encoun- 
ters of the war. The prince^ seeing that on the results 
of this day depended the whole consequences of his 
labours^ fought with a valour that even he had never 
before displayed^ and he was finally victorious. The 
confederates were forced to abandon the attack^ leav- 
ing 3000 dead upon the dyke or at its base ; and the 
Spaniards lost full 800 men. 

One more fruitless attempt was made to destroy the 
bridge and raise the siege, by means of an enormous 
• Bentivoglio, Schiller, Vandervynct, and StnuU. 



1585. THB STATES OBTAIN AID FROM BNQLAND. 181 

▼esse! bearing the presumptuous title of' The End of the 
War, But this floating citadel ran aground^ without 
producing any effect ; and the gallant governor of AaU 
werp^ the celebrated Philip de Saint Aldegonde^ was 
forced to capitulate on the l6th of August^ after a siege 
of fourteen months. The reduction of Antwerp was 
considered a miracle of perseverance and courage. The 
prince of Parma was elevated by his success to the high- 
est pinnacle of renown; and Philip^ on receiving the 
newB^ displayed a burst of joy such as rarely varied his 
cold and gloomy reserve. 

Bven while the fate of Antwerp was undecided^ the 
United Provinces^ seeing that they were still too weak to 
resist alone the imdivided force of the Spanish mon- 
ardhy;,had opened negotiations with France and England 
at once^ in ihe hope of gaining one or the other for an 
ally and protector. Henry III. gave a most honourable 
reception to the ambassadors sent to his courts and was 
evidently disposed to accept their offers^ had not the dis* 
tracted state of his own country^ still torn by civil war^ 
quite disabled him from any effective oo-operation. The 
deputies sent to England were also well received. £liza-i 
beih listened to the proposals of the states^ sent them an 
ambassador in return^ and held out the most flattering 
hopes of succour. But her cautious policy would not 
snfier her to accept the sovereignty; and she declared that 
she would in no ways interfere with the negotiations^ 
whidk might end in its being accepted by the king of 
France.* She gave prompt evidence of her sincerity by 
an advance of considerable sums of money^ and by send* 
ing to Holland a body of 6OOO troops^ imder the com* 
mand of her favourite/ Robert Dudley earl of Leicester; 
and as security for the repayment of her loan^ the towns 
of Flushing and Brille^ and the casde of Rammekins^ 
werie given up to her.t 

The eari of Leicester was accompanied by a splendid 
retinue of noblemen^ and a select troop of 500 follower^. 
He was received at Flushing by the governor^ sir Philip 

* Meteren. f Hume, toI. v. p. S72. 

N 3 



182 HISTORT OF THE NETHEBLAKDS. 1586. 

Sidney^ his nephew^ the model of manners and conduct 
for the young men of his day. But Leicester possessed 
neither courage nor capacity equal to the trust reposed 
in him ; and his arbitrary and indolent conduct soon 
disgust^ the people whom he was sent to assist.* They 
had^ in the first impulse of their gratitude, given him the 
title of goTemor and captain-general of the provinces, in 
the hope of flattering Elizabetiii. But this had a far con- 
trary effect : she was equally displeased with the states 
and with Leicester; and it was with difficulty that, after 
many humble submissions, they were able to appease her.f 

To form a counterpoise to the power so lavishly con- 
ferred on Leicester^ prince Maurice was^ according to the 
wise advice of Olden Bamevelt, raised to the dignity of 
stadtholder, captain-general, and admiral of HoUand and 
Zealand. This is the first instance of these states taking 
on themselves the nomination to the dignity of stadt- 
holder, for even William had held his commission from 
Philip, or in his name ; but Friesland, Groningien, and 
Guelders had already appointed their local governors^ 
under the same title, by the authority of the states- 
general, the archduke Mathias, or even of the provincial 
states, j: Holland had now also at the head of its dvO 
government a citizen full of talent and probity, who 
was thus able to contend with the insidious designs of 
Leicester against the liberty he nominally came to pro- 
tect. This was Barnevelt, who was promoted from his 
office of pensionary of Rotterdam to that of Holland, and 
who accepted the dignity only on condition of being free 
to resign it if any accommodation of differences should 
take place with Spain. § 

Alexander of Parma had, by the death of his mother^ 
in February, 1586, exchanged his title of prince for the 
superior one of duke of Parma, and soon resumed his 
enterprises with his usual energy and success : various 
bperations took place, in which the English on every 
opportunity distinguished themselves; particularly in an 

• Vandenrynct, L ▼!. & £ f Hume 

t Cerisier, Hlct Gen. des ProTinces Unies, t iv. p. 66. \ Cericier. 



1586. DEATH OF fan PHILIP SIDNEY. 183 

action near the town of Grave^ in Brabant ; and in the 
taking of Axel by escalade^ under the orders of sir 
Philip Sidney. A more important affair occurred near 
Zutphen^ at a place caUed Wamsfeld^ both which towns 
have given names to the action. On this occasion the 
veteran Spaniards^ under the marquis of Giiasto^ were 
warmly attacked and completely defeated by the £n- 
^astk; but the victory was dearly purchased by the 
death of sir Philip Sidney^ who was mortally wounded 
in the thigh, and expired a few days afterwards, at the 
early age of 3^ years. In addition to the valour, talent, 
and conduct, which had united to establish his fame, he 
displayed, on this last opportunity of his short career, 
an instance of humanity that sheds a new lustre on 
even a character like his. Stretched on the battle-field, 
in all the agony of his wound, and parched with thirst, 
his afflicted followers brought him some water, procured, 
-with difficulty, at a distance, and during the heat of the 
fight. But Sidney, seeing a soldier lying near, mangled 
like himself, and apparently expiring, refused die water, 
saying, " Give it to that poor man; his sufierings are 
greater than mine." * 

Leicester's conduct was now become quite intolerable 
to the states. His incapacity and presumption were 
every day more evident and more revolting. He seemed 
to consider himself in a province wholly reduced to 
English authority, and paid no sort of attention to the 
very opposite character of the people. An eminent 
Dutch author accounts for this, in terms which may 
make an Englishman of this age not a little proud of 
the contrast which his character presents to what it 
,was then considered. '' The Englishman," says Grotius, 
/' obeys like a slave and governs like . a tyrant ; while 
the Belgian knows how to serve and to command with 
equal moderation." t The dislike between Leicester and 
those he insulted and misgoverned soon became mutual. 
He retired to the town of Utrecht; and pushed his 
injurious conduct to such an extent diat he became an 

* Bor. lalia, t Orot. Ann. 

K 4 



184 HISTORY OF THE KSTHElUtANSp. 158T* 

object of utter hatred to the provinces. AU the fiieadJ^r 
feelings towards England werq gradually dtianged into 
suspicion and dislike. Conferences took place at the 
Hague between jLeicester and the states^ in which BaiS 
nevelt overwhelmed his contemptible diiuffling by the 
force of irresistible eloqu^ioe and well-deserved re- 
proaches ; and after new acts of treachery^ still more 
odious than his former^ this unworthy favourite at last 
set out for £ngland, to lay an account of his govern- 
ment at the feet of the queen.* 

The growing hatred against En^and was fomoited 
by the true patriots^ who aimed at the liberty of their 
coimtry ; and may be excused^ £rom the various instances 
of treadiery displayed^ not only by the commander-in- 
chief^ but by several of his inferiors in command. A 
strong fort^ near Zutphen^ imder the government of 
Roland York> the town of Deventer under that of Wil- 
liam Stanly^ and subsequently Gudders under a Scotch- 
man named Pallet^ were delivered up to the ^aniards by^ 
these men ; and about the same time the English cavalry 
committed some excesses in Guelders and Holland, which 
added to the prevalent prgudice against the nation in 
general t This enmity was no longer to be concealed. 
The partisans of Leicester were one by^ one;, under jdau^ 
sible pretexts^ removed from the council of state ; and 
Elizabeth having required from Holland the exportation 
into England of a large quantity of rye^ it was firmly 
but respectfully refused^ as inconsistent with the wanta 
of the provinces. 

Prince Maurice^ from the caprice and jeidousy of 
Leicester^ now united in himself the whole power of 
command^ and commenced that brilliant course of con- 
duct^ whidi consolidated the independence of his coun- 
try and elevated him to the first rank of military glory. 
His early efforts were turned to the suppression of the 
partiality which in some places existed for English do- 
mination ; and he never aJlowed himself to be deceived 
by the hopes of peace hdd out by the emperor and the 
* Cerisler. f Bar. zx. £2. 86.S81 



1587* THB SPANISH ARMADA. 185 

kings of Denmark and Poland. Without refusing their 
mediation^ he laboured incessantly to organise every 
possible means for maintaining the war. His efforts 
were considerably favoured by the measures of Philip 
for the support of the league formed by the house of 
Guise against Henry III. and Henry IV. of France; 
but st31 more by the formidable enterprise which the 
Spanish monarch was now preparing against England. 

Irritated and mortified by the assistance which Eliza* 
beth had given to the revolted provinces^ Philip resolved 
to employ his whole power in attempting the conquest 
of England itself; hoping afterwards to effect with ease 
the subjugation of the Netherlands. He caused to be 
built^ in almost every port of Spain and Portugal^ gal- 
leons^ carricks^ and other ships of war of the largest 
dimensions ; and at the same time gave orders to the 
duke of Parma to assemble in the harbours of Flanders 
as many vesseb as he could collect together. The 
Spanish fleets consisting of mcnre than 140 ships of the 
line^ and manned by 20^000 sailors^ assembled at Lis- 
bon under the orders of the duke of Medina Sidonia ; 
while the duke of Parma^ uniting his forces, held him* 
fldf ready on the coast of Flanders, with an army of 
30,000 men and 400 transports. This prodigious force 
obtained, in Spain, the ostentatious title of the Invin- 
dble Armada. Its destination was for a while attempted 
to be concealed, under pretext that it was meant for 
India, or for the annihilation of the United Provinces ; 
but the fiiystery was soon discovered. At the end ^of 
May the principal fleet sailed from the port of Lisbon ; 
and being reinforced off Gorunna by a considerable 
squadron, the whole armament steered its course for the 
shores of England. 

The details of the progress and the failure of this 
celebrated attempt are so thoroughly the province of 
English liistory, that they would be in this place super- 
fluous. But it must not be forgotten that the ^ory of 
the proud result was amply shared by the new republiOj ' 
whose existence depended on it. While Howard and 



i86 HI8T0B7 OF THB NBTHEftLANDS. ISSQ. 

'Drake held the British fleet in readiness to oppose the 
Spanish armada^ that of Holland^ consisting of but 
twenty-five ships^ under the command of Justin of 
Nassau, prepared to take a part in the conflict. This 
gaUant though illegitimate scion of the illustrious house 
whose name he upheld on many occasions, proved him- 
sdf on the present worthy of such a father as William 
and such a brother as Maurice. Wbile the duke of 
Medina Sidonia, ascending the channel as far as Dun- 
kirk, there expected the junction of the duke of Parma 
with his important reinforcement, Justin of Nassau, by 
a constant activity and a display of intrepid talent, con- 
trived to block up the whole expected force in the ports 
of Flanders from Lillo to Dunkirk. The duke of Parma 
foimd it impossible to force a passage on any one point ; 
and was doomed to the mortification of knowing that 
the attempt was frustrated, and the whole force of Spain 
frittered away, discomfited, and disgraced, from the want 
Of a co-operation, which he could not, however, reproach 
himself for having withheld. The issue of the memor- 
able expedition which cost Spain years of preparation, 
thousands of men, and millions of treasure, was received 
in the country which sent it forth with constematioii 
and rage. Philip alone possessed or affected an apathy, 
which he covered with a veil of mock devotion that few 
were deceived by. At the news of the disaster he fell 
on his knees, and rendering thanks for that gracious 
dispensation of Providence, expressed his joy that the 
calamity was not greater.* 

The people, the priests, and the commanders of the 
expedition were not so easily appeased, or so clever as 
their hypocritical master in concealing their mortifica- 
tion. The priests accounted for this triumph of heresy 
88 a punishment on Spain for suffering the existence of 
the infidel Moors in some parts of the coimtry.f The 
defeated admirals threw the whole blame on the duke of 
Parma. He, on his part, sent an ample remonstrano» 
to the king ; and Philip declared that he was satisfiel 

♦ Humft t Strype, vol. iii. p^ 525. 



1590. cAPtVBE OF muEOUEir. 187 

with the conduct of his nephew. Leices^ died foot 
days after the £nal defeat and dispersion of the ar« 
mada,* 

The war in the Netherlands had heen necessarily 
siiffered to languish^ while every eye was fixed on the 
progress of the armada^ from formation to defeat. But 
new efforts were soon made hy the duke of Parma to 
repair the time he had lost^ and soothe^ hy his successes, 
Che disappointed pride of Spain. Several officers now 
came into notice, remarkable for deeds of great gallantry 
and skill. None among those were so distinguished as 
Martin Schenck, a soldier of fortune, a man of ferocious 
activity, who began his career in the service of tyranny, 
and ended it by chance in that of independence. He 
changed sides several times; but, no matter who he 
fought for, he did his duty wdl, from that unconquerable 
principle of pugnaci^ which seemed to make his sword 
a part of himself. 

Schenck had lately, for the last time, gone over to the 
side of the states, and had caused a fort to be built in 
the isle of Betetoe, — that possessed of old by the Bata- 
vians, — which was called by his name, and was consi- 
dered the key to the passage of the Rhine. From this 
stronghold he constantly harassed the archbishop of 
Cologne, and had as his latest exploit surprised and 
taken the strong town of Bonn. While the duke of 
Parma took prompt measures for the relief of the pre- 
late, making himself master in the mean time of some 
places of strength, the indefatigable Schenck resolved to 
make an attempt on the important town of Nimeguen. 
He with great caution embarked a chosen body of troops 
an the Wahal, and arrived under the walls of Nimeguen 
at sunrise on die morning chosen for the attack. His 
enterprise seemed almost crowned with success ; when 
the inhabitants, recovering from their fright, precipitated 
themselves from the town; forced the assailants to retreat 
to their boats ; and, carrying the combat into those over- 
charged and fragile vessels, upset several, and among 

* Hume. 



188 BISTORT OF THIS NETHEBZiANDS. 1591. 

Others that which contained Sdienc^ himself^ who^ 
ooT^ed with wounds, and fighting to the last gasp, was 
drowned with the greater part of his foUowers. His 
bddy« when recovered. Was tt^ted tirith' thexitmost indig« 
nity, quartered, and hui^ in portions oyer the different 
gates of the dty.* 

The following year was distinguished hy another 
daring attempt on the part of the Hollanders, but fol-* 
lowed by a difibrent result. A captain named Haran- 
guer concerted with one Adrien Vandenberg a plan for 
die surprise of Breda, on the possession of which prince 
Maiorice had set a great value. The associates oontriyed 
to conceal in a boat, laden with turf (which formed the 
principal fuel of ^e inhabitants of that part of the 
eoimtry), and of whidi Vandenberg was master, eighty 
determined soldiers, and succeeded in arriving dose to 
the city without any suq>idon being excited. One of 
the soldiers, named Mathew Helt, being suddenly affected 
with a riolent cough, imjiloi^d his <k)mrades to put him 
to death, to avoid the risk of a discovery. But a cor- 
poral of the city guard having inspected the cargo with 
unsuspecting carelessness, the immolation of the brave 
soldier became unnecessary^ and the boat was dragged 
into the basin by the assistance of some of the very gar- 
rison who were so soon to fall victims to the stratagem; 
At midnight the concealed soldiers quitted their hidii^ 
places, leaped on shore, killed the s^tinels, and easUy 
became masters of the citadeL Prince Maurice, follow-^ 
ing close with his army, soon fcM-ced the town to submit^ 
and put it into so good a state of defence, that count 
Man8fleld> who was sent to retake it, was obliged 10 
retreat after useless efforts to fulfil his mission. 

The duke of Parma, whose constitution was severely 
inured by the constant fatigues of war and the anxieties 
attending on thc^ late transactions, had snatdied a short 
interval for the purpose of recruiting his health at the 
waters of Spa. While at that place he received urgent 
orders fix>m Philip to abandon for a while all his pro- 
•iysw«a 



1591 • SUOCESfflBS OF FBnfCB lIAVmiOK. 189 

eeedings in the Neiherlands^ and to hasten into France 
with his whole disposable force, to assist the army of 
^e League. The battle of Yyri (in which the son of 
Ibe unfortunate count Egmont met his death while 
fighting in the service of his father's royal murderer) 
had raised the prospects and hopes of Henry IV. to a 
high pitch ; and Paris^ which he closely besieged^ was on 
the point of yielding to his arms. The duke of Parma 
leoeiyed his uncle's orders with great repugnance ; and 
lamented the necessity of leaving the field of his former 
exploits open to the enterprise and talents of prince 
Maurice. He nevertheless obeyed; and leaving count 
Mansfield at the head of the government^ he conducted 
his troops against the royal <^ponent^ who alone seemed 
fiilly worthy of coping with him. 

The attention of iH Europe was now fixed on the 
exciting spectacle of a contest between these two greatest 
captains of the age. The glory oi success^ the fruit of 
consummate skilly was gained by Alexander ; who^ by an 
admirable manceuvre^ got possession of the town of Lagny- 
sur-Seine^ under the very eyes of Henry and his whole 
army^ and thus acquired the means of providing Paris 
with every thing requisite for its defence. The French^ 
monarch saw all his projects baffled^ and his hopes frus- 
trated ; while his antagonist^ having fuUy completed his 
object, drew off his army through Champagne, and made 
a fine retreat through an enemy's country, harassed at 
every step, but with scarcely any loss. 

But while this expedition added greatly to the renown 
of the general, it considerably injured the cause of Spain 
in the Low Countries. Prince Maurice, taking prompt 
advantage of the absence of his great rival, had made 
himself master of several fortresses ; and some Spanish 
laments having mutinied against the commanders left 
behind by the duke of Parma, others, encoun^ed by the 
impimity they enjoyed, were ready on the slightest pre- 
text to follow their example. Maurice did not lose a 
sin^e opportunity of profiting by circumstances so fa- 
vourable ; and even after the return of Alexander he 



190 RI8TQBT OF TBB KSTHEllLAKBS. 1592. 

idzed on Zutphen, Beventer^ and Nimeguen^ despite of 
•U the eflfbrto of the Spanish anny. The duke of Parma^ 
daily breaking down under the progress of disease^ and 
^tatedby these reverses^ repaired i^ain to Spa, taking at 
once every possible means for the reendtment of his army 
and the recovery of his healthy on which its discipline .and 
the chances of success now so evidently depended. 

But all his plans were again frustrated by a renewal 
of Philip's per^nptory orders to march once more into 
France^ to uphold the failing cause of the League against 
the intrepidity and talent of Henry IV. At this junc- 
ture the emperor Rodolf again offered his mediation 
between Spain and the United Provinces. But it was 
not likely that the confederated States^ at the very mo- 
ment when their cause began to triumph, and their com- 
merce was every day becoming more and more flourish- 
ing, would consent to make any compromise with the 
tyranny they were at length in a fair way of crushing. 

The duke of Parma again appeared in France in the 
banning of the year 159^; and^ having formed his 
communications with the army of the League, marched 
to the relief of the city of Rouen, at that period pressed 
to the last extremity by the Huguenot forces. After 
some sharp skirmishes — • and one in particular, in which 
Henry IV. suffered his valour to lead him into a too rash 
exposure of his own and his army's safety — a series 
of manoeuvres took place, which displayed the talents of 
the rival generals in the most brilliant aspect. Alexander 
St length succeeded in raising the siege of Rouen, and 
made himself master of Condebec, which commanded 
the navigation of the Seine. Henry, taking advantage 
of what appeared an irreparable fault on the part of the 
duke, invested his army in the hazardous position he 
had chosen ; but while believing that he had the whole 
of his enemies in his power, he found that Alexander 
had passed the Seine with his entire force — raising his 
military renown to the utmost possible height, by a re- 
treat which it was deemed utterly impossible to effect.* 

* Browing, Hist of the Huguenota. 



159S. DEATH OF THE PRINCE OF PARMA. IQl^ 

On his retxim to the Netherlands^ the duke found 
himself again under the necessity of repairing to Spa, 
in search of some relief from the safiPering, which was 
ocmsideraldy increased hy the effects of a wound received 
in this last campaign. In spite of his shattered consti- 
tution^ he maintained to the latest moment the most 
active endeavours for the re-organisation of his army ; 
and he was preparing for a new expedition into France> 
when, fortunately for the good cause in hoth countries, 
he was surprised by death on the 3d of December, 1592, 
at the abbey of St. Vaast, near Arras, at the age of forty- 
seven years. As it was hard to imagine that Phittp 
would suffer any one who had excited his jealousy to 
die a natural death, that of the duke of Parma was at- 
tributed to slow poison. 

Alexander of Parma was certainly one of the most 
remarkable, and, it may be added, one of the greatesly 
characters of his day. Most historians have upheld him 
even higher perhaps than he should. be placed on the 
scale ; asserting that he can be reproached with very few 
of the vices of the age in which he lived.* Others con- 
sider this judgment too favourable, and accuse him of 
participation in all the crimes of Philip, whom he served 
so zealously, f His having excited the jealousy of the 
tyrant, or even had he been put to death by his orders, 
would little influence the question ; for Philip was quite 
capable of ingratitude or murder, to either an accom- 
plice or an opponent of his baseness. But even allowing 
that Alexander's fine qualities were sullied by his com- 
plicity in these odious measures, we must still in justice 
admit that they were too much in the spirit of the times, 
and particularly of the school in which he was trained ; 
and while we lament that his political or private faults 
place him on so low a level, we must rank him as one 
of the very first masters in the art of war in his own or 
any other age. 

• Grotiui. t Cerisier. 



192 BI8T0BT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1592 

CHAP, XIV. 
1592—1599. 

TO TBS IVDKPXNDXMCX OF BXLOZUM AND THX DBATB OF 
FHILIF XI. 

The duke of Parma had chosen the count of Mansfield 
for his successor^ and the nomination was approved by 
the king. He entered on his goyemment under most 
cfisheartening circumstances. The rapid conquests of 
prince Maurice in Brabant and Flanders were scarcely 
less mortifying than the total disorganisation into which 
those two provinces had fallen. They were ravaged 
by bands of robbers called Picaroons^ whose audacity 
' reached such a height^ that they opposed in large bodies 
the forces sent for their suppression by the government. 
They on one occasion killed the provost of Flanders^ 
and burned his lieutenant in a hollow tree; and on 
another they mutilated a whole troop of the national 
militia^ and their commander^ with circumstances of most 
revolting cruelty. * 

The authority of governor-general^ though not the 
tide, was now fully shared by the count of Fuentes, 
who was sent to Brussels by the king of Spain ; and the 
ill effects of this double viceroyalty was soon seen, in 
the brilliant progress of prince Maurice, and the con- 
tinual reverses sustained by the royalist armies. The 
king, still bent on projects of bigotry, sacrificed without 
scruple men and treasure for the overthrow of Henry IV, 
and the success of the League. The affairs of the 
Netherlands seemed now a secondary object; and he 
drew largely on his forces in that country for reinforce- 
ments to the ranks of his tottering allies. A final UoW 
was, however, struck against the hopes of intolerance ia 
France, and to the existence of the League, by the con- 
version of Henry IV. to the catholic religion ; he deem- 
ing theological disputes, which put the happiness of a 
• D'£we& 



1594- ABOHDUKE BBNEST. 198 

whole kingdom in jeopardy^ as quite sabordinate to the 
puhhc good.* 

Such was the prosperity of the United Provinces^ 
that they had been enabled to send a lai^e supply^ both 
of numey and men^ to the aid of Henry^ thdr constant 
and generous ally. And notwithstanding this^ their 
armies and fleets^ so far from suffering diminution^ were 
augmented day by day. Philip^ resolved to summon up 
all his energy for the reyival of the war against the 
republic^ now appointed the archduke Ernest^ brother 
of the emperor Rodolf, to the post which the disunion 
of Mansfield and Fuentes rendered as embarrassing as it 
had be(5ome inglorious. This prince^ of a gentle and 
conciliatory character^ was recdyed at Brussels with 
great magnificence and general joy ; his presence re« 
▼iying the deep-felt hopes of peace entertained by the 
suffering people. Such were also. the cordial wishes of 
the prince f ; but more than one design^ formed at this 
period against the life of prince Maurice^ frustrated every 
expectation of the kind. A priest of the province of 
Namur^ named Michael Renichon^ disguised as a soldier^ 
was the new instrument meant to strike another blow at 
the greatness of the house of Nassau^ in the person of 
its gallant representative^ prince Maurice; as also in 
that of his brother^ Frederic Henry^ then ten years of 
age. On the confession of the intended assassin^ he 
was employed by count Berlaimont to miu*der the two 
princes. Renichon happily mismanaged the affair^ and 
betrayed his intention. He was arrested at Breda^ con- 
ducted to the Hague^ and there tried and executed on 
the 8d of Jnne^ 1594. X This miserable wretch ac- 
cused the archduke Ernest of having countenanced his 
attempt ; but nothing whatever tends to criminate^ while 
every probability acquits^ that prince of such a partid- 
pation. 

In this same year a soldier named Peter Dufour 
embarked in a Hke atrocious plot He^ too^ was seized 
and executed before he could carry it into effect ; and 

• Hume t BenUTOgUo. t Le Petit, Uv. 7. c. S. 

o 



HIStOBT OF TBB NETHEBLAHBS. 15d&. 

^ ms dying hour persisted in accusing the ardiditke of 
being his instigator. But neither the judges who triedi 
nor the best historians who record^ his intended crime, 
g^ye any belief to this accusation. * The mild and 
honourable disposition of the prince held a suffieieat 
guarantee against its likelihood ; and it is not less pLeaa* 
ing to be able fully to join in the preralent opinioifi 
than to mark a spirit of candour and impartiality break 
forth through the mass . of bad and violent pasdons 
which crowd the records of that age. 

But all the esteem inspired by the personal character 
of £me8t could not overcome the repugnance of the 
United Provinces to trust to the apparent sincerity of 
the tyrant in whose name he made his overtures for 
peace. They were all respectfully and firmly rejected ; 
and prince Maurice^ in the mean time^ with his usual 
activity^ passed the Meuse and the Rhine^ and invested 
and quickly took the town of Groningen^ by which he 
consummated the establishment of the republic^ and se- 
cured ita rank among the principal powers of Europe. 

The archduke £mejst^ finding all his effi>rts for peace 
frustrated, and all hopes of gaining his object by hos- 
tility to be vain, became a prey to disappointment and 
regret, and died, from the effects of a slow fever, on the 
21st of February, 1595 ; leaving to the count of Fuentes 
the honours and anxieties of the government, subject to 
the ratification of the king. This nobleman began tho 
exercise of his temporary functions by an irruption into 
France, at the head of a small army ; war having been 
declared against Spain by Henry IV., who, on his side, 
had despatched the admiral de Villars to attack Philip's 
possessions in Hainault and Artois. This gallant officer 
lost a battle and his life in the contest ; and Fuaites, 
encouraged by the victory, took some frontier town8> 
and laid siege to Cambray, the great object of his. plans. 
The citizens, who detested their governor, the marquis 
of Bologni, who had for some time assumed an inde^ 
pendent tyranny over them, gave up the place to th« 
• M«tefen, 



1590* THja ARCBDUKE ALBBBT. 195 

besiegen ; and the citadel surrendered some days later.* 
After this exploit Foentes returned to Brussels^ where^ 
notwkhstaiidiDg his success, he was extremely unpopular. 
He had placed a part of Ms forces under the command 
of Mondragon, one of the oldest and deverest officers in 
the sendee of Spain. Some trifling affairs took place in 
Brabant ; but the arrival of the archduke Albert, whom 
the king had appointed to succeed his brother Ernest in 
the office of goyemor-general, depriyed Fuentes of any 
further opportunity of signalising his talents for supreme 
command. Albert arrived at Brussels on the 1 1 th of Feb- 
mary, 159^, accompanied by the prince of Orange, who, 
when count of Beuren, had been carried off from the uni- 
versity of Louvain, twenty-eight years previously, and 
hdd captive in Spain dining the whole of that period, f 
The archduke Albert, fifth son of the emperor Maxi- 
milian II., and brother of Rodolf, stood high in the 
opinion of Philip his uncle, and merited his reputation 
for talents, bravery, and prudence. He had been early 
made archbishop of Toledo, and afterwards cardinal ; 
but his profession was not that of these nominal digni-> 
ties. He was a warrior and politician of considerable 
capacity ; and had for some years faithfully served the 
king, as viceroy of Portugal. But Philip meant him for 
the more independent situation of sovereign of the Ne- 
therlands, and at the same time destined him td be the 
husband of his daughter Isabella. He now sent him, 
in the capaicity of governor-general, to prepare the way 
for the important change ; at once to gain the good 
graces of the people, and soothe, by this removal from 
I^iilip's too close neighbourhood, the jealousy of his son 
d^e hereditary prince of Spain. Albert brought with 
hmi to Brurads a small rdnforcement for the army, 
with ft large supply of money, more wanting at this 
conjuncture than men. He highly praised the conduct 
of Fuentes in the operations just finished ; and resolved 
to continue the war on the same plan, but with forces 
much superior. 

* BwtiTogUo^ f Mtteren, liv. 1& 

o 2 



ig6 HISTORY OF THH NBTHERULlfDS. 159& 

He opened his first campugn early; and, by a display 
of dever manoeuvring, which threatened an attempt tp 
force the French to raise the siege of La Fere, in the 
heart of Picardy, he concealed his real design — the 
capture of Calais ; and he succeeded in its completion 
almost before it was su^>ected. The Spanish and 
Walloon troops, led on by Rone, a distinguished officer, 
carried the first defences : after nine days of siege the 
place was forced to surrender ; and in a few more the 
citadel followed the example. The ardiduke soon after 
took the towns of Ardres and Hulst ; and by prudently 
avoiding a battle, to which he was constantly provoked . 
by Henry IV. who commanded the French army in 
person, he esUblished his character for military talent 
of no ordinary degree. 

He at the same time made overtures of reconciliation 
to the United Provinces, and hoped that, the return of 
the prince of Orange would be a means of effecting so 
desirable a purpose. But the Dutch were not to be 
deceived by the apparent sincerity of Spanish n^otia-> 
tion. They even doubted the sentiments of the prince 
of Orange, whose attachments and principles had been 
formed in so hated a school ; and nothing passed between 
them and him but mutual civilities. They cleariy 
evinced their disapprobation of his intended visit to 
Holland; and he consequently fixed his residence in 
Brussels, passing his life in an inglorious neutrality. 

A naval expedition formed in this year by the En- 
glish and Dutch against Cadiz, commanded by the earl 
of Essex, and counts Louis and William of Nassau, 
cousins of prince Maurice, was crowned with brilliant 
success, and somewhat consoled the provinces for the 
contemporary exploits of the archduke.* But the M- 
lowing year opened with an afiair, which at once proved 
his unceasing activity, and added largdy to the ro- 
tation of his rival prince Maurice. The former had 
detached the count of Varas, with about ^000 men, for 
the purpose of invading the province of Holland : but 
• Hume. 



1597- ENOAOEMENT AT TVRNHOUT. 197 

Maurice^ with equal energy and superior talent^ followed 
his movements ; came up with him near Tumhout^ on 
the 24th of January^ 1597; and after a sharp action^ of 
whidi the Diitch cavalry bore the whole brurit^ Varas was 
killed^ and his troops defeated with considerable loss.* 

This was in its consequences a most disastrous afiPair 
to the archduke. His army was disorganised^ and his 
finances exhausted ; while the confidence of the states in 
their troops and their general was considerably raised. 
But' the taking of Amiens by Portocarrero> one of the 
most enterprising of the Spanish captains^ gave a new 
turn to the failing fortunes of Albert This gallant of- 
ficer^ whose greatness of mind^ according to some histo- 
rians^ was much disproportioned to the smallness of his 
p»Bon f, gained possession of that important town by a 
w«U cmiducted stratagem^ and maintained his conquest 
valiantly till he was killed in its defence. Henry IV. 
made prodigious efforts to recover the place^ the chief 
bulwark on that side of France; and having forced 
Montenegro^ the worthy successor of Portocarrero^ to 
€apitulate> granted him and his garrison most honourable 
auditions. Henry^ having secured Amiens against any 
new attack^ returned to Paris^ and made a triumphal 
eutry into the city. 

During this year prince Maurice took a number of 
towns in rapid succession ; and the states^ according to 
their custom, caused various medals, in gold, silver, and 
cof^per, to be struck, to commemorate the victories which 
had signalised their arms, j; 

Philip IL, feeling himself approaching the termination 
€i bis long and agitating career, now wholly occupied 
himself in negotiations for peace with France. Henry IV. 
desired it as anxiously. The pope, Qement VIII., 

• Tills «cti6a may be taken as a ikir sample of the difficulty with which 
. 9af estimate can be fonned of the relative losses on such occasions. The 
Dutch historians state' the loss of the royalists, in killed, at upwards of 8000L 
Heteven, a good authorUy, says the peasants buried £250 ; while Benti. 
Toglio, an Italian writor in the interest of Spain, makes th^ number ex- 
actly lialf that amount Grotius says that the loss of the Dutch was fiiur 
mea killed. Bentivoglio states it at 100. But, at either computotlon, it is 
destrthat the afllnr was a brilliant one on the part (rf prince Maurice, 
t Gxotiua. De Thou. t D'Ewei. 

o 3 



198 mSTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1598- 

encouraged by his exhortations this mutual inclination. 
The king of Poland sent ambassadors to the Hague and 
to London^ to induce the states and queen Elizabetii to 
become parties in a general pacification. These over- 
tures led to no conclusion ; but the conferences between 
France and Spain went on with apparent cordiality and 
great promptitude^ and a peace was concluded between 
tiiese powers at Vervins^ on the 2d of May^ 1598. 

Shortiy after the publication of this treaty^ another 
important act was made Iqiown to tiie worlds by which 
Fltilip ceded to Albert and Isabella^ on tiieir being 
formally affianced^ — a ceremony whidi now took place, 
— the sovereignty of Burgundy and the Netherlands. 
This act bears date the 6th of May^ and was proclaimed 
witii all the solemnity due to so important a transaction. 
It contained thirteen articles; and was based on the 
misfortunes which tiie absence of the sovereign had 
hitherto caused to the Low Countries. The catholic 
rdigion was declared that of the state> in its full in-< 
tegrity. The provinces were guaranteed against dis- 
memberment. The archdukes, by which tide the joint 
sovereigns were designated without any distinction of 
tux, were secured in tiie possession, witii right of suc- 
cession to their diildren; and a provision was added> 
that in default of posterity their possessions should re- 
vert to the Spanish crown.* The infanta Isabella soon 
sent her procuration to the archduke, bar affianced hu»- 
band, giving him full power and authority to take pos- 
session, of tiie ceded dominions in her name as in his 
own ; and Albert was inaugurated witii great pomp at 
Brussels, on the 22d of August. Having put every 
thing in order for tiie r^ulation of tiie government dur- 
ing his absence, he set out for Spain, for the purpose of 
accomplishing his spousals, and brii^;ing back his bride 
to the chief seat of tiieir joint power. But before hU 
departure he wrote to tiie various states of tiie republie^ 
«id to prince Maurice himself, strongly recomm^iding 
submission and reconciliation. These letters received 

• arotiiu. Hist lib. TiU. 



15d9* AIiBERT AND ISABELLA. 199 

no answer; a new pbt against the life of prince Man- 
rioe^ by a wretched individual named Peter Pann^ having 
aroused the indignation of the country^ and determined 
it to treat with suspicion and contempt every insidioua 
proposition from the tyranny it defied.* 

Albert placed his unde^ the cardinal Andrew of Aus- 
tria^ at the head of the temporary government^ and set 
cut on his journey; taking the little town of Halle iii 
hiB route, and deposing at the altar of the Virgin, who 
is there held in particular honour, his cardinal's hat as a 
tolcen of his veneration. He had not made much progress 
when he received accounts of the demise of Philip II., 
who died, after long suffering, and with great resign<- 
ation, on the Iddi of September, 1598, at the age of 
srenty-two. t Albert was several months on his journey 
through Germany ; and ihe ceremonials of his union 
with the infanta did not take place till the 18th of April, 
"^^99^ vrhen it was finally solemnised in the dty of 
Valencia in Spain. 

This transaction, by idiich the Netherlands were po- 
sitively erected into a separate sovereignty, seems natu- 
rally to make the limits of another epoch in their history. 
It oompletdy decided the division between the nordiem 
and southern provinces, which, although it had virtually 
taken place long previous to this period, could scarcely 
be considered as formally consummated until how. Here 
then we shall pause anew, and take a rapid review of the 
social state of the Netherlands during the last half century, 
whidi was beyond all doubt the most important period 
of thdr history, from the earliest times till the present 

It has been seen that when Charies V. resigned his 
ikxex^ and die possession of his vast donunions to his 
8on> arts, commerce, and manufactures had risen to a state 
«f eonaiderable perfection throughout the Netherlands. 
The revolution, of whidi we have traced the rise and 
progress, naturally produced to those provinces which 
tdapaed into slavery a most lamentable change in every 
hnnch of industry, and struck a blow at die general 

• D*Ewes. t Watioii. 

o 4 



200 HISTOBT OF THE NBTHEBLAND8. 1599* 

prosperity, die efiects of which are felt to this rerj dsf . 
Arts, science, and literature were sure to he checked 
and withered in the hlaze of civil war ; and we haTe 
now to mark the retrc^ade movements of most of those 
charms and advantages of civilised life, in whidi Flan* 
ders and the other southern states were so iidi. 

The rapid spread of enli^tenment on religious sidb- 
jects soon converted the manufactories and workshops of 
Flanders into so many conventicles of reform ; and the 
dear-sighted artizans fled in thousands from the tyranny 
of Alva into England, Germany, and Holland, — those 
happier countries, where the government adopted and 
went hand in hand with the progress of rational belief. 
Commerce followed the fate of manufactures. Th^ 
foreign merchants one by one abandoned the theatre of 
bigotry and persecution ; and even Antwerp, whidi had 
succecMled Bruges as the great mart of European traffic, 
was ruined by the horrible excesses of the Spanish sol- 
diery, and never recovered from the shock. Its trade, 
its wealth, and its prosperity, were gradually transferred 
to Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and the towns of Holland 
and Zealand; and the growth of Dutch commerce at- 
tained its proud maturity in the establishment of the 
India company in 1596, the effects of which we dull 
have hereafter more particularly to dwdl on. 

The exdting and romantic enterprises of the Portu- 
guese and Spanish navigators in the fifteenth and six- 
teenth centuries roused all the ardour of other nations 
for those distant adventures ; and the people of the Ne- 
therlands were early influenced by the general spirit of 
Europe. If they were not the discoverers of new worlds, 
they were certainly the first to make the name of Euro- 
pean respected and venerated by the natives. 

Animated by the ardour which springs from the spirit 
of freedom and the enthudasm of success, (he United 
Provinces laboured for the discovery of new outlets for 
their eommeroe and navigation. The gov^nmest en- 
couraged the speculations of individuals, which promised 
fresh and fertile sources of revenue, so neoessaiy for the 



1599* PR0OREB8 OF COMHESGE. 20| 

softinteiuince of the war.* Until the year 1581 the 
merebants of Holland and Zealand if ere satisfied to find 
-the produetioBS of India at Lisbon^ which was the mart 
.of that branch of trade ever since the Portuguese dis- 
eovered the passage by the Cape of Good Hope. But 
Philip II., having conquered Portugal, excluded the 
United Provinces fix>m the ports of ^t country; and 
their enterprising mariners were from that period driven 
to llioee efforts which rapidly led to private fortune and 
gioaeral prosperity. The English had opened the way 
in this career ; and the states-goieral having offered a 
large reward for the discovery of a north-west passage, 
frequent and most adventurous voyages took place# 
Houtman, Le Maire, Heemskirk, Ryp, and others, be- 
came celebrated for dieir enterprise, loid some for their 
perilous and interesting adventures. 

The United Provinces were soon widiout any rival on 
the seas. In Europe alone they had 1200 merchant 
ships in activity,. and upwards of 70,000 sailors con- 
stantly employed, f They built annuidly 2000 vessels. 
In the year 1598, eighty i^ips sailed from their ports for 
.the Indies or America. They carried on, besides, an 
extoisive trade on the coast of Guinea, whence they 
brought large quantities of gold-dust; and found, in 
short, in all quarters of the globe the reward of dieir 
skill, industry, and courage. 

The spirit of conquest soon became grafted on the 
habits of trade. Expedition succeeded to expedition* 
Failure taught vrisdom to those who did not want 
bravery. The random efforts of individuals were suc- 
ceeded by organised plans, under associations well con- 
stituted and wealthy; and these soon gave l»rth to 
those eastern and western companies before alluded 
to. The disputes between the English and the Han- 
seatic towns were carefully observed by the Putch, 
and turned to their own advantage. The English ma- 
nufacturers, who quickly began to flourish, from the 
influx of Flemish workmen under the encouragement of 

. Giotiiif , Hilt Tiil SS9. &c t Orot. W. ISL 



202 HISTOBT OF VHS NJBTBBXI.ANDS. IBQQ* 

Eluabethj fonned ccmipaiiies in the Netherlands^ and 
sent their cloths into those very towns of Germany 
which formerly possessed the exdusiye privilege of their 
manofactare.* These towns naturally felt dissatisfied^ 
and their complaints were encouraged by the king of 
Spain. The English adventorers received orders to quit 
the empire; and^ invited by the states-general^ many of 
them fixed their residence in Middlebourg^ which became 
the most cdebrated woollen market in Europe. 

The establishment of the Jews in the towns of the 
republic forms a remarkable epoch in the annals of trade. 
This people^ so outraged by the loathsome bigotry which 
Christians have not blushed to call religion^ so far firOm 
being depressed by the general persecution^ seemed to 
find it a fresh stimulus to the exertion of iheir indus- 
try. To escape death in Spain and Portugal they took 
refuge in Holland^ where toleration encouraged, and just 
principles of state maintained them. They were, at 
first taken for catholics, and subjected to suspicion ; but 
when their real faith was understood they were no longer 
molested. 

Astronomy and geography, two sciences so closely 
allied with and so essential to navigation, flourished now 
throughout Europe. Ortilius of Antwerp, and Gerard 
Mercatqr of Rupelmonde, were two of the greatest geo- 
graphers of the sixteenth century; and the reform in 
the calendar at the end of that period gave stability to 
the calculations of time, which had previously suffered 
all the inconvenient fluctuations attendant on the old 
style. 

Literature had assumed during the revolution in the 
Netherlands the almost exclusive and repulsive aspect of 
controversial learning. The university of Douay, in- 
stalled in 1562 as a new screen against the piercing 
light of reform, quickly became the stronghold of into- 
lerance. That of Leyden, established by the efforts of 
the prince of Orange, soon after the famous si^e of that 
town in 1574, was on a less exclusive plan — its profes- 
* Meteren, liv. 19. 



1599* CRVBLTIBB OF MBKDOZA. 208 

gars being in the first instance drawn from Germany. * 
Many Flemish historians succeeded in this century to 
the ancient and uncultivated chroniclers of preceding 
tunes; the civil wars drawing forth many writers^ who 
recorded what they witnessed^ but often in a spirit of 
partisanship and want of candour^ which seriously em- 
barrasses him who desires to learn the truth on both 
sides of an important question. Poetry declined and 
drooped in these times of tumult and suffering ; and the 
duunbers of rhetoric^ to which its cultivation had been 
chiefly due^ gradually lost their influence^ and finally 
ceased to exist. 

In fixing our attention on the republic of the United 
Provinces during the epoch now completed^ we feel the 
desire^ and lament the impossibility^ of entering on the 
details of government in that most remarkable state. 
For these we must refer to whf^t appears to us the best 
authority for dear and ample information on the prero- 
gative of the stadtholder, the constitution of the states- 
general^ the privileges of the tribunals and local as- 
semUieS; and other points of moment concerning the 
prindples of the Bdgic confederation.t 



CHAP. XV. 

1599—1604. 

TO THJB CAMPAIOK 07 7RINCK MAURICK AKD SPINOLA. 

Previous to his departure for Spain^ the archduke Al- 
bert had placed the government of the provinces which 
acknowledged his domination in the hands of his unde, 
the cardinal Andrew of Austria^ leaving in command 
of the army Frandsco Mendoza, admiral of Aragon. 
The troops at his disposal amounted to 22^000 fighting 
men^— a formidable force^ and enough to justify the 
■erioua apprdiendons of the republic. Albert^ whose 
• De Smet f See Cerisier, Hist. Oea det Pror. Uoies, t ir. 



204 HISTORY OF THE NETHE&IiAKDS. 1599' 

finances were exhaasted by payments made to the nu* 
merons Spanish and Italian mutineers^ had left orders 
with Mendoza to secure some place on the Kbine^ which 
might open a passage for free quarters in the enemy's 
country. But this unprincipled officer forced his way 
into the neutral districts of Cleyes and Westphalia ; and 
with a body of executioners ready to hang up all who 
might resist^ and of priests to prepare them for death, 
he carried such terror on his march that no opposition 
was ventured.* The atrocious cruelties of Mendoza and 
his troops baffle all description : on one occasion they 
murdered^ in cold blood, the count of Walkenstein, who 
surrendered his castle on the express condition of his 
freedom ; and they committed every possible excess that 
may be imagined of ferocious sol^ery encouraged by a 
base commander.t 

Prince Maurice soon put into motion, to oppose this 
army of brigands, his small disposable force of about 
7000 men. Widi these, however, and a succession of 
masterly manoeuvres, he contrived to preserve the re- 
public from invasion, and to paralyse and almost de- 
stroy an army three times superior in numbers to his 
own. J The horrors committed by the Spaniards, in the 
midst of peace and without the slightest provocation, 
could not fail to excite the utmost indignation in a 
nation so fond of liberty and so proud as Germany. 
The duchy of Cleves felt particularly aggrieved ; and 
Sybilla, the sister of the duke, a real heroine in a glo- 
rious cause, so worked on the excited passions of the 
people by her eloquence and her tears, that she persuaded 
all the orders of the state to unite against the odious 
enemy. Some troops were suddenly raised; and a 
league was formed between several princes of the em- 
pire to revenge the common cause. The count de la 
Lippe was chosen general of their united forces; and 
the choice could not have fidlen on one more certainly 
incapaUe or more probably treacherous. § 

The German army, with their usual want of activity, 
• Reid. XV. IC7. f Meteren, lir. xxl t Cerisier. % TtfUL 



1599* vmnjoBmamoM. nat4z. szninTSXK. 205 

did not open the cunpaign. till the month of June. It 
consisted of 14^000 men ; and never was an army so 
badly conducted.* Without money> artillery^ proid« 
sions^ or discipline^ it was at any moment ready to break 
up and abandon its incompetent general: and on tho 
very first encounter with the enemy^ and after a hm 
of a couple of hundred men^ it became self-disbanded ; 
and^ flying in every direction^ not a single man could be 
rallied to dear away this disgrace. 

The states-general^ cruelly disappointed at this result 
of measures ^m which they had locked for so import- 
ant a diversion in their favour^ now resolved on a vi- 
gorous exertion of their own energies, and determined 
to undertake a naval expedition of a magnitude grater 
than any they had hitherto attempted. The force of 
public opinion was at this period more powerful than 
it had ever yet been in the United Provinces : for a 
great number of the inhabitants, who, during the life of 
Philip II., consdentiouBly believed that they could not 
lawfully abjure the authority once recognised and sworn 
to, became now liberated from those respectaUe althou^ 
absurd scruples ; and the death of one unfeeling despot 
gave thousands of new dtizens to the state. 

A fleet of seventy-three vessels, carrying 8000 men, 
was soon eqiupped, under the order of admiral Vander 
Groes ; and after a series of attempts on the coasts of 
Spain, Portugal, Africa, and the Canary isles, this ex* 
pedidon, from which the most splendid results w^e 
expected, was shattered, dispersed, and reduced to no« 
thing, by a succession of unheard-of mishaps. 

To these disappointments were now added domestic 
dissensions in the republic, in consequence of the new 
taxes absolutdy necessary for the exigendes of the state. 
The conduct of queen Elizabeth greatly added to the 
general embarrassment : she ckUed for the payment of 
her former loans; insisted on the recall of the English 
troops ; and declared her resolution to make peace with 
Spain.f Several German princes promised aid in men 
• De Thou, Uv. 122. t CerUier. 



206 HisTiAT or ma nbthbbiiAnds. 1600. 

and money^ bat never foniidied ^ther ; and in iMI 
most critiaJ jnncture Henry IV. was the only ^nreign 
sovereign who did not abandon the republic. He sent 
them 1000 Swiss troops, whom he. had in his pay; 
allowed them to levy 3000 more in France ; and gave 
them a loan of 200^000 crowns, — a very convenient 
supply in their exhausted state. 

The archdukes Albert and Isabella arrived in the 
Netherlands in September, and made their entrance into 
Brussels with unexampled magnificence. They soon 
found themsdves in a situation quite as critical as was 
that of the United Provinces, and both parties displayed 
immense energy to remedy their mutual embarrassments. 
The winter was extremely rigorous ; so much so, as to 
aUow oi military operations being undertaken on the ice. 
Prince Maurice soon commenced a Christmas campaign 
by taking the town of Wachtendenck ; and he followed 
up his success by obtaining possession of the important 
forts of Crevecoeur and St. Andrew in the island of 
Bommel. A most dangerous mutiny at the same time 
broke out in the army of the archdukes ; and Albert 
seemed left without troops or money, at the very begin- 
ning of his sovereignty. 

But these successes of prince Maurice were only the 
prelude to an expedition of infinitely more moment, ar- 
ranged with the utmost secrecy, and executed with an 
energy scarcely to be looked for from the situation of 
the states. This was nothing less than an invasion 
poured into the very heart of Flanders, thus putting the 
archdukes on the defence of their own most vital pos« 
sessions, and changing completely the whole character 
of the war. * The whole disposable troops of the re- 
public, amounting to about 17,000 men, were secretly 
assembled in the island of Walcheren, in the month of 
June ; and setting sail for Flanders, they disembarked 
near Ghent, and arrived on the 20th of that month 
under the waUs of Bruges. Some previous negotiations 
with that town had led the prince to expect that it 

• Grot viiL S87. &c. 



l600. SUCCESS OF THE BOYALI8T8. SO? 

would have opened its gates at his approadL. In this 
lie was^ however^ disappointed ; and after taidng posses- 
sion of some Icats in the neighhourhood^ he continued 
his mardi to Nieuport^ which place he inrested on the 
1st of July. 

. At the news of this invasion the archdukes^ though 
taken hy surprise^ displayed a promptness and ded* 
sion that proved them worthy of the sovereignty which 
seemed at stake. With incredible activity they mns- 
tered^ in a few days^ an army of 12^000 men^ which 
they passed in review near Ghent. On this occasion 
Isabella^ proving her title to a place among those heroic 
women with whom the age abounded^ rede through 
Ae royalist ranks^ and harangued them in a style of 
inspiring eloquence that inflamed their courage and 
secured their fidelity. Albert^ seizing the moment of 
this excitement^ put himself at their head^ and marched 
to seek the enemy^ leaving his intrepid wife at Bruges^ 
the nearest town to the scene of the action he was re- 
sdved on: He gained possession of all the forts taken 
and garrisoned by Maurice a few days before ; and 
pushing forward with his apparently irresistible troops^ 
he came np on the morning of the 2d of July with a 
large body of those of the states^ consisting of about 
3000 men^ sent forward under the command of count 
Ernest of Nassau to reconnoitre and judge of the ex- 
ten^ of this most unexpected movement: for prince 
Maurice was^ in his tum^ completely surprised; and 
not merely by one of those manoeuvres of war by which 
the best generals are sometimes deceived^ but by an ex- 
ertion of political vigour and capacity of which history 
ofibrs few more striking examples. Such a circum- 
stance^ however^ served only to draw forth a fresh dis- 
play of those uncommon talents^ which in so many 
varions accidents of war had placed Maurice on the 
highest rank for military talent. The detachment 
under count Ernest of Nassau was chiefly composed of 
Soottisb infantry; and this small force stood firmly 
opposed to the impetuous attack of the whole royalist 



208 HIBTOBT OF THE yETHBBTiANPS. I6OQ 

army — thus giving time to the main body under the 
prince to take up a position^ and foim in order of bat- 
tle. Count Ernest was at length driven back^ with the 
loss of 800 men killed^ almost all Scottish ; and being 
cut off from the rest of the army^ was forced to take 
refuge in Ostend, which town was in possession of the 
troops of the states. 

The army of Albert now marched on^ flushed with 
this first success and confident of final victory. Prince 
Maurice received them with the courage of a gallant 
soldier and the precaution of a consummate general.' Be 
had caused the fleet of ships of war and transports^ 
which had, sailed along the coast from Zealand, and 
landed supplies of ammunition and provisions, to re« 
tire far from the shore, so as to leave to his army no. 
chance of escape but in victory. The conunissioners 
from the states, who always acconipanied the prince as 
a council of observation rather than of war, had retired 
to Ostend in great consternation, to wait the issue of the 
battle which now. seemed inevitable. A scene of deep 
feeling and heroism was the next episode of this me- 
morable day, and throws the charm of natural affection 
over those circumstances in which glory too seldom 
leaves a place for the softer emotions of the heart. When 
the patriot army was in its position, and firmly waiting 
the advance of the foe, prince Maurice tui^ied to his 
brother, Frederick Henry, then sixteen years of age, and 
several young noblemen, English, French, and German, 
who like him attended on the great captain to learn 
the art of war: he pointed out in a few words the pe- 
rilous situation in which he was placed ; declared his 
resolution to conquer or perish on the battle-field ; and 
recommended the boyish band to retire to Ostend, and 
wait for some less desperate occasion, to share his re- 
nown or revenge his fall. Frederick Henry spumed the 
affectionate suggestion, and swore to stand by his bro- 
ther to the last ; and all his young companions adopted 
the same generous resolution. 

The army of the states was placed in order of battle. 



\S0O. BATTLE OF NIEVPORT. 209 

about a league in fVont of Nieuport, in the sand-hills 
with which the neighbourhood abounds^ its left wing 
resting on the sea-shore. Its losses of the mornings and 
of the garrison left in the forts near Bruges^ reduced it 
to an almost exact equality with that of the archduke. 
Each of these armies was composed of that variety of 
troops which made them respectively an epitome of the 
various nations of Europe. The patriot force contained 
Dutch^ English^ French^ German^ and Swiss^ under the 
orders of count Louis of Nassau^ sir Francis and sir 
Horace Vere^ brothers and English officers of great 
celebrity^ with other distinguished captains. The arch- 
duke mustered Spaniards^ Italians^ Walloons^ and Irish 
in his ranks^ led on by Mendoza^ La Berlotta^ and their 
feHow- veterans. Bodi armies were in the highest state 
of discipline^ trained to war by long service^ and enthu- 
siastic in the several causes which they served ; the two 
highest principles of enthusiasm urging them on — re- 
ligious fanaticism on the one hand^ and the love of free- 
dom on the other. The rival generals rode alopg their 
respective lines^ addressed a few brief sentences of en- 
couragement to their men^ and presently the bloody con- 
test began. 

. It was three o'clock in the afternoon when the arch- 
duke commenced the attack. His advanced guards 
commanded by Mendoza and composed of those former 
mutineers who now resolved to atone for their misconduct^ 
marched across the sand-hills with desperate resolution. 
They soon came into contact with the English contin- 
gent under Francis Vere, who was desperately wounded 
in the shock. The assault was almost irresistible. The 
English^ borne down by numbers^ were forced to give 
way; but the main body pressed on to their support. 
Horace Vere stepped forward to supply his brother's 
place. Not an inch of ground more was gained or lost; 
the firing ceased^ and pikes and swords crossed each 
other in die resolute conflict of man to man. The action 
became general along the whole line. The two com- 
manders-in-chief were at all points. Nothing could 



€10 HISTOBY OP THE NETHERLANDS. l60Oi 

exceed their mutual display of skill and courage. At 
length the Spanish cavalry^ hroken by the weU-directedf 
fire of the patriot artillery^ fell back on their infantry 
and threw it into confusion. The archduke at the same 
instant was wounded by a lance in the' cheeky unhorsed^- 
and forced to quit the field. The report of his deaths 
and the sight of his war-steed galloping alone across the 
fields spread alarm through the royalist ranks. Prince 
Maurice saw and seized on the critical moment. He 
who had so patiently maintained his position for three 
hours of desperate conflict^ now knew the crisis for a 
prompt and general advance. He gave the word and 
led on to the charge^ and the victory was at once his 
own.* 

The defeat of the royalist army was complete. The 
whole of the artillery^ baggage^ standards^ and ammuni- 
tion, fell into the possession of the conquerors. Night 
coming on saved those who fled, and the nature of the 
ground prevented the cavalry from consummating the 
destruction of the whole. As far as the conflicting 
accounts of the various historians may be compared and 
calculated on, the. royalists had 3000 killed, and among 
them several officers of rank; while the patriot army^ 
including those who fell in the morning action, lost some- 
thing more than half the number. The archduke, fur- 
nished with a fresh horse, gained Bruges in safety; but 
he only waited there long enough to join his heroic wife, 
with whom he proceeded rapidly to Ghent, and thence 
to Brussels. Mendoza was wounded and taken prisoner, 
and with difficulty saved by prince Maurice from the fury 
of the German auxiliaries. 

The moral effects produced by this victory on the 
vanquishers and vanquished, and on the state of public 
opinion throughout Europe, was immense ; but its im- 
mediate consequences were incredibly trifling. Not one 
result in a military point of view followed an event 
which appeared almost decisive of the war. Nieuport 
was again invested three days after the battle; but a 

•BentiTQgUo, Vanderrynct, &c. 



ffr-^ 



l^Q^* fiUCCEfigES OF PRINCE MAURICE. 211 

strong reinforcement entering the place saved it from all 
danger^ and Maurice found himself forced for want of 
supplies to abandon the scene of his greatest exploit. 
He returned to Holland^ welcomed by the acclamations 
of his grateful country^ and exciting the jealousy and 
hatred of all who envied his glory or feared his power. 
Among the sincere and conscientious republicans who 
saw danger to the public liberty in the growing influence 
of a successful goldier^ placed at the head of affairs and 
endeared to the people by every hereditary and personal 
daim^ was Olden Bameveldt the pensionary ; and from 
this period may be traced the growth of the mutual an- 
tipathy which led to the sacrifice of the most virtuous 
statesman of Holland^ and the eternal disgrace of its 
hitherto heroic chief. 

The states of the catholic provinces assembled at 
Brussels now gave the archdukes to understand that 
nothing but peace could satisfy their wishes or save the 
country from exhaustion and ruin. Albert saw the rea- 
sonableness of their remonstrances^ and attempted to 
carry the great object into effect. The states-general 
listened to his proposals. . Commissioners were appointed 
on both sides to treat of terms. They met at Bergen- 
op-Zoom; but their conferences were broken up almost 
as soon as commenced. The Spanish deputies insisted 
on the submission of the republic to its ancient masters. 
Such a proposal was worse than insulting : it proved 
the inveterate insincerity of those with whom it origin- 
ated, and who knew it could not be entertained for a 
moment. Preparations for hostilities were therefore 
commenced on botfi sides, and the whole of the winter 
was thus employed. 

Early in the spring prince Maurice opened the cam- 
paign at the head of 16,000 men, chiefly composed of 
English and French, who seemed throughout the con- 
test to forget their national animosities, and to know no 
rivalry but that of emulation in the cause of Uberty. 
The town of Rhinberg soon fell into the hands of the 
prince. His next attempt was against Bois-le-duc ; and 
p 2 



212 HI8T0BT OF THE NSTHERLANBS. 1602. 

the si^ of this place was signalised by an event that 
flavoured of the chivalric contests now going out of 
fashion. A Norman gentleman of the name of Breaut^^ 
in the service of prince Maurice^ challenged the royalist 
garrison to meet him and twenty of his comrades in arms 
under the walls of the place. The cartel was accepted 
by a Fleming named Abramzoom^ but better known by 
the epithet Leekerbeetje (savoury bit), who, with twenty 
more, met Br^aut^ and his friends. The combat was 
desperate. The Flemish champion was killed at the 
first shock by his Norman challenger : but the latter 
fiJling into the hands of the enemy, they treacherously 
and cruelly put him to death, in violation of the strict 
conditions of the fight. Prince Maurice was forced to 
raise the siege of Bois-le-duc, and turn his attention in 
another direction.* 

The archduke Albert had now resolved to invest 
Ostend, a place of great importance to the United Pro- 
vinces, but little worth to either party in comparison 
with the dreadful waste of treasure and human life which 
was the consequence of its memorable siege. Sir Francis 
Vere conmianded in the place at the period of its final 
investment; but governors, garrisons, and besieging 
forces, were renewed and replaced with a rapidity which 
gives one of the most frightM instances of the ravages 
of war. The siege of Ostend lasted upwards of three 
years. It became a school for the young nobility of all 
Europe, who repaired to either one or the other party to 
learn the principles and the practice of attack and defence. 
Every thing that the art of stratagy could devise was 
riesorted to on either side. The slaughter in the various 
assaults, sorties, and bombardments, was enormous. 
Squadrons at sea gave a double interest to the land 
operations; and the celebrated brothers Frederick and 
Ambrose Spinola founded their reputation on these op- 
posing elements. Frederick was killed in one of the 
naval combats with the Dutch galleys, and the fame of 
reducing Ostend was reserved for Ambrose. This after- 

• D*£wes. 



.1604. 8IEOE OF OfiTBND. 213 

wards celebrated general had undertaken the command 
at the earnest entreaties of the archduke and the king of 
Spain^ and by the firmness and vigour of his measures 
he revived the courage of the worn-out assailants of the 
place. Redoubled attacks and multiplied mines at length 
reduced the town to a mere mass of ruin^ and scarcely 
left its still undaunted garrison sufficient footing on 
which to prolong their desperate defence. Ostend at 
length surrendered^ on the 22d of September^ l604^ 
and the victors marched in over its crumbled walls and 
shattered batteries. Scarcely a vestige of the place re* 
mained beyond those terrible evidences of destruction* 
Its ditches filled up with the rubbish of ramparts^ bas- 
tions^ and redoubts^ left no distinct line of separation 
between the operations of its attack and its defence. It 
resembled rather a vast sepulchre than a ruined town^ a 
mountain of earth and rubbishy without a single house 
in which the wretched remnant of the inhabitants could 
hide their heads — a monument of desolation on which 
victory might have sat and wept. ^ 

During the progress of this memorable siege queen 
Elizabeth of England had died^ after a long and^ it 
must be pronounced^ a glorious reign ; though the glory 
belongs rather to the nation than to the monarchy whose 
memory is marked with indelible stains of private cru- 
elty^ as in the cases of Essex and Mary queen of Scots^ 
and of public wrongs^ as in that of her whole system of 
tyranny in Ireland. With respect to the United Pro- 
vinces she was a harsh protectress and a capricious ally. 
£9)0 in turns advised them to remain faithful to the old 
impurities of religion and to their intolerable king ; re- 
fused to incorporate them with her own states; and 
then used her best efforts for subjecting them to her 
sway. She seemed to take pleasure in ^e uncertainty 
to which she reduced them^ by constant demands for 
payment of her loans and threats of making peace with 
Spain. Thus the states-general were not much afiected 
by the news of her deaSi: and so rejoiced were they 
at the accession of James I. to the throne of EngUmd, 
p 8 



S14 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. l604. 

that all the hells of Holland rang out merry peals ; bcm- 
fires were set blazing all over the country ; a letter of 
congratulation was despatched to the new monarch ; and 
it was speedily followed by a solemn embassy^ composed 
of prince Frederick Henry^ the grand pensionary De 
Bameveldt^ and others of the first dignitaries of the 
republic* These ambassadors were grievously disap- 
pointed at the reception given to them by James^ who 
treated them as litde better than rebels to their lawful 
king. But this first disposition to contempt and insult 
was soon overcome by ^e united talents of Bameveldt 
and the great duke of Sully^ who was at the same period 
ambassador from France at the English court. The re- 
mit of the negotiations was an agreement between those 
two powers to take the republic under their protection^ 
and use their best efibrts for obtaining the recognition 
of its independence by Spain, t 

The states-general considered themselves amply re- 
compensed for the loss of Ostend^ by the taking of 
Ecluse^ Rhynberg^ and Grave^ all of which had in the 
interval surrendered to prince Maurice ; but they were 
seriously alarmed on finding themselves abandoned 
by king James^ who concluded a separate peace with 
Philip III. of Spain in the month of August this 
year. { 

This event gives rise to a question very important to 
the honour of James, and consequently to England itself, 
as the acts of the absolute monarchs of those days must 
be considered as those of the nations which submitted 
to such a form of govertiment. Historians of great au- 
thority § have asserted that it appeared that, by a secret 
i^eement, the king had expressly reserved the power 
of sending assistance to Holland. Others deny the ex- 
istence of this secret article; and lean heavily on the 
reputation of James for his conduct in the transaction. || 
It must be considered a very doubtful point, and is to 

♦ CerUier. vol ir. p. 495. f Hume. toI. !▼. p. 7. 



X605. PBINCE MAUBIGE AND SPXNOLA. 215 

be judged rather by subsequent events than by any 
direct testimony. 

. The two monarchs stipulated in the treaty that '^ nei- 
ther was to give support of any kind to the revolted 
subjects of the other." It is nevertheless true that James 
did not withdraw his troops from the service of the 
States ; but he authorised the Spaniards to levy soldiers 
in £ngland. The United Provinces were at once 
afflicted and indignant at this equivocal conduct. Their 
first impulse was to deprive the £nglish of the liberty 
of navigating the Scheldt. They even arrested the pro- 
gress of several of their merchant ships. But soon after, 
gratified at finding that James received their deputy 
with the tide of ambassador, they resolved to dissimu- 
late their resentment. 

Prince Maurice and Spinola now took the field with 
their respective armies ; and a rapid series of operations 
placing them in direct contact, displayed their talents in 
the most striking points of view. The first steps on 
the part of the prince were a new invasion of Flanders, 
and an attempt on Antwerp, which he hoped to carry 
before the Spanish army could arrive to its succour. 
But the promptitude and sagacity of Spinola defeated 
this plan, whidbi Maurice was obliged to abandon after 
some loss ; while the royalist general resolved to sig- 
nalise himself by some important movement, and, ere 
his design was suspected, he had penetrated into the* 
province of Overyssel, and thus retorted his rival's fa- 
vourite measure of carrying the war into the enemy's 
country. Several towns were rapidly reduced ; but 
Maurice -flew towards the threatened provinces, and by 
his active measures forced Spinola to fall back on the 
Bbine and take up a position near Roeroord *, where 
he was impetuously attacked by the Dutch army. But 
the cavalry having followed up too slowly the orders of 
Maurice, his hope of surprising the royalists was frus- 
trated ; and the Spanish forces, gaining time by this 
hesitation^ soon changed the fortune of the day. The 

* Orotius, Ub. xiT. 
p 4 



2l6 HUrOBT OF nOE NETHERLANDS. l605. 

Datch cavalry ahaiiiefiilly took to flighty despite the 
gallant endeavoun of both Maurice and his brother 
Frederick Henry; and at this juncture a lai^e rein- 
forcement of Spaniards arrived under the command of 
Vdaaco. Maurice now brought forward some com- 
panies of English and French infantry under Horatio 
Vere and D'Omerville^ also a distinguished officer. The 
battle was again fiercdy renewed; and the Spaniards 
now gave way^ and had been completely defeated^ had 
not Spinola put in practice an old and generally suc- 
cessful stratagem. He caused almost all the drums of 
his army to beat in one direction^ so as to give the im- 
pression that a still larger reinforcement was approach- 
ing. Maurice^, apprehensive that the former panic might 
find a parallel in a fresh one^ prudently ordered a re- 
treaty which he was able to efiect in good order^ in 
preference to risking the total disorganisation of his 
troops. The loss on each side was nearly the same; but 
the glory of this hard-fought day remained on the aide 
of Spinola, who proved himself a worthy successor of 
the great duke of Parma^ and an antagonist with whom 
Maurice might contend without dishonour. * 

The navd transactions of this year restored the ba- 
lance which Spinola's successes had begun to turn in 
favour of the royalist cause. A squadron of ships^ com- 
manded by Hautain admiral of Zealand^ attacked a 
superior force of Spanish vessels dose to Dover, and 
defeated them with considerable loss. But the victory 
was sullied by an act of great barbarity. All the sol- 
diers found on board the captured ships were tied two 
and two, and mercilessly flung into the sea. Some 
contrived to extricate themselves, and gained the shore 
by swimming ; others were picked up by the English 
boats, whose crews witnessed the scene and hastened 
to their relief. The generous British seamen could 
not remain neuter in such a moment, nor repress their 
indignation against those whom they had hitherto so 
long considered as friends. The Dutch vessels pur-i 

* arotiiu. Hut Ub. xiy. 



1605. MARITIME E!n*EBPRI8E. SI 7 

going those of Spain which fled into Dover harbour were 
fired on by the cannon of the castle^ and forced to give 
up the chase. The English loudly complained that the 
Butch had on this occasion violated their territory; and 
this transaction laid the foundation of the quarrel which 
subsequently broke out between England and the repub- 
lic^ and which the jealousies of rival merchants in either 
state unceasingly fomented. In this year also the Dutch 
succeeded in capturing the chief of the Dunkirk privateers^ 
which had so long annoyed their trade ; and they cruelly 
ordeied sixty of the prisoners to be put to death. But 
the people^ more humane than the authorities^ rescued 
them from the executioners and set them free. * 

But these domestic instances of success and inhuma- 
nity were triflings in comparison with the splendid train 
of distant events^ accompanied by a course of wholesale 
benevolcDce that redeemed the traits of petty guilt. The 
maritime enterprises of Holland^ forced by the impru- 
dent policy of Spain to seek a wider career than in the 
narrow seas of Europe^ were day by day extended in 
the Indies. To ruin if possible their increasing trade^ 
Philip III. sent out the admiral Hurtado^ with a fleet 
of eight galleons and thirty-two galleys^ The Dutch 
squadron of five vessels, commanded by Wolfert Her- 
manszoon, attacked thein off the coast of Malabar, and 
his temerity was crowned with great success. He took 
two of their vessels, and completely drove the remainder 
from the Indian seas. He then concluded a treaty with 
the natives of the isle of Banda, by which he promised 
to support them against the Spaniards and Portuguese, 
on condition that they were to give his fellow-country- 
men the exclusive privil^e of purchasing the spices of 
the island. This treaty was the foundation of the influ- 
ence which the Dutch so soon succeeded in forming in 
the East Indies ; and they established it by a candid^ 
mild, and tolerant conduct, strongly contrasted with the 
pride and bigotry which had signalised every act of the 
Portuguese and Spaniards. 

* Cerisier. 



218 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. j606. 

The prodigious success of the Indian trade occasioned 
numerous societies to be formed all through the repub- 
lic But by their great number they became at length 
iigurious to each other. The spirit of speculation was 
pushed too far ; and the merchants^ who paid enormous 
prices for India goods^ found themselves forced to sell 
in Europe at a loss. Many of those societies were too 
weak^ in military force as well as in capital^ to resist the 
armed competition of the Spaniards^ and to support 
themselves in their disputes with the native princes. 
At length the states^general resolved to unite the whole 
.of these scattered partnerships into one grand company^ 
which was soon organised on a solid basis^ that led ere 
long to incredible wealth at home^ and a rapid succession 
of conquests in the East.* 



CHAP. XVI. 

160&— 1619. 

TO THS 8TNOD AT OORT AND THE EXKCUTIGIT OF BARNEVELlJT. 

The states-general now resolved to confine their mili- 
tary operations to a war merely defensive. Spinola had^ 
by his conduct during the late campaign^ completely re- 
vived the spirits of the Spanish troops^ and excited at 
least the caution of the Dutch. He now threatened the 
United Provinces with invasion ; and he exerted his ut- 
most efforts to raise the supplies necessary for the exe- 
cution of his plan. He not only exhausted the resources 
of the king of Spain and the archduke^ but obtained money 
■on his private account from all those usurers who were 
tempted by his confident anticipations of conquest. He 
soon equipped two armies of about 12^000 men each. 
At the head of one of those he took the field ; the other^ 
commanded by the count of Bucquoi^ was destined to 
join him in the neighbourhood of Utrecht ; and he was 

• Richesse de la HoJlande, t i. p. 161. &c 



l606. I>I80RACEFUi:« NAYAI* AFFAIR. 219 

then resolved to push forward with the whole united 
force into the very heart of the repuUic. 

Prince Maurice in the mean time concentrated his 
9Tmy, amounting to 12^000 men^ and prepared to make 
head against his formidable opponents. By a succession 
of the most prudent manoeuvres he contrived to keep 
Spinola in cheeky disconcerted all his projects^ and forced 
him to content himself with the capture of two or three 
towns — a comparatively insignificant conquest. Desiring 
to wipe away the - disgrace of this discomfiture^ and to 
risk every thing for the accomplishment of his grand de- 
sign^ Spinola used every method to provoke the prince to 
a battle^ even though a serious mutiny among his troops^ 
and the impossibility of forming a junction with Buo- 
quoi^ had reduced his foi'ce below that of Maurice ; but 
die latter^ to the surprise of all who expected a decisive 
blow^ retreated from before the Italian general — aban- 
doning the town of GroU^ which immediately fell into 
Spinola's power^ and giving rise to manifold conjectures 
and infinite discontent at conduct so little ill unison 
with his wonted enterprise and skill. Even Henry IV. 
acknowledged it did not answer the expectation he had 
formed from Maurice's splendid talents for war.* The 
fact seems to be^ that the prince, much as he valued 
victory, dreaded peace more ; and that he was resolved 
to avoid a decisive blow, which, in putting an end to the 
contest, would at the same time have decreased the in- 
dividual influence in the state, which his ambition now 
urged him to augment by every possible means. 

The Dutch naval expeditions this year were not more 
briliilint than those on land. Admiral Hautain, with 
twenty ships, was surprised off Cape St. Vincent by the 
Spanish fleet. The formidable appearance of their gal- 
lons inspired on this occasion a perfect panic among the 
Dutch sailors. They hoisted their sails and fled, witli 
the exception of one ship, commanded by vice-admiral 
Klaazoon, whose desperate conduct saved the national 
honour. Having held out until his vessel was quite 

* Sully'tHem.t.iii.p.G6. 



280 HIBTORT OF THE NETHEBIiANDB. l607. 

onminageable^ and almost his whole crew killed . or 
wounded^ he prevailed on the rest to agree to the re- 
■ohition he had formed^ knelt down on the deck^ and 
patting up a brief prayer for pardon for the act^ ^mst 
a lig^t into the powder magazine^ and was instantly 
Uown up with his companions. Only two men were 
anatched from the sea by the Spaniards ; and even these^ 
dreadfully homt and mangled^ died in the utterance of 
corses on the enemy.* 

This disastrous occurrence was soon^ however^ for- 
gotten in the rejoicings for a brilliant victory gained the 
following year by Heemskirk^ so celebrated for his voyage 
to Nova Zembla, and by his conduct in the £ast. He 
set sail from the ports of Holland in the month of March^ 
determined to signalise himself by some great exploit, 
now necessary to redeem the disgrace which had begun 
to sully the reputation of the Dutch navy. He soon got 
intelligence that the Spanish fleet lay at anchor in the 
bay of Gibraltar^ and he speedily prepared to o£fer them 
battle. Before the combat began he held a council of 
war^ and addressed the officers in an energetic speechj^in 
which he displayed the imperative call on their valour to 
conquer or die in the approaching conflict. He led on 
to the action in his own ship ; and, to the astonishment 
of both fleets, he bore right down against the enormous 
galleon in which the flag of the Spanish admiral in chief 
was hoisted. D'Avila could scarcely believe the evidence 
of his eyes at this audacity : he at first burst into laughter 
at the notion ; but as Heemskirk approached he cut his 
cables, and attempted to escape under the shelter of the 
town. The heroic Dutchman pursued him through the 
whole of the Spanish fleet, and soon forced him to action. 
At the second broadside Heemskirk had his left 1^ car- 
ried ofi^ by a cannon-ball, and he almost instantly died, 
exhorting his Crew to seek for consolation in the defeat 
of the enemy. Verhoef, the captain of the ship, con- 
cealed the admiral's death; and the whole fleet continued 
the action with a valour worthy the spirit in which it was 

• Cerisier. . 



l607* NEGOTIATIONS FOR PRAOE. 221 

commenced. The victory was soon decided : four of the 
Spanish galleons were sunk or burned^ the remainder 
fled ; and the citizens of Cadiz trembled with the appro* 
hension of sack and pillage. But the death of Heems- 
kirk^ when made known to the surviving victors^ seemed 
completely to paralyse them: they attempted nothing 
further ; but sailing back to Holland with the body of 
their lamented chiefs thus paid a greater tribute to his 
importance than was to be found in the mausoleum 
erected to his memory in the dty of Amsterdam.* 

The news of this battle reaching Brussels before it 
was known in HoUand^ contributed not a little to quicken 
the anxiety of the archdukes for peace. The king of 
Spain^ worn out by the war which drained his treasury^ 
had for some time ardently desired it. The Portuguese 
made loud complaints of the ruin that threatened their 
trade and their East Indian colonies.t The Spanish 
ministers were fatigued with the apparently interminable 
contest which baffled all their calculations, j: Spinola^ 
even in the midst of his brilliant career^ found himself 
so overwhelmed with debts^ and so oppressed by the 
reproaches of the numerous creditors who were ruined 
by his default of payment^ that he joined in the general 
demand for repose. § In the month of May^ l607^ pro- 
posals were made by the archdukes^ in compliance with 
the general desire; and their two plenipotentiaries^ Van 
Wittenhorst and Gevaerts^ repaired to the Hague. 

Public opinion in the United States was divided on 
this important question. An instinctive hatred against 
the Spaniards^ and long habits of warfare^ influenced the 
great mass of the people to consider any overture for 
peace as some wily artifice aimed at their religion and 
liberty. War seemed to open inexhaustible sources of 
wealth ; while peace seemed to threaten the extinction 
of the courage^ which was now as much a habit as .war 
i^peared to be a want. This reasoning was particularly 
convincing to prince Maurice^ whose fame^ with a lai^e 
portion of his authority and revenues^ depended on the 

• VaQderT][Dct f GroCiua. % Bentlvogtia \ Cmrislei; 



222 HISTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. l607. 

ooDtiniuaice of hostilitieB : it was also strongly relished 
and siqiported in Zealand generally^ and in the chief 
towns wliidi dreaded the riyalry of Antwerp. But those 
who bore the burden of the war saw the subject under a 
different aspect *: they feared that the present state of 
things would lead to their conquest by the enemy^ or 
to the luin of their liberty by the growing power of 
Maurice. They hoped that peace would consolidate 
the republic and cause the reduction of the debt^ which 
now amounted to 26,000^000 florins. At the head of 
the party who so reasoned was De Bameveldt ; and his 
name is a guarantee with posterity for the wisdom of 
the opinion. 

To allow the rioloit opposition to subside^ and to pre- 
vent any explosion of party feuds, the prudent Bameveldt 
suggested a mere suspoision of arms, during which the 
permanent interests of both states might be calmly dis- 
cussed : he eyen undertook to obtain Maurice's consent 
to the armistice. The prince listened to his ai^uments, 
and was apparently convinced by them. He, at any 
rate, sanctioned the proposal; but he afterwards com- 
plained that Bamevddt had deceived him, in representing 
the n^;otiation as a feint for the purpose of persuading 
the kings of France and England to give greater aid to 
the republict It is more than likely that Maurice 
reckoned on the improbability of Spain's consenting to 
the terms of the proposed treaty ; and, on that chance, 
withdrew an opposition which could scarcely be ascribed 
to any but motives of personal ambition. It is, however, 
certain that his discontent at this transaction, either with 
himself or Bameveldt, laid the foundation of that bitter 
enmity which proved fatal to the life of the latter, and 
covered his own name, otherwise glorious, with undying 
reproach. 

Tiie United Provinces positively revised to admit even 
the commencement of a negotiation without the absolute 
recognition of their independence by the archdukes. A 
new ambassador was accordingly chosen on the part of 

* BentirogUa f Cerisier. 



1608. ASgEMBIiT OF AXBASSADOIUS. 223 

these sovereigns^ and empowered to concede this im- 
portant admission. This person attracted considerable 
attention^ from his well-known qualities as an able di- 
plomatist. He was a monk of the order of St. Francis^ 
named John de Neyen^ a native of Antwerp^ and a per- 
son as well versed in court intrigue as in the studies of 
the cloister. He^ in the first instance^ repaired secretly 
to the Hague ; and had several private interviews with 
prince Maurice and Bameveldt, before he was regularly 
introduced to the states-general in his official character. 
Two different journeys were undertaken by this agent 
between the Hague and Brussds, before he could succeed 
in obtaining a p^ect understanding as to. the specific 
views of the archdukes. The suspicions of the states- 
general seem fiilly justified by the dubious tone of the 
various communications^ which avoided the direct admis- 
sion of the required preliminary as to the independence 
of the United Provinces. It was at length concluded 
in explicit terms; and a suspension of arms for eight 
months was the immediate consequence. 

But the negotiation for peace was on the point of 
being completely broken^ in consequence of the conduct 
of Neyen, who justified every doubt of his sincerity by 
an attempt to corrupt Aarsens, the greffier of the states-' 
general^ or at least to influence his conduct in the pro- 
gress of the treaty. Neyen presented him^ in the name 
of the archdukes^ and as a token of his esteem^ vdth a 
diamond of great value and a bond for 50^000 crowns. 
Aarsens accepted these presents with the approbation 
of prince Maurice^ to whom he had confided the cir-' 
cumstance^ and who was no doubt delighted at what 
promised a rupture to the negotiations. Verreiken, a 
counsellor of state^ who assisted Neyen in his diplomatic 
labours^ was formally summoned before the assembled 
states-general^ and there Bameveldt handed to him the 
diamond and the bond ; and at the same time read him 
a lecture of true republican severity on the subject. 
Verreiken was overwhelmed by the violent attack : he 
denied the authority of Neyen for the measure he had 



224 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. I6O8. 

taken ; and remarked, *' that it was not surprising tbat 
monks, naturally interested and avaricious, judged others 
by themsdves." * This repudiation of Neyen's suspi* 
dous conduct seems to have satisfied the stem resent- 
ment of Bameveldt, and the party which so earnestly 
laboured for peace. In spite of all the opposition of 
Maurice and his partisans, the negotiation went on. 

In the month of January, I6O8, the various ambas- 
sadors were assembled at the Hague. Spinola was the 
chief of the plenipotentiaries appointed by the king of 
Spain; and Jeannin, president of the parliament of 
Dgon, a man of rare endowments, represented France. 
Prince Maurice, accompanied by his brother Frederick 
Henry, the various counts of Nassau his cousins, and 
a numerous escort, advanced some distance to meet 
Spinola, conveyed him to the Hague in his own carriage, 
and lavished on him all the attentions reciprocally due 
between two such renowned captains during the sus- 
pension of their rivalry. The president Richardst was, 
with Neyen and Verredken, ambassador from the arch- 
dukes ; but Bameveldt t and Jeannin appear to have 
played the chief parts in the important transaction which 
now filled all Europe with anxiety. Every state was more 
or less concerned in the result ; and the three great mo- 
narchies of England, France, and Spain, had all a vital 
interest at stake. The conferences were therefore fre- 
quent; and the debates assumed a great variety of 
aspects, which long kept the civilised world in suspense. 

King James was extremely jealous of the more pro- 
minent part taken by the French ambassadors, and of 
the subaltern consideration held by his own envoys, 
Winwood and Spencer, in consequence of the disfavour 
in which he himself was held by the Dutch people. It 
appears evident that, whether deservedly or the contrary, 
England was at this period unpopular in the United' 
Provinces, while France was looked up to with the great- 
est enthusiasm. This is not surprising, when we com- 
pare the characters of Henry IV. and James I., bearing 

♦ JemDlD, VOL L pix 30SL 3*3. f Vanderrynct. 



1608. €ONOB£SS AT THE HAGUE. 225 

in mind how much of national reputation at the time 
depended on the pers9nal conduct of kings ; and how 
political situations influence, if they do not create, the 
virtues and vices of a people. Independent of the sus- 
picions of his heing altogether unfavourable to the de- 
claration required by the United Provinces from Spain, 
to which James's conduct had given rise, he had estab- 
lished some exactions which greatly embarrassed their 
fishing expeditions on the coasts of England. 

The main points for discussion, and on which de- 
pended the decision for peace or war, were tliose which 
concerned religion ; and the demand, on the part of Spain, 
that the United Provinces should renounce all claims to 
the navigation of the Indian seas. * Philip required for 
the catholics of the United Provinces the free exercise of 
their religion; this was opposed by the states-general: 
and the archduke Albert, seeing the impossibility of 
carrying that point, despatched his confessor Fra Inigo 
de Briznella to Spain. This Dominican was furnished 
with the written opinion of several theologians, that the 
king might conscientiously slur over the article of re- 
ligion ; and he was the more successful with Philip, as 
the diJce of Lerma, his prime minister, was resolved to 
accomplish the peace at any price, t The conferences 
at the Hague were therefore not interrupted on this 
question ; but they went on slowly, months being con- 
sumed in discussions on articles of trifling importance. 
They were, however, resumed in the month of August 
with greater vigour. It was announced that the king of 
Spain abandoned the question respecting religion ; but 
that it was in the certainty that his moderation would be 
recompensed by ample concessions on that of the Indian 
trade, on which he was inexorable. This article became 
the rock on which the whole negotiation eventually split. 
The court of Spain on the one hand, and the states- 
general on the other, inflexibly maintained their opposing 
claims. It was in vain that the ambassadors turned 
and twisted the subject with all the subtleties of diplo- 

• Vandervynct. t Idem. 



236 BISTORT OF TUB RBTBXRI.AKD8. l60S» 

macy. Every possible expedient was used to shake tlie 
determination of the Dutch. Bv^ the influence of the 
East India company^ the islands of Zealand^ and the 
dty of Amsterdam^ prevailed over all. Reports of the 
avowal on the part of the king of Spain^ that he would 
never renounce his title to the soverdgnty of the Uoiited 
Provinces, unless they abandoned the Indian navigation 
and granted the free exercise of religion, threw the 
whole diplomatic corps into confusion ; and on the 25th 
of August, the states-general announced to the marquis 
of Spinola and the other ambassadors, that the congress 
was dissolved, and that all hopes of peace were aban- 
doned. * 

Nothing seemed now likely to prevent the immediate 
renewal of hostilities, when the ambassadors of France 
and England proposed the mediation of their respective 
masters for the conclusion of a truce for several yeahs. 
The king of Spain and the archdukes were well satisfied 
to obtain even this temporary cessation of the war ; but 
prince Maurice and a portion of the Provinces strenu- 
ously opposed the proposition. The French and Eng- 
lish ambassadors, however, in concert with Bameveldt^ 
who steadily maintained his influence, laboured inces- 
santly to overcome those difficulties; and finaUy suc- 
ceeded in overpowering all opposition to the truco. A 
new congress was agreed on, to assemble at Antwerp 
for the consideration of the conditions ; and the states- 
general agreed to remove from the Hague to Bergen-op- 
Zoom, to be more within reach and ready to co-operate 
in the negotiation. 

But, before matters assumed this favourable tum^ 
discussions and disputes had intervened on several oc- 
casions to render fruitless every eflfbrt of those who so 
incessantly laboured for the great causes of humanity 
and the general good. On one occasion Bameveldt, 
disgusted with the opposition of prince Maurice and bis 
partisans, had actually resigned his employments ;' but 
brought back by the solicitations of the states-general^ 

• Grotius, lib. xvii. p. 54a 



l^iD®. rwTELVB YETABS' TRUCE. 82? 

^d reconciled to Maurice by the interrention of Je«miii^ 
the negotiations for the truce were resumed ; and^ under 
the auspices of the ambassadors^ they were happily ter« 
minated. After two years' delay^ this long wished for 
truce was concluded and signed on the 9th of Aprils 
1609. to continue for the space of twelve years. * 

This celebrated treaty contained thirty-two articles ; 
and its fulfilment on either side was guaranteed by the 
longs of France and England. Notwithstanding the 
6me taken up in previous discussions^ the treaty is one 
of the most vague and unspedfic state papers that exist. 
The archdukes^ in their own names and in that of the 
king of Spain^ declared the United Provinces to be free 
and independent states^ on which they renounced all 
daim whatever. By the third article each party was 
to hold respectively the places which they possessed at 
the commencement of the armistice. The fourth and 
fifth articles grant to the republic^ but in a phraseology 
obscure and even doubtful^ the right of navigation and 
free trade to the Indies. The eighth contains all that 
r^ards the exercise of religion; and the remaining 
clauses are wholly relative to points of internal trade^ 
custom-house regulations, and matters of private in- 
terest, t 

Ephemeral and temporary as this peace appeared, it 
was received with almost universal demonstrations of 
joy by the population of the Netherlands in their two 
grand divisions. Every one seemed to turn towards 
the enjoyment of tranquillity with the animated com- 
posure of tired labourers looking forward to a day of rest 
and sunshine. This truce brought a calm of compara- 
tive happiness upon the country, which an almost unre- 
mitting tempest had desolated for nearly half a century ; 
and, after so long a series of calamity, all the national 
advantages of social life seemed about to settle on the 
land. The attitude which the United Provinces assumed 
at this period was indeed a proud one. They were not 
now compelled to look abroad and solicit other states to 

• Jeannin. Grotitu. Behtivoglio. Vandervynct t Vandervynct 
Q 2 



228 BISTORT OF THE NETHERLANDS. I6IO. 

become tfadr masters. They had forced their old tyrants 
to acknowledge their independence; to come and ask 
for. peace on their own ground ; and to treat with them 
OD terms of no doubtful equality. They had already 
become so flourishing^ so powerfiil^ and so envied^ that 
they who had so lately excited but compassion from the 
neighbouring states were now r^arded with such jea- 
lousy as rivals^ unequivocally equals may justly inspire 
in each other. 

The ten southern provinces^ now confirmed under the 
sovereignty of the house of Austria^ and from this period 
generally distinguished by the name of Belgium^ imme- 
diately began^ like the northern division of the country^ 
to labour for the great object of repairing the dreadfrd 
sufferings caused by their long and cruel war. Their 
success was considerable. Albert and Isabella^ their 
soverdgns^ jcnned to considerable probity of character 
and talents for government^ a fimd of humanity which 
led them to unceasing acts of benevolence. The whole 
of their dominions quickly b^an to recover from the 
ravages of war. Agriculture and the minor operations 
of trade r^umed all their wonted activity. But the ma- 
nufactures of Flanders were no more ; and the grander 
exercise of commerce seemed finally removed to Amster- 
dam and the other chief towns of Holland.* 

This tranquil course of prosperity in the Belgian pro- 
vinces was only once interrupted during the whole con- 
tinuance of the twelve years' truce^ and that was in the' 
year following its commencement. The death of the 
duke of Cleves and Juliers^ in this year, gave rise to 
serious disputes for the succession to his states, which 
was claimed by several of the princes of Germany. The 
elector of Brandenburg and the duke of Neubourg were 
seconded both by France and the United Provinces ; and 
a joint army of both nations, commanded by prince 
Maurice and the marshal de la Chatre, was marched into 
the county of Cleves.t After taking possession of the 
town of Juliers, the allies retired, leaving the two 

• Vandenrynct f Meterea 



I6l0. AgSASSINATION OF BENBY IV. 229 

princes above mentioned in a partnership possession of the 
disputed states. But this joint sovereignty did not satisfy 
the ambitio^ of either^ and serious divisions arose be- 
tween them^ each endeavouring to strengthen himself by 
foreign alliances. The archdukes Albert and Isabella 
were drawn into the quarrel ; and they despatched Spi- 
nola at the head of 20^000 men to support the duke of 
Neubourg, whose pretensions they countenanced. Prince 
Maurice^ with a Dutch army^ advanced on the other 
hand to uphold the claims of the elector of Branden« 
burg. Both generals took possession of several towns ; 
and this double expeditiou offered the singular spectacle 
of two opposing armies^ acting in different interests, 
making conquests, and dividing an important inherit- 
ance, without the occurrence of one act of hostility to 
each other.^ But the interference of the court of Ma- 
drid had nearly been the cause of a new rupture. The 
greatest alarm was excited in the Belgic provinces ; and 
nothing but the prudence of the archdukes and the for- 
bearance of the states-general could have succeeded in 
averting the threatened evil. 

With the exception of this bloodless mimicry of war, 
the United Provinces presented for the space of twelve 
years a long continued picture of peace, as the term is 
generally received : but a peace so disfigured by intes- 
tine troubles, and so stained by actions of despotic cru- 
elty, that the period which should have been that of its 
greatest happiness becomes but an example of its worst 
disgrace. 

The assassination of Henry IV., in the year l6lO, 
was a new instance of the bigoted atrocity which reigned 
paramount in £urope at the time ; and whilst robbing 
France of one of its best monarchs, it deprived the United 
Provinces of their truest and most powerful friend. 
Henry has, from his own days to the present, found a 
ready eulogy in all who value kings in proportion as they 
are distinguished by heroism, without ceasing to evince 
the feelings of humanity. Henry seems to have gone as 

• Relazione del Card. Bentiyoglio. 
^ 3 



2S0 HI8T0BY OF THE NETHERLANDS. I6IO. 

hi as man can go, to combine wisdom, dignity, and 
courage, with all those endearing qualities of private life 
which alone give men a prominent hold upon the sym- 
pathies of their kind. We acknowledge his errors, his 
faults, his follies, only to love him the better. We ad- 
mire his valour and generosity, without being shocked 
by cruelty or diq^ted by profusion. We look on his 
greatness without envy; and in tracing his whole ca- 
reer we seem to walk hand in hand beside a dear codoh 
panion, rather than to follow the footsteps of a mighty 
monarch. 

But the death of this powerful si^porter of their 
efforts for freedom, and the chief guarantee for its con- 
tinuance, was a trifling calamity to the United Pro- 
vinces, in comparison with the rapid fall from the true 
point of glory so painfully exhibited in the conduct of 
their own domestic champion. It had been well for 
prince Maurice of Nassau that the last shot fired by the 
defeated Spaniards in the battle of Nieuport had stnidc 
him dead in the moment of his greatest victory, and 
»on the summit of his fame. From that celebrated 
day he had performed no deed of war that could raise 
his reputation as a soldi^, and all his acts as stadt- 
holder were calculated to sink him below the level of 
civil virtue and just government. His two campaigns 
against Spinola had redounded more to the credit of his 
rival than to his own; and his whole conduct during 
the n^otiation for the truce too plainly betrayed the 
unworthy nature of his ambition, founded on despotic 
principles. It was his misfortune to have been so com- 
pletely thrown out of the career for which he had been 
designed by nature and education. War was his element. 
By his genius, he improved it as a sci^ice : by his valour, 
he was one of those who raised it from the d^radation 
of a trade to the dignity of a passion. But when removed 
from the camp to the council-room, he became all at 
once a common man. His frankness- degenerated into 
roughness; his decision into despotism; his courage 
into cruelty. He gave a new proof of the melancholy 



l6l0. BJBLMIOUS DISSENSIONS. 23 1 

fact^ that circumstances may transform the most appaF- 
rent qualities of virtue into those opposite vices between 
which human wisd(»n is baffled when it attempts to 
4raw a decided and invariable line. 

Opposed to Maurice in almost every one of his acts 
was^ as we have already seen^ Bameveldt^ one of the 
truest patriots of any time or country ; and^ with the 
exception of William the great prince of Orange, the 
most eminent citizen to whom the affiiirs of the Nether- 
lands have given celebrity. A hundred pens have la- 
boured to do honour to tUs truly virtuous man.* His 
greatness has found a record in every act of his life ; 
and his deaths like that of Wilham, though differently 
accomplished, was equally a martyrdom for the liberties 
of his country. We cannot enter minutely into the 
train of circumstances which for several years brought 
Maurice and Bameveldt into perpetual concussion with 
.each other. Long after the completion of the truce^ 
which the latter so mainly aided in accomplishing^ every 
minor point in the domestic affairs of the republic seemed 
jnerged iu the conflict between the stadtholder and the 
.pensionary. Without attempting to specify these, we 
may say generally, that almost every one redounded to 
the disgrace of the prince and the honour of the patriot. 
But the main question of agitation was the fierce dispute 
which soon broke out between two professors of theology 
of the university of Leyden, Francis Gomar and James 
Arminius. We do not r^^ret on this occasion that our 
confined limits spare us the task of recording in detail 
controversies on points of speculative doctrine far beyond 
the reach of the human understanding, and therefore 
presumptuous, and the decision of which cannot be re- 
garded as of vital importance by those who justly esti- 
mate the grand principles of Christianity. The whole 
atrength of the intellects which had long been engaged 
in the conflict for national And religious liberty, was now 
directed to metaphysical theology, and wasted upon 
^terminable disputes about predestination and grace. 

• jLvixry, Mem. Ceruior, &c 
Q 4 



232 UI8T0BY OF THE N£TH£BliANDS. l6l2. 

Bameyeldt enrolled himself among the partisans of Ar- 
minius ; Maurice became a Cromarist. 

It was, however, scarcely to be wondered at, that a 
country so recently delivered from slavery both in church 
and state should run into wild excesses of intolerance, 
before sectarian principles were thoroughly understood 
and definitively fixed. Persecutions of various kinds 
were indulged in i^ainst papists, anabaptists, Sodnians, 
and all the shades of doctrine into which Christianity 
had split. Every minister who, in the milder spirit of 
Lutheranism, strove to moderate the rage of Calvinistic 
enthusiasm, was openly denounced by its partisans; and 
one, named Gaspard Koolhaas, was actually excommu- 
nicated by a synod, and denounced in plain terms to the 
devil. * Arminius had been appointed professor at Ley- 
den in l60d, for the mildness of his doctrines, which 
were joined to most afPable manners, a happy temper, 
and a purity of conduct which no calumny could suc- 
cessfiilly traduce, t 

His colleague Gomar, a native of Bruges, learned, 
violent, and rigid in sectarian points, soon became jea- 
lous of the more popular professor's influence. A fu- 
rious attack on the latter was answered by recrimination; 
and the whole battery of theological authorities was re- 
ciprocally discharged by one or other of the disputants. 
The states-general interfered between them : they 
were summoned to appear before the council of state ; 
and grave politicians listened for hours to the dispute. 
Arminius obtained the advantage, by the apparent rea- 
sonableness of his creed, and the gentleness and moder- 
ation of his conduct. He was meek, while Gromar was 
furious; and many of the listeners declared that they 
would rather die with the charity of the former than in 
the faith of the latter. A second hearing was aUowed 
them before the states of Holland. Again Arminius 
took the lead ; and the controversy went on unceasingly, 
till this amiable man, worn out by his exertions and 
the presentiment of the eyA which these disputes were 

• Brandt, Hiat du Reform. f Bayle, art Axmiiiiiu. 



.l6l6, ARH1NIAN8 AND OOMARlSTfl. S8S 

engendering for his country^ expired in his 49th year^ 
piously persisting in his opinions. * 

The Gomarists now loudly called for a national synod^ 
to r^ulate the points of faith. The Arminians remon- 
jBtrated on various grounds^ and thus acquired the name 
of Remonstrants, by which they were soon generally 
distinguished. The most deplorable contests ensued. 
Serious riots occurred in several of the towns of Hol- 
land; and James I. of England could not resist the 
temptation of entering the polemical lists^ as a champion 
of orthodoxy and a decided Gomarist. His hostility 
was chiefly directed against Vorstius^ the successor and 
.disciple of Arminius. He pretty strongly recommended 
the states-general to have him burned for heresy, t His 
inveterate intolerance knew no bounds ; and it completed 
the melancholy picture of absurdity which die whole 
afiair presents to reasonable minds. X 

In diis dispute^ which occupied and agitated all;, it 
was impossible that Bameveldt should not choose the - 
congenial temperance and toleration of Arminius. Mau- 
rice, with probably no distinct conviction^ or much inter- 
est in the abstract differences on either side, joined the 
Gomarists. § His motives were purely temporal; for 
the party he espoused was now decidedly as much poli- 
tical as religious. King James rewarded him by con- 
ferring on him the riband of the order of the Garter 
vacant by tiie death of Henry IV. of France. || The 
ceremony of investment was performed with great pomp 
by the English ambassador at the Hague ; and James 
and Maurice entered from that time into a closer and 
more uninterrupted correspondence than before.lT . . 

During the long continuance of the theological dis- 
putes, the United Provinces had nevertheless made rapid 
strides towards commercial greatness; and the year I616 
witnessed the completion of an afiair which was consi- 

• Bert Oxat. ftineb. f King James's Works, p. 3SS, 

1 See James's letter to the states-generaJ ; Mercure Frangais, t. xl pp. 460. 

I Cerisier, t t. p. 75. 8cc |] Rapin, Ub. xvUl p. 74. 

1 Lauzien de Kassau. 



2M HimroKT of tbk Netherlands. 16i6. 

dared the eoDBolidation of their independence. This 
important matter was the recovery of the towns of 
BrUle and Fleisingue^ and the fort of Rammekins^ which 
had been placed in the hands of the English as security 
for the loan granted to the republic by qaeea Elizabeth. 
The whole merit of the transaction was due to the per« 
aeTerance and address of Bameveldt acting on the weak- 
neea and the embarrassments of king James. Religious 
contention did not so fully occupy Bameyeldt^ but that 
he kept a constant eye on politiod concerns. He was 
well informed on all that passed in the English court : 
he knew the wants of James^ and was aware of his effivts 
to bring about the marriage of his son with the infanta 
of Spain. The danger of such an alliance was evident 
to the penetrating Bameveldt^ who saw in perspective the 
probability of the wily Spaniard's obtaining from the 
English monarch possession of the strong places ii> ques- 
tion. He therefore resolved on obtaining their recovery; 
and his great care was to get them back with a con- 
siderable abatement of the enormous debt for which they 
stood pledged^ and which now amounted to 8^000^000 
florins.* 

Bameveldt commenced his operations by sounding the 
needy monarch through the medium of Noel Caron^ the 
ambassador from the states-general ; and he next ma^ 
naged so as that James himself should offer to give up 
the towns^ thereby allowing a fair pretext to the states 
for claiming a diminution of the debt. The English 
garrisons were unpaid; and th^ c<miplaints brou^t 
down a strong remonstrance from James^ and excuses 
from the states^ founded on the poverty of their financial 
lesources. The negotiation rapidly went on^ in the same 
spirit of avidity on the part of the king^ and of good ma^ 
nagement on Uiat of his debtors. It was finally agreed 
that the states should payin full of the demand 2,7^8^000 
florins (about 250^000/. sterling)^ being about one third 
of the debt. Prince Maurice repaired to the cautionary 
towns in the month o£ Jvme, and received them at the 
•Cerisier. 



I6l6. VLAVBICE INTBIOUE8 FOR REGAJL POWER. 235 

bands of the £ngtish governors ; the garrisons at the 
same time entering into the sendee of the repuUic* 

The accomplishment of tliis measure afibrded the 
highest satisfaction to the United Provinces. It caused 
u^nite discontent in £ngknd; and James^ with the com- 
Sdon injustice of men who make a bad haigain^ (even 
though its conditions be of their own seeking^ and suited 
to their own convenience^) tamed his own self-dissatiB- 
. faction into bitter hatred against him whose watchful 
inte^ty had successfully laboured for his country's good. 
Bameveldt's leaning towards France and the Arminians 
filled the measure of James's unworthy enmity, t Ita 
efifects were soon apparent^ on the arrival at the Hague 
of Carleton^ who succeeded Winwood as James's am- 
bassador. The haughty pretensions of this diplomatist^ 
whose attention seemed turned to theolc^cal disputes 
rather than poUdes^ gave great disgust; and he contri- 
buted not a little to the persecution which led to the 
tragical end cf Bameveldt's valuable life. | 

While this indefatigable patriot was busy in relieving 
his country from its dependancy on England^ his enemies 
accused him of the wish to reduce it once more to Span- 
ish tyranny. Francis Aarsens^ son to him who proved 
himself so incorraptible when attempted to be bribed by 
Neyen, was one of the foremost of the faction who now 
laboured for tlie downfall of the pensionary. He was a 
man of infinite dissimulation; versed in all the intrigues 
of courts; and so deep in all their tortuous tactics^ that 
cardinal Richelieu^ well qualified to prize that species of 
talent^ declared that he knew only three great political 
geniuses, of whom Francis Aarsens was one. § 

Prince Maurice now almost openly avowed 'his pre- 
tensions to absolute sovereignty: he knew that his success 
wholly depended on the consent of Barne veldt. To seduce 
him to favour his designs, he had recourse to the dowager 
princess of Orange, his mother-in-law, whose gentle cha- 
racter and exemplary conduct had procured her universal 

* Carleton's Mem. yoL i. v. 57. &c. Hume, voL viil p. 8S. 

f CabtiA, i. 180. * Ceriaier, t v. pi 196. k Ceriiicr. 



236 BISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. l6l7* 

esteem, and the influence naturally attendant on it. 
Maurice took care to make her understand that her in- 
terest in bis object was not trifling. Long time attached 
to Grertrude van Mechlen, his favourite mistress, who had 
borne him several children, he now announced his posi- 
tive resolution to remain unmarried; so that his brother 
Frederick Henry, the dowager's only son, would be sure 
to succeed to the sovereignty he aimed at. The princess^ 
not insensible to this appeal, followed the instructions of 
Maurice, and broached ^e affair to Bameveldt ; but he 
was inexorable. He clearly explained to her the peril- 
ous career on which the prince proposed to enter. He 
showed how great, how independent, how almost abso- 
lute, he might continue, without shocking the principles 
of republicanism by grasping at an empty dignity, which 
could not virtually increase his authority, and would most 
probably convulse the state to its foundation, and lead to 
his own ruin. The princess, convinced by his reasoning,' 
repaired to Maurice ; but instead of finding him as ready 
a convert as she herself had been, she received as cold 
an answer as was compatible with a passionate temper, 
wounded pride, and disappointed ambition. The prin-. 
cess and fiarneveldt recounted the whole affair to Manner 
the French ambassador; and his son has transmitted it to 
posterity.* 

We cannot follow the misguided prince in all the 
winding ways of intrigue and subterfuge through which 
he laboured to reach his object. ^Religion, the holiest of 
sentiments, and Christiamty, the most sacred of its forms, 
were perpetually degraded by being made the pretexts for 
that unworthy object. He was for a while diverted from 
its direct pursuit by the preparation made to afford assist- 
ance to some of the allies of the republic. Fifty thousand 
florins a month were granted to the duke of Savoy, who 
was at war with Spain t; and 7000 men, with nearly 
forty ships, were despatched to the aid of the republic 
of Venice, in its contest with Ferdinand archduke of 
Gratz, who was afterwards elected emperor. The hono- 

* Aubery du Maurier's Memoirs. f CarIetoD« vol I pi 98£ 



1617* INTRIOUEfl OF MAURIOB. ' S37 

rary empire of the seas seems at this time to havie been 
successfully claimed by the United Provinces : they paid 
hack with interest the haughty conduct with which they 
had been long treated by the English^; and they refused 
to pay the fishery duties to which the inhabitants of 
Great Britain were subject. The Dutch sailors had 
even the temerity, under pretext of pursuing pirates^ to 
violate the Britidi territory : they set fire to the town of 
Crookhaven^ in Ireland^ and massacred several of the 
inhabitants. King James, immersed in theolo^cal stu- 
dies, appears to have passed slightly over this outrage.f 
More was to have been expected from his usual attention 
to the affairs of Ireland ; his management of which ill- 
fated country is the best feature of his political character/ 
and ought, to Irish feelings at least, to be considered to 
redeem its many errors. But he took fire at the news 
that the states had prohibited the importation of doth 
dyed and dressed in England. It required the best ex*, 
ertion of Bameveldt's talents to pacify him; and it was 
not easy to effect this through the jaundiced medium of 
the ambassador Carleton. But it was unansweraUy 
argued by the pensionary, that the manufacture of doth 
was one of those ancient and natural sources of wealth' 
which England had ravished from the Netherlands, and' 
which the latter was justified in recovering by every, 
effort consistent with national honour and fair principles 
of government. J 

The influence of prince Maurice had gained complete 
success for the Calvinist party, in its various titles 
of Gomarists, non-remonstrants, &c. The audacity 
and violence of these ferocious sectarians knew no. 
bounds. Outrages, too many to enumerate, became 
common through the country ; and Arminianism was' 
on all sides assailed and persecuted. Bameveldt fre- 
quently appealed to Maurice without effect ; and all the : 
efforts of the former to obtain justice by means of the 
civil authorities were paralysed by the inaction in which 

• Carleton*8 Mem. vol L p. S80. f Idem, toL I p. 110. &c. 

f Carleton. 



MB ' HIBTOKT Cff TRB NETHEBLANDS. l6l7> 

llie prince retained the military force. In this juncture^ 
the magistrates of various towns^ spurred on by Bame- 
vddt^caUed out the national militia^ called Waardegeldo^ 
which possessed the right of arming at its own expense 
for the protection of the public peace. Schism upon 
schism was the consequence^ and the whole country was 
reduced to that state of anarchy so favourable to the de-* 
signs of an ambitious s(ddier already in the enjoyment 
of almost absolute power. Maurice po^essed all die 
hardihood and vigour suited to such an occasion. At 
the head of two companies of infantry^ and accompanied 
by his l»-other Frederick Henry^ he suddenly set out at 
night from the Hague ; arrived at the BriUe ; and in 
defiance of the remonstrances of the magistrates^ and in 
violation of the rights of the town^ he placed his devoted 
garrison in that important place.* To justify this mea- 
sure, reports were spread that Bameveldt intended to de- 
liver it up to the Spaniards ; and the ignorant^ insensate^ 
and ungrateful people swallowed the calumny.t 

This and siich minor efibrts were, however, aU sub- 
servient to the one grand object of utterly destroying, by 
a public proscription, the whole of the patriot party, now 
identified with Arminianism. A national synod was 
loudly jclamoured for by the Gomarists ; and in spite of 
all opposition on constitutional grounds, it was finally 
proclaimed. Uitenbogaard, the enlightened pastor and 
friend of Maurice, who on all occasions laboured for the 
general good, now moderated, as much as possible, the 
violence of either party: but he could not persuade 
Bameveldt to render himself, by compliance, a tacit 
accomplice with a measure that he conceived fraught 
with violence to the public privileges. He had an 
inflexible enemy in Carleton the English ambassador. 
His interference carried the question ; and it was at his 
suggestion that Dordrecht, or Dort, was chosen for the 
assembling of the synod. J Du Maurier, the French 
ambassador, acted on all occasions as a mediator § ; but 

• Grot Apol.p.«4fi. f Cerlsier. 

t Carlcton's Mem. vol. I \ Aubery, Mem. art. Maurier. 



1018. SYNOD OF DOBT. 2S9 

to obtain influence at sueh a time it was neeessary to 
become a partisan. Several towns^ —^ Leyden^ Goiida^ 
Rotterdam, and some others, — made a last eflbrt for thehr 
liberties, an^l formed a fruitless confederation. 

Bameveldt solicited the acceptance of his resignation 
of all his offices. The states-general implored him not 
to abandon the country at such a critical moment : he 
consequently maintained his post. Libels the most 
▼indictiye and atrocious were published and circulated 
against him ; and at last, forced from his silence by 
these multiplied calumnies, he put forward his '^Apo- 
logy," addressed to the States of Holland. 
• This dignified vindication only produced new out- 
rages ; Maurice, now become prince of Orange by the 
d^th of his elder brother without children, employed 
his whole authority to carry his object and crush Bame- 
veldt. At the head of his troops he seized on towns, 
displaced magistrates, trampled under foot all the ancient 
privileges of the citizens, and openly announced his in- 
tention to overthrow the federative constitution.* His 
bold conduct completely terrified the states-general. 
They thanked him ; they consented to disband the mi- 
litia ; they formally invited foreign powers to favour 
and protect the synod about to be held at Dort. The 
return of Carleton from England, where he had gone to 
receive the more positive promises of support from king 
James, was only wanting, to decide Maurice to take the 
final step t ; and no sooner did the ambassador arrive 
^t the Hague, than Barneveldt and his most able friends 
Grotius, Hoogerbeets, and Ledenberg, were arrested in 
the name of the states-general. J! 

The country was taken by surprise : no resistance 
was offered. The concluding scenes of the tragedy were 
hurried on ; violence was succeeded by violence, against 
public feeling and public justice. Maurice became com- 
pletely absolute in every thing but in name. The sup- 
plications of ambassadors, the protests of individuals, 

• Cerider, t. y. pc£52L f Ultenbog. Hisl. pb991 

t Ceiitler. 



240 HI8T0BT OF THE NETHERLANDS. l6l9*' 

the arguments of statesmen^ were alike unavailing to stop 
the torrent of despotism and injustice. The synod of 
Dort was opened on the 1 3th of November, 1 6 1 8. Theo- 
logy was mystified ; religion disgraced ; Christianity . 
outraged. And after 152 sittings, during six months' 
display of ferocity and fraud, the solemn mockery was 
dosed on the 9th of May, l6l9> by the declaration of its 
president that *' its miraculous labours had made hell 
tremble." * 

Proscriptions, banishments, and death, were the na- 
tural consequences of this synod. The divisions which 
it had professed to extinguish were rendered a thousand 
times more violent than before. Its decrees did incal- 
culable ill to the cause they were meant to promote. 
The Anglican church was me first to reject the canons 
of Dort with horror and contempt, t The protestants 
of France and Germany, and even Geneva, the nurse 
and guardian of Calvinism, were shocked and disgusted, 
and unanimously softened down the rigour of their res- 
pective creeds. But the moral efiects of this memorable 
conclave were too remote to prevent the sacrifice which 
almost immediately followed the celebration of its rites. 
A trial by twenty-four prejudiced enemies, by courtesy 
called judges, which in its progress and its result throws 
judicial dignity into scorn, ended in the condemnation 
of Barneveldt and his fellow patriots for treason against 
the liberties they had vainly laboured to save. Barne- 
veldt died on the scaffold by the hands of the executioner, 
on the Idth of May, l6l9j in the 72d year of his age. 
Grotius and Hoogerbeets were sentenced to perpetual 
imprisonment. Ledenberg committed suicide in his 
cell, sooner than brave the tortures which he anticipated 
at the hands of his enemies. 

Many more pages than we are able to afford sentences 
might be devoted to the details of these iniquitous pro- 
ceedings, and an account of their awful consummation. 
The pious heroism of Barneveldt was never excelled by 
any martyr to the most holy cause. He appealed to 

• Brandt, t ii. pp. 610. 61& f Ceri«ier. 



l6l9' EXECUTION OF BABNEVELDt. 241 

Maurice against the imjust sentence which condemned 
him to death ; but he scorned to b^ his life. He met 
his fate with such temperate courage as was to be ex- 
pected trGm the dignified energy of his life. His last 
words were worthy a philosopher whose thoughts^ even 
in his latest moments^ were superior to mere personal 
hope or fear^ and turned to the deep mysteries of his 
being. '' O God ! " cried De Bameyeldt^ '^ what then is 
man } " as he bent his head to the sword that severed it 
from his body^ and sent the enquiring spirit to learn the 
great mystery for which it longed. 



chap: XVII. 
1619—1625. 

TO THE DX4.TH OF F&INCE MAUSICI. 

The princess dowager of Orange^ and Du Maurier the 
Frendi ambassador^ had vainly implored mercy for the in- 
nocent victim at the hands of the inexorable stadtholder. 
Maurice refused to see his mother-in-law : he left the 
ambassador's appeal unanswered. This is enough for 
the rigid justice of history^ that cannot be blinded by 
partiality^ but hands over to shame at the close of their 
career^ even those whom she nursed in the very cradle 
of heroism. But an accusation has become current^ 
more fatal to the fame of prince Maurice^ because it 
strikes at the root of his claims to feelings which could 
not be impugned by a mere perseverance in severity 
that might have sprung from mistaken views. It is 
asserted^ but only as general belief, that he witnessed the 
execution of Bameveldt. * The little window of an 
octagonal tower^ overlooking the square of the Binnen- 
hof at the Hague^ where the tragedy was acted^ is still 
shown as the spot from whidi the prince gazed on the 
scene. Almost concealed from view among the cluster- 
ing buildings of the place^ it is well ada^ited to give 
* Orotius, Auberjr, &c 

a 



242 HIgTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. l620; 

weight to the tradition ; hut it may not^ periups^ even 
DOW he too late to raise a generous incredulity as to an 
assertion of which no eye-witness attestation is recorded, 
and which might have heen the invention of malignity. 
There are many statements of history which it is imma- 
terial to substantiate or disprove. Splendid ficti(ms of 
public virtue have often produced their good^ if once re- 
ceived as fact ; but^ when private character is at stake^ 
every conscientious writer or reader will cherish his 
'' historic doubts," when he reflects on the facility with 
which calumny is sent abroad, the avidity with which 
it is received, and the careless ease with which men 
credit what it costs little to invent and propagate, but 
requires an age of trouble and an almost impossible con- 
junction of opportunities efiectually -to refute. 

Grotius and Hoogerbeets were confined in the castle of 
Louvestein. Moersbergen, a leading patriot of Utrecht; 
De Haan, pensionary of Haarlem; and Uitenbogaard, the 
chosen confidant of Maurice, but the friend of Bameveldt ; 
were next accused and sentenced to imprisonment or 
banishment. And thus Arminianism^ deprived of its 
chiefs^ was for the time completely stifled. The remon- 
strants^ thrown into utter despair, looked to emigration 
as their last resource. Gustavus Adolphus king of 
Sweden, and Frederick duke of Holstein, offered them 
shelter and protection in their respective states. Several 
availed themselves of these offers; but the states-general, 
alarmed at the progress of self-expatriation, moderated 
their rigour, and thus checked the desolating evU. 
Several of the imprisoned Arminians had the good for- 
tune to elude the vigilance of their gaolers ; but the 
escape of Grotius is the most remarkable of all, both 
from his own celebrity as one of the first writers of his 
age in the most varied walks of literature, and from its 
peculiar circumstances, which only found a parallel in 
European history after a lapse of two centuries.* 

* Wc allude to the escape of Lavalette flrom the prison of the Concier- 
gerie in Paris, in 1815, which so painfUlly excited the interest of all Europe 
for thd intended yictim's wife, whose reason was the forfeit of her exertion. 



1620. ESCAPE OF GROTIUS. 243 

Grotius was freely allowed during his close imprison* 
ment all the relaxations of study. His friends supplied 
him with quantities of hooks^ which were usually brought 
into the fortress in a trunk two feet two inches long^ 
which the governor regularly and carefully examined 
during the first year. But custom brought relaxation 
in the strictness of the prison rules; and the wife of the 
illustrious prisoner^ his faithful and constant visiter^ 
proposed the plan of his escape^ to which he gave a 
ready and^ all hazards considered, a courageous assent. 
Shut up in this trunk for two hours^ and with all the 
risk of suffocation, and of injury from the rude handling 
of the soldiers who carried it out of the fort, Grotius was 
brott^t dear off by the very agents of his persecutors, 
and safely delivered to the care of his devoted and dis- 
creet female servant, who knew the secret and kept it 
well. She attended the important consignment in the 
barge to the town of Gorcum; and after various risks 
of discovery, providentially escaped, Grotius at length 
found himself safe beyond the Umits of his native land. 
His wife, whose torturing suspense may be imagined 
the while, concealed the stratagem as long as it was po8« 
Bible to impose on the gaoler with the pardonable and 
praiseworthy fiction of her husband's illness and confine- 
ment to his bed. The government, outrageous at the 
result of the affair, at first proposed to hold this inter- 
esting prisoner in place of the prey they had lost, and 
to proceed criminally against her. But after a fort- 
night's confinement she was restored to Uberty, and the 
country saved from the disgrace of so ungenerous and 
cowardly a proceeding.* Grotius repaired to Paris, 
where he was received in the most flattering manner, 
and distinguished by a pension of 1000 crowns allowed 
by the king. He soon published his vindication — one 
of the most eloquent and unanswerable productions of 
its kind, in which those times of unjust accusations and 
illegal punishments were so fertile. 

The expiration of the twelve years' truce was now at 

t Attbery, vrt Orottus. 
B 2 



844 HISTOBT OF TBB NETHERLANDS. 1 6^1. 

hmd ; and the United States^ after that long period of 
intastine tnmhle and disgrace^ had once more to recom- 
mence a more congenial straggle i^ainst foreign enemieis; 
fiv a renewal of the war with Spain might he fairly 
eonsidered a retom to the regimen hest suited to the 
constitution of the people. The republic saw^ howeyer, 
with considerable anxiety^ the approach of this new coil- 
test It was fiiUy sensible of its own weakness. Exile 
had reduced its population; patriotism had subsided; 
foreign fiiends were dead ; the troops were unused to 
warfare ; the hatred against Spanish cruelty had lost its 
excitement ; the finances were in confusion ; prince 
Mauriee had no longer the activity of youth ; and the 
.still more vigorous impulse of fighting fof his country's 
liberty was changed to the dishonouring task of uphold- 
ing hLs own tyranny. 

The archdukes^ encouraged by these considerations^ 
had hopes of bringing back the United Provinces to their 
domination. They accordingly sent an embassy to 
Holland with proposals to that efi^t. It was received 
with indignation ; and the ambassador Peckius was 6b^ 
liged to be escorted back to the frontiers by soldiers^ io 
protect him from the insults of the people.* Military 
operations were^ however^ for a while refrained from on 
either side^ in consequence of the deaths of Philip III. of 
Spain and the archduke Albert. Philip IV. succeeded 
his father at the age of sixteen ; and the archduchess 
Isabella found herself alone at the head of the govern- 
ment in the Belgian provinces. Olivares^ became ds 
sovereign a minister in Spain^ as his predecessw the 
duke of Lerma had been ; but the archduchess^ though 
now with only the title of governant of the Netherlands^ 
held the reins of power with a firm and steady hand. 

In the celebrated thirty years' war which had com- 
menced between the protestants and catholics of Grermany^ 
the former had met with considerable assistance from the 
United Provinces. Baraeveldt^ who foresaw the embar- 
rassments which the country would have to contend 
* Wagenaer, HJBt x. 490. 



1622. WAB IN OERHANT. 245 

with on the expiration of that truce^ had strongly op* 
posed its meddling in the quarrel: but his ruin and 
death left no restraint on the policy which prompted the 
republic to aid the protestant cause. Fifty thousand 
florins a month to the revolted protestants^ and a like 
sum to the princes of the union^ were for some time 
advanced.* Frederick^ the dector palatine^ son-in-law 
of the king of England^ and nephew of the prince^ was 
chosen by the Bohemians for tiieir king : but in spite 
of the enthusiastic wishes of the English nation^ James 
persisted in refusing to interfere in Frederick's favour.t 
France^ governed by De Luynes^ a favourite whose in- 
fluence was deeply pledged^ and^ it is said^ dearly sold^ to 
Spain^ abandoned the system of Henry IV. and upheld • 
the house of Austria.;]: Thus tiie new monarchy only, 
aided by tiie United Provinces^ and that feebly^ was soon 
driven from his temporary dignity ; his hereditary do- 
minions in the palatinate were over-run by the Spanish 
aiTny imder Spinola ; and Frederick^ utterly defeated at 
the batde of Prague^ was obliged to take red^iige in Hol- 
land. James's abandonment of his son-in-law has been 
universally blamed by almost every historian.§ He cer- 
tainly allowed a few generous individuals to raise a regi- 
ment in England of 2400 chosen soldiers^ who^ under 
tiie command of the gallant sir Horace Vere^ could only 
vainly r^ret tiie impossibility of opposition to ten times 
their number of veteran troops. || 

This contest was carried on at first with almost all 
tiie advantages on the side of the house of Austria. 
Two men of extraordinary character^ which presented a 
savage parody of military talent^ and a courage chiefly 
remarkable for the ferocity into which it degenerated^ 
struggled for a while against the imperial arms. These 
were the count of Mansfield and Christian of Brunswick. 
At the head of two desperate bands^ which^ by dint of 
hard fightings acquired something of the consistency of 
regular armies^ tiiey maintained a long resistance : but ' 

* Cerisier. f Carleton. t Auberjr. 

\ See Hume» Sec \\ Carleton. 

B 3 



246 HISTORY OF THE NETHEBXiANDS, 1625. 

the duke of Bavana^ oommandiiig the troops of the 
emperor^ and count Tilly at the head of those of Spain^ 
completed in the year l622 the defeat of their daring 
and semi-barharous opponents. 

Spinola was resolved to commence the war against 
the republic by some important exploit. He therefore 
laid siege to Bergen-op-Zbom, a place of great conse- 
quence^ commanding the navigation of the Meuse and 
die coasts of all the islands of 2Sealand.* But Maurice, 
roused from the lethargy of despotism which seemed 
to have wholly changed his chaiacter^ repaired to the 
scene of threatened danger; and succeeded, after a 
series of desperate efiPorts on both sides, in raising the 
giege — forcing Spinola to abandon his attempt with a 
loss of upwards of 12,000 men.t Frederick Henry 
in the mean time had made an incursion into Brabant 
with a body of light troops ; and, ravaging the country 
up to the very gates of Mechlin, Louvain, and Brussda, 
levied contributions to the amount of 600,000 florins.^ 
The states completed this series of good fortune by ob- 
taining the possession of West Friesland, by means of 
count Mansfield, whom they had despatched thither at 
the head of his formidable army, and who had, in spite 
of the opposition of count Tilly, successfully performed 
his mission .§ 

We must now turn from these brief records of mi-» 
litary affairs, the more pleasing theme for the historian 
of the Netherlands in comparison with domestic events, 
which daim attention but to create sensations of regret 
and censure. Prince Maurice had enjoyed without 
restraint the fruits of his ambitious daring. His power 
was uncontrolled and unopposed, but it was publicly 
odious ; and private resentments were only withheld by 
fear, and, perhaps, in some measure by the moderation' 
and patience whidi distinguished the disciples of Ar- 
minianism. In the midst, however, of the apparent 
calm, a deep conspiracy was formed against the life of- 

! £*5?9"» ^^^ PP- 9»-^' t CapeUan. VOL I pp. 92-S7. 



1623. PLOT AGAINST PIUNOB MA17RI0E. 247 

the prince. The motives^ the conduct^ and the tenni- 
- nation of this plot^ excite feelings of many opposite 
kinds. We cannot^ as in former instances^ wholly 
execrate the design and approve the punishment. Com- 
miseration is mingled with hlame^ when we mark the 
sons of Bameveldt^ urged on hy the excess of filial 
affection to avenge their venerable father's fate; and 
despite our abhorrence for the object in view, we sym- 
pathise with the conspirators rather than the intended 
victim. William van Stoutenbourg, and Renier de 
Groenevdd, were the names of these two sons of the 
late pensionary. The latter was the yotmger ; but, of 
more impetuous character than his brother, he was the 
principal in the plot. Instead of any efforts to soften 
down the hatred of this unfortunate family, these 
brothers had been removed from their employments, 
thdr property was confiscated, and despair soon urged 
them to desperation. In such a time of general dis- 
content it was easy to find accomplices. Seven or eight 
determined men readily joined in the plot: of these, two 
were catholics, the rest Arminians; the chief of whom 
was Henry Slatius, a preacher of considerable eloquence, 
talent, and enei^. It was first proposed to attack the 
prince at Rotterdam; but the place was soon after 
changed for Ryswyk, a village near the Hague, and 
afterwards cdebrated by the treaty of peace signed there 
and which bears its name. Ten other associates were 
soon engaged by the exertions of Slatius : these were 
Arminian artisans and sailors, to whom the actual exe- 
cntion of the murder was to be confided; and they were 
persuaded that it was planned with the connivance of 
prince Frederick Henry, who was considered by the 
Arminians as the secret partisan of their sect. The 
6tfa of February was fixed on for the accomplishment 
of the deed. The better to conceal the design, the con- 
spirators agreed to go unarmed to the place, where they 
were to find a box containing pistols and poniards in 
a spot agreed upon. The death of the prince of Orange 
was not the only object intended. During the confii<» 
B 4 



S48 HISTORY OF THE NETH£RLANI>S. l6Z3* 

non subseqnent to the hoped-for success of that first 
blow^ the chief conspirators intended to excite sinitil- 
taneous revolts at Leyden^ Grouda^ and Rotterdimij in 
which town the Arminians were most numerous. A 
gena*al revolution throughout Holland was firmly reck- 
oned on as the infallible result; and success was en- 
thusiastically looked for to their country's freedoim and 
their individual fame. 

But the plot^ however cautiously laid and resolutdy 
persevered in^ was doomed to the fate of many ai^other; 
and the horror of a second murder (but with far dif- 
ferent provocation from the first) averted from the il- 
lustrious family to whom was still destined the glory of 
consolidating die country it had formed. Two brothers 
named Blansaart^ and one Parthy^ having procured a 
considerable sum of money from the leading conspirators^ 
repaired to the Hague^ as they asserted^ for the purpose 
of betraying the plot ; but they were forestalled in. this 
purpose : four of the sailors had gone out to Ryswyk 
the preceding evening^ and laid the whole of the project, 
together with the wages of their intended crime^ before 
the prince ; who^ it would appear^ then occupied the 
ancient chateau^ which no longer exists at Ryswyk. The 
box of arms was found in the place pointed out by the 
informers, and measures were instantly taken to arrest 
the various accomplices. Several were seized. Groene- 
veld had escaped along the coast disguised as a fisher- 
man, and had nearly effected his passage to England, 
when he was recognised and arrested in the island of 
Vlieland. Slatius and others were also intercepted in 
their attempts at escape. Btoutmbourg, the most cul- 
pable of all, was the most fortunate ; probably from the 
energy of character which marks the difference betweoi 
a bold adventurer and a timid speculator. He is be- 
lieved to have passed from the Hague in the siEune 
manner as Grotius quitted his prison ; and, by the aid 
of a faithful servant, he accomplished his escape through 
various perils, and finally reached Brussels, where the 
archduchess Isabella took him under her special pnK 



16^3. PUNISHMENT OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 249 

tection. He for several years made efforts to be allowed 
to return to Holland ; but finding them hopeless^ even 
after the death of Maurice^ he embraced the catholic 
religion^ and obtained the command of a troop of Sp^uiish 
cavairy^ at the head of which he made incursions into 
his native country^ carrying before him a black flag with 
the effigy of a death's head^ to announce the mournful 
vengeance which he came to execute. 

Fifteen persons w6re executed for the conspiracy. 
If ever mercy was becoming to a man^ it would have 
been pre-eminently so to Maurice on this occasion ; but 
he was inflexible as adamant. The mother^ the wife^ 
and the son of Groeneveld^ threw themselves at his feet^ 
imploring pardon. Prayers^ tears^ and sobs^ were alike 
indSectual. It is even said that Maurice asked the 
wretched mother " why she begged mercy for her son, 
having refused to do as much for her husband ? " To 
which cruel question she is reported to have made the 
sublime answer — " Because my son is guilty, and my 
hudiand was not." * . 

These bloody executions caused a deep sentiment of 
^oom. The conspiracy excited more pity for the vie* 
tims than horror for the intended crime. Maurice, from 
being the idol of his countrymen, was now become an 
object of their fear and dislike. When he moved from 
town to town, the people no longer hailed him with 
acdamations ; and even the common tokens of outward 
respect were at times withheld, t The Spaniards, tak- 
ing advantage of the internal weakness consequent on 
this state of public feeling in the States, made repeated 
incnraions into the provinces, which were now united 
but in title, not in spirit. Spinola was once more in 
the field, and had invested the important town of Breda, 
which was the patrimonial inheritance of the princes of 
Orange. Maurice was oppressed with anxiety and re- 
gret ; and, for the sake of his better feelings, it may be 
hoped, wilh remorse. He could efiect nothing against his 
rival ; and he saw his own laurels withering from his 
* Cerisier, t ▼. p. 46S: ac. f Aubeiy. 



250 HISTOUT OF THE NETHEftLANDS. l6S5. 

eare-wom brow. The only hope left of obtaining due 
80 much wanted supplies of money^ was in the com- 
pletion of a new treaty with France and England. 
Cardinal Richelieu^ desirous of setting bounds to the 
ambition and the successes of the house of Austria, 
readily came into the views of the States ; and an ob- 
ligation for a loan of 1^200^000 livres during the year 
l624^ and 1^000^000 more for each of the two succeeding 
years^ was granted by the king of France^ on condition 
that die republic made no new truce with Spain without 
his mediation. * 

An alliance nearly similar was at the same dme con- 
cluded with England. Perpetual quarrels on commercial 
questions loosened the ties which bound the States to 
tiieir ancient allies. The failure of his son's intended 
marriage with tiie infanta of Spain had opened the eyes of 
king James to the way in which he was despised by those 
who seemed so much to respect him. He was highly 
indignant; and he undertook to revenge himself by aiding 
the repubUc. He agreed to furnish 6000 men^ and sup« 
ply the funds for their pay^ with a provision for repayment 
by the States at the condusion of a peace with Spain. 

Prince Maurice had no opportunity of reaping die 
expected advantages from diese treaties. Baffled in afl 
his effl>rts for relieving Breda^ and being unsuccessful in 
a new attempt upon Antwerp^ he returned to die Hague^ 
where a lingering Ulness^ diat had for some time exhaust- 
ed him^ terminated in his death on the 23d of Apri^ 
1625, in his fifty-ninth year.t Most writers attribute 
diis event to agitation at being unable to relieve Breda 
from the attack of Spinola. It is in any case absurd to 
suppose that the loss of a single town could have pro- 
duced so fatal an effect on one whose life had been an 
almost continual game of die chances of war. But cause 
enough for Maurice's death may be found in the wearing 
effects of thirty years of active military service^ and die 
more wasting ravages of half as many of domestic des- 
potism. 

t Ceriaier. f Aubery, && 



1625. PRINCE FBEDEBICK HIENRT. 251 

CHAP. XVIII. 

1625—1648. 

TO THS TBXATT OF XUHSTZB* 

Faedebiok Henrt succeeded to almost all his brother's 
titles and employments^ and found his new dignities 
do^^^ed with an accomulation of difficulties sufficient to 
Appal the most determined spirit. £very thing seemed 
to justify alarm and despondency. If the affairs of the 
republic in India wore an aspect of prosperity^ those in 
Europe presented a picture of past disaster and approach- 
ing peril. Disunion and discontent^ an almost insup- 
portable weight of taxation^ and the disputes of which it 
was the fruitful source^ formed the subjects of internal 
ill. Abroad was to be seen navigation harassed and 
trammelled by the pirates of Dunkirk; and the almost 
defenceless frontiers of the republic exposed to the irrup- 
tions of the enemy. The king of Denmark^ who endea- ' 
voured to make head against the imperialist and Spanish 
forces, was beaten by Tilly, and made to tremble for the 
safety of his own states. England did nothing towards 
the common cause of protestantism, in consequence of 
the weakness of the monarch ; and civil dissensions for 
a while disabled France from resuming the system of 
Henry IV. for humbling the house of Austria. 

Frederick Henry was at this period in his forty-second 
year. His military reputation was well established ; he 
soon proved his political talents. He commenced his 
career by a total change in the tone of government on 
the subject of sectarian differences. He exercised several 
acts of clemency in favour of the imprisoned and exiled 
Arminians, at the same time that he upheld the dominant 
religion. By these measures he conciliated all parties^ 
and by degrees the fierce spirit of intolerance became 
subdued.* The foreign relations of the United Provinces 

• Capellan) i. 368, 



252 H18TOBT OP THE NETHERLANDS. l626. 

now presented the anomalous policy of a fleet fumiaiied 
by the Frendi king^ manned by rigid Calvinists^ and 
commanded by a grandson of admiral Coligny^ for the 
porpofle of combating the remainder of the French Hu- 
guenots, whom they considered as brothers in religion, 
thou^ political foes: and during the joint expedition 
which was imdertaken by the allied French and Dutdi 
troops against Rochelle^ die stronghold of protestantism, 
the preachers of Holland put up prayed for the protect 
tion of those whom their army was marching to destroy. 
The states-general, ashamed of this unpopular union, re- 
called their fleet, after some severe fighting with that of the 
Huguenots. Cardinal Richelieu and the king of France 
were for a time furious in their displeasure ; but inter- 
ests of state overpowered individual resentments, and no 
rupture took plaoe.* 

Charles I. had now succeeded his father on the Englfdi 
throne. He renewed the treaty with the republic, wha 
fumislied him with twenty ships to assist his own for- 
midable fleet in his war against Spain. Frederick Henry 
had, soon after his succcSssion to the chief command, com- 
menced an active course of martial operations, and was 
successful in almost all his enterprises. He took Groil 
and several other towns; and It was hoped that his suc- 
cesses would have been pushed forward upon a wider field 
of action against the imperial arms ; but the states pru- 
dently resolved to act on the defensive by land, choosing 
the sea for the theatre of their more active operations. 
All the hopes of a powerful confederation against the 
emperor and the king of Spain seemed frustrated, by the 
war whidi now broke out between France and En^and. 
The states-general contrived by great prudence to main- 
tain a strict neutrality in this quarrel. They even suc- 
ceeded in mediating a peace between the rival powers, 
which was concluded the following year ; and in the mean 
time they obtained a more astonishing and important 
series of triumphs against the Spanish fleets than had 
yet been witnessed in naval conflicts. 

• Cerisier. 



1629' NAVAL SUCCB8HBS. ^5$ 

■ The West India company had confided the command 
of their fleet to Peter Hein^ a most intrepid and intelli- 
gent sailor^ who proved his own merits and the sagacity 
of his employers on many occasions^ two of them of an 
extraordinary nature. In l627 he defeated a fleet of 
twenty-six vessds^ with a much inferior force. In the 
following year he had the still more hrilliant good fortune^ 
near the Havannah in the island of Cuba^ in an engage^ 
ment with the great Spanish armament called the Money 
Fleets to indicate the immense wealth which it contained. 
The booty was safely carried to Amsterdam^ and the whole 
of the treasure^ in money^ precious stones^ indigo, &c. 
was estimated at the value of 12^000,000 florins. This 
was indeed a victory worth gaining, won almost without 
bloodshed, and raising the republic far above the mani« 
fold difficulties by which it had been embarrassed. Hein 
perished in the following year, in a combat with some 
of the pirates of Dunkirk — those terrible freebooters 
whose name was a watchword of terror during the whole 
continuance of the war.* 

The year 1629 brought three formidable armies at 
once to the frontiers of the republic, and caused a ge- 
neral dismay all through the United Provinces : but the 
immense treasures taken from the Spaniards enabled 
them to make preparations suitable to the danger ; and 
Frederick Henry, supported by his cousin William of 
Nassau^ his natural brother Justin, and other brave 
and experienced officers, defeated every effort of the 
enemy. He took many towns in rapid succession ; and. 
finally forced the Spaniards to abandon all notion of in- 
vading the territories of the republic. Deprived of the 
powerful talents of Spinola, who was called to command 
the Spanish troops in Italy, the armies of the arch- 
dudiess, under the count of Berg, were not able to cope 
with the genius of the prince of Orange. The conse-* 
quence was the renewal of negotiations for a second 
truce. But these were received on the part of the re« 
public with a burst of opposition. All parties seemed 

* Ceriiier, &c. 



S54 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. I^t. 

decided on that point ; and every interest^ however op« 
poted on minor questions^ combined to give a positive 
n^pitive on this.* 

The gratitude of the country for the services of Frede* 
rick Henry induced the provinces of which he was sCadC- 
holder to grant the reversion in this title to his son, a 
child of three years old; and this dignity had every 
chance of becoming as absolute as it was now pronounced 
almost hereditary, by the means of an army of 120,000 
men devoted to their chief, f However, few military 
occurrences took place^ the sea being still chosen as the 
element best suited to the present enterprises of the 
republic. In the widely-distant settlements of Brazil 
and Batavia the Dutch were equally successful ; and the 
East and West India companies acquired eminent power 
and increasing solidity. 

The year l68l was signalised by an expedition into 
Flanders consisting of 18,000 men, intended against 
Dunkirk, but hastily abandoned, in spite of every pro- 
bability of success, by the commissioners of the states* 
general, who accompanied the army and thwarted all 
the ardour and vigour of the prince of Orange, j: But 
another great naval victory in the narrow seas of Zea^ 
land recompensed the disappointments of this inglorious 
affidr.§ 

The splendid victories of Augustus Gustavus gainst 
the imperial arms in Germany changed the whole face 
of European afiairs. Protestantism began once more to 
raise its head ; and the important conquests by Frederick 
Henry of almost all the strong places on the Meuse, 
including Maestricht, the strongest of all, gave the 
United Provinces their ample share in the glories of the 
war. The death of the archduchess Isabella, which toak 
place at Brussels in the year l638, added considerably 
to the difficulties of Spain in the Belgian provinces* 
The defection of the count of Berg, the chief general 
of their armies, who was actuated by resentment on the 

• Vandervynct f Cerisier. 

X Mem. of Fred Henry, pp. 126—150. \ Cerisier. 



l6S5, nnrAsioN of BSLoroif. 255 

i^pointment of the marquis of St. Croix over his head^ 
threw every thing into confusion^ in expoidng a wide- 
spread confederacy among the nohility of these pro- 
vinces to erect themselves into an independent republic^ 
strengthened by a perpetual alliance widi the United Pro- 
vinces against die power of Spain. * But the plot failed, 
chiefly, it is said, by the imprudence of the king of Eng- 
land, who let the secret sUp, from some motives vaguely 
hinted at, but never sufficiently explained.f After the 
death of Isabella, the prince of Braban9on was arrested. 
The prince of Epinoi and the duke of Butnonville made 
their escape; and the duke of Arschot, who was arrested 
in Spain, was soon liberated, in consideration of some 
discoveries into the nature of the plot. An armistice, 
puUished in 1 634, threw this whole affiiir into complete 
oUivion.:^ 

The king of Spain appointed his brother Ferdinand, 
a cardinal and archbishop of Toledo, to the dignity of 
governor-general of the Netherlands. He repaired to 
Germany at the head of 17>000 men, and bore his share 
in the victory of Nordlingen; after which he hastened to 
the Netherlands, and made his entry into Brussels in 
1634. § Richelieu had hitherto only combated the house 
oi Austria in these countries by negotiation and intrigue; 
bat he now entered warmly into the proposals made by 
Holland, for a treaty offensive and defensive between 
Louis XIII. and the republic. By a treaty soon after 
concluded (8th February, 1635), the king of France 
engaged to invade the Belgian provinces with an army 
of 30,000 men, in concert with a Dutch force of equal 
number. It was agreed, that if Belgium would consent 
to break from the Spanish yoke, it was to be erected into 
a free state : if, on the contrary, it would not co-operate 
for its own freedom, France and Holland were to dis- 
member and to divide it equally. || 

The plan of these combined measures was soon acted 
on. The French army took the field under the command 

• Vandervynct t Burnet. 

t Yandervynct S Idem. It Idem. 



856 B1BTOBT OF THE NBTHSBLANDS. iGSG. 

of llie minihals De Cbatillon and De Breeze ; and d&- 
fested the Spaniards in a bloody battle^ near Avein, in 
the proTince of Luxembourg^ on the 20th of May, 1635; 
widi the lo88 of 4000 men. The victors soon made a 
junction with the prince of Orange ; and the towns of 
Tifienumty St.Trond^ and some others, were quickly 
reduced. The former of these places was taken by 
aaaault, and ^Ih^ed with circumstances of cruelty that 
recal the horrors of the early transactions of the war. 
"The prince of Orange was forced to punish severely the 
sndiors of diese oflfences.* The consequences of this 
event were highly injurious to the allies. A spirit of 
fierce resbtance was excited throughout the Invaded pro- 
vinces. Louvain set the first example. The citizens and 
students took arms for its defence; and the combined 
forces of France and Holland were repulsed, and forced 
by want of supplies to abandon the si^e and rapidly 
ietreat.t The prince-cardinal, as Ferdinand was called; 
took advantage of this reverse to press the retiring 
French; recovered several towns; and gained all the 
advantages as well as glory of the campaign. The re- 
mains of the French army, reduced by continual combats, 
and still more by sickness, finally embarked at Rotter- 
dam to return to France in the ensuing spring, a sad 
contrast to its briUiant appearance at the commencement 
of the campaign. 

The military events for several ensuing years present 
nothing of sufficient interest to induce us to record them 
in detail. A perpetual succession of sieges and skir- 
mishes afibrd a monotonous picture of isolated courage 
and skill ; but we see none of those great conflicts which 
briiig out the genius of opposing generals, and show war 
in its grand results, as the decisive means of enslaving 
or emancipating mankind. The prince-cardinal, one of 
the many who on this bloody theatre displayed consum- 
mate military talents, incessantly employed himsdf in 
incursions into the bordering provinces of France, ra- 
vaged Picardy, and filled Paris with fear and trembling. 

* Vandervynct f Idem. 



|6S9* BATTLE OP THE DOWKS. 25? 

He^ however^ reaped no new laurels yrhen he came into 
i^ntac^ with Frederick Henry^ who on almost every 
occasion^ particularly that of the siege of Breda in 
16S7*, carried his object in spite of all opposition. 
The triumpha of war were balanced; but Spain and 
the Belgian provinces^ so long upheld by the talent of 
the governor-general^ were gradually become exhausted. 
The revolution in Portugal and the succession of the 
duke of Braganza, under the title of John IV.^ to the 
throne of his ancestors^ struck a fatal blow to the power 
of Spain. A strict alliance was concluded between the 
new monarch of France and Holland; and hosdlities 
against the common enemy were on all sides vigorously 
continued. 

The successes of the repubHc at sea and in their dis- 
tant enterprises were continual^ and in some instances 
brilliant. Brazil was gradually falling into the power of 
the West India company. The East India possessions 
were secure. The great victory of Van Tromp, known 
by the name of the battle of the Downs^ from being 
fou^t off the coast of England^ on the 21st of October^ 
\639, T^aed the naval reputation of Holland as high as 
it could well be carried. Fifty ships taken, burned, and 
sunk, were the proofs of their admiral's triumph ; and 
the Spanish navy never recovered the loss. The victory 
was celebrated throughout Europe, and Van Tromp was 
tibe hero of the day. The king of England was, how- 
ever, highly indignant at the hardihood with which the 
Dutch admiral broke through the etiquette of territorial 
respect, and destroyed his country's bitter foes under the 
very sanction of English neutrality. But the subjects 
of Charles I. did not partake their monarch's feeling8.t 
They had no sympathy with arbitrary and tyrannic 
government; and llieir joy at the mii^ortune of their 
old enemies the Spaniards gave a fair warning of the 
spirit which afterwards proved so fatal to the infatuated 
Idng, who on this occasion would have protected and 
aided them. 

« Mgm. d« Fred. Henry, p. IIKL f Cerisier. 

S 



25B HisreBT of the netheiux&nds. 1641. 

In an nnsnccessfbl oiterprise in Flanders^ count 
Henry Caamir of Nassau was mortally wounded^ adding 
anodier to the list of those of that illustrious family 
whose liyes were lost in the service of their country.* 
His hrother, count William Frederick^ succeeded him 
in his office of stadtholder of Friesland ; but the same 
dignity in the provinces of Groningen and Drent d^ 
TolTed on the prince of Orange. The latter had con- 
eeived the desire of a royal alliance for his son William* 
Charles I. readily assented to the proposal of the states- 
genial, that this young prince should recdve the hand 
€i his daughter Mary. Embassies were exchanged; 
the conditions of the contract agreed on ; but it was not 
till two years later, that Van Tromp, with an escort of 
twenty diips, conducted the princess, then twelve years 
M, to the conntry of her future husband. The republic 
did not view with an eye quite favourable this advancing 
aggrandisement of the house of Orange. Frederick 
Henry had shortly before been dignified by the king of 
France, at the suggestion of Richelieu, with the title 
of ^' highness," instead of the inferior one of ^^ excel- 
lency;" and the states-general, jealous of this distinction 
granted to their chief magistrate, adopted for themselves 
the sounding appellation of " high and mighty lords." 
The prince of Orange, whatever might have been his 
private views of ambition, had, however, the prudence to 
silence all suspicion, by the mild and moderate use which 
he made of the power, which he mi^t perhaps have 
wished to increase, but never attempted to abuse. 

On the 9th of November, l64fl, the prince-cardinal 
Ferdinand died at Brussels in his thirty-third year; 
another instance of those who were cut.ofP, in- the very 
vigour of manhood, from worldly dignities and tt^ 
exercise of the painful and inau^dous duties of gover- 
nor-general of the Netherlands^ Don Francisco de 
Mello, a nobleman of highly reputed talents, was the next 
who obtained this onerous situation. He commenced 
his governorship by a succession of military, operations, 
* M^m. de Fred. Heuy. 



1^2. fi^vtL wAJBLs rrr ekolakd. ^59 

by whicb, like most of his ^ecte^^eteors^ be is alone 
distinguished. Acts of dvil administration are scarcely 
noticed by the histcMians of these men. Not one of them^ 
with the exception of the archduke Albert^ seems to have 
valued tiie internal interests of the government ; and he 
alone, peihaps, because they were declared and secured % 
as his own. De Mello, after taking some towns, and 
defeating the marshal de Guiche in the battle of Han- 
necourt, tarnished all his fame by the great faults which 
he committed in the famouisi battle of Rocroy . The duke 
of Enghien, then twenty-one years of age, and subse- 
qnentiy so cdebrated as the great Oond^, completely 
defeated De Mello, and nearly annihilated the Spanish 
and Walloon infantry. The military operations of the 
Dutch army were this year only remarkable by the gal- 
lant conduct of prince William, son of tiie prince of 
Orange, who, not yet seventeen years of age, defeated 
near Hulst, under the eyes of his father, a Spanish de- 
tachment in a very warm skirmish.* 

Considerable changes were now insensibly operating 
in tiie policy of Europe. Cardinal Richelieu had finished 
his dazzling but tempestuous career of government, in 
which the hand of death arrested him on the 4th of De- 
cember, l642. Louis XIII. soon followed to the grave 
him who was rather his master than his minister. Anne 
of Austria was declared regent during the minority of 
her son, Louis XIV., then only five years of age : and 
cardinal Mazarin succeeded to the station from which 
death alone had power to remove his predecessor, f 

The civil wars in England now broke out, and tiieir 
terrible results seemed to promise to tiie republic the 
undisturbed sovereignty of the seas. The prince of 
Orange received with great distinction the mother-in-law 
of his son, when she came to HoUand under pretext of 
conducting her daughter : but her principal purpose was 
to obtain, by the sale of die crown jewels and the assist- 
ance of Frederick Henry, funds for die supply of her 
imfortunate husband's cause, j: The prince and several 
• M^m. de Fred Henry. f Cerisi^r. t Idem. 

S 2 



S60 BISTORT OF THE NBTHEBLAND8. l644. 

private individuak contributed largely in money ; and 
aeTeral experienced officers passed over to serve in the 
royalist army of England. The provincial states of 
Holland^ however^ sympathising wholly with the par- 
liament^ remonstrated with the stad&older ; and the 
Dutch colonists encouraged the hostile efforts of their, 
brethren^ the puritans of Scotland, by all the absurd ex- 
hortations of fanatic zeal. Boswell^ die English resident 
in the name of the king, and Strictland, the ambassador 
from the parliament, kept up a constant succession of 
complaints and remonstrances on occasion of every in- 
cident which seemed to balance the conduct of the 
republic in the great question of English politics.* 
C<Hisiderable differences existed: the province of Hol- 
land, and some others, leant towards the parliament; 
the prince of Orange favoured the king ; and the states- 
general endeavoured to maintain a neutrality. 

The struggle was still furiously maintained in Ger- 
many. Generals of the first order of military talent 
were continually appearing, and successively eclipsing 
each other by tbeir brilliant actions : — Gustavus Adol- 
phus was killed in the midst of his glorious career, at 
the battle of Lutzen ; the duke of Weimar succeeded to 
his command, and proved himself worthy of the place ; 
Tilly and the celebrated Walstein were no longer on the 
scene. The emperor Ferdinand II. was dead; and his 
son Ferdinand III. saw his victorious enemies threaten, 
at last, the existence of the empire. Every thing tended 
to make peace necessary to some of the contending pow- 
ers, as it was at length desirable for all. Sweden and 
Denmark were engaged in a bloody and wasteful con- 
flict. The United Provinces sent an embassy, in the 
month of June, l644, to each of those powers ; and by 
a vigorous demonstration of their resolution to assist 
Sweden, if Denmark proved refractory, a peace was 
signed the following year, which terminated the disputes 
of the rival nations.t 

Negotiations were now opened at Munster between the 

* Cerisier. f Idem. 



l646. FINANCIAL EMBARRASSMENTS. 2di 

tereral belligerents. The republic was^ however^ the 
last to send its plenipotentiaries there ; having signed a 
new treaty with France^ by which they mutually stipu- 
lated to make no peace independent of each other. It 
bdioTed the republic^ however^ to contribute as much as 
possible towards the general object; for^ among other 
strong motives to that line of conduct^ the finances of 
Holland were in a state perfectly deplorable. 

Every year Inrought the necessity of a new loan ; and 
the public debt of the provinces now amounted to 
150,000,000 florins, bearing interest at 6| per cent.* 
Considerable alarm was excited at the progress of 
the French army in the Belgian provinces; and es« 
cape from the tyranny of Spain seemed only to lead 
to the danger of submission to a nation too powerful 
and too close at hand not to be dangerous, either as 
a foe or an ally. These fears were increased by the 
knowledge that cardinal Mazarin projected a marriage 
•between Louis XIV. and the infanta of Spain, with the 
Belgian provinces, or Spanish Netherlands as they were 
now called, for her marriage portion, t This project 
was confided to the prince of Orange, under the seal of 
secrecy, and he was ofibred the marquisate of Antwerp 
as the price of his infiuence towards effecting the plan. 
-The prince revealed the whole to the states-general. 
Great fermentation was excited : the stadtholder him- 
self was blamed, and suspected of complicity with the 
designs of the cardinal. Frederick Henry was deeply 
hurt at this want of confidence, and the injurious pub- 
lications which openly assailed his honour in a point 
where he felt himself entitled to praise instead of sus- 
picion. 

. The French laboured to remove the impression which 
this affair excited in the republic : but the states-general 
fdt themselves justified by the intriguing policy of Ma- 
zarin in entering into a secret negotiation with the king 
of Spain, who offered very favourable conditions. The 
negotiations were considerably advanced by the marked 

• Cerisier. f Negoc. Seer. t.Ui. p. 14 &a 

8 3 



26s HISTOBT OF THB NBTHBBLAyPS. l6l7< 

dispodtion eyinoed by the prince of Orange to hasten 
the establishment of peace. Yet^ at this yexy period, 
and while anxiously wishing this great otject, he ooold 
not resist the desire for another campaign ; one moie 
exploit, to signalise the epodi at which he finally placed 
his sword in ibe scabbard. : Fi:ed«rij;k Henry was esseii- 
tially a soldier, with all the spirit of his race; and this 
eTidenoe of the ruling passion, while he touched the 
▼erge of the grave, is one of the most striking points of 
his diaracter. He accordingly took the field ;. but,, with 
a constitution broken by a lingering disease, he was littfe 
fitted to accompUdii any feat worthy of his splendid re- 
putation. He failed in an attempt on Venlo, and another 
on Antwerp, and retired to the Hague, where for some 
months he rapidly declined. On the 14th of March, 
1647, he expired, in his sixty-third year; leaving be^^ 
hind him a character of unblemished integrity, prudence, 
toleration, and valour. He was not oi that impetuous 
stamp which leads men to heroic deeds, and brings dan- 
ger to the states whose liberty is compromised by then: 
ambition. He was a striking contrast to his brother 
Maurice, and more resembled his father in many of those 
calmer qualities of the mind, which make men more 
beloved without lessening their claims to admiration. 
Frederick Henry had the honour of completing the glo- 
rious task which William b^an and Maurice followed 
up. He saw the oppression they had combated now 
humbled and overthrown ; and he forms the third in a 
sequence of family renown, the most surprising and the 
least chequered afforded by the annals of Europe. 

William II. succeeded his father in his dignities; and 
his ardent spirit longed to rival him in war. He turned 
his endeavours to thwart all the efibrts for peace. 
But the interests of the nation and the dying wishes of 
Frederick Henry were of too powerful influence with the 
states, to be overcome by-the martial yearnings of an 
inexperienced youth. The negotiations were pressed 
forward; and, despite the complaints, the murmurs, and 
the intrigues of France, the treaty of Munster was/finally 



1648. TRBATT OF MimSTJBB. 268 

signed by the respectiYe unbassadors of die United Pro- 
"Hnces and Spain^ on the 30th of January^ l648. ThiB 
celebrated treaty contains seventy-nine articles. Three 
pointsr weie of main and vital importance to the republic : 
the first admowledges an ample and entire recognition of 
the sovereignty of the states-general^ and a renunciation 
for ever of idl daims on the part of Spain ; the second 
^MXifinns die rights of tsade and navigation in the East 
-and West Indies^ with the possession of the iFarious coun- 
tries and stations then actually occupied by the contract- 
ing powers ; the third guarantees a like possession of all 
4he provinces and towns of the Netherlands, as they then 
stood in their respective occupation, — • a clause highly 
Ikvourable to the republic, whidi had conquered several 
considerable places in Brabant and Flanders. The rati- 
fications of the treaty were exchanged at Munster with 
great solemnity on the 15th of May following the sig- 
nature ; the peace was puUished in that town and in 
Osnaburg on the 19th, and in all the dilTerent states of 
Ae king of Spain and the United Provinces, as soon as the 
joyous intelligence could reach sudti various and widely 
jKpantted destinations.* Thus^ after eighty years of 
unparalleled warfiare, only interrupted by the truce of 
lG09, during which hostilities had not ceased in. the 
Ladies, the new republic rose from the horrors of civil 
-war and foreign tyranny to its uncontested rank as a 
free and indepeadent state among the most powerful 
natiiQDs'of Europe. No country had eve^ done more for 
gbify; and the repdt of its efforts was the irrevocable 
•guarantee of ciyil and iseliigioiis liberty, the great aim and 
^id of eivilisat»wu. 

1 The king of Fri^nce alone had reason to complain of 
duB tre9ty:..his refientxpen^ was strongly pronounced^ 
But the United Provinces flung back the reproaches of his 
«mbassad<>r on.c^irdinal Mazarin; and the anger of the 
monarch was smothered by the policy of the minister. 

The internal tranquillity of the republic was secured 
hem all future alarm by the conclusion of the general 

* VwadervyncL 
8 4 



S64 BISTORT OF THE NETHERLANDS. l648. 

peadb of Westphalia^ definitiy^ signed the 24th of 
October^ l648. This treaty yf$s Icmg ixHisid^ed not 
only as the fundamental law of the empire, but as the 
basis of the political system of Europe. As numbers of 
conflicting interests were reconciled^ Germanic liberty 
secured^ and a just equilibrium established between the 
calholics and protestants^ France and Sweden obtained 
great advantages; and the various princes of the em- 
pire saw their possessions regulated and secured^ at the 
same time that the powers of the emperor were> strictly 
defined. 

This great epoch in European history naturally marks 
the conclusion of another in that of the Netherlands ; 
and this period of general repose allows a brief considers 
ation of the progress of arts^ sciences, and manners^ during 
the half century just now completed. 

The archdukes Albert and Isabella^ during the whole 
course of their sovereignty^ laboured to remedy the abuses 
which had crowded the administration of justice. The 
perpetual edict, in I6II, r^ulated the form of judicial 
proceedings ; and several provinces received new charters, 
by which the privileges of the people were placed on a 
footing in harmony with their wants. Anarchy, in shorty 
gave place to regular government; and the archdukes, 
in swearing to maintain the celebrated pact known by 
the name of the JoyeuseEntrSe, did all in their power to 
satisfy their subjects, while securing their own authority. 
The piety of the archdukes gave an example to all classes. 
This, although degenerating in the vulgar to super8titi<»i 
and bigotry, formed a severe check, which allowed their 
rulers to restrain popular excess, and enabled them in the 
internal quiet of their despotism to soften the people by 
the encouragement of the sciences and arts. MedidBe^ 
astroAomy, and math^natics^ made prodigious progress 
during this epoch. Several eminent men flourished in 
the Netherlands. But the glory of others, in countries 
presenting a wider theatre for thdr renown, in many 
instances eclipsed them ; and the inventors of new me- 
thods and systems in anatomy, optics^ and musiCj were 



.1648. LITERATURE AND THE ARTS. 265 

alinost'foi^otten in the splendid improvements of their 
fdlowers. * . 

In literiktiiT^^ Hugo de f^oot^ or Grotius^ (his Latinised 
name^ hy which he is hetter known,) was the most hrilliant 
star of his country or his age, as £rasmus was of that 
which preceded. He was at once eminoit as jurist, 
poet, theoli^an, and historian. His erudition was im- 
mense ; and he hrought it to hear in his political capacity, 
as ambassador from Sweden to the court of France, 
when the violence of party and the injustice of power 
condemn^ him to perpetual imprisonment in his native 
land. The religious disputations in Holland had given 
a great impulse to talent. They were not mere theo- 
lo^cal arguments ; but with the wild and furious abs- 
tractions of bigotry were often blended various illustra- 
tions from history, art, and science, and a tone of keen 
and delicate satire, which at once refined and made them 
.leadable. It is remarkable, that almost the whole of 
the Latin writings of this period abound in good taste, 
.while those written in the vulgar tongue are chiefly 
coarse and trivial. Vondel and Hooft, the great poets 
of the time, wrote with genius and energy, but were 
deficient in judgment founded on good taste.* The 
latter of these writers was also distinguished for his prose 
works ; in honour of which Louis XIII. dignified him 
with letters patent of nobility, and decorated him with 
the order of St. Michael. 

But while Holland was more particularly distmguished 
by the progress of the mechanical arts, to which prince 
Maurice afibrded unbounded patronage, the Belgian 
provinces gave birth to that galaxy of genius in the art 
of paintings which no equal period of any other country 
has ever rivalled. A volume like this would scarcely 
snffioe to do justice to the merits of the eminent artists 
who now flourished in Belgium ; at once founding, per- 
fecting, and immortalising the Flemish school of paint- 
ing. Rubens, Vandyck, Teniers, Grayer, Jordaens, 
Sneyders, and a host of other great names, crowd on us^ 
• Van Alpen, Cerisier, &c. 



266 HSSTOWLY OF THE NETHERLANDS. l64S. 

with cUims for nodoe that ahnost make the mention of 
any an iigustioe to tbe rest. But Europe is familiar inlk. 
their fame ; and tfie wide-spread taste for their delicioas 
art makes them independent of other record than the 
combination of their own exquisite touchy undying tints, 
atid onequafled knowledge of nature. Engraving, carried 
-at the same time to great perfection^ has multiplied some 
Af die merits of the celebrated painters^ while stamping 
die reputation of its own professors. Sculpture also 
had its votaries of considerable note. Among diese^ Des 
Jardins and Quesnoy held the foremost station. Ardii- 
toetore also produced some remarkaUe names. 

The arts were^ in diort^ never held in higher honour 
dum at diis brilliant epoch. Otto-Venirey the master of 
Rubens, held most important employments. : Rubens 
himself, appointed secretary to die privy councU of die 
ardidukes^ was subsequently sent to England^ where he 
negotiated the peace between that country and Spain. 
The unfortunate king Charles so highly esteemed his 
merit, that he knighted hiin in full parliament, and pre- 
sented him with die diamond ring he wore on his own 
finger^ and a chain eimched with brilliants. David 
Teniers, the great pupil of this distinguished master, 
met his due share 6f honour. He has left several por- 
traits of himself; one of which hands him down to pos- 
terity^ in the costume, and with die decorations of die 
belt and key, which he wore in his capacity of diam- 
berlain to the archduke Leopold^ govemor-genoral (^ the 
Spanish Netherlands. 

The intestine disturbances of Holland during die 
twelve years' truce, and die enterprises against Fries« 
land and the duchy of Cleves, had prevented diat 
wise economy which was expected from the republic. 
Hie annual ordinary cost of the military estaUii^ment 
at' that period amounted to 13,000,000 florins. To 
meet the enormous expenses of the state, taxes were 
raited on . evety material. They produced- about 
30,000,000 florins a year, independent of 5,000^000 
each for the East and West India companies. The 



1648. OOHMEBOE. 267 

population in l6^0y in Holland^ wag about 600^000^ 
and the other provinces contained about the same 
number. 

It is singular to observe the fertile erections of mo- 
nopoly in a state founded on principles of commercial 
freedom. The East and West India companies, the 
Greenland company^.and others, were successively formed. 
By the effect of their enterprise, industry, iHid weallli, 
conquests were made and colonies founded with sur- 
prising rapidity. The town of Amsterdam, now New ' 
York, wa3 founded in l6^4t; and the East saw Batavia 
rise up from the ruins of Jacatra, which was sacked 
and razed by the Dutch adventurers. 

The Dutch and English East India companies, re- 
pressing their mutual jealousy, formed a species of part- 
nership in 1619 for the reciprocal enjoyment of the 
rights of commerce. But four years later than this date 
an eyent took place so fatal to national confidence that 
its impressions are scarcely yet effaced ; — this was the 
torturing and execution of several Englishmen in the 
island of Amboyna, on pretence of an unjHroved plot, of 
which every probability leads to the beUef that they 
were wholly inn($cent. This circumstance was the 
strongest stimulant to the hatred so evident in the bloody 
wars which not long afterwards took place between the 
two nations; and the lapse of two centuries has not 
entirely effaced its effects. Much has b^en at various 
periods written for and against the establishment of 
monopolising companies, by which individual wealth 
and skill are excluded from their chances of reward. 
With reference to those of Holland at this period of its 
history, it is sufficient to remark that the great results 
of their formation could never have been brought about 
by isolated enterprises ; and the justice or wisdom of 
their continuance are questions wholly dq)endant on the 
fluctuations in trade, and the effects produced on that of 
any given country by the progress and the rivalry of 
others. 

With respect to the state of manners in the republic^ 



268 BISTORT OF THE NETHEBLAND8. l648. 

it is clear that the jealousies and emulation of commerce 
were not likely to lessen the vice of avarice with which 
the natives have heen reproached. The following is a 
strong expression of one^ who cannot^ however^ be con- 
sidered an unprejudiced observer^ on occasion of some 
disputed points between the Dutch and English mari- 
time tribunals : — " The decisions of our courts cause 
much ill will among these people^ whose hearts' blood 
is their purse." * While drunkenness was a vice con-' 
sidered scarcely scandalous^ the intrigues of gallantry 
were concealed with the most scrupulous mystery^ — 
giving evidence of at least good taste^ if not of pure mo- 
rality. Court etiquette began to be of infinite importance. 
The wife of count Ernest Casimir of Nassau was so 
intent on the preservation of her right of precedence^ 
that on occasion of lady Carleton^ the British ambas- 
sadress^ presuming to dispute the pas, she forgot true 
dignity so far as to strike her. We may imagine the ve- 
hement resentment of such a man as Carleton for such an 
outrage. The lower orders of the people had the rude 
and brutal manners common to half civilised nations 
which iight their way to freedom. The imfortunate 
king of Bohemia^ when a refugee in Holland^ was one 
day hunting ; and^ in the heat of the chase^ he followed 
his dogs which had pursued a hare^ into a newly sown 
corn-field : he was quickly interrupted by a couple of 
peasants anned with pitchforks. He supposed his rank 
and person to be unknown to them ; but he was soon 
undeceived^ and saluted with unceremonious reproaches. 
'' King of Bohemia ! King of Bohemia !" shouted one 
of the boors^ '^ why do you trample on my wheat which 
I have so lately had the trouble of sowing ?" The king 
made many apologies^ and retired^ throwing the whde 
blame on his dogs. But in the life of marshal Turenne 
we find a more marked trait of manners than this, which 
might be paralleled in England at this day. This great 
general served his apprenticeship in the art of war under 
his uncles, the princes Maurice and Frederick Henry. 



1648. MANNERS OF THE PEOPLE. 269 

He appear^ one day on the puUic walk at the Hague, 
dressed in his usual plain and modest style. Some 
young French lords^ covered with gold^ embroidery, and 
ribands^ met and accosted him : a mob gathered round; 
and while treating Turenne, although unknown to them, 
with all possible respect, they forced the others to retire, 
assailed with mockery and the coarsest abuse. 

But one characteristic, more noble and worthy than 
. any of those thus briefly cited, was the full enjoyment of 
the liberty of the press in the United Provinces. The 
thirst of gain, the fiiry of faction^ the federal independ- 
ence of the minor to¥nis, the absolute power of prince 
Maurice, all the combinations which might carry weight 
against this grand principle, were totally ineffectual to 
prevail over it. And the republic was, on this point, 
proudly pre-eminent among surrounding nations. 



CHAP. XIX. 

1648 — 1678. 

noil THK PKACE OF MUKSTER TO THE PEACE OF MMEOUEN. 

The completion of the peace of Munster opens a new 
scene in the history of the republic. Its political system 
experienced considerable changes. Its ancient enemies 
became its most ardent Abends, and its old allies loosened 
the bonds of long continued amity. The other states 
of Europe, displeased at its imperious conduct or jealous 
of its success, began to wish its humiliation ; but it was 
little thought that the consummation was to be effected 
at the hands of England. 

While Holland prepared to profit by the peace so. 
brilliantly gained, England, torn by civil war, was hurried 



270 HUTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. l649> 

on in crime and misery, to the final act whicb has left 
an indeliUe stain on her amuds. Cromwell and the 
parliament had completely subjugated the kingdom. 
The unfortunate king, ddivered up by ihe Scotch, was 
brought to a mock trial and condemned to an ignomi- 
nious death. Great as were his laults, they aire almost 
lost sight of in the atrocity of his oj^nents; so surely 
does disproportioned punishment for political ofi^nces 
produce a re-action in the minds that 'v<rDuld approve a 
commensurate penalty. The United Provinces had pre- 
served a strict neutrality while the contest wa» undecided. 
The prince of Orange warmly strove to obtain a declara- 
tion in favour of his fathier-in-law Charles I. The prince 
of Wales and the duke of Ywk, his sons, who had taken 
refuge at the Hague, earnestly jmned in the intreaty; 
but all that could be obtained from the states-general 
was their consent to an embassy to interpose with the 
ferocious bigots who doomed the hapless monarch to the 
block. Pauw and Joachimi, the one sixty-four years of 
age, the other eighty-eight, the most able men of the 
republic, undertook the task of mediation. They were 
scarcely listened to by the parliament, and the bloody 
sacrifice took place. 

The details of this event and its immediate conse- 
quences belong to English history ; and we must hurry 
over the brief, turbid, and inglorious stadtholderate o£ 
William XL, to arrive at the more interesting contest 
between the republic which had honourably conquered its 
freedom, and that of the rival commonwealth which had 
gained its power by hypocrisy, violence, and guilt 

William II. was now in his twenty-fourth year. He 
had early evinced that heroic disposition which was 
common to his race. He panted for military glory. All 
his pleasures were those usual to ardent and high spirited 
men, although his delicate constitution seemed to forbid 
the indulgence of hunting, tennis, and the other violent 
exercises in which he delighted. He was highly accom- 
plished; spoke five difierent languages with elegance and 
fluency; and had made considerate progress in mathe- 



1650. wvuLUM n. 271 

matics and other abstract sciences. His ambition knew 
DO bounds. Had he reigned over a monarchy as abaohits 
king^ he would most {Nrobably have gone down to po»» 
terity a.conqiieror and a hero. But> unfitted to direct a 
republic as its first dtisen^ he has left but the name of 
a rash and unoonstitutional magistrate. From the mo* 
ment of his accession to power he was made sensible of 
the jealousy and suspicion with which his office and his 
character were observed by the provincial states of 
Holland. Many instances of this disposition were ac- 
cumulated to his great disgust; and he was not long in 
evincing his determination to brave all the odium and 
xeproach of despotic des^ns^ and to risk every thing for 
the establishment -of absolute power. The province of 
HoUand^ arrogating to itself the greatest share in the 
reforms of the army^ and the financial arrangements 
called for by the transition from war to peace, was soon 
in fierce opposition with the states-general, which sup- 
ported the prince in his early views. Cornelius Bikker, 
one of the burgomasters of Amsterdam, was the leading 
person in the states of Holland; and a circumstance soon 
occurred which put him and the stadtholder in collision, 
and quickly decided the great question at issue. 

The admiral Ccnmellizon de Witt arrived from Brazil 
with the remains of his fleet, and without the consent 
of the council of r^;ency there established by the states- 
general. He was instantly arrested by order of the 
inince of Orange, in h» capacity of high admiral. The 
admiralty of Amsterdam was at the same time ordered 
by the states-gen»al to imprison six of the captains of 
this fleet. The states of Holland maintained that this 
was a violation of their provincial rights,, and an illegal 
assumption of power on the part of thd states-general; 
$nd the magistrates of Amsterdam forced the prison 
doors and set the captains at liberty. William, backed 
by the authority of the states-general, now put himself 
at the head of a deputation from that body, and made a 
rapid tour of visitation to the different chief towns of the 
r^ublic^ to sound the depths of public opinion on the 



272 BISTORT OP THE NfiTHERLANDS. l6S0<. 

matters in dispute. The deputation met with varied 
success; hut the result proved to the irritated prince that 
no measures of compromise were to he expected^ and 
that force alone was to arhitrate the question. The 
army was to a man devoted to him. The states-general 
gave him their entire^ and somewhat servile^ support. 
He therefore on his own authority arrested the six de« 
puUes of Holland^ in the same way that his uncle Mau- 
rice had seized on Bameveldt^ Grotius^ and the others ; 
and they were immediately conveyed to the castle of 
Louvestein. 

In adopting this hold and unauthorised measure^ he 
decided on an immediate attempt to gain possession of 
the city of Amsterdam^ the central point of opposition 
to his violent designs. William Frederick count of Nas- 
sau^ stadtholder of Friesland^ at the head of a numerous- 
detachment of troops^ marched secretly and hy night to 
surprise the town : hut the darkness and a violent thun- 
der-storm having caused the greater numher to lose their 
way^ the count found himself at dawn at the city gates 
with a very insufficient force ; and had the farther mor- 
tification to see the walls well manned^ the cannon pointed, 
the drawhridges raised, and every thing in a state of 
defence. The courier from Hamhurgh, who had passed 
through the scattered hands of soldiers during the night, 
had given the alarm. The first notion was, that a roving 
band of Swedish or Lorraine troops, attracted by the 
opulence of Amsterdam, had resolved on an attempt to 
seize and pillage it. The magistrates could scarcely 
credit the evidence of day, which showed them the count 
of Nassau and his force on their hostile mission. A 
^ort conference with the deputies from the citizens 
convinced him that a speedy retreat was the only mea- 
sure of safety for himself and his force, as the sluices of 
the dykes were in part opened, and a threat of sub- 
merging the intended assailants only required a moment 
more to be enforced. 

Nothing could exceed the disappointment and irrita- ' 
tion of the prince of Orange consequent on this trans- 



1650. HIS DEATH. 273 

tcttoik. ' He at first threatened^ then ne^otiated^ and 
finally patched up the matter in a manner the least 
ihortifying to his wounded pride. Bikker nobly offered 
himself for a peace-offerings and voluntarily resigned his 
employments in the city he had saved ; and De Witt 
and his officers were released. William was in some 
measure consoled for his disgracie by the condolence of 
the army^ the thanks of the province of Zealand^ and a 
new treaty with France^ strengthened by promises of 
future support from cardinal Mazarin ; but^ before he 
oould profit by these encouraging symptoms^ domestic 
and foreign^ a premature death cut short all his projects 
of ambition. Over-violent exercise in a shooting party 
in Guelders brought on a fever^ which soon terminated 
in an attack of small-pox. On the first appearance of 
hia illness he was removed to the Hague; and he died 
there on the 6th of November^ 1650^ aged twenty-four 
years and six months.* 

The death of this prince left the state without a 
stadtholder^ and the army without a chief. The whole 
of Europe shared more or less in the joy or the regret 
it caused. The republican party^ "both in Holland and 
in England^ rejoiced in a circumstance which threw back 
the sovereign power into the hands of the nation t ; the 
partisans of the house of Orange deeply lamented the 
event. But the birth of « son, of which the widowed 
princess of Orange was delivered within a week of her 
husband's death, revived the hopes of those who mourned 
his loss, and offered her the only consolation which 
could assuage her grief. This child was, however, the 
innocent cause of a breach between his mother and 
grandmother, the dowager princess, who had never bten 
cordially attached to each other. 1[. Each claimed the 
guardianship of the young prince ; and the dispute was 
at length decided by the states, who adjudged the im- 
portant office to the elector of Brandenburgh and the 
two princesses jointly. § The states of Holland soon 

• Wicquefort, Cerisier, &c. + Milton, Defens. Pop. AngL 

I Wlcqiiefort,liy.Lp. 791. ^ Ceriaier. 



274 HISTORY OF THE NIBTHERLANDS. l65l. 

exercised their influence on the other provinces. Many 
of the prerogatiyes of the stadthelder were now assumed 
by the people; and^ with the exoeptiim of Zealand, 
which made an ineffectual attempt to name ^e infant 
prince to the dignity of his ancestors under ^le title <tf 
William 1 11.^ a perfect unanimity seemed to have ze» 
oondled all opposing interests. The various towns se- 
cured the privileges of appointing their own magistrates, 
and the direction of the army and navy devolved to ibe 
atates-general. 

The time was now arrived when the wisdom, the 
courage, and the resources of the r^ubHc were to be 
put once more to the test, in a contest hitherto without 
example, and never since equalled in its nature. The 
naval wars between Holland and England had their real 
source in the inveterate jealousies and unbounded sum" 
bition of both countries, reciprooflly convinced that a 
joint supremacy at sea was incompatible with their in- 
terests and their honour, and each resolved to risk every 
thing for their mutual pretenaons — to peridi rather 
^n yield. The United Provinces were assuredly not 
the aggressors in this quarrel. They had made sure of 
their capabiHty to meet it, by the settlement of all 
questions of internal government, and the solid peace 
which secured them against any attack on the part of 
their old and inveterate enemy : but they did not «eek 
a rupture. They at first endeavoured to ward <^ the 
threatened danger by every effort of conciliation ; and 
they met, with temperate managem^it, even the ad- 
vances -made by Cromwell at the instigation of St. John, 
the chief justice, for a proposed yet impracticable coa« 
lition between ihe two republics, which was to make 
them one and indivisible. An embalfty to the Hague, 
with St. John and Strickland at its head, was received 
with all public honours ; but the partisans of the &• 
milies of Orange and Stuart, and the populace generally^ 
openly insulted the ambassadors.* About the same time 
Dorislas, a Dutchman naturalised in England, and sent 

• Clarendon, roL v. p. Z6S. 



1652. NAYAI* WAR WITH ENaLAND. 9J5 

on a missioii from the parliament^ was murdered at the 
Hague by some Scotch officers, friends of the bamshed 
king ; the massacre of Amboyna, thirty years before, 
was ynade a cause of xeviyed comfdaint ; and altogether 
a sum of ixguries was easily made up to turn the pro* 
posed &ntastic coalitum into a fierce and bloody war. * 

The parliament of England soon found a pretext in 
an outrageous measure, under pretoice of providing for 
the interests of commerce. They passed the celebrated 
act of navigation, which prohibited all nations from 
importing into England in their ships any commodity 
which was not the growth and manufactmw of their own 
country. This law, though worded generally, was aimed 
directly at the Dutch, who were the general factors and 
carriers of Europe, t Ships were seized, reprisals made, 
the mockery of negotiation carried on, fleets equipped, 
and at length the war broke out 

In the month of May, l652, the Dutch admiral 
Trimip, commanding forty-two ships of war, met with 
the English fleet under Blake in the straits of Dover ; 
the latter, though much inferior in number, gave a sig- 
nal to the Dutdi admiral to strike, the usual salutation 
of honour accorded to the English during the monarchy. 
Totally diflerent versions have been given by the two 
ailmiri^1« of what followed. Blake insisted that Tromp, 
instead of complying, fired a broadside at his vessel j: ; 
Tr(»np stated that a/ second and a third bullet were sent 
promptly from the British ship while he was preparing 
to obey the admiral's claim. § The discharge of the 
first broadside is also a matter of contradiction, and of 
course of doubt. But it is of small eonsequence ; for 
whether hostilities had been hurried on or delayed, they 
were ultimately inevitable. A bloody battle began : it 
lasted five hours. The inferiority in number on the side 
of the English was balanced by the larger size of their 
ships. One Dutch vessel was sunk; another taken; 
and ni^t parted the combatants. 

♦ Hume. + Idem, vol. vli. p. 81L 

t Idem, vol vli. p. 212. % Wicquefort, Uv. vi p. MSL 

T 2 



276 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. l652. 

The states-general heard the news with consterna- 
tion*: they despatched the grand pensionary Pauw on 
a special embassy to London. The imperious parliament 
would hear of neither reason nor remonstrance.t Sight 
or wrongs they were resolved on war. Blake was soon 
at sea again with a numerous fleet; Tromp followed 
with a hundred ships ; but a violent tempest separated 
these furious enemies^ and retarded for awhil^ the ren« 
counter they mutually longed for. On the l6th of August 
a battle took place between sir George Ayscue and the 
renowned De Ruy ter^ near Plymouth, each with aboutforty 
ships; but with no decisive consequences. On the 28th 
of October, Blake, aided by Bourn and Pen, met a Dutch 
squadron of nearly equal force off the coast of Kent, 
under De Ruyter and De Witt. The fight which followed 
was also severe, but not decisive, though the Dutch had 
the worst of the day. In the Mediterranean, the Dutch 
admiral Van Galen defeated the English captain Badddy, 
but bought the victory with his life. And, on the 29th 
of November, another bloody conflict took place between 
Blake and Tromp seconded by De Ruyter, near the 
Goodwin Sands. In this determined action Blake was 
wounded and defeated ; five English ships taken, burnt, 
or sunk; and night saved the fleet from destruction. 
After this victory Tromp placed a broom at his mast-^ 
head, as if to intimate that he would sweep the Channel 
free of all English ships, j: 

Great preparations were made in England to recover 
this disgrace : eighty sail put to sea under Blake, Dean, 
and Monk, so celebrated subsequently as the restorer of 
the monarchy. Tromp and De Ruyter, with seventy-six 
vessels, were descried on the 18 th of February, escorting 
three hundred merchantmen up Channel. Three days 
of desperate fighting ended in the defeat of the Dutdh, 
who lost ten ships of war and twenty-four merchant 
vessels. Several of the English ships were disabled, one 
sunk; and the carnage on both sides was nearly equal. 
Tromp acquired prodigious honour by this battle; having 
* Cerisier. f Hume. | Idem. 



1563. KAVAL ENGAOEMEMT8. 277 

succeeded^ though defeated^ in saving, as has heen seen, 
ahnost the whole of his immense convoy. On the 12th 
of June and the day following two other actions were 
fought : in the first of which die English admiral Dean 
was killed ; in the second. Monk, Pen, andLawson amply 
revenged his death, hy forcing die Dutch to r^ain their 
harbours with great loss. 

The 21st of July was the last of these bloody and 
obstinate conflicts for superiority. Tromp issued out 
once more, determined to conquer or die. He met the 
enemy off Scheveling, commanded by Monk. Both fleets 
rushed to the combat. The heroic Dutchman, animating 
his sailors with his sword drawn, was shot dirough the 
heart with a musket-ball. This event, and this alone, 
won the batde, which was the most decisive of the 
whole war. The enemy captured or sunk nearly thirty 
ships. The body of Tromp was carried with great 
solemnity to the church of Delft, where a magnificent 
mausoleum was erected over the remains of this emi- 
nently brave and distinguished man. 

This memorable defeat, and the death of this great 
naval hero, added to the injury done to their trade, in- 
duced the states- general to seek terms from their too 
powerful enemy. The want of peace was felt thron^^out 
the whole country. Cromwell was not averse to grant 
it ; but he insisted on condidons every way disadvan- 
tageous and humiliating. He had revived his chimerical 
scheme of a total conjunction of government, privileges, 
and interests between the two republics. This was 
firmly r^ected by John de Witt, now grand pensionary 
of Holland, and by die states under his influence. But 
the Dutch consented to a defensive league; to punish die 
survivors of those concerned in the massacre of Amboy- 
na; to pay 9OOO/. of indemnity for vessds seized in the 
Sound, 5000/. for the affair of Amboyna, and 85,000/. 
to the English East India company; to cede to them the 
island of Polerone in the East; to yield the honour of the 
national flag to die English ; and, finally, that neither 
the young prince of Orange nor any of his family should 
T 3 



27S HISTOBY OF T&B HZtBBBLANDB, l65G. 

ever be inveBted wkh the digzuty of sCadthoider.* These 
two ktter conditioiM wesre certaiiiiy d^radiDg to Hol- 
land; and the conditions of the treaty prove that an 
abeurd point of honour vras the only real cause for the 
short hut bloody and ruinous war which plunged the 
Provinces into overwhehning difficulties* 

For several years after the conclusion of diis inglo- 
rious peace^ universal discontent and dissension spread 
throughout the republic. The supporters of the house 
of Orange^ and every impartial friend of the national 
honour^ were indignant at the act of exdusion. Mur- 
murs and revolts broke out in several towns; and all was 
onoe more tumult^ agitation^ and doubt. No event of 
considerable importanee marks particularly this epodi of 
domestic trouble. A new war was at last pronounced in-* 
evitable^ and was the means of appeasing die distractions 
of the peoi^e^ and reconciling by d^ees contending par- 
ties. Denmark^ the andent dly of the r^uUic^ was 
direatened with destruction by Charles Gustavns kh^ of 
Sweden^ who held Copenhagen in blockade. The interests 
of Holland were in imminent peril should the Swedes 
gain the passage of the Sound* This double motive in« 
fluenced De Witt ; and he persuaded the states-general 
to send admiral Opdam with a considerable fleet to the 
Baltic. This intrepid successor of the immortal Tromp 
soon came to blows with a rival worthy to meet him. 
Wrangel the Swedish admiral^ with a superior force, 
defended the passage of the Sound; and the two castles 
of Cronenberg and, Elsenberg supported his fleet with 
their tremendous fire. But Opdam resolutely advanced: 
though suffering extreme anguish from an attack of gout, 
he had himself carried on deck^ where he gave his orders 
with the most admirable coolness and precision, in the 
midst of danger and carnage. The rival monarchs wit* 
nessed the battle; the king of Sweden from the castle of 
Cronenberg, and the king of Denmark from the summit 
of the highest tower In his besieged capital. A brilliant 
victory crowned the efibrts of the Dutdi admiral, dearly 

•Hume, voLvii.p.2S6L 



1659* irA^AIi 8U0GK8BB8. S$79 

bought by the death of his seoond in oommand the hvare 
De Witt^ and Peter Florizon another admiral of note. 
Relief was poured into Copenhj^;en. Opdam was re- 
phu^ in the command^ too ardaoua for his infirmities, 
hj die still more odebrated De Rny ter, who was greatly 
distinguished by his valour in several successive afiairs: 
and after some months more of useless obstinacy, the 
king of Sweden, seeing his army perish in the island of 
Funen, by a combined attack of those of Holland and 
Denmark, consented to a peace highly favourable to the 
latter power.* 

These transactions placed the United Provinces on a 
still higher pinnacle of glory than they had ever reached. 
Intestine disputes were suddenly calmed. The Alge- 
rines and other pirates were swept from the seas by a 
succession of small but vigorous expeditions. The nle- 
diation of the states re-established peace in several of the 
petty states of Gennany. England and France were 
both held in check, if not preserved in friendship, by 
the dread of their recovered power. Trade and finance 
were ro-organised. Every thing seemed to promise a 
long-continued peace and growing greatness, much of 
which was owing to the talents and persevering energy 
of De Witt ; and, to complete the good work of European 
tranquilMty, the French and Spanish monarchs con- 
duded in this year the treaty known by the name of the 
" peace of the Pyrenees." 

Cromwell had now closed his career, and Charles II. 
was restored to the throne from which he had so long been 
exdnded. The complimentary entertainments rendered 
to the restored king in Holland were on the proudest scale 
of expense. He left the country which had given him 
reftige in misfortune, and done him honour in his pros* 
perity, with profuse expresaons of regard and gratitude. 
Scarcely was he established in his recovered kingdom, 
when a still greater testimony of deference to his wishes 
was paid, by the states-general formally annulling the 
act of exclusion against the house of Orange. A variety 

* Cerisier. 
T 4 



280 HISTORY OF THE NETHBRLANDS. l665« 

of rnodyes^ however^ meting on the easy and plastie 
mind of the monarchy soon effiiced whatever of gratitode 
he had at first conceived. He readily entered into the 
views of the English nation^ which was irritated by 
the great commercial superiority of HoDand^ and a jea-* 
kmsy excited hy its dose connection with France at thi& 
period. 

It was not till the 22d of Fehruary^ 1665, that war 
waa formally declared against the Dutch ; hut many pre-* 
vious acts of hostility had taken place in expeditions 
against their settiements on the coast of Africa and in 
America, which were retaliated hy De Ruyter with 
vigour and success. The Dutch used every possible 
means of avoiding the last extreoodties. De Witt em- 
ployed all the powers of his great capacity to avert the 
evil of war ; hut nothing could finally prevent it, and the 
sea was once more to witness the conflict between those 
who claimed its sovereignty. A great battle was fought 
on the 31st of June. The duke of York, afterwards 
James II., commanded the British fleets and had under 
him the earl of Sandwich and prince Rupert. The 
Dutch were led on by Opdam; and the victory waa 
decided in favour of the English by the blowing up of 
that admiral's ship^ with himself and his whole crew. 
The loss of the Dutch was altogether nineteen ships. 
De Witt the pensionary then took in person the com- 
mand of the fleet, which was soon equipped; and he 
gave a high proof of the adaptation of genius to a pur- 
suit previously unknown, by the rapid knowledge and 
the practical improvements he introduced into some of 
the most intricate branches of naval tactics. * 

Immense eETorts were now made by Eng^d^ but 
with a very questionable policy, to induce Louis XIV. 
to join in the war. Charles ofleied to allow of his ac- 
quiring the whole of the Spanish Netherlands, provided 
he would leave him witiiout interruption to destroy the 
Dutch navy, (and, consequently, tiieir commerce,) in 
(he by no means certain expectation that its advantages 
* Hume. 



1666. HOSTILITIES RENEWED. S81 

would all fall to the share of England. But the king of 
France resolved to support the republic. The king of 
Denmark^ too^ formed an alliance with them^ after a 
series of the most strange tergiversations.* Spain^ re- 
duced to feebleness^ and menaced with invasion by 
France^ showed no alacrity to meet with Charles's over* 
tures for an offensive treaty. Van Galen bishop of 
Munster^ a restless prelate^ was the only ally he could 
acquire. This bishops at the head of a tumultuous 
force of 20^000 men^ penetrated into Friesland; but 
6000 French were despatched by Louis to the assistance 
of the republic^ and this impotent invasion was easily 
repelled. 

The republic^ encouraged by all these favourable dr- 
cumstances^ resolved to put forward its utmost energies. 
Internal discords were once more appeased; the har« 
hours were crowded with merchant ships ; the young 
prince of Orange had put himself under the tuition of 
the states of Holland and of De Witt^ who faithAilly 
executed his trust ; and De Ruyter was ready to lead on 
the fleet. The English^ in spite of the dreadful cala* 
mity of the great fire of London^ the plague which de^ 
solated the dty^ and a declaration of war on the part of 
France^ prepared boldly for the shock. 

The Dutch fleets commanded by De Ruyter and 
Tromp^ the gallant successor of his father's fame^ were 
soon at sea. The English^ under prince Rupert and 
Moiik> now duke of Albemarle^ did not lie idle* in port* 
A battle of four days' continuance^ one of the most de- 
termined and terrible up to this period on record^ was 
the consequence. The Dutch daim^ and it appears 
with justice^ to have had the advantage, f But a more 
decisive conflict took place on the 25th of July j:^ when 
a victory was gained by the English^ the enemy having 
^hree of their admirals killed. ^' My God !" exclaimed 
De Ruyter^ during this desperate fight^ and seeing the 

* HuBoe, voL Tii p. 40& f Hume. 

t In all these naval battle* we hare followed Hume and the English 
hiftorians 9s to dates, which, in almost every instance, are strangely at va- 
rianm with thoae given by the Dutch writers. 



2BSt HIST(»T or THS FBTMBAIiANDS. 166T« 

eertainty of defeat ; '^ what a wretch I am ! Among so 
many thousand bi^ets^ is there not one to put an end to 
my miserable life ?" 

The king of France hastened forward in this crisis to 
the asaiatanee of Ae republic ; and De Witt^ by a deep 
atrdce of poficy^ amused the English with n^otiation 
while a powerful fleet was fitted out. It suddenly ap^ 
peared in the Thames^ under the command of De Ruyt^^ 
and all England was thrown into consternation. The 
Dotdi took Sheemess^ and burned many ships of war ; 
afanoat insulting the capital itself in their predatory in- 
cursion.* Had Ae French power joined that of the 
Proyinces at this time^ and invaded England^ the moat 
fatal results to that kingdom might have tdcen place. 
But the alarm soon subsided with the disappearance of 
the hostile fleet ; and the signing the peace of Breda^ on 
the 10th of July^ l667> extricated Charies from his 
present difficulties. The island of Polerone was restored 
to the Dutch, and the point of maritime superiority waa, 
on this occasion, undoubtedly theirs. 

While Holland was preparing to indulge in die luxury 
of national repose, the death of Philip IV. of Spain, and 
the startling ambition of Louis XIV., brought war once 
more to their very doors, and soon even forced it acrosa 
the threshold of the republic. The king of France, 
setting at nought his solemn renunciation at the peace 
of the Pyrenees of all claims to any part of the Spanish 
territories in right of his wife, who was daughter of the 
late king, found excellent reasons (for his own satis* 
faction) to invade a material portion of that dedinmg 
monarchy. Well prepared by the financial and mi- 
litary fcnresight of Colbert for his great design, he 
suddenly poured a powerful army, under Turenne, into 
Brabant and Flanders ; quickly over-ran and took pos- 
session of these provinces ; and, in the space of three 
weeks, added Franche-Comte to his conquests.t Eu- 
rope was in universal alarm at these unexpected mea- 
sures ; and no state felt more terror than the republic of 

• Temple, vol. ilL p. 40. .&g; f De Neny, M^m. t iL fK Sa 



l67^ PJEBFIDT OF GHABIiES H. 283 

the United Proyinces. The interest of all countries 
seemed now to require a coalition against the power 
which had abandoned the house of Austria only to settle 
on France. The first measure to this efiect was the 
signing of the triple league between Holland^ Sweden^ 
and England^ at theHague^ on the 13th of January, l663» 
But this proved to be one of the most futile confeder- 
ations on record. Charles, with almost unheard-of per- 
fidy throughout the transaction, fell in with the designa 
of his pernicious*, and on this occasion purchased, cabi* 
nett, called the Cabal; and he entered into a secret 
treaty with France, in the very teeth of his other en- 
gagements. Sweden was dissuaded from the league by 
the arguments of the French ministers ; and Holland in 
a short time found itself involYed in a double war with 
its late allies. 

A base and piratical attack on the Dutch Smyrna fl^t, 
by a large force under sir Robert Holmes, on the 13th of 
March, 1672, was the first overt act of treachery on the 
part of the English government The attempt com- 
{detely failed^ through the prudence and valour of the 
Dutch admirals ; and Charles reaped only the double 
shame of perfidy and defeat. He instantly issued a 
declaration of war against the republic, on reasoning too 
palpably false to require refutation, and too frivolous to 
merit record to the exclusion of more important matter 
from our narrow limits. 

Louis at least covered with the semblance of dignity 
his uigust co-operation in this violence. He soon ad- 
vanced with his army, and the contingents of Munster 
and Cologne, his allies, amounting altogether to nearly 
170,000 men, commanded, by Cond^, Turenne, Luxem- 
bourg, and others of the greatest generals of France. X 
Never was any country less prepared than were the 
.United Provinces to resist this formidable aggression. 
Thdr ai'jiy was as nought ; their long cessation of mili- 
tary operations by land having totally demoralised that 

* Gourrllltt, M^m. t iL pt 14 f Temple^ toL U. ik tm 

t De Neny, M^m. 



S84 HI8T0BT OF THE NETHBRZiANDS. l672. 

once invincible branch of their forces. No general ex- 
isted who knew any thing <^ the practice of war. Their 
very stores of ammunition had been delivered over^ in 
the way of traffic^ to the enemy who now prepared to 
overwhelm them. De Witt was severely^ and not quite 
nigustly^ blamed for having suffered the country to be 
thus taken by surprise, utterly defenceless^ and apparently 
without resource. Envy of his uncommon merit aggra- 
vated the just complaints against his error. But^ above 
all things, the popular affection to the young prince 
direatened^ in some great convulsion, the overthrow of 
the pensionary, who was considered eminently hostile to 
the illustrious house of Orange.* 

William III. prince of Orange, now twenty-two 
years of age, was amply endowed with those hereditary 
qualities of valour and wisdom which only required expe- 
rience to give him rank with the greatest of his ancestors. 
The Louvenstein party, as the adherents of the house of 
Orange were called, now easily prevailed in their long- 
conceived design of placing him at the head of afikirs, 
with the titles of captain-general and high admiral. De 
Witt, anxious from personal considerations, as well as 
patriotism, to employ every means of active exertion, 
attempted the organisation of an army, and hastened the 
equipment of a formidable fleet of nearly a hundred ships 
of the line and half as many fire-ships. De Ruyter, 
now without exception the greatest commander of the 
age, set sail with this force in search of the combined 
fleets of England and France, commanded by the duke 
of York and marshal D'Etr^s. He encountered them, 
on the 6th of May, l67^, at Solebay. A most bloody 
engagement was the result of this meeting. Sandwich^ 
on the side of the English^ and Van Ghent^ a Dutch 
admiral^ were slain.t The glory of the day was di- 
vided; the victory doubtful: but the sea was not the 
dement on whicn the fate of Holland was to be decided. 

The French armies poured like a torrent into the 
territories of the republic. Rivers were passed^ towns 
•Hume. fldem. 



16*72. THE FRENCH INVADE HOLLAND. 285 

taken^ and provinces over-run^ with a rigidity much lest 
honourable to France than disgraceful to Holland. No 
victory was gained -» no resistance offered ; and it is dis- 
gusting to look back on the fulsome panegyrics with 
which courtiers and poets lauded Louis for those facOe 
and inglorious triumphs. The prince of Orange had 
received the command of a nominal army of 70^000 
men ; but with this undisciplined and discouraged masA 
he could attempt nothing. He prudently retired into 
the province of Holland^ vainly hoping that the numerous 
fortresses on the frontiers would have offered some re- 
sistance to the enemy. Guelders^ Overyssel^ and Utrecht^ 
were already in Louis's hands. Groningen and Fries- 
land were threatened. Holland and Zealand opposed 
obstruction to such rapid conquest from their natural 
position; and Amsterdam set a noble example td the 
remaining towns — forming a regular and energetic plan 
of defence^ and endeavouring to infuse its spirit into the 
rest. The sluices^ those desperate sources at once of 
safety and desolation^ were opened; the whole country 
submerged ; and the other provinces following this ex- 
ample^ extensive districts of fertility and wealth were 
given to the sea^ for the exclusion of which so many 
Centuries had scarcely sufficed. 

The states-general now assembled^ and it was decided 
to supplicate for peace at the hands of the combined 
monarchs. The haughty insolence of Louvois coin* 
dding with the temper of Louis himself^ made the 
latter propose the following conditions as the price of 
peace : — to take off all duties on commodities exported 
into Holland ; to grant the free exercise of the Romish 
religion in the United Provinces ; to share the churches 
with the catholics^ and to pay their priests ; to yield up 
all the frontier towns^ with several in the heart of the 
republic ; to pay him 20,000,000 livres ; to send him 
every year a solemn embassy, accompanied by a present 
of a golden medal, as an acknowledgment that they owed 
him their liberty; and, finally, that they should give 
«itire satisfaction to the king of England. 



286 Hiaro&T of xhb NBTHSRUurDS. I6T2 

Qiarlfis^ on his part, after the most lasallizig treat- 
ment of the amhassadors seat to Laodtm, required, 
amongst o^r tormsy that the Dotdi dM>uld give up the 
honour of the fl^ without reserve^ mhs^ fleets being 
expected, even on the ooasts of Holland, to lower their 
top-sails to the smallest ship und^ Britieh cdouis; 
that theDutdi should pay 1,000,000/. sterling towards 
the charges of (he war, and 10,000/. a year foac permis- 
sion to fiih in the British seas ; that they should share 
the Indian trade with the Englidti ; and that Walcheren 
and several other islands shcnild be put into the king's 
hands as security far the performance of the articles.* 

The insatiable monarchs overshot the mark. Exist- 
ence was not worth preserving on these intolecahle 
terms. Holland was driven to desperation; and even 
the people of £ngland were inspired with indication at 
this monstrous injustice. In the republic a violent ex- 
^osion of popular excess took place. The people now 
saw no safety but in the courage and talents of the prince 
of Orange. He was tumultuously proclaimed stadt- 
holder. De Witt and his brother Comelis, the con- 
scientious but too obstinate opponents of this measure <^ 
salvation, fell victims to the popular frenzy. The latter, 
condemned to banishment on an atrocious charge of in- 
tended assassination against the prince of Orange, was 
visited in his prison at the Hague bj the grand pen- 
sionary. The rabble, incited to fury by the calumnies 
spread against these two virtuous citizens, broke into the 
prison, forced the unfortunate brothers into the street, 
and there literally tore them to pieces with circumstances 
of the most brutal ferocity. This horrid scene took 
place on the 27th of August, l672. 

The massacre of the De Witts completely destroyed 
the party of which they were the head. All men now 
united under the only leader left to the .country. Wil- 
liam showed himself well worthy of the trust, and of his 
heroic blood. He turned his whole force against the 
enemy. He sought nothing for himself but the £^ory of 

* Hume^ vol. w'A. p. 4SS, 491 



1'67S. MVBBXR OF THX DB WITT8. S87 

sa'vii^ his eo t m iiy; and taking his Mioeston for modela^ 
in the best points of their lespectiye characters^ he com- 
bined pmd^ee with enei^^ and finnness with moder- 
ation. His spirit inspired all ranks of men. The con- 
ditions of peace demanded by the partner kings were 
njected wi& scorn. . The whole nation was moved by 
one concentrated prindple of hennsm ; and it was even 
resolved to pat the ancient noticm of the first William 
into practice^ and abandon the country to the waves, 
sooner than submit to the political annihilation with 
which it was threatened. The capalnlity of the vessds 
in their harbours was calculated ; and ihey were foimd 
sufficient to trans^rt 200^000 families to the Indian 
settlements. We must hasten from this suUime picture 
of national desperation. The glorious hero who stmds 
in its foreground was inaccessible to every overture of 
cormpti<m. Buckingham, the English ambassador, of- 
fered him, on the part of England and France, the 
ind^endent sovereignty of Holland, if he would aban- 
don the other provinces to their grasp ; and, urging his 
consent, asked him if he did not see that the rqiublic 
was ruined } ^' There is one means," replied the prince 
of Orange, " which will save me from die right of my 
country's ruin — I will die in the last ditch." * 

Action soon proved the reality of the prince's profes- 
sion. He took the field; having first punished with 
death some of the cowardly commanders of the frontier 
towns. He besieged and took Nasurden, an important 
place; and, by a masterly movement, formed a junction 
with Montecnculi, whom tfie emperor Leopold had at 
length sent to his assistance with 20,000 men. Gronin- 
gen repulsed the bishop of Munster, the aUy of France, 
with a loss of 12,000 men. The king of Spain (such are 
the strange fluctuations of political friendship and enmity) 
i"»nt the count of Monterey, governor of the Belgian 
provinces, with 10,000 men to support the Dutch army. 
The elector of Brandenburg also lent them aid. The 
whole face of afiairs was changed; and Louis was obliged 
• Hume. 



888 BISTORT OF THB NBTHEBItANDS. 1673. 

to abandon all hia conquests with more rapidity than he 
had made them. Two desperate battles at sea^ on tbie 
28th of May and the 4th of Jone^ in which De Ruyter 
and prince Rupert again distinguished themseLves^ only 
proTed the valour of the combatants^ leaving victory 
sCiO doubtfuL England was with one common feeling 
ashamed of the odious war in width the king and his 
unworthy ministers had engaged the nation. Charles 
was forced to make peace on ^e conditions proposed by 
the Dutch. The honour of the flag was yielded to the 
Eng^iish ; a r^ulation of trade was agreed to ; all pos- 
sessions were restored to the same condition as before 
the war ; and the states-general agreed to pay the king 
800,000 patacoons, or nearly 300,000/. 

With these encouraging results from the prince of 
Orange's influence and example, Holland persevered in 
the contest with France. He, in the first place, made 
head, during a winter campaign in Holland, against 
mardial Luxembourg, who had succeeded Turenne in 
the Low Countries, Uie latter being obliged to march 
^[ainst the imperialists in Westphalia. He next ad- 
vanced to oppose the great Conde, who occupied Bra- 
bant* with an army of 45,000 men. After much man- 
oeuvring , in which the prince of Orange displayed con- 
summate talent, he on one only occasion exposed a part 
of his army to a disadvantageous contest. Conde seized 
on the error ; and of his own accord gave the battle to 
which his young opponent could not succeed in forcing 
him. The battle of Senef is remarkable not merely for 
the fury with which it was fought, or for its leaving 
victory undecided, but as being the last combat of one 
commander and the first of the other. '^ The prince of 
Orange," said the veteran Conde (who had that day 
exposed his person more than on any previous occasion), 
'^ has acted in every thing like an old captain, except 
venturing his life too like a young soldier." 

The campaign of 1675 offered no remarkable event ; 
the prince of Orange with great prudence avoiding the 
risk of a battle. But the following year was rendered 



l678. PEACE OF NIMEeUEN. 289 

fatally remarkable by the death of the great De Ruyter*, 
who was killed in an action against the French fleet in 
the Mediterranean: and about the same time the not 
less celebrated Turenne met his death from a cannon-baU^ 
in the midst of his triumphs in Germany. This year 
was doubly occupied in a negotiation for peace and an 
active prosecution of the war. Louis^ at the head of his 
army^ took several towns in Belgium: William was 
unsuccessful in an attempt on Maestricht. About the 
beginning of winter^ the plenipotentiaries of the severd 
bdligerents assembled at Nimeguen^ where the congress 
for peace was held. The Hollanders^ loaded with debts 
and taxes^ and seeing the weakness and slowness of their 
allies the Spaniards and Germans^ prognosticated no- 
thing but misfortunes. Their commerce languished; 
while that of England^ now neutral amidst all these 
quarrels^ flourished extremely. . The prince of Orange, 
however, ambitious of glory, urged another campaign ; 
and it commenced accordingly. 

In the middle of February, Louis carried Valenciennes 
by storm, and laid siege to St. Omer and Cambray. 
William, though full of activity, courage, and skill, was, 
nevertheless, almost always unsuccessful in the field, and 
never more so than in this campaign. Several towns fell 
almost in his sight ; and he was completely defeated in 
the great battle of mount Cassel, by the duke of Orleans 
and marshal Luxembourg. But the period for another 
peace was now approaching. Louis offered fair terms 
for the acceptance of the United Provinces at the con- 
gress of Nimeguen, April, I678, as he now considered 
his chief enemies Spain and the empire, who had at first 
only entered into tbe war as auxiliaries. He was, no 
doubt, principally impelled in his measures by the mar- 
riage of the prince of Orange with the lady Mary, eldest 
daughter of the duke of York, and heir presumptive to 
the English crown, which took place on the 23d of 
October, to the great joy of both the Dutch and English 

* The council of Spain gave De Ruyter the title and letters patent of 
duke The latter arrived in Holland after his death ; and hit children, 
with true republican spirit, reAised to adopt the title. 
U 



890 HI8T0BT OF THB NBTHURLANDS. l678. 

nationfl. ChuleB was at this numient the arbiter of the 
peace of Europe; and though several fluctoations teak 
place in his policy in the course of a few ratrndis^ as ilie 
urgent wishes of the parliament and the large presents of 
Louis differently actuated him*^ still the wiser and more 
just course prerailed^ and he finally decided the balanee 
by Tigovondy declaring his resolution for peace; and 
the treaty was consequently signed at Nim^uen^ on the 
10th of August, 1678. The prince of Orange^ from pri- 
vate motives of spleen^ or a most unjustifiable desire for 
fighting, took the extraordinary measure of attacking the 
French troops under Luxembourg, near Mons^ on the 
very day after the agning of this treaty. He must haye 
known it^ even though it were not officially notified to 
him ; and he certainly had to answer for all the blood 
•0 wantonly spilt in the sharp though undecisive action 
which ensued, t Spain^ abandoned to her fate^ was 
obliged to make the best terms she could ; and on the 
17th of September she also concluded a treaty with 
France^ on conditions entirely favourable to the latter 
power. J 



CHAP. XX. 

1678—1713. 

PROM THZ rXACB OF NDfXGUBN TO THX PXACE OF- UTRECBT. 

A FEW years passed over after this period^ without the 
occurrence of any trtosaction sufficiently important to 
require a mention here. Each of the powers so lately 
at war followed the various bent of their respective 
ambition. Charles of England was sufficiently occu« 
pied by ilisputes with parliament^ and the discovery, 
fabrication, and pum'shment of plots, real or pretended. 
• Dalrymple's App. p. 112. f Hume, Ac. . tDe Neny. 



l6S5, DEATH OF CHARLES U. 291 

Louis XIV.^ by a stretch of audacious pride hitherto 
unknown^ arrogated to himself the supreme power of 
legukting the rest of Europe^ as if all the other princes 
were his vassals. He established courts^ or chambers 
<^ re-union as they were called^ in Metz and Brisae, 
which cited princes^ issued decrees^ and authorised 
spoliation^ in the most unjust and arlntrary manner.* 
Louis chose to award to himself Luxembourg, Chiny^ 
and a considerable portion of Brabant and Flanders, t 
He marched a considerable army into Belgium, which 
the Spanish governors' were unable to oppose. The 
(Hrince of Orange, who laboured incessantly to excite a 
confederacy among the other powers of £urope against 
the unwarrantable aggressions of- France, was unable to 
arouse his countrymen to actual war; and was forced, 
instead of gaining the glory he longed for, to consent to 
a truce for twenty years, which the states-general, now 
wholly pacific and not a little cowardly, were too happy 
to obtain from France. The emperor and the king of 
Spain gladly entered into a like treaty, i The fact was, 
^t the peace of Nimeguen had di^ointed the great 
confederacy which William had so successfully brought 
about ; and the various powers were laid utterly pros- 
trate at the feet of the imperious Louis, who for a while 
held the destinies of Europe in his hands. 

Charles IL died most unexpectedly in the year l685 ; 
and his obstinately bigoted and unconstitutional suc- 
cessor, James II., seemed, during a reign of not four 
years' continuance, to rush wilfully headlong to ruin. 
During this period, the prince of Orange had main- 
tained a most circumspect and unexceptionable line of 
conduct ; steering dear of all interference with English 
affairs ; giving offence to none of the political factions; 
and observing in every instance the duty and regard 
which he owed to his father-in-law. § During Mon- 
moCith's invasion he had despatched to James's assist-* 
ance six regiments of British troops which wore in the 

• Hume t I^ ^*"y' 

t Du Mont, Corps Dipl t yii. S Hume. 

U 2 



292 BISTORT OF THB NBTHEBLANDS. 1688. 

Datch senrice^ and he offered to take the command of 
the king's forces against the rebels. It was from the 
application of James himself that William took any 
part in English affiurs * ; for he was more widely and 
moch more congenially employed in the establishment 
of a fresh league against France. Louis had aroused a 
new feeling throughout protestant Europe^ by the revo- 
cation of the edict of Nantes. The refugees whom he 
had driTen from their native country^ inspired in those 
in which they settled hatred of his persecution as well as 
alarm of his power. Holland now entered into all the 
views of the prince of Orange. By his immense in« 
fluence he succeeded in forming the great confederacy 
called the League of Augsbourg^ to which the emperor^ 
Spain^ and almost every European power but England^ 
became parties, t 

James gave the prince reason to believe that he too 
would join in this great project^ if William would in 
return concur in his views of domestic tyranny; but 
William wisely refused. James^ much disappointed^ 
and irritated by the moderation which showed his. own 
violence in such striking contrast^ expressed his displea- 
sure against the prince^ and against the Dutch generally^ 
by various vexatious acts. William resolved to main- 
tain a high attitude ; and many applications were made 
to him by the most considerable persons in England for 
relief against James's violent measures^ and which there 
was but one method of making effectual. X That 
method was force. But as long as the princess of 
Orange was certain of succeeding to the crown on her 
father's deaths William hesitated to join in an attempt 
that might possibly have failed and lost her her inhe- 
ritance. But the birth of a son^ which^ in giving James 
a male heir, destroyed all hope of redress for the kingdom^ 
decided the wavering, and rendered the determined 
desperate. The prince chose the time for his enterprise 
with the sagacity, arranged its plan with the prudence 

• Huma t Idem. } D*ATaiiz. 



1689- ENGLISH RETOLVTION. 293 

and put it into execution with the yigour, which' were 
habitual qualities of his mind. 

Louis XIV.^ menaced by the League of Augsboui^^ 
had resolved to strike the first blow i^^ainst the allies. 
He invaded Germany ; so that the I>utch preparations 
seemed in the first instance intended as measures of 
defence against the progress of the French. But 
•Louis's envoy at the Hague could not be long deceived. 
He gave notice to his master^ who in his turn warned 
James. But that infatuated monarch not only doubted 
the intelligence^ but refused the French king's ofiers of 
assistance and co-operation. On the 21st of October 
the prince of Orange^ with an army of 14,000 men, 
and a fleet of 500 vessels of all kinds, set sail from 
Helvoetsluys ; and after .some delays from bad weather 
he safely landed his army in Torbay, on the 5th ofi No- 
vember, 1688. * The desertion of James's best friends ; 
his own consternation, flight, seizure, and second escape ; 
and the solemn act by which he was deposed; were the 
rapid occurrences of a few weeks : and dius the grandest 
revolution that England had ever seen was happily con- 
summated. Without entering here on legislative rea- 
sonings or party sophisms, it is enough to record the 
act itself ; and to say, in reference to our more imme- 
diate subject, that without the assistance of Holland and 
her glorious chief, England might have still remained 
enslaved, or have had to purchase liberty by oceans of 
blood. By the bill . of settlement the crown was con- 
veyed jointly to the prince and princess of Orange, the 
sole administration of government to remain in the 
prince ; and the new sovereigns were proclaimed on the 
2Sd of February, 1689- The convention, which had 
arranged this important point, annexed to the settlem^it 
a declaration of rights, by which the powers of royal 
prerogative and the extent of popular priviliege were 
defined and guaranteed.t 

William, now become king of England, still preserved 
his title of stadtholder of Holland ; and presented the 

* Hume. t Idem. 

U 3 



294 HISTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. I69O. 

singular instance of a monarchy and a republic being 
at die same time governed by the same individual. But 
whether as a king or a citizen^ William was actuated by 
one grand and powerful principle^ to which every act 
of private administration was made subservient^ althou^ 
it certainly called for no sacrifice that was not required 
for the political existence of the two nations of whidi 
he was die head. Inveterate opposition to the power of 
Louis XIV. was this all-absorbing motive. A senti- 
ment so mighty left William but littie time for inferior 
points of government^ and every thing but that seems 
to have irritated and disgusted him. He was soon 
again on the Continent^ the chief theatre of his efforts. 
He put himself in front of die confederacy which re- 
sulted from the congress of Utrecht in I69O. He took 
the command of die allied army ; and tUl the hour of 
his death he never ceased his indefatigable course of 
hostility^ whether in the camp or the cabinet^ at the 
head of the allied armies, or as the guiding spirit of the 
councils which gave them force and motion. 

Several campaigns were expended and bloody combats 
fought^ almost all to the disadvantage of William^ whose 
genius for war was never seconded by that good for- 
tune which so often decides die fate of bitdes in defiance 
of all the calculations of talent. But no reverse had 
power to shake the constancy and courage of William. 
He always appeared as formidable after defeat as he 
was before action. His conquerors gained litde but the 
honour of the day. Fleurus^ Steinkerk, Herwinde^ 
were successively die scenes of his evil fortune^ and die 
sources of his fame. His retreats were master-strokes 
of vigilant activity and profound combinations. Many 
eminent sieges took place during this war. Among other 
towns, Mons and Namur were taken by the French, and 
Huy by the allies; and the army of marehal Villeroi bom- 
barded Brussels during diree days, in August, I695, with 
such fary that the town-house, fourteen churches, and 
4000 houses, were reduced to ashes. The year following 
this event saw anodier undecisive campaign. Ihiiiiig 



1^7- PHAGE OF BTflWICK. . 295 

tbe continuance of this war, the naval transactions pre- 
sent no grand results. Du Bart, a celebrated adven- 
tarer of Dnnldrk, occupies die leading place in those 
affairs, in which he carried on a desultory but active 
warfare against the Butch and English fleets, and gene- 
nHy with great success. 

All the nations which had taken part in so many wars 
were now becoming exhausted by die contest, but none 
so much so as France. The great despot 9i4io had so long 
wielded the energies of that country with such wonder* 
fnl splendour and success, found that his unbounded love 
of dominion was graduaUy sapping all the real good of 
hiv people, in chimerical schemes of universal conquest. 
England, though with much resolution voting new sup* 
plies, and in every way uphc^ding William in his jdans 
for the continuance of war, was rejoiced when Louis 
accepted the mediation of Charles XI. king of Sweden, 
and agreed to concessions which made peace feasible.* 
The emperor and Charles II. of ^Niin wer6 less satisfied 
with tiiose concessions: but every thing was finally 
airanged to meet the genenl views of the parties, and 
nq;otiation8 were opened at Ryswick. The deatii of the 
king of Sweden, and tiie minority of his son and suc- 
cessor, the celebrated Charles XII., retarded tiiem on 
points of form for some time. At lengtii, on the 20th 
of September, I697, die articles of die treaty were sub- 
scribed by die Dutch, English, Spanish, and French 
ambassadors, t The treaty consisted of seventeen ar- 
ticles. The French king declared he would not disturb 
or disquiet die king of Great Britain,who8etide he now 
for the first time acknowledged. Between France and 
Holland were declared a genei^al armistice, perpetual 
amity, a mutual restitution of towns, a reciprocal renun- 
ciation of all pretensions upon each odier, and a treaty 
of commerce which was immediately put into execution. 
Thus, after diis long, expensive, and sanguinary war, 
dungs were established Just on die footing they had been 
by die peace of Nimeguen ; and a great, diough unavaiL- 

▼oL i pp. 316, 317. + De Vrnxf. 

V 4 



296 BISTORT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1700. 

able lesson, read to the world on the futility and wick- 
edness of ^ose quarrelB in which the personal ambltloa 
of kings leads to the misery of the people. Had the 
allies been true to each other throughout^ Louis would 
certainly have been reduced much lower than he now 
was. His pride was humbled, and his encroachments 
stopped. But . the sufferings of the various countries 
engaged in the war were too generally reciprocal to make 
its result of any material benefit to either. The em- 
peror hdd out for a while^ encouraged by the great vic- 
tory gained by his general^ prince Eugene of Savoy, over 
the Turks at Zenta in Hungary; but he finally acceded 
to the terms offered by France: the peace, therefore, 
became general, but unfortunately for Europe of very 
diort duration. 

France, as if looking forward to the speedy renewal 
of hostilities, still kept her armies undisbanded. Let the 
foresight of her politicians have been what it might, this 
n^ative proof of it was justified by events. The king 
of Spain, a weak prince, without any direct, heir for his 
possessions, considered himself authorised to dispose of 
their succession by will. The leading powers of Europe 
thought otherwise, and took this right upon themselves.* 
Charles died on the 1st of November, 1700, and thus put 
the important question to the test. By a solemn testa- 
ment he declared Philip duke of Anjou, second son of the 
dauphin,, and grandson of Louis XIV., his successor to 
the whole of the Spanish monarchy, t Louis immediately 
renounced his adherence to the treaties of partition, 
executed at the Hague and in London in I698 and 
1700, and to which he had been a contracting party; 
and prepared to maintain the act by which the last of 
the descendants of Charles V. bequeathed the possessions 
of Spain and the Indies to the family which had so long 
been the inveterate enemy and rival of his own. 

The emperor Leopold, on his part, prepared to 
defend' his claims; and thus commenced the new war 
between liim and France, which took its name from the 

• De Neny. f Du Mont, Corp* Diplom. 



1701. WAR OP SUCCESSION. 297 

saccession which formed the object of dispute. Hostili- 
ties were commenced in Italy^ where prince Eugene^ th« 
conqueror Bf the Turks^ commanded for Leopold^ and 
every day made for himself a still more brilliant repu- 
tation. Louis sent his grandson to Spain to take pos- 
session of the inheritance, for which so hard a fight 
was yet to be maintained^ with the striking expression 
at parting — '' My child^ diere are no longer any Pyre- 
nees!" an expression most happily unprophetic for the 
future independence of Europe^ for the moral force of 
the barrier has long existed after the expiration of the 
family compact which was meant to deprive it of its 
force. 

Louis prepared to act vigorously. Among other 
measures^ he caused part of the Dutch army that was 
quartared in Luxembourg and Brabant to be suddenly 
made prisoners of war^ because they would not oyrn 
Philip V. as king of Spain. The states-general were 
dreadfully alarmed^ immediately made the required ac- 
knowledgment^ and in consequence had their soldiers 
released.* They quickly reinforced their garrisons, 
purchased supplies, solicited foreign aid, and prepared 
for the worst that might happen. They wrote to king 
William, professing the most inviolable attachment to 
England; and he met their application by warm as- 
surances of support, and an immediate reinforcement of 
three raiments. 

. William followed up these measures by the formation 
of the celebrated treaty called the Grand Alliance, by 
which England, the States, and the emperor covenanted 
for the support of the pretensions of the latter to the 
Spanish roonarchy.t William was preparing, in spite of 
his declining health, to take his usual lead in the military 
operations now decided on, and almost all Europe was 
again looking forward to his guidance, when he died on 
the 8th of March, 1701, leaving his great plans to re- 
ceive their execution from still more able adepts in the 
art of war. 

* SmoUett t De Neny, 1 1 p. SOI. 



9QB HItTOBT OF THB NETHERLANDS. 1 702» 

William's chmracter has been traced by many hands. 
- In hia capacity of king of England^ it is not our province 
to judge him in this place. As stadtholder of HoUand^ he 
merits unqualified praise. Like his great ancestor WilUam^ 
h, whom he more resembled than any other of his race^ 
he Bayed the country in a time of such imminent peril 
tliat its abandonment seemed the only resource left to 
the inhabitants^ who prefinred self ••exile to slavery. AH 
his acts were certainly merged in the one oyerwhehmng 
object of a great ambiticm — that noble quality^ whidi^ 
if coupled with the love of country^ is the very essence 
of true heroism. Williun was the last of that illustri- 
ous line which for a century and a half had filled Europe 
with admiradon. He never had a child; and being 
himself an only one^ his title as prince of Orange passed 
into another 1»«nch of the family. He left his coosiii 
prince Prison of Nassau^ the stadtholder of Frieslacn^ 
his sole and universal heir^ and appointed the states- 
general his executors.* 

William's death filled Holland with mourning and 
ahorm. The meeting of the states-general after this sad 
intdligence was of a most affecting description; botr 
William, like all master-minds, had left the mantle of his 
inspiration on his friends and followers. Heinsius the 
grand pensionary followed up the views of the lamented, 
stadtholder with considerable energy, and was answered 
by the unanimous exertions of the country. Strong as- 
smnmces of support from queen Anne, William's succes- 
sor, still further encouraged the republic, which now 
vigorously prepared for war. But it did not lose this 
occasion of recurring to the form of government of 1650. 
No new stadtholder was now appointed; the suprone' 
authority being vested in the general assembly of the 
states, and the active direction of afiairs confided to the 
grand pensionary. This departure from the form of 
government which had been on various occasions proved 
to be essential to the safety, although at all times hazard- 
ous to the independence, of the states, was not Attended 



1702. KARLBOROUOM AND EUOBNE. ^^ 

with any evil cohseqaences. The factions and the 
anarchy which had before been the consequence of the 
course now adopted^ were prevented by the potent influ- 
ence, of national fear lest the enemy might triumph^ and 
crush the hopes^ the jealousies^ and the enmities of all 
parties in one general ruin. Thus the common danger 
awoke a common interest^ and the splendid successes of 
her allies kept Holland steady in the career of patriotic 
energy whidi had its rise in the dread of her redoubt* 
able foe. 

The joy in France at William's death was propor- 
tioniate to the grief it created in. Holland ; and the arro- 
gant confidence of Louis seemed to know no bounds. 
'^ I will punish these audacious 'merchants^" said he, 
with an air of disdain, when he read the manifesto of 
Holland ; not foreseeing tiiat those he afiboted to despise 
80 much would, ere long, command in a great measure 
the destinies of his crown. Queen Anne entered upon 
the war with masculine intrepidity, and maintained it 
with heroic energy. Efforts were made by the English 
ministry and tiie states^general to mediate between the 
kings of Sweden and Poland. But Charles XII., en- 
amoured of glory, and bent on die one g^eat object of 
his designs against Russia, would listen to nothing tiiat 
might lead him from his immediate career of victory.* 
Many other of the nortii^m princes were withheld, by 
various motives, from entering into the contest with 
France, and its whole brunt devolved on the original 
membca^ of the grand allian<ie. The generals who car- 
ried it on were Marlborough and prince Eugene. The 
former, at its commencement an earl, and subsequently 
raised to the dignity of duke, was declared generalissimo 
of the Dutch and English forces. He was a man of 
most powerful genius, both as warrior and politician. A 
pupil of the great Turenn^, his exploits left those of his 
master in the shade. No commander ever possessed in 
ft greater d^ree the faculty of forming vast ^designs, and 
of carrying them into effect with consummate skiU; 
•Voltaire. 



300 H18T0BT OF THE NETHEBLANDS. 1702* 

DO one displayed more coolness and courage in action, 
-saw with a keener eye the errors of the enemy, or knew 
better how to profit by success. He never laid siege to 
a town that he did not take, and never fought a battle 
that he did not gain. * 

Prince Eugene joined to. the highest order of per- 
aonsl bravery a profound judgment for the grand move- 
ments of war, and a capacity for the most minute of the 
minor details on which their successful issue so often de- 
pends. United in the same cause, these two great gene- 
rals pursued their course without the least misimderstand- 
ing. At the dose of ea^h of those successive campaigns, 
in which they reaped such a fiill harvest of renown, 
they retired together to the Hague, to arrange, in the 
profoundest secrecy, the plans for the next year's oper- 
ations, with one other person, who formed the great point 
of union between them, and completed a triumvirate 
without a parallel in the history of political affairs. 
This third was Heinsius, one of those great men pro- 
duced by the republic whose names are tantamount to 
the most detailed eulogium for talent and patriotism. 
Every enterprise projected by the confederates was deli- 
berately examined, rejected, or approved by these three 
associates, whose strict union of purpose, disowning all 
petty rivalry, formed the centre of counseb and the 
source of circumstances finally so fatal to France.'** 

Louis XIV., now sixty years of age, could no longer 
himself command his armies, or probably did not wish 
to risk the reputation he was conscious of having gained 
by the advice and services of Turenne, Conde, and Lux- 
embourg. Louvois, too, was dead; and Colbert no 
longer managed his finances. A council of rash and 
ignorant ministers hung like a dead weight on the ta- 
lent of the generals who succeeded the great men above 
mentioned. Favour and not merit too often decided 
promotion, and lavished command. Vendome, Villars, 
Boufflers, and Berwick, were set aside, to make way for 
Villeroi, Tallard, and Marsin, men every way inferior. 

• Huu de Voltaire, Charles XII. pi 112. + Voltaire 



]709> WAR RENEWED. 301 

The war began in 1702 in Italy, and Marlborough 
opened his first campaign in Brabwt also in that year. 
For several succeeding years the confederates pursued a 
career of brilliant success, the details of which do not 
proi>erly belong to this work. A mere chronology of 
odebrated battles would be of little interest, and the pages 
of English history abound in records of those deeds. 
Blenheim, Ramillies, Oudenarde, and Malplaquet, are 
names that speak for themselyes, and tell their own tale 
of glory. The utter humiliation of France was the re- 
sult of events, in which the undying fame of England 
for inflexible perseverance and unbounded generosity was 
joined in the strictest union with that of Holland ; and 
the impetuous valour of the worthy successor to the title of 
prince of Orange was, on many occasions, particularly at 
Malplaquet, supported by the devotion and gallantry of the 
Dutch contingent in the allied, armies. The naval affairs 
of Holland offered nothing very remarkable. The States 
had always a fleet ready to support the English in their 
enterprises ; but no eminent admiral arose to rival the re- 
nown of Rooke,Byng, Benbow, and others of their allies. 
The first of those admirals took Gibraltar, which has ever 
since remained in the possession of England. The great 
earl of Peterborough carried on the war with splendid 
success in Portugal and Spain, supported occasionally by 
the English fleet under sir Cloudesley Shovel, and that 
of Holland under admirals Allemonde and Wapenaer.* 
During the pr(^e88 of the war, the haughty and 
long-time imperial Louis was reduced to a state of hu- 
miliation that excited a compassion so profound as to 
prevent its own open expression — the most galling of all 
sentiments to a proud mind. In the yeac 1709 he so- 
licited peace on terms of most abject submission. The 
states-general, under the influence of the duke of Marl- 
borough and prince Eugene, rejected all his supplications, 
retorting unsparingly the insolent harshness with which 
he had formerly received similar proposals from them. 
France, roused to renewed exertions by the insulting trei^t- 
• amollett 



803 HISTORY OP THB NETHERLANDS. 1711 

ment, experienced by her humiliated but still hau^ty 
despot, made prodigious but vain efforts to repair hor 
niinons losses. In the following year Louis renewed 
his attempts to obtain some tolerable conditions ; offering 
to renounce his grandson, and to comply wilh all the 
former demands of the confederates.* Even these 
overtures were rejected ; Holland and England appearing 
satisfied with nothing short of, what was after all im- 
practicaUe, the total destruction of the great power 
which Louis had so long proved to be incompatible with 
their welfare. The war still went on ; and the taking 
of Bouchsin on the dOth of August, 171 1> closed the 
almost unrivalled military career of Marlborough, by 
the success of one of his boldest and best conducted 
exploits, t Party intrigue had accomplished what, in 
court parlance, is called the disgrace, but which, in the 
language of common sense, means only the dismissal, of 
this great man. The new ministry, who hated the 
Dutch, now entered seriously into negotiations with 
France. The queen acceded to these views, and sent 
special envoys to communicate with die court of Ver- 
sailles. The states-general found it impossible to con- 
tinue hostilities if England withdrew from the coalition; 
conferences were consequentiy opened at Utrecht in the 
montii of January, 1712* England took the important 
station of arbiter in the great question there debated. 
The only essential conditions which she demanded in- 
dividually, were the renunciation of all claims to the 
crown of France by Philip V. Jnd the demolition of the 
harbour of Dunkirk. The first of these was the more 
readily acceded to, as the great batties of Almanza and 
Villaviciosa, gained by Philip's generals the dukes of 
Berwick and Vendome, had steadily fixed him on the 
throne of Spain — a point still more firmly secured by the 
death of tiie emperor Joseph 1., son of Leopold, and the 
devation of his brother Charles, Philip's competitor for 
the crown of Spain, to the imperial dignity by the titie 
of Charles VL 

• SmoUett f Idem. 



171^ PBAOB OF VTRBOHT. SOS 

The peace was not definitively signed until the 
11th of Aprils 171s ; and France obtained far better 
eonditifms than those whidi were refused her a few 
years previously. The Belgian provinces were given .to 
the new emperor^ and must henceforth be called the 
Austrian instead of the Spanish Netherlands. The 
g(M and the Uood of Holland had been profusely ex- 
pended during this contest ; it might seem for no po« 
dtive results : but the exhaustion produced to every one 
of the other belligerents was a source of peace and 
prosperity to the republic. Its commerce was re-es- 
tablished ; its financial resources recovered their level ; 
and altc^ther we must Ex on the epodi now before vm 
as that of its utihost point of influence and greatness. 
France^ on the . contrary^ was now reduced from itv 
palmy state of almost European sovereignty to one of 
the deepest misery ; and its monarchy in his old age, 
found little left of his former power but those records of 
poetry, painting, sculpture, and architecture, which tell 
posterity of his magnificence, and the splendour of which 
throw his faults and his misfortunes into the shade. 

The great object now to be accomplished by the 
United Provinces was the regulation of a distinct and 
guaranteed line of frontier between the republic and 
France. This ol]rject had become by d^ees, ever since 
the peace of Munster, a fundamental maxim of their 
politics. The interposition of the Belgian provinces 
between the republic and France was of serious incon* 
venience to the former in this point of view. It was 
made the subject of a special article in '^ the grand 
alliance." In the year 1707 it was particularly dis- 
cussed between England and the States, to the great 
discontent of the emperor, who was far from wishing 
its definitive settlement. * But it was now become an 
indispensable item in the total of important measures 
whose accomplishment was called for by the peace of 
Utrecht. Conferences were opened on this sole question 
at Antwerp in the year 1714 ; and, after protracted and 

♦ DeNeny,tLp.l41. 



mjL 



r ii- 



-^-jsr::?!^ "2mi£3»^ j: 



^ ^ 



s£ 



P 



- ^'-- :^ 3asiT^ of 



1731. QUADBVFLB AIXEANCB. 905 

from France; and the slile»^;enenl abovit ihe same 
time arrested the Swedish ambaandor, baron Gmti, 
•whose intrigues excited snne suspicum. The death of 
Jmfbs XIV. had coce moie changed the political system 
«f Europe ; and the oommeocement of the eighteenth 
jDentory was fertile in negotiations and alliances in 
whidi we have at present bat little direct interest. The 
rights of the repahUc were in all instances respected; 
and Holland did not cease to be considered as a power 
of the first distinction and consequence. The establidt- 
ment of an East India company at Ostend, by the em- 
peror Charles VI.^ in IT^S, was the principal cause of 
disquiet to the United Provinces^ and the most likdy to 
lead to a ruptore. But, by the treaty of Hanover in 
1726^ the ri^ts of HoHand resulting £rom the treaty 
jDf Munster were guaranteed ; and in oonsequmce the 
emperor abdished the company of his creation, by Ae 
treaty of Serille in 1729, and that of Vienna in 17S1. 
. The peace which now reigned in Europe allowed the 
.United ProYincea to direct their whole efibrts towards 
jdie reform of those internal abuses resulting from feud- 
^ty and fanaticism. Confiscations were reversed, and 
property secured throu^out the repuUic. It received 
into its protection the persecuted sectarians of France, 
£krmany, and Hungary ; and the tolerant wisdom which 
it exercised in these measures gives the best assurance 
of its justice and prudence in one of a contrary nature, 
forming a solitary exception to them. This was the 
expulsion of the Jesuits, whose dangerous and destruc- 
tive doctrines had been long a warrant for this salutary 
example to the protestant states of Europe. 
. In the year 1732 the United Provinces were threat- 
ened with imminent peril, which accident alone pre- 
vented from becoming fatiU to their very existence. It 
was perceived that the dykes, which had for ages pre- 
served the coasts, were in many places crumbling to 
ruin, in spite of the enormous expenditure of money and 
labour devoted to their preservation. By chance it was 
discovered that the beams, piles, and other timber works 



906 HISTOBrT OF THB NETHERLANDS. 1735. 

employed in the construction of the dykeB> were eaten 
through in all parts hy a species of sea-worm hitherto 
unknown. The terror of the people was^ as may h6 
supposed^ extreme. Every possible resource was applied 
which could remedy the evil: a hard frost providentially 
set in and destroyed the formidable reptiles * ; and tte 
country was thus saved from a danger tenfold greatef 
than that Involved in a dozen wars. 

The peace of Europe was once more disturbed in 
1733. Poland^ Oermany^ France^ and Spain^ were all 
embarked in the new war. Holland and England stood 
aloof; and another family alliance of great consequence 
drew still doser than ever the bonds of union between 
them. The young prince of Orange, who in 1 728 had 
been dected stadtholder of Groningen and Guelders, in 
addition to that of Friesland which had been enjoyed 
by his father, had in the year 1734 married the princess 
Anne, daughter of George II. of England; and by thus 
adding to the consideration of the house of Nassau, had 
opened a field for the recovery of all its old distinctions. 

The d^ath of the emperor Charles VI., in October, 
1740, left his daughter, die archduchess Maria Theresa, 
heiress of his throne and possessions. Young, beautiful, 
and endowed with qualities of the highest order, she was 
surrounded with enemies whose envy and ambition 
would have despoiled her of her splendid rights. Fre- 
derick of Prussia, sumamed the Great, in honour of his' . 
abilities rather than his sense of justice, the dectors of 
Bavaria and Saxony, and the kings of Spain and Sar- 
dinia, all pressed forward to the spoliation of an inhe- 
ritance which seemed a fair play for all comers. But - 
Maria Theresa, first joining her husband, duke Francis 
of Lorraine, in her sovereignty, but without prejudice 
to it, under the title of co-regent, took an attitude truly 
heroic. When every thing seemed to threaten the dis-^ 
memberment of her states, she threw herself upon the 
generous fidelity of her Hungarian subjects with a dig- 
nified resolution that has few examples. There was 

• 6moU«tt. 



1743. BATTLE OP DBTTINGEN. 30? 

imperial grandeur even in her appeal to their compassion. 
The results were electrical ; and the whole tide of for- 
tune was Tapidly turned. 

England and Holland were the first to come to the 
aid of the young and interesting empress. George 11.^ 
at the head of his army, gained the victory of Dettingen, 
in support of her quarrel^ in 1743; the states-general 
having contributed 20,000 men and a large subsidy to 
her aid. Louis XV. resolved to throw his whole influ- 
oice into the scale against these generous efforts in the 
princess's favour ; and he invaded the Austrian Nether- 
lands in the following year. Marshal Saxe commanded 
under him, and at first carried every thing before him. 
Holland, having furnished 20,000 troops and six ships 
of war to George II. on the invasion of the young pre- 
tender, was little in a state to oppose any formidable 
resistance to the enemy that threatened her own frontiers. 
The republic, wholly attached for so long a period to 
pursuits of peace and commerce, had no longer good 
generals nor effective armies; nor could it even put a 
fleet of any importance to sea. Yet with all these dis- 
advantages it would not yield to the threats nor the 
demands of France ; resolved to risk a new war rather 
than succumb to an enemy it had once so completely 
humbled and given the law to. 

Conferences were opened at Breda, but interrupted 
almost as soon as commenced. Hostilities were renewed. 
The memorable battle of Fontenby was offered and 
gloriously fought by the allies ; accepted and spendidly 
won by the French. Never did the English and Dutch 
troops act more nobly in concert than on this remarkable 
occasion. The valour of the French was not less con- 
spicuous; and the success of the day was in a great 
measure decided by the Irish battalions, sent, by the 
lamentable politics of those and much later days, to 
swell the ranks and gain the battles of England's ene- 
mies. Marshal Saxe followed up his advantage the 
following year, taking Brussels and many other towns. 
Almost the whole of the Austrian Netherlands being 
X 2- 



508 HI8T0BT OF THE NETHEBItANDS. 1748; 

now in the power of Louis XV.^ and the United Pro- 
vinces again exposed to invasion and threatened with 
danger^ they had once more recourse to the old expe- 
dient of the elevation of the house of Orange, which 
in times of imminent peril seemed to present a never-. 
faOing palladium. Zealand was the first to give the 
impulsion; the other provinces soon followed the ex- 
ample; and William IV. was proclaimed stadtholder 
and captain-general, amidst the almost unanimous re- 
joicings of alL These dignities were soon after declared 
hereditary hoth in the male and female line of succession 
of the house of Orange Nassau. 

The year 1748 saw the termination of the brilliant 
campaigns of Louis XV. during this bloody war of 
eight years' continuance. The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
definitively signed on the 18th of October, put an end 
to hostilities ; Maria Theresa was established in her 
rights and power ; and Europe saw a fair balance of the 
nations, which gave promise of security and peace. But 
the United Provinces, when scarcely recovering from 
strug^es which had so checked their prosperity, were 
employed in new and mdversal grief and anxiety by the 
death of their young stadtholder, which happened at the 
Hague, October 13. 1751. He had long been kept out 
of the government, though by no ineans deficient in the 
talents suited to his station. His son, William V., 
aged but three years and a half, succeeded him, under 
die guardianship of his mother, Anne of England, 
daughter of George II., a princess represented to be of 
a proud and ambitious temper, who immediately assumed 
a high tone of authority in the state.* 

The war of seven years, which agitated the north of 
Europe, and deluged its plains with blood, was almost the 
only one in which the republic was able to preserve a 
strict neutrality throi^hout. But this happy state of 
tranquillity was not, as on former occasions, attended by 
that prodigious increase of commerce, and that accumu- 
lation of wealth, which had so often astonished the world. 
• Horace Walpole's Mem. toL L p. 179, 18a 



1772- 8BVEN TEABS WAR. S09 

IHffering with England on the policy which led the latter 
to weaken and humiliate France^ jealousies sprang up 
between the two countries^ and Dutch commerce became 
the olject of the most vexatious and injurious efforts on 
the part of England. Remonstrance was yain ; resist- 
ance impossible ; and the decline of the republic hurried 
rapidly on. The Hanseatic towns, the American colo* 
nies, die northern states of Europe, and France itself, 
all entered into the malry with Holland, in wliich, how- 
ever, England carried c^ the most important prizes. 
Several private and petty encounters took place between 
the vessels of England and Holland, in consequence of 
the pretensions of the former to the right of search; and 
had the republic possessed the ability of former periods,, 
and the talents of a Tromp or a De Ruyter, a new war 
would no doubt have been the result. But it was forced 
to submit ; and a degrading .but irritating tranquillity 
waa the consequence for several years; the national feel- 
ings receiving a salvo for home decline by some extension 
of colonial settlements in the East, in which the island 
of Ceylon was included. . 

In the midst of this inglorious state of things, and 
the domestic abundance which was the only compen- 
sittion for the gradual loss of national influence, the 
installation of William V. in 1766; his marriage with 
the princess of Prussia, niece of Frederick the Great, in 
1768 ; and the birth of two sons, the eldest on the 24th 
of August, 1772; successively took place. Magnificent 
fetes celeln'ated ihese events ; the satisfied citizens little 
imagining, amid their indolent rejoicings, the dismal fu- 
turity of revolution and distress which was silently but 
rapidly preparing for their country. 
. Maria Theresa, reduced to widowhood by the death 
of her husband, whom she had elevated to the imperial 
dignity by the title of Francis 1., continued for a while 
to rule singly her vast possessions ; and had profited so 
little by the sufferings of her own early reign, that she 
joined in the iniquitous dismemberment of Poland, which 
has left an indelible stain on her memory, and on that of 
X 3 



310 HISTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. If SO, 

Frederick of Prussia and Catharine of Russia. In her 
own dominions she was adored; and her name is to this 
day cherished in Belgium among the dearest recollecdons 
of the people. 

The impulsion given to the political mind of Europe 
by the revolution in North America was soon felt in the 
Netherlands. The wish for reform was not merely con- 
fined to the people. A memorable instance was offered 
by Joseph 11.^ son and successor of Maria Theresa^ that 
sovereigns were not only susceptible of rational notions 
of change^ but that the infection of radical extravagance 
could i>enetrate even to the imperial crown. Disgusted 
by the despotism exercised by the clergy of Belgium^ 
Joseph commenced his reign by measures that at once 
roused a desperate spirit of hostility in the priesthood^ 
and soon spread among the bigoted mass of the people^ 
who were wholly subservient to their will. Miscalculat- 
ing his own power, and undervaluing that of the priests, 
the emperor issued decrees and edicts with a sweeping 
violence that shocked every prejudice and roused every 
passion perilous to the country. Toleration to the pro- 
testants, emancipation of the clergy from the papal yoke, 
reformation in the system of theological instruction, 
were among the wholesale measures of the emperor's 
enthusiasm, so imprudently attempted and so virulently 
opposed. 

But ere the deep-sown seeds of bigotry ripened to revolt, 
or produced the fruit of active resistance in Belgium, 
Holland had to endure the mortification of another war 
with England. The republic resolved on a ^tile imi- 
tation of the northern powers, who had adopted the 
difficult and anomalous system of an armed neutrality, 
for the prevention of English domination on the seas. 
The right of search, so proudly established by this power, 
was not likely to be wrenched from it by manifestoes or 
remonstrances; and Holland was not capable of a more 
effectual warfare. In the year 1781, St. Eustache, Su- 
rinam, Essequibo, and Demerara, were taken by British 
valour ; and in the following year several of the Dutch 



1784. PBAOE WITH ENGLAND. 311 

colonies in the East, well fortified but ill defended, also 
fell into the hands of England. Almost the whole of 
those colonies, the remnants of prodigious power acquired 
by such incalculable instances of enterprise and courage, 
were one by one assailed and taken. But this did not 
suffice for ^e satisfaction of English objects in the pro- 
secution of the war. It was also resolved to deprive 
Holland of the Baltic trade. A squadron' of seven vessels, 
commanded by sir Hyde Parker, was encountered on the 
Dogger Bank by a squadron of Dutch ships of the same 
force under admiral Zoutman. Ah action of four hours 
was maintained with all the ancient courage which made 
80 many of the memorable sea-fights between Tromp, 
De Ruyter, Blake, and Monk, drawn battles. A storm 
separated the combatants, and saved tliehonour of each; 
for both had suffered alike, and victory had belonged to 
-neither. Thie peace of 1784 terminated this short, but; 
to Holland, fetal war; the two latter years of which had 
been, in the petty warfare of privateering, most dis- 
astrous to the commerce of the republic. Nqgapatam 
on ihe coaist of Coromandel, and the free navigation of 
the Indian seas, were ceded to England, who occupied 
the other various colonies taken during the war. 

Opinion was now rapidly opening out to that spirit of 
intense enquiry which arose in France, and threatened 
to sweep before it not only all that was corrupt, but 
-every thing that tended to corruption. It is in the very 
essence of all kinds of power to have that tendency, 
-and, if not checked by salutary means, to reach that end. 
But the reformers of the last century, new in the despe- 
rate practice of revolutions, seeing its necessity, but ig- 
norant of its nature, neither did nor could place bounds 
to the careering whirlwind that they raised. The well- 
meaning but intemperate changes essayed by Joseph II. 
in Belgium had a considerable share in die develop- 
Bient of free principles, although they at first seemed 
only to excite the resistance of bigotry and strengthen 
l^e growth of superstition. Holland was always alive 
t^ those feelings of resistance to estabtished authority 

35 4» 



SIS RI8TOBT OF THE mETHEBLANDS. 1787^ 

which characterise republican opinions ; and the general 
dbcontent at the result of the war with England gare 
a good excme to the pretended patriotism which only 
wanted change^ while it professed reform. The stadt^ 
holder saw cleatly the storm which was gatherings and 
which menaced his power. Anxious for the present^ 
and uncertain for the fnture^ he listened to the suggest 
tions of England, and resolved to secure and extend by 
foreign force the ri^ts of which he xi&ed the loss from 
domestic faction. 

In the divisions whidi were now loudly proclaimed 
among the stateii^ in favour of or opposed to the house 
of Orange, the people, despising all new theories whidi 
they did not comprehend, took open part with the family 
so dosdy connected with every practical feeling of good 
which their country had yet known. The states of 
Holland soon proceeded to measures of violence. Be* 
solved to limit the power of the stadthcdder, they deprirtfd 
him of the command of the garrison of the Hague, and 
of all the other troops of ^e province; and,' shortly 
afterwards, declared him removed from all his employ-* 
ments. The violent disputes and vdiement discusdona 
consequent upon this measure, throughout the republic^ 
announced an inevitable commotion. The advance of a 
Prussian army towards the frontiers inflamed the pas-i 
sions of one party, and strengthened the confidence of 
the other. An incident which now hi^ipened brought 
about the crisis even sooner than was expected. Tfa6 
princess of Orange left her palace at Loo to repair t» 
the Hague; and, travelling with great simplicity and 
ali^tly attended, she was arrested and detained by a 
military post on the frontiers of the province of Hol« 
land. The neighbouring magistrates of the town o£ 
Woesden refused her permission to continue her jour- 
ney, and forced her to return to Loo under such mr^ 
veiUance as was usual with a prisoner of state. The 
stadtholder and the Englidi ambassador loucfly com- 
plained of this outrage. The complaint was answered 
by the immediate advance of the duke of Brunswick}- 



1787- DISOONTENT IK BBLOIUM. 315 

mth. 20,000 Frua8ia& soldiers. Some demonstrations 
of itsistanoe were made by the astonished party whose: 
outrageous conduct had provoked the measure ; but in 
thr#e weeks' time the whole of the republic was in per*. 
ftcl obedience to the authority of the stadtholder^ who 
rasiumed aU his functions as chief magistrate^ with the 
adfttional influence which was sure to result from a vain 
tai uxgustifiable attempt to reduce his former power.* 

By this time the discontent and agitation in Belgium 
had attained a most formidable height. The attempted 
refonhation in rdigion and judicial abuses persisted in 
by the emperor^ were represented^ by a party whose 
eadstence was compromised by reform^ as nothing less 
tfatfn sacrilege and tyranny, and blincQy r^ected by a 
people still totally unfitted for rationid enlightenment 
in points of faith or practices of civilisation. Remon- 
strances and strong complaints were soon succeeded by 
tamultnous assemblages and open insurrection. A law- 
yer of Brussels named Vander Noot put himself at the 
bead oi the malcontents. The states-general of Brabant 
dedaied the new measures of the emperor to be in op- 
position to the constitution and privileges of the country* 
The other Belgian provinces soon followed this example* 
The prince Albert of Saxe-Teschen, and the archduchess 
Maria Theresa, his wife, were at this period joint gover- 
nors-general of the Austrian Netherlands. At the bursi 
of rebellion they attempted to temporise; but this only 
strengdiened the revolutionary party, while the emperot 
wholly disapproved their measures, and recalled them to 
Vienna. 

. Count Murray was now named governor-general ; and 
it was evident that the future fate of the provinces was 
to depend on the issue of civil war. Count Trautmans^ 
dorff, the imperial minister at Brussels, and general 
IXAlton, who commanded the Austrian troops, took a 

* We regret to be beyond the reach of Mr. EIIU** interesting but un. 
published work, detailing the particulars of this revolution. The fimner 
perusal of a copy of it only leaves a recoUecUon of its admirable style an4 
the leading facts, but not of the details with suiBcient accuracy to justiiy 
mtn than a general reference to the wodc itadC 



314 BISTOBY OF TBE NETHEB1AND8. 178S- 

high tone, and evinced a peremptory resolution. The 
soldiery and the citizens soon came into contact on many 
points ; and blood was spilt at Brussels, Mechlin, and 
Antwerp. 

The provincial states were convoked, for the pur- 
pose of voting the usual subsidies. Brabant, after 
some opposition, consented ; but the states of Hainault 
unanimously refused the vote. The emperor saw, or 
.supposed, that the necessity for decisive measures was 
now inevitable. The refractory states were dissolved, 
and arrests and imprisonments were multiplied in a]] 
quarters. Vander Noot, who had escaped to England, 
soon returned to the Netherlands, and established a 
committee at Breda, which conferred on him the im^ 
posing title of agent plenipotentiary of the people of 
Brabant. He hoped, under this authority, to interest 
the English, Prussian, and Dutch governments in favour 
of his views; but his proposals were coldly received : 
protestant states had litUe sjrmpathy for a people whose 
resistance was excited, not by tyrannical efforts against 
freedom, but by broad measures of civil and religious 
reformation; the only fault of which Was their attempted 
application to minds wholly incompetent to comprehend 
their Talue. 

' Left to themselves, the Belgians soon gave a display 
of that energetic valour which is natural to them, and 
which would be entitled to still greater admiration had 
it been evinced in a worthier cause. During the fer« 
mentation which led to a general rising in the provinces 
on the impulse of fanatic zeal, the truly enlightened 
portion of the people conceived the project of raising, 
on the ruins of monkish superstition and aristocratical 
power, an edifice of constitutional freedom. Vonck, also 
tan advocate of Brussels, took the lead in this splendid 
4e8ign; and he and his friends proved themselves to 
have reached the level of that true enlightenment which 
distingi^shed the close of the eighteenth century. But the 
Vonckists, as they were called, formed but a small mino- 
lity Compared with the besotted mass ; and^ overwhelmed 



1790. XNSUBRBCTION AND CONFEDERATION. .315 

by fanaticism on the one hand^ and despotism on the other^ 
they were unable to act effectually for the public good. 
Vander Mersch, a soldier of fortune^ and a man of con- 
siderable talents^ who had raised himself from the ranks 
to the command of a regiment^ and had been formed in 
the school of the seven years' war^ was appointed to the 
command of the patriot forces. Joseph II. was de- 
clared to have forfeited his sovereignty in Brabant ; and 
hostilities soon commenced^ by a r^tdar advance of the 
insurgent army upon that province. Vander Mersch 
displayed consummate ability ' in this crisis^ where so 
much depended upon the prudence of the military chiefs 
He made no rash attempt^ to which commanders are 
sometimes induced by reliance upon the enthusiasm of 
a newly revolted people. He, however, took the earliest 
safe opportunity of coming to blows with the enemy ; 
and, having cleverly induced the Austrians to follow 
him into the very streets of the town of Tumhout, he 
there entered on a bloody contest, and finally defeated 
the imperialists with considerable loss. He next man- 
CBUvred with great ability, and succeeded in making 
his way into the province of Flanders, took Ghent by 
assault, and soon reduced Bruges, Ypres, and Ostend. 
At the news of these successes the governors-general 
quitted* Brussels in all haste. The states of Flanderp 
assembled, in junction with those of Brabant. Both 
provinces were freed from the presence of the Austrian 
troops. Vander Noot and the committee of Breda made 
an entrance into Brussels with all the pomp of royalty; 
and in the early part of the following year (1790) a 
treaty of union was signed by the seven revolted pro^ 
yinces, now formed into a confederation under the name 
of the United Belgian States.* 

All the hopes arising from these brilliant events were 
soon, however, to be blighted by the scorching heats 
of faction. Joseph II., whose temperament appears 
to have been too sensitive to support the shock of dis- 
appointment in plans which sprung from the purest 
•DeSmet. 



316 HISTOBT OF THB NETHERLANDS. 1791 

motiyes^ saw^ in addition to this successful insurrec*' 
tion against his power, his beloved sister, the queen of 
France, menaced with the horrors of an ineyitable revo-* 
lution. His over-sanguine expectations of successfidly 
rivalling the glory of Frederick and Catharine, and the 
in success of his war against tiie Turks, all tendeu to 
break down his enthusiastic spirit, which only wanted 
the elastic resistance of fortitude to have made him a^ 
great character. He for some time sunk into a pro* 
fi>und melancholy ; and expired on the 20th of January^ 
1791^ accusing his Belgian subjects of having caused 
bis premature death. 

Leopold, the successor of his brother^ displayed much 
sagacity and moderation in the measures which he 
adopted for the recovery of the revolted provinces : l)ut 
their internal disunion was the best ally of tiie new em- 
peror. The violent party which now ruled at Brussels 
had ungratefully forgotten the eminent services of Van- 
der Mmch, and accused him of treachery, merely from 
bis attachment to the noble riews and principles of tiie 
widely increasing party of tiie Vonckists. Induced by 
the hope of reconciling the opposing parties, he left his 
anny in Namur, knd imprudentiy ventured into the 
power of general Schoenfdd, who commanded tiie troops, 
of tiie states. Vandet Mersch was instantiy arrested 
and tiirown into prison, where he lingered for montiis^ 
until set free by the overthrow of the faction he had 
raised to power*: but he did not recover his liberty 
to witness tiie realisation of his hopes for tiiat of his 
country. The states-general, in their triumph over all 
that was truly patriotic, occupied themselves solely in 
contemptible labours to establish the monkish absurdities 
which Joseph had suppressed. The overtures of the 
new emperor were i^ected with scorn ; and, as might 
be expected from tiiis combination of bigotry and rash- 
ness, the imperial troops under general Bender inarched 
quietiy to- the conquest of tiie whole country ; town after 
tpwn opening tiieir gates, while Vander Noot and his par^ 
• FeUer'i JournaL 



1792. WAR BETWEEN FBANCE AND AUSTBIA. 317 

titens betook themselves to rapid and disgracieful flight. 
On the 10th of December^ 1791^ the ministers of the 
^peror concluded a convention with those of £ngland^ 
Russia^ and Holland (which powers guaranteed its execu* 
tion), by which Leopold granted an amnesty for all past 
offeuces^ and confirmed to all his recovered province 
their ancient constitution and privileges : and^ thus re* 
turning under the domination of Austria^ Belgium saw 
its best chance for successfully following the noble ex** 
ample of the United Provinces paralysed by the shott- 
sighted bigotry which deprived the national courage of all 
moral force. 

Leopold enjoyed but a short time the fruits of his 
well-measured indulgence: he died almost suddenly^ 
March 1 . 179^; ^tnd was succeeded by his son Francis II., 
whose fate it was to see those provinces of Belgium, 
which had cost his ancestors so many struggles to main- 
tain, wrested for ever from the imperial power. Bel- 
gium presented at this period an aspect of paramount 
interest to the world; less owing to its intrinsic import- 
ance, than to its becoming at once the point of contest 
between the contending powers, and the theatre of the 
terrible struggle between republican France and the mo- 
narchs she braved and battled with. The whole com- 
binations of European policy were staked on the ques- 
tion of the French possession of this country. * 

This war between France and Austria began its 
earliest operations on the very ^rst days after the acces- 
sion of Francis II. The victory of Jemappes, gained 
by Dumouriez, was the first great event of the cam- 
paign. The Austriaiis were on all sides driven out* 
Dumouriez made his triumphal entry into Brussels on 
the 1 3 th of November : and immediately after the oCcoa 
pation of this town, the whole of Flanders, Brabant, 
and Hainault, with the other Belgian provinces, were 
subjected to France. Soon afterwards several pretended 
deputies from the Belgian people hastened to Paris, and 
implored the convention to grant them a share of that 

* Abb^ de Fradt, de la Belgique, p. 6. 



518 BISTORT OF aPHB NETHSHLAND8. 179^- 

tiberty and equality which was to confer such inesti- 
mable blessings on France. Various decrees were issued 
in consequence ; and after the mockery of a public choice^ 
hurried on in several of the towns by hired jacobins 
and well-paid patriots^ the incorporation of the Austrian 
Netherlands with the French republic was formally pro- 
nounced. * 

The next campaign destroyed this whole fabric of 
revolution. Dumouriez^ beaten at Nerwinde by the 
prince of Saxe Cobourg^ abandoned not only his last 
year's conquest^ but fled from his own army to pass 
the remainder of his life on a foreign soil^ and leave his 
reputation a doubtful l^acy'to history. Belgium^ once 
again in the possession of Austria^ was placed under the 
government of the archduke Charles^ the emperor's bro-i 
ther^ who was destined to a very brief continuance in 
this precarious authority. 

During this and the succeeding year the war was 
continued with unbroken perseverance and a constant 
fluctuation in its results. In the various battles which 
were fought^ and the sieges which took place^ the £n- 
g^sh army was^ as usual^ in the foremost ranks^ under 
the duke of York^ second son of George III. The 
prince of Orange^ at the head of the Dutch troops/ 
proved his inheritance of the valour which seems inse- 
parable from the name of Nassau. The archduke Charles 
laid the foundation of his subsequent high reputation. 
The emperor Francis himself fought valiantly at the 
head of his troops. But all the coalesced courage of 
these princes and their armies could not effectually stop 
the progress of the republican arms. The battle of 
Fleurus rendered the French completely masters of Bel- 
gium ; and the representatives of the city of Brussels 
once more repaired to the national convention of France, 
to solicit the re-incorporation of the two countries. 
This was not^ however, finally pronounced till the 1st 
of October, 1795, by which time the violence of an ar- 
bitrary governm^t had given the people a sample of 
• De Smet 



179^' BELGIUM A FRENCH PROVINCE. 319 

what they were to expect.* The Austrian Netherlands . 
and the province of Li^;e were divided into nine depart- 
ments^ forming an integral part of the French repub- 
lic; and this new state of things was consolidated by 
the preliminaries of peace^ sighed at Leoben in Styria^ 
between the French general Bonaparte and the arch- 
duke Charles^ and confirmed by the treaty of CampO 
Formio on the 17th of October, 1797. 



CHAP. XXII. 
1794 — 1^13. 

FAOM TttK INVASIOK OF HOLLAND BY THE FRENCH TO THE 
BETU&N OF THE PRINCE OF ORANGE* 

WniiiE the fate of Belgium was decided on the plains 
of Fleurus; Pichegru prepared to carry the triumphant 
arms of France into the heart of Holland. He crossed 
the Meuse at the head of lOO^OOO men, and soon gained 
posisession of most of the chief places of Flanders. Ah 
unusually severe winter was setting in ; but a circum- 
stance which in common cases retards the operations of 
war was, in the present instance, the means of hurrying 
on the conquest on which the French general was bent. 
The arms of the sea, which had hitherto been the best 
defences' of Holland^ now became solid masses of ice ; 
battle fields on which the soldiers manoeuvred and the 
artillery thundered, as if the laws of the elements were 
repealed to hasten the fall of the once proud and long 
flourishing republic. - Nothing could arrest the ambi- 
tious ardour of the invaders. The duke of York and 
his brave army resisted to the utmost ; but, borne down 
by numbers, he was driven from position to position. 
Batteries, cannons, and magazines, were successively 
* DeSmet 



3S0 &I8T0BT OF THB NBTBERLAKD8. 1797- 

taken; and Pichegra was soon at the term of his brilfiant 
exploits. 

Bot Holland speedily ceased to be a scene of warfare. 
The discontented portion of the citizens, now the ma* 
jority^ rejoiced to retaliate the revolution of 1787 by 
another^ received the French as liberators. Reduced to 
extremity, yet still capable by the aid of his allies of 
making a long and desperate resistance, the stadtholder 
took the nobler resolution of saving his fellow-citizena 
firom the horrors of prolonged warfare. He repaired 
to the Hague; presented himself in the assembly of the 
states-general ; and solemnly deposed in their hands the 
exercise of the supreme power, which he found he could 
no longer wield but to entail misery and ruin on his 
conquered country. After this splendid instance of tme 
patriotism and rare virtue, he quitted Holland and took 
refuge in England. The states-general dissolved a 
national assembly installed at the Hague ; and^ the stadt- 
holderate abolished, the United Provinces now changed 
their form of government, their long-cherished institn- 
tions, and their very name^ and were christened the Ba* 
tavian Republic. 

Assurances of the most flattering nature were pro- 
fiisely showered on the new state, by the sister republic 
which had effected this new revolution. But the first 
measure of regeneration was the necessity of paying 
for the recovered independence, which was effiscted ftr 
the sum of 100,000,000 florins.* The new oonsti* 
tution was almost entirely modelled on that of fVanoe, 
and the promised independence soon became a state of 
deplorable suffering and virtual slavery. Incalculable 
evils were the portion of Holland in the part which ahe 
was forced to take in the war between Fiance and Eng- 
land. Her marine was nearly annihilated, and some of 
her most valuable possessions in the Indies ravished from 
her by the British arms. She was at the same time 
obliged to cede to her ally the whole of Dutch Flanders, 
Maestricht, Venloo^ and &eir dependencies; and to ren- 

• Cbad. 



1797- ACTION OFF GAPE CAMPEBDOWN. 521 

der free and common to both nations the navigation of 
the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt. 

The internal situation of the unfortunate republic was 
deplorable. Under the weight of an enormous and daily 
increasing debt, all the resources of trade and industry 
were paralysed. Universal misery took place of opu- 
. lence, and not even the consolation of a free constitution 
remained to the people. They vainly sought that bless- 
ing from each new government of the country whose 
destinies they followed, but whose advantages they did 
not share. They saw themselves successively governed 
by the states-general, a national assembly, and the direc- 
tory. But these ephemeral authorities had not sufficient 
weight to give the nation domestic happiness, nor consi- 
deration among the other powers. 

On the nth of October, 1797, the English admiral 
sir Adam Duncan, with a superior force, encountered the 
Butch fleet under De Winter off Camperdown ; and in 
spite of the bravery of the latter he was taken prisoner, 
with nine ships of the line and a frigate. An expedition 
on an expensive scale was soon after fitted out in Eng- 
land, to co-operate with a Russian force for the estab- 
lishment of the house of Orange. The Helder was the 
destination of this armament, which was commanded by 
sir Ralph Abercrombie. The duke of York soon arrived 
in the Texel with a considerable reinforcement. A series 
of severe and well contested actions near Bergen ended 
in the defeat of the allies, and the abandonment of the 
enterprise ; the only success of which was the capture of 
the remains of the Dutch fleet, which was safely con- 
veyed to England. 

From this period the weight of French oppression 
became every day more intolerable in Holland. Minis- 
ters, generals, and every other species of functionary, 
with swarms of minor tyrants, while treating the coun- 
try as a conquered province, deprived it of all share in 
the brilliant though chequered glories gained by that to 
which it was subservient. The Dutch were robbed of 
national independence and personal freedom. "^VMle the 



922 HISTORY OF THB NETHERLANDS. I8O6. 

words ' liberty' and ' equality' were every where emfal»- 
loned, the French ambassador assumed an almost oriental 
despotism. The language and forms of a free govern- 
ment were used only to sanction a foreign tyranny; and 
the Batavian republic^ reduced to the most hopeless and 
d^raded state, was in fact but a forced appendage 
diained to the triumphal car of France. 
* Napoleon Bonaparte, creating by the force of his pro- 
digious talents the circumstances of which inferior minds 
are but the creatures, now rapidly rose to the topmost 
height of power. He not only towered above the mass 
of prejudices which long custom had legalised, but 
spumed the multitude by whom these prejudices had 
been overthrown. Yet he was not of the first order of 
great minds ; for he wanted that grand principle of self- 
control, which is the supreme attribute of greatness. 
Potent, and almost irresistible in every conflict with 
others, and only to be vanquished by his own acts, he 
possessed many of the higher qualities of genius. He 
was rapid, resolute, and daring, filled with contempt 
for the littleness of mankind, yet moulding every atom 
which composed that littleness to purposes at utter va- 
riance with its nature. In defiance of the first essence 
of republican theory, he built himself an imperial throne 
on the crushed privileges of a prostrate people; and 
he lavished titles and dignities on men raised from its 
very dregs, with a profusion which made nobility a by- 
word of scorn. Kingdoms were created for his brothers 
and his friends ; and the Batavian republic was made a 
monarchy, to give Louis a dignity, or at least a title, 
like the rest. 

The character of Louis Bonaparte was gentle and 
amiable, his manners easy and affable. He entered on 
his new rank with the best intentions towards the country 
which he was sent to reign oyer ; and though he fdt 
acutely when the people refused him marks of respect 
and applause, which was frequently the case, his temper 
was not soured, and he conceived no resentment. He 
endeavoured to merit popularity ; and though his power 



1810. LOUIS BONAPABTE. 8^3 

was scanty^ his efforts were not wholly unsuccessful. 
fie laboured to revive the ruined trade^ which he knew 
to he the staple of Dutch prosperity: but the measures 
fringing firom this praiseworthy motive were totally 
opposed to the policy of Napoleon ; and in proportion 
as Louis made friends and partisans among his subjects, 
he excited bitter enmity in his imperial brother. Louis 
was so averse from the continental system^ or exclusion of 
British manufactures^ that during his short reign every 
facility was given to his subjects to elude it, even in de- 
fiance of the orders conveyed to him from Paris through 
the medium of the French ambassador at the Hague.* 
He imposed no restraints on public opinion, nor would he 
establish the odious system of espionnage cherished by 
the French police : but he was fickle in his purposes, and 
prodigal in his expenses. The profuseness of his expend- 
iture was very offensive to the Dutch notions of respect- 
ability in matters of private finance, and injurious to 
the existing state of the public means. The tyranny 
of Napoleon became soon quite insupportable to him; 
so much so, that it is believed that had the ill-fated En- 
glish expedition to Walcheren in 1 8O9 succeeded, and 
the army advanced into the country, he would have de- 
clared war against France.t After an ineffectual strug- 
0e of more than three years, he chose rather to abdicate 
his throne than retain it under the d^rading conditions 
of proconsulate subserviency. This measure excited 
considerable regret, and much esteem for the man who 
preferred the retirement of private life to the meanness 
of regal slavery. But Louis left a galling memento of 
misplaced magnificence, in an increase of 90 millions of 
florins (about 9 millions sterling) to the already op- 
pressive amount of the national debt of the country. 

The annexation of Holland to the French empire was 
immediately pronounced by Napoleon. Two thirds of 
the national debt were abolished, the conscription law 
was introduced, and the Berlin and Milan decrees 
against the introduction of British manufactures were 

* Chad. p. 12. f Idem. p. 14. 

Y 2 S 



824 HQTORT OF TBB NSTHERULNDS. 1811. 

rigidly enlwoed. The nature of the evils inflicted on the 
Datdi peofde by this uinexation and its consequenoes 
demands a somewhat minate examination. Previous to 
it all diat part of the territory of the former United 
Provinces had been ceded to France. The kingdom 
of Holland consisted of the departm^its of the Znyder 
Zee, the mouths of the Maese^ the Upper Ymd, the 
months of the Ysad^ Friesland, and the Western and 
£astem Ems ; and the population of the whole did not 
exceed 1,800,000 souls. When Louis abdicated his 
tfarone, he IdEt a military and naval force of 18,000 
men, who were immediately taken into the service of 
France ; and in three years and a half after that event 
diis number was increased to 50,000, by the operiitioii 
of the Frendi naval and military code : thus about a 
thirty-sixth part of the wh<de population was employed 
in arms. The forces included in the maritime con- 
scription were wholly employed in the navy. .The 
national guards were on constant duty in the garrisons 
or naval establishments. The cohorts were by law only 
liable to serve in the interior of the French empire ; — 
that is to say, from Hamburgh to Rome : but after the 
Russian campaign, this limitation was disregarded, and 
they foimed a part of Napoleon's army at the battle of 
Bautzen. 

The conscription laws now began to be executed with 
the greatest rigour ; and though the strictest justice and 
impartiality were observed in the ballot and other details 
of this most oppressive measure, yet it has been cal- 
culated that, on an average, nearly one half of the male 
population of the age of twenty years was annually taken 
off. The conscripts were told lliat their service was nof 
to extend beyond the term of five years; but as few 
instances occurred of a French soldier being discharged 
without his being declared unfit for service, it was 
always considered in Holland that the service of a con- 
script was tantamount to an obligation during life* 
Besides, the regulations respecting the conscription were 
annually changed, by which means the code became 



1812. COKSCRIPTION. S25 

etch year more intricate and confused ; and as tlie ex- 
planation of any doubt rested with the functionaries^ 
to whom the execution of the law was confided^ tliere 
was little chance of their constructions mitigating its 
severity. 

But the conscription, however galling^ was general 
in its operation. Not so the formation of the emperor's 
guard of honour. The members of this patrician troop 
were chosen from the most noble and opulent famiUes, 
particularly those who were deemed inimical to the 
French connection. The selection depended altogether 
on the prefect, who was sure to name those most ob- 
noxious to his political or personal dislike, without regard 
to their rank or occupation, or even the state of their 
health. No exemption was adnutted — not even to those 
who from mental or bodily infirmity, or other cause, 
had been declared unfit for general military duty. The 
.victims were forced to the mockery of volunteering their 
4services; obliged to provide themselves with horses, arms, 
and accoutrements ; and when arrived at the depdt ap- 
pointed for their assembling, considered probably but as 
hostages for the fidelity of their relatives. 

The various taxes were laid on and levied in the most 
oppressive manner ; those on land usually unounting 
to 25, and those on houses to 30 per cent, of the clear 
annual rent. Other direct taxes were levied on persons 
and moveable property, and all were r^;ulated on a scale 
of almost intolerable severity. The whole sum annually 
obtained from Holland by these means amounted to 
about 30 million of florins (or 3 million pounds sterling), 
being at the rate of about 1/. 13#. 4d, from every soul 
inhabiting the country. 

The operation of what was called the continental 
system created an excess of misery in Holland, only to 
be understood by those who witnessed its lamentable 
results. In other countries, Belgium for instance, where 
great manufactories existed, the loss of maritime com* 
munication was compensated by the exclusion of English 
goods. In states possessed of large and fertile territories^ 
y 3 



526 HUTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 18 IS. 

die population whidi could no longer be employed in 
ooDuneroe might be occupied in agricultural pursuits. 
But in Holland, whose manufactures were inconsider- 
able, and whose territory is insufficient to support its 
inhabitants, the destruction of trade threw innumerable 
individuals wholly out of employment, and produced a 
graduated scale of poverty in all ranks. A considerable 
part of the population had been employed in various 
branches of the traffic carried on by means of the many 
canals whidi conveyed merchandise from the seaports 
into the interior, and to the diffisrent continental markets. 
When the communication with England was cut. off, 
principals and subordinates were involved in a common 
nun. 

In France, the effect of the continental system was 
somewhat alleviated by the licoice trade, the exportation 
of various productions forced on the rest of continental 
Europe, and the encouragement given to home manu- 
factures. But all this was reversed in Holland: the 
few licences granted to the Dutch were clc^ged with 
duties so exorbitant as to make them useless ; the duties 
on one ship which entered the Maese, loaded with sugar 
and coffise, amounting to about 50,000/. sterling. At the 
same time every means were used to crush the remnant 
of Dutch commerce, and sacrifice the country to France. 
The Dutch troops were clothed and armed fh>m French 
manufactories ; the frontiers were opened to the intro- 
duction of FVench commodities duty free; and the 
Dutch manufacturer undersold in his own market. 

The population of Amsterdam was reduced from 
220,000 souls to 190,000, of which a fourth part de* 
rived their whole subsistence from charitable institutions, 
whilst another fourth part received partial succour from 
the same sources. At Haerlem, where the population 
had been chiefly employed in bleaching and preparing 
linen made in Brabant, whole streets were levelled with 
the ground, and more than 500 houses destroyed. At 
the Hague, at Delft, and in other towns, many inhabit- 
ants had been induced to pull down their houses, from 



1813. OPPRESSION OF NAPOLEON. S27 

inability to keep them in repair or pay the taxes. The 
preservation of the dykes^ requiring an annual expense of 
600,000/. sterling, was every where neglected. The sea 
inundated the country, and threatened to resume its an- 
cient dominion. No object of ambition, no source of 
professional wealth or distinction, remained to which a 
Hollander could aspire. None could voluntarily enter 
the army or navy to fight for the worst enemy of Hol- 
land. . The clergy were not provided with a decent 
competency. The ancient laws of the country, so dear 
to its pride and its prejudices, were replaced by the Code 
Napoleon ; so that old practitioners had to recommence 
their studies, and young men were disgusted with the 
drudgery of learning a system which was universally 
pronounced unfit for a commercial country. 
. Independent of this mass of positive ill, it must be 
borne in mind that in Holland trade was not merely a 
means of gaining wealth, but a passion long and deeply 
grafted on the national mind : so that the Dutch felt 
every aggravation of calamity ; considering themselves 
d^aded and sacrificed by a power which had robbed 
them of all which attaches a people to their native land, 
and, for an accumulated list of evils, only offered them 
the empty glory of appertaining to the country which 
gave the law to all the nations of £urope, with the sole 
exception of England. 

Those who have considered the events noted in this 
history for the last 200 years, and followed the fluc- 
tuations of public opinion depending on prosperity or 
misfortune, will have anticipated that, in the present 
calamitous state of the country, all eyes were turned 
towards the family whose memory was revived by every 
pang of slavery, and associated with every throb for 
freedom. The presence of the prince of Orange, Wil- 
liam VI,, who had, on the death of his father, suc- 
ceeded to the title, though he had lost the revenues 
of his ancient house, and the re-establishment of the 
connection with England, were now the general desire. 
Borne of the principal partisans of the house of Nassau 
y 4 



3^ BISTORT OF THE NETHEBI.ANPS. ISIdL 

were for some time in correspondence with his moet 
■erene highness. The leaders of the various parties into 
which the country was divided hecame hy degrees more 
closely united. Approadies towards a better under* 
standing were reciprocally made ; and they ended in a 
general anxiety for the expulsion of the French^ with 
the establishment of a free constimtion^ and a cordial 
desire that the ]»ince of Orange should be at its head« 
It may be safely affirmed^ that at the dose of the year 
1813^ these were the unanimous wishes of the Dutch 
nation.* 

Napoleon, lost in the labyrinths of his exorfaitant 
ambition, afforded at length a diance of redress to the 
nations he had enslaved. Elevated so suddenly and so 
high, he seemed suspended between two influences, and 
unfit for either. He might, in a moral view, be said 
to have breathed badly, in a station which was beyond 
the atmosphere of his natural world, without being oat 
of its attraction ; and having reached the pinnacle, he 
loon lost his balance and felL Driven from Russia by 
the junction of human with demental force, in 1812, he 
made some grand efforts in the following year to recover 
from his irremediable reverses. The batdes of Bautaseo 
and Lutzen were the expiring efforts of his greatness. 
That of Leipsic put a fatal negative upon the hopes 
that sprung from the two former; and the obstinate 
ambition, which at this epoch made him refuse the most 
liberal offers of the allies, was justly punished by hn- 
miliation and defeat. Almost aU the powers of Europe 
now leagued against him; and France itself being worn 
out by his wasteful expenditure of men and money, he 
had no longer a chance in resistance. The emf»re was 
attacked at all points. The French troops in Holland 
were drawn off to reinforce the armies in distant direc* 
tions; and the whole military force in that country 
scarcely exceeded 10,000 men. The advance of the 
comlHued armies towards the frontiers became generally 

» Chad, pi 39. —[We have in aU tbb portion of our btalory taken tbm 
irork aa our chief authority ; having reason to know that it is conaidered 
tiie aaost authentie record of fedii^ as well aa events.^ 



tSlS. PRINCE OF ORANGE PROCLAIMED. S29 

known : parties of Cossacks had entered the north of 
Holland in Noicember^ and were scouring the country 
beyond the Yssel. The moment for action on the part 
of the Dutch confederate patriots had now arrived ; and 
it was not lost or neglected. 

A people inured to revolutions for upwards of two 
centuries^ filled with proud recollections^ and ui^ed on 
by well digested hopes^ were the most likely to under- 
stand Ae best period and the surest means for success. 
An attempt that might have* appeared to other nations 
radi^ was proved to be wise both by the reasonings of its 
authors and its own results. The intolerable tyranny of 
France had made the population not only ripe but eager 
for rerolt. This disposition was acted on by a few enter- 
prising men^ at once partisans of the house of Orange, 
and patriots in the truest sense of the word. It would 
be unjust to omit the mention of some of their names, in 
even this sketch of the events which sprang. from their 
courage and sagacity. Count Styrum, messieurs Repe- 
laer d' Jonge, Van Hogendorp, Vander Duyn van Maa»* 
dam, and Changuion, were the chiefs of the intrepid 
junta wluch planned and executed the bold measures of 
enfranchisement, and drew up the outlines of the con- 
stitution which was afterwards enlarged and ratified. 
Their first movements at the Hague were totally un- 
supported by foreign aid. Their early checks from 
die exasperated French and their over-cautious coun- 
trymen would have deterred most men embarked in 
so perilous a venture; but they never swerved nor 
shrank back. At the head of a force, which courtesy 
and policy called an army, of 300 national guards 
badly armed, 50 citizens carrying fowling-pieces, 50 sol- 
cBers of the old Dutch guard, 400 auxiliary citizens 
armed with pikes, and a cavalry force of 20 young 
men, the confederates b<ddly proclaimed the prince of 
Qnmge, on the 17th of November, 1813, in their open 
village of the Hague, and in the teeth oi a French force 
of full 10,000 men, occupying eva7 fortress in the 
cocm^ry. 



330 HIgTORT OF THS NETHERLANDS. 1813. 

While a few gentlemen thns boldly came forward^ al 
their own risk, with no funds but their priyate fortunes^ 
and only aided by an unarmed populace^ to declare war 
■gainst the French emperor^ they did not eyen know 
the residence of the exiled prince in whose cause they 
were now so complcftely compromised. The other towns 
of Holland were in a state of the greatest incertitude : 
Rotterdam had not moyed; and the intentions of ad- 
miral Kickert^ who commanded there^ were (mistakenly) 
supposed to be decidedly hostile to the national cause. 
Amsterdani had^ on the preceding day^ been the scene 
of a popular commotion^ which^ however^ bore no de- 
cided character; the rioters having been fired on by the 
national guards no leader coming forward^ and the pro- 
damation of the magistrates cautiously abstaining from 
any allusion to the prince of Orange. A brave officer, 
captain Falck, had made use of many strong but inef- 
ficient arguments to prevail on the timid corporation to 
declare for the prince; the presence of a French gar- 
rison of sixty men seeming sufficient to preserve thdr 
patriotism from any violent excess. 

The subsequent events at the Hague furnish an in- 
spiring lesson for all people who would leam^ that to be 
free they must be resolute and daring. The only hope 
of the confederates was from the British government, 
and the combined armies then acting in the north of 
Europe. But many days were to be lingered through 
before troops could be embarked^ and make their way 
from England in the teeth of the easterly winds then pre- 
yailing ; while a few Cossacks, hovering on the confines 
of Holland, gave the only evidence of the proximity of 
the allied forces. 

In this crisis it was most fortunate that the French 
prefect at the Hague, M. de Stassart, had stolen away 
on the earliest alarm ; and the French garrison, of 400 
diasseurs, aided by 100 well armed custom-house offi- 
cers, imder the command of general Bouvier des Eclats^ 
caught the contagious fears of the civil functionary. 
This force had retired to the old palace, — a buil4ing in 



1S13, FRENCH DRIVEN FROM THE HAGUE. SSI 

the centre of the town, the depot of all the arms and 
ammunition then at the Hague, and, from its position^ s 
citable of some defence. But the general and his gar- 
riflon soon felt a complete panic from the bold attitude of 
count Styrum, who made the most of his little means^ 
and kept up, during the night, a prodigious clatter by 
his twenty horsemen ; sentinels challenging, amidst in- 
cessant singing and shouting, cries of " Oranje boven /" 
'5 Vivat Oranje!'* and clamorous patroles of the excited 
citizens. At an early hour on the 18th, the French 
general demanded terms, and obtained permission to re- 
tire on Gorcum, his garrison being escorted as far as the 
village of Ryswick by the twenty cavaliers who com- 
posed the whole mounted force of the patriots. 

Unceasing efforts were now made to remedy the want 
of arms and men. A quantity of pikes were rudely 
made and distributed to the volunteers, who crowded 
in ; and numerous fishing boats were despatched in dif- 
ferent directions to inform the British cruisers of the 
passing events. An individual named Pronck, an in- 
habitant of Schsvening, a village of the coast, rendered 
great services in this way, from his influence among 
the sailors and fishermen in the neighbourhood. 

The confederates spared no exertion to increase the 
confidence of the people, under many contradictory 
and disheartening contingencies. An officer who had 
been despatched for advice and information to baron 
Bentinck, at ZwoUe, who was in communication with 
the allies, returned with the discouraging news that ge- 
neral Bulow had orders not to pass the Yssel, the allies 
having decided not to advance into Holland beyond the 
line of that river. A meeting of the ancient regents 
of the Hague was convoked by the proclamation of the 
confederates, and took place at the house of Mr. Van 
Hc^endorp, the ancient residence of the De Witts. 
The wary magistrates absolutely refused all co-operation 
in the daring measures of the confederates, who had 
now the whole responsibility on their heads, with little 
to cheer them on in their perilous career but their own 



SS£ HISTOBT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 181^. 

teoolute hearts^ and the recoUectioti of those days when 
their ancestors^ with odds as fearfully against them^ rose 
up and shivered to atoms the yoke of their oppressors^ 

Some days of intense anxiety now elapsed ; and va- 
rions incidents occurred to keep up the general excite* 
ment. Reinforcements came gradually in; no hostile 
measure was resorted to by the French troops; yet the 
want of success as rapid as was proportioned to the first 
movements of the revolution threw a gloom over all. 
Amsterdam and Rotterdam still held back ; but the no- 
mination of Messrs. Van Hogendorp and Vander Duyn 
Van Maasdam to be heads of the goyenunent^ until ibe 
arrival of the prince of Orange^ and a formal abjuration 
of the emperor Napoleon, inspired new vigour into the 
pahlic mind. Two nominal armies were formed, and 
two generals appointed to the command ; and it is im- 
possible to senst a smile of mingled amusement and 
admiratjon on reading the exact statement of the forces, 
■o pompously and so efFectively announced as forming 
the armies of Utrecht and Gorcum. 

The first of these, conmianded by m^or-general 
DVonge, consisted of 

300 Infantry, 
32 Volunteer cavalry, with 
2 £ight pounders. 
The latter, under the orders of miyor^eneral Sweerts 
van Landas, was composed of 

250 of the Hague Orange guard, 

30 Prussian deserters horn the French garrison, 
300 Volunteers, 
40 Cavalry, with 
2 Eight pounders. 
The ^^army of Gorcum" marched on the 22d on 
Rotterdam: its arrival was joyfully hailed by the people, 
who contributed 300 volunteers to swell its ranks. ' The 
^^ army of Utrecht" advanced on Leyden, and raised the 
spirits of the people by the display of even «o small a 
fcHTce. But still the contrary winds kept back all ap- 
pearance of succour from England; the enemy was 



1813. FORCE OF THE PATRIOTS. 3^3 

known to meditate a general attack on the patriot lines 
from Amsterdam to Dordrecht. The bad state of the 
roads still retarded the approach of the far distant ar- 
mies of the allies ; alarms^ true and false^ were spread 
on all hands, — when the appearance of 300 Cossacks^ 
detached from the Russian armies beyond the Yssel^ pre- 
yailed over the hesitation of Amsterdam and the other 
towns^ and they at length declared for the prince of 
Orange. 

But this somewhat t«-dy determination seemed to be 
the signal for various petty events^ which at an epoch 
like that were magnified into transactions of the most 
fatal import. A reinforcement of 1500 French troops 
reached Gorcum from Antwerp: a detachment of twenty- 
fiTe Dutch^ with a piece of cannon^ were surprised at 
one of the outposts of Woerden^ which had been pre- 
▼knisly evacuated by the French^ and the recapture of 
the town was accompanied by some excesses. The num- 
bers and the cruelties of the enemy were greatly exag- 
gerated. Consternation began to spread all over the 
country. The French^ who seemed to have recovered 
from their panic^ had resumed on all sides offensive oper- 
ations. The garrison of Grorcum made a sortie^ repulsed 
the force under general Van Landas^ entered the town 
of Dordrecht^ and levied contributions : but the inha- 
Utants soon expelled them ; and the army was enabled 
to resume its position. 

Still the wind continued adverse to arrivals from the 
English coast; the Cossacks^ so often announced^ had not 
yet reached the Hague ; and the small unsupported par- 
ties in the neighbourhood of Amsterdam were in daily 
danger of being cut off. 

In this crisis the confederates were placed in a most 
critical position. On the eve of failure^ and with the cer- 
tainty^ in such a result^ of being branded as rebels and 
zealots^ whose rashness had drawn down ruin on them- 
selves^ their families^ and their country, it required no 
common share of fortitude to bear up against the danger 
that threatened them. Aware of its extent^ they calmly 



SS4 HinOBT or THK NETHSBLANOS. 1819. 

and resolatdy opposed it ; and each seemed to yie with 
the others in energy and firmness. 

The anxiety of the public had reached the utmost 
pMsiHr hei^t. Every shifting of the wind was watdied 
with neryooa agitation. The road from the Hague to 
the sea was constandy covered with a crowd of every 
age and sex. Each sail that came in sight was watched 
and. examined with intense interest ; and at lengthy on 
the 26th of November^ a small boat was seen to ap- 
proach the shore^ and the enquiring glances of the 
observers soon discovered that it contained an English- 
man. This individual, who had come over on a mer- 
cantile adventure, landed amidst the loudest acclamation, 
and was conducted by the populace in triumph to the 
governor's. Dressed in an English volunteer uniform, 
he showed himself in every part of the town, to the great 
delight of the people, who hailed him as the precursor 
and type of an army of deliverers. 

The French soon retreated before the marvdlous 
exaggerations which the coming of this single English- 
man gave rise to. The Dutch displayed great ability 
in the transmission of false intelligence to the enemy. 
On the 27th Mr. Fagel arrived from England with a 
letter from the prince of Orange, announcing his im- 
mediate coming; and finally, the disembarkation of 
liSOO English marines, on the 29th, was followed the 
next day by the landing of the prince, whose impatience 
to throw himself into the open arms of his country made 
him spurn every notion of risk and every reproach for 
rashness. He was received with indescribable enthu- 
siasm. The generous flame rushed through the whole 
country. No bounds were set to the affectionate con- 
fidence of the nation ; and no prince ever gave a nobler 
example of gratitude. As the people every where pro- 
claimed William I. sovereign prince, it was proposed 
that he should every where assume that title. It was, 
however, after some consideration, decided that no 
step of this nature should be taken till his most serene 
hij^ess had visited the capital. On the 1st of De- 



1815. WILUAM PROOLAIMED PBINCB-SOYEREION. 835 

eember die prince issued a proclamation to his country- 
men, in which he states his hopes of becoming, bj tbe 
Uesdng of Providence, the means of restoring thera to 
their former state of indepiendence and prosperity. 
" This," continued he, ^' is my only object ; and I 
have the satisfaction of assuring you, that it is also the 
object of the combined powers. This is particularly 
die wish of the prince r^ent and die British nation ; 
and it will be proved to you by the succour which that 
powerful people will immediately afford you, and which 
will, I hope, restore those ancient bonds of alliance and 
friendship which were a source of prosperity and happi- 
ness to both countries." This address being distributed 
at Amsterdam, a proclamation, signed by the commis- 
sioners of the confederate patriots, was published there 
die same day : it contained die following passages, re- 
markable as being the first audientic declaration of the 
sovereignty subsequendy conferred on the prince of 
Orange : — '' The uncertainty which formerly existed 
as to the executive power will no longer paralyse your 
eiBfbrts. It is not William the sixth stadtholder whom 
the nation recalls, without knowing what to hope or 
expect from him ; but William I. who offers himself as 
sovereign prince of this free country." The following 
day, the 2d of December, the prince made his entry 
into Amsterdam. He did not, like some other sove- 
reigns, enter by a breach dirough the constitutional 
lib^ties of his country, in imitation of the conquerors 
from the Olympic games, who returned to the city by 
a breach in its walls : he went forward borne on the 
enthusiastic greetings of his fellow-countrymen, and 
meeting their confidence by a full measure of magnani- 
mity. On the 3d of December he published an address, 
from which we shall quote one paragraph. — ^' You 
desire, Netherlanders ! that I should be entrusted with a 
greater share of power than I should have possessed but 
for my absence. Your confidence, your affection, offer 
me the sovereignty ; and I am called upon to accept it, 
since the state of my country and the situation of Europe 



$96 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1814. 

TCquire it. I accede to your wishes. I overlook tlie dif- 
ficulties which may attend such a measure: I accept the 
offer which you have made me ; but I accept it only on 
one condition, — that it shall be accompanied by a wise 
constitution, which shall guarantee your liberties^ and 
secure them against every attack. My ancestors sowed 
the seeds of your independence: the preservation of 
that independence shall be the constant ol^ect of the 
efforts of myself and those around me." 



CHAP. XXIII. 

1814 — 1815. 

raOM THE INSTALLATION OF WILLIAM I. AS PEINCK^SOVMlBiOV 
OF THE NETHERLANDS TO THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO. 

The regeneration of Holland was rapid and complete. 
Within four months, an army of 25,000 men was raised; 
and In the midst of financial, judicial, and commercial 
arrangements, the grand object of the constitution was 
calmly and seriously debated. A committee, consisting 
of fourteen persons of the first importance in the several 
provinces, furnished the result of three months' labours 
in the plan of a political code, which was immediatdy 
printed and published for the consideration of the people 
at large. Twelve hundred names were next chosen 
from among the most respectable householders in the 
different towns and provinces, including persons of every 
religious persuasion, whether Jews or Christians. A 
special commission was then formed, who selected from 
this number 600 names; and every housekeeper was 
called on to give his vote for or against their election, 
A large majority of the 600 notables thus chosen met 
at Amsterdam, on the 28th of March, 1814. The 
following day they assembled with an immense concourse 
of people, in the great church, which was splendidly 



1814. THB OONSTITUTlbK ACOBPTCB. 537 

fitted up for the occasion ; and then and there the prince^ 
in an impressiye speech^ solemnly offered the constitution 
for acceptance or rejection. After a few hours' deliber- 
ation^ a discharge of artiUery announced to die anxious 
population that the ccmstitution had been accepted. The 
munbers pres^it were 4S3, and the votes as follows:-— 
Ayes, - - 458 

Noes, ... 25. 

There were 117 members absent; several of these 
were kept away by unavoidable obstacles. The majority 
among them were considered as dissentients ; but it was 
calculated that if the whole body of 600 had voted, the 
adoption of the constitution would have been carried by 
a majority of five sixths. The dissentients chiefly ob- 
jected to the power of declaring war and concluding 
treaties of peace being vested in the sovereign. Some 
individuals urged that the protestant interest was en- 
dangered by the admission of persons of every persuasion 
to all public offices ; and the catholics complained that 
the state did not sufficiently contribute to the support of 
their religious establishments. 

Such objections as these were to be expected, from 
individual interest or sectarian prejudices. But they 
prove that the whole plan was fairly considered and 
solemnly adopted; that so far from being the dictation 
of a government, it was the freely chosen charter of 
the nation at large, offered and sworn to by the prince, 
whose authority was only exerted in restraining and 
modifying the over-ardent generosity and confidence of 
the people. 

Chily one day more elapsed before the new sovereign 
was solemnly inaugurated, and took the oath prescribed 
by the constitution — " I swear that first and above all 
things I wis maintain the constitution of the United 
Netherlands, and that I wiU promote, to the utmost of 
my power, the independence of the state, and the liberty 
and prosperity of its inhabitants." In the eloquent 
simplicity of this pledge, the Dutch nation found an 
ample guarantee for their freedom and happiness. With 



338 HmOBT OF THE NETHBBULNDS. 1814w 

their cliancteristic wisdom and moderation^ they saw 
that the obligation it imposed embraced every thing they 
could demand ; and they joined in the opinion expressed 
by the sovereign in his inaugural address^ that ^^no 
greater degree of liberty could 1)0 desired by rational sub- 
jects^ nor any larger share of power by the sovereign^ than 
that allotted to l^em respectively by the political code." 

While Holland thus resumed its place among free 
nations^ and France was restored to the Bourbons by 
the abdication of Napoleon^ the allied armies had taken 
possession of and occupied the remainder of the Low 
Countries^ or those provinces distinguished by the name 
of Belgium (but then still forming departments of the 
French empire), and the provisional government was 
vested in baron Vincent, the Austrian generaL This , 
choice seemed to indicate an intention of restoring Aus- 
tria to her ancient domination over the country. Such 
was certainly the common opinion among those who had 
no means of penetrating the secrets of European policy 
at that important epoch. . It was, in fact, quite conform- 
able to the principle of statu quo ante bellum, adopted 
towards France. Baron Vincent himself seemed to have 
been impressed with the false notion; and there did not 
exist a doubt throughout Belgium of the re-establish- 
ment of the old institutions. 

But the intentions of the allied powers were of a na- 
ture far different. The necessity of a consolidated state 
capable of offering a barrier to French aggressicm on the 
Flemish frontier, was evident to the various powers who 
had so long suffered from its want. By England parti- 
cularly such a field was required for the operations of 
her armies ; and it was also the interest of that nation 
that Holland, whose welfare and prosperity are so closely 
. connected with her own, should enjoy the blessings of 
national independence and civU liberty, guaranteed, by 
internal strength as weU as friendly alliances. 

The treaty of Paris (30th May, 1814) was the first 
act which gave an open manifestation of this principle. 
It was stipulated by its sixth article^ that ^^ Holland^ 



1814. TREATY OF PARIS. 339 

placed under the soverdgnty of the house of Orange^ 
should receive an increase of territory." In this was 
explained the primitive notion of the creation of the 
kingdom of the Netherlands^ hased on the necessity 
of augmenting the' power of a nation which was des- 
tined to turn the balance between France and Germany. 
The following month witnessed the execution of the 
treaty of London^ which prescribed the precise nature 
of the projected increase. 

It was wholly decided^ without subjecting the ques- 
tion to the approbation of Belgium^ that that country 
and Holland should form one united state; and the 
rules of government in the chief branches of its admi- 
nistration were completely fixed. The prince of Orange 
and the plenipotentiaries of the great allied powers cove- 
nanted by this treaty — first, that the union of the two 
portions forming the kingdom of the Netherlands should 
be as perfect as possible, forming one state, governed in 
conformity with the fundamental law of Holland, which 
might be modified by common consent : secondly, that 
religious liberty, and the equal right of citizens of all 
persuasions to fill all the employments of the state, 
should be maintained: thirdly, diat the Belgian pro- 
vinces should be fairly represented in the assembly of 
the states-general ; and that the sessions of the states in 
time of peace should be held alternately in Belgium 
and in Holland : fourthly and fifthly, that all the com- 
mercial privileges of the country should be common to 
the citizens at large; that the Dutch colonies should be 
considered as belonging equally to Belgium : and, finally, 
that the public debt of the two countries, and the ex- 
penses of its interest, should be borne in common. 

We shall now brieflyrecapitulate some striking points in 
the materials which were thus meant to be amalgamated. 
Holland, wrenched from the Spanish yoke by the genius 
and courage of the early princes of Orange, had formed 
for two centuries an independent republic, to which the 
extension of maritime commerce had given immense 
wealth. The form of government was remarkable. It 
z 2 



S40 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1814* 

was composed of seyen proyinoes^ mutually independent 
of each other. These proyinces possessed during the 
middle ages constitutions nearly similar to that of Eng- 
land: a soyereign with limited power; representatiyes 
of the nohlea and commons^ whose concurrence with the 
prince was necessary for the formation of laws; and^ 
finally, the existence of municipal privileges^ which each 
town presenred and extended hy means of its proper 
force. This state of things had known hut one alteration 
—hut that a mighty one — the forfeiture of Philip II. 
at the latter end of the sixteenth century, and the total 
aholition of monarchical power. 

The remaining forms of the goyemment were hardly 
altered ; so that the state was wholly r^ulated hy its 
ancient usages ; and, like some Grothic edifice, its b^uty 
and solidity were perfectly original, and different from 
the general rules and modem theories of surrounding 
nations. The country loyed its liberty such as it found 
it, and not in the fashion of any Utopian plan traced by 
some new-fangled system of political philosophy. Inhe- 
rently protestant and commercial, the Dutch abhorred 
every yoke but that of their own laws, of which they 
were proud even in their abuse. They held in particular 
detestation all Trench customs, in remembrance of the 
wretchedness they had suffered from French tyranny ; 
they had unbounded confidence in the house of Orange, 
from long experience of its hereditary virtues. The 
main strength of Holland was, in fact, in its recollections; 
but these, perhaps, generated a germ of discontent, in 
leading it to expect a revival of all the influence it had 
lost, and was little likely to recover, in the total change 
of systems and the variations of trade. There neverthe- 
less remained sufficient capital in the country, and the 
people were sufficiently enlightened, to give just and 
extensive hope for the future which now dawned on 
them. The obstacles offered by the Dutch character to 
the proposed union were chiefly to be found in the dog- 
matical opinions, consequent on the isolation of the coim- 
try from all the principles that actuated other states, and 



1814. FORMATION OF TBE MONARCHY. 341 

particularly that with which ii was now joined : while 
long-cherished sentiments of opposition to the catholic 
rdigion were little likely to lead to feelings of accom- 
modation and sympathy with its new feUow-citizens. 

The inhabitants of Belgium^ accustomed to foreign 
domination^ were littie shocked by the fact of the 
allied powers having disposed of their fate without con- 
sulting tiieir wishes. But they were not so indiffer- 
ent to the double discovery of finding themselves the 
subjects of a Dutch and a protestant king. Without 
entering at large into any invidious discussion on the 
causes of the natural jealousy which they felt towards 
HoUand^ it may suffice to state that such did exists and 
in no very moderate degree. The countries had hi- 
therto had but litde community of interests with each 
otiier ; and tiiey formed elements so utterly discordant 
as to afford but slight hope that they would speedily 
coalesce. The lower classes of the Belgian population 
were ignorant as well as superstitious (not that these 
two qualities are to be considered as inseparable) ; and 
if they were averse to the Dutch, they were perhaps 
not more favourably disposed to the French and Aus- 
trians. The majority of the nobles may be said to have 
leant more, at this period, to the latter than to either 
of the other two people. But the great majority of the 
industrious and better informed portions of the middle 
orders felt differentiy from the other two, because they 
bad found tangible and positive advantages in their sub- 
jection to France, which overpowered every sentiment 
of political degradation. 

We thus see there was littie sympathy between the 
members of the national family. The first glance at the 
geographical position of Holland and Belgium might 
lead to a belief that their interests were analogous. But 
we have traced the anomalies in government and religion 
in the two countries, which led to totally different pur- 
suits and feelings. Holland had sacrificed manufactures 
to commerce. The introduction, duty free, of grain from 
the northern parts of Europe, though checking the pro- 



542 HISTORY OF THE NETHEBLAirDB. 181^ 

gress of agricultare^ had not prevented its flourishing 
marveUonsly, considering this obstacle to culture ; and^ 
faithful to their traditional notions^ the Dutch saw the 
dements of well-being only in that liberty of import- 
ation which had made their harbours the marts and 
magazines of Europe. But the Belgian^ to use the 
expressions of an acute and weU-informed writer^ ^' re- 
stricted in the thrall of a less liberal religion^ is bounded 
in the narrow circle of his actual locality. Concentrated 
in his home^ he does not look beyond die limits of his 
native land, which he regards exdusively. Incurious^ 
and stationary in a happy existence^ he has no interest 
in what passes beyond his own doors." * 

Totally unaccustomed to the free principles of trade 
so cheri^ed by the Dutch, the Belgians had found, 
under the protection of the French custom-house laws, 
an internal commerce and agricultural advantages, which 
composed their peculiar prosperity. They found a con- 
sumption for the produce of their well-cultivated lands, 
at high prices, in the neighbouring provinces of France. 
The webs woven by the Belgian peasantry, and gene- 
rally all the manufactures of the country, met no rivalry 
from those of England, which were strictly prohibited ; 
and being commonly superior to those of France, the 
sale was sure and the profit considerable. 

Belgium was as naturally desirous of this state of 
things as Holland was indifferent to it; but it could 
only have been accomplished by the destruction of free 
trade, and the exclusive protection of internal manufac- 
tures. Under such discrepancies as we have thus traced 
in religion, character, and local interests, the two coun- 
tries were made one ; and on the new monarch devolved 
the hard and delicate task of reconciling each party in 
the ill-assorted match, and inspiring them with senti- 
ments of mutual moderation. 

Under the title of governor-general of the Netherlands 
(for his intended elevation to the throne, and the defini- 
tive junction of Holland and Belgium, were still publicly 

.♦ L* Abbe de Pladt, de la Belfsique^ ppi la 14 



1815. FORMATION OF THE MONAROMT. S43 

unknown), the prince of Orange repaired to his new 
state. He arrived at Brussels in the month of August^ 
1814, and his first effort was to gain the hearts and the 
confidence of the people, though he saw the nohles and 
the higher orders of the inferior classes (with the ex- 
ception of the merchants) intriguing all around him for 
the re-estahlishment of the Austrian power. Petitions 
on this subject were printed and distributed; and the 
models of those anti-national documents may still be 
referred to in a work published at the time.* 

As soon as the moment came for promulgating the 
' decision of the sovereign powers as to the actual extent 
of the new kingdom — that is to say, in the month of 
February, 1815 — the whole plan was made public; and 
a commission, consisting of twenty-seven members, 
Dutch and Belgian, was formed, to consider the modi- 
fications necessary in the fundamental law of Holland, 
m pursuance of the stipulation of the treaty of London. 
After due deliberation these modifications were formed, 
and the great political pact was completed for the final 
acceptance of the king and. people. 

As a document so important merits particular consi- 
deration, in reference to the formation of the new mo- 
narchy, we shall, briefly condense the reasonings of the 
most impartial and well informed classes in the country 
on the constitution now about to be framed. Every one 
agreed that some radical change in the whole form of 
government was necessary, and that its main improve- 
ment should be the strengthening of the executive power. 
That possessed by the former stadtholders of Holland 
was often found to be too much for the chief of a republic, 
too little for the head of a monarchy.t The assembly of 
the states-general, as of old constructed, was defective 
in many points ; in none so glaringly so, as in that cop- 
dition which required unanimity in questions of peace 
or war, and in the provision, from which they had no 
power to swerve^ that all the taxes should be uniform. 
Both these stipulations were, of sheer necessity, conti- 

• History of the Low Countries, by St Oenoiat f Cliad. 

Z 4 



344 HI8T0BT OF THE NETHEBIJLNB8. 1815. 

niudly disregarded; so that the government could be 
carried on at all only by repeated violations of the con- 
stitution. In order to excuse measures dictated by this 
necessity^ each stadtholder was perpetually obliged to 
form partisans^ and he thus became the hereditary head 
of a faction. * His legitimate power was trifling ; but 
his influence was capable of fearful increase: for the 
principle which allowed him to infringe the constitutioD^ 
even on occasions of public good^ might be easily warped 
into a pretext for encroachments that had no bounds but 
his own will. 

Besides, the preponderance of the deputies from the 
commercial towns in the states-general caused the others 
to become mere ciphers in times of peace ; only capable 
of clogging the march of affiurs, and of being, on occa- 
sions of civil dissensions, the mere tools of whatever 
party possessed the greatest tact in turning them to 
their purpose, t Hence a wide field was open to cor- 
ruption. Uncertainty embarrassed every operation of 
the government. The Hague became an arena for the 
conflicting intrigues of every court in £urope. Hol« 
land was dragged into almost every war ; and thus 
gradually weakened from its rank among independent 
nations^ it at length fell an easy prey to the firenbh 
invaders. 

To prevent the recurrence of such evils as those, and. 
to establish a kingdom on the solid basis of a monarchy^ 
unequivocal in its essence yet restrained in its pre- 
rogative, the constitution we are now examining was 
established. According to the report of the commis- 
sioners who framed it^ '' It is founded on the manners 
and habits of the nation, on its public economy and its 
old institutions, with a disr^ard for the ephemeral con- 
stitutions of the age. It is not a mere abstraction, more 
or less ingenious, but a law adapted to the state of the 
country in the nineteenth century. It did not recon- 
struct what was worn out by time ; but it revived all that 
was worth preserving. In such a system of laws and in- 
• Chad, t Idem, 



1815. NAPOIAON BBTUBKS VSOM BIAA. 3^ 

stitations wdl adapted to eadk otber^ the members of die 
commission bdonging to die Bdg^ proTiiices reeog^ 
nised the basis of their ancient charters, and the prin* 
dples of their former liberty. They foimd no difficulty 
in adapting this kw, so as to make it common to the 
two nations, united by des which had been broken only 
for their own misfortone and diat of Europe, and whidi 
it was once more the interest of £urope to render indis- 
soluble.'' 

The news of die elevation of William I. to die throne 
was received in the Dutch provinces widi great joy, in 
88 far as it concerned him personally ; but a joy con- 
siderably tempered by doubt and jeidousy, as regarded 
their junction widi a country suffidendy large to coun- 
terbalance Holland, oppose interests to interests, and 
people to people. National pride and over-sanguine 
expectations prevented a calm judgment on the existing 
state of Europe, and On die impossibility of Holland, in 
its ancient limits, maintaining die influence which it was 
hoped it would acquire. 

In Belgium the formation of the new monarchy ex- 
cited the most lively sensation. The clei^ and die 
nobility were considerably agitated and not slighdy 
alarmed ; di^ latter fearing the resentment of the king 
for dieir avowed predilection in favour of Austria, and 
perceiving the destruction of every hope of aristocra- 
tical domination. The more elevated of die middle 
olasses also saw an end to dieir exclusive occupation of 
magisterial and municipal employments. The manu-* 
facturers, great and small, saw die ruin of monopoly 
staring them in die face. The whole people took fright 
%t the weight of die Dutch debt, which was considerably 
greater than diat of Belgium. No one seemed to look 
beyond die present moment. The advantage of colonial 
possessions seemed remote and questionable to those who 
possessed no maritime commerce ; and the pride of na- 
tional independence was foreign to die feelings of diose 
who had never yet tasted its blessings. 

It was in diis state of public feeling that intelligence 



S4S HI8T0BT OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1814. 

was receiyed> in March^ 1815^ of the re-appearance in 
France of the emperor Napoleon. At the head of SOO 
men he had taken the resolution^ without parallel even 
among the grandest of his own powerfid conceptions^ of 
invading a country containing thirty millions of people, 
girded by the protecting armies of coalesced £urope^ and 
imbued^ beyond all doubt^ with an almost general ob- 
jection to the former despot who now put his foot on its 
shores, with imperial pretensions only founded on the 
memory of his by-gone glory. His march to Paris was 
a miracle ; and the vigour of his subsequent measures 
redeems the ambitious imbecility with which he had 
hurried on the catastrophe of his previous fall. 

The flight of Louis XVIII. from Paris was the sure 
signal to the kingdom of the Netherlands, in which he 
took refuge, that it was about to become the scene of 
another contest for the life or death of despotism. Had 
the invasion of Belgium, which now took place, been led 
on by one of the Bourbon family, it is probable that the 
priesthood, the people, and even the nobility, would have 
given it not merely a negative support. But the name 
of Napoleon was a bugbear for every class; and the 
efforts of the king and government, which met with 
most enthusiastic support in the northern provinces, 
were seconded with zeal and courage by the rest of the 
kingdom. 

The national force was soon in the field, under the 
command of the prince of Orange, the king's eldest son, 
and heir apparent to the throne for which he now pre- 
pared to fight. His brother, prince Frederick, com- 
manded a division under him. The English army, under 
the duke of Wellington, occupied Brussels ' and the 
various cantonments in its neighbourhood ; and the 
Prussians, commanded by prince Blucher, were in readi- 
ness to co-operate with their allies on the first move- 
ment of the invaders. 

Napoleon, hurrying from Paris to strike some rapid 
and decisive blow, passed the Sambre on the 15th of 
June, at the head of the French army 150,000 strong. 



1815. BATTLE OF LION7. '347 

driving the Prussians before him heyond Charleroi and 
back on the plain of Fleurus with some loss. On the 
l6th was fought the bloody battle of Ligny^ in which 
the Prussians sustained a decided defeat ; but they 
retreated in good order on the little river Lysj fol- 
lowed by marshal Grouchy with 30,000 men detached 
by Napoleon in their pursuit. On the same day the 
British advanced position at Quatre Bras, and the corps 
d^armie commanded by the prince of Orange, were 
fiercely attacked by marshal Ney ; a battalion of Belgian 
infantry and a brigade of horse artillery having been 
engaged in a skirmish the preceding evening at Frasnes 
with the French advanced troops. 

The affair of Quatre Bras was sustained with ad- 
mirable firmness by the allied English and Netherland 
forces, against an enemy infinitely superior in number^ 
and commanded by one of the best generals in France. 
The prince of Orange, with only 9OOO men, maintained 
his position till three o'clock in the afternoon, despite 
the continual attacks of marshal Ney, who commanded 
the left of the French army, consisting of 43,000 men.* 
But the interest of this combat, and the details of the 
loss in killed and wounded, are so merged in the suc- 
ceeding battle, which took place on the 18th, that they 
form in most minds a combination of exploits which 
tlie interval of a day can scarcely be considered to have 
separated. 

The 17th was occupied by a retrograde movement 
of the allied army, directed by the duke of Wellington, 
for the purpose of taking its stand on the position 
he had previously fixed on for the pitched battle, the 
decisive nature of which his determined foresight had 
anticipated. Several affairs between the French and 
English cavalry took place during this movement ; and 
it is pretty well established that the enemy, flushed 
with the victory over Blucher of the preceding day, 
were deceived by this short retreat of Wellington, and 
formed a very mistaken notion of its real object, or 
. • Journal da Las Casei, t UL p. 336. 



348 HISTORY OF THE NETHERLANDS. 1815. 

of the desperate reception destined for the morrow's 
attack. 

The battle of Waterloo has been over and over des- 
cribed and profoundly felt^ until its records may be said 
to exist in die very hearts and memories of the nations. 
The fiery valour of the assault^ and the unshakeable 
firmness of the resistance^ are perhaps without parallel 
in the annals of war. The immense stake depending 
on the result^ the grandeur of Napoleon's isolated efforts 
against the flower of the European forces, and the awful 
responsibility resting on the head of their great leader^ 
give to this conflict a romantic sublimity, unshared by 
all the manoeuvring of science in a hundred common- 
place combats of other wars. It forms an epoch in the 
history of battles. It is to the full as memorable as an 
individual event, as it is for the consequences which 
followed it. It was fought by no rules, and gained by 
no tactics. It was a fair stand-up fight on level ground, 
where downright manly courage was alone to decide the 
issue. This derogates in nothing from the splendid 
talents and deep knowledge of the rival commanders. 
Their reputation for all the intricate qualities of general- 
ship rests on the broad base of previous victories. This 
day was to be won by strength of nerve and steadiness 
of heart; and a moral grandeur is thrown over its result, 
by the reflection that human skill had little to do where 
so much was left to providence. 

We abstain from entering on details of the battle. 
It is enough to state, that throughout the day the troops 
of the Netherlands sustained the character for courage 
which so many centuries had established. Various 
opinions have gone forth as to the conduct of the Bel- 
gian troops on this memorable occasion. Isolated in- 
stances were possibly found among a mass of several 
thousands, of that nervous weakness which neither the 
noblest incitements nor the finest examples can conquer^ 
Old associations and feelings not effaced might have 
slackened the efforts of a few, directed against former 
comrades or personal friends whom the stern necessity 



1815* BATTLE OF WATERLOO. 349 

of politics had placed in opposing ranks. Raw troops 
might here and there have shrunk from attacks the most 
desperate on record; but that the great principle of 
public duty^ on grounds purely national^ pervaded the 
army^ is to be found in the official reports of its loss : 
2058 men killed and 1936 wounded prove indelibly 
that the troops of the Netherlands had their full share 
in the honour of the day. The victory was cemented 
by the blood of the prince of Orange^ who stood the 
brunt of the fight with his gallant soldiers. His conduct 
was conformable to the character of his whole race^ and 
to his own reputation during a long series of service 
with the British army in the Spanish peninsula. He 
stood bravely at the head of his troops during the mur«« 
de]:ous conflict ; or^ like Wellington, in whose school he 
was formed and whose example was beside him, rode 
from rank to rank and column to column, inspiring his 
men by the proofs of his untiring courage. 
. Several anecdotes are related of the prince's conduct 
throughout the day. One is remarkable as aflbrding 
an example of those pithy epigrams of the battle-field 
with which history abounds, accompanied by an act 
that speaks a fine knowledge of the soldier's heart. On 
occasion of one peculiarly desperate charge, the prince, 
hurried on by his ardour, was actually in the midst of 
the French, and was in the greatest danger ; when a 
Belgian battalion rushed forward, and, after a fierce 
struggle, repulsed the enemy and disengaged the prince. 
In the impulse of his admiration and gratitude, he tore 
from his breast one of those decorations gained by his 
own conduct on some preceding occasion, and flung it 
among the battalion, calling out, '' Take it, take it, my 
lads ! you have all earned it I" This decoration was 
immediately grappled for, and tied to the regimental 
standard^ amidst loud shouts of " Long live the prince !" 
and vows to defend the trophy, in the very utterance of 
which many a brave fellow received the stroke of death. 
A short time afterwards, and just half an hour before 
that terrible charge of the whole lincj which decided the 



350 HUTOBT OF THE NETHEBLAND8. 18151 

victory^ the prince was struck by a musket-ball in the 
left shoulder. He was carried from the fields and con- 
yeyed that evening to Brussels^ in the same cart with one 
of his wounded aids-de»campi^ supported by another^ 
and displaying throughout as much indifference to pain 
as he had previously shown contempt of danger. 

The battle of Waterloo consolidated the kingdom of 
the Netherlands. The wound of the prince of Orange 
was^ perhaps^ one of the most fortunate that was ever 
received by an individual^ or sympathised in by a nation. 
To a warlike people^ wavering in their allegiance^ this 
evidence of the prince's valour acted like a talisman 
against disaffection. The organisation of the kingdom 
was immediately proceeded on. The commission, 
charged with the revision of the fundamental law, and 
the modification required by the increase of territory, 
presented its report on the Slst of July. The inaugur- 
ation of the king took place at Brussels on the 21st of 
September, in presence of the states-general: and the 
ceremony received additional interest from the appear- 
ance of the sovereign supported by his two sons who 
had so valiantly fought for the rights he now swore to 
muntain ; the heir to the crown yet bearing his wounded 
arm in a scarf, and showing in his countenance the 
marks of recent suffering. 

The constitution was finally accepted by the nation, 
and the principles of the government were stipulated 
and fixed in one grand view — that of the union, and, 
consequently, the force of the new state. - 

It has been asked by a profound and sagacious en- 
quirer, or at least the question is put forth on undoubted 
authority in his name, ^' Why did England create for 
herself a difficulty, and what will be by and by a na- 
tural enemy, in uniting Holland and Belgium, in place 
of managing those two immense resources to her com- 
merce by keeping them separate? for Holland, with- 
out manufactures, was the natural mart for those of 
England, while Belgium under an English prince had 



1815. UNION OF HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. 351 

been the route for constantly inundating France and 
Germany."* 

So asked Napoleon; and £ngland may answer and 
justify her conduct so impugned^ on principles consistent 
with the general wishes and the common good of Eu- 
rope. The discussion of the question is foreign to our 
purpose, which is to trace the circumstances, not to 
argue on the policy, that led to the formation of the Ne- 
therlands as they now exist. But it appears that the 
different integral parts of the nation were amalgamated 
from deep-formed designs for their mutual benefit. Bel- 
gium was not given to Holland, as the already-cited article 
of the treaty of Paris might at first sight seem to imply : 
nor was Holland allotted to Belgium. But they were 
grafted together, with all the force of legislative wisdom ; 
not that one might be dominant and the other oppressed, 
but that both should bend to form an arch of common 
strength, able to resist the weight of such invasions as 
had perpetually perilled, and often crushed, their sepa- 
rate independence. 

• LsM Cases, Journal de la Vie privde et Conversations de Napoleon, 
tuL p. 8a 



INDEX. 



ABncftomiBySir Ralph, ( 
die annament establiahed for tiie 
hottfle of Orange, 921. 
Aix.]a-Chapelle, treaty of, 90& 
Albert of Saxony, 63. 
Abert, archduke^ arriTes at Brus- 
Ids, 195. . Clotures Calais, 196. 
mamage and maitffuration of, 196. 
Entry of, into the I^therlands, 90& 
Defeated by prince Maurice. 210. 

Alai^on, the duke of, appointed 
aovereign, 161. Obliges Parma to 
raise the si^e of Cambray, and 
enters the town triumphantly, 
l&L Made duke of Anion ; re- 
pairs to England and ofiers mar. 
riage to EUzabeth, 165. Attacks 
Antweip, 167. His death, 169. 

Alfiance, quadruple, 305. 

Alva, duke oL one of the council 
of Fbmp XL at Segovia, lia Ar. 
rival oi, at Brussels, 125. Sum. 
mons a meeting of the members 
of the council of stete, 1S& Re. 
tirement, 1£& Horrors of his ad. 
raimatration, ISO. Defeats the 
patriots and the prince of Orange, 
lS3. Causes sixty citiaens to be 
executed, 1S6L His recall and 
death, 199. 

Anabaptists, rise of, 70. 

Andrew of Austria placed at the 
head of the temporary govern, 
ment, 199. 

Anne of England, accession of, S96. 
Carries. the war on with France 
eneigeticany, S99. 

Anthony duke of Brabant, death 
of, 45. 

Antwerp, sack of, 147. Siege of, 
177. Efl^ts of the fire-ships, 179. 

Arminius, 232. His death, m 

Arminians, persecution of. 237. 

Armada, the invincible, 185. 

Arschot, duke of, made governor of 
Flanders, 154. Foiled in his pro- 
jects,155. 



Baldwin Bras-de-fer, 22. 

Baldwin of the Comely Beard, 25. 

Bameveldt recovers Brille, Fles- 
singue, and the fort of Ramme- 
kins, 234. Opposition of, to the 
ambitious views of Maurice, 236. 
Resignation and imiurisonmentof, 
239. Death of, 240. 

Batavians, degeneracy of, 9. 



Belgium, invasion of, 255. 

Bbke, admiral, engagement of, with 

admiral Tromp, 27d. 
Boisot, success or, in favour of the 

patriots, 14a 
Bokelzoon, 70. Imprisonment of, in 

an iron cage, 71. 
Bonaparte, a French general, 319. 

Elevation of, 322. Decline of, 325. 

Abdication of, 338. Re-appeu. 

ance of, in France, 346L 
Bonaparte, Louis, kinf of HoUand, 

3^ Abdication of. 323. 
Bouvines, battle of, 35. 
Brussels, union of, 151. 
Buckingham, the English smbassw. 

dor, failure of, to corrupt the 

prince of Orange, 287. 



C. 

Cambray, league of, 66. Peace of, 

70. 

Campo-Formio, treaty of, 319. 

Carlos, don, death of, 131. 

Casambrot, John, punishes the 
iconoclasts, 117. 

Cassel, battle of, 39. 

Caasimir, John, count palatine, re- 
pairs to the assistance of the states, 

Cassimir of Nassau, count Henry, 
death of, 258. 

C&teau-Cambresis, peace of, 83^ 

Csesar, invasion of, 4 

Charlemagne, government of, 19. 

Charles count of Charolois, called 
«< the Rash,*' 61. Contrasted with 
Louis XI. of France, 63. Policy 
o^ 54. Takes Louis prisoner, 55. 
Plan of aggrandisement of, £7. 
Conquers Lorraine, 5& Defeat at 
Morat, and death of, 59. 

Charlea of Egmont, 64. 

Charles V., visit of, to England, 09. 
Punishes the people of Ghent, 7SL 
Severity against the reformers, 73. 
Retirement and death of, 74. 

Charles I. of England, 252L 

Charles II of &igland, restoration 
of, 279. Perfidy of, 2831 Exacts 
humiliating conditions of peace 
Arom the United Provinces, 286. 
His death, 291. 

Charles VI.. emperor, death gf. 306. 

Christian of Brunswick, 94S. 

Civilis repulses the Romania 9. 

Commerce, progress of, 200. 

Confederates, perfect oiganiMtion 
of, 104. ConwUdation of, pbuu 



35^ in: 

of, 105. Procesaion of, to the pa- 
lace, and banquet of, lOa Adopt 
the title of Gueux, 107. Diasolu- 
tion of, 125. 

Congress at the Hague, 225. 

Cortenburgh, the contracti of, 38. 

Counts of the empire, 19. . 

Cromwell insists on conditions of 
peace hiuniliatlng to the states, 
577. His death, f79. 

Crusades, the, 34u 



D'Artaveldt, Jamef, the brewer of 
Ghent, 39. Conservator of the 
peace of Flanders, 40. His death, 
4L 

Dathen, Peter, 111. 

0> Avila defeats Louis of Nassau at 
Mookerheyde, Ml. _x^ *i,^ 

DeBameveldt,21*. Advocate the 
cau8eofpeace,222. OpposesMau- 
rice, 231. Embraces Armlnianism, 

De Berlwmont, count, at the head 
of the financial department, 90. 

De Brederode fails in an attempt to 
tee the govemant, 12^. De^gted 
at Valenciennes, and flies to uer- 

DeGrJnveUe, Anthony Perrenotte, 
bishop of Arras, 86. Character 

dI broeneveld, Renier, plot ©f, 
MainstMaurice,147. Death of,149. 

De la Marck, William, success of, 
in surprising Brille, 136. A gene- 
ral insurrection the consequence 
of his success, 137. Deprived of 
his command, 138. ^ , ^ - .- 

BeV ^.■■ rri^nt Louw, defeat of* 41. 

Unyi.'-" ■ .'-' ...cJordDfSt AlliC- 

dI Neytn, John* employed to iic- 
gotiat4^l»^^e,^■ ^„ 

Di> Ruyttr, deAth of, SS?>. 

1>D Winter, unprifCFnincnt oT, 3SL 
De Wilt, CJimeUlzon, BdmiiwU im- 

pri««3Cil» '/Fl. Libiiratwl, E7i. 
DC! Witts, the, inurdtir of, iSs& 
Don John declaml an eitemy, arul 

e»rderRl to quit tlie countnr, 1.5&. 

AEJtletHid by thif prince of Punoa, 

ISTk ni*deaLhJ53L 
Dort, syjioil of, 'i^. 
Dordrecht, simation fif, ?7. 
Dousn*, battle nf, £57. ^ , 

DtimoiiiHeE gains tht victory of 

JcmAPpes^ ^17. Delcat and HibIi t 

of, 318. ^ ^. 

Duncan, Sir Adam, encounters the 

Dutch fleet, 321. 



£. 

Ecclesiastical power, rise of, 25. 

Edict, the perpetual, 152. 

Edward III j<^ed by the Flemings, 
40. 

Egmont, count, pcqmlaiitjr of, 97. 
Sent to Philip on a mission, 100. 
Made prisoner, 12& 

Elizabeth of England solicits menj 
of PhUip for the stotes, 146. 
Assists the confederates, 151, 
Sends the earl of Leicester to 
Holland, 18L Recalls her troops, 
and demands payment of hex 
loans ftom the states-general, 205. 
Her death, 213. 

Epinoi, the princess, defends Tour- 
nay in the absence of the go- 
vemor, 164. 

Ernest, archduke, accused of being 
in league with others to assas- 
sinate prince Maurice, 193. His 
death, 194u 

Eugene, prince, carries on the war 
with France, 29a 



Fitz-Osbom, William, death of, 30. 

Flanders, commencem^it of, 92. 
Commerce of, 29. Attached to 
France, yet independent of it, 29. 

Fleurus, battle of, 318. 

Fontenoy, battle of, 307. 

Franks, character of, IL Defeat 
of.ia 

Francis I. of France, 69. 

Francis IL , successor of Leopold,S17. 

Frederick, the elector palatine, 245. 

Friesland, final conquest of, 17. _ 

Frisons, 7. Union of, with the Fle- 
mish people, 18. Privileges o^ 
analogous to Magna Charta, SL 
Political institutions of, S3. 

G. 

George II. achieves the victory of 
' Dettingen, 307. 
Gerard, Balthasar, mutdert the 

prince of Orange, 172L Death of, 

173. 
Ghent, rebeUiono^SO. PacificatioQ 

of, 148. _ 

GildonisB Charta, 20. 
Giles de Rypergherste conquers the 

dauphin of France in a pitched 

battle, 41. 

Gomarists, called Remonstrants, 233L 
Godfrey king of the Nonnans, 23. 

Assassination of, 24. 
Godfrey of Bouillon, 34. 



INDEX. 



355 



Godficey count of Ardenne, lieu- 
tenant of Lower Lorraine, 24i 

Granvelle obtains the archiepis- 
copal see of Mechlin, and title of 
pnmate of the Low Countries, 
98. ConfederacT against him, 9*. 
Unpopularity of, 98. Dismissal 
from office, 99. 

'Grotius, imprisonment of, 239. Es. 
cape of, 213. Character of his 
wntiDgs, 265. 

Guelders, wars of, 63. 

Oueux, the title of, adopted by the 
confederates, 107. 

H. 
Haranguer, captain, surprises Bre- 

Hautain, admiral, 2ia 

Heemskirk, brilliant victory o^ 220. 

Hein, Peter, naval success of, 25a 

Hembyse, rebellion of, 155. Death 
of, 170. 

Henry V. of England, alliance of, 
with Philip duke of Burgundy, 48. 

Henry, Frederick, brother to prince 
Maurice, 208. Succeeds his bro- 
ther, ^L Receives the title -of 

■ faighnesR in place of excellency, 

. 2^ His death, 262. 

Henry IV. of France, defeat of, 189. 
Gives assistance to the states, 206. 

. Assassination of, 229. 

Heinsius the grand pensionary fol- 
lows up the views of William II. 
S9a 

Holland, formation of, 27. 

Holle, count of, 104. 

Hoogerbeets, imprisonment of, 239. 

Horn, count, p(n>ularity of, 97. Re- 
tirement of, 110. 



Inquisition^ establishment of, 101. 

IsabeUa, wife of Albert, entry of, to 
the Netherlands, 206. Harangues 
the troops, 207. Her death, 2^4. 



Jacqueline of Holland, 47. Separa- 
tion firom her husband, flight to 
England, and projected marriage 
with Gloucester, 4a Defeated 
and abandoned by Gloucester, 
49L 

James I. of England, his reception 
of the ambassadors from the states- 
general, 214. Enters the pole- 
mical lists as a Gomarlst, 283. Re- 
fuses assistance to Frederick the 
elector, 245. 



James II. of England, accession of, 
291. Rejects the assistance of 
Louis XlV. against the prince of 
Orange, 293. 

Jaureguay,John, attempt of, to mur. 
der the prince of Orange, 166. 

Jemappes, victory of, 317. 

John tne Fearless, count of Nerers, 
44^ Wars with Great Britain, 45. 

John of Bavaria, the Pitiless, 46. 

John duke of Brabant, marriage 
of, 47. 

John, dcm, of Austria, arrival of, in 
Luxembourg, ISO, Entry of, to 
Brussels, 152. Takes possession ot 
the citadel, 153. 

Joseph II. successor to Maria The- 
resa, 310. His death, 31& 

Judith, daughter of Charles the 
Bald, marriage ofl 22L 

Justui of Nassau, ISiS^ 



Lambert and Reginald, struggle of, 

for ind^ndence, 24. 
Lambert IL count of Louvaln, 

25. 
I«denberg. imprisonment of, 239. 

Death of, 240. 
Leicester invades Holland, 181. 

Unpopularity of, 183. Death of, 

187. 
Leopold successor to Joseph II, 316L 

Death of, 317. 
Leyden, siege of, 142. 
Ligny. battle of, 347. 
Lorraine, Higher and Lower, 25. 
Louis, count, of Cressy, 39. 
Louis XI. of France, 53. Imprison. 

ment of, 55. Policy towards 

Charles duke of Burgundy, 58. 

Defeat of, at Guinegate, 61. 
Louis XI I. of France, 66. 
Louis XIV. arrogates supreme 

power, 291. Rejoices at the death 

of William of Nassau, 299. Too 

old to command his troOT«,d00L 

Reduced to a state of humiUation, 

301. 
Louis XV. invades the Austrian 

Netherlands, 307. 
Louis XVI1 1., flight of, firom Paris, 

346. 
Louis of Nassau, success of, in fa. 

vour of the patriots, 137. Defeat 

and death of, 142. 

M. 

Mansfield, count of, successor to 

Parma,192. 
Maria Theresa, heroism of, 306. 

Established in her rights, 308. 

Reduced to widowhood, 309. 

A 2 



356 



•INDEX. 



Mamrct of AuttrU. &. Nenti. 
•tionwith Henry VIIL of Eng- 
UiMl,eEL 

llarguerite, madame, duchess of 
Parma, made govemant-Benoral, 
8& Issues orders fayourabie to the 
reformers. 111. Sends the prinoe 
of Orange to appease them, 112. 
Endeavours to destroy the union 
of the patriot lords, 1£1. EsUb- 
Ushes « new oath of allegiance, 
12a Remonstrates with Philip 
about his invasion under Alva, 
18S. Retirement and death of, 
U& 

Uarlborough, duke ct, carries on 

' the war with Franc*. 8991 Opens 
bis first campaign, 301. 

MarteL Charles, defeat 0)^15. Duke 
of the Franks, la 

Mary, daughter of Charles the Rash, 
69. Marriage of, Ga 

Mathias, archduke, made governor, 
154. Taken prisoner, 15S liber. 
ationof,156L Installation o^ 15& 
Retires to Antwerp, 157. 

Maurice, prince, beecmies prince of 
Orange, 139. Made stadtholder, 
captauwgeneral, and admiral of 
Holland and Zealand, 18S. Unites 
In himsdf the whole power of 
command. 181 Takes advantage 
of the absence of Parma, 1^ 
Checks the cruelty of Mendoxa, 
SOi. Attempts the invasion of 
Flanders, 80S. Invests Nieuport, 
907. Defeats the royalists, 210. 
Takes the field against Spinola, 
219. HostiUty of, to Bameveldt, 
22SL Becomes a Gomarist, 232: 
Recdves the order of the Garter, 
23a Intrigues for regal power, 
23S. Advances the Calvmisto* par. 
ty, 237. Defeats Spinola at the 
siege of Bergen.op.Boom, 246. Plot 
agwn8thim,247. He punishes the 
conspirators. 249. His death, 250. 

Maximilian of Austria, marriage of, 
60. Imprisonment ct, 61. 

Mazarin, cardinal, 261. 

Menaplans, 6L 

Mendoza, cruelties of, 201 Wound, 
ed and taken prisoner, 210. 

Money-fleet, the, 253. 

Mook, battle of, 141. 

Monit, batUe of, 5a 

Mons, seised on by Louis of Nassau 
and De Ocnlis ; retaken by Alva*s 
son, 137. 

Munstor, treaty of, 263. 

N. 

Netherlands, situation of, 1. State 
of, in the days of Pliny, SL Effects 



flrom inundations of fhe lea and 
rivers, a Invasion of Gsesar, 4w 
Efftcts of the Roman alliance, 7. 
The southern portion called Belg^e 
Gaul, 9. Introduction of Chris, 
tianity, 14. Under Charlemagne, 
19. Commerce, eaad legislation of, 
34. Revolt of the towns, 3a Junc- 
tions of the Flemings with Ed. 
ward III. of England, 40. Feud, 
ality defeated by civic A:eedom,48L 
Sovereignty assumed by the duke 
of Burgundy, 42L Formation of a 
national council, 46. Feeble state 
under the government of Mazimi. 
lian, 62. Government of Margaret 
of Austria, 66L Progress <» the 
reformation, 67. War with Fhinoc^ 
69. The whole of the provinces 
united under one sovereign, 71 
Commerdal wealth, 75. Cultiva. 
tion of the fine arts. 77. Opulent 
state of the nation, sa Ipefficiency 
of the government under Philip 
II., 9a The inquisition establish, 
ed, 101. Commencement of the 
revolution, 102. The nuiniflwsto of 
the confederates, 105. P rogres s 
ofthe reformation. 111. Abolition 
of the inquisition. 111 Compro. 
mise with the reformers, 117. Con. 
ference at Termonde, 12L Com. 
mencement of the civil war, 121 
Dissolution of theconfedeiacy, 12SL 
Alva's arrival and tvranny, 127. 
General horror at the death of 
don Carlos and the queen, 131 
Disaster ofthe patriots, 13a Na. 
val force of the patriots, 135. Ge- 
neral insurrection, 137. Distressed 
state of the country^ 138L Evil 
e£%cts of the plague, 141. Aaar. 
chy and confUsion after the death 
of Requesens, 145. The 1 
. of the council-chamber i . 
ed, 147. The states-seneral aa. 
semble at Ghent, 14a Demolition 
of the citadels rendered odious 
by the excesses of the Spaniards, 
151 Revival of civil war, 157. 
They renounce the sovereignty of 
Spain, 161. Public ingratitude to. 
wards the prince of Oiange, 169. 
The powers of Spain establithed 
again in the whole province of 
flanders, 175. Lamentable state 
ofthe country, 17a N^otiations 
opened with France and England 
at once, 181. Suspicion and dislike 
towards England, 181 Theeflfects 
of the spreading of the refinrma. 
tion and enlightenment, 200. The 
states unsuccessful in a naval ex. 
pedition, 205. Success of the roy. 
alists, 207. Prince Maurice and 



r 



INDEX. 



857 



flMao]a,Sl& Marittme enterprise, 
SI7. IN«graceflil naval affkir, 219. 
NegottatioiM fiv peaces 221. As. 
iembly of ambassadors, 22SL A 
twehre ^ear^ truce, 227. R^gious 
dissensions, 231. Expiration of the 
twelve yean* truce, StS. War in 
Germany, 2i6L Naval success, 253. 
Naval success of the republic, 257. 
Civil wars in England, 259. Fi. 
nancial embarrassments, 261. Li' 
terature and the arts, 265. Com. 
meice,267. Manners of the pec^, 
9G8L Naval war with England, 
274 The navigation act, 275. 
Naval successes, 279. Hostilities 
renewed, 281. "nie French invade 
Holland, 285. Holland perseveres 
in the contest with France, 288. 
English revolution, 293. War re- 
newed,S01. Seven years* war, 309. 
Peace with England, 3ia~ Dis. 
content in Belgium, 313. Insur. 
recticm and confederation, 315. 
War between France and Austria, 
917. Bel^um a French province, 
319. Abolition of the office and 
.title of stadthokier, 320. DecUne 
of the French power, 325. Restor- 
ation of the prince of Orange, 327. 
New ctmstitution, 3-^. 

Nimeguen, peace of, 289. 

ITieuport, battle of, 20a 

Norman^ not renowned before the 
time of Charlemagne, 2a Forma, 
tion of the monarchy, 339. 

O. 

Orai^^e, prince of, VOlliam L of 
Nas8au,oppo«ition of, to Granvelie, 
9f. Opposition of, to the views of 
Philip, 99. Is sent to appease the 
confederates. 111. Summons his 
brother Louis, counts Egmont, 
Horn, and Hoogstraeten, to a con. 
ference at Termonde, 120. Re- 
Aises the new oath of allegiance, 
and retires to Germany, 124 Op. 
posititm to Alva's tyranny, 131. 
Defeated by Alva, and retires to 
France, 133. Returns to Brabant, 
137. Relieves the inhabitants of 
Leyden by destroying the besieg. 
ing army with an inundation of 
the ocean, 14a Policy of, with 
queen Elizabeth, 146. Sends an 
admonitory memorial to the 
states-general, 151. Made go. 
vemor of Brabant, 15a Draws 
up the basis of a treaty for Ma. 
. thias*s acceptance, 155. Assembles 
the states-general to abjure the 
dominion of Spain, 161. Answers 
Philip's edict, 163. Shot iq the 



be«ibyimana«hi,166L Hitre. 
oovery, 167. Protects the duke of 
Ai^ou fipom public vepcobation,. 
retires to Zea]imd,16B. His death, 
172L 
Ostend, siege of, S12. 

P. 

Paris, treaty of, 338. 

Parma, duchess of, retirement of, 
128. 

Parma, prince ofl marriage o^ IQfiL 
Succeeds don John, 159. Raises 
the siege of Cambray, 164. Be. 
sieges Antwerp, 177. Summoned 
to France, 1^. Defeats Henry 
IV.. 189. Retires to Spa, and b 
again summmed to Flrance. 19a 
HU death, 191. 

Philip the Fair, 3a 

Philip the Bold, 43. 

Philipof Cleves, 62. 

Philip of Burgundy, 50. Called the 
Good, 51. Death of, 52. 

Philip 1 1, of Spain, 7a Ferocity of, 
80. Policy ot 81. His war with 
Henry IL of Ftance and pope 
Paul IV., 82. His intrigues for 
despotic power, 84 OppMed by 
the states, 87. Orders the edicts 
against heresy to be put in execu. 
tion, 99 DupUcity of. lOa Es. 
tablishes the inquisition, 101. 
Abolishes the inquisition, 114 
Vindlctiveness and duplicity of, 
119. Influences persons to at. 
tempt the assassination of the 
prince of Orange^iea Negotiates 
for peace with France, 197. His 
deatli, 199. 

Picaroons, the, 192. 

Plague, the, breaks out. 14L 

Pragmatic sanction, 304 

Pyrenees, peace of the, S79. 



Quatre Bras, battle o^ 347. 



Radbod king of the Prisons, 15. 
Reformation, causes of its progress 

b^ng checked, 9a 
Reformers divided into Anabaptists, 

Calvinists, and Lutherans, 110. 

Meet in every direction in arms, 

111. Send an address to the go. 

veraant, 11 a Compromise of, 

107. Erect wooden churches. 119. 
Reginald and Lambert (See Lam. 

bert). 
Requesens successor to Alva, 1$9l 

Defeat of, lia Sells his plAte to 



358 



INDEX. 



fa 



Ui€ aRCtti of the mMketj, 
, MutiiMMtt ftate of bii anay, 

142. Fixes on Zeeluad as the 

■eeaeoruieipeditkin,14aL His 

death. 144. 
RicfaeUeu, caidfaial, death of. 8SBi 
BichOde, countess, 89. Defeat of, 

SOi 
Robert count of Kamur, 85. 
Robert the Prison, aa 
Rubens, 966. 
Ryhore, death of, 17(1 
Ryswick, peace of, ^eofi. 



Saxons, preponderating power of, !£. 

Schwaraember^ 104 

Schenck, BfarBn, 187. His death, 

188. 
Sidney, sir Philip, 18S. His death, 

183. 
Spinola takes ttie fleM against prince 

Maurice, 215. Sent with 90.000 

nen to support the duke of Neu. 

bourg,2S9. Defeat of, 9I& Called 

to the command of the Spanish 

troops in Italy, 253. 
Stoutenbouiv, William van, his 

rcvengeAiI plot against prince 

Maurice, 247. His escape to Brus- 

iN>ls, 24a 
Strieker, flexmux. 111. 



Tennonde, conference at. 121. 
Thierry, count, goyerns the western 

extremity of Friesland, 27. Takes 

Godftey prisoner, 28. 
TreesorUpstal,the,Sl. 
Tromp, Van, victory of, 257. Naval 

engagement of, with admiisal 

BUke,275. His death, 277. 

U. 

Utrecht, anion of, 159. 
Utrecht, peace of, SOS. 



Valenciennes, OtgB U, IfiS. Suneii. 
derof,123L 

Vanderdoes, Jean, batgomaster of 
LJ^rden, I4JL • 

Vander Nodt establishes a com- 
mittee at Breda, 314. His flight, 
SIS. 

Vervins, peace of, 198. 

Viglius president of the privy coun. 
cil, 9a Opposes the rapaci^ of 

» Alva,134i 

Vonck aids the cause of constitu. 
tional freedom, 314. 

W. 

Waterloo, battle of, 348. 

Westphalia, peace of, 964. 

William the Bastard of Normandy, 
supplied with men and ships by 
Flanders, for the conquest of Eng- 
land, 2a 

William Frederick count of Nassau 
attempts to gain possession of 
Amsterdam, 272. His death, 27a 

William V. proclaimed stadtholder, 
30a Installation and marriage 
of. 309. 

William prince of Orange saves 
his country, 286. Marriage of, 
289. Invades England, and is 
made king, 293. His inveterate 
hostility to Louis XIV., 291. His 
death, SS7. 

W'dlebrod, St, success as a mis. 
sionary, la 

Witikind first azing or judge, 1& 

WiOiam I. prince-sovereign of the 
Netiierlands, 3Sa 

Y. 

York, duke of, 3ia Defeated by 
Ficliegru, 319. 

Z. 

Zuriczee admits to surrender, 14a 



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