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'^^^^^^ •*•'' 

OS iw-sp-r^. ^- 1 







L . .' >• 



^ I have ccDtidered the days of old, the yean of ancient times.'* Ps. Lzxvn. 5. 

Hie Seal of Hew London, adopted in 1784. 




/3 . fHu 

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1852, by 

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Connecticut. 


APR 041979 



This work has not been hastily written, but is the result of several 
years of patient research. It originated in the first place, from a deep 
interest in the subject — a fondness for lingering in the avenues of the 
past, and of linking places, persons and events in historic association. 
The pleasure connected tvith the occupation has thus lightened the 
toil ; yet it is not pretended that the work was wtdertaken with no 
view to its being published. It has been from tfic ibst, the aim and 
hope of the author to produce a work worthy .of publication — a history 
that would be honorable to her native place, and to those neighboring 
towns that were connected with it in their origin. New London 
county is a locality no way inferior in interest to any part of the 
state. , Its early history is full of life and vivid anecdote. Here the 
white and the red race flourished for a time side by side ; while hard- / 
ships, reverses and adventures of various kinds marked its subse- 
quent progress. A conviction of the fertility of this unexplored field 
of research, connected with the sentiment of veneration for a region 
that had been the refuge and home of her ancestors, in all their 
branches, led to a design, early formed and perseveringly cherished 
by the author, to write the liistory both of Norwich and of New Lon- 
don. Taste, leisure, opportunity, and above all the kind permission 
of a benignant providence, have concurred in allowing this design to 
be accomplished. 

The divine command to "remember the days of old, and consider 
the years of many generations," so often repeated in varying terms in 
Holy Writ, is an imperative argument for the preservation of memo- 
rials of the past. The hand of God is seen in the history of towns as 
well as in that of nations. The purest and noblest love of the olden 
time is that which draws from its annals, motives of gratitude and 
thanksgiving for the past— counsels and warnings for the future. 
It is the ardent desire of the writer to engage the present generation 


in this ennobling stadj of their past history, and to awaken a senti- 
ment of deeper and more affectionate sympathy with our ancestors, 
than has hitherto been felt. In the first place we find a band of ex- 
iles, far from their native land, and in great part strangers to each 
other, collecting together, acting together, and amid trials and embar- 
rassments cheerfully encountered and bravely overcome, effecting a 
settlement upon this rugged coast ; and following the course of years, 
we meet with generation after generation, who endured great and 
manifold fluctuations of fortune, as they successively labored to im- 
prove and enlarge their inheritance into those ample accommodations 
and facilities for future progress which we now enjoy. 

The work is extended into a larger volume than was at first anti- 
cipated; yet such is the affluence of materials, that a second of equal 
size might easily have been prepared, had the author chosen to wan- 
der at large into the paths of family genealogy and individual biogra- 
phy. A prevalent object in view, was to illustrate the gradual prog- 
ress of society, firotn the commencement of the township among the 
huts of the Indians, where the first planters found shelter, to its pres- 
ent maturity of two centuries. Many simple and homely traits, and 
slight incidents, are therefore admitted, which by themselves would 
seem trivial and below the digriity of history. " Posterity," said 
John Quincy Adams, "delights in details." This is true ; but details 
are great incumbrances to the easy flow of narrative writing. Less 
precision on minor points, fewer dates and names, and greater license 
of description and imaginative sketching, would have rendered the 
work more uniform and interesting, yet it might have diminished its 
value for local reference. 

In the spelling of Indian names entire uniformity has not been pre- 
served. These names have not yet been reduced to any common 
standard, and the variations are innumerable. The point most per- 
plexing to an historian is the transmutation that gradually takes 
place in the course of a series of records in the same name, as in 
Nayhantick or Naihanticut, now Niantic, and in Naywayonck, now 
Noank. There appears to be an absurdity in writing Niantic and 
Noank, when treating of the early history, and a species of affecta- 
tion in obtruding the old name against the popular orthography of the 
present day. In these words, therefore, and some others, a common 
uniform system of spelling has not been preserved. 


Introdacti<m and outUne map of the harbor, 




PeqnotB, Mohegans and Nahantics, 19-21 
Block^ssnnrey of tiie coast, - -21-24 
Dutch map, 1616, ... 28 

Chart of the coast by B. Williams, 24 
Outline map of the coast, - - 26 
Eng^h settlements on the Connecticut, 26 
Winthrop*s contract fbr Kahantick, 27 
Stone and Norton, killed by Pequots, 28 
Oldham, killed at Block Island, - 29 
£ndicot*s expedition, - - - 29 

Rayage of Block Island, - - 80 

Visit to Pequot Harbor, - . - - 80 

Skirmish on the Groton side, - 82 

Skirmish on the New London side, - 88 
Why Uncas joined the English, 84, 85 

Mason's expedition, - - - - 86 

His march to Pequot Harbor, - 86 

Stoughton*s encampment, - - 86 

Prisoners oftheOwPs Nest, - . 87 

End of the Pequot War, ... 88 


Winthioj) family sketch, . . 89 

Grant of Fisher'^s Island, ... 40 

First erant at Pequot, - - - 41 

Stougnton's recommendation. - - 42 

Peters, the coa^'utor of Wintnrop, 48 

Proofe of a beginning in 1646, - - 44 

First European female at N. Lcmdon, 44 

Natalday of New London, - - 44 

Commission of Winthrop and Peters, 46 

Contest for the jurisdiction, - - 46 

Winthrop brings his family, - - 47 

Bride Brook marriage, - - 48, 49 

Indian name of Bride Brook, - 49 

Outline map of the yicinity, - - 49 


Gochiknak, ..... 61 
Uncas arrogant and surly, - - 61, 62 
The Nameaugs timid and friendly, - 62 
Indian hunt, ..... 62 
Uncas fayored by the commissioners, 63 

Winthrop fayors the Nameaugs, - 68 
Waweeouaw the most troublesome Ind., 68 
Foxen tne wisest Indian, - - 64 
Counselof the elder Winthrop, - - 64 
Horror of the Pequot name, - - 66 


Town oflfcers, .... - 66 

By4awsofNameaug, - - 67,68 

Aiewife Brook, Foxen's Hill, - 67 

Poquanuck, Quittapeag, - - - 68 

Nameang called Pequot, - - 68 

First thirty-six grantees, - - 69, 60 

liamacook. Upper and Lower, - 60 

Land diyision east of tiie riyer, - - 61 

General sketch of the town plot, - 62 

Court orders respecting Pequot, - 68 

Name " Fair Harbor" proposed, - 64 

Bounds of the town enlarged, - - 64 

Soldier grant, .... 66 

Deed orUncas to Brewster, - - 66 

The town mill, .... 66 
Grantees of 1650 and 1661, - 67, 68 

Arriyal of the minister, - - 09 

Grantees from Cape Ann, - - 70 

New. or Cape Ann Street opened, 71 

Earliest buths, 72 




PreservmtionofrecordS| - - 78 

Moderator's minutes, - - - 74 

At work on the mill dam, - - 74 

Green Harbor. Robin Hood's Bay, - 76 

Ballot for Deputies, - - - 76 

The name ** lAmdon''* proposed, - 76 

Various grantees, - - - 76-78 

Grant of the present Parade, - 77 

Mason's grant at Mystic, - . . 78 

Chesebrough vertut Leighton^ - 78 

Chippachane. Pequot-sepos, - - 78 

Indians of J^wavonk, - - - 79 

Autographs of Mason and Gallop, - 79 

Preservation of trees, - - - 79 

Grant of the Mystic Islands. - - 80 

Division of the Neck. Uhuhioh, - 81 

Cowkeeper's ajnreement. - - - 82 

Salt-marsh. Wears. Quagani^xet, 82 

Earliest deaths, .... 82 

The blacksmith. The lieutenant, 88 

Measures of defense against Indians, 84 
Grantees. Harris legend. - - 85, 86 

Bream Cove. Lake^ Lake, - - 87 

Innkeepers. Ferry lease, - - 89 

Winthrop's removal to Hartford, - 90 

His homestead and mill, - - 91 

Duties of the townsmen, (selectmen,) 92 

Additional residents to 1660, - - 98 


Winthrop's Ferry farm, - - 94 
Nahantick and Neck srants, - - 95 
Poquioffh. Bruen's Neck. Fog Plain, 95 
Cohanzie. The Mountain, - - 95 
Farms on the river, (west side,) - 95, 96 
Poquanuck, and Mvstic Fort Hill, - 96 
Groton Bonk, and Pocketannuck, - 97 
Mashantuoket Lantern HiU, - - 97 
Grants at Mystic, .... 98 
Wampassok. Mistux^t Quonaduck, 99 
Beginnings at Pawkatuck, . . 99 
Chesebrough at Wickutequock, 99, 100 

Stanton on the Pawkatuck, - - 101 
Minor's grant at Tagwourcke, - - 102 
Grant to Gov. Haynes, - - 102 

Sold to Walter Pahner, - - - 102 
Controversv for the jurisdiction, - 108 
Pawkatuck assiened to Mass., - - 104 
Made a town and named Southerton, 104 
The decision reviewed and confirmed, 105,6 
Annulled by the charter of Chas. II., 106 
Southerton named " Mistick," - 106 
" Mistick" named Stonington, - - 106 
Border difficulties, . . - 107 


The Bam meeting-house, ... 108 
First regular moving-house, - 109 

The Sabbath drum and drummer, 109, 110 
The cupola a watch-tower, - - 110 
Ancient burial-eround. - - - 111 
Early notices or Mr. Blinman, 111, 112 

Who composed the Welsh party, - 118 
Of what class were the pilgrims, - 118 
Mr. Blinman at Green Harbor. - - 118 
At Gloucester. At New London, 114, 115 
His departure and autograph. - - 116 
At Newfoundhmd and Bristol, 116, 117 


Derivation of Nameaug& Tawaw-wog,118 
Sanction of the name " New London," 119 
What was the Indian name of the 

Thames? - - - - 119 

Mashantuck suggested, - - 120 

Original local names, ... 121 
List of Indian names, - - 122-126 


Committee to conciliate Uncas, 
Narragansetts overrun Mohegan, - 127 
Uncas besieged and relieved, - - 127 
Invaded by rocomticlcs and Narragan- 
setts, 127 

Brewster's complaints, - - - 128 

126 ) Uncas and Foxen, wanderers, - - 128 
Appointment of a Poquot missionary, 128 
Youths educated for Indian teachers, 129 
The two Pequot bands, - - - 129 
\^Tiere settled, 180 


Contract with a new minister, - - 181 
Parentage of Mr. Bulkley, - - 182 
Moderator's minutes, ... 182, 188 

Fort HiU. Sandy Point. The Spring, 188 
Tongue's rocks, and the Bank, - 184 
The Dook oflaws. Town grievance, 125 



AUosion to wfaAUnff, - - - - 186 
** Nahantick way-side," namedJordao,186 
Various minutes. Pawcatuck rates, 186, 7 
Guns finom Saybrook, - - - 187 
Mr. Biilkley*s ministry terminates, - 137 
Applications for a minister, - - 188 
Mr. Bradstreet engaged, - - 189 

Parsonage built, - - - - 140 

Autographs of town-clerks, - -141 

Scrivener or attorney. JaU, - - 141 

Wolves. Highways laid out, - 142,148 

Mr. Bradstreet's ordination, - - 148 
Members of his church, ... 144 

New inhabitants to 1670, - 144-146 


Court on bankruptcy, - - - 147 
Afl&drs of Addis and Kevell, - 147, 148 
Mr. Tinker's popularity, - - - 149 
The constable's ptrotest, - - 149 

Tlunnson's deposition and autograph, 160 
lieutenant Sxnith absconds, - - 151 

Rate lists and assessments, - 161, 168 
Deceased and non-resident proprietors, 152 
Richard Lord's decease ana epitaph, 152, 8 
Removals before 1670, - - - 164 
Doubts respecting Mr. Lake, - - 164 
Biography of those who removed, 166-60 


Committees and reports on bounds, 161, 2 
Claim of Uncas disputed, - - - 168 
WinUirop's letter to James Rogers, 164 
Treaty made and Uncas paid, 166 

Contest with Lyme, - - 165-168 
Mowing skirmish at Black Point. - 168 
Winthrop's testimony at the trial, 169 
Indians of Black Pomt, - - - 170 

The Hammonassets, and the giant, 170 

The soldier mnt. Obed land, 171 

A glance at Lyme, - - - - 172 

Tomb of Lady Fenwick, - 178, 174 

Lyme organized into a town, - - 175 

Fwrst setuers of Lyme, - 176,176 

Black Hall. Mesopotamia, - 176, 177 

Meeting-house arbitratiou, - - 177 


Characteristics of the inhabitants. 
Original plan of the town, 
Brc^in|; out of Philip's War, 
Wait Winthrop's expedition. 
Six houses fortified, ... 
Migor Treat's expedition, - 
Swamp fight, .... 

Indian auxiliaries, .... 
Wounded men broueht to N. LondoUv 
Throe expeditions of M^'or Talcott, 185, 6 
The ten border raids, ... 187 
Men killed in Connecticut, - - 188 


Death of Winthrop, the founder, - 188 
His family and estate, ... 189 
Second roceting-house built, 190-192 

What became of the old one, - - 192 
Illness and death of Mr. Bradstreet, 198 
His church record, - - 194 

Ministrv of Mr. Oakes and Mr. Bomet, 196 
Mr. Saftonstall ordained, - - - 197 
" A large brass bell" procured, - 197 

Saltonstall Sunday procession, - 198 
Epidemic fever and its victims, - 198 
Meeting-house burnt and another buUt,200 


James Rogers and his family, 201, 202 
Founder of the Rogerene sect, - - 203 
First Sabbatarians of New London, 208 
Baptism in Winthrop's Cove, - - 204 
Rogerene principles, - - 204, 205 
Penalties of the law, - - - 206,206 
Willof James Rogers, - - - 207 
Elizabeth Rogers divorced from John, 208 
Her subsequent marriages, - - 208, 9 
Peter Pratt's book against Rogers, 209 
Rejoinder of John Ro^rs, Jr., - - 210 
Persecution on both sides, - 210, 211 

The periwig contribution, 
The prison proclamation. 

- 211 
- 212 

Mittimus against Ro^ra, ... 212 
Long imprisonment m Hartford, - 218 
Suit of Mr. Saltonstall against Rogers, 218 
Apology for both sides, - - 214, 215 
Self-perfonned marriage rite, - - 216 
Voluntary separation of the parties, 217 
Warrant agamst Rosers as insane, 218 
He escapes to New York, - - - 219 
His last outbreak, .... 219 
His death, burial and writings, 220, 221 


History of John Liveen, - 
His will and executors, - 

- 222 1 Mrs. Liveen's death and wHl, - . 224 
- 228 1 The Hallams contest the first will, 224 



Its yalidibr establUhed by the oourte, 225 I Appeal of M%jor Pahnes, - 217, 220 
Appeal of the Hallams to Englaiid, 226 Sketch of the liveen legnioy, - -228 
The will smtained, - - - - 226 I 


Petitioii of the colony that New Lon- 
don might be made a free port, 229 
Duties imposed on lic^uors. - - 280 
Furst vessels and their builders, - 281 
Coasters and skippers, - - 281, 282 
Protests of Mr. Loveland, - - 288 
Trade with Newfoundland, - - 284 
Trade with Barbadoes, - - - 284 
Vessels, builders, owners and masters, 


Ck)it*s buikUng yard, - - - 288 

Newspaper notices, ... 289 
English officers of the customs, - 289 

Marine list in 1711, - - - 240 
Commercial memoranda, - - 240, 241 
Jeffirey*s large ships, ... 242 
The society of trade and commerce, 248 
Dissolution of the society, - - 244 
Marine items and fleet of 1749, 244, 246 


General remarks^ ... 246, 247 
Cases before the justices* court, - 248 
Cases before the assistants* court, - 248 
Capt. Denison's difliculties, - - 248 

County court Its officers, - - 249 

Cases before the county court, 260, 268 

Prerogative or probate court, - . 268 

Courts for trial of horse-coursers, 264-66 


Winthrop*s ^sampaign in New York, 266 
Capt. Livingstones exile and marria^, 267 
Petition to the mother country for aid 

in fortifying New London, 267 

Fort built on the Parade, - - 268 
Guns brought from Saybrook, - - 268 

The Province galley, - - - 268 
Act of addition to the town, |- - 269 
The patent and patentees, - ' 269, 262 
The town commons, - - - - 268 
Bank lots sold and courthouse built, 268 
New inhabitants to 1700, - - 264-266 


Customs at Amends, - - 267 

Tools and furniture, - - 268 

Ancient men living in 1700, - 268 

Catalogue of the dead, - - 268-874 
See Index of Names at the close of tiie 


Post-offices and postage in 1710, - 876 
Scraps from the Boston News Letter, 876 
Death of Gov. Fitz-John Winthrop, 876 
Mr. Saltonstall chosen governor, 876 

Summary of his character and ministry, 876 
Mr. Adams ordained his successor, 879 
Seating the people. Pew rivohy. 879 
Briefs and contnbutions, - 880 

List and census for 1708 and 1709, 880 
Incidents ofthe French War, - 881 
Superior court first held hi N. London, 882 
Death of Gov. SaltonstalL - - 882 

His family. 884 

Strife wftn Norwich respecting the 

courts, ----- 884 
Memorial to the governor on fortifica- 
tion, 886 

Appeal to the king threatened, - 887 
War with France and Spain, - 887, 888 
Second memorial rejected, - - 889 
Petition to the king drafted, - - 890 
Expedition against Louisburg, - 891, 92 
GUmpse of D^Anville's fleet, - - 898 

♦The ancient apple-tree which is depicted in this chapter, (p. 284,) supposed to 
have been nearly coeval with the town, and to have borne fruit for one hundred and 
fifty years, was blown down in a high wind Sept 11th, 1862, shortly after the page on 
which itappears was printed, and while the latter part of the work was yet in the 




ChilAren^s manners, . •> - - t96 ! 

Bartlet*t legacy to the town sehoo], M6 

Qnmmar-echool established, •> 907 , 

First tchool-hoose, ... 898 ' 

A free school among the farmers, 899 

Grammar-school in the North Paridi, 400 

Bope ferry established. ... 402 

Accoont of the Ferry uurm, - 402 

Winthrop's mill, . . . . 408 

Jordan null. Other mills, - 408,404 
Wolves continue troublesome, - 404 

The great snow and snow sermon, 406 
The movhig rock at Jordan Cove, - 406 
Various amusements, - - 406-409 
Memoranda, .... 409 

Fb*st execution, .... 410 
Seyere season of 1740-41, - - 411 
Death of Winthrop in England, 412, 418 


Qrotoo ineorporated, ... 414 
Account of Sir John Davie, - - 415 
Packer's visit to Creedy, - - 417 

Autograph of Davie, - - - 417 
Mhiisters of Groton, - - 418,421 
Baptist church of Groton, - 422, 428 


First white settler hi Mohegan, - 425 

Death of Uncas and Owaneco, - 426 

Meanhig of their names, - 426, 427 

Early grantees of Indian lands, 427, 428 

Great purchase at Mohegan, - 428 

Deed of feofltaient, - - - - 428 

Cesar^s deed to New London, - 480 
Protest of Gov. Saltonstall, '- - 480 
Committee to settle the North Parish, 481 
MmistryofMr. Hillhouse, - - 482 
Ordination of Jewett, - - - 485 
Deacons of the church, - - - 485 


First regular Baptists, - - - 486 
Church built at Fort Hill, on the Neck, 
by Furst and Seventh Day Baptisto 

united. 486 

Ministry of Elder Gorton, - - 487 

The Bowe legacy,, . . . 4«7 

Gorton driven from the nnlpit, - 488 

Dissolution of the chnrcn. - - 488 

Baptist church organized in Lyme, 489 


Formation of an Episcopal society, 440 
Subscribers to build a church, - 440 
Church erected on the Parade, - 441 
Anecdote concerning the steeple, 442 
Seabury family, .... 448 
Mbnstry of Mr. Seabury m N. London, 448 

Glebe house built, ... 445 

Mmistry of Mr. GravM. - - - 445 

Difficulty durinff the Revolution, 446 

Compelled to reunquish the pulpit, 446 

Bedres to New York. His death, 447 

Church destroyed in 1781, - - 481 


Preaching of Mr. Tennent, - 
Of Mr. Parsons and Mr. Davenport, 
Council at KiUingworth, 
Brainerd*8 letter to Dr. Belhuny, - 
Members withdraw firom the church, 
The Shepherd's Tent society formed. 

449 Davenport's last visit, - - - 454 

450 Burning of the books and j^urments, 455 
450 Trial of those concerned in it, - 456 
462 Accounts of it by Trumbull and Peters, 458 
452 Whitefield's visits to New London, 459, 460 
458 1 Notice of Bev. Jonathan Barber, - 461 


New Sivle, .... 462 

, A Spanish vessel arrives in distress, 462 
The cargo landed and partly stolen, 468, 4 
Conclave in Cedar Swamp, - 465 

Escape of the culprits, - > - 466 
Coni^usion of the affair, - 467,468 

Execution of Sarah Bramble, - 468 

Visit of Col. Washington. - - 469 

Arrival of French neutrals, - 470 

News paragraphs, - - 470, 471 

First newspaper established, - 472 

Public events, - - - - 478 


Lotteries. Lid^t-hoose, • - 474 

Almft-honse. Ferry wharf. Bridge, 476 

Five engine. Bunneae sketch, 476 

s Shipping and castom-hoose, • - 477 

Second newspaper coouneDoed, - 478 

Anecdotesof the Cygnet, - - 479 

Edict against barberry bushes, - 480 

Celebration of the 5th of Nor., 481, 8 

Effecto of the Stanq> Act, - 482, 8 . 

Sketch of the trade of the port, 488-86 


Ministry of Bev. Mr. Adams. - 486,7 
Meeting-house struck by lightning, 487 
Mmistiy of Rev. Mather Byles, - 489 
Outbreak of the Bogerenes, - 490-494 

Tarring and feathering, . - - 494 
Mr. Byles relinquishes his office, 496-98 
Settlement of Mr. Woodbridge, - 498 
His ministry and death, - 499, 600 


Townships in 1774, - - - 601 
Various committees and delegations, 602, 3 
Becords removed, - _ - 503 
Vote on the confederation, - - 604 
Early advocates of freedom, - 606,6 

What was done in respect to tea, - 607 
Shaw's purchases of powder, - 608 
Expedition of Commodore Hopkins, 609, 10 
English collectors, - - - 611 
The Shaw family, - - - - 612 


Details of militia, ... 618,14 

Companies at Bunker Hill, - - 614 

Kathau Hale at New London, - 615 

Attack on Stomngton, - - 616 

First alarm at New London, - - 517 

Beports on fortilicatioii, - 617-519 

BuUdmg Fort Trumbull, - 620, 521 

The garrison, Militia in service, - 621 

Marauders. Long Island traders, 622, 28 

A year of alarms, - - 628-626 

Army details, - - - - 526 
Exchanges of prisoners, - - 627, 28 

Further alarm and distress, 629-681 

Various worthy soldiers named, 581-84 

State armed vessels. 
Continental vessels, 
French ships in port, 


685-542 ; Severe winter of 1779-80, - - 648 
688 Account of the ship Putnam, - 643 

689, 40 . Combat between the Trumbull and 
542, Watt, 648 


British expedition against the town, 545 
Debarkation of the troops, - - 646 
Flight of the uihabitants, - - 547 

March of the troops over Town HUl, 549 
Fort Trumbull evacuated, - - 549 
March of Upham's division, - - 561 
Destruction of the town and incidents 

connected with it, - 552-557 

Landing on the Groton side, - 667 
Storming of the fort and massacre of 

the garrison, - - 667-664 

Incident of the wagon, - - - 665 

Burning of Groton village, - - 666 

Train laid to blow up the fort. - 666 
Fire extinguished by M^jor Peters, 666 

Loss on both sides, - - - 667, 570 

Compensation by fire lands, - 570 

What records w'cre burnt, - - 571 

Anniversary celebrations, - - 571 

Groton monument, - - - 572 


Morals and manners, - - - 673 
Various seamen commemorated, 674, 75 
The plank vessel bnilt, - - 676 
Execution of Hannah Okkuish, - 676 
Death of Capt. John Chapman, - 677 
Custom-house officers, - - - 577 

Allen's marine list, - - - 573 
French emigrants, - - - - 679 
Loss of seamen in the West India ser- 
vice, - - - . 581^ 2 
Account of the yellow fever, 583-86 


Transieiit ministorBf - - - 686 
Death by lightning, - - - 587 

Con^gational church of 1786. - 588 

Mimstiy of Rey. Henrv Channfng, 589 

Settlement of Rev. Abel McEwen, 590 

The Gnnite chnrch built, - - 591 

Second Cong. Church established, 691 

Church of & James re-erected, 592 

Bishop Seabnry's ministry. 
His successors, - - - 
The Gothic church built. 
History of the Methodist society, 
History of the Baptist churches, 
Uniyersalist church, 
Roman Catholics, - - . 

Epitaph on Bishop Seabnry, - 




(Proton churches, ... 601, 2 
Grotoo village, - - - - 602 
Sketch of Ledyard, - - - 608 

Present condition of the Pequots, 604 
Montville organixed, ... 605 
Its ecclesiasQcal histonr, - 606-609 
Meetizig^ioose struck by Hg^tning, 606 
Establishment of yarioos churches, 607,8 

Waterford hicoiporated, - - 609 
Niantic Bay and River, - - - 610 
Ancient Bi^tist church, - - 611 
Elder Darrow^s ministry, - - 612 
Other Baptist churches, - 618, 14 
Sketch of East Lyme. - - 614,15 
The old Synagogue, tne stone church, 616 
Black Point and Niantic Indians, 617 


Ctty of New London incorporated, 619 
Succession of mayors, - - 620 

The town grammar«choQl, - - 621 
The Union school, ... 622 
Female academies, .... 628 
The Buikley bequest, . - - 628 

The fort land, 624 

The second burial ground, - - 625 
Almshouse bnih, - - - -626 
General survey of streets, - 626-629 

Execution of Pequot Harry, - 629 

Second war with Great Britahi, - 680 
Decatur's squadron chased into the 

port, - - - - . 681 

Blockade by the British fleet, - 681 

The torpedo attempt, ... 68S 

Gen. Burbeck takes oominand, - 688 

The bbte light excitement, - - 685 

Trips (^ the Juno, ... 686 

Peace and festivity, . - - 687 


T fret whaling edict m Connecticut, 688 

"•■■■^Progress of American whaling, - 689 

Its commencement at Sagfaarbor, 640 
^— .^Che businoM commenced at N. Loodon, 640 

And pursued from 1805 to 1808, - 641 

Z" Revival in 1819, - - - - 641 

The earliest whale ships employed, 642 

Successftil voyages and noted cap- 
tains, - - - - 648,4 
Statistics of the whaling business, 645 
And of the California trade, - 646 
Whaling merchants in 1852, and num- 
ber of ships owned by each film, 647 


Collectors of the port from 1789, 
^*^^<3ommercial memoranda, - 649, 650 

U^t-honses of New London district, 650 
Dangers on the coast, ... 651 
Fort Trumbull, - - - .662 

'First steam navigation. - - 662 

V oyage of the steam-snip Savannah ; 
its captain and sailing master 
from New London, - - 658 
Newspapers published in 1852, 

Review of newspaper history, - 655-658 

648 I Fire companies, turnpike companies, 658 

'"" Ferry to Groton, - - - 669 

Severe winters and width 4>f the river. 

Funeral of the Walton fiMuihr, - 661 

Interment of the remains of commodore 

G. W. Rodgers, . . - 661 

Banks and other incorporations, 662^ 68 
Railroads. Cedar Grove Cemetery, 664 
Population at different periods, - 666, 6 
Various catalogues, - 667-672 



In the eastern part of Connecticut is a river, named in honor of 
the Thames of England, which, about two miles from its mouth, 
forms the harbor of New London. 

" Here fond remembrance stampt her much loved names ; 
Here boasts the soil its London and its Thames,"' 

The mouth of the river lies directly open to Long Island Sound. It 
has no intricate channel, no extensive shoals or chains of islands, to 
obstruct the passage, but presents to view a ^edr, open port, inviting 
every passing sail, by the facUi^ of entrance and security of anchor- 
age, to drop in and enjoy her luxKimmodations. The harbor is a 
deep, spacious and convenient basin ; abounding in choice fish, and 
its margin furnished with sandy beaches, finely situated for the enjoy- 
ment of sea air and sea bathing. 

In the lowest spring tides the harbor has twenty-five feet of water, 
and this depth extends several miles above New London. Ships of 
the line may therefore enter at all times of the tide and ascend as far 
as Grale-town, seven miles from the mouth of the river. To this 
place there b usually in the channel a depth of twenty-seven feet, and 
vessels drawing eight feet of water find no difiiculty in reaching Nor- 
wich, twelve miles from the mouth. 

New London harbor is the key of Long Island Sound and the 
only naval station of importance between Newport and New York. 
In its capacious bosom a large fieet may find anchorage and ride out 
a tempest ; nor is there any port on tlie coast more advantageously 
dtnaied for the reception of a squadron pursued by an overmastering 

1 Philip Freucan. 


enemy. This was proved in the last war with Great Britain, when 
the United States, Macedonian and Hornet, closely pursued hj a 
superior British force, put into the harbor and found a secure shelter. 
C!ommodore John Rodgers, who wintered here with his squadron in 
1811, said it was the best ship harbor he had ever visited, except 
one : the exception was understood to be in Europe. 

It is seldom closed by ice ; remaining open through the whole win- 
ter, except in seasons of intense frost, which occur at intervals, some- 
times of many years. Nor is it ever troubled with floating ice, for 
that which is made within the harbor or comes down the stream, 
owing to the course of currents off the mouth of the river, drifts 
directly out to sea. 

The township of New London originally extended on the Sound 
from Pawkatuck River to Bride Brook, in Lyme, and on the north to 
the present bounds of Bozrah, Norwich and Preston. Within these 
limits there are now, east of the river Thames, Groton, Ledyard and 
Stonington, and west of the river, New London, Montville, Waterford 
and East Lyme. At the present day, in superficial extent, it is the 
smallest town in the state — less than four miles in length and only 
three-fourths of a mile in width. The city boundaries coincide' with 
those of the town. The compact portion of the city is built upon an 
elevated semicircle, projecting from the western baijik of the river, 
between two and three miles from the Sound. 

Latitude of New London light-house, 41® 18' 55". 

Longitude west of Greenwich, 72** 5' 44".» 

The outward appearance of New London, down to a period consid- 
erably within the precincts of the present century, was homely and 
uninviting. The old town burnt by Arnold, could boast of very little 
elegance ; many of the buildings, through long acquaintance with 
time, were tottering on the verge of decay; and the houses that 
replaced them, hastily built by an impoverished people, were in gen- 
eral plain, clumsy and of moderate dimensions. Neatness, elegance 
and taste were limited to a few conspicuous exceptions. Moreover, 
the town had this disadvantage, that in approaching it, either by land 
or water, its best houses were not seen. It was therefore generally 
regarded by travelers as a mean and contemptible place. Within 
the period in which steamboats have traversed the Sound, a passen- 
ger, standing by the captain on deck, as the boat came up the harbor, 
exclaimed with energy, ^ If I only had the money T "What would 

1 United States Coast Surrey, 1846. 


you do?" inquired the commander, "^y thcU town and bum lY," he 
quickly replied. 

Since the utterance of this dire threat great improvements have 
been made. The city now contains ten structures for public worship, 
two of them new and elegant stone churches, in the Gothic style of 
architecture ; a custom-house and county prison, both of granite ; 
several extensive manufacturing establishments, two of which employ 
engines of great power and several hundred men ; several blocks of 
stately brick buildings, in one of which is a spacious hall for public 
exhibitions ; and many elegant private mansions. A railway, start- 
ing from the city and running nearly seventy miles north to the great 
Western road of Massachusetts, furnishes an eligible route to Boston 
and to Albany. A second railway, extending to New Haven along 
the margin of the Sound, completes the land communication with New 
York. And in the forefront of the town, admirably situated for the de- 
fense of the harbor, stands Fort Trumbull, a fine specimen of mural ar- 
chitecture, complete in design and finish, massive, new, and in perfect 

Groton Monument overlooking the harbor is another impressive 
feature of the scene. Under its shadow lie the ruins of old Fort 
Griswold, from whose battlements a fine view is obtained of the town 
and the river. From the summit of the monument, the prospect to 
the south, of the Sound, its coasts and its islands, is absolutely peer- 
less and magnificent. 

Here lie Connecticut and Long Island, forever looking at each 
other firom their white shores, with loving eyes, linked as they are by 
the ties of a common origin, congenial character and similar institu- 
tions ; and guarding with watchful care that inland sea, which, won 
from the ocean, lies like a noble captive between them, subdued to 
their service and inclosed by their protecting arms. 

How changed is this whole scene, landward and seaward, since 
the period when we may suppose the young, ambitious Winthrop, 
with knapsack and musket, under the guidance of some Indian chief, 
struggled through the wilderness from Saybrook, and pausing per- 
chance on the summit of Town Hill, looked down upon the wild and 
solitary landscape! How his heart would beat, could he now stand 
upon that spot in the garb of mortality, with earthly feelings still 
yearning in his bosom, and survey the fair town which he first began 
to hew out of the wilderness ! The Sound which he had navigated 
and admired ; the harbor, whose commercial aptitude he must hav^ 
discovered at a glance ; the heights on the other side of the riTer, 
since named from his own birth-place ; the Neck, where aflerwardy 


in the infancy of the town, he bnilt his house of rough stone and 
planted his orchard with English trees — all these enduring features 
remain the same as when they first broke upon his vision. But 
where he then saw only a confused mass of sterile rocks and stunted 
trees, or swamps and thickets, relieved only by a few Indian smokes 
that rose from their depths, there are now wharves, and spires, and 
fortresses; trains of cars gliding over iron tracks ; hills furrowed with 
the cemeteries of the dead, and streets crowded with the mansions of 
the living. 

How populous likewise have these waters become ! Then, perhaps 
a solitary canoe appeared on the horizon, or was seen dimly gliding 
along the weedy shores. Now, an ever changeful scene is presented 
to the eye. Barges and boats, whose oars drip liquid silver ; the 
light-keeled smack, with its slant sheet bearing up before the wind ; 
sloops and schooners, which, though built for use and deep with 
freight, display only ease and grace in form and motion ; the stout 
whale-ship, familiar with the high latitudes and counting her voyage 
by years, bound out or in, with hope in the one case and gladness in 
the other, paramount upon her deck ; and lines of steamers, the 
mediums of harmonious intercourse, making friends of strangers and 
neighborhood of distance, under whose canvas shades beauty reclines 
and childhood pursues its gambols with the comfort and security of 
land — are objects which, in the genial seasons, give a pleasing variety 
to the surface of the Sound. 



iJIomiiTt«ni . 
^JPort Grivwold 

Long. W. from Greenwich, 7%^ fir 4r. 



Hifltorical Sketch of tbe Peqaou, and of their Countrjr, preTious to the Settle- 
ment of the English. 

Whbk the English commenced their settlements upon Connecticut 
River, they found residing upon the sea-coast, in a south-easterlj 
coarse from their plantations, a tribe of Indians, exceedingly fierce, 
waiiike and craftj. These were the Pequots. Their immediate 
territory extended from Connecticut River to Wekapaug Creek, 
about four miles east of the Pawkatuck, and back into the country 
indefinitely, covering what is now New London county. On the 
southern coast, bordering upon Long Island Sound, they had their 
villages and fishing stations. Far and wide in the rear extended the 
hunting fields, the deer tracks, the war-paths of the tribe, and a 
shadowy depth of swamps and thickets, inhabited only by beasts of 
prey, or perchance a few rebels and outcasts, that had escaped from 
the tyranny of the sachem or from the fierce avenger of blood. 

But the power of the Pequots was felt beyond these bounds. 
Other tribes had been overrun by their war parties, a tribute imposed, 
and a paramount dominion established. Prince, in his introduction 
to Mason^s Pequot War, says that this tribe extended westward to 
Connecticut River, and over it as far as Branford, if not to Quinnipi- 
ack (New Haven.) Gookin, in his account of the New England 
Indians, states that the sachem of the Pequots held dominion over a 
part of Long Island ; over the Mohegans, the Quinnipiaks ; 

** Yea, over all the people that dwelt upon Connecticut River, and over some 
of the most southerly inhabitanu of the Nipmuok countiy." 

The central seat of the tribe was between the two rivers now 
known as the Thames and the Mystic Their principal villages or 
hamlets were in the neighborhood of the latter, and were overlooked 
«Dd guarded by two fortifications — one near the head of the river, on 


a height still called Pequot Hill ; and the other on a ridge nearer the 
Sound, known as Fort Hill ; both in the eastern part of the present 
town of Groton. These posts were fortified villages, rather than forts ; 
each consisting of a cluster of cabins, surrounded by a strong fence 
built of stakes, logs and interwoven trees. 

On the west bank of the river now the Thames, were the Mohe- 
gans, with Uncas for their sachem ; the southern border of whose 
territory was about six miles from the mouth of the river. Gov. 
Winthrop the elder, says that Uncas dwelt "in the twist of Pequod 
River ;" meaning the bow-like portion of the river lying south of 
Trading Cove.' The chiefs of this tribe were of the royal family of 
the Pequots. 

South of the Mohegans, down to the river's mouth, the natives 
were called by some early writers Mohegans, and by others Pequots. 
Subsequent to the Pequot War, the remnant that was left took the 
name of the place where they dwelt, and were distinguished as Nam- 
e-augs. They were undoubtedly of the true Pequot race. 

About the mouth of Pawkatuck River and eastward of it, was a 
tribe called the Eastern Nahanticks, over whom the Pequots cliumed 
authority, but w^ho were sometimes in alliance with the Narragan- 

Around Nahantick Bay (in Waterford and East Lyme) were the 
Western Nahanticks.^ They had a fort or look-out post directly at 
the head of Nahantick River, and another on the summit ridge of 
Black Point, overlooking the Sound. Their hunting lands and fish- 
ing grounds extended west to Connecticut River. 

These are all the aborigines of New London county of whom any 
account has been preserved. They all belonged to the wide-spread 
Delaware or Algonquin race, and used the same language, but with 
considerable variety of intonation and emphasis. The fact is now 
well established, that the difference in the aboriginal dialects of New 

1 Winthrop*» Joumal, tub a$m, 1688. ** Unkns, qHom Okoco, 13ig Monahegan Sachem 
in the twist of Pequod River, came to BoAton with 87 men." Olcoco is doubtless a 
misprint for Okacc, one of the names of Uncas, or rather, a slow, reverential way of 
pronouncing his name. Sassacus was likewise pronounced, at times, Sas8ac6-as and 
Sassa-qud-MS. Pequot also with the o long, PekO-ot, Pequ6-odt. Uukus, as in the 
above extract fh)m Winthrop, or Oukos, as in Mason's account of the* Pequot War, 
would be better ortliography for the sachem's name than Uncas; but where the sound 
is so nearly the same, it is needless to alter the current spelling. 

3 Mason says : "About midwny between Pequot Harbor and Saybrook, we fell upon 
a people called Kayandcks, belonging to the Pequods." Moss. Hist. Coll., Vol. 18, 
p. 144. 


En^and was not so great but tbat the tribes easily understood each 
other. With respect to the clans in the vicinity of New London, no 
material difference could be discerned in their physical conformation, 
their character or their customs. In government they formed a con- 
federacy, and their chief sachem at this period was the powerful 
Sassacus. Uncas, the Mohegan chief, was his kinsman by blood, 
and probably also his son-in-law ; for it is said that he had married, 
about ten years before the Pequot War, the daughter of Tatobam, 
the Pequot sachem : Tatobam was one of the names of Sassacus. 

It is generally conceded by historians, that the Pequots were ori- 
ginally an inland tribe, dwelling north-east of the Hudson River, and 
belonging to that class of the aborigines termed Mohickans or Mohick- 
anders ; and that they reached the sea-coast by successive stages, 
conquering or driving away the older tribes that came in their way. 
It may be that the Nahantick^i, on the east and west, were a people 
found upon the coast, subdued at first, and afterward intermingled 
with the conquerors. This would account for their readiness to 
throw off the Pequot yoke whenever an opportunity offered. But 
the Mohegans do not appear to have been in any way distinguished 
from the Pequots, except in name, and in this respect they were the 
older people,* retaining the original name. The designation of Pe- 
quat$ was no older than the father of Sassacus, from whom it was 
derived ; he being called Wo-pequoit, or Wo-pequand, and sometimes 

The coast of New London county was first explored by the Dutch 
navigators, beginning with Capt. Adrian Block in 1614. This com- 
mander, in a small vessel constructed upon the banks of the Hud- 
son — a yacht called the Bestlessj^ forty-four feet and a half long, and 
^even and a half wide — passed through Hell-gate into the Sound, 
and examined the coast as far eastward as Cape Cod. He appears 
to have entered the principal harbors and ascended the rivers to some 
distance. Montauk Point he called Fisher's Hook, from the employ- 
ment of the natives, who gained their chief subsistence from the sea. 

1 This agrees with the tradition of the Mohegani. The ancient burial-place of the 
■ftchenu was in their domain, on the banks of the Tantick ; now in Norwich. The 
■acheiDt* grares at that place were mentk>ned on the first settlement of the town, 
mmny years before Uncas was bnried there. 

SThe elder Winthrop, in his first notice of the tribe, in 1684, calls them Peqnims; 
bftt the Dutch, who risited them twenty years before, noticed them as Pequatoos, and 
in the m^ drawn by these first explorers, they are laid down as Pequats. Winthrop^s 
Joaraal, voL 1 ; New York Hist ColL, new series, voL 1, p. SM. 

8 0*CaUagfaan*s New Netheriands, p. 71. 



Fisher's Island probably received its name on the same account, or 
from its being a good position for fishing, but at a later period than 
Block's survey.' To Block Island he gave his own name, and it is 
accordingly laid down on the old Dutch maps as ^'Adrian's Eyland" 
and ^Ad. Block's Eyland." This enterprising navigator so thorough- 
ly explored the beautiful inland basin known as Long Island Sound, 
laying open its bays, rivers and islands to the view of the Old World, 
that we can not but wish it had obtained, in honor of him, the name 
of Adrian's Sea, We should then have a western Adriatic, appro- 
priately so named, and not a servile imitation, as many of our names 
are, from the geography of Europe. 

De Laet, an early Dutch geographer, and the first who has de- 
scribed with any minuteness the coast of Connecticut, compiled his 
account from the journals and charts of Adrian Block. His descrip- 
tion of the coast of New London county is as follows :* 

*• Within the Great Bay [Long Island Sound] there lies a crooked point, [the 
Latin edition says, ** in the shape of a sickle,"] behind which there is a small 
stream or inlet, which was called by our people East River, since it extends 
toward the east." 

No one can doubt but that Watch Hill Point and Pawkatuck 
River are here indicated : the sickle form of the sandy cape and the 
easterly course of the river, identify them with precbion. 

" There is another small river toward the west where the coast bends, which 
our countrymen called the river of Siccanemos, after the name of the Sagimos 
[Sachem.] Here is a good harbor or roadstead behind a sand point about half 
a mile from the western shore, in two and a half fathoms water. The river 
comes for the most part from the north-east, and is in some places very shallow, 
having but nine feet of water at the confluence of a small stream, and in other 
places only six feet. I'hen there are kills or creeks with full five fathoms 
water, but navigation for ships extends only fifteen or eighteen miles. Salmoa 
are found there. The people who dwell on this river, according to the state- 
ments of our people, are called Pequatoos, and are the enemies of the Wapa- 
noos** [Wampanoogs or Narragansetts.] 

1 Thompson (History of Long Island, p. OB) says that Fisher's Island was origfaially 
called Vissher's Island, and was so named by Block, probably after one of his com- 
panions. The same assertion has been made by other historians, but it does not ap- 
I>ear on what authority. Its position is noted by the Dutch geographer De Laet, and 
it is laid down on the early Dutch maps, but no name is given to It 

2De Laet wrote his work both in Dutch and Latin: the latter, not being a transla- 
tion of the former, but competed anew, varies from the other in some points. Trans- 
lations fiom both works, of those parts which relate to the coast of New York and 
New England, are given in N. Y. Hist Coll., new series, vol. 1; from which the ex- 
tracts in the text are taken. 




The riTer here described was probably the Mystic. The variation 
of the soundings, the sand points, shoals and creeks, all apply to that 
neighborhood.* The Mystic, also, was peculiariy the river of the 
Pequots, although the name Pequot River was afterward given to 
the Thames, that being the largest river of the Pequot territory and 
the one principally visited by the English and Dutch traders. The 
tribe, however, was most numerous in the vicinity of the Mystic and 
their fortresses commanded its whole extent. 

In some particulars the account is not precisely accurate ; nor 
could we reasonably expect that the first rude survey of a coast em- 
barrassed as this is, with creeks, coves and islands, should exactly 
correspond with charts made two or three centuries later. In a part 
of the description, it is evident that the Mystic is confounded with 
the river next surveyed. When it is said, '< navigation extends fifteen 
or eighteen miles," we can not doubt but that the geographer has 
misplaced a fact which, in the original surveys, referred to the 

The writer proceeds : 

"A small island lies to the south-west by south from this river as the coast 
nms (Fisher's Idand ;] near the west end of it, a north-west by west moon 

1 ** Mlstick River, or Harbor, is an arm of the sea navigable for vessels drawing six- 
teen feet of water, about two miles from its mouth: at that point obstructed by a bar 
of hard sand, about fifteen rods in width, allowing only thirteen feet depth at high 
water, with a channel above the bar, sixteen feet deep, up to the wharves. The nav- 
igathm is impeded, also, in consequence of its channel being very crooked.'* [Asa 
Fish, Esq., MS.] 



causes low water. We next find on the main, a small stream to which oar 
people gave the name of the Little Fresh River, where some ^de is carried 

on with the natives, who are called Morhicans.'* 


Here we have the first glimpse of our own fair stream, with the 
name given it, probably by Capt. Block himself, in 1614. The ad- 
junct Little was necessary to distinguish it from the Connecticut, 
which had been previously named by the Dutch, Fresh River. De 
Laet's Latin edition, which was written later than the other, does 
not name the Little Fresh River, but notices what is evidently the 
same stream, under another name : 

*' From thence the coast turns a little to the south, and a small river is seen» 
which o^ people named Frisius, where a trade is carried on with the Morhi- 

From all this it appears that the rivers on the coast of New Lon- 
don county, discovered and partially explored by the Dutch, were : 

1. East River, or the Pawkatuck. 

2. Siccanemos, or the river of the Sachem, now Mystic. 

3. Little Fresh River, or the Frisius, now Thames.! 

Roger Williams, in a letter to Governor Winthrop, ot Massachu* 
setts, written in 1636, sketches a rude chart of the following geo- 
graphical points on the Pequot coast passing from Connecticut River 
eastward by land:"* 

1. River Qunnihticut. 

2. A fort of Nayantaquit men, confederate with the Pequts. [Head of Ni- 
antick Bay.] 

3. Mohiganic River. [The Thames.] 

4. Wein:»hauks, where Sassacous the chief sachem is. [Probably the royal 
fortress in Groton.] 

5. Mistick Fort and River, where is Mamobo, another chief sachem. [The 
fort afterward taken by Capt. Mason.] 

6. Nayantaquit, [Fort and River.] 

1 In these Dutch accounts there are in fact four streams, instead of three, obscurely 
indicated ; but this must be ascribed to the confusion produced by comparing diflferent 
journals, since there is no such fourth stream between Connecticut River and Narra- 
ganset, except the Niantick, and on the charts made by these discoverers of the coast 
Niantick River and Bay are wholly omitted, which is presumptive proof that they 
were not explored. See N. Y. Hist. Coll., vol. 1, pp. 296, 807; also tlie Dutch map 
of 1616, in 0*Callaghan. The original of this map was obtained in Holland, 1841, by 
J. Romeyn Broadhead. 

2 Moss. Hist CoU., 2d series, vol. 1, p. 161. 




The Dutch having explored the coast of the SoUnd, and estab- 
lished a trade with the natives, claimed the country as an appanage 
of their province of New Netherland. For a number of years, the 
traders from New Amsterdam (now New York) almost exclusively 
resorted to this coast and engrossed the trade. It was their inten- 
tion also to form settlements in these parts, and particularly on 
Connecticut River. In 1632, they bought of the natives a spot at 
the mouth of the river which they named Kievit's Hook,' (Saybrook,) 
and on the 8th of June, 1633, obtained an Indian grant of another 
pai'cel of land on the river, near where Hartford is situated. Here 
^ they erected a trading-post, and called it the House of Good Hope. 
They made preparations also to take possession of Kievit's Hook, 
but in both cases the English crowded in and retained possession. 
Tlie latter asserted a priority of ri^t, and had, in fact, extended their 
patents over the whole country east of the Hudson. 

In the range of the year 1635, four English plantations were com- 
menced upon Connecticut River ; three of them by congregations 
that removed, each with its minister, from the Bay settlements. The 
people from Watertown settled at Wethersfield,* those from Dor- 
chester at Windsor, and those from Newtown (alias Cambridge) at 
Hartford. The fourth settlement was made at Saybrook, by John 
Winthrop, Jun., who had received a commission from Lord Say 
and . Seal, Lord Brook and others, patentees of Connecticut, to be 
governor of the river and the parts adjacent for one year. An ad- 
vance party of twenty men, dispatched by him, sailed from Boston 
Nov. 3, and arriving, at the mouth of the river, took possession of 
Saybrook Point. This party was just in time to prevent the occu* 
padon of the spot by the Dutch. A sloop from New Netherland 
arrived a few days afterward, with men and stores, to effect a settle^ 
ment; but the English had mounted two pieces of cannon and 
would not permit them to land. 

Little was effected in either of the four plantations before the suc- 
ceeding year. Hartford was nearly broken up by the severity of 
the winter and a deficiency of provisions. At Saybrook, hut^ were 
erected for temjjorary shelter, and the place kept by Lion Gardiner, 
who had been sent over from England as engineer to erect the forti- 

1 Kieveet is the Dutch name for a shore bird called by us the Peeweet 0*Calla- 
fhan, p. 149. 

S Wetfaersfield is regarded as the oldest town on the river: some of the planters 
treeted huts in 1684, and spent tiie winter on the ground. Trumbull, Hist. Conn. 


ficadons. When the spring advanced, Mr. Winthrop entered on the 
work with vigor. Houses were built, a fortification erected, and a 
settlement commenced.* 

From the proceedings of Winthrop, it may be inferred that while 
in command at Sajbrook, in 1686, he was looking forward to a set- 
tlement, on or near the river of the Pequots, as the next advance 
post to be taken hj the English. He probably coasted along the 
shore, became acquainted with Fisher's Island and Pequot River,, 
and perhaps fixed upon the spot now New London, as the site of a 
future town. Such a measure may have been within the scope of 
his instructions. At a subsequent period, when Massachusetts chal- 
lenged the jurisdiction of the place, Mr. Fen wick, then the agent of 
the company, came forward "for himself and som^^noble personages," 
interested in the Warwick patent, and claimed the lands in question, 

" That Pecoat Harbor and the lands adjoining wore of the greatest concem- 
xnent to those interested in Connecticut River, and that they had a special aim 
and respect to it, when first they consulted about planting in those parts.'^ 

As a preparatory measure to a settlement, Winthrop established a 
friendly intercourse with the sachem of the Western Nahanticks, 
called Sassyous,'^ and entered into a verbal contract with him for a 
considerable portion of his territory. Relying upon the validity of 
this contract, he afterward claimed the lands of this tribe (now East 
Lyme and a part of Waterford) as his personal property, and, in 
1647, applied to the Commissioners of the United Colonies, who 
had the charge of Indian affairs, to confirm his title. But they re- 
garded the claim as vague and indefinite ; Winthrop could show no 
writing, assign no date, describe no bounds. The Connecticut dele- 
gation opposed the claim ; the court declined acting upon it ; and the 
subject was never revived.* 

In 1 633, Captains Stone and Norton, two Englishmen engaged in 
the Indian trade, were killed in an affray with the Pequots in Con- 

1 TrumbulL 

2 See proceedings of the Commissioners of the United Colonies, in Hazard's Collec- 
tion of State Papers. 

8 Or Sashious. This name is so mnch like Sassacus, that one is at ilrst tempted to 
deem it a misprint: yet it can hardly be supposed that this artless, confiding sachem 
wab the terrible Pequot chief, described by the Indians as " o^ one god—mo mmrooM 
km him,'' 

4 Hazard, voL 2, p. 98. See also Tmmbull's Hist of Conn., voL 1, oh. 8. 


necticut River.^ The Indians sent an embassy to Boston with ex- 
planations of this outrage, throwing the chief blame on the yietims 
themselves, and offering a present, the cnstomary token of amity. 
This present was received, though with reluctance, the explanation 
not being deemed satisfactory. The Indians were charged with 
duplicity, and though professing friendship, were supposed to be really 
hostile and ready at any favorable opportunity to cut off their En- 
glish neighbors. This construction of their conduct appears to have 
been harsh and unmerited. Lion Gardiner and some other contem- 
poraries thought more favorably of them. In reviewing the case, 
there appear strong grounds for believing that the whole Pequot con- 
federacy, together with their sachem, were friendly to the English, 
at the time the latter commenced their settlements on the river. 
The massacre of the two English traders was evidently an unpre- 
meditated affair, the sudden outbreak of minds exasperated by inju- 
ry. Capt. Stone had maltreated the Indians ; and they, turning up- 
on their oppressor, slew him, partly in self-defense and partly in 
revenge. This offense had, moreover, been obliterated in their view 
of the case, by conciliatory embassies, by presents and a treaty ; 
and they now turned with a placable, if not a friendly disposition, 
toward their new neighbors at Saybrodt. 

It is not to be assumed, however, that the friendship of the Pe- 
quots was founded on any higher principle than greediness of gain, 
or desire of obtaining assistance against the Narragansetts. The gov- 
ernment of Massachusetts distrusted all their pretensions, and while 
Winthrop was stiU at Saybrook, sent instructions to him to demand 
of the Pequots ^'a solemn meeting for conference,'' in which he was 
to lay before them all the charges that had been brought against 
them ; and if they could not clear themselves, or refused reparation, 
the present which they had sent to Boston, (and which was now for- 
warded to Saybrook,) was to be returned to them, and a protest equiv- 
alent to a declaration of war was to be proclaimed in their bearing.' 

These instructions were dated at Boston, July 4th, 1636, and to- 
gether with the present were brought to Saybi-ook by Mr. Fenwick 
and Mr. Hugh Peters, with whom came Thomas Stanton to act as 
interpreter. Lieut Gardiner notes the arrival of Mr. Oldham at 
the same time, in his pinnace, on a trading voyage. The others 
came by land. 

1 Sarage's Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 128. 

S Moss. Hist. CoIL, 2d series, yoI. 2, p. 129. 


The Peqoot sachem was sent for, and the present, which consist- 
ed of ^otter-skin coats, and beaver, and skeins of wampum," was 
returned. Lieut. Gardiner, who foresaw that a destructive war would 
be the consequence, made use of both argument and entreatj to pre- 
vent it, but in vain. 

A new cause of complaint — ^not against the Pequots particularlj, 
but affecting them as belonging to the great class of dangerous neigh- 
bors — ^was furnished about the same time. Mr. Oldham, while en- 
gaged in traffic with the natives of Block Island, was suddenly as- 
sailed by a large number of Indians and slain on the deck of his own 
pinnace. This barbarous act was avenged in a speedy and signal 
manner. John Gallop, another Indian trader, happening to be in 
that part of the Sound at the same time, discovered Oldham's vessel 
fiill of Indians, and suspecting what they had done, bore down upon 
them with repeated shocks, nearly pversetting the pinnace, and gall- 
ing them the while with musket shot, which so terrified the Indians 
that ten out of the fourteen on board plunged into the sea and were 
drowned. Two others. Gallop succeeded in making prisoners, and 
one of these he bound and threw overboard.^ 

The murder of Mr. Oldham caused great excitement. Not only 
all the Indians of Block Island, but many of the Niantick and Nar- 
ragansett sachems were accused either of being accessory to the 
crime, or of protecting the perpetrators. An expedition was forth- 
with fitted out from Boston, for the purpose of ''doing justice on the 
Indians" for this and other acts of hostility and barbarism. Ninety 
men were raised and distributed to four ofilcers, of whom Capt. John 
Underbill, who wrote an account of the expedition, was one. The 
superior command was given to Capt. John £ndicott. His orders 
were stem and vindictive : 

" To put to death the men of Block Island, but to spare the women and 
children, and to bring them awaj , and to take posse98ion of the island ; and 
firom thence to go to the Pequods, to demand the murderers of Capt. Stone and 
other English, and one thousand fathom of wampum for damages, &c., and 
some of their children for hostages, which if they should refuse they were to 
obtain by force."* 

These orders were executed more mercifully than they were con- 
ceived. Endicott's troops did little more than alarm and terrify the 
natives by sudden invasions, threats, skirmishing, and a wanton 
destruction of their few goods and homely habitations. At Block 

1 Winthrop»s JoumaL 2 Ibid., voL 1, p. 182. 


Island the J burnt two villages, containing about sixty wigwams, with 
all their mats and com, and destroyed seven canoes. Capt. Under- 
bill sajs that they also slew ''some four Indians and maimed others." 
From thence they proceeded to Saybrook to refresh themselves, and 
.obtaining from Lieut. Gardiner a reenforcement of twenty men in 
two shallops, they sailed for Pequot Harbor, in order to demand sat- 
isfaction for the murder of Captains Stone apd Norton in 1 633. 

According to Capt. Underbill's narrative, they sailed along the 
Nahantick coast, (Lyme and Waterford,) in ^Ye vessels. The In- 
dians discovering them came in multitudes to the shore, and ran along 
the water side, crying out, " What cheer, Englishmen ? What cheer ? 
Are you angry ? Will you kill us ? Do you come to fight ? What 
cheer. Englishmen ? What cheer ?" They kept this up till the Eng- 
lish came to Pequot River, which they entered, and during the night 
lay at anchor in the harbor, having the Nahantick Indians on the west 
side and the Pequots on the east, who made up large fires, and kept 
watch, fearing they would land. 

** They made most doleful and woful cries all the night, hallooing one to 
another^ and giving the word from place to place to gather their forces together, 
fearing the English were come to war against them.*' 

The next morning the English vessels proceeded into the harbor. 
From the east side, now Groton, the natives flocked to the shore to 
meet the strange armament, apparently unconscious of ofiense. And 
now a canoe puts off from the land with an ambassador : 

** A grave senior, a man of good understanding, portly carriage, grave and 
majestical in his expressions :*'^ 

who demands of the English why they come among them ? The lat- 
ter reply : 

" The Governors of the Bay sent us to demand the heads of those 
persons that have slain Capt. Norton and Capt. Stone, and the rest 
of their company ; it is not the custom of the English to suffer mur- 
derers to live." 

The discreet ambassador, instead of an immediate answer to tliis 
demand, endeavored to palliate the charge. Capt. Stone, he said, 
had beguiled their sachem to come on board his vessel, and then slew 
him ; whereupon the sachem's son slew Capt. Stone, and an affray 
succeeding, the English set fire to the powder, blew up the vessel 
and destroyed themselves. Moi-eover, he said, they had taken them 

1 UnderhiU's Narrative. 



for Dutchm^i ; the Indians were friendly to the English, bat not to 
the Dutch, yet they were not able always to distinguish between 

These excuses were not satisfactory : the English captain repeats 
his demand : ^ We must have the heads of these men who have slain 
oars, or else we will fight^ We would speak with your sachem." 
'^ But our sachem is absent," they reply : '^ Sassacus is gone to Long 
Island.'" " Then," said the commander, " go and tell the other sa- 
chem. Bring him to us that we may speak with him, or else we will 
beat up the drum, and march through the country and spoil your 

Hereupon the messenger takes leave, promising to^find the sachem : 
his canoe returns swiftly to the shore and the English speedily 

'* Our men landetl with much danger, if the Indians had made use of their 
advantage, for all the shore was high ragged rocks. "^ 

But they met with no opposition, and having made good their land- 
ing, the Indian ambassador entreated them to go no further, but re- 
main on the shore, till he could return with an answer to their de- 
mands. But the English imagining there was craft in this proposal, 
refused. We were " not willing to be at their direction," says Un- 
derbill, but " having set our men in battalia, marched up the ascent." 

From the data here given, it may be conclusively inferred that they 
landed opposite the present town of New London and marched up 
some part of that fair highland ndge, which is now hallowed with the 
ruins of Fort Griswold, and overshadowed by Groton Monument. 
To the summit of this hill, then in a wild and obstructed condi- 
tion, the English troops toiled and clambered, still maintaining their 
martial array. At length they reach a level, where a wide region of 
hill and dale, dotted with the wigwams and corn-fields of the natives, 
spreads before them. And here a messenger appears, entreating 
them to stop, for the sachem^ is found and will soon come before 
them. They halt, and the wondering natives come fiocking about 
them unarmed. In a short time some three hundred had assembled,^ 
and four hours were spent in parley. Kutshamokin, a Massachusetts 
sachem, that had accompanied the English, acted as interpreter, pass- 
ing to and fro between the parties, with demands from one and excu- 

1 Underliill. 2 Winthrop. 8 Underhill. 4 Winthrop. 

6 Mommenoteck. Underhill. . e Wmthrop. 


sea from the other, which indicate a relactance on the part of Endi* 
cott to come to extremities, and great timidity and distrust on the side 
of the Indians. The object of the latter was evidently to gain time 
for the removal of their women and children, and the concealment of 
their choicest goods, which having in great part effected, the warriors 
also began to withdraw. At this point the English commander hast- 
ily putting an end to the conference, bade them take care of them- 
selves, for they had dared the English to come and fight with them, 
and now they were come for that purpose. 

Upon this the drum beat for battle, and the Indians fled with ra- 
pidity, shooting their harmless arrows from behind the screen of 
rocks and thicke^. The troops marched after them, entered tHeir 
town and burnt all their wigwams and mats. Underbill says : 

** We suddenly set upon our inarch, and gave fire to as many as we could 
come near, firing their wigwams, spoiling their corn, and many other necessa- 
ries that tliey had buried in the ground we raked up, which the soldiers had 
for booty. Thus we spent the day burning and sx>oiling the country. Towards 
night embarked ourselves." 

According to "Winthrop's account, two Indians were killed and 
others wounded. Underbill says that numbers of their men were 
slain and many wounded. But Lion Gardiner, in his narrative, as- 
serts that only one Indian was killed, and that one by Kutshamokin, 
who crept into a thicket, agreeably to the usual mode of Indian fight- 
ing, killed a man and brought off his scalp as a trophy. He ascribes 
the subsequent Pequot war, and all its atrocities, to the exasperation 
caused by this one act. 

*' Thus far I had written in a book that all men and posterity might know 
how and why so many honest men had their blood shed, and some flayed 
alive, and others cut in pieces and roasted alive, only because Kichamokin, a 
Bay Indian, killed one Pequot.**» 

The next morning, Sept 7th or 8th, the troops landed on the west 
side of the river, but had no conference with the natives. 

** No Indians would come near us, [says Underbill,] but run from us as the 
deer from the dogs. But having burnt and spoiled what we could light on, we 
embarked our men, and set sail for the Bay." 

1 Gardiner*8 Peqnot Wars. 

Kutshamokin sent the scalp as a present to Canonicus, the Narragansett sachem, 
who triumphantly forwarded it from sachem to sachem through his country. Noth- 
ing could have roused the Pequots to greater rage than this triumph of thehr foes* 
Winthrop, vol. 1. p. 196. 


On the 14th of September, Capt* Endieott and his troops arrived 
in Boston, and Gov. Winthrop notes it in his journal as ^*a marvel- 
ons providence of God that not a hair fell from the head of any of 
tiiem, nor anj sick or feeble person among them." 

When the troops irom Massachusetts departed, the two shallops 
and the twenty men that had joined them at Saybrook, were left be- 
hind in Pequot Harbor, waiting for a fair wind. While thus delay- 
ing, they had before them, in full view upon the west side, the fine 
fields of waving com that surrounded the smoldering dwellings of 
the natives, which they had burnt the day before, and they resolved 
to secure the spoil. It was in expectation of some such booty, that 
Lieut. Gardiner had provided them with bags ;' and now hastening 
to the shore, they filled their sacks with the silky ears, and returning, 
deposited their burdens in the shallop. They then went back for 
more, and had laden themselves with plunder a second time, when, 
on a sudden, frightful yells and thick-fiying arrows, gave notice that 
they were surrounded by the infuriated savages. 

Immediately they threw down their sacks and prepared for action. 
The Indians kept under covert, and only showed themselves a few at 
a time, when they darted forth, discharged their arrows, and again 
plunged into the thicket. The English were in an open piece of 
ground, and only half their number had muskets which could reach 
the enemy. These were arranged in single file, while the others 
stood in readiness to repel a direct assault 

This desultory skirmishing continued for most of the afternoon. 
The English supposed that they killed several Indians and wounded 
more, but the latter were too wary to hazard a direct encounter, and 
finding th^ could make no impression on their enemies, they became 
** weary of the sport," as the annalist says, ^ and gave the English 
leave to retire to their boat."* It is wonderful that the whole party 
was not cut off, as the Indians had them wholly in their power. 
Either from want of skill, or badness of position, they did little harm 
in this attack. Winthrop observes, 

" Their arrows were all shot compass,^ so as one man standing single, could 
easilf see»and avoid them ; and one was employed to gather np their arrows. 

1 ** Sirs, seehig you win go, I pray yea, if yon don't load your barks with Peqnots, 
load them with com." See Gardiner's Pequot Wars. 
3 Hubbard's Indian Wars. 

S ** Compass-wise," says Hubbard. Probably it means, ahnlng higher than the 



Only one of the Engliah was wounded, being shot through the leg with an 

There is no doubt but this conflict took place on some part of the 
present site of New London. This and the burning of the wigwams 
and canoes by Endicott's men the preceding day, are the first histori- 
cal incidents connected with the spot. They are otherwise of but 
trifling importance.^ 

Endicott's expedition, timid and unproductive as it seemed to be, 
accomplished one object thoroughly : it drove the Pequots into deter- 
mined hostility. From this time forth they dispkyed toward the 
English the most inveterate hatred. With a thirst which only savage 
bosoms could feel, they longed to plunder, to torture, to exterminate 
the detested race ; to drink their blood and eat their flesh. The re- 
ligious systemi of heathenism are hostile not only to the moral vir- 
tues, but even to human sympathies ; and there is no doubt but that 
savages find an actual pleasure in the excitement of diabolic cruelty. 
Their savage customs harmonize with the character of their deities ; 
they have nqver learned to check an appetite, to forgive an injury, 
or to love an enemy. 

The Mohcgans, from the commencement of the contest, acted with 
the English. They were no better than the Pequots ; the two tribes 
were equally destitute of the arts of civilized life, and of the social 
and humane virtues. But one was a 'proud and conquering people ; 
the other tributary and prudent. The respective chieftains were 
formed on the model of these peculiar characteristics. Sassacus was 
overbearing, impulsive and fierce ; Uncas, wary, intriguing and plau- 
sible. Both, m their intercourse with their white neighbors, were 
swayed by the same motives, temporal advantage, or the passionate 
desire of revenge. 

1 Winthrop, 1. p. 197. 

2 Trumbull, in HLst. Conn., ch. 5, states that the English party in this skirmish con- 
sisted of Capt Underbill and twenty of the Mnssocbuftetts tixiops who had stayed be- 
hind to reenforce the garrison at Saybrook ; but this is evidently a mistake. Under- 
hiirs narrative of tlie expedition gives no account of it, for the plain reason that he 
had the day before sailed with the Snoops to Xarragansett. It was not till the next 
April that he was sent with twenty men tp Saybrook. Capt, Gardiner particularly 
states that his men were left behind at Pequot when the others sailed; that they hud 
a skirmish with the Indians, and that they brought home a quantity of com, he hav- 
ing taken the precaution when they went away to supply them with sacks for the 
purpose. The commander of this little party, who seems to have conducted the affiur 
with skill and cool intrepidity, is no where mentioned. Winthrop, in his Journal, 
Hubbard in Indian Wars, Increase Mather and Lion Gardiner, all have recorded the 
hicident with little variation. 



At the time of the first arrival of the English colonists upon Con- 
necticut Biver, Uncas had quarreled with his liege lord, and driven 
from his territory, had taken refuge with a few adherents among the 
Indians in the vicinity of Hartford and Windsor. Banished men and 
outlaws, poor and oppressed, they naturally attached themselves to 
the English ; in the first place for protection, and afterward for ven- 
geance against a common enemy. Their only hope was in the de- 
struction of the Pequots, and they joined in the contest with earnest- 
ness and good faith. It was the commencement of an alliance be- 
tween the English colonists and the Mohegans, which never met with 
any serious interruption. No instance has occurred from that time 
' to the present, in which any portion of the tribe has been found in 
arms against the colony. It is not often that an ignorant and pas- 
sionate people remain so true to their interest. On the other side, the 
colony ever afterward considered itself the guardian of the tribe, and 
down to the present time, has acted as its friend and protector. 

The cruelties perpetrated by the Pequote hastened their destruc- 
tion. The conflict was short. A body of men from the three towns 
on the river, under the valiant Capt. John Mason, aided and guided 
by the Mohegans and Narragansetts, and favored by various provi- 
dential circumstances, came suddenly upon a stronghold of the Pe- 
quots, consisting of a collection of wigwams inclosed with a log pali- 
sade, standing in an elevated position, near the head of Mystic 
River, and by fire and slaughter destroyed the whole encampment. 
This event took place on Friday, May 26, 1637.* Our subject does 
not lead us to treat of the conflict in detail 

After the destruction of the fort, Capt. Mason was obliged to march 
through the heart of the enemy's country to meet his vessels at Pe- 
quot harbor. The tract over which he had to pass, still rugged and 
iiiLsome to the traveler, was at that time a trackless, and literally, a 
howling wilderness, haunted not only by wild beasts, but by wilder 
human foes, breathing deadly enmity and revenge. It required men, 
such as those fathers of Connecticut were — men of enduring sinew, 
as well as fearless spirit — to fight the terrible battle, and perform the 
arduous march of that renowned day. Twenty of their number were 
wounded; their ammunition was expended; their Indian allies were 
too timid and fearful to be any security to them, and the enemy, nu- 
merous and infuriated, hung upon their rear through the whole march. 
Yet they kept in close order, steadily pursuing their course, carrying 

1 Massachasetto Hist ColL 3d ser. vol. 8, p. 141, note. 


their wounded, and fighting their way through swamp and thicket. 
It was a happy moment, when in the words of the gallant leader of 
the party, 

'* Marching on to the top of an hill adjoining to the harbor, with our colors 
flying, (having left our drum at the place of our rendezvous the night before,) 
we 8ee our vessel there riding at anchor, to our great rejoicing, and come to the 
water side, we there sat down in quiet. '*i 

At Pequot Harbor they were joined by Capt Patrick, with a Ply- 
mouth company, who came to the scene of action too late to take a 
part in it Having sent the greater part of his wearied troops home 
by sea, Capt Mason with twenty men, and Capt Patrick with his 
company, and the great body of their Narragansett allies, who had 
kept with them, and durst not return home through the Pequot coun- 
try, landed on the west side of the river (New London) and pro- 
ceeded through the woods to Saybrook. 

In June, Capt Stoughton, with 120 men from Massachusetts, ac- 
companied by the Rev. John Wilson, as chaplain, arrived at Pequot 
Harbor. This was the U8ual place of rendezvous for the troops of the 
three colonies. The object of Stoughton's expedition was to extir- 
pate, if possible, the remaining Pequots. In pursuance of this object, 
he pitched his camp on the west side of the harbor, where he built a 
house or houses, and kept his liead-quarters for two months or more.' 
We may suppose these quarters to have comprised a large barrack 
for temporary summer shelter, and some huts or wigwams near it; 
the whole surrounded with fascines or palisades for defense. Rude as 
this encampment may have been, it merits a conspicuous place in our 

1 Mason*8 Narrative. It is stated that during this retreat thej were conliniuillj fired 
at b J warriors concealed behind rocks and trees ; jet not an arrow reached them. The 
Indian allies that accompanied the English, had a skirmish with the Pequots, which 
Underbill thus describes: ** They came not near one anotiier, but shot remote, and not 
point-blank, as we often do with our bullets, but at rovers, and then they gaxe up hi 
the sky to see where the arrow foils, and not until it is fallen, do they shoot again.'* 
Of this mode of warfare he says: " They might fight seven ^ears and not kill seven 

2 In a subsequent part of this history, the coi^ectnre is hazarded that Stoughton't 
encampment was on the neck, now occupied by Fort TrumbuU. One of the pleas 
afterward propounded by Massachusetts in support of her claim to the jurisdiction of 
the west side of the river, was that of first possession, founded on the fact that Ciqit. 
Stoug^ton had built Jumses there during the Pequot war. The Connecticut agents hi 
their rejoinder speak of it in the singular number, as the htftue which the people of the 
Bay built, and which themselves afterward carried off, or at least a great part of it. 
Hazard, vol. 2. 


aimalB, as the first English hoase erected m New Lonckm. And here 
pro]i>abl7 a Sabhath service was held by Mr. Wilson, and the solemn 
accents of ^Christian worship were intermingled for the first time witii 
the voices of the desert. 

Ci^t. Stoughton found it no easy task to clear the coast and contig- 
uous country of the ill-&ted Pequots. At one time he came upon the 
trail of a retreating party, and pursued them beyond the Connecticut^ 
where losing the track, he desisted and returned to his former posi- 
tion.' Yotash, a Narragansett chief, with a band of warriors, was 
with him, and proved an efficient aid in hunting out the concealed 
Pequots.^ Having tracked a large party of the fugitives to the deep 
recesses of a thicket or swamp, on the east side of the river, — ^probably 
the noted place of refuge of the Pequots, called by them Ohomo- 
wauke, or the Owl's Nest, and sometimes Cuppacommock, or the 
Hiding-place,^ — he led Capt. Stoughton and his men thither, who 
surrounded the swamp and f^ok more than 100 prisoners. They 
were a feeble, half-famished party, that yielded to the conquerors 
without offering the least resistance. Let pity drop a tear at their 
fate. The sachem^ was reprieved for a time, upon his promise of 
assisdng the English in their search for Sassacus ; the women and 
children, about eighty in number, were reserved for bondage: the 
doom of the remainder will be given in the words of the historian of 
the Indian wars, Kev. William Hubbard, of Ipswich. 

•• Tlie men among them, to the number of thirty,* were turned presently into 
Charon's ferry-boat, under the command of skipper Gullup, who despatched 
them a little without the harbor.** 

It is sad to think that the pure waters of our beautiful river should 
have closed over the fate of these unresisting children of the forest. 

1 Winthrop's Jotunal, vol. 1, p. 8S2. 

t B. Wmiams, (Mass. Hist. CoIL, vol. 21, p. 168,) hi alluding to the Peqnot captahi 
aiken prisoner by Totash, and reserved for future service, says, he was kept under 
guard in the EngKsh houset^ using the plural number. The text attempts to reconcile 
tbe different authorities by supposhig that Stoughton erected a kind of block-house, 
with a cluster of huts around it, all surroimded by an inclosure, which gave it a kind 
of unity. 

8 Williams, vi supra, p. 160. Afterward known as the Pine, or Mast Swamp of 

4 Not two sachems, as some have represented, but one, with the long and apparently 
doable name of Puttaquappuonck-quame. 

6 Wtnthrop says twenty-two; Trumbull, twenty-eight; thirty mei\ were taken in 
tlie flwanq), and he subtracts two for the long-named sachem. 



Mr. Wilson had left the armj before this execatkm took place. The 
commanders bj whose authoritj it was performed, acted in conform- 
itj with their instructions and the spirit of the age. The precise date 
of this awful act of vengeance has not been ascertained: it was near 
the last of June, 1637.' Capt. Stoughton was joined in his encamp- 
ment by Mr. Haines, Mr. Ludlow, Ci4)t Mason, and thirty or forty 
men from the towns on Connecticut River — also by Miantin^moh, the 
Narragansett chief sachem, and 200 warriors, who came over by land* 
Uncas and his men, with the whole Nahantick tribe, were also with- 
in calL What a brave and stirring scene for that olden time, was 
exhibited on this promontory, then so wild and gloomy, — ^now beauti- 
fied by cultivation, and covered with a fair town I 

The Pequots as a nation were soon nearly extinct. Guided by 
Indian allies who knew every pass of the country, the English forces 
pursued them to the west by sea and land, carrying destruction with 
them. The haunts of the fugitives were discovered, many warricnrs 
killed, and women and children captured. Their chief and his few 
followers fleeing fix>m the hot pursuit, were chased along the coast, 
with a haste and vigilance that left no chance of escape ; and driven 
upon the weapons of the Mohawks, another equally unrelenting foe, 
they perished : and in that day no one. pitied them. 

So little did our ancestors understand the true spirit of Christianity, 
in regard to the ignorant natives of the land, that they appear to have 
swept the Pequots from existence without any misgivings of con- 
science or sensibility. In the work of destruction they displayed 
neither reluctance nor compunction; and at the close of it sang 
hymns of thanksgiving to Gk>d, ascribing their success to the wisdom 
of those measures, which his providence had inspired, approved, and 
crowned with success. An overruling power was indeed making use 
of their instrumentality, to accomplish its wise designs. The wilder- 
ness has been subdued, the face of natm'e beautified by cultivation ; 
villages have sprung up like blossoms, and cities like stately trees ; 
churches have been multiplied, and the living God is now acknowl- 
edged and honoi'ed in a region that for ages had been devoted to the 
worship of evil spirits. 

1 Winthrop records it under date of first week in Jaly ; Tmmbull has the margmal 
date of June. It must have been the last of June or first of July. Capt. Stoughton 
arrived at Pequot " a fortnight after the Connecticut forces reached home,**— that is, 
about the middle of June. He returned to Boston, August 26th. 


The Founder of New London. — His personal history. — Grants of Fisher's Island. 
Senlement ofPeqnot Harbor. — ^Natal day.— Commission from Massachusetts. 
First planters. — Bride Brook marriage. 1645, 1646. 

John Winthbop, the younger, eminentlj deserves the title of 
Founder of New London. He selected the site, projected the under^ 
taking, entered into it with zeal and embarked his fortune in the en- 
terprise. His house upon Fisher's Island was the first English resi- 
dence in the Pequot country. He brought on the first company of 
settlers, laid out the plan of the new town, organized the municipal 
govemment, conciliated the neighboring Indians, and determined the 
bounds of the plantation. 

The family seat of the Winthrops in England, was at Groton, in 
Sufiblk. Hence the name of Groton, bestowed on those lands east of 
the river, which were at first included in New London. Adam Win- 
throp, of Sufiblk, was a gentleman of fair estate and honorable char- 
acter : the maiden name of his wife, which was StiUf we find pre- 
served among his descSendants. Their oldest son, John, was the leader 
of that second Puritan emigration from England, which settled the 
colony of Massachusetts, and is justly considered the founder of Bos- 
ton. His first wife, whom he married at a very early age, was Mary, 
daughter of John Forth, Esq., of Great Stanbridge, Essex ;^ and of 
this marriage, the eldest child was John, known with us as John 
Winthrop, the younger, — Governor of Connecticut, and the person in 
whose history, as founder of New London, we are now particularly 
interested. He was bom February 12th, 1605-6. At the age of six- 
teen he was sent to the University of Dublin, where he continued 
about three years." In 1627, when twenty-one years of age, he was 
in the service of the unfortunate Duke of Buckingham, in the fruit- 

1 Savage. Notes to Winthrop^s Joomalf vol. 1, p. 164. 

2 Savage. (MS.) 


less attempt to assist the Protestants of Bochelle, in France. He 
married, February 8th, 1680-1, Martha, daughter of Thomas Fones, 
Esq., of London,' and arrived in Massachusetts with his wife Nov. 
2d, the same year. This lady died at Agawam, (Ipswich,) May 
14th, 1684,' leaving no children. 

After her death, Mr. Winthrop spent some time in England, where 
he married, Feb. 12th, 1685, Elizabeth, daughter of Edward Read, 
Esq., of Wickford, in Essex ;' and returned with her to this country. 
He arrived the next October,* and having been commissioned by the 
patentees of Connecticut, to build a fort and begin a plantation at 
Saybrook, (as before mentioned,) was immediately occupied with 
that business. But the commission was only for one year, and we 
have no account of its renewal In 1688 and '89, he was living at 
Ipswich, where he set up salt-works at Ryal side.* October 7th, 1 640, 
he obtained from the Greneral Court of Massachusetts, a grant of 
Fisher's Island, so far as it was theirs to grant, reserving the right of 
Connecticut, if it should be decided to belong to that colony.' In 
order therefore to obtain a clear title, he applied to Connecticut, and 
n^as answered by the Court as follows : 

«« April 9, 1641. 

** Upon Mr. Winthrop's motion to the Court for Fysher's Island, it is the mind 
of the Court that so far as it hinders not the public good of the country, either 
for fortifying for defence, or setting up a trade for fishing or salt, and such like, 
he shall have liberty- to proceed therein."'' 

The islands in Long Island Sound were at first very naturally re- 
garded as lying within the jurisdiction of Connecticut. But in 1664 
they were all included in the patent of New York, and Connecticut 
having reluctantly yielded her title, Winthrop obtained from Governor 
Nicholls, of New York, a patent, bearing date Mar. 28th, 1668, which 
confirmed to him the possession of Fisher's Island, and declared it to 

1 Savage. Gleanings in Mass. Hist. CoU. Sd series, vol. 8^ p. 207. 

2 Feirs Hist, of Ipswich. 

8 She was baptized at Wickford, Nov. 27th, 1614. Savage, MS. 

4 Hugh Peters, a Puritan divine, came over at the same time, with the expeiitatioD 
of settling in America. It is probable that he was the step-fathbr of Mrs. Winthrop. 
Peters is said to have married a gentlewoman of Essex, abont the year 1625, (ftee Gen. 
Beg., voL 5, p. 11,) and there are reasons for supposing that she was the relict of £d« 
ward Read, Esq. See Mass. Hist. ColL, 8d series, 10, 2, 27. 

6 Felt, p. 78. 

6 Vintpra. 

7 Colonial Becoidi of Connecticut, voL 1, p. 64. 


be ^ an entire enfiranchked township, manor and place of itself, in no 
wise subordinate or belonging unto or dependent upon, any riding, 
township, place or jurisdiction whatever."^ 

Winthrop's title to Fisher's Island was therefore confinned by 
three colonies.' This island had been a noted fishing ground of the 
Peqoots ; it was also a fine park for the huntsman, the woods that 
densely shaded the interior being well stocked with deer, and other 
wild animals. In the days of Indian prosperity, it must have been 
a place of great resort, especially in the summer season. Canoes 
might be seen glidiug over the waves, children sporting on the shore, 
women weaving mats on the grass, and hunters with bow and arrow 
plun^g into the thickets. After the destruction of the Pequots, this 
iittr island lay deserted, unclaimed, waiting for a possessor. Win- 
throp seized the favorable moment, and became the fortunate owner 
of one of the richest gems of the Sound. 

But he appears to have been in no haste to occupy his grant* 
After it was confirmed by Connecticut, in 1641, he went to England, 
and was long absent Returning in 1643, he brought over workmen, 
stock and implements to establish iron works ; which were soon com- 
menced at Lynn and Braintree, and for a time, were prosecuted with 
zeal and success.' Mr. Winthrop had an investigating turn of mind, 
and a great love for the natiiral sciences. His education had been 
scientific ; he was fond of mineralogical pursuits, and ever on the 
watch to detect the treasures concealed in the bosom of the eai-th, and 
to brin^them forth for the benefit of man. 

It is probable that he commenced building and planting on Fish- 
er's Island, in the spring of 1644, before he obtained the foUowiog 
grant from the Greneral Court of Massachusetts. 

•* 1644, June 28. Granted to Mr. Winthrop, a plantation at or near Peqiiotl 
for iron works."* , 

By Pequody we must understand the territory lying around Pequot 
harbor : the word plantation, is indefinite, but doubtless merely im- 
plied a liberal sufficiency of land for the contemplated works. It 
seems to have been well understood between Mr. Winthrop and the 

1 Thompson's Hist, of Long Island, p. 249. 

2 Thompson states that Whithiop jfkrchastd the island in 1644. The facts in the 
text show that it was a free grant from Massachusetts, confirmed bj Connecticut and 
New York. 

S Savage : notes to Winthrop, vol. 2^ p. 218. 
4 Felt, p. 78. 



magistrates, that he was to take possession of the Pe^piot territorj, 
and throw it open for immediate occupancy and settlement. The 
special grant to himself was but the first stroke of this main desagn. 
Many persons in the Bay colony had fixed their minds upon Pequot 
harbor as a desirable place for a new plantation. The position was 
the best on the coast for trade with the Indians and the Dutch, and 
they naturally wished to reap the advantage, by antidpatiog their 
neighbors on Connecticut River, and settling it as a colony under their 

Capt. Stoughton, while encamped at Pequot in 1637, had written 
to the Grovemor and Council, recommending it as a good site for a 
plantation. His letter was apparently in answer to enquiries made 
by them. After mentioning the principal defect in the country — the 
entire absence of meadows — and that for the most part it was too 
rocky for the plough, — he proceeds to state that '^ the upland is good.'* 

** Indeed, were there no better, 'twere worthy the best of us, the upland be- 
ing, as I judge, stronger land than the bay upland. 

** But if you would enlarge the state and provide for the poor servants of 
Christ, that are yet unprovided, (which I esteem a worthy work,) I must speak 
my conscience. It seems to me, God hath much people to bring hither, and 
the place is too strait, [t. c, the settlements in the Bay,] most think. And if so, 
then considering, 1st, the goodness of the land ; 2d, the fairness of the title; 
3d, the neighborhood to Connecticut ;* 4th, the good access that may be there- 
to, wherein it is before Connecticut, dec, and 5th, that an ill neighbor may 
possess it, if a good do not, — I should readily give it my good word, if any 
good souls have a good liking to it"^ « 

Capt Stougfaton's opinion of the goodness of the land, though 
given with caution, was perhaps too favorable. The ancient domain 
of the Pequots, Mohegans and Nahanticks, must have been in ita 
original state, a wilderness of stem and desolate character. An un- 
derlying base of rock, is every where ambitious to intrude into light, 
and oflen appears in huge masses heaped together, or broken, and 
tossed about in wild disorder. Places often occur, where the surface 
is actually bristled with rocks, and as a general fact, the countiy ia 
uneven and the soil hard to cultivate. A large amount of physical 
energy must be expended, before the way is prepared for ordinary 
tillage and the improvements of taste. It was no light task that lay 


1 The name GmnecUcul^ was then confined to the plantations on the river: Pequot 
was not a part of it. 

2 Sav. Win!, vol. 1, app., p. 400, where Sto\igfaton*s letter is given entire. " From 
Pequid, Sd day of the 6th week of our warfare.** 


iDMuscompMabed in the future, to clear awaj the tangled forests, re- 
claim the fttODj pastures, the rugged hill tops and miry swamps, and 
soften down the stem landscape to fertile fields and pleasant gardens. 

In the summer of 1 645, we find the work actuaUy commenced. Win- 
throp is at Pequot Harbor, engaged in clearing up the land, and 
laying out the new plantation. With him, — ^heart and hand in the 
imdeitidking,— ^ Mr. Thomas Peters, the brother of Hugh. This 
gentleman was an ejected Puritan clergyman from Cornwall, Eng- 
land, who had been officiating as minister of Saybrook ; or more 
properly as chaplain to Mr. Fenwick and the garrison of the Fort* 
He entered cordially into the project of a new settlement, with the 
expectation of becoming a permanent inhabitant, and doubtless of 
exercising his sacred functions in the place. 

This was the summer in which Pessacus, the Narragansett sa- 
chem, with a large number of warriors, breathing vengeance for the 
death of Miantinomoh, invaded Mohegan, and with flight and terror 
before him, broke up the principal village of the tribe. The women 
and children, as usual, fled to woods and hiding-places, and Uncas 
and his warriors, after a severe conflict, in which many of them were - 
wounded, took refuge within the inclosure of their principal fort, 
where they were besieged by their foes. Hunger would soon have 
brought them to a disgraceful submission, had they not been re- 
lieved by the timely arrival of a boat-load of provisions sent by Capt 
Mason, from Saybrook. Favored by the darkness of the night, and 
the want of vigilance in the invaders, this supply was safely con- 
veyed into the fortress. In the morning, the Narragansetts discov- 
ering that not only the necessities of Uncas were relieved, but that 
he was encouraged by the presence and protection of the English, 
suddenly relinquished the siege and departed. 

Messrs. Winthrop and Peters also went to the scene of conflict, 
probably with the design of mediating between the parties, but 
reached the spot just after the flight of the invaders. 

A letter written by Mr. Peters to the elder Winthrop, at Boston, 
respecting this Indian foray, is extant, in which he says — 

•* 1 with your son, were at Uncus' fort, where I dressed [the wounds of] 
seventeen men, and left plasters to dress seventeen more, who were wounded 
in Uncus' brother's wigwam before we came."* 

1 Successor to Mr. Higginson. The date of his arrival in this country is not ascep- 
tained. He was at Saybrook in 1643. (Half-century Sermon of Rev. Mr. Hotchkiss, 
e€ Saybrook, and Trumbull^s Connecticut.) 

2 Sav. Win., voL 2, app., p. 880. 


There is jet other proof that Winthrop was on the ground, he^n^ 
ning the plantation, or preparing its waj, in 1645. Roger Williama 
addressed a letter 

** For his honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequt — These — 
Nar. 22. 4. 45." [Narraganset, 22 June, 1645.] 

In this letter he observes : — ^*' William Cheesbrough now come in 
shall be readilj assisted for your and his own sake," — ^implying that 
Chesebrough came from Pequot with advices from Mr. Winthrop. 
At ^e close of his letter he adds, — ^*' Loving salutes to your dearest 
and kind sister."^ 

The lady to whom allusion is here made, as being then at Pequot^ 
was Mrs. Lake. She is oflen mentioned in subsequent letters of the 
same series, and was probably tiie sister of Mrs. Winthrop. How 
she came to be present in the rude encampment of this first summer, 
before Mr. Winthrop brought on his wife and children, and when no 
better accommodations could be furnished than those of the wood- 
man's tent, or the Lidian wigwam, can not be accurately stated. In 
. the absence of proof, the supposition may be made, that she had 
been dwelling at' Saybrook with the Fenwicks and Mr. Peters, and 
came with the latter to the infant settlement.' 

Honor to Margaret Lake I the first European female that trod 
upon our fair heritage. 

Here then are three persons who can be named as being upon the 
ground in the sunmier of 1645. Without doubt a small band of in* 
dependent planters were also engaged in laying out and fencing lots, 
erecting huts, and providing food for their cattle. We learn from 
subsequent claims and references, that the marshes and meadows in 
the vicinity, were mowed that year, viz : — at Lower Mamacock, by 
Robert Hempstead; at Upper Mamacock, by John Stebbins and 
Isaac Willey ; and at Fog-plain, by Gary Latham and Jacob AVater- 
house.' It is likewise probable that Thomas Miner and William 

1 Mass. Hist Coll., 2d series, y<d. 9, p. 268. Chesebrough was engaged hi the 
Indian trade. 

2 If, as is conjectured, Mrs. Winthrop and Mrs. Lake, were the step-danghtere of 
Hugh Peters, Mr. Thomas Peters, according to current acceptation, was their uncle. 

8 Of Latham, we have incidental testimony from Winthrop himself, who, in a doo 
nment upon record, says that he was with him '* in the beginning of the plantation.*' 
The first grants of Robert Hempstead, have in the old book of grants, the marginal 
date of 1646. 


Monrton belonged to this advance partf. It maj be conjectured that 
some eight or ten planters remained through the season, accommoda- 
ted partly in the huts of the Indians, and that Mr. Winthrop, Mr. 
Peters, and Mrs. Lake retired to Boston, before winter came on with 

That a beginning of the plantation was thus made in 1645, is fur- 
ther placed beyond doubt, by the court order issued for its goyerh- 
ment the next year, which speaks of it as already begun, and this be- 
ing early in the season, must refer to what was done the preceding 
year. But all historians who hare treated of the settlement of New 
liondon, have placed its commencement in 1646. And as a settle- 
ment or fiUing downy as our fathers termed it, supposes permanent 
habitations and municipal laws, that period is the most accurate. 
There is a manifest propriety in dating the existence of the town, 
from the time when the conoonission for gOYcmment was issued, and 
we are happily enabled to determine the point in this manner. 

The Natal Day of New London, 6th op Mat, 1646. 

** At a General Court held at Boston, 6th of May, 1646. Whereas Mr. John 
Winihrop, Jan., and some others, have by allowance of this Court begun a 
plantation in the Pequot country, which appertains to this jurisdiction, as part 
of oar proportion of the conquered country, and whereas this Court is infoimed 
that some Indians who are now planted upon the place, where the said planta- 
tion is begun, are willing to remove from their planting ground for the more 
qaiet and convenient settling of the English there, so that they may have another 
convenient place appointed, — it is therefore ordered that Mr. John Winthrop 
may appoint unto such Indians as are willing to remove, their lands on the 
other side, that is, on the east side of the Great River of the Pequot country > 
or some other place for their convenient planting and subsistence, which may 
be. to the good liking and satisfaction of the said Indians, and likewise to such 
of the Pequot Indians as shall desire to live there, submitting themselves to the 
English government, &c. 

'* And whereas Mr. Thomas Peters is intended to inhabit in the said planta- 
tion, — this Court dath think fit to join him to assist the said Mr. Winthrop, for 
the better carrying on the work of said plantation. A true copy," &c. New 
London Records, Book VI. 

The elder Winthrop records the commencement of the plantation 
under date of June, 1646. 

*• a plantation was this year begun at Pequod river, by Mr. John Winthrop, 
Jan., [and] Mr. Thomas Peter, a minister, (brother to Mr. Peter, of Salem,) 
and [at] this Court, power was given to them two for ordering and governing 
the plantation, till further order, although it was uncertain whether it would fall 
within our jurisdiction or not, because they of Connecticut challenged it by 


virtue of a patent from the king, wbtelr wat nerer showed ui." '* It mattered 
not much to which jurisdiction it did belong, seeing the confederation made all 
as one ; but it was of great concernment to have it planted, to be a curb to the 

The uncertaintj with respect to jarisdiction, hung at first like a 
cloud over the plantation. The subject was discussed at the meet- 
ing of the commissioners at New Haven, in September, 1646. Mas- 
sachusetts claimed by conquest, Connecticut bj patent, purchase and 
conquest. The record sajs : 

** It was remembered that in a treaty betwixt them at Cambridge, in 1638, 
not perfisoted, a proposition was made that Pequot river, in reference to the con- 
quest, should be the bounds betwixt them, but Mr. Fenwick was not then there 
to plead the patent, neither had Connecticut then any title to those lands by 
purchase or deed of gift from Uncus." 

The decisimi at this time was, that ueAeas hereafter, Massachusetts 
should show better tiUe, the jurisdiction should belong to Connecti- 
cut. This issue did not settle the controversy. It was again agita- 
ted at the Commissioners' Court, held at Boston, in July, 1 647 ; at 
which time Mr. Winthrop, who had been supposed to favor the claims 
of Massachusetts, expressed himself as ^^more indifferent," but 
affirmed that some members of the plantation, who had settled there, 
in reference to the government of Massachusetts, and in expectation 
of large privileges from that colony, would be much disappointed, if it 
should be assigned to any other jurisdiction. 

The majority again gave their voice in favor dT Connecticaty 
assigning this reason — ^^'Jurisdiction goeth constantly with the 

Massachusetts made repeated exceptions to this decision. The 
argument was in truth weak, inasmuch as the Warwick Patent seems 
never to have b^en transferred to Connecticut, — ^the colony being for 
many years without even a copy of that insteiiment. The right from 
conquest was the only valid foundation on which she could rest her 
claim, and here her position was impregnable. 

Mr. Peters appears to have been from the first, associated with 
Winthrop in the projected settlement, having a coordinate autiioritj 
and manifesting an equal degree of zeal and energy in the under- 
taking. But his continuance in the country, and all his plans in re- 
gard to the new town, were cut short by a summons from home, 

1 Sav. Winthrop, ToL S, p. 365. 

a Becordi of the United Coloniei. (Hasard, vol. S.) 


inYiting him to return to the guidance of his ancient flock in Com- 
walL He left Pequot, never to see it again, in the autumn of 1646.^ 
In November he was in Boston preparing to embark.^ 

Mr. Winthrop removed his family from Boston in October, '46 ; 
his brother, Deane WinUirop, accompanied him. Thej came by 
sea, encountering a violent tempest on the passage, and dwelt during 
the first winter on Fisher's Island. A part of the children were left 
behind in Boston, but joined their parents the next summer; at 
which time, Mr. Winthrop having built a house, removed his family 
to the town plot^ Mrs. Lake returned to the plantation in 1647) 
and was regarded as an inhabitant, having a home lot assigned to 
her, and sharing in grants and divisions of land, as other settlers, 
though she was not a householder. She resided in the family of 
Winthrop until after he was chosen governor of the colony, and re- 
moved to Hartford. The latter part of her life was spent at Ips- 

Gk)vemor Winthrop, of Massachusetts, regarded the new planta- 
tion with great interest. As a patriot, a statesman and a father, his 
mind expatiated upon it with hope and solicitude. A few days after 
the departure from Boston of his son, with his* family, he wrote to 

^** The blessing of the Lord be upon you, and he protect and guide you in this 
great undertaking." 

'* I commend you and my good daughter, and your children, and Deane, and 
an your company in your plantation, (whom I desire to salute,) to the gracious 
pioteetion and blessing of the Lord/' 

To this chapter may properly be added the relation of a romantic 
incident that occurred at an early period of the settlement, and which 

1 Edward Winslow, hi his work " New England's Salamander Discovered," written 
in EDi^and in 1647, has this passage: Mr. Thomas Peters, a mii^ter that was driven 
out of Cornwall by Sir Ralph Hopton in these late wars, and fled to New Enghuid for 
shelter, being called back by his people, and now m London, &c. 

S SaT. Win., toL 2, app., p. 862. His wife never came to this countiy. See Gen. 
Beg. voL 2, p. 68, where in a letter to the elder Winthrop, he complains that though 
he had written many letters to his wife and brother, he " never could receive one syl- 
lable from either." 

S See letters from the elder Winthrop to his son, in the appendix to Savage's Win- 
throp. They are directed to Fisher's Island, until May, 1647, when the address is 
•* To my very good son, Mr. John Winthrop, at Nameage, upon Pequot river." Mr. 
Wiiithrop*s children, Elixabeth, Wait-Still, Mary and Lucy, were left for tiie first sea- 
son in Boston. Probably Fitz-John and Margaret, the latter an infant, came with 
thi^ parents. Martha was b<»ti at Pequot in July or August, 1648. Anne, the 
youngest child, was also in all probabili^ bom here, but neither of these births are on 
our recoffds* 



had an important bearing on the western boundary question that sub- 
sequently threw ^e town into a belligerent attitude toward Lyme. 

In March, 1672, when the controversy in respect to bounds be- 
tween New London and Lyme was carried before the Legislature, 
Mr. Winthrop, then governor of the colony, being called on for hia 
testimony, gave it in a narrative form ; his object being to show ex- 
plicitly, that the little stream known as Bride Brook, was originally 
regarded as the boundary between the two plantations. The pre- 
amble of his deposition is in substance as follows : 

•* When we began the plantation in the Pequot country, now called New Lon- 
don, I bad a commission from the Massachusetts government, and the ordering 
of matters was left to myself. Not finding meadow sufficient for even a small 
plantation, unless the meadows and marshes west of Nahantick river were ad- 
joined, I determined that the bounds of the plantation should be to the brook, 
now called Bride Brook, which was looked upon as certainly without Saybrook 
bounds. This was an encouragement to proceed with the plantation, which 
otherwise could not have gone on, there being no suitable accommodation near 
the place." 

Li corroboration of this fact, and to show that the people of Say- 
brook at first acquiesced in this boundary line, the governor related 
an incident which he' says ''fell out the first winter of our settling 
there." This must have been the winter of 1646-7, which was the 
first spent by him in the plantation. The main points of the stoiy 
were these : 

A young couple in Saybrook were to be married : the groom was 
Jonathan Rudd. The governor does not give the name of the bride, 
and unfortunately the omission is not supplied by either record or 
tradition. The wedding day was fixed, and a magistrate from one 
of the upper towns on the river, was engaged to perform ihe rite ; 
for there was not, it seems, any person in Saybrook duly qualified to 
officiate on such an occasion. But, '' there falling out at that time a 
great snow,'* the paths were obliterated, traveling obstructed, and in- 
tercourse with the interior interrupted ; so that ^ the magistrate 
intended to go down thither was hindered by the depth of the snow." 
On the sea-board there is usually a less weight of snow, and the 
courses can be more readily ascertained. The nuptials must not be 
delayed without inevitable necessity. Application was therefore 
made to Mr, Winthrop to come to Saybrook, and unite the parties. 
But he, deriving his authority from Massachusetts, could not legally 
officiate in Connecticut 

** I saw it necessary [he observes] to deny them in that way, but told 
them for an expedient for their accommodation, if they come to the plantation 


it mtglit be done. But that being too difficult for them, it was agreed that 
tlief should come to that place, which is now called Bride Brook, as being a 
place within the bounds of that authoritj whereby I then acted ; otherwise I 
had exceeded the limits of my commission." 

This propoeition was accepted. On the brink of this little stream, 
the bonndary between two colonies, the parties met : Winthrop and 
his friends from Peqnot, and the bridal train from Saybrook. Here 
the ceremony was performed, under the shelter of no roof, by no 
lioq>itable fireside ; without any accommodations but those furnished 
by the snow-coTcred earth, the overarching heaven, and perchance 
the sheltering side of a forest of pines or cedars. Bomantic lovers 
have sometimes pledged their faith by joining hands over a narrow 
streamlet ; but never, perhaps, before or since, was the legal rite per- 
formed, in a situation so wild and solitary, and under circumstances 
so interesting and peculiar. 

We are not told how the parties traveled, whether on horseback, 
or on sleds or snow-shoes ; nor what cheer they brought with them, 
whether cakes or fruit, the juice of the orchard or vineyard, or the 
fiery extract of the cane. We only know that at that time conven- 
iences and comforts were few, and luxuries unknown. Yet simple 
and homely as the accompaniments must have been, a glow of hal- 
lowed beauty will ever rest upon the scene. We fancy that we hear 
the foot-tramp upon the crisp snow ; the ice cracks as they cross 
the frozen stream ; the wind sighs through the leafless forest, and 
the clear voice of Winthrop swells upon the ear like a devout strain 
of music, now low, and then rising high to heaven, as it passes 
through the varied accents of tender admonition, legal decision and 
solemn prayer. The impressive group stand around, wrapped in 
their frosty mantles, with heads reverently bowed down, and at the 
given sign, the two plighted hands come forth from among the furs, 
and are clasped together in token of a life-long, affectionate trust. 
Hie scene ends in a general burst of hearty hilarity. 

Bride Brook issues from a beautiful sheet of water, known as 
BrUb Lake or Pond, and runs into the Sound about a mile west of 
Gianfs Gove.' In a straight line it is not more than two miles west 
of Niantick Bay. The Indian name of the pond, or brook, or of both, 
was Snnk-i-paug or Sunkipaug-suck.^ 

1 " SnnkipttQg means cold uxsUr, In Elliot's Indian Bible, Prov. 86 : 26, he has, As 
w ly cy [cold water] to a thirsty sool, &c. So in Matthew, 10 : 42.~Whoeoever shall 
1^ tfomtipog [a cnp of cold water] to one of these little ones,** &c (S. Judd, MS. ) 










J >^ 
\ K 




I > jxaJk* U 





I "1 

) ^ 


It received the name of Bride Brook on the spot, at the time of 
the nuptial celebration. ' Winthrop in his deposition, (which is on 
file among the state records at Hartford,) says, ^^ and at thai time the 
place had (i. e., received) the denominattan of Bride Brook,** That 
a considerable company had aissembled is evident from the narrative, 
which alludes to those present from Pequot, and to the gentlemen of 
the other party, who ^ were weU satisfied with what was done.** 

Thus it appears that Bride Brook was originally the western 
boundary of New London. It had been fixed upon as the terminus 
between her and Sayboook, anterior to the marriage solemnized upon 
its eastern brink, though it obtained its name from that occurrence. 


Indian neighbors. — The Nameugs and Mohegans. — ^Hostility of ITnoas.— Pro« 
ceedings of the Commissioners relative to the Peqnots. 

The whole extent of the new settlement was a conquered conn- 
try. No Indian titles were to be obtained, no Indian claims settled* 
It was emphaticallj, as it was then caUed, Pequot ; the land left by 
an extinguished tribe ; or if not extinguished in fact, legally held to 
be so, and doomed to extinction. According to Winthrop's own tes- 
timony,* before laying out the plantation, he collected all the neigh- 
boring Indians in one assembly in order to ascertain the legitimate 
bounds occupied by ^e Pequot tribe, that no encroachment might be 
made on the rights of ihe Mohegans, and that Uncas then made no 
pretence to any land east of the river, nor claimed on the west side 
any further south than Cochikuack, or Saw-mill brook, and the coto . 
into which it flows.* This therefore was the northern boundary. 

Uncas was at first much in favor of the settlement of Winthrop in 
his neighborhood, and made him a present of wampum in token of 
satisfaction. He was then in want of aid against the Narragansetts* 
But his strong attachment to Major Mason, and others of the Con- 
necticut magistrates, operated to produce distrust of a company that 
belonged to another jurisdiction. To add to this estrangement, a 
local jealousy arose. The remnant of the Pequots that survived the 
stru^le of 1 637, (and they were more numerous than had been sup- 
posed at the time,) were principally assigned to the care of Uncas, 
and subjected to a burdensome tribute. A small settlement of these 
Indians was found by the English on the site selected for their plan- 
tation. They were Pequots^ but caUed, from the place they inhab- 

1 Letter of the governor, Jnne, 1606, on Co. Coort Records. 

2 About six miles north of New London Harbor, where is now the village of Uncas- 


itedy bj the distinctive name of Nameangs or Namearks. The chief 
man among them was Gassasinamon, to whom the English gave the 
familiar name of Rohin. 
t These Indians received the English with (^n arms. Themselves, 
their huts, and all their scanty accommodations, were at their dispo; 
sal. Thej served as guides, messengers, assistants and servants, 
and thej were repaid with friendship and protection. The English 
interfered to soften the rigor of Uncas, and abate his unreasonable 
exactions. The courtesy with which he at first i:ieceived them, there- 
fore, was soon changed to jealousy and distrust. The first years of 
the plantation were rendered tumultuous and uneasy by his threats. 
Straggling bands of savage warriors, surly and defying, were often 
seen hovering about the settlement, to the great terror of the inhab- 

The agents of the plantation say : 

** He quieUy took oflenoe and fett to ou u ii gc s ; his «arriage hatfi been shioe 
a» if h« intemUd, by alaranu and affngbtmflot», to distrust and break up tbe 


The first considerable breach of the peace occurred in die summer 
of 1646. The circumstances were briefly these. Mr. Peters had 
been indisposed, and while recovering, requested the Nameaugs to 
procure him some venison. The latter hesitated, through fear of 
Uncas, tiieir liege lord, who arrogated to himself the sole privilege 
of making a hunt within his dominions. Being encouraged, however, 
to make the attempt, and counseled to hunt east of the river, and to 
go, as if from an Engfish town, with Englishmen in company, Robinf 
with twenty of his men, and a few of the whites, crossed the river, 
and uniting with another band of Pequots and Eastern Nahanticks, 
under Wequashkook, went forth in bold array, to drive the deer 
through the vast wilderness on that side of the river. But Uncas 
obtained notice of their design, and lay in wait for them with 300 
men, armed for war. Seizing the favorable moment, he burst forth 
upon the unprepared sportsmen, with all the noise and fury of an. 
Indian onset, and pursued them with great clamor and fierceness 
back to the plantation. The arrows fiew thick, and some of the Pe- 
quots were wounded. Some Indian habitations were plundered, and 
cattle driven away. Slight losses were also sustained by the Eng- 
lish. The Mohegan warriors, on their return homeward, showed 

1 Beoords of the Commissioners in Hazard, vol. S. 


tiwrnsdves an die failki near ike town plot^ Makiiig hostile demon- 
flteatkmsy ihaA filled the unaU band of setden with perplexity and 

Tlie CooFt €£ CoBuaiseionera of the United Colonies^ to whom the 
adjnatment of all Indian affiurs belonged, met in September at New 
Haven. Mr. Peteri, b j letter, complained of the ootrag^e committed 
1^ Uncas. Wm. Mort<m also appeared in person as agent of the 
plantation, accompanied by three Nameangs, and preferred various 
charges against Uncas ; all corroborating the fact that he maintained 
an insolent and threatening attitude toward the English, and was 
nniformlj cruel and oppressive to the Pequots. The sachem being 
confronted with his accusers, had the address to prove them in the 
wrong, except in the matter of alarming and dbturbing the English, 
bj vindicating his right, and punishing his rebellious subjects, so im- 
mediately in their vicinity. For this offense he apologized, and was 
let off widi a reprimand. Mr. Morton and his three witnesses were 
rather unceremoniously dismissed, and the Nameaugs were impera- 
tively commanded to return to their allegiance to Uncas. 

At the next meeting of the commissioners, (July, 1647,) Winthrop 
was himself present, and presented a petition signed by sixty-two 
Indians " now dwelling at Namyok," entreating to be released from 
subjection to Uncas, and allowed to settle together in one place un- 
der ^e protection of the English. In the debate upon this petition, 
the whole conduct of Uncas was reviewed, and th^ court acknowl- 
edged that the outrage of the preceding summer bad been too lightly 
treated by them. In addition to former complaints, it was stated 
that he had been more recently guilty of extensive depredations upon 
the Nipmucks, who had settled on the Quinebaug river, under the 
protection of the Massachusetts government. 

The charge also of insolent bearing, and hostility toward the new 
settlement at Pequot was reiterated against the sachem. Winthrop 
stated, that Nowequa,^ the brother of Uncas, had made a descent 
with his men upon the coast of Fisher's Island, destroyed a canoe 
and alarmed his people who were there. The same chief, on his re- 
tom to Mohegan, 

** HoTeied around the English plantation in a suspicious manner, with forty 
or fiftj of his men, many of them armed with guns, to the affrightment not only 
of the Indians on the shore (so that some of them began to bring their goods to 
the English houses) but divers of the English themselves.*" 

1 The same as Waweequa or Waweekui. 2 Hazard, toI. 2. 



Foxon, tiie deputy of Uncas at this court, was a prudent and skill- 
ful counselor, esteemed by the natives ^ the wisest Indian in the 
country."^ He used his utmost endeavors to exculpate the sachem 
from the various charges brought against him, but admitted the guilt 
of Waweequa, under whom, he said, and without the knowlec^ of 
Uncas, the hostile incursion had been made on the Nipmucks. 

The court rebuked Uncas for his " sinful miscarriages," and amer- 
ced him in one hundred fathoms of wampum, but repeated the order 
that ^e Pequots should return to his sway and become amalgamated 
with his people : 

** Yet they thought fit that the old men who were at Nam-e-oke before Mr. 
Winthrop's coming, should continue there, or be so provided for as may best 
suit the English at Pequot, but under subjection to Uncas as the rest.** 

The refusal of the court to comply with the earnest petition of the 
oppressed Nameaugs, may seem harsh at the present day. But it 
must be remembered that the Pequots were then a terror to the 
whole country. The very name caused an involuntary shuddering, 
or excited strong disgust. The commissioners excuse their decision 
by saying, that they had not forgotten " the proud wars some years 
since made by them, and the decree subsequently passed that they 
should not be suffered to retain their name, or be a distinct people.'** 

It can not be denied that in all controversies between the Mohe- 
gans and other Indian tribes, the colonial authorities were inclined 
to favor Uncas. This chief, by the destruction of his enemies, and 
the gratitude of the English, was daily rising into importance. The 
elder Winthrop counseled his son, to cultivate the friendship of a 
chief, whose proximity would render him an inconvenient enemy : 

*< I hear that Uncas is much at Connecticut, soliciting, &c. Seeing he is 
your neighbor, I would wish you not to be averse to reconciliation with him, if 
they of Connecticut desire it. "J* 

Several years elapsed before these amicable relations were estab- 
lished. It is doubtful whether Mr. Winthrop and the sachem were 
ever cordial friends. 

The decision of the commissioners that the Nameaugs should be 
amalgamated with the Mohegans was never carried into effect The 
English planters countenanced them in throwing off the yoke, and 

1 Letter of Elliot. Mass. His. CoU., 2d series, vol. 4, p. 57. 

2 Hazard. 

8 Letter of 1647. Savage's Winthrop. 


boldly stood between them and their exasperated chief.^ The de- 
cree was solemnly re^nacted by the court in October, '48. " And 
it was now thooght fit," says the record, "^ that Mr. John Winthrop 
be informed of the continued minds and resolutions of the commis- 
sioners for their return ;" that in case Uncas should be obliged to 
enforce the order, he should not be opposed by him and his company, 
nor the Pequots sheltered by them. Again in July, '49, the com- 
missioners uttered their testimony against ^e continued withdrawing 
of the Pequots from Uncas. The country at large could not allow 
the hated name to be perpetuated. Though some of the Nameaugs 
had never taken any part in the strife with the English, others had 
undoubtedly been numbered among the warriors of Sassacus, and 
some were even accused by the Mohegans of having been in the 
Mystic fort fight, and to have escaped under cover of the smoke. 
Those of the tribe that had taken part in the barbarous outrages 
committed at Saybrook and Wethersfield in 1636, were regarded 
with yet greater detestation. 

So late as 1651, Major Mason and Thomas Stanton were commis- 
sioned by the Greneral Court to make a rigid inquest whether any of 
those "murtherers of the English before the Pequett warres," could 
be found, that they might " be brought to condign punishment" 

1 Letter of B. WiUiaxns to Winthrop in Oct, 1648, notices " the oatrageons carriage 
of Onka« among yoo." 


Ancient Records.— Early Regulations.— First Grantees. — First dirisioa of lands. 
Court orders for the Govemmfnt. — Enlargement of Bounds. — Indian trading 
house. — First Minister. — Earliest Births. 

The earliest records of the town were made in a looselj stitched 
hock, which is now in a fragmentary state. Some succeeding scribe 
has labeled it "The Antientest Book, for 1648, 49, 50,"— but a few 
fragments are found in it dated yet earlier, — in 1646 and '7. 

Who was the clerk or recorder of this old book is not ascertained. 
He uses the orthography, Hempsteed, Lothroup, Winthroup, Isarke 
Willie, Minor, dec. Instances of provincialism in employing and 
omitting the aspirate occur, as huse for use ; eavy for heavy. The 
two Winthrops, John and Deane, are uniformly entitled Mr., as are 
also Jonathan Brewster and Robert Pai^e, when they appear in the 
plantation; but all others are styled Goodman, or mentioned by 
Christian and surname, without any prefix. 

The public officers at this time were one constable, five townsmen, 
among whom Winthrop held a paramount authority, two fence-view- 
ers and clearers of highways, and two overseers of wears. The an- 
nual meeting was held on the last Thursday in February. The legal 
or dating year began on the 25th of March. Subsequently, though 
not in this oldest book, the double date was used between the 25th of 
February and 25th of March. In one end of the book was kept the 
account of town meetings and regulations made by the inhabitants, or 
by ihe townsmen, and in the other, (the book being turned,) a record 
of house-lots and other grants. 

That which appears to be the oldest remaining page of ihis ^ An- 
tientest Book," and consequently the oldest fragment of record extant 
in the town, begins with No. 13 of a serifs of by-laws ; the first 
twelve being lost. It is dated July, the year gone, but we learn from 
the dates following that it was 1646. 


IX '^ItitagieedbytbeiBhabitantsi^KmiDaeiifitfaaitheluidUuif 1 
the oze pastnev at the end of the field hj {obn Robimons and lo between the 
highway and the great river alonng to alwife brooke* shall be for acoren [com] 
Md fyt the Toe of the town to make a generall filde. 

** The 17 of Desember William Mortonf meadow was leeorded and the tame 
day Robert Hempsteeds plot by the cove 2 pole." 

The oz-paBture was on the river, north of Winthrop's Neck. The 
fencing of this pflstnre, to receive the cattle of the planters, and the 
bonding of a bridge over the hrook at the north end of the town plot, 
were probabl j some of the first preparatory steps toward the settle- 

The next regolations are* nnimportaiit ; relating to trespasses of 
cattle and laying out of lots. 

** John Stabens and Robert Hemptteed are chown to view the fenoet for this 
rm, n647.r 

•* 25 of febnmrrie 1647, [1648, New Style ] 

** The Inhabitants of Nameeng did chuse with a joynt conseut Mr. John win* 
thioap, Robert hempsteed, Samuell lothroop, Isarke willie and Thomas Minor 
to fwt in aU Towne afiaires as the other fouer did the last yeare with Mx. John 
winthroop having the same power as he did have the last yeare only no plant- 
ing groande must be granted or laid ont for this yeare but in the generall ooien 
[com] fielde at foxens hill' the other side of the great river^ we may lay out, by 
lot enly must it be laid out. 

" the same day Isarke willie was granted by the said inhabitants to have » 
plinting lot at the other side of the cove by Mr. deane winthroups lot. 

" It is ordered the 2 of march [1648] whosoever ftom this time forward shaU 
ttke up any lot that if he com not Ih six months time to inhabit his lot shall be 
ibrflte to the Towne — and fur^er it is agreed that no prsons or pson [person] 
ihsll have admittance into the Towne of Nameeng there tt> be aa inhabitant 
OEsept the pties or ptie [party] shall bring some testimonie from the mages*' 
tntes or Elders of the place that they com from or from some neighbor planta- 
tioai and some good Christian, what their carriage is or have been." 

This laat order has a Hne draiwik o^er it as expunged. Itwasprot>- 

ITUsnigged Indiaa name is ^ only one vsed in tibe records to designate the 
phBtatkiQ tia 1040. 

t Alewife Brook, three mfles north of ^ town plot, a stretm flowing into what is 
BOW called BoUes Cove. On the Great Neck, south-west of the town, were another 
>tntm and cove, bearing the same name, and stm retaining it 

3 Fozen'8 Hm was that beautiAil ridge of land on the west side of the river, north of 
tke town plot, where is now the mansion of Oapt Lyman Allyn, with the Congdon 
plaee, and the fiurms of the Messrs. BoUes. 

4 Qreat Biver, or Great River of Peqnot is the name uniformly given in the eariy 
nocrdi, to the river opposite the town, while ftrther up the stream, it was invariably 
esOed Mohegan Rf ver. 


Mjproposedy bat not sanctioned hj a majoritj. No such stringent 
law in regard to inhabitancj was ever in operation. The following 
regulation of the same date, would be regarded at the present daj as 
sufficientlj exacting and arbitrary. 

" It is agreed by the inhabitants that any man being lawfully warned to apeax 
at any generall towne meeting, that refuse, or that do not com at the time sp- 
poynted, or within half an houre of the apointed time, if he be at home, or 
have notice of the citation, that man shall pay to the constabell two shillings 
and six pence for the use of the towne, or if any person do voate after the com- 
panie be com to voate, or before the meeting be ended, without the companies 
leave, that partie shall likewise pay two shillings and six pence for his disorder ; 
and further it is agreed that if any failes in ekher of these two thinges before 
mentioned, and refuse to pay the penaltie, when the constabell demaudes it, the 
constabell shall have power to distraine. 

<* March, 1648. It is agreed if any person do kill any wolfe or wolfs within 
the town of Nameeug, he that kills the wolf shall have of everie familie in 
towne six pence conditionaly that he bring the head and the skin to any two of 
the townsmen. 

«The 16 of Jannarie, 1648. [1649.] 

" It is agreed by the townsmen of Nameeug that Mr. John winthroup is granted 
to set up a were and to make huse of the river at poquanuck* at the uper end 
of the plaine for to take fish and so to make improvement of it, to him and his 
heires and asings. 

** The 1 7 of februarie, 1648. The meadow that Robert hempsteed did formerly 
mow liing by quittapeage Rocke* is granted to Andrew loungdon and giles 
smith from the great Rock at the north end and so to hould in breadth of the 
pon as far towards the plombeech as any was mowed by Robert hempsteed.*' 


Young as the township was, we find that this last extract reverts 

to what had formerly been done. This and other similar references 
>add strength to the intimations given that a band of planters was here 
as early as 1645, making preparations for a permanent settlement. 

It will be observed that in the record of the next annual meeting 
the formula is varied ; the name Nameeug is dropped and apparently 
no more authority is given to Winthrop than to the other townsmen. 

'« 22 Feb. 1648, ['49.] The inhabitants of Pequit plantation have chosen by a 
loynt consent Mr. John Winthroup, Robert Hempsteed, Carie Latham, John 

1 Poquanuck is the name of a small stream which runs south throu|^ Groton and 
enters a cove or creek of the Sound, about two miles east of the Thames. The name 
is also applied to the village and plain in its vicinity, but is now generally written Pe- 
quonuck. The aboriginal name of Windsor and of a part of Stratford was similar. 

2 Quittapeag Rock, may have given name to what are now known as Quinnapeag 
Rocks, on the west side of the river's mouth, but the former must have stood Auther 
in upon the shore. Quittapeag was either the Light-House ledge or Long Bock, half 
a mile south-west of the Light-House. 


Stobens and Thomas Minor for this yeare following to act in all towne afiaires 
as well in the disposing of lands as in other prudeotiall occasions for the towne. 
'* The same day the inhabitants did consent and desier that the plantation 
may be called London.** 

It was proposed also that in the records the town should be styled 
** Pequit plantation or London," joining the two together. 

Thus early did the inhabitants select their name ; fixing upon the 
one, which of all others should be most generally suggestive of the 
far-off home they had left behind. To this choice they faithfully ad- 
hered through many discouragements. The General Ck>urt demur- 
s' at their favorite name, declined to sanction it, and as we shall 
see suggested another, which the inhabitants refused to adopt. The 
Indian names therefore continued to be used in the records, though 
we may readily suppose that the chosen designation of the planters 
came into colloquial use, and that the growing settlement was soon 
known in the abbreviated style of the olden time, as Lon'on town or 
New Lon'on. 

Other regula^ons made in '48 and '49, are not of sufficient interest 
to be given at laige. They relate to the marking of cattle ; — the im- 
pounding of cattle and swine, and the disposition to be made of 
strays, — the order in which the owners of cattle were by turns to 
relieve the cow-keeper on the Sabbath, — the laying out of highways 
east of the river, and the penalty attached to taking away another 
person's canoe, when fastened to the shore. The cattle of the in- 
habitants, the swine, the corn-fields, the salt marsh, and the wears, 
were evidently their principal pecuniary concerns. Waterhouse and 
Stobens were chosen overseers of the wears for the year '49. 

TVe turn now to the record of house-lots, and the names of the first 
planters. It is plain that no grants had been recorded before 1647, 
but many of the planters were before this in actual possession of lots. 
When therefore, they were confirmed and registered, reference was 
occasionally made to the fence that inclosed the lot, or the house 
built upon it. 

Tlie home-lots were originally numbered up to thirty-eight ; but 
erasures and alterations were made, reducing the names of grantees 
to ^rty-six ; of Uiese, the first six are missing, and several of the 
reminder are partially erased, but by comparison with subsequent 
records, the whole thirty-six can be ascertained. 

1. John Winthrop, Esq., whose home-lot was undoubtedly selected 
by himself before all others : it covered the Neck still known by his 
name. The next five were probably John Gager, Gary Latham, 


Samuel Lotluop, John Stebbins, and Isaac Willej, wbose h<Miie- 
Bteads lay north-west of Mr. Winthrop's, on tlie upper part of what 
are now Williams Street and Main Street 

*' 7. Jacob Waterhouse is granted by a general roate an'd jojnt consent of the 
townsmen of Nameeug to have six ackers for an botue lot next to John Stu* 
bens, be it more or less." 

Such is the style of all the house-lot grants : a parcel of meadow,^ 
and of upland, at a distance from the home-lot is added to each. 

8. Thomas Miner ; 9. William Bordman ; 10. William Morton* 
These three were in the south-west part of the town-plot, between 
Bream and 'Close Coves, covering what is now known as Shaw's 
Neck. Miner's lot was one of the earliest taken up in the planta- 
tion. Bordman in a short time sold out to Morton, and left tlie 

After these are William Nicholls, Robert Hempsteed, whose lot is 
said to lie ^ on the north side of his house between two little fresk 
streams," Thomas Skidmore, John Lewis, Bichard Post, Robert Be- 
deU, John Robinson, Deane Winthrop, William Bartlett, (on the 
cove called Close Cove ; this lot is dated in the margin 15 Oct., 
1647 ;) Nathaniel Watson, John Austin, William Forbes, Edward 
Higbie, Jarvis Mudge, Andrew Longdon; ('' at the top of the hill 
called Meeting-house Hill, hj a little run of fresh water ;") William 
Hallett, Giles Smith, Peter Busbraw, James Bemis, John Fossecar, 
Consider Wood, Greorge ChappelL After these the grants are re- 
corded in a different hand, and are of later date. Mr. Jonathan 
Brewster, Oct 5th, 1649. Thomas Wells, Peter Blatchford, Na- 
thaniel Masters, all dated Feb. 16, '49-50. 

In the above list of grants, those which are crossed, or indorsed as 
forfeited, are, Watson, Austin, Higbie, Mudge, Hallet, Smith, Bus- 
braw, Fossecar, Wood, ChappeU. Mudge and Chappell, however, 
settled in the town a little later. 

The list of cattle-marks in the writing of this first clerk, that is, 
before 1650, furnishes but sixteen names, viz., Winthrop, Morton, 

1 The "salt meadow on Mamaqoacke** was added in portkniB of two acres each to 
the honse-lot grants, as far as it went. A maish called Spring meadow was ex- 
hausted in the same way. Mamaquack, or as written afterward, Mamacock, was 
the neck of land on which Fort TrmnboU is situated. A neck of land two miles up 
the riyer bore the same name. 

S A William Boardman died a few years later at Qoitford, leaving no issue. Ee 
was probably the same person. [Judd, MS.] 


Waterhoose, Stebbins, Wilkj, Nieboili, Skidmore,^ LoUifom Bedell, 
Latham, Lewis, HeMpstead, Bordman, Gager, Miner, Bartlett 
That of Mr. BrewBter is next added. 

Preparatory to a division of lands on the east side of the river, two 
grants are recorded to Mr. Winthrop, who was allowed a first choice 
of his portion, while the other shares went by lot. The first is a farm 
of princely dimensions at Poqnonuck, and the other a lot on the 
river. The lands in these situations, on the Sound and on the river, 
being those which the inhabitants could immediately make available, 
were the first divided. The upland on the river furnished planting 
fields, and the Poquonuck plains, meadow and grass land. 

T^lnthrop's farm embraced a tract about three miles in length from 
north to south, averaging perhaps a mile in breadth, lying between 
Poquonuck Creek or River and what was then called East or Straight 
Cove, (since known as Mnmford's Cove.) On the south it was 
washed by the Sound and intersected by inlets of salt water. Li 
this compass were all the varieties of forest and meadow, arable land, 
pasture and salt marsh, which are useful to the farmer, and pleasing 
to the eye of taste. It lay also in an opposite position to Winthrop's 
island farm, so that the owner of these two noble domains could look 
over Fisher^s Island Sound, from either side, and rest his eye on his 
own fair possessions. 

Winthrop's grant on the east bank of the river was ^ right against 
the sandy point of hb own home lot, the length eight score pole and 
the breadth eight score pole f that is, on Groton bank, opposite the 
eastern spur of Winthrop's Neck. These grants being settled, the 
other planters drew lots for their shares on the 17th and Slstof Jan- 
. nary, 1648-9. From these lists we obtain two catalogues of those who 
may be considered as first comers. 

^ A dirision of lands on the east side of tlie Great River of Fequoet, north of Mr. 
Winthrop's lot." 

The list contains but eighteen names : the shares were of twenty, 
thirty and forty acres. The division of Poquonuck plain was in lots 
of the same average size, and the number of grantees twenty-two, 
viz^ Austin, Bartlett^ Bedell, Bemas, Bordman, Bussbraw, Fossi- 
ker, Gager, Hallet, Hempstead, Latham, Lewis, Longdon, Lothrop^ 
^^Gner, Morton, NichoUs, Robinson, Smith, Stebbins, Waterhouse, 
Willey. These were undoubtedly all actual residents of the town 
I^ot at that time, and expecting to cultivate the land the next season ; 
but Austin, Bordman, Bussbraw, Hallet, Robinson and Smith soon 


disappeared from the plantation, forfeiting or selling their grants* 
Deane Winthrop, after a short residence with his brother, returned 
to Boston, and is no further eonnectjed with our history. It is^no 
matter of surprise that a portion of the planters determined to look 
further for a more favorable position. The sterile soil, yielding bat 
a scanty return in proportion to the labor required for its cultivation, 
must have discouraged many, who were expecting to gain a liveli- 
hood by husbandry. 

The first house lots were laid out chiefly at the two extremities of 
the semicircular projection which formed the site of the town. Be- 
tween these, were thick swamps, waving woods, ledges of rock, and 
ponds of water. The oldest communication from one to the other, 
was from Mill Brook over Post Hill, — so called from Richard Post, 
whose house lot was on this hill, — ^through what is now William St. 
to Manwaring's Hill, and down Blackball St. to Truman St. and the 
Harbor's Month Road. Main St. was opened, and from thence a 
cut over the hill westward was made, (now Richards and Granite 
Sts.) Bank St. was laid out on the very brink of the upland, above 
the sandy shore, and a spur (now Coit St.) was carried around the 
head of Bream Cove to Truman St., completing the circuit of the 
town plot. No names were given to any of the streets for at least 
a century after the settlement ; save that Main St was uniformly 
called the Town St. and Bank St. the Bank. Hempstead St was 
one of the first laid out, and a pathway coincident with the present 
State St led from the end of the Town St., west and north-west, to 
meet it. Such appears to have been the original plan of the town. 
The cove at the north was Mill Cove ; the two coves at the south, 
Bream and Close. Water St was the Beach, and the head of it at 
the entrance of Mill Cove, was Sandy Point. 

The streams were larger tlian at present. Mill and Truman's 
Brooks were called little rivers, A considerable stream* crossed the 
Town St, (above the intersection of Church St,) and flowing east 
and north-east ran into the cove not far from Federal St. A 
rivulet, meandering from Manwaring's Hill, along the side of Rob- 
ert Hempstead's lot into Bream Cove, was called Vine Brook. Small 
gushing rills of pure water were numerous ; and ponds and miry 
thickets, from whence the shrill-voiced frogs announced approaching 
spring, were freely scattered over the surface of the town plot. 

1 Afterward called SoIomon^s Brook, from Solomou Coit, through whose garden it 


The eariiest houses were undoubtedlj built of timber that grew 
on or near the spot where they stood. Along Mill Cove some large 
trees were left standing ;' the hiU-side, sloping from the summit to 
the water, was probably at the time of the settlement a dense wood- 
lot, very rugged and in sOTue parts precipitous and rocky. It seems 
to have been Winthrop's original design, that a meeting-house should 
be built on this height, and therefore from the first, the whole ridge 
lying between the present First and Second Burial-Grounds, was 
called Meeting-house HilL 

Near the center of the town plot was a prominent ledge of gran- 
ite, lying north and south, (near Union St,) which was left for a 
century and a half in its native condition, forming a kind of back- 
ground to the eastern portion of the town, with only here and there 
a house west of it This ledge is now in the crowded part of the 
city, having all its projecting and rugged points lowered, or entirely 
blasted away, and wearing a beautiful crown of churches.' 

Nothing appears on the town books from first to last, relative to 
the contending claims of Massachusetts and Connecticut for the ju- 
risdiction of the place. No one would even conjecture, from any 
tiling recorded here, that the right of the latter colony was ever called 
in question. After the decision of the conmiissioners in July, '47, 
in favor of Connecticut, the jurisdiction was quietly conceded to 

An order of the General Court, Sept 9th, 1647, intimates that the 
question of jurisdiction is at rest 

" The Court thinks meet that a Commission be directed to Mr. Wynthrop to 
execute justice according to our lawes and the rule of righteousnes." 

This commission was renewed the next year, and Winthrop con- 
tinued in the magistracy until chosen to higher office in the colony. 

At the session of the General Court in May, 1649, the following 
regulations were made respecting Pequot : 

1. The inhabitants were exempted from all public country charges, t. c, 
taxes for the support of the colonial government, for the space of three years 

2. The bounds of the plantation were restricted to four miles each side of the 

1 These particulars are gathered from the descriptions of grants, bound-macks, and 
old deeds. 

2 The Fhrst Congr^;ational Church, the old Methodist, and two Baptist Churches' 
are on this ledge. 


river, and six miles from the sea northwerd into the ooontry, ** till the court 
shall see cause and hare encouragement to add thereunto* provided they enter- 
tain none amongst them as inhabitants that shall be obnoxious to this jurisdic- 
tion, and that the aforesaid bounds be not distributed to less than forty fam- 

S, John Winthrop, Esq., with Thomas Miner and Samuel Lothrop as aesist- 
ant0» were to have power as a court to decide all differences among the inhab- 
itanto under the value of forty shillings. 

3. Uncas and his tribe were prohibited from setting any traps, but not from 
hunting and fishing within the bounds of the plantation. 

5. The inhabitants were not allowed to monopolize the com trade with the 
Indians in the river ; which trade was to be leA free to all in the united 

6. ** The Ckmrte commends the name of Faire Harbour to them for to bee the 
name of theire Towne." 

7. Thomas Miner was appointed *< Military Sergeant in the Towne of Pe- 
quett," with power to call forth and train the inhabitants. 

At the same seseioD, orders were isstied with respect to certain 
individuals at Pequot^ viz., Robert Bedell, Gary Latham and Isaac 
Willejy charged with resisting a constable, and letting go an Indian 
committed to their charge; ^one Hallett," accused of living with 
another man's wife ; and Mary Barnes/ whose offense is not speci- 
fied ; all o£ whom were summoned to appear at Hartford and answer 
for their conduct The inspection of the General Court at that pe- 
riod apparently extended to every household, and took cognizance of 
the character and conduct of every individual within their jurisdic- 

William Hallett about this period, and probably in consequence of 
the warrant against him from the court, forfeited his grants and left 
the plantation. 

In May, 1650, the General Court added to the bounds of the town 
two miles from the sea northward ; and a year later extended the 
western boundary to l^ride Brook, where it had been at first marked 
out by Winthrop. This grant, with the condition annexed, was in 
the following terms : 

"Act of Assembly, May 15, 1651. 
" This Court taking into consideration the proposition of the inhabitants of 
Pequoet for some enlargement of meadowe at Naihanticot and whereas there 
was 500 ackers of ground lying in Pequoet granted to five of Captin Mason's 
souldiers at the Pequoat warr, wch being taken up by Pequoet they doe desire 
may be recompensed at Naihanticot : the Ck>urt desires and appoynu John 

1 This person has not been ftirther trtced. 


C^rka and Thomas Bexehazd of Seabrooko duMdd goe to Peqaour and ^ava 
the said parcell of land theie given to the aooldiert and taken up by Paquoat at 
beibre, and then goe to Naihantioot and lay out there onto the said aouldien 
snch and soe much land, as may be fully equivalent to there former grant of 
land at Pequoet. 

**And for the inhabitants of Pequoet the Court grants that there bounds shall 
come to Bride Brook, (the former grant excepted) provided that it doth not 
come within the bounds of Seabrooke, and provided that what meadowe or 
marsh there is above 200 ackers it shall be reserved for the Countries use and 
for there dispose."^ 

The above named grant was laid out to Lieut Thomas Bull and 
four others of Mason's soldiers. The town record sajs, '^ the land 
given to Lieutenant Bull and other well deserving soldiers, lies at a 
place called Sargent's Head, on the west side of Nahantick Baj." 

The next election of town officers, which was probably the fourth 
regular annual election, is recorded in a different hand from the pre* 
vious records, and varies from them in orthograph j. 

'* At a town meeting at Namearke,! the 25th of Feb. 1649 [*50] these fewer 
men chosen for townesmen. 

Mr. John Winthrop, 
Mr. Johnnathan Brewster, 
Robert Hempstead, 
William NichoUs. 
** At the same meeting John Stubblnes is chosen Constable for the towne 

Mr. Brewster must have been chosen clerk or recorder about tlie 
same time. The succeeding records of that year are in his hand, and 
he adds to his signature " Clarke of the Towne of Pequett" His 
business as an Lidian trader, kept him much abroad, and he held the 
office but one year. 

Winthrop and Brewster were made freemen of Connecticut col- 
ony, in May, 1650. Li September of that year Mr. Brewster and 
Thomas Miner appeared at the General Court as the first deputies 
from Pequot 

The first town grants to Brewster were in September, *49. He 
established a trading-house with the Mohegans, at a point on the 

1 See GoL Bee. of Conn., p. 221. The text is copied from New London Town 
Book, No. 1, p. 89. The only variations from the colonial record are in the spelling: 
tiie ktter has Niantecutt, Peqaett; the town copy, Naihanticot, Pequoet 

2 hi the orthography of hidian names some clerks made use of k, where others em- 
{doyed g. Thus, one class wrote Nameeug, Mohegan or Monhegun, Massapeog, Nip- 
mng, and another Nameark or Namy-ok, Maohekon, Massapeak, Neepmook. 



eftst side of the river opposite to their principal settlemeat At this 
place which is still called bj his name, Brewster^s Neck, he laid oa 
for himself a large farm. The deed of the land was given him bj 
Uncas, in substance as follows :^ 

*^ April 25, 1650. I, Unquas, Sachem of Mauhekon, doe gire freeAy unto Jon- 
athan Brewster of Pequett, a tract of land, being a phiine of arable land, 
bounded on the south side with a great Coave called Poccatannoc ke, on the 
north with the old Poccatuck path that goes to the Trading Coave, &c. For, 
and in consideration thereof, the said J. B. binds himself and his heirs to keep 
a house for trading goods with the Indians." 

[Signed by the Sachem and witnessed by William Baker and John Fossi- 

This deed was confirmed by the town, Nov. 30th, 1652, and it« 
bounds determined. It comprised the whole neck on which the 
trading-house stood, ^ 450 acres laid out bj the measurers."' 

The Greneral Court in May, 1650, censured Mr. Brewster for the 
steps he had taken in establishing this trade. 

'* Whereas Mr. Jonathan Brewster hath set up a trading house at Mohegan, 
this Court declares that they cannot but judge the thing very disorderly, nev- 
ertheless considering his condition, they are content he should proceed therein 
for the present and till they see cause to the contrary."^ 

On the 10th of Nov., 1 650, a town meeting was held to arrange a 
system of cooperation with Mr. Winthrop, in establishing a mill to 
grind com. Sixteen persons were said to be present, though only 
fifleen are enumerated, \'iz. 

Mr. Winthrop, Mr. Parke, Jonathan Brewster, Robert Hempsted, William 
Nicholls, John Gager, Thomas Stanton, William Bartlett, Peter Blatchford, 
William Comstock, William Taylor, Mr. Blinman, Samuel Lothrop, John 
Lewis, William Morton. 

The establishment of a mill was an object of prime importance. 
It was decided that the inhabitants should be at the charge of '^ mak- 
ing the dam and heavy work belonging to the milne ;" six men were 

1 New London Deeds. 

2 Actually, 600 or 700. It was subsequently left to Mr. Brewster's option to have 
his farm included within the bounds of New London or of Norwich. He chose to be- 
long to the latter. 

8 Colonial Records, p. 209. 

Mr. Brewster had been preTiously engaged hi trading along the coast from New 
England to Virginia, and had met with losses. When he came to Pequot his Bay 
creditors had stripped him of his estate. This explains tlie reference of the Court to 
his condition. See Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d series, voL 9, p. 281. 



seleeted to perform the work, and make it snbfttantial and sufficienty 
(to be paid two shillings per day,) and six others were to rate the 
town, to defraj the charge. 

** Further, it is agreed that no person or persons shall set up any other milne 
to grind com for the town ofPequett within the limits of the town either for the 
present, nor for the fViture, so long as Mr. John Winthrop or his heirs, do up- 
hold a milne to grind the town com." 

A considerable addition was made to the number of grantees dur- 
ing the year 1650. Robert Parke and his son Thcmias had resided 
for several years in Wethersfield, from which place the former was 
deputy to the Greneral Court in 1641 and '42. They came to the 
Pequot plantation in the spring of 1650. Mr. Parke purchased the 
house lot of Mr. Brewster, with its improvements, on Meeting-house 
Hill, (comer of Granite and Hempstead Sts.) Mr. Brewster re- 
ceived a new lot from the town, (which better accommodated^im as 
an Indian trader,) at the lower end of the bank, south of the present 
Tilley Su It was long afterward known as the Picket lot. Rob- 
ert Burrows removed from Wethersfield, about the same time with 
the Parkes. Hb first grant is dat^d June 2. He had a house lot in 
the southern part of the town, but appears to have settled at Poquo- 
nuck that year or the next. Grants were also made during the sum- 
mer to Richard Belden, Philip Kerwithy, (Carwithy,) Samuel Mar- 
tin and William Taylor, but they proved to be transient inhabitants. 
Taylor remained till 1653 ; the others forfeited their grants. 

On the 19 th of October, 1650, grants were made by the towns- 
men to 

" Mr. Blynman, Obadiah Brnen, Hughe Cuukin, Hughe Roberts, John Coite, 
Andrew Lester, James Averye, Robert Isbell." 

These were all from Gloucester, a town on the eastern coast of 
Massachusetts, situated upon the peninsula of Cape Ann. Mr. Rich- 
ard Blinman had been the minister of Gloucester, for eight years, 
and was now engaged to become the minister of the Pequot planta- 
tion. The others were a party of his friends, who purposed to re- 
move with him, and came on to make preparatory arrangements. 
William Keeny, Ralph Pai^er, William Wellman, Robert Brookes, 
Thomas Stanton and John Elderkin,' all had grants of nearly the 

1 One of the grants to Eldcrkin was " four acres of upland on the neck by the Eng- 
lish house/* This is supposed to refer to the ruins of the building erected by the Mas- 


same date, and the three fint named probably bdonged also to the 
Cape Ann party. 

Thomas Stanton's house lot consisted of six acres on the Bank^ 
north-east of Brewster's. This locality might be now designated as 
fronting on Bank Street, north of TiUey, and extending back to 
Methodist Street He sold it in 1657 to Greorge Tongue. Robert 
Brookes had a house lot given him, but forfeited it. 

Before the end of the municipal year, Feb. 25th, 1650-1, we find 
the names of Greorge Chappell, William Comstock, Thomas Doxey, 
John GaUop, Thomas Hungerford, Mrs. Lake, Captain Sybada, Ed- 
ward Scott, Edward Stallion, Thomas Stedman, and Matthew Waller, 
all applicants for house lots. 

Kempo Sybada, the Dutch captain, was accommodated with a lot 
fronting on MiU Cove, the town street running through it, and extend- 
ing west to the present Huntington Street. In later times it was 
Shapley property, and Shapley Street was cut through it. Next 
south was Thomas Doxey's lot, reaching to the present Federal 
Street, and still farther south the lots of Edward Stallion and Thomas 
Bay ley, (Bailey,) extending nearly to State Street, Bay ley's lot of 
three acres was granted in August, 1651. West of Stallion and Bay- 
ley, was Peter Blatchford's lot, that had been laid out the previous 
year and was estimated at eight acres, but much encumbered with 
swamp and rock. Church Street now intersects this large lot, which 
had its front on State Street, extending east and west from Union to 
Meridian Streets. 

On the town street, east of Stallion and Bayley, a lot of ample 
dimensions was laid out to John Gallop, eight acres in the very heart 
of the town, covering the space east of the town street to the beach, 
and extending north from State Street to Federal. 

George Chappell's lot, granted Feb. 20th, 1651-2, was afterward 
the Manwaring homestead, on Manwaring's Hill. 

William Comstock's location was on Post Hill, near the present 
comer of Yauxhall and WiUi.ams Streets. Mrs. Lake and John 
Elderkin had a lot of eight acres divided between them, next south 
of Comstock. The dividing line between them was directly opposite 
the intersection of the highway now called Granite Street. South of 

sachusetts forces as related in Chapter I. It is never referred to in such a manner as 
to designate its locality. But it seems ts have been near the town plot, and on a neck, 
Winthn)p*5 Neck was engrossed by his house lot. Where coidd it have been, if not on 
the upland part of Mamacock, u e. where Fort Trumbull now stands ? 


them, near the intersection of the present Brood Street, was Matthew 
Waller. This elevated neighborhood was called Waller's Hill. 
Thomas Hungerford had a lot on the Bank, next above Stanton's. 
Edward Scott and Thomas Stedman forfeited their grants, though at 
a period fifteen years later, Stedman, or another person of the same 
name, became an inhabitant. 

Trombnll, in the History of Connecticut, treating of the plantation 
at Pequot, places the removal of Mr. Blinman under 1648 : 

*•* This year Mr. Richard Blinman, who had heen a minister in England, re- 
moved from Gloucester to the new settlement; in consequence of which a con- 
siderable addition was made to the numbers who had kept their station.'* 

This date is too early. A comparison of the records of Gloucester 
with those of New London shows that he did not remove till 1650. 
The records of neither place afford us any clue to the causes which 
led to this change of abode. No disagreement of Mr. Blinman with 
his parishioners at Gloucester is mentioned. Ecclesiastical dissen- 
sions, however, existed in the colony, from which he may have wished 
to escape. He appears to have been desirous also, of living near to 
some settlement of the natives, in order to devote a part of his time 
to their instruction. 

The original contract of the town with Mr. Blinman has not been 
preserved ; but from subsequent references it appears that a committee 
had been sent to confer with him, who had pledged liberal aceommo- 
dadons of land, with a salary of £60 per annumy which was to be 
enlarged as the ability of the town increased. A house lot of six 
acres, on Meeting-House Hill, was confirmed to him Dec. 20th, 1 650, 
"three acres whereof, (says the record,) were given by the town's 
agents, as appears in the articles, and the other three by a public 
town meeting." This house lot covered some of the highest land in 
the town plot and was directly north of that of Mr. Parke. De- 
scribed by modem boundaries, it occupied the space between the 
old burial-ground and Williams Street, along the north side of Gran- 
ite Street The town built his house for him, as appears from vari- 
ous references and charges respecting it, but on what part of the lot 
it stood is uncertain.' 

The whole eastern or Cape Ann company that proposed removing 
with Mr. Blinman, could not have been less than twenty families. 

1 If conjecture might be allowed, we shoidd fix the site on the slope of the hill 
upon the north-west side, nearlj opposite Bichard Post's lot, where is yet remaining 
an aodent well on the street side. 


Nearly this number of planters came on the next spring, but some 
of them merelj to explore and view the countiy. Perhi^w a dozen 
brought with them their families, cattle and goods, and became per- 
manent inhabitants. Several of these are supposed to hare been 
members of Mr. Blinman's church at Chepstowe, in Monmouthshire, 
England, before his ejection. Thej had accompanied him over the 
ocean, had kept with him at Marshfield and at Gloucester, and now 
followed his fortunes to the shore of the Sound. They were fanners 
and mechanics, who had found Gloucester, which was then little 
more than a fishing station, an unfavorable place for their occupations, 
and hoped by coming further south to meet with a less sterile soil 
and a fairer field for enterprise. It was certainly an object for the 
faithful pastor and his tried friends to keep together, and as Pequot 
was without a minister and casting about to obtain one, the arrange- 
ment was an agreeable one on all sides. The settlement of the 
Parkes in the plantation was also very -probably linked with the re- 
moval of Mr. Blinman, he being connected with them by family ties.^ 

In March, 1651, the principal body of these eastern emigrants 
arrived ; in addition to those already named, John Coite the young- 
er, William Hough, Thomas Jones, Edmund Marshall and his son 
John, William Meades and James Morgan, belonged to the same 
company. With them came also Robert Allyn, from Salem, and 
Philip Taber, from " Martin's Vineyard." The plantation at this 
period was a place of considerable resort, and a number of persons 
enrolled their names and obtained grants, whose wavering purposes 
soon carried them elsewhere. The younger Coite, the two MarshaUs, 
and Thomas Jones, after a short residence, returned to Gloucester. 
Philip Taber commenced buildmg a house on Foxen*s Hill, which 
he never occupied or completed. It was sold by his btother-in-law 
Gary Latham, in 1653. 

Several other persons also appear among the grantees or planters 
of the town at this fiood time of increase, but no certain date caa 
be given for their arrival. These are Matthew Beckwith, the Beeby 
brothers, (John, Samuel and Thomas,) Peter Collins, George Har- 
wood, Richard Poole and John Packer. Samuel Beeby, and per- 
haps John, had been for some time in the plantation, in the service 

1 It is probable that Mr. Blinman's wife Mary, and Dorothy, wife of Thomas Parke, 
were sisters. In various deeds and covenants on record, Mr. Blinman calls Thcmias 
Parke kit brother; and in a deed of 1658, he conveys land which he says *' I had of 
my brother-in4aw Thomas Parke." 




of Mr. Winthrop. Thomas is supposed to have come with the east- 
ern company. All had house lots given them in the spring of 1651. 
Next to Mr. Blinman, the person of most note in the Cape Ann 
compan J, was Obadiah Bruen. He had been recorder and one of 
the townsmen of Gloucester for several jears, and in transferring his 
residence seeps to have taken his pen and his official duty with him. 
His latest regbtration in Gloucester was made in December, and the 
succeeding February he was recorder and one of the townsmen of 
Pequot. The house lot accorded to him was on Meeting-House Hill, 
and covered a considerable part of what is now the town square, 
leaving only narrow highways on the north and west, and extending 
Bonth to the present Broad Street Portions of it were afterward 
given up to the town, by himself and subsequent owners. He sold 
it in 1653 to William Hough. 

Early in 1651, New Street, in the rear of the town plot, was 
opened for the accommodation of the Cape Ann company. This 
position was designated as ^ beyond the brook and the ministry lot." 
It was carved into house lots and took the name of Cape Ann Lane. 
The lots on this street were nine in number, of six acres each, ex- 
tending both sides of the narrow street, from the alder swamp in 
front to Cedar Swamp on the west Beginning at the lower end, 
Hugh Calkins had the first lot by the Lyme road, or highway to 
Nahantick, as it was then called, and next him was his son-in-law 
Hugh Roberts ; then Coite, Lester, Avery, AUyn, Meades, Hough, 
IsbelL The Beebys and Marshalls were yet farther north. James 
Morgan was "on the path to New Street," (t. «., Ashcrafl Street) 
William Keeny was nearly opposite the south entrance to New Street, 
on the Nahantick road. Parker was next below him, at the head of 
Close Cove, and Wellman on the same cove, south-east of Parker. 
Wellman and Coite, however exchanged lots : the latter was a ship- 
carpenter and wished to be near the water, where he could be accom- 
modated with a building yard. 

The house lots accorded to the new comers were mostly in the 
rear of the town plot, where the position was inconvenient and 
dreaiy, and the soil hard to cultivate. Many were discouraged and 
went away, who would perhaps have remained, had their home lots 
been more inviting. These remarks particularly apply to that series 
of home bts laid out at this time through New Street and northward 
of it Even those who had the courage to settle down in this part 
of the plantation, soon abandoned the land to pasturage or waste, and 
found other homesteads. It is but recently that this quarter of the 
town has resumed some importance. Cape Ann and Lewis Lanes, 



after nearlj two hundred years of desolation, are beginning once 
more to be peopled and cultivated. 

Earliest Births. 

*« MarjT, daughter of Robert Hempstead, was born 26 March, 1647.** 

This is supposed to be the first birth after the settlement. It is not 
recorded in the town book, but is taken from the will of Robert Hemp- 
stead, at the close of which is an indorsement of the births of all his 
children, certified bj himself. No birth anterior to this date can be 
ascertained ; and the uniform current of tradition gives to thi» the 
priority. Joshua Hempstead, great-grandson, of Robert, in a memo- 
randum made in his diary about seventy years after the settlement, 
stated that the above-named Mary Hempstead was the first bom of 
English parents in New London. 

Robert Hempstead may also have been the first person married 
in the settlement. The above-named Mary was his oldest child. 
His wife Joanna is supposed to have been a daughter of Isaac and 
Joanna Willie. Winthrop was undoubtedly the officiating magis- 
trate, in the earliest marriages, but no record of any marriage by 
him, or incidental notice of any other than the one at Bride Brook, 
has come down to us. 

It should be noticed that in the town registry of births there are 
several which bear an earlier date than that of Mary Hempstead ; 
but on a close investigation, it will be found that these took place in 
other towns. The registry entitled "Births in New London," be- 
gins with the following record : 

" Hannah, the daughter of James Avery, was born 11 Oct. 1644. 

"James, the son of do. — l-"^ Dec. 1646. 

" Mary, the daughter of do.— 19 Feb. 1647.** 

Yet James Avery did not settle in the place till 1651, and upon ex- 
amination of the records of Gloucester, Mass., from whence he re- 
moved, we find the births of these children recorded there. This is 
not a solitary instance of loose and inaccurate registry, calculated to 
mislead inquirers. 

Next after Mary Hempstead, and the first-bom male of New 
London, was Manasseh, son of Thomas and Grace Miner, bom 
April 28th, 1647. Nor can we find any other births recorded earl- 
ier than the next two children of Thomas Miner. But we know 
from other authority, that Winthrop's daughter Martha^ was bom 
here in July or August, 1648. Other births, also, may have taken 
place, of which the record, if any were made, is lost. 

1 Savage's Wmthrop, vol. 2, app., p. 866. 


New Recorder and Moderaior. — ^Extracts from the Moderator's Memorandum 
Books, with a running commentary. — Grants, Grantees and Town Afiair8> 

Feb. 25th, 1650 [51.] The four townsmen chosen were Messrs* 
Winthrop, Stebbins, R. Parke and Bnien* This was the last year 
in which Winthrop acted in that capacity^ though he continued to 
be consulted in all important affairs. His duties as an assistant of 
the colony, and his various private undertakings, m setting up mills 
and foi^es, and his large trading and farming operations, sufficiently 
account for his retiring, in a great measure, from town concerns^ 

At the same annual election of town officers^ a very important ^p 
pointment was made. 

<* By a generall consent Obadiah Bruen was choeen Recoider of tke town* 
of Pequot," 

Mr. Bruen continued in this office without interruption fbr raxteen 
years, and was usually moderator of the town meetings; so that 
Bcarcely any record of deeds, votes, choice of officers, accounts, bills 
of lading, or copies of legislative acts, can be found belonging to 
that period, in any other handwriting tiban his. Ten years after 
this appointment, a resolution was adopted by the Ave townsmen, 
which shows a laudable desire to preserve the public documents, and 
as it relates to the matter now in hand, it may be copied here, though 
not in the order of time. 

" Feb. «, 1660. 

" For the settling perfecting and fairly recording of all reconi8> for the town's 
use and good of after posteriti^, wee agreed that there shall be a towne booke, 
with an Alphabet in it, wherein all acts passed. Orders or agreements, shall 
hereafter be fairly ^recorded, whether past or to come, for the effecting here- 
of, we agree that all the old bookes of records shall be searched into for what 
b material concerning tbtt public good, to be drawn out into a booke provided 



and paid for by the Recorder, who shall have 6d. paid him out of the town 
rate for every act, law or order recorded." 

[Signed by the townsmen, Obadiah Bruen, Hugh Calkin, James Rogers, 
James Avery, William Nichols.] 

"The old bookes of records" were those sheets which furnished 
matter for the foregoing chapter, and several subsequent small mem- 
orandum books kept hj the moderators and town-clerk. Extracts 
fix)m these were now engrossed into a larger book, which is labeled 
"Town Book No. 1, Letter E." Those regulations which continued 
in force, and other items important to the well-being of the fown, 
were transferred to the new book, but not in regular order, and some- 
times strangely intermixed with the current affairs of the period 
when the copy was made. Grants were copied and registered with 
more precise bounds, in a book by themselves, which is referred to 
as the "old book under Mr. Brewster;" the re^tration having been 
commenced by him. 

Fortunately, a part of the series of memorandum books from which 
the extracts were made, remain, though in a fragmentary state and 
sometimes illegible. But even in this state, they are of far greater 
value than the subsequent copy. They are more ample and minute 
in detail, and being made by the clerk upon the spot, they bring us 
nearer to the scene and make the picture more vivid. These brief 
jottings down, therefore, will be followed as far as they go. Their 
suggestive tendency and the bold outlines they sketch, will more than 
compensate for breaking the regular course of historical narrative. 
Such explanations as may render them intelligible will be interwoven. 

The earliest minute in Mr. Bruen's hand is on a scrap of paper, 
apparently part of the first leaf of a memorandum book. It is dated 
July, 1651, and affords a full list of the actual inhabitants at that 

•* The names of all y' wrought at the Mill Dam. 

Kary Latham Taylor 

Jn» Gallope Willey 

Jn« Gager Hanshut 

Thom. Park© Tabor 

Jn<* Stubbin Waterhouse half a day. 

Longdon Comstock 

Mynor Beeby pr M' Parke 
Chappell Bruen 

Tho* Welles NichoU 

Lewis Masters 

Bemas Blatchford 


Keny Hungerford 

Parker Stalioa 

Wellman Waller 

Brewster Ha r wood 

Bartlet Burrows 

Morton Packer 

Waterhonse Doxe 

Hempsted Burden 

Fosttiker MarsbalL 

Pour names on the list belong to transient or fluctuating resi* 
dents, viz., Thomas Hanshut, Nathaniel Masters, John Fossiker and 
John Borden ; who, after remaining a jear, or two years, and com- 
ing and going several times, finallj lefl the plantation. 

•* July 30 — Richard Hauton a Boston man desires a lot." 

Though here called a Boston man, the name of Richard Haugh- 
ton is not found on the early records of that place, except in the 
conveyance of a dwelling-house and garden to Samson Shore, tailor^ 
27 of 8 mo. 51,* which probably was about the period that he re- 
moved his family to Pequot He had married the widow Charlet, 
of Boston, and the tenement had probably belonged to her. Ustagh- 
ton had a house lot granted on Foxen's HilL 

"Aug. 15ih, 1651. 

** It is agreed that there shall be a common field fenced in ; the fence begin- 
ning about Greene Harbor, and to run through the woods to Robin Hood's Bay." 

This was for the planting of Indian com. Robin Hood's Bay is 
DOW Jordan Cove. The former appellation was retained but a short 
time. The name Green Harbor, still in familiar use, came in with 
the emigrants from Cape Ann, and was probably so called in remem- 
brance of Green Harbor, now Marshfield, where Mr. Blinman and 
his friends had dwelt before going to Gloucester. 

Aug. 29th. The following sketch is supposed from the votes that 
follow, to show the result of a ballot for deputies to the General 

Brewster i I I I II I 7 

Mvnor i 1 i II 

1 M 1 1 10 

M II II 1 1 1 

Parke 1 1 

III 3 

Stanton 1 1 1 

1 1 2 

Bruen 1 

1 1 

Calkin. Mill 

. 1 1 i 1 II 1 II 1 


iJames Savage, Esq., (MS.) 


" The Towne have sent to the Court by there Deputjt Hugh Calkin & Thoma* 
Mynor that the Towne's name map be coiled London. 
" And to know there enlargement to Pockatuck. 
** Also about Indians powther." 

This second implication concerning the name of the town, was no 
more successful than the former had been. The Court in Septem- 
ber, while it confirmed the enlargement of the bounds to Pawka- 
tuck River, called the town hj its old name, ^^Nameage,**^ 

**Memorandum$ for town meeting. Sept, 20. 
^ Tt> propound bying of Mr. Parks bame.' 
** A rate for Mr. BIynmans half yeer : chnse rater. 
** Speak about new drum, 
** Chuse one to mn the lyne to Pockatuck. 
** Read the Towne grant from the Court. 
** A training day. A rate for the book of lawes. 
** Amoo RijtherBon is to have a lot." 

IKchardlson was fretn Boston, and hapd commercial dealings with 
the planters.. Instead of taking up a new lot, he purchased that of 
Richard Post, on Post Hill. The conveyance was made to him by 
Richard Post, hammersmith, who henceforth disappears firom the roll 
of inhabitants. 

Under this date a minute is made of several rate lists, which are 
interesting as illustrative of ^he simplicity of the times. They are 
the statistics of a fresh-settl^, frugal people, with food, raiment and 
housekeeping of the plainest; kind that could be called comfortable, 
abounding only in land and tbe hope of future good. After enum- 
erating house and house lot^ meadow, marsh and upland, the planter 
had from two to four cows ; half % dozen calves, yearlings and two 
years old ; a litter of swine, and t¥^o. or three sheep, or perhi^ only 
a share in a stock of two or three sheep. This was all the ratable 
property of even some of the ddest settlers, a» Willey, Waterhouse, 
and Lewis. Waterhoose had Wis ox, ap^ it is the ov^ one men- 
tioned on five rate lists. 

" October. 

" John Picket, Mr. Stanton enfcMrmed mee^ (3 or 4 yeaxos ago^) desiie<j( a lott — 
now desires to renew it, and desires a lott by thp Dutph Captins, a seaman,— 

1 CoU B«o. Conn., vol. 1, p. 224. 

2 Mr. Parke's bam was used for the nMstij9$-hou^»^ anc^ th^ oajU tiojM^o^.11^ b^ 
bpat of dnwif 


"Mrs. Lake requests for upland and meddo to her house lott. 
"Cowkeeper expects pay for CJowes he desires to know from us what every 
one must pay. 
"About 66. to make up the mill dam. 
"Another rate for the ministry. 
"A rate for the new meeting house.** 

Other names that make their first appearance during the year 1651^ 
principallj as grantees, are : 

"Richard Aerie,/. I John Davies, Edward Messenger, 

Goodman Barker,/. Capt. Benason, John Pickworth,/. 

(of Charlestowne,) Goodman Garlick, /. John Read,/. 

Lieutenant Bud,/. John Gesbie,/ Thomas Roach, 

JohnCoale,/. John Ingason,/ William Vincent,/.** 
Edward Codner, 

Very few of these persons became permanent settlers. Most of 
them, after a short residence and several changes of location, for- 
feited their grants. It was the rule that lots not built upon or fenced 
'within six months, were forfeited. Grants made in the early part of 
the year and neglected, were declared forfeit at Michaelmas ;^ but 
on application the time was often extended to nine months or a year. 

Richard Aery was from Gloucester, and probably a mariner, as 
he often visited the place in subsequent years. 

Lieutenant Budd was from New Haven colony. The house lot 
given him was directly in the center of the town plot, covering what 
is now called the Parade, leaving only a strip for fort land on the 
water-side and a highway on the north. The grantee forfeited his 
lot, and it was given to Amos Richardson in exchange for his Post 

John Cole is called "a ploo-right," (plow maker.) Among oth* 

er grants, ^the marsh upon pyne island" was given him. This isl« 

and, or islet, which lies on the Groton shore, still retains its desig* 

nation, though long since denuded of the original growth of pines 

? from which it was derived. 

Capt George Denison, from Boxbury, Mass., had a house lot giv- 
en him on what is now Hempstead Street, opposite the present jail. 
It has smce been known as the old Chapman homestead. 

Goodman Grarlick was probably the Joseph Garlick afterward of 

1/., forfeited. 

2 The 20th of September. Mr, Bmen wrote the word mighelstide. 

79 BXVTaSY or new L0]I90K# 

East Hampton^ L. L, who beeame conspiciioiis m*16$7,.«i aeeovnt 
of the arrest of his wife oa suspicion of witchcraft.^ 

Thomas Roach is not recorded as a grantee of this year ; but in a 
deposition made bj him in 1708, he states that he came to the town 
^ nearly fifty-eight years ago," which would place him ia this list* 

Nov. loth, a house lot in the lower part of the town, near Close 
Cove, was laid out to William Chesebrough ; from which it may be 
inferred that the grantee was purposing to transfer his residence from 
Pawkatuck, where he had been living a wild and solitary life for op- 
ward of two years, to the town plot. There is no evidence that this 
plan was accomplished, or that he in any way occiqMed the grant in 
town. It was afterward given to Mr. Bruen. 

Just a month later, Mr. Chesebrough was again before the towns- 
men, in regard to a private grievance, and obtained an order in his 

'* Whereas Goodman Cbpesbrougb is as we are informed hindered of Joha 
Leigh ton to fetch home his haie wee the townsmen of Peqoot doe order that 
the said Goodman Cheesbrough' shall have liberty to goe any way he shall see 
most coiivenient for him to bring it home withoat any let or hindrance from 
the said John Leighton. This is determined by us untiU the Towne shall take 
further order to dispose both of the way and land." 

The town having had their claim to the lands lying east of Mys- 
tic River confirmed by the Creneral Court, made their first grant on 
that side, November 15th, 1651, to Capt. Mason. At the session of 
the Court in September, a grant had been made to the gallant cap* 
tain — as a bounty out of the conquered territory— of an island in 
Mystic Bay (called by the Indians Chippachaug, but since known as 
Mason's Island) and one hundred acres of land on the adjoining 
main-land. To this the town added their gratuity, joining another 
hundred acres to the former grant ; and at a subsequent period they 
extended his boundary still further to the eastward. The main-land 
portion of this noble farm was washed by the salt water on three 
sides, forming a neck; and on the north-west was a small brook, 
called by the Indians pequotseposy afterward a well known boundary 
between Mason and Denison land. 

1 Thompson's Hist Long Island, p. 189. Col. Rec, app., p. 678. Mass. Hist CJolL, 
8d series, roL 10, p. 188. 

2 The older clerks were by no means consistent in their spelling. Mr. Bmen writes 
Cheesebrooke in one passage and Cheesbrougfa in another. He often made the mis- 
take of writing Blatchfield for Blatchford. John Leighton may have been the same 
as John Lawton, afterward of Westerly. 


Gapt. Mason was at tbat time intent on obtaining the remoyal of 
the elan of Indians tbat bad settled under the rule of Cassasinamon 
on the IxMrder of Mjstie Bay, opposite his island. At the same date 
with his first grant from the town, a preamble and resolutions are 
sketched in the moderator's note-book, with interlineations in Cap^ 
Mason's hand, portending a speedy change of habitation to this for- 
lorn remnant (^ the Pequot race, who are here called Nemeaks. 
The townsmen declare that they have special use for the land and 
the Indians must be removed ; ''the worshipful Capt. Mason" enga- 
ges to effect their removal and to place them with Uncas, where they 
shidl have land of their own ''as long as Uncas doth hold his inter- 
est there and they demean themselves in a quiet and peaceable 
manner." This |Hroposition, if brought before the town, wad not 
carried : the Indians were not removed from Naiwayonk till sixteen 
years later. An agreement, however, was made with the Indians, 
obliging them to keep their planting grounds well fenced, and that 
they should bear all damages made by cattle of the English on their 
com, as well as make good all damage by their cattle on the com of 
the English. This was signed by their chief, in behalf of his com- 
pany, on the moderator's book, Nov. 18th, 1651. 

his mark. 

"Nov. 27, 1651. 

*' It is ordered that no man shall transport pipe-staves, bolts, clap-boards or 
shingles from this side of the river without leave of the townsmen upon pen- 
alty of 5t. the hnndred.'' 

"Feb. 21, 1651-2. 

** None shall fell any trees upon tlie Common within 10 pole of any man*8 
fence. Of ahout the common field fence next unto the Commons." 

These regulations display a prudent forethought rather uncommon 
in the first settlers of a well forested country. The first has a bear- 


ing upon the wanton havoc of timber, and the other on the preser- 
vation of trees for shade around the borders of the highways and 
fields. The fathers of the town were solicitous, from the first, to 
prevent an indiscriminate waste of the wood-lands. Ordinances to 
preserve the timber upon the commons, and all trees that were de- 
sirable to be left for shade in the streets and highways, and also in 
the broader commons, may be traced downward into the next cen- 
tury. The townsmen were directed to mark all such trees with 
marking irons with the letter S, and a fine was imposed for cutting 
them down. In their eagerness to clear the country and open to 
themselves a broader scope of the sun and stars, they were not un- 
mindful of beauty, propriety and the claims of posterity — arguments 
which have had less weight with some succeeding generations. 

•'Dec. 6. 

*< Mr. Winthrop hath a small island given him : one of the outermost of 
Mistick's islands yt lyes next his own island, yt upon which he puts his ram 
goates, now named Ram -Goat island." i 

Several of the larger farmers, at this period, made an attempt to 
keep goats. On the east side of the river were several large herds 
containing from twenty to fifly goats. A by-law was made for their 
regulation : 

"May 28, 1651. 

** It is ordered that all dammage done by goates is to be vewed by three in- 
different men, and as they shall judge the real dammage, double dammage 
is to be allowed.** 

Mr. Winthrop was probably the only one who persevered in rais- 
ing goats. At a time when the Narragansett Indians were con- 
sidered turbulent, (November, 1654,) a report was current "that they 
had killed two hundred of Mr. Winthrop's goats."* 

The Mystic islands, with the exception of Chippachaug or Mason's 
Island, were small and of slight value, and yet were early solicited 
from the town as grants. 

" Dec. 16, 1651. 

** Thomas Mynor hath given him at Mistick a small island lying between 
Chipichuock [Mason's Island] and the Indians ; at the east end of it there is a 
little upland full of bushes." 

iNow Bradford's Island, a favorite summer resort 
2 Mass. Hist. Coll., 8d series, vol. 10, p. 4. 


The possession <^ this mland was contested with Mr. Miner, and 
be sorrendered the grant. It is prdlMible that Mr. Blinman had some 
ciaim to it, and that it was the island granted to the latter, as 
follows — 

" Feb. 5, 1653, ['4.] 

*<Hr. Blinman hath given bim a small island, a wcxxly island against Capt. 
Mason's island at Mistkk : called by the Indian name of Ashowughcummocke." 

In Majy 1655, ''a small woody island near his island at Mistick'^ 
was granted to ^ Major Mason of Seabrook." This is probably a 
third grant of the same island. ^ Sixpenny island at the mouth of 
Mistick," was granted to Robert Hempstead and John Stebbins in 
1652. Notwithstanding its derisive name it contained near twenty 
acres of marsh. 

Dnring the winter of 1651-2 the common lands upon the Great 
Neck, consisting of ieJl the old ground between the town and Alewife 
Brook,' were laid out and divided by lot The lots were arranged, 
in tiers upon the river to the brook, and then beyond, by what was; 
called '^ the blackamore's river,"^ and from thenee along the Sound. 
These were for plowing and mowing lots, and in the rear was 
kid oat a series of woodland lots, double the size of the others and 
reaching from the ox-pasture near the town to Robin Hood's Bay.. 
If this were not sufficient, the measurers were to go forward towardi 
the north of Uhuhiock^ River, until all had their lots laid out. 
These difficult divisions appear to have been managed with skill and 
fairness. It is interesting to note the care and precision with which 
the townsmen form the plan and give the directions to the surveyors. 
The one who had the first lot — that is, the lot nearest home — in the 
mowing land, was to have th6 last in the wood-land : and the portions 
of the common fencing were arranged in the same order. Care was 
taken that all should have equal portions of old and new ground, and 
it was a general rule that allowance should be made for defects. All 
large rocks and swamps unfit for use, were to be lefi unmeasured 
and cast into the nearest lots. 

The agreements made with the cow-keepers display the same prin- 
c]fles of prudential care and equal justice. The cattle were divided 

1 This is Lower Alewife Brook, a pleasant little stream on the Great Neck. 

t A brook beyond Alewife, so called at that time on acooont of some Indian wig- 
wsms remaining near it 
8 Or Uhnhioh, the al^riginal name of Jordan Brook. 




into two herds, with each a keeper, who began his time at the 19th 
of April, and received the herd at certain portions of the town, go- 
ing forth with them at sun half an hour high and bringing them home 
half an hour before the sun set 

** For the Lords days he is to keep them every 4th Lords day and to give one 
days notice to him that hath most cattle first to keep them upon the Lords day 
and so whoever hath one more than an other to warn him before he that hath 
fewer to keep them a Lord^s day and after he that hath but one cow shall keep 
them his day, then to begin again with him that hath most, twice warning 
them that have double the cattle that their neighbors have before once waming 
him that hath but half that his neighbor hath. 

** The keeper for his paines is to have 12«. a weeke — for his pay he is to have 
1 pound of butter for every cow, and the rest of his pay in wompum or In- 
diane Corne, at 2f. 6^^. p. bushell in the moneth of October." 

The waste marsh generally overflowed, was given to a company 
of undertakers, viz., Mr. Denison, Hugh Caulkins, John Elderkin 
and Andrew Lester, who undertook to drain it, and were to have all 
the land " now under water forever." It was added : 

** The undertakers have liberty to make a weare. They are to leave it open 
two nights every week for the coming up of the alewives. The town to have 
freedom to take what they please at the usual place or to buy them at the 
weare at 20 alewives for a penny for their eating." 

The salt marshes were esteemed as the first class of lands by the 
planters. Those near the harbor's mouth were known by the Indian 
name of Quaganapoxet and were mostly granted to the settlers from 
Gloucester, as a kind of bonus to induce them to remove, and as 
furnishing a ready-made food for the cattle they brought with thenu 
They are often referred to as " the marshes given to Cape Ann men." 

March 17th, 1651-2. 

Among the subjects minuted to be brought before the townsmen^ 
is the following : 

** Mudge*s will : — his house and house lot : Thomas Mynor puts in for a debt 
of 20sA." [.i e., due to him from estate of Mudge.] 

The decease of Jarvis Mudge probably occurred two or three 
•days before this date. It is the first death in the plantation to which 
Any allusion is made on records now extant. Thomas Doxey died 
about the same time, but whether at home or abroad is not known, 
jas no contemporaneous reference is made to the event. He had a 
grant of land recorded to him, Dec. 2d, 1651, and his wife is called 
^ widow Kathren Doxey" on the 9th of April, 1652. Jarvis Mudge 


was undoabtedlj interred in the old burial-ground, as it lay contigu- 
ous to his house lot and had not then been inclosed. It is probable 
that these were the first relics lefl to molder in that venerable place. 
The families of these two deceased individuals soon removed to other 
parts of the country, leaving none of either name in New London. 
Wills and inventories were at that time engrossed upon the town 
book, and sent to the Assistants' Court at Hartford for probate ; but 
no papers relative to the estate of either Mudge or Doxey are extant, 
except the following item. 

"June 18, 1653. The Court at Hartford give liberty to the townsmen of Pe- 
qaot to dispose of the lot of the widow Mudge towards the paying of tho 
debu, and the bettering of the children's portions.**' 

The first registered death was that of a child bom in the town. 

"Ana daughter of Thomas and Grace Minor bora 2S April 1049 : died 13 
August 1652.*' 

( A blacksmith is an important personage in a new settlement. 
Richard Post and others of the first comers were of this profession, 
bat they had left the place, and an invitation was extended to John 
Prentis, of Roxburj, to become an inhabitant and wield the hammer 
for the public benefit. The town of Hadley had made a similar pro- 

^ posal to him,* but he came to Pequot on a visit of inquiry, and en- 
tered into a contract with Mr. Winthrop and the townsmen, who, be- 
ing authorized by the town, engaged, if he* would remove, to build . 
bim a house and shop, pay the expense of his transportation, and 
provide him with half a ton of iron, also " twenty or thirty pound of 
Steele," to be ready by the middle of May. These articles were 
signed Feb. 28th, 1651-2, and at the same date he received the 
iisual accommodations of a planter, house lot, upland and meadow. 

^ The house lot of two acres was in an eligible and central position^ at 
the comer of the present State and Bai^k Streets.' 

About the same period a house lot near the mill brook was laid 
^t to Lieutenant Samuel Smith, from Wethersfield, a person whose 
^"^spectable standing as an officer and capacity for business made him 
ft welcome inhabitant. He was subsequently chosen " the towne's 

1 New London Town Book. 

' SyWetter Judd, Esq., of Northampton, (MS.) 

' "Hie Prentis lot with two honsea upon it, one of them altered from the shop, was 
P^»"Jha8ed in Feb., 1668 by Joshua Raymond. A part of it was owned by the Ray- 
n^nds for 150 years. 



"May 20. 

" Water [Walter] Harries of Dorchester desires a house lot beyond the plot 
of land by John Coites. Granted.** 

This house lot was at the south end of the town, toward Green 
Harbor. Additions were subsequently made to it from the ox pasture 
•on the opposite side of the way, and a quantity of ^hideous rocks" 
near by were thrown in unmeasured. 

" Aug. 29. 

** Jolin Stoder [Stoddard] hath a house lot jjiven him at Foxen's hill,— 6 
acres, highwaies to be allowed to common land and to fetch stones." 

The transportation of stones alluded to in this grant refers to a 
ledge of granite on the bank of the river, a mile from town, where 
stones for building were quarried. "A highway to the Quarry" was 
reserved in grants near it Winthrop's house and some others were 
tuilt of stone, probably from this ledge.* 

Other grantees and new inhabitants of 1652. 

Thomas Griffin, afterward of Pawkatuck. 
William Rogers, from Boston. 
Nehemiah Smith, sometime of New Haven. 
Richard Smith, from Martin's Vineyard. He bought the Mudge 
liouse lot, but after a few years removed to Wethersfield. 
Nathaniel Tappin : grants forfeited. 

The charge of the town-clerk for his services during the year 
1652, was as follows : 

** O. B. for writing and recording for the Towne, orders, agreements, peti- 
tions, letters. Court grants, rates, gathering and perfecting rates, writing before> 
at, and after town meeting, covenants of cow-keeper and smith, £6." 

In 1652 a general apprehension existed throughout the country 
that the Indians were preparing for hostilities. The Narrag^Uisetts 
were especially regarded with suspicion, and preparations were made 
in the frontier towns to guard against surprise. At Pequot ike town 
orders were peremptory for arming individuals and keeping a vigilant 
eye upon the natives. Watchmen were kept on the look-out, both 
night and day. A fresh supply of ammunition was procured and 
the following directions published : 

1 The houses of Jamt^s Rogers and Edward Stallion, both built before 1660, were 
«f stone. Stallion's Wtts on the Town Street: afterward fidgecombe property. 


"July 8, 1652. 

** forfeiture of false raising of an alarum 10/. 

" forfeiture of not coming when an alarum is raised 51. 

** forfeiture of not coming to there pticular squadron 61, 

"It is agreed y^ it shall be a just alarum when 3 gunnes are distinctly shot of, 
ind the drum striking up an alarum. 

"If the watchmen here a gunn in the night, they well considering where- 
thegunn was firing if they conceive to be in the Towne may raise an alarum. 

" for the setiag of a gunn for a wolfe they y* set a gunn for that end shall 
tcquaint the constable where he sets it that he may acquaint the watch." 

Three places in the town were fortified, the mill, the meeting-house, 
and the hoase of Hugh Caulkins, which stood at the lower end of the 
town, near the entrance of Cape Ann Lane. The inhabitants were 
divided into three squadrons, and in case of an alarm Sergeant 
Miner's squadron was to repair to Hugh Caulkins', Captain Denison's 
to the meeting-house, and Lieut Smith's to the mill. 

Severe restrictions were laid upon the trade with the Lidians in 
the river, which was to be confined to Brewster's trading-house. No 
individual could go up the river and buy com without a special 
license, which was only to be given in case of great scarcity. Hap- 
pily no alarm occurred, and all fear of an Indian war soon died 
away. But Mr. Brewster was allowed for several years to monop- 
olize the Indian trade. This granting of monopolies was perhaps 
the greatest error committed by the fathers of the town in their leg- 
islation. ' 

"April 25, 1053. 

"Captain Denison, Goodman Chcesebrooke, Mr. Brewster, and Obadiah 
Braen are chosen to make a list of the male persons in rown 16 years old and 
upward, and a true valuation of all real and personal estate of the said persons 
according to order of the Court. Goodman Cheesebrooke is chosen Commis- 
atoner to carry the list to the Court In September next." 

This was the first list of the town returned to the General Court, 
the inhabitants having been heretofore fr^e from the colonial tax. 
The list amounted to £3,334, which ranked the town sixth in the 
colony: the five river towns, Hartford, Windsor, Wethersfield, Farm- 
"igton and Saybrook, took the precedence. 

The house lot grants for this year were not numerous. After 
16o2 there was no general resort of settlers to the plantation. Feb. 
20th a house lot on Lower Mamacock, with other accommodations, 
^as pledged to a Mr. Phillips tn case he come. This was perhaps 
the same lot that had been given to John Elderkin and surrendered 
^y liim. Mr. Phillips never came, and the next December the lot 


was given to John Picket and Thomas Hungerford for fire-wood. 
This is worthy of notice, as showing that the rugged promontory, 
now almost denuded of trees, smoothed down, and crowned with a 
noble fortress, could then boast of verdant boughs and forest walks. 
August 9 th, house lots were granted to "Amos Richardson's 
brother the millwright" — afterward caDed his brother-in-law — end 
to "Nehemiah Smith's brother,'' without naming them. The former 
subsequently had a grant of a large farm east of the river under the 
same vague denomination : he has not been identified. The latter 
was John Smith, who had been for some time resident in Boston, and 
came to Fequot with wife and one daughter. At the same time a 
grant was made to " Goodman White, shoemaker, of Dorchester," of 
whom there is no subsequent notice. November 20th, grants were 
made to Edward Culver of a farm at Mystic and a house lot io town. 

** Dec. 5. Goodman Harries for his son Gabriell hath given him sixe ackers 
of upland for an house lot ioyning next to Iiis father's." 

This was doubtless a preparatory step to the marriage of Grabriel 
Harris and Elizabeth Abbot, which took place at Gruilford, March 
8d, 1653-4. Tradition adds to the simple record <^ the marriage 
many romantic incidents. It is said that a vessel with emigrants 
from England, bound to New Haven, put in to Pequot Harbor for a 
shelter in foul weather and anchored near the lonely dweUing of the 
Harris family, which stood upon the river side. Gabriel- went off 
in his fishing boat and invited the emigrants to his father's house* 
The whole party accordingly landed, and a great part of the night 
was spent in feasting and hilarity. One of the emigrants was a 
young female, to whom Gabriel was so assiduous and successful in 
his attentions, that when the company returned to the vessel they 
were betrothed lovers. Some, indeed, relate that a clergyman or 
magistrate was present, and the young couple were actually married 
that night. But the tradition that harmonises best with fact is, that 
the emigrants went on their way, and the young man shortly afler- 
ward new painted and rigged his father's pinnace and foDowing the 
wake of the vessel through the Sound, came back merrily, bringing 
a bride and her household gear.* 

Bream Cove was at this time a noted landing-place. The decked 
boats and pinnaces used in that day ran nearly up to the head, and 
on the west side were several shore rocks, where it was convenient 

1 The record of this marriage was commimieated hj Balph D. Smith, Esq., of Guil- 
ford. Elizabeth Abbot was probably a daughter of Robert Abbot, of Branford. 


to Lmd. The house lots of l^bert Hempstead and James Bemas 
reached to the cove, with the highway (now Coit Street) separatiBg 
them into two^ divisions. In December, 1658, the remainder of the 
land on the east side of the cove, was divided equally between three 
other B*s, Beckwith, Bruen and Blatchford. About the same time, 
also, Mr. Blinman removed to the lower part of the town and had 
his house lot on the west side of the same cove, where it is supposed 
that he dwelt until he left the place.* His house stood near where 
the old bridge crossed the cove* 

" Dec. 19. Mrs. Lake hath given her in the woods west from the town at a 
^ plame, by a pond called Plaine lake, 300 acres of upland with the meado by 
the pond and the pond." 

The beautiful sheet of water here called Plain Lake has since 

j been called Lake's Lake, or Lake's Pond, and is now included in 

I Chesterfield society, Montville. The farm laid out to Mrs. Lake, 

1 nominally three hundred acres, being measured with the generous 

amplitude so common in that day, was twice the size of the Uteral 

grauL It was of a seven-cornered figure, inclosing the beautiful 

I oval lake. Within the area were hill-sides and glens, wood-lands and 

swamps almost impenetrable. This estate was bequeathed by Mrs. 

Lake to the children of her daughter Gallop, by whom it was sold 

' to the Prentis brothers, sons of John Prentis. 

The new inhabitants of 1654 were John Lockwood, William 
Roberts, William Collins, Sergeant Richard Hartley and Peter 
Bradley. Hartley appears to have come from England with a stock 
of English goods, which he opened in a shop on Mill Cove. Peter 
Bradley was a seaman, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Jon- 
^^than Brewster, and bought the house lot of John G^lop. John 
Chynnery, of Watertown,^ at the same period bought Capt. Denison's 
homestead, the latter having previously removed to Mystic. 

April 9th. The or^er was re^nacted enforcing attendance upon 
town meeting and a fine of one shilling imposed upon absentees when 
lawfully warned. 

" The aforesaid fyne also they shall pay if they come not within halfe an 
bowre a(\($r the beating of the drum and stay the whole day or until! they be 
dianissed by a publick voate." 

1 This swann of B^s appears to have be^n nnconscioosly gathered around the 
cove. Peter Harris afterward built on the spot occupied by Mr. Blinman. 

2 Perhaps this was the John Chenary, who was one of sixteen men, slain by the 
Indians Sept 4th, 1675, at Squakeag. Coffin's Newbury, p. 889. 


The order for a town meeting was giyen bj the townsmen to the 
constable, who gave notice to the wamer and drummer. The warn- 
er left a summons at every house : the drum began t^ beat half an 
hour before the time for business, and if a constable, two townsmen 
and fifteen inhabitants appeared, it was a legal meeting. 

'* June 2. Goodman Harries is chosen by the Towne ordinary keeper. 

'* June 20. Capt. Denison is chosen Commissioner and to him is chosen Mr. 
Brewster Mr. Stanton and Hugh Calkin to make a list of the state of the towne 
and the inhabitants and to make the Country rate of Twenty pounds." 

August 28th. The former law granting a tax of sixpence from 
every family for the killing of a wolf, was repealed, and a bounty of 
twenty shillings substituted. 

** The Towne having nominated and chosen Goodman Cheesebrooke* Oba- 
diah Bruen and Hugh Calkin whom to present to the Court desire that they 
may have power together with Mr. Winthrop and Captin Denison or any three 
of them for the ending of small causes in the town." 

This petition was not granted and the inhabitants were obliged for 
some time longer to carry their law cases to Hartford for adjudication. 

«* Nov. 6. 

** John Elderkin was chosen Ordinary Keeper. 

** An order from the Court forbidding the sale of strong liquors by any bat 
persons lycensed by the Court was published. 

" Widdo Harris was granted by voat also to keep an ordinary if she will." 

Walter Harris died the day this vote was taken, and Elderkin 
was chosen as his successor, who was confirmed in his office and 
licensed by the General Court. At the northern extremity of the 
town, on Foxen's Hill, another inn was established about this period, 
by Humphrey Clay and his wife Eatherine. How far it was sanc- 
tioned by the town we can not learn, as the note-books of Mr. Bruen 
from the early part of 1655, to September, 1661, are lost and the 
regular town book is scanty in its record. The inn of Mr. Clay 
continued to be a place of notoriety until 16^, when it was broken 
up and its landlord banished from the place for breaches of law and 

" At a General Town meeting Sept. 1, 1656. 

** George Tongue is chosen to keep an ordinary in the town of Pequot for 
the space of 5 years, who is to allow all inhabitants that live abroad the same 
privilege that strangers have» and all other inhabitants the like privilege ex- 
cepting lodging. He is also to keep good order and sutlicient accommodation 
according to Court Order being not to lay it down under 6 months warning, 
unto which I hereunto set my hand 

**GE0Ras TONOK.* 


Greorge Tongue about this period bought the house and lot of 
Thomas Stanton on the Bank, north-east of the Picket lot ; and here 
he opened the house of entertainment which he kept during his life, 
and which, being continued by his family, was the most noted inn of 
the town for sixty years. 

The establishment of a regular ferry over the river was an object 
of prime importance to the inhabitants, all of whom had shares of 
land in two or three parcels on the east side. The waters at this 
spot may be technically termed rugged. There is no bar, as at Say- 
brook, to mitigate the vehemence of the swell, and the mouth of the 
river lying open to the Sound, it sometimes rolls like the sea. 
The width across in the narrowest part opposite the town, is a 
little less than half a mile^ but it spreads both above and below this 
point to nearly three-quarters of a mile. November 6th, 1651, arti- 
cles were drawn to lease the ferry to Edward Messenger for twenty- 
one years. This arrangement lasted two or three years, and then 
Messenger gave up his lease and removed to Windsor. 

In 1654 the disposal of the ferry was left to Mr. Winthrop and 
the townsmen, who entered into "articles of agreement" with Gary 
Latham, granting him a lease and monopoly of 

** The ferry over Pequot river, at the town of Peqaot, for fifty years — from 
the twenty-fifth of March,* 1665. The said Gary to take 3rf. of every passenger 
for his fare, 6rf. fbr tvery horse or great beast, and 3rf. for a calf or swine : — 
and to have liberty to keep some provisions and some strong liquors or wine 
for the refreshment of passengers. — No English or Indian are to pass over any y 
near the ferry place that they take pay for, — if they do the said Gary may re- 
quire it" 

Mr. Latham, on his part, bound himself to attend the service im- 
nwdiately with a good canoe and to provide, within a year's time, a 
sufficient boat to convey man and beast. He abo engaged to build a 
house on the ferry lot east of the river before the next October, to 
dweU there and to keep the ferry carefully, or cause it to be so kept, 
for the whole term of years. 

/In October, 1654, the first levy of soldiers was made in the plan- / 
tation. The New England confederacy had decided to raise an army 
of two hundred and seventy men and send them into the Narragan- 
sett conntry to overawe the Indians. G>nnecticut was to furnish 
fi>rtj-five men, with the necessary equipments ; and of this force the 

1 This was the first day of the civil vear. 


quota of Pequot was ^four men, one drum, and one pair of euUeHB.^^ 
The expedition was a fruitless one : the soldiers suffered many hard- 
ships, but had little fighting to do. 

In Maj, 1657, Mr. Brewster was made an assistant and Mr. Win- 
throp chosen governor of the colony. This last act caused the re- 
moval from town of its friend and patron. The varied information 
of Mr. Winthrop ; his occasional practice as a physician; his econom- 
ical science ; his readiness to ent«r into new paths of enterprise ; his 
charity, kindness and affability, made him extremely popular. His 
residence in the town was a privilege, although public affairs for two 
or three years, had kept him much of the time away. But it was 
manifestly inconvenient for the chief magistrate to reside at Pequot, 
which was then in a comer of the colony, with a wilderness to be 
traversed in order to reach any other settlement At the solicitation 
of the Greneral Court, he removed with his family and goods to 

** 12 Aug : 1657— This Court orders that Mr. Winthrop, being chosen Gov- 
ernor of this Colony, shall be again desired to oome and live in Hartford, with 
bis family, while he governs, they grant him the yearly use or profits of the 
houding and lands in Hartford belonging to Mr. John Haynes, which shall be 
yearly discharged out of the public treasury." 

** Oct. 1. The Court doth appoint the Treasurer to provide horses and men 
to send for Mr. Winthrop, in case he is minded to come to dwell with us."^ 

Before Mr. Winthrop*s removal to Hartford he leased the town 
mill to James Rogers, a baker from Milford, who had traded much in 
the place, and in 1657 or 1658 became an inhabitant. As an accom- 
modation to Mr. Rogers in point of residence, he also alienated to 
him a building spot from the north end of his home-lot, next to the 
mill; on which Mr. Rogers erected a dwelling-house and bakery, 
both of stone. 

Mr. Winthrop's own homestead, in 1660 or 1661, passed into the 
occupancy of Edward Palmes, who had married his daughter Lucy. 
Mf. Palmes was of New Haven, but after his marriage transferred 
his residence to the Winthrop homestead ; which, with the farm at 
Nahantick, the governor subsequently confirmed to him by will. In 
that document this estate is thus described : 

** The Stone-house, formerly my dwelling house in New London with gar- 
den and orchard as formerly conveyed to said Palmes and in his use and pos- 
session, with the yard or land lying to the north of the said house to join \irith 

\ Col. Rec, vol. 1, pp. 801, 806. 


Jtmes Rogers :** — *' also a lot of 6 acres lying east of the bouse bounded north 
by the oxe-pasture and east by the Great River, and having two great oak 
trees near the south line." 

This stone house, built in 1648, stood near the head of the cove 
on the east side, between the street (since laid out and appropnatelj 
named Winthrop Street) and the water. The ox pasture to which 
the will refers was inclosed the same year. Samuel Beeby, in a 
deposition of 1708, testified that he and his brother made the fence 
to it "sixty years since," and that "Mr. Winthrop's goats and cattle 
were kept therein as well as his oxen." The "old stone house" is 
mentioned in the will of Major Palmes, in 1712, who bequeathed it 
to his daughter Lucy, the only child of his first wife ; who, having no 
children, left it to her brothers, Guy and Bryan Palmes. This home- 
stead is supposed to have been for more than a century the only 
dwelling on the neck, which was then a rugged point, lying mostly 
in its natural state and finely shaded with forest trees. It was sold 
about 1740 to John Plumbe. 

The mill, being a monopoly, could not fail to become a source of 
grievance. One mill was manifestly insufficient for a growing com- 
munity, and the lessee could not satisfy the inhabitants. Governor 
Winthrc^ subsequently had a long suit with Mr. Rogers for breach 
of contract in regard to the mill, but recovered no damages. The 
town likewise uttered their complaints to the General Court, that 
they were not "duely served in the grinding of their com," and 
were thereby " much damnified ;" upon which the Court ordered, 
that Mr. Bogers, to prevent " disturbance of the peace," should give 
" a daily attendance at the mill." 

After 1662, the sons of the governor, Fitz John and Wait Still 
Winthrop, returned to the plantation and became regular inhabitants. 
Between the latter and Mr. Rogers a long and troublesome litigation 
was maintained in regard to bounds and trespasses, notices of which 
are scattered over the records of the County Court for several years. 
In 1669, Capt. Wait Winthrop set up a bolting mill on land claimed 
by Mr. Rogers, who, as an offset, immediately began to erect a build- 
ing, on his own land, but in such a position as wholly to obstruct the 
only convenient passage to the Said bolting mill. This brought mat- 
ters to a crisis. Richard Lord, of Hartford, and Amos Richardson, 
of Stonington, were chosen umpires, and the parties interchangeably 
signed an agreement as a final issue to all disputes, suits at law and 
controversies, from the beginning of the world to the date thereof. 


Winthrop paid for the land on which the mill stood ; Rogers took 
down his building frame, and threw the land into the highway, and all 
other differences were arranged in the like amicable manner.' 

In March, 1658-9 the General Court appointed John Smith com- 
missioner of the customs at New London. This was the first regular 
custom-house officer in the town, and probablj in the colony. 

May, 1660, the General Court granted New London to have an 
assistant and three commissioners with full power to issue small 
causes. For the year ensuing Mr. John Tinker was chosen assist- 
ant ; Mr. Bruen, James Rogers and John Smith, commi^ioners. 

Feb. 25 th, 1659-60. At this annual town meeting a paper <^ 
instruction and advice was prepared for the use of the townsmen and 
sanctioned by the public voice, which furnishes a clear summary of 
the various duties of those unsalaried officers called townsmen or 
selectmen, so essential in the organization of our New England 
towns. This document appears to have been drawn up in answer to 
a previous application of the townsmen, ^^ to know of the town what 
their duties were." Li substance as foUows : 

1. To keep up Che town bounds, and see that the fence- viewers discharge 
their duty with respect to individual property. 

2. To take care that children are educated, servants well ordered and in- 
structed, and no person suffered to live in idleness. 

3. That the laws of the jurisdiction be maintained ; — no inmates harbored 
above two or three weeks without consent of the town ; and the magazine kept 
supplied with arm's and ammnnition. 

4. That the streets, lanes, highways and commons be preserved free from all 
encroachments and that they appoint some equal way for the clearing of 
the streets in the town from trees, shrubs, bushes and underwood, and call forth 
the inhabitants in convenient time and manner for effecting the same. 

5. That they take care of the meeting-house and provide glass windows for 
it, with all convenient speed. 

6. ** That they consider of some absolute and perfect way and coarse to be 
taken for a perfect platforme of settling and maintaining of the recordes respect- 
ing the towne, that they bo fully clearly and fairly kept, for the use, benefit and 
peaceful state of the town, and aller posterity.'* 

7. That they consult together and with the moderator, of all matters to be 
propounded at town meetings so as better to effect needful things and prevent 
needless questions and cogitations. 

8. That they determine all matters concerning the Indians that inhabit 
mmongst us. 

1 The Rogera homestead was purchased by Madam Winthrop In 1718, and reunited 
to the original estote. John Winthrop, Esq., the son of Wait Winthrop, about that 
period removed to New London, and fixed his residence on this spot 


9. That they regulate the felling, sawing fiind transporting of timber ; masts, 
boards, planks, pipe-staves. Sec. 

10. That they see the ferries well kept. 

11. That they determine all complaints respecting land grants ; except the 
difficult and doubtful cases, which must be referred to the town. 

12. That they have regular meetings for business and give notice of the 
time and place thereof, by a paper upon the meeting-house. 

Signed by John Timeer, Moderator. 

Before quitting this period it will be proper to gather up the 
names (not jet mentioned) of residents that came in during the in- 
terral for which Mr. Bruen's minutes are lost 

Addis, William : came from Boston 165d or 59. 

Bartlet, Robert: brother of William, first mentioned 1657. 

Bloomfield, William, from Hartford, 1659: removed in 1663 to Newtown, 

Bowen, Thomas, 1657: removed to Rehoboth, and there died in 1663. 

Brooks, Thomas, 1659 and '60 : aiterwards removed. 

Chapman William, 1657 : bought the house and lot that had been Capt. 
Denison's of Mr Blinman, agent of John Chynnery. 

Cow<lall, John, a trader who became bankrupt in 1659, and left the place. 

Crocker, Thomas : bought bouse in New Street, 1660. 

Douglas, William ; from Boston, 1659. 

Leuard, Thomas, 1657 : house lot at Foxen*8 — removed in 1663. 

Loveland, Robert : mariner and trader from Boston, 165S. 

MoQte, Mil^s : from Milibrd, 1657 : purchased the homestead and other 
aUotments of John Gager. 

Raymond, Joshua, 1658. 

Kichards, John. The first notice of him is in 1660, but be may have been 
in the plantation two or three years. He purchased, on what is now State 
Street — the south side — two houselots originally given to Waterhouse and Bru- 
ea. He built bis hou.«e at. the corner of the present Huntington Street, and this 
remained for more than a century the homestead of the family. 

Koyce, Robert, 1657. 

Shaw, Thomas, 1656 : was alWwnrd of Pawkatuck. 

Smith, Edward, 1660 : nephew of Nehemiah and John Smith. 

Tinker, John : a grave and able man, from the MassachutK^tts colony. 

WeihercU, Daniel : from Scituate, 1659. 

Wood, John, 1660. 


General sketch of grants, — west and east of the river,— at Mystic and Pawlui- 
tuck. — Early grantees east of the Mystic— Contention for the jurisdictioa. — 
The plantation named Stonington. 

The first grants had been made on a limited scale, and with refers 
ence to immediate occupation and improvement. But after 1651, 
the ideas of the planters expanded ; there was an eagerness for the 
spoils, a thirsting after large domains, and a lavish division of farms 
both east and west of the river — at Nahantick — ^up the river toward 
Mohegan — three miles out of town, if it he there — four or ^^q miles, 
if he canfnd it — at Mystic — at Pawkatuck : — a little meadow here, 
a little marsh there, — the islands, the swamps, and the ledges, — till 
we might fancy the town was playing at that ancient game galled 
Give away. Divisions to old settlers and grants to new ones, follow 
in rapid succession, and the clerk and moderator record little else. 
A brief survey of the most prominent grants, is all that will be here 

The first farm taken up at Nahantick was by Mr. Winthrop. It 
is not found recorded, but is mentioned as the farm which Mr. Win- 
throp chose. It consisted of 6 or 700 acres, east of the bar and Gut 
of Nahantick, including what is now Millstone Point, and extending 
north to the country road. In October, 1660, the Greneral Court 
added to this farm the privilege of keeping the ferry near it, which 
caused it to be known as the Ferry farm. It was a part of the por- 
tion bestowed by Mr. Winthrop on his daughter Lucy, the wife of 
Edward Palmes. 

Adjoining the Ferry farm was that of John Prentis, and north of 
these, on the bay, Hugh Caulkins and William Keeny ; at Pine Neck, 
Mr. Blinman ; " rounding the head of the river," Isaac Willey ; and 
yet farther west, Matthew Beckwith ; whose land, on the adjustment 
of the boundary with Lyme, was found to lie mostly within the 


bounds of that town, though his house was on the portion belonging 
to New London. 

Mr. Bruen had an early grant on the west side of Jordan Cove, 
which is still known as Bruen's Neck: Greorge Harwood*s land 
joined Bruen's. This locality was designated as ^ old ground that 
had been planted by Indians." Robert Parke had a valuable grant 
at Poquiogh— the Indian name of the tract east of the cove — and 
next to him, smaller portions were laid out to the Beeby brothers. 
" The three Beebys" had also divisions at Fog Plain, a name which 
is still in familiar use. Many of the small grants on this plain were 
bought up by William Hough. 

In the course of a few years, James Rogers, by purchasing the 
divisions of Robert Hempstead and Robert Parke, called Groshen, 
and various smaller shares of proprietors, became ' the largest land- 
holder on the neck. Himself, three sons, and son-in-law, Samuel 
Beeby, all Imd farms in this quarter. The Harbor's Mouth farm, 
was an original grant to Mr. Blinman, but was afterward the prop* 
erty of John Tinker. Andrew Lester was another early resident 
upon the neck. 

In the district now called Cohanzie, north-west of the town plot, 
was Mr. Winthrop's Mill-pond farm, which was probably a grant 
attached to his privilege of the mill strefun. His right to a portion 
of it,*being afterward contested, the witnesses produced in court tes- 
tified diat Mr. Winthrop occupied this farm " before Cape Ann men 
came to the town." 

Not far from the town plot, on the north side of the mill brook, 
was a swampy meadow called Little Owl Meadow : this was given 
to James Avery. Advancing still to the northward we meet with a 
tract of high ridgy land, often called the Mountain. Here Edward 
Pafanes, and Samuel and Nathaniel Royce had grants, which were 
eaDed Mountain farms.^ This was a rough and barren region. 

North of the town on the west bank of the river, was a long array 
of grants : the most extensive ^ere those of Winthrop, Stebbins, 
Blinman, Lothrop, Bartlet and ^Waterhouse. Mr. Blinman's farm 
indttded " Upper Mamoquack Neck." The grant of Waterhouse 
covered « the Neck at the Straits' Mouth." 

Winthrop had other important grants in this quarter. April 14th, 

1 An English emigrant at a later day settled on one of these farms; and the witti- 
cism was carrent that he selected the spot on the supposition that frvm ike topqf tk€ 
rochi he eov&^see England. 


1 653, the whole water-oourse of Alewife Brook was granted him, with 
ample privileges of erecting mills, making dams and ponds, cutting 
down timber, and taking up land on its banks. He erected a house 
near the saw-mill in 1658, probably the first on the west side of the 
river, so far north as this. This was followed a few months later hj 
a grant of land, and saw-mill privileges still farther north, on the 
Saw-mill Brook, near the present Uncasville factory. On the same 
Saw-mill Brook, John Elderkin, in the course of a few years, accu- 
mulated 770 acres, which he sold April 22d, 1662, to Mr. Antipas 
Newman, of Wenham, son-in-law to Mr. Winthrop.' 

Daniel Comstock, who was the son-in-law of Elderkin, was an 
early resident in this vicinity. A farm on Saw-mill Brook, origin- 
ally given to Lieut Samuel Smith, was purchased by Comstock, in 
1 664, and has remained ever since in the occupation of his descend- 

The earliest grants in the southern part of Groton or Poquonock, 
have been already mentioned. They were highly valued, as the soil 
could be brought into immediate use. Some of it was meadow and 
marsh, and a considerable portion of the upland had been formerly 
>^ cultivated by the Indians. Allusions in the boundaries of grants, are 
made to the Indian paths and the Indian fort. Many of the original 
small grants were afterward bought up by merchants for speculation. 
Major Pyncheon, of Springfield, and his partner James Rogers, en- 
grossed more than 2,000 acres. In December, 1652, a highway 
was laid out running directly through the narrow lots, above the 
head of Poquonock CJove to Mystic River. This answers to the 
present main road to Mystic Bridge. The earliest settlers on the 
west side of the Mystic, were Robert Burrows, John Packer, and 
Robert Parke. Burrows had a grant of " a parcel of land between 
the west side of the river and a high mountain of rocks," dated April 
dd, 1651. It is not probable that houses were built and actual settle- 
ments effected before 1653. Aaron Starke and John Fish were said 
to be of Mystic^ in 1655 ; John Bennet, in 1660 ; Edmund Fanning, 
in 1662, and Edward Culver, in 1664. Edward Culver's farm was 
called by the Indians Chepadaso. 

William Meades, James Morgan, James Avery, Nehemiah and 
John Smith, were early resident farmers in South Groton. They 

1 A tripartite diviBion of this land was made in 1708, among Mr. Newman's hein, 
viz., John Newman, physician of Gloucester, Elizabeth Newman, spinster, and Sybil, 
wife of John Edwards, of Boston. 


received their granto in 1652 and '58, but conthiiied to reside in the 
town plot with their families till about 1655. Between this and 
1660, thej transferred their residence to the other side of the river. 
Ctrj Latham, as lessee of the ferry, was the first to be domiciliated 
open Groton Bank. Thomas Bajley settled north of Winthrop's 
land on the river. The Chesters, Lesters, Starrs, were somewhat 
later upon the ground — ^not settlers till after 1660. Andrew Les- 
ter, Jun., settled upon land given to his father. 

Proceeding up the river to that division of the township which is 
now Ledjard, we find a series of farms laid out on the northern 
boundary, adjoining Brewster's land, early in 1653, to Allyn, Avery, 
Coite, Isbell,^ Picket, and others, which were called the Pocketan- 
nock grants. Some of these were found to be beyond the town 

Robert Allyn and John Gager removed to this quarter about 1656. 
The country in the rear of these hardy pioneers was desolate and 
wild in the extreme. It was here that the Indian reservation Ma- 
shantucket was laid out, and the remnant of the Pequots settled in 
1667. Allyn and Gager were so far removed from the town plot as 
to be scarcely able to take part in its concerns, or share in its privi- 
leges. The General Court at their May session in 1658, consider- 
ately released them from their fines for not attending the town train- 
ing.' They appear, however, still to have attended the Sabbath 
meeting, probably coming down the river in canoes. George Greer 
married a daughter of Robert Allyn, in 1659, and settled in the 
neighborhood. A grant to Mr. Winthrop, May 6th, 1656, would 
probably fall within the present bounds of Ledyard. 

" Mr. Winthrop hath given him the Ptone quarry, south-east of Pockatannock 
River, near the footpath from Mohegan to Mistick.** 

Near the eastern boundary of the township, toward the present 
town of North Stonington, is an elevation that from the earliest set- 
tlement has been called Lantern Hill. The name is said to be deri- 
ved from a large naked rock not far from the summit, which, seen 
fvom a distance, in a certain position, or at a certain hour of the 
daj, shines like a light The Indians had probably named it from 
this peculiarity, and the English adopted the idea. East of this hill 
is » great pond, and a chain of ponds^ — sources of the Mystic— which 

1 hbelPs turn was boo^t, 1666, by George Geer. 
ICoL Bee, voL 1, p. 817. 




at first was regarded as ** our outmost bounds" in that direction. In 
1652 and 1653, Mr. Winthrop obtained grants of "" Lanthome HilV' 
the swamps and meadows between the hill and the great pond, with 
water and timber privileges at his pleasure, and also a strip of land 
twenty poles wide on each side of the Mystic, <*from the place where 
the tide flows to the end of our bounds up the river." 

Capt. Mason's grant east of the Mystic has been noticed. A series 
of other grants on that side commenced Dec 30th, 1652, with 200 
acres to Capt. Denison, whose eastern boundary was the Pequot- 
sepos, mentioned in Mason's grant ; and 260 to Mr. Blinman, to be 
laid out in the same form as Denison's, viz., 100 poles in breadUi 
upon the river. Other grantees of nearly the same date were James 
Morgan, Mr. Winthrop, John Grallop, Mrs. Lake,' Mr. Parke and the 
Beeby brothers, (now increased to four,) Mr. Blinman after a year 
or two relinquished his Mystic farm to Thomas Parke, in exchange 
for the accommodations of the latter in the town plot Denison, 
Grallop, Robert and Thomas Parke, and Nathaniel Beeby, probably 
removed to their farms in 1654. Denison sold what he styles ^my 
new dwelling-house," in the town plot, to John Chynnery, of Water- 
town, early in that year. 

The grants to John Gallop are recorded as follows : 

" Feb. 9, 1652-3. 

'* John Gallop in consideration and with respect unto the services his father 
hath done for the country, hath given him up the river of Mistick, which side 
he will, 300 acres of upland." 

" Feb. 6, 1653-4. 

** John Gallop hath given him a further addition to his land at Mistick, ISO 
acres; which he accepts of and acknowk*dgeth him^lfe satisfyde for what 
land he 'formerly laide claime unto upon the General Neck, as a gift of his 
father's, which as he saith, was given to his father by General Stoughton, fifter 
the Pequot warr."* 

Between Capt. Mason's farm and Chesebrough's, were several 
necks of land, extending into the Sound and separated by creeks. 
The neck east of Mason was allotted to Gary Ltttham, who in a short 
time sold it to Thomas Minor. Beyond this were two points or 

1 The wife of John Gallop inherited the land given to her mother, Mrs. Lake. 

2 This second John Gallop, as well as his father, had performed service against the 
Pequots. In 1671, the General Court gave bounties of land to various persons who 
had been engaged m the Pequot War:— cunong them were three names belonging to 
New London,— John Gallop, granted 100 acres,— James Rogers, 60,— Peter Blatch- 
ford*s heirs, 60. 


necksy one of them called " a pyne neck," with a broad cove between 
Uiem : these were granted to Isaac Willej, and sold by him to Amos 
Richardson. Another still larger neck, called Wampassock, and 
containing 550 acres of upland, with a smaller neck adjoining, was 
given to Hagh Caulkins. This was subsequently sold to Winthrop. 

Next beyond Caulkins, and separated from him by a brook called 
Mistuxet, was a tract of several hundred acres allotted to Amos 
Richardson and his brother. A part of this division was known by 
the Indian name of Quonaduck. 

The number and value of the grants made at various times to Mr. 
Winthrop, afford conclusive proof that the town was not ungrateful 
to its founder. It has been seen that at Fisher's Island, at Pequot 
Harbor, at Alewife Cove and Saw-mill Brook, (north of the Harbor,) 
at Nahantick, at Groton and at Mystic, he was not only the first and 
largest proprietor, but apparently the first operator and occupant. 
It was probably the same on the Pawkatuck River. Roger Williams 
writing to him in March, 1649, says : 

*' I am exceedingly glad of your beginnings at Pwokatock." 

It was about this time that Winthrop, assisted by Thomas Stanton, 
held a conference with Ninigret, the Narragansett sachem at We- 
qnatucket, with a view to conciliate his Indian neighbors, and have 
a fair understanding in regard to bounds. Probably at the same 
period, or very soon afterward, William Chesebrough, encouraged 
by Winthrop, and under a pledge from him of assistance and accom- 
modation, erected his first lodge in the wilderness, on the borders of 
the Wickutequock* Creek. Winthrop was then acting under a com- 
mission from Massachusetts, and Chesebrough regarded himself as 
under the jurisdiction of that colony. But in November, 1649, the 
magistrates of Connecticut took cognizance of the proceedings of 
Chesebrough, who had engaged in trade with the Indians of Long 
Island, and sent a warrant to the constable of Pequot, ordering him 
to desist. This order was disregarded, on the plea that he belonged 
to another jurisdiction. Subsequently a greater degree of severity 
was manifested toward him, and he was commanded to leave the 
territory, or appear before the court and make good his defense. 

Mr. Chesebrough was by trade a smith, and the magistrates were 
apprehensive that he might aid the Indians in obtaining those tools 

1 A cove and creek, east of Stonlngton Point; perhaps the same as Weqnatocket, 
betiore mentioned. 


and fire-Anns which would render them more dangerous a^ enemies. 
He appeared at Hartford in March, 1650-51, imd made a statement 
of the fiacts in his case. He had sold, he said, house and lands at Re- 
hoboth, and all the appurtenances of his trade, not reserving took 
even to repair a gun-lock or make a screw pin, and had come with 
his £Euining stock to Pequot, with the expectation of settling among 
the planters there ; but not finding accommodations that suited him, 
he had established himself upon the salt marsh kt Pawkatuck, which 
could be mowed immediately, and would furnish provbion for his 
cattle. In so doing he had been encouraged by Mr. Winthrop, 
whose commission from Massachusetts was supposed to extend over 
Pawkatuck. He had not wandered, he said, into the wilderness to 
enjoy in savage solitude any strange heretical opinions, for his reli- 
gious belief was in entire hanmrny with the churches of Christ estab- 
lished in the colonies :. moreover, he did not expect to remain long 
alone, as he had grounds to hope that others would settle around him, 
if permission from the court might be obtained.^ 

The court were undoubtedly right in disapproving of the lonely 
life he led at Wickutequock. The tendency of man among savages, 
without the watch of his equals and the check of society, is to de- 
generate ; to decline from the standard of morals, and gradually to 
relinquish all Christian observances. Yet under the circumstances 
<rf the case, they were certainly rigorous in their censure of Chese- 
brough. The record says, "they expressed themselves altogether 
unsatisfied.'' They were no further conciliated than to decree that 
if he would enter into a bond of £100 not to prosecute any unlawful 
trade with the Indians, and before the next court would give in the 
names of " a considerable company" of acceptable i^ersons, who would 
engage to settle at Pawkatuck before the next winter, " they would 
not compel him to remove." 

In September, 1651, Mr. Chesebrough was against Hartford, en- 
deavoring to obtain a legal title to the land he occupied. Mr. Win- 
throp and the deputies from Pequot engaged that if he would place 
himself on the footing of an inhabitant of Pequot, he should have his 
land confirmed to him by grant of the town. To this he acceded. 
In November, a house-lot was given him, which, however, he never 
occupied. Hb other lands were confirmed to him by the town, 
January 8th, 1651-2. The grant b recorded with the following 
preamble : 

1 Col, Rcc., vol. 1, pp. 200, 210, 


'* Whereat Hugh Calkin and Thomas Minor were appointed by the towns- 
men of Pequol to view and agree with, and bound out unto William Chese- 
brough and bis two sons, Samuel and Nathaniel, according to a covenant for- 
merly made by Mr. Winthrop, Hugh Calkin and Thomas Minor, with William 
Chesebrough, at Hartford, to allow them a comfortable, convenient subsistence 
of land, we do all agree as foUoweth : — We Hugh Calkin and Thomas Minor 
have bounded out 300 acres more or less," dec. 

After describing the bounds of the tract, which lay on the salt 
water, covering what is now Stonington Borough, it is added, "the 
said land doth fully satisfy William Chesebrough and his sons." 
This grant was, nevertheless, liberally enlarged afterward. In the 
town book is a memorandum of the full amount given him before the 
separation of the towns — " uplands, 2,299 acres ; — meadows, 63 J." 

On the Pawkatuck River the first white inhabitant was Thomas 
Stanton. His trading establishment was probably coeval with the 
farming operations of Chesebrough, but as a fixed resident, with a 
fireside and a family,- he was later upon the ground. He him- 
self appears to have beejn always upon the wing, yet always within 
calL As interpreter to tne colony, wherever a court, a conference or 
a treaty was to be held, or a sale made, in which the Indians were a 
party, he was required to be present. Never, perhaps, did the 
acquisition of a barbarous > langui^e give to a man such immediate, 
wide-spread and lasting importance. From the year 1 686, when he 
was Winthrop's interpreter with the Nahantick sachem, to 1670, 
when Uncas visited him with a train of warriors and captains to get 
him to write his will, his name is connected with almost every Indian 
transaction on record. > 

In February, 164D-50, the Greneral Court gave permission to 
Stanton to erect a trading-house at Pawkatuck and to have " six 
acres of planting ground and liberty of feed and mowing according 
to his present occasions ;" adding to these grants a monopoly of the 
Indian trade of the river for three years. These privileges probably 
induced him to bring his family to Pequot, where he established 
himself in 1651 and continued to reside, taking part in the various 
business of the town, until he sold out to George Tongue in 1656. 
His first town grant at Pawkatuck was in March, 1652 — three 
hundred acres in quantity, laid out in a square upon the river, next 
to his grant from the Court. The whole of Pawkatuck Neck and 
the Hommocks (u e., small islands) that lay near to it were subse- 
quently given him. Other farms were also granted on the Pawka- 
tiicky in the neighborhood of Stanton ; and April 4th, 1653, a liberal 


grant was made to Mr. Winthrop of the water-course of the river, 
with liberty to erect dams and mills on anj part of it or on anj of 
its branches, and to cut timber on anj common land near it, together 
with a landing-place, and a clause of general pnyilege annexed, vix. 

•* Liberty to dig up and make use of any Iron-stone or other stone or earth in 
any place wilhin the land of thia town.** 

Thomas Minor, one of the first settlers of Pequot, was one of the 
first to remove to that part of the plantation called Pawkatuck. His 
homestead, at the head of Close Cove, was one of the best tene- 
ments in the place. The bill of sale mentions house, bam, fences, 
orchard, garden, yards, apple and pear-trees, and gooseberry -trteM* 
Minor reserved the privilege of removing a part of the fruit-trees. 
Price £50 and possession given the 15th of October, 1652.' 

The next year we find Thomas Minor east of the Mystic, where 
he bought Latham's Neck, and in December had a town grant, 

•« Joining his father's land [father-in law, Walter Palmer] at Pockatuck upon 
the norward side of the path that goes to Mr. Stanton's.*'* 

Of his subsequent grants, the following are the most considerable. 

«* June 19, 1655. Thomas Mynor hath given him by consent of the Court 
held at Pequot and by the townsmen of Pequot 200 acres in a place called 
Tagwouroke bounded on the south with the foot-path that ruus from tlie head 
of Mistick river to Pockatuck wading place, and by Chesebrough's land." 

" J 657 — Granted to Thomas Miner, and his son Clement — from Stony brook 
easterly, 108 pole joining his former grant,<^thence north one mile and 60 pole, 
thence east 103 pole to his son Clement's grant, — Clement's land to run on an 
easterly line from this to Walter Palmer's land, whose land bounds it south," 

April 5th, 1652, the townsmen made a grant of three hundred 
acres at Pawkatuck, lying east and south-east of Chesebrough's land, 
to Hon. John Haynes, then governor of the colony. The grantee 
sold it to Walter Palmer, of Rehoboth. The contract was witnessed 
by Thomas Minor and his son John : possession given July 15th, 
1653. The price, one hundred pounds ^*in such cattle, mares, oxen, 
and cowes," as Mr. Haynes should select out of Palmer's stock, and 
ten pounds to be paid the next year. 

This transaction indicates with sufficient accuracy the period of 
Palmer's settlement on the Sound. His first grant from the town 

1 It went into the occupation first of Thomas Parke and next of Richard Haughton. 
% The latter bought it in November, 1656. 

2 Referring, probably, to Stanton*8 trading-house. 


was in February, 1653-4— one hondred acres ^near to the land he 
bought of Mr. Haines." The next year he had five hundred acres, 
and so on to May, 1655, when a note is made — 

"All his land bought and given, 1190 acres : 56 meadow.'* 

These were the first and most considerable planters at Pawka- 
tuck, but numerous other grants were made coincident with these. 
The farms laid out by the townsmen of Pequot were not, indeed, 
nnmerons, but the marsh or meadow was aUotted in small parcels to 
some twenty-five or thirty individuals, to supply deficiencies in ear- 
lier grants nearer home. 

The whole territory, from Nahantiek east to Nahantick west, con- 
tinued to be regarded as one township, acting together in town meet- 
ings, in the choice of deputies and in voting for magistrates of the 
colony. They formed also but one ecclesiastical society, Mr. Blin- 
man's rates being levied over the whole tract until 1 657.' 

The early planters at Mystic continued to attend the Sabbath ser- 
vice at Pequot, and were as often consulted about the meeting-house 
and house for the minister, and other parish business, as before their 
jemovaL Occasionally, they were accommodated with lectures in 
their own neighborhood. After 1657, when Mr. William Thompson 
was appointed missionary to the Pequots, it is probable that many of 
the farmers attended the Indian meeting, and that the Minors and 
Stantons, who were noted proficients in the Indian language, acted 
as the preacher's interpreters with the Indians. 

At a town meeting, August 28th, 1654, an interesting movement 
was made in regard to Pawcatuck. 

*' It was voated and agreed that three or foure men should be chosen unto 
three of PocUatucke and Misticke to debate, reason and conclude whether 
Misticke and Pockatucke shall be a town and upon what termes; and to de- 
lermine the case in no othnr way, but in a way of love and reason, and not by 
Toate : To which end these Seaven, Mr. Winthrop, Goodman Calkin, Gary 
Latham, Goodman Elderkin, Mr. Robert Parke, Goodman Cheesebrooke and 
Captaia George Denison were chosen by the major part of the towne and soe 
to act." 

No separation of these sister settlements from Pequot was at this 
time effected ; but their struggles to break loose and form an inde- 
pendent township were henceforth unremitted. Many of the inhab- 

l"Thi8 Court doth order that the hihabitnnts of Mistick and Paucatuck shall pay 
to Mr. BUmnon that which was due to liim for the last yeare, soil: to March Uist" 
Order of General Court, May, 1667. 


itants west of the river likewise regarded a separatism as desirable.^ 
It might tend to heal the distractions then existing among the Bet» 
tiers at Pawkatuck, who were experiencing the usual calamities of a 
border land and disputed title. Disunion and misrule were preva- 
lent : neighbor was at variance with neighbor, not only in regard to 
town rights, but with respect to colonial jurisdiction, the removal of 
the Indians and the territorial claims of Rhode Island. 

In 1657 the call for a separation became too strong to be neglect- 
ed. The General Court appointed Messrs. Winthrop, Mason, Tal- 
cott and Alljn, (the secretary,) to meet at Pequot and compose the 
differences between that plantation and the inhabitants of Mystic 
and Pawkatuck ; or if not able to effect this, to mak^ a return of the 
situation of afiairs to the nexf 'Court 

The contention between Massachusetts and .Connecticut for the 
jurisdiction of Pawkatuck was adverse to her municipal interests. 
Massachusetts, notwithstanding her distance and the inconsiderable 
advantage that could accrue to her from the connection, was reluc- 
tant to yield her claim to a portion of the Pequot territory, and in 
September, 1658, the court of commissioners decided that the whole 
territory should be separated into two plantations ; all east of the. 
Mystic to be under the direction of Massachusetts and all west of 
it to belong to Connecticut : 

*• Finding that the Pequot country, which extended from Naihantick to a 
place called Wetapauge about tenn nifles eastward from Mistick river, may 
conveniently accommodate two plantations or townships, wee therefore (re- 
specting things as they now stand) doe conclude that Mistick river be the 
bounds betweene them as to propriety and jurisdiction," &c. 

Pawkatuck by this decision being adjudged to Massachusetts, that 
colony without delay extended her sway over it and in October con- 
ferred upon the inhabitants the privileges of a town, with the name 
of Southerton. It was annexed to Suffolk county. Walter Palmer 
was appointed constable ; Capt Denison was to solemnize marriages, 
and the prudential affairs until a choice of townsmen should be made, 
were confided to Capt. Denison, Robert Parke, William Chesebrough 
and Thomas Minor.' 

1 Mr. Blinman appears at this time to have supported the separation party, though 
he afterward gave his influence to the other side of the question. This accounts for 
an unguarded remark of Capt Denison, *^ that Mr. Blinman did preach for Pawcatnck 
and Mystick being a town before he tK>ld hiA land at My stick ;** for which he afterward 
apologized before the Qeneral Court Col. Rec., vol. 1, p. 299. 

2 In B. I. Hist Coll., pp. 68, 269, John Muior is substituted for Thomas Mhior. This 
is an error. 


At the next session of the Court, M^r Mason as the advocate 
of Connecticut, called for a review <rf the decision. He claimed 
the territory in question, in behalf of the colony, first, as compre- 
heiuied within the patent of the lord-proprietors of Saybrook fort, 
who had expended at least £6,000, not for that small tract alone, but 
expecting therewith the country round about, as other 'colonies had 
done. Second, from possession before the Pequot war — as by hold- 
ing Saybrook fort, none protesting against it, a right to the country 
was implied and understood. He also claimed that the tacit allow- 
ance of the commissioners for some ten years past confirmed the 
claim ; and finally he asserted that Connecticut had a full and indis- 
putable right by conquest; the overthrow of the Pequots having 
been achieved by her people, " God succeeding the undertaking," 
without any chaise, assistance or advice from Massachusetts. 

The agents of Massachusetts were as positive and explicit. They 
claimed at least an equal ri^t by conquest, as having had their 
forces two or three months in the field, at an expense treble that of 
Connecticut: they were partners and confederates, and ought to 
share as sueh. In point of possession they claimed as having first 
occupied the country, by building houses in Mr. Stoughton's time, 
and then by Mr. Winthrop's settUng on the west side of the river^ 
with a commission from their Court, '* himself being most desirous 
to oontinne under that government." 

Major Mason rejoined : " you mention a possession house ; which 
house was not in the Pequot country, being on the west side of the 
river and again deserted and most of it carried away by yourselves 
before any £nglish again possessed it" 

in the warmth of his argument he here denies that the Pequots 
had any right to the territory .west of the river. As tl» guardian 
and advocate of the Mohegans, he probably challenged it all for them. 

The claim of Massachusetts from partnership in the Pequot war, 
he disposes of in the following manner : 

" If the English should have beaten the Flemings out of Flanders and they 
fly into another domain : — if the French should there meet the English and 
join with them to pursue the Flemings, would that give the French a right to 
Flanders r 

There is fallacy in this comparison. There can be no doubt but 
that the two colonies were joint conquerors and as far as conquest 
gives right, joint proprietors of the Pequot territory. The argument 
from possession also was nearly equal. Connecticut had in a man-^ 


ner possessed the country by publicly challeiiging it, by ordering a 
commission to survey it, and granting lands there to Mason and his 
soldiers soon aflter the war. On the other side, Mr. Stoughton, by 
order of the magistrates of Boston, had selected the place for a plan- 
tation, and Mr. Winthrop had commenced his operations under a 
commission from that colony. One side of the river was as trul^ 
conquered country as the other ; for the Nameaugs, if not Pequota 
proper, were virtual members of the confederacy. 

The commissioners refused to vary the decision they had made in 
1 658, and the new township was regarded as an appendage of the Bay 
colony some four or ^ve years longer. The charter of Connecticut, 
obtained in 1662, extended the jurisdiction of the colony to the 
Pawkatuck River. Measures were then taken by the Greneral 
Court to establish its authority over the premises. The title of 
Connecticut could not now be fairly disputed, but it was not recog- 
nized by all parties and quiet and harmony established, until about 

In October, 1664, the General Court passed an act of oblivion for 
all past offenses implying a contempt of their authority, to all inhab- 
itants of Mystic and Pawkatuck, " Capt. Denison only except." His 
offense was more aggravated than that of others, for he had con- 
tinued to exercise his office as a magistrate commissioned by Massa* 
chusetts, after the charter was in operation and he had been warned 
by the authorities to desist 

The records of the town are extant from 1664. John Stanton 
was the first recorder; Mr. James Noyes the first minister. A 
country rate was first collected in 1666. All grants made by the 
town of Pequot before the separation, were received as legitimate 
and confirmed by the new authorities. 

Orders of the General Court. 

*• October, 1665. 

*• Southerton is by this Court named Mistick in memory of that victory God 
was pleased to give this people of Connecticut over the Pequot Indians." 

«« May, 1068. 

** The town of Mistlok is by this Court named Stonington. The court doth 
grant to the plantation to extend the bounds thereof ten miles from the sea up 
into the country northward : and eastwards to the river called Paukatuck. 

** This Court doth pass an act of indemnity to Capt. George Denison upon 
the same grounds as was formerly granted to other inhabitanu of Stonington." 

Notwithstanding this act of grace Capt. Denison and the author- 
ities at Hartford were not on terms of mutual good-will until the 


path of reconciliation was made smooth by the gallant conduct of 
Denison in the Indian war of 1676. 

Another serious cause of disturbance in this young town arose 
from the unsettled state of the eastern boundary. The plantation 
had been designed to extend as far east as Wekapaug, the limit of 
the Pequot country ; and this included Sqummacutt, or Westerly, 
now in Rhode Island. Charles' charter extended the colony to 
** NarragcautU JRiver.*' No such river being known, Connecticut 
claimed that Narragansett Bay and the river flowing into it from 
the north-west were the boundary assigned. Rhode Island, on the 
other hand, asserted that Westerly had belonged to the Nahanticks, 
not to the Pequots, and that Pawkatuck River was the true Narra- 
gansett of the Connecticut charter. Moreover, the country between 
Narragansett Bay and the Pawkatuc^ had been included in both her 
charters, that obtained by Roger Williams in 1644 and that granted 
by Charles 11. in 1663. Mr. Williams observes : 

** From Pawkatuck river hitberward being but a patch of ground, full of 
troublefiome inhabitantii, I did, as 1 judge inoffensively, draw our poor and iu- 
coostderable line.** 

Both colonies. extended their jurisdiction over this disputed tract 
and made grants of th^ land : the inhabitants consequently adhered 
some to one side and some to the other. The contest was long and 
arduous, and had all the incidents usually attendant upon border hos- 
tilities, such as overlapping deeds, disputed claims, suits at law, ar- 
rests, distrains, imprisonments, scuffles and violent ejectments. The 
warfare was bloodless, but well seasoned with blows, bruises and abu- 
sive language. It was natural that New London should take a lively 
interest in these struggles. United in their origin ; not rivals, but 
members of the same family ; the two plantations, though separated 
in municipal government, remained bound in fraternal amity. Most 
of the original inhabitants of Stonington had first been inhabitants 
of New London, aAd their names are as familiar to the records of 
the one place as df the other. 

In June, 1670, commissioners appointed by the two colonies to 
nd^nst the difficulties between them, met in New London, at the inn 
<^ George Tongue; but no compromise could be efiected. Gapt. 
Fits John Winthrop was a member of this committee, and also of 
another court of commissioners appointed on the samte business in 


The Bam Meeting-house. — First regular Meeting-house. — The Sabbath drum. 
Burial-place. — Some account of Mr. Blinman and his removals. — The Welsh 
party. — Mr. Blinman's return to England. 

The first house of worship in the plantation was a lai^ bam, 
which stood in a noble and conspicuous situation, on what was then 
called Meeting-house Hill. On all sides the planters with their fam- 
ilies ascended to the Sabbath service ; and the armed watchmen that 
guarded their worship, might be so placed as to overlook all their 
habitations. The rude simplicity of these acconmiodations gives 
a peculiar interest to the sublimity of the scene. The bam was on 
the house-lot of Robert Parke, (Hempstead Street, south comer of 
Granite Street.*) The watch was probably stationed a little north, 
on the still higher ground, above the burial-place.' 

«* August 29, 1C51. 

" For Mr. Parke's barn ethe towne doe agree for the use of it until midsummer 
next, to give him a day*s work a peece for a meeting-house, — to be redy by the 
Saboth come a moneth. 

** Mem. Mr. Parke is willing to accept of 3/." 

** [Same date.] Goodman Elderkin doth undertake to build a meeting-hoaae 
about the same demention of Mr. Parke's his barne, and clapboard it for the 
sum of eight pounds, provided the towne cary the tymber to the place and find 
nales. And for his pay he requires a cow and 50t. in peage.'* 

In 1652, Mr. Parke sold his house-lot to liVllliam Rogers, from 
Boston. The bam had been fitted up for comfortable worship, aad ia 
spoken of as the meeting-house in the following item. 

1 On or near the spot where is now the house of Mr. William Albertson. After the 
decay of these first old tenements built by Mr. Parke, no dweUing-hoose was erected 
on this lot till Mr. Albertson built in 1846. 

2 Where is now the house of Capt John Rice, which stands at the south-east cor- 
ner of the Blinman lot, and on higher ground than any other habitation in the com- 
pact part of New London. 


' ** 30 Janet *«^3. Wee the townsmen of Pequot have agreed with Goodroan 
Rogers for the meeting-house for two years from the date hereof, for the summe 
of 3/. per annum. If we build a leantoo he is to allow for it in the rent, and i^ 
it come to more he is to allow it, and for flooring and what charges the town is 
at, he is willing to allow when the time is expired." 

Jndhe meantime a rate of £14 was levied to build a new meeting- 
house, and the site fixed bj a town vote, December 16th, 1652, which 
Mr. Bruen thus records : 

" The place for the new meeting-house was concluded on by the meeting to 
be in the highwaie, taking a comer of my lot to supply the highwaie." 

The highway here referred to, with the north part of Mr. Bruen's 
lot relinquished for the purpose, formed the area now known as the 
Town Square, and this first meeting-house is supposed to have stood 
precisely upon the site of the present ahns-house.' It was undoubt- 
edly a building of the simplest and plainest style of construction, yet 
full three years were consumed in its erection. Capt. Denison and 
Lieutenant Smith were the building committee, and collected the rate 
for it They were discharged from duty in February, 1 655, at which 
time we may suppose it to have been in a fit condition for service. 
The inhabitants had so much to do — each on his own homestead — 
the straggle to obtain the comforts and conveniences of life was so 
eoDtinual and earnest, that public works were long in completion. 
No man worked at a trade or profession except at intervals ; John 
Elderkin, the meeting-house contractor and mill-wright, had other 
irons in the fire ; a considerable proportion of the work was per- 
formed by the inhabitants themselves, in turn, and in this way th& 
progress must be slow. The house was perhaps raised and covered 
the first year, floored and glazed the next, pulpit and seats made the 
third — a gallery, it may be, the fourth, and by that time it needed a 
new covering, or the bounds were too straight, and a lean-to must be 

At this period the time for service was made known by beat of 
drum. What was the peculiar beat of the instrument that signified a 
summons to divine worship, we do not learn ; but undoubtedly some 
difference of stroke and tune distinguished the Sabbath drum from 
the drum military or civic. 

1 The site was considerably higher than at present, a large quantity of earth and 
stone having been since taken from this hill to assist in filling up the pond and marsh 
to form the present Water Street, 



" March 22, 1651-2. 

•* The towne have agreed with Peter Blatchford to beat the drum all saboth 
^ dayes, training dayes and town publique meetings for the sume of 3lb. , to be 
paid him in a towne rate.'* 

Blatchford continued several years in this office* The custom of 
denoting the hour for public worship by beat of drum, may hay^ccm- 
tinued until a bell was procured, but no allusion to it has been noticed 
later than 1675. 

Though this first meeting-house had no bell, we can not doubt but 
that it was crowned with that appendage which our ancestors vener- 
ated under the name of steeple, and which they regarded as an indis- 
pensable part of a completed house of worship. The cupola now 
became the look-out post of the watchman, and this rendered it a use- 
ful as well as an ornamental adjunct to the church. The sentinel from 
this elevated tower commanded a prospect in which the solemnity of 
the vast wilderness was broken and relieved by touches of great beau- 
ty. From the north, came flowing down between wood-land banks, 
the fair river, which, after spreading into a noble harbdr, swept 
gracefully into the Sound. Following its course outward, the eye 
glanced easily over a long extent of Long Island, while every sail 
that passed between that coast and the Connecticut shore, up or 
down the Sound, might be distinctly seen. Directly beneath lay the 
young settlement, a rugged, half-cleared promontory, but enlivened 
with pleasant habitations, and bordered, even then, with those light 
canvas wings that foreshadowed a thriving commerce. 

As 2k finale to the history of the bam so long used for a church, 
we may here notice a fact gleaned from the county court records of 
some fifteen or eighteen years' later date. William Rogers, the owner 
of the building had returned to Boston, and on his death, the heirs 
of his estate claimed that the rent had not been fully paid ; and Hugh 
Caulkins, who had been the town's surety, then a proprietor in Nor- 
wich, finds himself suddenly served with a writ from Mr. Leake, a 
Boston attorney, for £3, 10«., the amount of the debt He accord- 
ingly satisfied the demand, and then applied to the town for redress. 
The obligation was acknowledged, and a vote passed to indemnify the 

" Feb. 27, '72-3. 

** Upon demand made by Hugh Calkin for money due to Mr. Leake, of Bos- 
ton, for improvement of a bam of Goodman Rogers, which said Calkin stood 
engaged for to pay, this town doth promise to pay one barrel of pork to said Cal- 
kin some time the next winter." 


On the north of the meeting-hoase was the lot reserved for pur 
poses of sepulture. The ordinance which describes its bounds, an< 
legally sets it apart for this use, is dated June 6th, 1 653, and declares 
"It shall ever bee for a Comulon Buriall place, and never be impro 
priated hj any." This is the oldest grave-yard in New Londoi. 

" March 2G, 1055. 

" Goodman Cumstock is chosen to be grave-maker for the town, and he shal 
have 4$. for men and women's graves, and for all children's graves, 3t. for ever) 
grave he makes.*' * 

*' Feb. 35, 16GI-2. Old Goodman Cumstock is chosen sexton, whose work 
is to order youth in the meeting-house, sweep the meeting-house, and beat ou 
dogs, for which he is to have 40«. a year : he is also to make all graves ; foi 
a man or woman he is to have 4s., for children, 2s. a grave, to be paid by iur* 

In the rear of Meeting-house Hill, was the town pound. The in- 
sufficient fencing, and the number of strays, made a pound a very 
necessary appurtenance. Yet it is curious to observe the quantity 
of legislation which was expended in procuring one. The subject 
was regularly brought up several times a year, a rate perhaps voted, 
a person appointed to build the pound and to keep it ; yet there was 
no pound completed till 1663 or 1664. It was then erected ^be- 
tween Groodman Gnmstock's and Groodman Waller's," (on Williams 
Street, corner of Vauxhall,) and here it remained for at least 150 
years. The place is still called by the aged, Pound comer. 

On Meeting-house Hill also, the first accommodations were provided 
for prisoners. 

"March 10, 1661-2. 

" Goodman Longdon is chosen to be the prison*keeper, and his bouse for the 
town prison till the town take further order, provision is to be provided by the 
town, the prisoner being to pay for it with all other charges before he be set 

The earliest notice of Mr. Blinman in this country is from the 
records of Plymouth colony, March 2d, 1640. This, according to 
present reckoning, was 1641, but earlier than any vessel could arrive 
that season, which makes it probable that he came over in 1640. 

" Mr. Kichard Blindman, Mr. Hugh Prychard, Mr. Obadiah Brewen, John 
Sadler, Hugh Cauken, Walter Tibbott, propounded for freemanship." 

1 Longdon*8 honse stood near tht intersection of Broad and Hempstead streets. 



Grov. ^Winthrop mentioiiB Mr. Blinman's arrival and settlement, 
without giving the date. 

<* One Mr. Blinman, a minister in Wales, a godly and able man, came over 
with some friends of his, and being invited to Green*s Harbour, [since Marsk- 
fleld,] near Plfmoutb, they went thither, but ere the year was expired there fell 
out some difference among them, which by no means could be reconciled, so 
as they agreed to part, and he came with his company and sat down «t Cape 
Anne, which at this court, [May, 1642,] was ^tablished to be a plantation, 
and called Gloucester.*** 

The differences alluded to above, between the former settlers and 
the new comers at Marshfield, appear to have been wholly of a theo- 
logical nature, and regarded minor points of discipline. From the 
account given of 'this afiair in the Ecclesiastical History of Massa- 
chusetts,^ we gather that the main topics on which the two parties - 
disagreed were, the importance of a learned ministry, and how far lay 
brethren should be encouraged to exercise their gifts in the church. 
The historian says : 

•• Mr. Blinman, a gentleman of- Wales, and a preacher of the gospel, was 
one who expected to find a welcome reception. Being invited to Green*^ Har- 
bour, near Plymouth, he and his friends meant there to settle, but the influence 
of a few gifted brethren made learning or prudence of little avail. They com- 
pared him * to a piece of new cloth in an old garment,' and thought they 
could do better without patching. The old and new planters, to speak a more 
modem style, could not agree and parted." 

The church record of Plymouth in speaking of Marshfield, has 
this remark: 

** This church of Marshfield was begun and afterward carried on by the help 
and assistance, under God, of Mr. Edward Winslow, who at the first procured 
several Welsh gentlemen of good note thither, with Mr. HUnman, a godly, able 

Another original notice of this divine is in Lechford's Plain Deal- 
ing, written in 1641. It has It savor, as might be expected, of the 
bitterness of that author. 

" Master Wilson did lately ride to Green's Harbour, in Plymouth patent, to 
appease a broyle betweene one master Thomas, as I take it his name is, and 
master Blindman, where master Blindman went by the worst."* 

1 Sav. Wfaithrop, vol. 2, p. 64. 

2 Mass. Hist Coll., Ist series, vol. 9, p. 89. 
8 Davis, Morton*s Memorial, p. 416. 

4 Mass. Hist. Coll., 8d series, vol. 8, p. 106. 


It is an inqniiy of some interest to the genealogist, who composed 
that Welsh partj which came over with Mr. Blinman. It is fair to 
pTesmne that a considerable number of his fellow-passengers settled 
with him at Green Harbor, and subsequently removed with him in a 
body to Cape Ann. Thither therefore we must follow them. On 
that billowy mass of rocks, that promontory so singularly bold in 
position and outline, and so picturesque In appearance, they fixed 
their second encampment in this new world. 

The following slip from the town records of Gloucester may indi- 
cate several of the Welsh party. 

** 2 May, *42. On the first ordering and disposing of the affairs of Glou- 
cester by Mr. Endicott and Mr. Downing, these eight were chosen to manage 
thepnidential affairs. 

Wm. StecTens, Mr. Bruen, 

Wm. Addis, Mr. Norton, 

Mr. Milwood, Mr. Fryer, 

Mr. Saddler, Walter Tybbot." 

It is not necessary to suppose that all the names of Mr. Blinman's 
party should be of Welsh origin. They came from Chepstow, in 
Monmouthshire ; a county which is now considered a part of Eng- 
land proper, though it lies upon the border of "Wales, and formerly 
was reckoned to belong to that country. The Welsh language is 
said to prevail among the common people of that shire, but it is cer- 
tain that Mr. Blinman's party spoke good English, though sprinkled 
of course with some provincialisms. This fact affords sufficient 
proof, either that they were not Welshmen in the accurate sense of 
the term, or that they belonged to that more enlightened portion of 
the inhabitants who used the English language. 

In point of fact, it was not the peasantry of Great Britain, nor her 
paupers, nor her fortune-hunters, that founded New England. It 
was her staunch yeomanry, her intelligent mechanics, her merchants, 
her farmers, her middle classes — and of devout women not a few — 
whose enlarged vision beheld a realm of freedom beyond the ocean, 
and whose independent spirits disdained the yoke of oppression, were 
it to be imposed either on the soul or the body. The character of 
our comitry might have been very different had her pioneer settlerei 
or even their patrons and directors, been the younger sons of the 
gentry, or disappointed placemen, importunate suitors, and their ser- 
vile followers. An active husbandman fearing God, or a sturdy 



blacksmith, honest and iDdependent, exercising at once his reason, 
his electoral right, and his sledge hammer, la better than a hmidred 
pensioned lords to be the founder of a town, or the father of a race. 

Mr. Blinman may have been himself a native of Gloucestershire, 
which joins Monmouth where he had preached. The settlement at 
Gape Ann was probably named Gloucester in compliment to him. 
When he finally left America, and returned to England, it was to 
Bristol (which is in the county of Gloucester) that he retired, as 
to an ancient home which in all his wanderings had never been for- 
gotten. People are often found returning to the scenes of early days 
to die. There is a natural attachment in man to his birth-place, 
which in most cases renders it pleasing to him to lie down in his 
grave near the place where his cradle was rocked. 

That Mr. Blinman was a native of Gloucester, England, rests, 
however, only on supposition and probability. In the new Glouces- 
ter he resided about eight years. The records of the town give no 
particular account of his ministry, nor of the causes which led him to 
remove to New London. He was probably unmarried when he 
came to America. In the registry of births in Gloucester is the foL- 
lowing record. 

** Children of Mr. Richard Blinman and his wife Mary : 
Jeremiah bom 20 July, 1642. 
Ezekiel ** 10 Nov. 1643. 
Azarikam «« 2 Jan. 1646."i 

Johnson, in his Wonder-working Providence, which was written 
apparently while Mr. Blinman was at Gloucester, has this account 
of him and the origin of the church at that place. 

** There was another town and church of Christ erected in the Mattachuset 
Government upon the northern Cape of the Bay, called Cape Ann, a place of 
fishing, being peopled with fishermen, till the reverend Mr. Richard Blindman, 
came from a place in Plimouth Patten, called Green Harhour, with some few 
people of his acquaintance and settled down with them, named the town Glou- 
cester, and grathered into a Church, being but a small number, about 50 per- 
sons, they called to office this godly reverend man, whose g'lfis and abilities to 
handle the word, is not inferior to many others, laboring much against the er- 
rors of the times, of a sweet, humble, hcavenl> carriage.**^ 

1 In this name there is a snperfluons letter. Azrikam is a proper Hebrew name, 
found in Scripture, and signifying, " A help against the enemy." 

2 Mass. Hist Coll., 2d series, voL 7, p. 82. 


In tlie Veree that follows, he probaUj alludes to Mr. Blinman's 
proposed removal to Pequot. 

" Blinman be blith in him, who thee hath taken 
To feed his flock, a few poor scattered sheep. 
Why should they be of thee at all forsaken, 
Thy honor's high, that any thou may*8t keep." 

The first notice of Mr. Blinman's arrival at New London, (then 
Pequot) is his appearance at a town meeting in November, 1650. 
Several of his ancient flock acc<Hnpanied or followed him in this new 
emigration. Obadiah Bruen, Hugh Caulkins, WiUiam Hough and 
James Morgan were perhaps of this number. Rohert Parke, Wil- 
liam Addis, and several others, who settled in the place at a later 
date, are conjectured to have helonged originally to the same party. 

Of Mr. Blinman's ministerial labors here, no record has been pre- 
served ; not a single contemporaneous allusion can be found to his 
capacity, or to the result of his labors in that department. We have 
reason to infer however, that he was acceptable to the people, and 
that his intercourse with them was entirely harmonious. His grants 
of land were almost innumerable ; and his applications for grants 
either for himself or others, were responded to with hberality. Yet 
his disposition was evidently generous, not grasping. A proof of this 
is exhibited in his voluntary release of the town from their engage- 
ment to increase his salary annually : « 

" Feb. 35, 1653. Forasmuch as the town was iugagcd to Mr. Blynman for 
a set stypend and soe to increase it yeerly Mr. Blynman is freely willing to free 
the towne henceforward from that ingadgement." 

It is not known that Mr. Blinman was ever inducted into office, or 
that any church organization took place under his ministry. Yet he 
is uniformly styled " pastor of the church," which is strong evidence 
that a church association of some kind had been formed in the town. 
His reasons for leaving the church and the country are entirely un- 
known. Not a word of dispraise uttered against him from any indi- 
vidual is preserved, except the hasty insinuation of Capt. Denison 
heretofore mentioned, which he publicly recaUed. The period when 
he relinquished his charge can be very nearly ascertained, for in Jan., 
1657-8, he uses the customary formula, "I, Richard Blinman of 
Pequot," and in March of the same year, " I, R. B., at present of 
New Haven." 
Proofs of his liberality and kindness of heart occasionally gleam 


upon U8, showing that a free and loving intercourse was kept up be- 
tween him and friends left behind. April 27th, 1658, he writes frwn 
New Haven : " Loving friend, Mr. Morton — ^I do approve of my 
wife's sale of that lot," &c. 
April 26th„ he executes a deed of gift of two pieces of land: 

*^ To the honbred John Winthrop Esq. Governor upon Connecticut, in trust 
for the use of Mrs. Elizabeth Winthrop, the wife of the said John Winthrop 
and her heirs." 

' Most of his land on the Greneral Neck, and at Upper Mamacock, 
he sold to James Rogers and to the bill of sale he adds : ^^ I do hope 
it may be a blessing to you and yours." 

He also conveyed a piece of land as a gift to Samuel Beeby, and 
another to Mr. William Thomson, the Indian teacher ; the latter in 
the following terms : 

** Loving friend Mr. Tliomson. 

«* I was bold by brother Parkcs formerly to tender a small gift to you, viz. a 
piece of land and swamp which was given me for a wood lot lying towards the 
west side of William Curastock*s hill, which if you please to accept as a token 
of my love I do freely give and confirm it to you. 
«* Your loving friend. 

New Havfl«, April 11, IGSO.** ^^ — 

Soon after this last date, Mr. Blinman came to New London to 
settle some remaining affairs, and to embark with his family for Eng- 
land, by way of Newfoundland. His house and house lot he sold to 
William Addis, and his farm at Harbor's Mouth to John Tinker. 
The witnesses to this last deed were Samuel Rogers and Ezekiel 
Blinman. This is the only glimpse we obtain of Mr. Blinman's sec- 
ond son in this country. In this deed the form used, is, " I, Richard 
Blinman, late pastor of the church of Christ, at New London." 

A deed to Andrew Lester, and settlement of accounts with James 
Rogers, were dated 12th of July. He sailed shortly afterward. 
The Rev. John Davenport, of New Haven, in writing to Mr. Win- 
throp, mentions that he had received from Mr. Blinman "^ a large 
letter," dated at Newfoundland, August 22d, 1C59, and adds : 

" Whereby I understand that God hath brought him and his to Newfound- 
land, in safety and health, and m^eth his ministry acceptable to all the peo- 
ple there, except some Quakers, and much desired and flocked unto, and he 


hath made choice of a ship for Barnstaple, to his content, the master being 

The farms of Mr. Blinman at Pine Neck and Fort Hill were not 
sold when he left the country. They were afterward purchased by 
Christopher Christophers, and the deed of conveyance is from 

" I, Richard Blinman, with Mary my wife, now dwelling in the castle, in 
the city of Bristol, England." 
«« 10 Jan. 1670-1." 

Mr. Blinman's successor at Green's Harbor, Marshfield, was Mr. 
Edward Bulkley : at New London, Mr. Grershom Bulkley. There 
is this coincidence in the annals of the two places, that the first min- 
isters of each were Blinman and Bulkley. 

Mr. Blinman's oldest son, Jeremiah, or Jeremy, did not leave the 
country with his father. His name occurs occasionally for several 
years afterward. In 1668 he was plaintiff in an action of debt, 
versus John Raymond ; and about that period incurred, by judgment 
of the county qpurt, the penalty of £5, which was the usual fine for 
a violation of the laws of purity. 



" The Indian name of New London," says Trumbull, " was Na- 
meaug, alias Towawog." The first was undouLtedly the prevalent 
ndme : it was used, with many variations in the spelling, to designate 
both the site of the town and the natives found upon it The Indian 
names are all descriptive, and this is supposed to mean a fishing 
place, being compounded of NamaSj fishy and eag^ qtig, eak^ termina- 
tions which signify land. 

The other name, Tawaw-wog, is not often found on record : it 
occurs however, as an alias, in several deeds,* about the date of 1654. 
It is probable that this also has a reference to fish ; and may be de- 
rived from Tataug or Tatau-og^ Uackfish^ for which the neighboring 
waters are still renowned. 

The minutes heretofore quoted show conclusively that it was the 
wish of the first settlers, the fathers of the plantation, that their 
adopted home should bear the name of London. This was no sug- 
gestion of vainglory, the result of a high- wrought expectation of ri- 
valing the metropolitan splendor of Great Britain ; but a very nat- 
ural mode of expressing their deep-rooted affection for the land of 
their birth. The General Court hesitated in regard to this name, 
and proposed Fair Harbor^ as a more appropriate term. But the 
inhabitants declined the proposition, and resolved to adhere to the old 
Indian name, until they could obtain the one of their choice. 

The Legislature at length yielded to their wishes, and legalized 

1 Naman-us, fbh, R. Williams. 

2 A few examples, all from the handwriting of Mr. Bruen, will show the variatioiu 
•of orthography in these names: " Thomas Parke of the towne of Pequott otherwise 
xsalled Nameeg or Tawaw-wag." (1668.) " Samuell Lothrop of the towne of Pequot 
Dallas Nameeag and Tawaw-og.** (1654.) " Richard Blinman, pastor of the church at 
Pequot, (otherwise called Ijameeug and Tawaw-wog.'*) 


the favorite name of the inhabitants, by an act of March 24th, 1658, 
expressed in the following gracious and acceptable terms : 

" Whereas it hath been a commendable practice of the inhabitants of all the 
colonies of these parts, that as this country hath its denomination from our dear 
native country of England, and thence is called New England ; so the planters, 
in their first settling of most new plantations, have given names to those plant- 
ations of some cities and towns in England, thereby intending to keep up and 
leave to posterity the memorial of several places of note there, as Botton, Hart' 
fordt Windsor , York, Ipswich, Braintree, Exeter. This court considering, that 
there hath yet no place in any of the colonies, been named in memory of the 
city of London, there being a new plantation within this jurisdiction of Ck^n* 
neeticat, settled upon the fair river of Monhegin, in the Pequot country, it be- 
ing an excellent harbour and a fit and convenient place for future trade, it being 
alio the only place which ahe English of these parts have possessed by con- 
quest, and that by a very just war, upon that great and warlike people, the 
Pequots, that therefore, they might thereby leave to posterity the memory of 
that renowned city of London, from whence we had our transportation, have 
thought fit, in honor to that famous city, to call the said plantation New 


At what period ** the fair river of Mbnhegtn" received its present 
designation, the Thamei, is uncertain. Neither the colonial records, 
nor those of the town, enable us to fix the period. The proper name 
given by the Indians to this river, has unfortunately been lost. The 
English settlers called it from the tribes on its banks, " the Mohi- 
ganic River,'* or river of Mohegan ; the Pequot, or river of the Pe- 
quots. "We have seen that the Dutch explorers conferred upon it the 
names of Frisius, and Little Fresh River. In singular opposition to 
this name, the early planters o^ the town called it the Great Exver. 
This term, uted as a proper name, is found on a large number of 
grants and deeds. It was used by Winthrop and others in the be- 
ginning of the plantation, and for many years afterward. Jonathan 
Brewster, the town-clerk of 1650, called it "the Great River of Pe- 
quett." The reason is not obvious ; for persons acquainted with the 
Connecdcut and the Hudson, would never have termed it Great, in 
the absolute sense, and there was no stream near, of larger size than 
brooks and rivulets, to suggest a comparison. May it not have been 
like others of our names, a translation of the aboriginal term ? Sava- 
ges are ever boastful ; and to the Pequots and Mohegans, here was 

1 Conn. CoL Eec., vol. 1, p. 818. The name sometimes appears in old.records with- 
out the prefix of New. A grant of the Legblature in 1669, mentions " the plantation 
of London." 


the one great rtt^er— the river of a great people— of the god Sassa- 
cous and his unconquerable warriors. 

Allowing probability to this suggestion, we are next led to inquire, 
what was that native term which implied Great River. Pleasant 
indeed would it be to recover the aboriginal name of our beloved 
Thames. The western branch of the river was called hj the natives 
Yantuck or Yantic, a word which is supposed to mean a rapid, roar- 
ing stream.* This signification is peculiarly appropriate; for the 
river, though small, is swift and noisy, and near its mouth, being com- 
pressed between high cliffs, and obstructed by a rugged ledge of gran- 
ite, it works its way through the fissures, tumbling with noise and 
foam, into a smooth estuary or basin, by the side of which was a ^ 
mous Indian landing, or canoe-place. This fall, the distinguishing 
feature of the river and of its neighborhood, would be the first to at- 
tract the notice of the savage, the first object to be named, and its 
name the one to which others might be referred and compared. Thus 
the river took the name of the water-fall and was called the Yan- 
tuck ; then the larger river into which it flowed, would be the Mishi 
(great) or Masha-yantuck, euphonized into Mashantuck, and signify- 
ing the Great Yantuck. This, we venture to propose as the aborig- 
inal name of the Thames. But it is offered as a suggestion, not an 
assertion. As all Indian names are significant, and we have scarcely 
anything else to remind us of this vanishing race, the older children 
of the land we inhabit, it can not be deemed idle or impertinent to 
preserve what we have, and to recover all we can, of these fading 

Thi& word Mashantuck, with the syllable kuk, added, which in the 
Indian language designates a hill-top, or headland, might naturally 
be applied to the rugged, hilly country upon the river. For, among 
the Indians, as well as among civilized nations, it was no strange 
thing for the name of a river to be extended over the adjacent coun- 
try, or on the other hand, for the name of the country to overshadow 
the river. In point of fact the name Mashantakuk, with its varia- 
tions, Mashantucket* and Mishantuxet, was applied by the natives 
to the western bank of the river, or certain portions of it. In a deed 
from Uncas and his sons to John Mason in 1671, Mashantakuk is 
used as a general name for the whole Mohegan reservation. Sha^- 

iJudd, ofKorthamptoD, (MS.) 

2 The suffix et appears to be a terminal sonud without signification. 


tok, a name still given to a portion of Mohegan, bordering on the 
river, is probably an abbreviation of the same word. 

Most of the local names adopted at the first settlement, have been 
preserved with remarkable pertinacity. Trading Cove, Long Cove, 
Little Cove, the Straits' Mouthy Massapeag and Mamacock — all in 
the river ; Fog Plain, Mile Phiin, X Plain, Flat Rock, Great Hill, 
Ridge Hill, Mullein Hill, Pine Neck, Wigwamps, Log-bridge Hill, 
(now Loggy Hill,) west of the town ; Winthrop's Neck and Cove, 
Bream Cove, Green Harbor, Goshen Neck, Alewifa Cove — are 
names that were all in use before 1660, and most of them in 1652. 
What is now Niantic Bridge was at first known as " Gutt Ferry," and 
after 1790, as Rope Ferry, which is still in use. Gardiner's Inland 
was Isle of Wight, and Plum Island (rather later) Isle of Patmo.'^. 
Nassau Island, as a name for Long Island, appears on deeds between 
1690 and 1700. Great and Little Gull Islands were undoubtedly 
so named on account of the sea-gulls that here had their haunts, and 
whitened the shore with the abundance of their eggs. The Indians 
had probably named them from the same striking circumstance, and 
this Indian name, it is conjectured,^ was identical witli that given to 
a point on the Stonington coast — Wampassok or Warapasliok — a 
name supposed to signify a white land, or a land frequented by white 

One of the islets in the river just below Fort Trumbull was very 
early known as Nicholl's Cod, perhaps from William Nicholls an 
early settler : the other at a later period was called Powder Island. 
Bartlet*s Reef, south-west of the mouth of the river, may have had 
its name from William or Robert Bartlet, who were coasters or skip- 
pers on the coast before 1660. This however is not certainly 

Bachelor's Cove and Jupiter Point, on the Groton shore, were 
names used in 1653, but can not now be located. Latham's Chair, a 
duster of rocks, in the mouth of tlie river, near Eastern Point, is 
hijd down on charts. 

Cohanzie (a district in Waterford) is not on record before 1750, 
bat may have been familiarly used at an earlier date. Its origin 
is not known, but in all probability it is a modification of some Indian 
name. According to tradition it is derived from an old Pequot who 

1 Wampi^ white ; WampaA^ a species of wild goose, and probably applied to other 
Kris of white plumage. Womptnacuck^ " white head birds,"— a name given to the 
CHle. SeeMiss. Hist.GolL,2dseries,yol. 4,p. S76. 




had a wigwam in a dense swamp in the district, where he dwelt and 
made brooms and baskets for his neighbors, long after all others of 
his race had disappeared from the neighborhood. 

Cedar Swamp, Ash Swamp, Owl Swamp, and other swamps of the 
neighborhood, all at different periods have enjoyed the reputation of 
being haunted — ^not generally, however, by ghosts of the dead, but 
by living bugbears — such as old Indians, deserters from English 
ships, witches, and trampers. That species of tradition which is 
founded upon deeds of murder and violence, has never gained much 
of a foothold in this vicinity. The Ash Swamp ghost was perhaps 
an exception, though the legend appears to have faded from memo- 
ry : it was the apparition of a woman that always appeared with a 
white apron over her head, so that her face was never seen. A ghost 
was at one time in the last century said to haunt the vicinity of Mile 
Brook, where belated travelers were sure to find an old woman em- 
ployed in letting down bars that constantly replaced themselves, as 
they fell from her hand. 

The following Indian names belong to the original Pequot or Mo- 
hegan territory. A part of thenw are still in use : the others have 
been gleaned from records or tradition. 

CoW'WauSy a rugged tract of land lying west of the Mohegan 
or Norwich road. It is the Indian word for pine-tree and designated 
a locality where pines were found. Cowassit^ the Indian name of 
Blackweirs Brook, that flows into the Quinebaug in Canterbury, and 
CawisscUiick, in the north-east part of Stonington, are words of the 
same origin. 

GungewampSy a high, rugged hill three and a half miles north- 
east of Groton Ferry. 

Magunky sl locality on the Great Neck, formerly so called. It 
may mean a large tree, Magunkahquog, the Indian name of Hop- 
kinton, Mass., is said to signify, a plcice of great trees. 

Mamacock, the neck of land on which Fort Trumbull is situated ; 
also a neck of land two miles higher up the river. R. Williams de- 
fines Maumacock '' a point of land bending like a hook." 

Mashapatig, now Gardiner's Lake. It was in the north-west cor- 
ner of the ancient bounds of New London and the south-west comer 
of ancient Norwich. The English called it at first, " 20-mile-pond." 
It appears to mean simply Great Pond. Other sheets of water in 
New England bore the same name. 

Masia-peag ; probably a word of the same origin and significa- 
tion as the foregoing. It is the name of a large cove nmning into 


Mohegan from the river, six miles north of New London and so in- 
closed by the land as to resemble a pond. The banks o{ the cove 
bear the same name. It was sometimes written Mashpeage. 

Massa-wamasoff, a brook and cove in Mohegan, north of Massa- 

Mmatucky a high, bold hill-top, in Waterford, commanding a fine 
view of the Sound. The word may perhaps be of the same origin 
as Montauk. 

Mistuckset, a brook in Stonington forming a boundary of land at 
Qaonaduck, granted to Amos Richardson in 1653. 

Mystic : this name is similar to the foregoing. It is undoubtedly 
the true aboriginal name of the river, and not brought, as some have 
supposed, by the English settlers, from the Mystick which flows into 
Boston Bay. Roger Williams calls it Mtstiek before the Pequot 
"War. There is probably some natural feature conmion to the two 
rivers which suggested the name. It is now usually written without 
the k — ^Mystic. 

Ifaawckiuck. Samuel Lathrop's farm, on the west bank of Pe- 
quot River, four or five miles from New London, was said to be at 

Nantneag. Winthrop sent to Sir Hans Sloane a epecunen of a 
new mineral, which he says was found '^ at Nantneag, three miles 
from New London." The mineral received the name of Colum- 
bium. No place in the vicinity is now known as Nantneag. 

Naiw(tyonk or Nowayunck, now abbreviated to Noank, a peninsula 
at the mouth of Mystic River, on the west side. CaMasinamon's 
party of Pequot Indians was collected on this peninsula very soon 
after the settlement of New London, and remained here till about 
1667, when they were removed to Mashantucket. A thriving and 
picturesque village is now spread over the rugged ledges of Noank. 

Nayantick or Nahantick: Roger Williams wrote Nayantaquit; 
other variations are numerous. It is now commonly written Niantic 
The bar at Rope Ferry (south-west extremity of Waterford) was 
probably the original western Nahantick, and Watch Hill Neck, or 
the south-west part of Westerly, the eastern Nahantick. Nahantick 
is the same word as Nahant and apparently designates a long, sandy 
point or beach : the syllable ick is probably expletive. 

Oxo-paug-suck, This rugged Indian word has been transmuted 
by custom into one much more barbarous, viz., Oxy-boxy. It desig- 
nated a smkU pond in the north parish of New London (now Mont- 
ville) and a wild, dashing brook which issued from it and flowed 


south-east into the Thames. In the lower part of its course the 
stream was called by the Indians Cochikuack and by the English 
Saw-mill Brook. Its banks are in many places very bold and ro- 
mantic. A series of mills and factories (twelve in number) now 
occupy the choice positions on its course, and a village remarkably 
picturesque and umbrageous has grown up near its mouth, which is 
called Uncasville. 

Poqicetannuck, a river and cove on the east side of the Thames, 
where Brewster's trading-house was situated. The name is still re- 
tained and designates also a pleasant village thix)ugh which the 
stream flows. Two definitions, of directly opposite import, may be 
suggested for this word : a fact which illustrates the difficulty of 
fixing the signification of Indian names. Poqua, it is said, signifies 
an oaky and Poqua-tannoch is, then, a place where there are many 
oak-trees, a forest of oaks. Again, poqua signifies open, and places 
with that prefix denote open fields or cleared grounds. Poquetannticky 
then, means a place free from all trees. 

Poqtiaug^ or more properly Poquyogh, a small bay or cove, be- 
tween two and three miles west of the mouth of the Thames. The 
word may be derived from Pequaw-hoch or Quatv-haug, the name of 
the large round clam, which was very abundant in this vicinity. 
The English at first called it Robin Hood's Bay, but this name was 
soon dropped and that of Jordan substituted ; which name now des- 
ignates the cove, the brook flowing into it, and the adjoining district. 
It was probably bestowed by some devout proprietor in honor of the 
Jordan of Palestine. 

Shinicosset, in Groton, east side of the harbor's mouth. 

SepoS'tamesuck, a cove and brook in Mohegan, west side of the 

Swichichog, a rocky point in Mohegan, west side of the river. 
Swegotchy^ west side of Niantic Bay : perhaps both have some ref- 
erence to saqtitshy saquukog, clams. 

Tauba-konomok, a high hill in the western part of Waterford, 
overlooking Lake's Pond : now abridged to Konom ok. It is men- 
tioned in a town act of March 14th, 1693-4. 

" Then voted that the land lying between Popple-swamp and Taba-cono- 
mock hill shall be and remain for the town's use forever common." 

Uhuhiohj written also Uhuoigk^ Whoohyoh^ and sometimes the 
last letter h. This name was applied to Jordan Brook where it falls 
into the cove and to the swampy thickets on its borders. The sound 


80 much resembles the hooting of an owl as to suggest the idea that 
the name was derived from that bird. The Mohegan word for owl 
was, however, Koohoo-hy-om ; and we hazard, as a more pleasing con- 
jecture, that it was the Indian word for the whippowil, and so named 
on account of the woods and brakes in the vicinity having been no- 
ted retreats of this interesting night-warbler. Using what is called 
in the notation of Indian languages the whistled w^ it would be 
written JPuhioh} May not the name of the fair river of the west, 
Ohio, have a similar origin ? 

Wikopasset or Weekopeesuck, a small island at the north-east end 
of Fisher's Island. 

Wee-powaug^ a place north of Brewster's farm at Poquetannuck, 
where Uncas gave to John Picket six or seven hundred acres of 
land. It fell to his son-in-law Charles Hill.' 

1 Heckwelder and Dnponceau would probably have given it this orthography. 
3 Gomi. CoL Bee., voL 2, p. 142. ' 




UncRS at variance with the English. — Repeatedly invaded by the Narragan- 
setu. — Incident at Brewster's Neck. — Efforts to instruct the Indians by Blin- 
man, Thompson, Minor and Stanton. — Removal and settlement of the two 
bands of Pequots. 

The Mohegans and the planters at Peqaot continued to be for 
several years troublesome neighbors to each other. The sachem 
was ever complaining of encroachments upon his royalties and the 
English farmers of Indian aggressions upon their property. In 
March, 165^4, the planters, apparently in some sudden burst of 
indignation, made an irruption into the Indian territory and took pos- 
session of 

** Uncas his fort, and many of his wigwams at Monheag,"* 

The sachem, as usual, carried his grievances to Hartford ; and 
the General Court ordered a letter of inquiry and remonstrance to 
be written to the town. This was followed by the appointment of a 
committee. Major Mason, Matthew Griswold and Mr. Winthrop, to 
review the boundary line between the plantation and the Indians 
and to "endeavor to compose differences between Pequett and Uncas 
in love and peace."^ This appears to have quieted the present un- 
easiness, and for several succeeding years the enmity of the Nar- 
ragansetts furnished the sachem with a motive to conciliate the Eng- 

Between 1640 and 1660 he was repeatedly invaded by hostile 
bands of his own race, that swept over him like the gust of a whirl- 
wind and drove him for refuge into some stone fort or gloomy Cappa- 

1 Conn. Col. Bee, vol. 1, p. 251. 

2 Vt fupra, p. 267. 


cnmmock.^ It is wonderful that he should always have escaped 
from an enmity so deadly and unremitting, and that he should have 
increased in numbers and strength while so frequently engaged in 

In 1657, the Narragansetts, taking their usual route through the 
wilderness, and crossing the fords of the Shetucket and Yantic, pour- 
ed down upon Mohegan, marking their course with slaughter and 
devastation.' Uncas fled before them, and took refuge in a fort at 
the head of Nahantick River, where his enemies closely besieged 
him. It is probable that he would soon have been obliged to submit 
to terms, had not his English neighbors hastened to his relief. Lieut, 
James Avery, Mr. Brewster, Richard Haughton, Samuel Lothrop 
and others well armed, succeeded in throwing themselves into the 
fort ; and the Narragansetts, fearing to engage in a conflict with the 
English, broke up the siege and returned home. Major Mason, the 
patron of Uncas, hastened to lay before the General Court an ac- 
count of the danger to which he had been exposed.^ The Legisla- 
ture approved of the measures that had been taken for his protec- 
tion, and requested Mr. Brewster to leave a few men in the fortress 
with Uncas, to defend him, if again he should be assaulted, and to 
keep a strict watch over the Narragansetts. 

The commissioners who met at Boston in September, took a dif- 
ferent view of the case. They had come to the determination of 
leaving the Indians to fight their own battles, and therefore disap- 
proved of the interference of the English in favor of Uncas. A 
letter was forthwith dispatched to Pequot directing Mr. Brewster 
and the others, in Nahantick fort, to retire immediately to their own 
dwellings, and leave Uncas to manage his affairs himself. For the 
time to come, they prohibited any interference in the quarrels of In- 
dians with one another, either by colonies or individuals, except in 
cases of necessary self-defense. 

The next year Uncas was again invaded by the Narragansetts, 
and with them — ^united against their common enemy— came the Po- 
komticks and other tribes belonging to Connecticut River. The Eng- 
lish did not always escape imnoyance from these marauding parties. 

1 This name probably refers to an islet in a swamp. 

2 " The Narragansetts killed and took captive diverse of his men and seized much 
of his goods." Hazard, vol. 2. 

8 Conn. CJol. Rec., vol. 1, pp. 801, 802. 



Mr. Brewster preferred a complaint to the commissioners at their 
next meeting, that the invaders 

** Killed an Indian employed in his service, and flying to Mistress Brewster 
for succor ; yet they violently took him from her, and shot him by her side to 
\xeT great affrightment."^ 

This incident undouhtedly occurred on Brewster's Neck at Poque- 
tannuck. The Indians in their defense said that the Mohegans, their 
enemies, took shelter in Mr. Brewster's house and were there pro- 
tected ; that Mr. Brewster and Mr. Thompson supplied them with 
guns, powder and. shot ; that being on the west side of the river, 
they were shot at by two men from the east side, whereupon their 
young warriors crossed the stream, and not finding the offenders, 
concluded they had taken shelter in the house, and pursued them 
thither. This defense had but little weight with the commissioners ; 
who amerced the offending Indians in 120 fathoms of wampum. 

The repeated invasion of his enemies drove Uncas for a time from 
his residence in Mohegan proper. He sheltered himself for two or 
three years within the circle of the English settlements, and dwelt 
at Nahantick, at Black Point, and even west of Saybrook, on lands 
claimed by him at Killingworth and Branford. It was not till after 
the settlement of Norwich in 1660, that he once more established 
himself in his old home. 

The migratory habits of the Indians, who seldom spent summer 
and winter in the same place, will account in some degree for their 
wide-spread claims of possession. Foxen, the friend and counselor 
of Uncas has left his name indelibly impressed in the neighborhood 
of New London and on the plains of East Haven.* This fact alone 
would show the extent of the Mohegan right of dominion ; or rather 
of the Pequot right, to which the Mohegans succeeded. 

In 1657, the court of commissioners, acting as agents to the 
" Society for propagating the Grospel in New England," proposed to 
Mr. Blinman to become the missionary of the Pequots and Mohe- 
gans, offering a salary of £20 per annum, and pay for an interpreter. 
Mr. Blinman declined ; and the same year Mr. William Thomson,' 
a graduate of Harvard College, and son of the first minister of 
Braintree, Mass., was engaged for the office. His salary from the 

1 Becords of the Commissioners, in Hazard, vol. 2. 

2 East Haven Begister, p. 18. 

8 This is his own orthography: Farmer in his Begister writes it Tompson. 


commissioners was £10 per annum, for the first two years, and £20 
per annitmj for the next two ; but after 1661 the stipend was with- 
held, with the remark, that he had " neglected the business." His 
services were confined entirely to the Pequots at Mystic and Paw- 
katuck.* Uncas uniformly declined all offers of introducing religions 
instmction among his people. Mr. Thomson left New London in 
feeble health in 1663, and in September, 1664, was in Surry county, 

The commissioners made many praiseworthy attempts to obtain 
regular religious instruction for the Pequots, but met with only par- 
tial success. In 1654, they selected John the son of Thomas Minor 
and proposed to educate him for an Indian teacher. John the son 
of Thomas Stanton was also received by them for the same purpose. 
They were both kept at school and college for two or three years ; 
but the young men ultimately left their studies and devoted them- 
selves to other pursuits. 

The remnant of the Pequots not amalgamated with the Mohegans 
were principally collected into two bands : one of them hved on or 
near the Mystic, having Cassasinamon. (called by the English Robin) 
for their chief; the other, on or near the Pawkatuck, under Casha- 
wasset (or Harmon Garrett.) These miserable fragments of a tribe 
for many years annually sent their plea to the court of commission- 
ers asking for more land. Their situation was indeed pitiable. The 
English crowded them on every side. Their com was often ruined 
by the breaking in of wild horses, and loose cattle and swine ; and 
they were not allowed to fish, or hunt, or trespass in any manner 
upon lands churned either by Uncas or by the English. Toward 
these people, the commissioners in 1 658. and onward appear to have 
been kindly disposed. They repeatedly granted them certain tracts 
of land and appointed persons to see to their removal and accommo- 
dation. In 1663, they wrote letters to the towns of New London 
and Southerton requiring them immediately to lay out those lands 
which had been granted to the Indians, " anno 58." Even this imper- 
ative proceeding led to no immediate result. It was the favorite 
plan of the Connecticut authorities, to settle the Pequots at Mohe- 
gan, under the sway of Uncas, and they consented with reluc- 
tance that they should remain a distinct community. Mr. Winthrop, 

1 Mr. Thomson had a farm at Mystic, but his residence was in the town plot, on 
what is now Manwaring's Hill. His house was sold when he left the town, to Oliver 



Capt Benison, Capt James Avery, and some other men of inflaence, 
dissotifeii from these views and labored for the accommodation of 

the P<H]lH>lH. 

In I IUJ4, the commissioners referred the charge and responsibility 
of ixnioving the Indians to the Connecticut delegation. After a 
ftmiit^r :it niggle of three years with various contending parties, the 
object IV 11^ accomplished. The Connecticut committee report in 1 667 : 

" As Utr ihti Pcquot Indians they are settled on a large tract of land for their 
pbintinff fttid subsistence, which we wish had been sooner attended, but being 
litiw ullLtird, we hope will satisfy our confederates." 

This refers to the Mystic Indians, who were removed to the inte- 
rior of tLie northern part of the plantation, and settled on a reserva- 
tion of two thousand acres, called Mashan tucket, a name probably 
traiisfern d from the Mohegan reserved lands west of the river,' 
to wliifh it had been previously applied. Cassasinamon^ remained 
tJi^ ruler or governor of this party until his death in 1692. Other 
nominal rhiefs of their own people followed, but the actual direction 
<if their affairs, down to the present day, has been intrusted to agents, 
uppoiuted by the legislature. 

The removal and settlement of Harmon Grarrett's company was 
attended with yet more difficulty.' They were ultimately settled, 
ai)il |>robahly about 1670, on a reservation a few miles east of 
H^i^liaolueket, in what is now North Stonington. Harmon Garret, 
0tLerwi:^e called Wequash-kook, and sometimes Cashawasset, died 
in 107 o ur 1676. Momoho succeeded and died in 1695. Both of 
thcao Pequot bands remained faithful to the English in Philip's 
War and performed good service. 

1 in llki? inanner the name Nameog, or Nameak, had been applied to tiie place 
nhem iliK'T dwelt at Mystic. 

a Urq would like to know whether the wit of this tawny chieftain were as ^picy at 
hk name. Cnssia-cinnamon — ^how pungent and aromatic ! 

3 Sc* Slit^fl. Hist Coll.,8d series, vol. 10, pp. 64-69, where are letters to Gov. Win- 
1hr<yp on thr:i Pequot business, from Capt Denison and Mr. James Noyes, which show 
Hiat evctn i^andid and honest men may take different views of the same subject. 
Ilea] 1^0 plodds for the Indians with an eloquence and ardor highly honorable to him. 


Town afiairs, civil and ecclesiastical, from 1661 to 1671.— rExtracts from the 
Moderator's minutes, "with explanations and comments. — Ministry of Mr. 
Bulkley and Mr. Bradstreet. — First church formed.— First ordination. 

The year 1661 presents us with a new minister. Mr. Gershom 
Bnlklej, of Concord, in the Bay colony, having preached several 
months in the place, entered into a contract to become the minister 
of the town. This was merely an engagement for a term of years, 
and contained no reference to a settlement or ordination. The town 
pledged a salary of £80 yearly for three years, and afterward more, 
if the people found themselves able to give more, or "as much more 
as God shall move their hearts to give, and they do find it needful to 
be paid." It was to be reckoned in provisions or English goods ; 
and for the first three years he was to have " all such silver as is 
weekly contributed by strangers, to help towards the buying of 
books." The town was to pay for the trsuisportation of himself, 
family and eflects from Concord ; provide him with a dwelling-house, 
orchard, garden and pasture, and with upland and meadow for a 
small farm ; supply him yearly with fire-wood for the use of his 
family, and " do their endeavor to suit him with a servant-man or 
youth, and a maid, he paying for their time." Finally, if Mr. Bulk- 
ley should die during the continuance of his ministry, his wife and 
children should receive from the town " the full and just sum of £60 

This contract was afterward modified. To obviate some difficul- 
ty which occurred in building the parsonage, Mr. Bulkley proposed 
to provide himself with a house, and free the town from the engage- 
ment to pay £60 to his family in case of his decease, for the sum of 
£B0 in hand. To this the town consented on condition that he re- 
mained with them seven years, but they added this clause. 

**In case he remove before the 7 yeer, he li to return the 80/. agen, but if he 
stay the 7 yeere out, the 80/. is wholly given him, or if God take him away be- 
fore this tyme of 7 yeeres, the whole is given his wife and children." 



Mr. Bulkley was a son of the Rev. Peter Bulkley, first minister 
of Concord, Mass. His mother, the second wife of his father, was 
Grace, daughter of Sir Richard Chitwood. It has been often rela- 
ted concerning this lady, that she apparently died on her passage to 
this country. Her husband supposing land to be near, and unwilling 
to consign the beloved form to a watery grave, urgently entreated 
the captain that the body might be kept one day more, and yet another 
and another day ; to which, as no signs of decay had appeared, he 
consented. On the third day symptoms of vitality were observed, 
and before they reached the land, animation, so long suspended, was 
restored ; and though carried from the vessel an invalid, she recovered 
and lived to old age. Her son, Gershom, was born soon after their 
arrival, Dec. 26th, 1635. He graduated at Harvard College, in 1655, 
and married, Oct. 26th, 1659, Siirah Chauncey, daughter of the presi- 
dent of that institution. His father died in 1659. His widowed 
mother, Mrs. Grace Bulkley, followed her son to New London, 
where she purchased the homestead of William Hough, " hard below 
the meeting-house that now is," and dwelt in the town, a householder, 
"so long as her son remained its minister. 

Mr. Bulkley, after having freed the town from their engagement 
to build a parsonage, purchased the homestead of Samuel Lothrop, 
who was about removing to the new settlement of Norwich. The 
house is said to have stood beyond the bridge, over the mill brook, 
on the east side of the highway toward Mohegan. Here Mr. Bulk- 
ley dwelt during his residence in New London.' 

Minuses from the Moderator's hook. 
" Mr. Thomson to be clccred" — (freed from paying rntes.) 

" Mr. Tinker, James Morgan, and Obadiah Brucn, are chosen to seat the 
people in the meeting-house, which, they doing, the inhabitants &re to rest 

" Dec. 1, 1661. The towne have agreed with Goodman Elderkin and Good- 
man Waller to repare the turret of the meeting-house, and to pay them what 
they shall demand in reason." 

«* To know what allowance Mr. Tinker shall have for his tyme spent in exer- 
cising in publique. 

** To return an account of contributions. 

** May 5, 1662. Thomas Bowen hath given him by the towne forty shillings 
of the contribution wompum," 

1 Probably where is How the Hallam house, late the residence of the aged sisters, 
Mrs. Thomas Poole and Mrs. Robert Hallam. 


Why Thomas Bowen should receive a part of the money given for 
ecclesiastical purposes is not explained. He had dwelt but a short 
time in the place, and very soon removed to Behoboth, where he 
cUedin 1663. Mr. Tinker is supposed to have led the public worship 
before Mr. Bulkley's arrival. The town voted him a compensation 
of £6. He was rate-maker, collector and commissioner for the year 
1662, and also an assistant of the colony. 

"Jan. 6, 1661-2. 

" The highway to the water by Mr. Morton's is voated to be 4 pole wide.** 
[Now Blinman street] 
'* All the military offisers are to lay out fort hill by the next meeting.*' 

Fort Hill was an elevated upland ridge on the eastern border of 
the present Parade, with an abrupt projecting slope to the water side, 
which caused it to be called also a point. In the course of time it 
has been graded and rounded, so as to be no longer either a hill or a 
point It was expressly reserved on the first laying out of the town, 
for the purpose of fortification. 

" Sept. '61. 

"Mr. Thomsons request of 3 pole of land by the water side upon Mill Cove." 

" Oct. 24. Mr. Lords request in writing. 

" Mr. Savages request in writing. 

" Mr. Lovelands request in writing. 

" A Dutchman and his wile request of the towne." 

" Dec. 1. Three men, (Morgan, Latham, Avery,) chosen by the town to vew 
the poynt of land and confirme it to Mr. Loveland, Mr. Tinker, Mr. Lane, and 
Mr. Station, in the best way they can, leaving sufiisient way to the Spring for 
all neighbors." 

t* Sept. 24, '62, 

" Mr. Pinsions request for a place for wharfage and building and outland. 

" Hugh Moles request for a place by the water side to build vessels on, and 
a wharfe. 

" Consider to do something about the townes landing place." 

"Jan. 26, '62-3. Mr. Pinsions request per Mr. James Rogers, — the 
towne doe give him three pole out of yt sixe pole yt is allowed for the towne a 
landiiig place, neere Sandie poynt, provided he build and wharfe within one 
ycere after this grant; the landing place to be but three pole wide." 

The above extracts give evidence of an increasing trade, which 
was bringing the beaches and sandy border of the town into use- 
Mr. Thomson was the Indian missionarj, whose engagements with 
his simple flock do not appear to have interfered with his attention 
to civil affairs. Richard Lord was of Hartford ; Habijah Savage 
and Robert Loveland, of Boston; "the Dutchman" was probably 
Jacob Skillinger, of New Haven, All these persons were more or 
12 ^ 


less interested in the commerce of the port, and made application for 
smflll gi ants of land for the erection of warehouses. Sandy Point 
waa the swell or circlet of the shore, just at the head of the present 
Water Street. Here was the town landing place, and the ferry stairs, 
where passengers from the east side of the river landed. The 
spring, which was to be kept free for the accommodation of the pub- 
lic, wa.s on the north side of the present Federal Street, east of the 
heiul of Bradley Street, gushing out of the side hill, and flowing into 
the rivi T- It was famous in the early history of the town for its 
\)\xre, euld^ abundant waters, but from the gradual elevation of the 
ground near the water side, it has of late years entirely disappeared.* 
Capt, Juba Pyncheon, of Springfield, very early entered into corres- 
pondeiH-e, in the way of trade, with the plantation, first with Win- 
throp and afterward with James Rogers, sending cattle and produce 
hiihi r to be shipped for other markets. " The path to Pequot," trav- 
eled by his droves, is mentioned in the early records of Springfield. 
The site tor a warehouse granted him out of the landing-place, re- 
verted nfterward to the town. Hugh Mould, a son-in-law of John 
Coite, was allowed a sufficient quantity of land at Sandy Point, for a 
carpenter's yard, provided it could be obtained and not "hinder the 
careening of vessels." Another person who was at this time a resi- 
dent trader, though not mentioned so early in the minutes, was Sam- 
uel Harkl)um, or Hagborn, from the Bay colony. He was received 
as an inhabitant, but meeting with some reverses, left the town in 

In Fp4>., 1661-2, George Tongue was granted four poles of land 
lief ore hU house-lot on the bank. This was the origin of the names, 
Tnngue'B Bank, Tongue's Rocks, and Tongue's Cliff, which contin- 
ued to he applied to that portion of the water side now covered with 
I he wharves and buildings of Capt. A. Basse tt and the Brown broth- 
ers, lotAj]: after the name had othenvise become extinct in the town. 

At the same time, grants were made of small portions of the water 
side, ni.^xl south of the fort land, to John Culver,' William Douglas, 
itnd Ja^hua Raymond. The remainder of the Bank, with the excep- 
tion of li building yard granted U) John Coite, in 1699, was left com- 
mon until the next century. 

" -2^} Feb , *61-2. Mr. Addis granted to sell bcere.** 

** r^ MhI}', *0'2. Goodman Culver is chosen and allowed of by the towne for the 
niakmg oJ' bread andbruing ofbeere for the publicke good." 

1 Eldest son of Edward Culver. 


'*Tke towne desire Mr. Tinker to be by ye court conformed assistant for this 
yeer, and Oba: Bruen for the taking of oathes and making of warrants and 

** The Book of Lawes is voated to be called for by the constable, Peter 
Blatchford, and to be delivered to O. Bruen, recorder, for the use of the towne." 

This Book of Laws must have been a manuscript copy of the 
principal enactments of the Greneral Court : every town within the 
jurisdiction being required to possess one such copy. The colony 
had no book of printed laws until 1673. The most prominent orders 
of the General Court, were usually brought home by the deputies, 
and read or published, as it was called, in the next town meeting, and 
the most important were engrossed in the town book. 

" 31 March, 1663. 

'* James Rogers, James Morgan, John Prentis, and Peter Blatchford, are 
chosen to draw a petition to the Ck)urt respecting the grievances of the town. 

" Whereas Gary Latham and Mr. Douglas are by the Court fined for not fully 
presenting the town list, anno 1663, the town see cause to petition the Court as 
a grievance, not finding wherein they have failed except in some few houses. 
Voted, also about the rate of £35, 8t. 9d, as over- rated £1,500, by the Court in 
March, '62-3." 

From the Colonial Becords we learn that the court had severely 
rebuked the listers of the town for the low valuation they had given 
to estates, observing, " they have not attended any rule of righteous- 
ness in their work, but have acted very corruptly therein." The 
fines were remitted in May, 1668. 

" 16 AprU. 

*' The town agree with Robert Bartlet for the making of a pair of Stocks with 
9 holes fitted to put on the irons for 13s. 4d" 

** May 7. John Culver is chosen for this next yeere to drumm Saboth days 
and as formerly for meetings. 

** Francis Hall^ hath given him two pole of land by the water side, if it be 

" Jiue 9. Cary Latham, Mr. Douglas and Ralph Parker were to make the 
Coxmtry rate by the list they made of the Town Rate in *62. Our rate accord- 
ing to our hst being about 291. 3s. 9d, Court say 35/. 8s. 9d, 

Cary Latham, with myself, O. B. voted to speake with the committy from 
Court sent to heare the Case, depending, (as the Court expresseth it,) betwixt 
Uncaa and the Inhabitants of New London." 

** July 20. Order from the Court to make the rate 31/. 6«., and to be sent by 
October next." 

" 16 Sept. 

" Mr. Witherell, Lieut. Smith, James Morgan and Oba. Bruen chosen to 

1 Han was of Stratford, but had commercial dealings in New London. 


hear the grievances of the inhabitants of wrong done by the Indians, and draw 
a petition in the town's behalf." , 

«• 26 Oct. This being the town meeting, James Bemas should have ac- 
knowledged his offence against the Major — he came not to it. 

" Mr. Skill inger propounded the sale of his land and house this day, — none 
offered any thing." 

Skillinger in 1668 and '69 was of Southampton, L. L, and one of 
a company associated for the purpose of whaling in boats along the 

"Dec. 14. 

" MrWinthrop hath all his land at Naihantick given him rate free for tyme 
to come. Also he hath given hire a pond of water betwixt his land at nai- 
hantick and the land now in possession of John Printice. John Printice ob- 
jects against this towne grant orye pond. 

" George Chappie hath given him 6 acres of land for a house-lot betwixt 
the neck fence and Jordan river, part of itbutingon Jordan river." 

This is the earliest notice found of the name Jordan, applied to the 
stream that has ever since borne the designation. Chappell had sold 
his house-lot in town to the Indian missionary, William Thomson, 
and soon removed to this new grant "by Naihantick way-side." 
The September following, Clement Minor applied for a house-lot next 
to Greorge Chappell, where it is said "he hath now built." These 
were the first settlers in the Jordan district. 

"15 Jan: *63-4.' James Rogers, Levt. Smith, Gary Latham, John Smith, 
and William Hough, are appoynted to goe to Mr. Buckley for the settling him 
amongst us." 

" 25 Feb. Old Mrs. Buckleys request to be read. 

** Mr. Buckley for enlarging maintenance yt he may keep a man and also 
take the geting of wood into his owne handes — if not let 10/. more be aded to 
our town rate for wood cutting and carting, and 4/. for raising the pulpct. 

** Inhabitants not to entertane strange young men. Vide country order, read. 

" The order of cardes and order of shufflebords : — I read. 

** It is agreed by the towne that henceforward Mr. Buckley shall have sixe 
score pound a yeere, in provision pay, good and marchandable, he freeing the 
towne from all other ingagements." 

" April 18. 

** A Country rate sent to us from Hartford, — this day was the first day I herd 
of it; 29/. 18$. 9d. 

** 3 or 4 Listers to be chosen, one of them a Commissioner ; Mr. Wethereli, 

"Sept. 21. 

" To determine a more certain way for the ministry to be upheld amongst us. 

1 Thompson's Long Island, p. 191. 


"Th^ Tr*<Dwne hare agreed that there shall be a petition drawn in the behalf 
of theT*OA^/-ue, Mr. James Rogers, Ensigne Avery and Mr. Welherell are chosen 
to see 1 1 S>^ done with reference to Puckatuck pay of rates to our towne as for- 
P,erlytlic53r did." 

"At t^bft.ia towne meeting it was voated that there should be an Atturnye for 
tlioio>»'«^^ ^o see to the coming in of the ministers rate and other towne rates. 
pgterl^l».t<2liford chosen Attumey." 

..Jsa.= 0» 1664-5. 

n^et^T- X3latchford to be paid for a voyage to the River's Moutli, about the 

1^^ Creneral Court, in May, 1660, had ordered that two great 

gODS, ^^^itt shot convenient, then at Saybrook, should be lent to New 

l^ttdon. The above charge was doubtless connected with the remo- 

ta\ of tHese pieces. Under the same date is noticed a debt of 15«. 

to B-icliaa:^ Hartley, for providing a " seat for the guard in the meet- 

ing-^ouse," an item showing that men still went armed to the house of 

woTftbip, and that the fear of sudden attacks from Indians had not 


"Goodman Barrose chosen ferryman for Mistick river, to ferry a horse and a 

"Goodman Culver is allowed by the towne to sell liquors, provided he shall 
brew also, ells not : provided also the court allow of it, ingaging always to 
hare good beere and good dyet and lodging for man and horse, to attende 
alMe to good order." 

"At a town meeting Feb. 25, 1664 [1665.] 

"The towne being desired to declare there myndes concerning Mr. Bulkley, 
it was propounded whether they were willing to leave Mr. Bulkley to the lib- 
ertye of his conscience without compelling him or enforcing him to anything in 
the executioD of his place and office contrarye to his light according to the laws 
of the cominonweltb. 

"Voated to be there myndes.** 

This is the first intimation on record of any uneasiness existing 
between Mr. Bulkley and the people. There are no church records 
that reach back to this period, and his reasons for leaving are but ob- 
scurely mtimated. lie had not been settled and no great formality 
was necessary to his departure. 

" At a towne meeting, June 10. 

" The Towne understanding Mr. Buckleys intention to goe into the Bay have 
sent James Morgan and Mr. Douglas to desire him to stay untill seacond day 
com seventnigbt which day the Towne have agreed to ask againe Mr. Fitch 
to speake with him in order to know Mr. Buckleys mynde fullyc whether he 
will continoe with us or no to preach the gospell." 




That this overture was unsuccessful is evident from a subsequent 

** July 10— *65, In towne meeting. 

** U it b^* your myndes yl Mr. James Rogers shall goe in the behalfe of the 
lowne lo Mr. Brewster to give him a call and to know whether he will come 
U) lis lo b« ouf minister, and yt he shall intercead to Mr. Pell first to be helpful 
TO U3 herein J manifest it by llAing up your hands. Voted." 

The person to whom this application was made is supposed to have 
been He v. Nathaniel Brewster, of Brookhaven, L. I. No further 
alliLsion ii$ miide to him. 

•' 24 July. John Packer desires that Leif\enant Avery and James Morgan 
may ifsnn lUe busines yt is now in contest betwixt him and the Indians atNai- 
wayuncko and lo compound with them in the best way they can with land to 
ittlisfflction of the Indians and Goodman Packer. Voted." 

" 9 October. Mr. Douglas by a full voate none manifesting themselves to the 
noniniry, wns chosen to goe to Mr. Wilson and Mr, Elliot to desire there advise 
i4[id hv\p Tuf iti<5 procureinge of a minister for the towne." 

" Nov. 24. A town meeting concerning what Mr. Douglas hath done about 
n minisler/* 

•* Xov. Qif 1065. It is agreed at this town meeting that a letter be writ and 
Bent I nitn liiu lown to Deacon Parke of Roxburye to treat with Mr. Broadstrect 
in iUts b^liiillV of the towne to come to us for this end to supply the towne in 
tile workc* «[ die ministry, in which letter sent full powre be given to Mr. Parke 
to act in our buhulf, the towne expressing themselves willing to give 60lb and 
tttthrf thnn Hint the work seas, to proceed to ten pound more, giving our trusty 
triend Ubt^tty to treat with others in case our desire of Mr. Broadstreet faile." 

** A Court order for a brand- mark and horses to be branded, this day read. 

"Mr. Dou;?lin confermed in his place for the Townes packer of meat. And 
m\*o he was voted and chosen to brand mark all horses with L on the left shoul- 
dvT and is to record all horses soe branded." 

" Jiui: V2. u:m ['06.] 

'* Tiie return of Mr. Brodstreet*s letter to be read. 

" Thoinaa Uobinson to propound [for an inhabitant.] 

" A rate to underpin the meeting-house. 

*' Concern iiife messengers to goe for Mr. Bradstreet. 

** AliK) fur a pioce where he shall be when he comes. Also for provision for 
tbtJ (jit;s^!*LMigt.'r!*, — some course to be taken for 6 lb for them. 

" TUtf Town rate for Nihantick part . . . £26 6f. 6d, 

*' The Bail mdo ye River .... £35 6s. lOrf." 

" Feb. 26. It is voated that Left^ Avery and James Morgan be chosen mes- 
wA^er^ lo fetch yp Mr. Bradstreet as soon as moderate weather presents." 

»* Jolin Smith and goodraan Nicholls shall receive Contribution every Lords 
dm ye and preservti it for ye publick good. 

" It is voated and agreed that the townsmen shall have power to provide 
what i& needful for the Messengers that are sent to Mr. Bradstreet and allao to 
provido for him a piaoe to reside in at his coming. 


" Mr. Douglas and goodman Hough are voted by ye Towne to demand the 
SO pound of Mr. Buckley which he stands ingaged to pay to ye towne. 

" Voted by ye Towne that Leifft. Avery and James Morgan have power to 
agree with any person that hath a serviceable horse to be emploied in fetching 
up Mr. Bradstreet and what agreement they make the towne to allowe and 
make good the same." 

[In the Town accounts of the next year appears due 
*• To GoodmEm Prentice for his horse, 10«. 
To Goodman Royce for ye ministers dyet, 151b."] 

" Voted that a Towne rate of 401b. be made imediately for ye payment of 
Towne depts and providing to acomadaCe a minister and repareing the meeting 

At the same date with the foregoing arrangements in regard to Mr. 
Bradstreet, a vote was passed, which shows that no embittered feel- 
ing had grown up between IVlr. Bulkley and the people. Though he 
had ceased to be considered as their minister, he remained in the 
town, and occupied the pulpit with acceptance until a successor was 

** It is voated and agreed that Mr. Buckley for his time and paines taken in 
preaching the word of God to us since the time of his yeere was expired shall 
have thirty pounds to be gathered by a rate." 

Mr. Bulkley is supposed to have removed from New London to 
Wethersfield in the early part of the year 1667. The thirty pounds 
voted him by the town, was relinquished, in part payment of the 
eighty pounds for wliich he stood indebted. The town was inveter- 
ate and persevering in its attempts to recover the remaining fifty 
pounds, and kept up the dunning process until Mr. Bulkley, in 1668, 
mortgaged his house and lot to Samuel Shrimpton of Boston, and ob- 
tained means to liquidate the debt. Mr. Bulkley was minister of 
the church in Wethersficld, for a number of years, but finally gave 
up preaching for the practice of medicine, on account it is said of the 
weakness of his voice. lie was a man of learning and added to his 
theological attainments no inconsiderable knowledge of medicine and 

The house lot lying south of the meeting house, originally Mr. 
Bruen's, was now purchased for the ministry, of Mr. Douglas, and 
Mrs. Grace Bulkley. 

" Jane 1, 16G6. 

" Voted by a Vnanimoas consent that Mr. Bradstreet is acepted in ye worke 
of ye ministry amongst vs, and that he have 80 lb. pr yeare to encourage him 
in the worke, to be gathered by way of rate. 

"Voted by the Towne that there shall be a house imediately built for ye min- 


istry, the dimensions to be 36 foote in length and 25 in breadth and 13 studd 
betwixt ye joynts with a staclc of stone chimneys in the midst. The house to 
be a girt house. 

" The towne are free to give for ye building of the house one hundred pound 
and allso to farther payc ye masons for building a stone chimney and glaze ye 
house windowes. 

" Voted by the towne that the house now agreed upon to be bnildt for the 
ministry, and allso the house and land bought of Mr. Douglass together with ye 
land which hitherto hath been reserved for the ministry shall so remaine both 
houses and lands for the ministry, both to us and our succeeding generatiobs 
never to be sold or alienated to any other vse forever." 

For the immediate accommodation of Mr. Bradstreet, the house 
vacated by Mr. Bulkley was hired for one year from April 1, 1667 ; 
house, orchard and six acre lot for ten pounds provision pay. In the 
mean time spirited exertions were made to build "the Towne's 
house," or parsonage, and to have it completed during the year. It 
was the business of the whole town to erect this house, and the inhab- 
itants at large were called together to give directions concerning the 
different parts. Distinct votes were taken about the stone work, 
iron work and wood work, — " the bigness of the seller," the carting, 
the digging, the lime and the nails. " Griswell and Parkes" must do 
the iron-work — Nathaniel Royce dig the cellar the size of one room 
and seven feet deep. When it was completed, a committee was cho- 
sen to view the work and determine if it was well done — the masons 
in particular were not to be paid until it was ascertained that the 
chimneys were sufficient. The cost appears to have come very 
nearly within the one hundred pounds granted for the purpose. 

Mr. Bradstreet's salary was increased to ninety pounds per an- 
num, and a committee appointed in December, 1667, to endeavor to 
effect an imme'diate settlement, but from causes not explained a delay 
of three years occurred before this was accomplished. 

The liand writing of Obadiah Bruen in the minutes, ceases with 
the year 1665. William Douglas and Daniel Wetherell were after- 
ward moderators alternately, and continued the minutes to 1670. 
Mr. Bruen held the office of Recorder another year, and then re- 
moved to Newark, New Jersey. Mr. Douglas was Recorder for the 
year 1667. Mr. Wetherell for 1668 and 1669. 


First Town Clerks. 

"25 Feb. 66-7. 

**^\)CrtRice [Royce] voated and chosen by the towne to keep ye Ordi- 

Mr. Royce lived on Poet-hill. The town had granted him the 
house lot of Richard Post, to which he added by purchase the Blin- 
n»an and Mudge house lots- 

"15 Aug. 67. Myselfe [Douglas] chosen to hold the box for the contribu- 
"oiifl and this to be propounded to Mr. Bradstreet to have his advise therein, 
•♦^illiain Nickols is also chosen for that worke. 

it \& voated that the men chosen to call the collectors to account shall have 
* ***te' of atomey to impower them to do their work, and that Mr. Meryt shall 
write it.** 

^^8 is the earliest notice of Thomas Meritt, or Maritt, who was 
"® afterwards employed as writer or scrivener for the town. 

^^ » ^tober. John Prentis chosen Townes attorney. 

' ''^^ember. It is voted that the prison house shall stand by ye meeting 

. . "^ote intimates that the inhabitants were about to erect a town 
J » ^t ^as probably placed according to the vote on the open square, 
. ^^ meeting house. This was the jail so much used for Indians 

^ ^ioae of Philip's war, and was the first erected in the town. 

^ <^minals had hitherto been kept under ward in a private 

llOQSA • 

» State criminals tnmsported to Hartford, and there was no im- 

\ ^^>^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^® ^^ ^^^® enacted in the colony in 
> exempted debtors from imprisonment, except in cases of fraud 
ot concealment of property. The words are : 



** No man's person shaR be kept in prison for debt but when there appears 
some estate which he will not produce." [See Code of 1650 in Col. Rec., vol. 1. 

««1. July 1669. 

** Alexander Piggin hath given him some land at the head of Mill Core 
enough to make three or four pitts for dressing of leather amongst the springs.** 

Mr. Pjgan was from Norwich, England, and an inhabitant of some 
three years st^ding. He was not the first person to practise ''the 
art and mystery of tanning," in the place ; Hugh Roberts was a tan- 
ner, and had his pits or vats in a meadow near the entrance of Cape 
Ann Lane. His establishment was purchased about 1670, by Joseph 

" It is voted and agreed that Clement Miner have sold him sixe acors upland 
over against his house upon the north side the highway that goes to Niantick, 
and 8 acor« of swampy land near Goodman Houghs which land is for consid- 
eration of 8 wolves by him killed. And the towne doth order the Townesman 
to give him a deed of sale for the same." 

The swamps around New London were infested to an unusual de- 
gree with these perilous animals. Though an act of the Grenerai 
Court had ordered every town to pay a bounty of fifteen shillings for 
the killing of a wolf within its bounds. New London had always paid 
twenty shillings. On every side of the plantation these animals 
abounded. The bounty had been demanded by Edmund Fanning, 
James Morgan, James Avery, — ^these were killed east of the river ; 
by Daniel Comstock, towards Mohegan ; William Peake, in Cedar 
Swamp, and Hugh Caulkins, were paid four pounds for killing four 
wolves in the year 1660, at Nahantick. After 1667, the bounty was 
sixteen shillings, paid half by the towns, and half by the country treas- 
ury. In 1 673, this bounty was claimed by Nehemiah Smith, and Sam- 
uel and Nathaniel Royce for killing each five wolves ; Matthew Beck- 
with two, and Aaron Starke two ; making nineteen howling tenants 
of the forest destroyed within the limits of the town that year. The 
havoc made by wild beasts was a great drawback on the wool-grow- 
ing interest which was then of more importance to the farmers than 
at the present day. 

".Sept. 9. 1669. In answer to Mr. Broadstreet's proposition for easeing him 
in the chardge of his wood the Towne doe freely consent to help him therein, 
and some with carts and some for cutting and that next traineing daye a tyme 
be apoynted for accomplishment thereof and that Leifi** Avery be deputed to 
nominate ye daye.*' 


"Nov. QO. 

'* Left. Avery, Mr. Rogers, James Morgan Sen. and John Morgan chosen to 
lay oat the King's highway between Norwich and Mystick. 

"Wm. Hough, John Stebbins, Clement Miner and Isaac Willey to lay out 
the Ring's highway between New London and the head of Niantick river. 

*' John Keeny is appointed to sell powder, shot and lead to any Indian or 
Indians, he having purchased his liberty therein at 33s. to be paid to the 

••Feb. 28. 1669 [70.] 

•• Charles Hill chosen Recorder. 

••Manasse Minor is admitted an Inhabitant in this Towne.*' 

Manasseh Minor is supposed to hare been the first bom male of 
New London, and the first son of the town admitted to the privileges 
of an inhabitant* Others of the second generation, Clement Minor, 
brother of Manasseh, Daniel Comstock, Isaac Willey, Jr., Robert 
Donglas, Grabriel Harris, Joseph Coite, Samuel Rogers, Jonathan 
^7ce,had arriyed at maturity, and been received as men among the 
Others ; but they looked to other places, and some of them across the 
waters for their nativity. Manasseh Minor was the child of the soil. 
This simple fact, more than any array of words, sets before us the 
lapse of time, and the age and progress of the town. 

"16 Jan., 1670-1. Mr. Edward Palmes hath liberty granted to make a 
•»te for himself and rehitions at ye north end of ye pulpitt. 

•* Voted that there be 2 Galleryes made on each side ye meeting house, — [the 
width of two seats."] 

Here terminate those original memoranda which have hitherto 
^^«€n so faithfully followed. We shall no longer have the guidance 
of the moderator's "little note-books. The records for the next forty 
years were very loosely kept, the entries being made in a hasty 
''■manner, and with little regard to the order of occurrence. 

Mr. Bradstreet's ordination was delayed four years after he be- 
came the minister of the town. His salary was at first £90 per an- 
nmn, in current country pay, with fire wood furnished, and the par- 
^^^'^ kept in repair. This was soon increased to £100, which waa 
equal to the salary of some of the most noted ministers in New Eng- 
l^d at that period. In 1681, afler his health began to fail, it was 
^^er enlarged to £120. 

The church record kept by Mr. Bradstreet, commences Oct 5, 

IMr. Uinot conthined in New London ten or twelve years; he then retomed to 
Stooington 'Where he died March 22d, 1728-9. Most of his children were bom hi New 


1670, which, according to Trumbull, the historian of Connecticut, 
was the day of his ordination, but that fact is not noticed in the re- 
cord. It begins with the following list : 

" Tlie Members of the Church, 

Lieutenant James Avery, and wife. 

Thomas Miner, and wife. 

James Morgan, senior, and wife. 

William Meades, and wife. 

Mr. William Douglas, and wife. 

John Smith, and wife. 

Mr. Ralph Parker, and wife. 

William Hough, and wife. 
William Nichols, Robert Rojce, 

John Prentice, Mrs. Rogers, 

Goodwife Gallop, of My stick. Good wife Keeny, 
Goodwife Coyte, Goodwife Lewis. 

" Mr. James Rogers not long after owned a m**.mber here, being a member 
in full communion in Milford church." 

This ordination was the first in town : no previous minister had 
been regularly settled. . Whether the church was formed at this, or 
some former period, is left doubtful, as neither the church nor the 
town records allude to any organization. It would seem strange, if 
during the twenty years that had elapsed since the gathering of the 
congregation under Mr. Blinman's oversight, there had been no em- 
bodiment into church estate, — no covenant or bond of union agreed 
upon by the church members. Trumbull, however, supposes that the 
church was not formed until Mr. Bradstreet's ordination. According 
to the laws of the colony, no persons could embody into church estate 
" without the consent of the Greneral Court, and 'approbation of the 
neighboring elders." There is no account on record of application 
made by the town for this privilege, either at this or any preceding 

Before closing the chapter, the new names that appear between 
1661 and 1671, must be collected. Several of those contained in the 
following list have been already mentioned incidentally. 

In 1661, Robert Lattemore (Latimer) is first mentioned. He was 
a mariner. William Cotter had a house-lot grant of six acres ; his 
wife was Elinor, but no other family has been traced. In October, 
" Groodman Hansell, the smith," was received as an inhabitant. This 
was the person elsewhere called Greorge Halsali, the blacksmith. In 
Jan. 1661-2, John Borden was admitted to the privileges of an in- 
habitant. He had recendy married the daughter of William Hough, 


and was probably a son of the John B(»xlen of 1650. After a few 
years he remoTed to Ljme. At the same time permissioB was given 
to *^ John ^Us^ the glover," to live in the town. Ells is probably a 
mistake for £Ui8. 

In 1662, we first meet with the names of Abraham Dea, William 
Peake or Pike, Edmund Fannin^y (east side of the river,) Josiah 
Beady Thomas Stafardy John TerraU. 

In 1663, John Daniel, Samuel Chester , and William Condy appear. 
The two last were from Boston, and engaged in the West India 
trade, as commanders, owners and factors. They had a warehouse 
and landing place on Close Cove. Condy, after a few years, returned 
to Boston. Early in 1664, court orders were published prohibiting 
the use of ^^ cardes and shufflebords," and warning the inhabitants 
" not to entertane strange young men." Transient residents, who 
were not grantees and householders, were the persons affected by 
this order, and it aroused them to the necessity of applying for per- 
mission to remain. The roll of applicants consisted of Abraham 
Daynes, William Chapelly Wilham Collins, George Codnery William 
Cooleify John Elce, (EUiSy) Charles HayneSy Thomas MarshaUy Wil- 
liam Measure, John SttUavetiy William Terrcdl, Samuel Tubhs. Most 
of these were allowed to remain, and a general permit was added: 

" All other sojourners not mentioned, carrying themselves well, are allowed 
to live in the towne, else lyable upon warning to begone." 

The same year we find notices of Ilichard Dart, who bought 
(Sept 12th, 1664) the house and lot of William Wehnan,* Benjamm 
Grant, afterward of Lyme, Oliver Manwaringy son-in-law of Joshua 
Baymond, Thomas Martiny Samuel Starry son-in-law of Jonathan 
Brewster, William WiUiamSy a grantee on the east side of the river, 
and Captain John and Wait Winthropy the sons of the governor. 

In 1665, Charles HiU and Christopher Christophers appear on 
the roll of inhabitants. They were traders in partnership, and made 
their first purchases on Mill Cove, of warehouses and wharfage, 
where Richard Hartley and John Tinker had previously traded. 
The firm of Hill and Christophers was probably the first regular co- 
partnership in the town. Mr. Christophers was a mariner, and en- 
gaged in trade with Barbadoes : he had an older brother, Jefirey 
Christophers, also a mariner, who probably settled in the place at the 

1 Welman removed to Killingworth, where he died in 1670. 




same time^ though his name does not occur so earlj. Thej both 
brought families with them. 

Iq 1666, persons who are mentioned as inhabitants, but without 
any reference to date of arrival or settlement, are Benjamin Atwell, 
Thomas Forster, commanding a vessel in the Barbadoes trade, 
George Sharswood, Thomas JRohtnsan, Peter Spicer, (living east of 
the river,) and Grabriel Woodmancy. 

In 1667, appear John Bcddwiny Peter Trehyj Joseph Truman^ and 
John Wheeler, About 1668, Philip BiU came from Ipswich, and set- 
tied east of the river, near Robert Allyn and Greorge Greer. Thomas 
Bollei, supposed to have come from Wells, in Maine, settled in the town 
plot. In 1670, or near that time, we first meet with Thomas Dymond 
atid Benjamin Shapley^ both mariners, the former from Fairfield, and 
the latter from Charlestown, in the neighborhood of Boston. 

To these we may add John Crardj George Garmcmd, Joseph Elliot^ 
Henry Philips, and Nicholas Towsoriy names that are on the rate list 
of 1667, but are not mentioned elsewhere upon the records. 


Bankraptcy of William Addis. — Some account of Thomas'Reavell. — Broils and 
laursaits — Tinker venui Morton, Haughton and Thomson. — The constable*8 
protest — Thomson's deposition. — ^Lieut. Smith absconds and settles in Vir- 
ginia. — Names and estates from rate lists. — Epitaph on Richard Lord.-* 
Brief notices of removed persons. Lake, Bruen, Blatchford, Lane, AUyn, 
Caulkins, Gager, Lothrop. 

The history of this decade of jears (from 1660 to 1670) will not 
be complete without taking np some points to which no reference is 
made in the moderator's minutes, hitherto followed. 

Grovemor Winthrop issued an order, April 25th, 1661, for a court of 
investigation to sit at New London, and examine the affairs of Wil- 
liam Addis, on complaint of Mr. Thomas Reavell, the principal cred- 
itor of Mr. Addis. The court sat in Maj, and consisted of Deputy 
governor Mason and the assistant and commissioners of New Lon- 
don, Tiz., Mr. Tinker, Mr. Bruen, and Mr. Rogers. It appeared 
that Mr. Addis had been intrusted by Mr. Reavell and his friends 
in London, with a cargo of merchandise and several sums of money 
amounting to £760 sterling, to trade with and improve for the said 
Reavell and his friends, in New England. He had made no re- 
turns : he acknowledged the trust, but said the capital had nearly all 
disappeared ; he could not tell how, except that he had lost £800 by 
fire, and somewhat by a defect in meat, which he had sent to Barfoa- 
does, consigned to Mr. Reavell. No dishonesty was proved against 
him J he freely resigned all that he had remaining ; expressed great 
SOrro^ for the result and threw himself on the charity of Mr. Rea- 
Tell ^ ^^ allowed to remain in his house and pursue his calling for a 
^^istence and livelihood in his old age. 

William Addis had been an eai*ly resident at Gloucester, Mass., 
^tiere be was one of the townsmen in 1642, but he is not mentioned 
00 the records of that place afler 1649, and there is no evidence that 



he was ever a land owner there.* The years that intervened between 
his disappearance from Gloucester, and his first grant in New Lon 
don, (Dec 19th, 1658,) may have been spent in England, where he 
obtained the credit and embarked in the enterprise which in the end 
proved ruinous to him.* 

"We are unable to say who Mr. Reavell was. In 1658, he was 
said to be ^' merchant of London ;" in 1 660, of Barhctdoes ; and a letter 
of attorney to Nathaniel Sylvester, of Shelter Island, in 1662,^ styles 
him vaguely " Thomas Re veil, of New England." The governor's 
commission mentions no residence. By means of the house and land 
conveyed to him, he was for a number of years, a proprietor in New 
London, and his name appears on the rate lists. 

There can be little doubt but that he was one of the supporters of 
the Commonwealth, who was proscribed at the restoration, and obliged 
to remain in some degree of concealment and obscurity. Perhaps 
he may be identified as the same Thomas Revel that lived for many 
years the life of a hermit in the woods of Quincy.* His decease 
must have been anterior to 1667, as Charles Hill that year brought 
an action of debt against his estate for freight of horses, at some for- 
mer period, to Barbadoes. Recovered £155 and costs. 

In 1672, Alexander Brytfn, of Milford, brought a similar action 
against the estate, and recovered £95. To satisfy, in part, these 
creditors, Mr. ReavelPs house and land were taken. It was the 
same tenement that Mr. Blinman conveyed to William Addis, on his 
departure for England, and stood at the west end of the old bridge 
over Bream Cove. 

The years 1661 and 1662 were noted for strife and turbulence 
among the inhabitants. Cases of calumny and riot were common. 

IJ. G. Babeon, Esq., of GJoncester, (MS.) 

2 His daughter, Millicent, the only chfld of whom we have obtained infonnation, 
married, first, William Southmead, and by him had two son?, William and John South- 
mead. Her second husband was William Ash, of Gloucester, and her third, Thomas 
Beebee, of New London. 

8 This letter was for the recovery of certain goods belonging to Mr. Reavell, in the 
hands of Richard Hartley, deceased. 

4 " When he died the Governor of the Province and other distinguished men came 
out of Boston and were his pall-bearers. From which circumstance his true charac- 
ter was brought to light." See note in Whitney's Hist of Quincy. He is there 
called " a regicide of the reign of Charles I." This must be a mistake, as no one of 
that name was member of the parliament that pronounced sentence on Charles I. 


The disorderlj elements of society were in motion, and the influence 
of the wise and good was scarcely sufficient to keep them in subjec- 
tion. No clear account of any one case can be given, as they ap- 
pear before us only in the form of depositions, protests, suits at law, 
fines and complaints. Several of the inhabitants accused Mr. Tinker^ 
the assistant and first magistrate in town, of speaking treasonable 
words, and of using dishonorable means to obtain testimony against 
his adversaries ; and Mr. Tinker brought suits for defamation against 
Messrs. Haughton, Morton and Thomson, the Indian missionary* 
The trials were in the Particular Court, and the issue may be gath- 
ered from a passage in the records of the General Court. 

** This Court upon consideration of Mr. Tinker's encouragement in his place 
and employment, do order £\2 to be paid to him by the treasurer out of the 
fines imposed on Morton, Haughton, and Mr. Thomson.*** 

Mr. Tinker was popular both with the town authorities and the 
General Court, and had been chosen townsman, list and rate-maker, 
deputy and assistant He had established a distillery in the town, 
and was not only licensed by the court to distill and retail liquors, but 
empowered to suppress all others who sold by retail in the township. 
It was with little chance of success that accusations against a char- 
acter so highly respected were carried before the magistrates at 
Hartford. That venerable body doubtless regarded with apprehen- 
sive forebodings the new and boisterous community that was growing 
up under their shadow. We can at least imagine them to have had 
some misgivings when William Morton, the constable, led off with 
the following pompous protest : 

" To all whome it may concerne. 

** You may please to take notice that I William Morton of New London be- 
ing chosen by the Towne of New London to be a Constable and by oath being 
bound to execute that place faithfully as also being a free Denison of that roost 
famos country of England and have taken an oath of that Land to be true to 
his Royall Maiesty o' now Gracious King Charles the Seacond of Glorious re- 
nowne, I count that I cannot be futhfull unto my oath nor to his maiestie, nei- 
ther should I be faithfull to the Country wch lyes under reproaches for such 
maner of speeches and cariages already wherefore having evidences that M*^ 
John Tinker, who is lookt at as one that should exsicute Justice and swome 
by oath soe to doe, eapetially to studdie the bono' of o' Royall King and of his 
Life and happie being, ye^otwithstanding the saide Tinker allthough it was 
notoriously knowne unto hmi that some had spoaken Treason against the king 

1 Conn. Col. Bee., vol. 1, p. 882. 




in a high dtgree to the greate dishonor of his Royall maiestie and farther some 
pressed lijm againe-and againe to doe Justice for the king yet although they 
declared what and what was to be testified by one there preasent, he flung 
aw^y tfie testimony, wherefore in the name of his maiesty whose deputy I ara 
I doo protect against the said Tinker, that he has consealed treason against the 
king contrary to the Lawes of England, so as I conceive has brought himselfe 
titidei tT«H^on, And as I doe protest against him' I desire all that reade this or 
heare of it to be my witnesses — published by me. 20. March : 1662. 

" William Morton, 
•• In New London in New England. " Constable.*' 

A wrife of attachment was issued by the Court, at their May ses- 
Bion, against William Morton and Richard Haughton, bringing them 
under a bond of £500 to appear and answer to the suit of Mr. John 
Tinker, he fore his majesty's court of justice in Hartford, the next 
September, In October of the same year, before any accommoda- 
tion or tlecision had taken place, Mr. Tinker died suddenly in Hart- 
ibrdy arnl was honored with a funeral at the public expense. Though 
the pritu'ipal party was thus removed from all participation in the 
suit, it was prolonged for several years. It was finally referred to a 
eommittre of the Legislature in May, 1666.* A curious reference 
to wh'it took place in the trial of the case in Sept., 1662, is found in a 
depositkta of Mr. Thomson, recorded in New London. 

** I William Thomson, Clarke, being present when Mr. Morton had a tryall 
in Harttbrd in New England in the year of our Lord God 1662 about treason 
spoken ogiiinst his sacred Mtijestie when Mr. Mathew AUin being the modera- 
tor in tht* Governor's ab:<cnce did deny to try the said cause by the laws of Old 
England when it was required by the said Morton that he would doe justice for 
the king, he answered tauntingly to the said Morton — he should have justice, 
if it won* to hang half a dusen of you. — Further saith not. 

C^ -rrf 

" Jurator coram me, George Jordan, Aprill 26, 1664. 

'' Tei-t Georgius Wilkins, Clericus County Surry, Virginia.' 

liieutenant Samuel Smith, from his first settlement in the town 
was mtich trusted in public affairs, nor is it manifest that in any in- 
stance he performed the duties of office othCTwise than with discre- 

1 Conn. Colonial Records, vol 2, p. 27. 


tion and honor. The last time that his name appears on the town 
record as an inhabitant, was Jan. 15th, 1668-4, when he was appointed 
one of a committee to treat with Mr. Bulklej concerning his ordina- 
tion. On the 28th of March, 1664, his wife Rebecca Smith, in bis 
behalf, conveys his farm, at Upper Alewife Cove, to Robert Love- 
land in payment of debts due to him. From other sources we learn 
that the lieutenant had left wife, home and friends, and gone to Vir- 
ginia without any intention of returning. No reason is assigned for 
the act : though somewhat involved in debt, he had sufficient estate 
to satisfy his creditors. Copies of the letters written to him by the 
Rev. Mr. Bulkley, with other papers relating to this singular affair, 
have been preserved.' Mr. Bulkley exhorted him in moving terms 
to return to the path of duty, setting before him his former station 
and influence in society, and his religious profession, depicting also 
the grief of his wife and aged mother. The lieutenant's own let- 
ters are dated at Roanoke r' he addresses his wife in terms plausible 
and affectionate ;^ sends love to father, mother, brothers and sisters, 
and is solicitous to be remembered in the prayers of his friends. All 
this had no meaning : it was soon apparent that the lieutenant had 
absconded and that his wife was deserted. In August, 1665, some 
gentlemen of Hartford wrote to him, making one more attempt to re- 
claim the wanderer, but it is not known that he took any notice of it* 
Lieut* Smith is supposed to have been the son of that Lieut Sam- 
uel Smith, Sen., of Wethersfield, who removed about the year 1660, 
to Hadley.* His wife was a daughter of Rev. Henry Smith, of Weth- 
ersfield. After her desertion, she returned to her former home, and 
having obtained a divorce from her delinquent husband, was in 1669 
the wife of Nathaniel Bowman of Wethersfield. Lieut. Smith had 
no children by this wife, but it is supposed that he married at the 
south and left descendants there. 

Rate lists for the ministry tax are extant for the years 1664, 1666 
and 1667. After this period no rate list can be found till 1708. Li the 

1 Among the State Records at Hartford; in a volume of arranged documents, la^ 
bded Diwrcti. 

3 Hig residence is sometimes said to be in Virginia, and again in Carolina. He says 
in one of his letters, " I live at the house of one Samuel Stevens, in the province of 

3 Calls her "^ sweetheart," and subscribes himself ** your loving husband till death.** 

4 Jadd, of Northampton, (MS.) 


list of 1664, the number of names is one hundred and five. This in- 
cludes non-residents who owned property in the town. In this list, 
tlie amount of each man's taxable property is given and the rate lev- 
iifd upon it is carried out The assessment of James Rogers is nearly 
double that of any other inhabitant He is estimated at £548, and 
lus rate £7 Ids. lOcL " John Winthrop Squire," who heads the list, 
u set down at £185, and his rate £2 14«. He was at this time a 
uon-resident. Mr. Pahnes, £224. John Picket, who is next high- 
est to James Rogers, £299 10<. James Morgan, £252. Robert Bur- 
rows, £246. James Avery, £236. Gary Latham, £217. Geor^ 
Tongue, £182. John Prentis, £176. Andrew Lester,. Sen., £170. 
]>lward Stallion, £169. Robert Royce, £163. These are all the es- 
tates over £150. Between £75 and £150 are thirty-two. It must be 
remembered that land at this period was of little value, and estimated 
low. In the list of 1666, the number of names is 116, and in that of 
tlie next year 127. Of the whole number, four are referred to as 
fleceased, viz., Sergt Richard Hartley, Thomas Hungerford, William 
Morton, and Mr. Robert Parke. About seventeen may be marked 
ani non-residents, consisting principally of persons who had removed, 
or merchants of other places who had an interest in the trade of the 
port. Mr, Blinman, the ex-minister, Mr. Thomson, the former In- 
dian missionary, and Mr. Newman, minister of Wenham, are on the 
list. Mr. James Richards, of Hartford, is among the number : he 
was probably a land-owner by inheritance from Wm. Gibbons, "who 
WU6 his father-in-law, and had bought land at Pequonnuck. Mr. 
Fitch, (probably Samuel, of Hartford,) Samuel Hackbume, from 
llaxbury, and Robert Lay, (of Lyme) are enrolled ; as also Lord, 
Savage, Stillinger, Re veil, Richardson, who have been heretofore 

Richard Lord, Both father and son of this name, merchants of 
Hartford, had commercial dealings in New London. The senior 
i\lE<. Lord, died in the place and was interred in the old burial 
ground. A table of red sandstone covers his grave. It is now 
etmk a little below the surface of the turf, and has a gaping fracture 
through it, but the inscription is legible. It is probably the oldest 
iiiscribed tombstone east of Connecticut River. A copy wiU be 
given as near to a fac-simile as can be executed in type. 





Richard Lord was captain of a troop of horsemen established in 
Connecticut in 1658 — the first cavalry of the colony. This explains 
** the bright star of our cavalry," in the first line. The expression 
** composing paroxysms," is obscure, but it may allude to a happy fac- 
ulty of reconciling parties at variance. Mr. Lord's name is found 
on ^several arbitrations for accommodating difficulties. 

The removals* before 1670 of persons who had lived from five to 
eighteen years in the plantation amounted to a dozen or more. Mr. 
Win throp, as already mentioned, went to Hartford; Mrs. Lake to 
Ipswich ; Obadiah Bruen and Hugh Roberts to Newark ; Peter 
Blacchford to Haddam ; Daniel Lane to Setauket, Long Island ; and 
tlie settlement of Norwich took away Robert Allyn, Hugh Caulkins, 
with his son John, and son-in-law Jonathan Royce, John Elderkin, 
Sikmuel Lothrop, and John Gager. 

Who was Mrs. Margaret Lake ? No satisfactory answer can be 
given to this question. Her birth, parentage, husband, and the pe- 
riod of her coming to this country are alike unknown. The sugges- 
tion has been made in a former chapter, that she was sister to Mr. 
Winthrop's wife. That she was in some way intimately connected 
with the Winthrop family of New London, is placed beyond doubt 
by documents in which she is represented as sister to the parents, 
and near of kin to the children. Fitz John and Wait Winthrop in a 
de<*d of 1681 to Mrs. Hannah Gallop, the daughter of Mrs. Lake, 
say of her — " the said Hannah being a person related to and beloved 
of both our honored father and ourselves." 

Mi's. Lake, as well as the Winthrops, was also connected with 
the t wo families of Epes and Symonds, of Ipswich, but the degree of 
rel^itionship between these several families has not been positively 

The farm at Lake's Pond and other lands of Mrs. Lake in New 
London were inherited by her daughter Gallop. The signature to 
aevei-al documents of hers, recorded in New London, consists of her 
initials only, in printed form, M L., which are attested as her mark. 
8hii liied in Ipswich in 1672,* leaving two children — Hannah, wife 
of John Gallop, of New London, and Martha, wife of Thomas Harris, 
of I[i:^wich. 

1 Felt*8 History of Ipswich, p. 160. , 


Obadiah Bruen. Dnring the sixteen years in which Mr. Bruen 
dwelt in the joang plantation, he was perhaps more intimately iden- 
tified with its public concerns than any other man. He was chosen 
a townsman for fifteen years in succession, and except the first year, 
uniformly first townsman and moderator. He was usually on all 
committees for granting lands, building meeting-houses and accom- 
modating differences. He was clerk or recorder of the town all the 
time he was an inhabitant; and in 1661, on the first organization of 
Ae County Court, he was chosen clerk of that body. In the char- 
ter of Connecticut granted by Charles II., his name appears as 
one of the patentees of the colony, and the only one from the town, 
which is proof that he was then considered its most prominent inhab- 
itant. He appears to have been a persevering, plodding, able and 
discreet man, who accomplished a large amount of business, was help- 
ful to every body, and left every thing which he undertook, the bet- 
ter for his management. 

Mr. Bruen was entered a freeman of Plymouth colony, March 2d, 
1640-41, being then a resident at Green Harbor, (Marshfield.) In 
May, 1642, he was of Gloucester, and the first town-clerk of that 
place who has left any records. Before 1650, he was chosen seven 
times deputy to the Greneral Court.* The births of two children are 
entered at Gloticester in his own hand : 

" Hannah, daughter of Obadiah Bruen by Sarae, his wife, was born 9th day 
of January, 1643. 
"John, son of do. 2. June 1646." 

Only two other children, Mary and Rebecca, both probably older 
than these, have been traced. 

Mr. Bmen's emigration from Cape Ann to Pequot Harbor, and 
his usefubess here, have been noticed in the preceding pages. He 
bade farewell to New London in 1667, having joined a company of 
planters from several towns on the Sound, who had formed an asso- 
ciation to purchase and settle a township on the Passaic River in 
New Jersey. The settlement had been commenced by a portion of 
tiie company the year before. The deed of purchase from the In- 
dians is dated July 11th, 1667, and signed by Obadjah Bruen, Michael 
Tompkins, Samuel Ketchell, John Browne, and Robert Denison, in 
behalf of their associates, amoimting to about forty persons.* An ad- 
ditional party of twenty-three joined them the same year, and all uni- 

1 Babaon, of Gbucester, (MS.) 2 Whitehead's East Jersey under the Proprietors. 


ted in forming one township, which received the name of Newark, in 
cotnpliment, it is said, to their pastor, the Rev. Abraham PiersoD, 
who had preached at Newark in Nottinghamshire, England. 

Of the sixty-three persons whose names are given as the first set- 
llf rs of Newark, two certainly were from New London, Obadiah 
Bruen and Hugh Roberts, the son-in-law of Hugh Caulkins. Mr. 
Roberts was living at Newark in 1670, but our records furnish no 
hiU^T reference to him.* Two others on the list of settlers, though 
not. from New London, were intimately connected with Mr. Bruen, 
and rloubtless main links in the chain which drew him away from 
New London. These were John Baldwin, Sen., and John Baldwin, 
Jim., of Milford, father and son, who married sisters, the daughters 
ol" Mr. Bruen : the elder Baldwin married the elder sister, Mary, in 
]G-^3; and the younger Baldwin, son by a former wife, and bom in 
ir>l(>, married the younger sister, Hannah Bruen, in 1663. Mr. 
Brtten's other daughter married Thomas Post, of Norwich. 

Mr. Bruen does not appear on the records of Newark, as an office 
lioUler. The period of his death is uncertain, and his grave unknown. 
Tlip latest information respecting him is derived from a letter written 
by liim in 1680, to his son-in-law, Thomas Post of Norwich, which is 
rc>i'f>rded at New London as voucher to a sale of land, which it au- 
tborized. In that letter he refers to himself and wife, his son John 
arjil (laughter Hannah, with their respective partners, as all in health. 
*' It hath pleased God," he observes, "hitherto to continue our lives 
ami liberties, though it hath pleased him to embitter our comforts by 
taking to himself our Reverend pastor, Mr. Pierson, Aug. 9th, 1679." 
He proceeds to state that the loss had been in some measure sup- 
plied. They had called and ordained Mr. Abraham Pierson, the 
son of their former pastor, " who follows the steps of his ancient 
father in godliness, praise to our Grod." 

Peter Biatchford, Mr. Blatchford had been for eighteen years an 
inhtibitant of New London, and always a servant of the town, as 
drummer, tax-gatherer, committee man, constable, list and rate 
maker, or town's attorney. In 1 668, John Elderkin transferred to 
hitn a contract that he had made to build a grist-mill at Thirty-mile 
I^hiiid, in Connecticut River. To this settlement, which, in October 
of that year, the General Court made a plantation by the name of 

1 Samuel, son of Hagh Roberts, was afterward of Norwich. 


Haddam, he removed. His homestead m New London, he aliena- 
ted, Jime 15th, 1668, to Charles Hill, for £2 in hand, and £90 to be 
paid the fall ensuing. This proviso is added : 

" If P. B. is not able to despatch his affairs so as to carry away his familyi 
he is to have the liberty of the house and barn till the spring of *69."i 

It is probable that he effected his removal before the next spring, 
as in May, 1669, he was chosen deputy to the General Court from 
Haddam, and again in May, 1670. He died in 1671, aged forty-six. 
His wife was Hannah, daughter of Isaac Willey, and their children, 
Peter, Hannah and Joanna. No dates of marriage or of births have 
been found. The relict married Samuel Spencer, of Haddam, whose 
former wife was the widow of Thomas Hungerford, of New London. 

Daniel Lane. Mr. Lane removed from New London in 1662: 
be had been ten years an inhabitant, having married in 1652, Catha- 
rine, relict of Thomas Doxey. In 1666, he was one of the patentees 
to whom Grovemor NichoUs confirmed the grant of the town of 
Brookhaven, Long Island. Of his family there is no account in New 
London. The Doxey or Lane homestead was sold to Christopher 
Christophers, 1666.* 

Robert AUyn, before coming to New London, had resided at least 
twelve years in Salem: he was there in 1637, a member of the 
church in 1642, and had three children baptized there, John, Sarah 
and Mary. After the settlement of Norwich, he had a house-lot in 
that plantation, was constable in 1669, and in deeds is styled ^for- 
merly of New London, but now of New Norridge." After a time, 
relinquishing his house-lot to his son John, he returned to his farm, 
and at the time of his death was once more an inhabitant of New 
London. He died in 1683, being probably about seventy-five years 
of age. He was freed from training in 1 668, an immunity not usually 
granted to men under sixty. The heirs to his estate were five chil- 
dren, viz., John ; Sarah, wife of George Geer ; Mary, wife of Thomas 

1 Bhitchford'8 house-lot, afterward the Hill lot, and still later the Erving lot, finonted 
on State Street, and extended from the present Union to Huntington Street, hiduding 
the site of the First Soc. Cong. Church. 

2 The house stood on the site of the old Wheat house, in Main street, taken down in 
1861, and was perhaps a part of the same house. 



Parke ; Haonah, wife of Thomas Boee ; and Deborah, then nnmar- 


Jolin, the only son of Robert Allyn, married, Dec, 24th, 1668, 
Elizabetli, ditugliter of John Gager. After the death of his father, 
h(^ left Ntirwich and relumed to the paternal farm, where he built a 
honst^ and warehouse near th^ river, at a place smce known as 
Ailyn'8 Foint. 

Hugh Catdkins^ was one of the party that came with Mr. Blin- 
man^ in 1G40, from Hon mouth <*ln re, on the borders of Wales. He 
broii*2;ht with him wife Ann and several children, and settled with 
others of tlie party, tin^t at Mai ^ihfield, and then at Gloucester. At 
tUc Juttcr place he was one of the selectmen from 1643 to 1648 in 
elu&ive, a eonimiBsioner fur the trial of small causes in 1645, and 
deputy to the General Court in 1050 and 1651.* 

In mi ftccoGut extant at {Tlouccster, reference is made to the time 
**wlien Hugh Caulkin went with the cattle to Pequot." This was 
doubtless in IGr^l, and it seems to intimate that in his removal he 
look the land route throupb tbe wilderness, and had charge of the 
stvck belonging lo the emigmiit company. He dwelt at New Lon- 
d(>n about ten years, and during that period was twelve times chosen 
deputy to the General Court j the elections being semi-annuaL He 
Wtt^ one of the town^imen fi-om 1652 to 1661 inclusive. In 1660 he 
united witli a company of proprietors associated to settle Norwich, 
jLud a church being or|ranized at Say brook previous to the removal, 
hv was cho.<en one of its deaeoua. In 1663 and 1664, he was deputy 
to the court from Noruich. He died in 1690, aged ninety years* 
He is supjmsed to he tlie progenitor of most, if not of all, who bear the 
name in the United State.^, 

He left two bons, John and David ; ages unknown. John was one 
of tlie proprietors of Norwich ; David, the youngest, remained at 
New London, and inherited \m father's. farm, at Nahantick, which is 
now owned by his descendants in a right line of the sixth generation. 

John Elderkin was a mill-wright, ship-wright, and house-carpen- 
ter, and the general contractor for the building of mills, bridges and 

t Tbb nrnnt! od t1i» «Arly recordjs li^ nv>8t frequently written CdUcm^ but sometimes 
Chu/iiV: the s is iio\xt ii.^cd, Tlte latter mode of spelling the name is preferable, as 
k)d[''util>(f boiler till] pn>rLui)cmtiou. 

3 lliibtoUf or Glpujcc^t«rt MS* 


meeting-hoiises^ ia N«ir London, Norwich and ti&e set^ements in 
their yicinitj, for a period of thirty-five years. He had been enga- 
ged in the same line in MaBaachosetta^ before he came to Pequoi ; 
and cim be traced as a resident in varions ]daces, pursuing these oc- 
cupations. In a deposition of 1672, he states his age to be fifty*4ix, 
and that he came to New London the same year that Mr. Blinmanfs 
company came. This was early in 1651, when the town mill was 
built Mr. Winthrop had solicited his services two years before, and 
had engaged Roger Williams to mediate in his favor, from which it 
may be inferred that Elderkin was then at Providence.^ He built 
not only the first meeting-house in New L<mdim> but f^e second, 
which was erected in Mr. Bradstreet^s time. 

Mr. Eld^kin was apparently a mcurried man when he came to New 
London : he was at least a householder, and this supposes a family. 
But of this wife or of children by her there is no account on record. 
He married, after 1657, Widow Elizabeth Gaylord, of Windsor, and 
by her had several children. She had also two children by her first 
husband. Mr. Elderkin died at Norwich, June 23d, 1687 ; Eliza- 
beth, his relict, June 8th, 1716, aged ninety-five.' 

John Gager. At the time of Mr. Gager's death in 1703, he had 
been more than forty years an inhabitant of Norwich. His oldest 
son, John, bom September, 1647, died in 1690, without issue. He 
was then of New London, as &n occupant of the farm given by the 
town to his father. This farm lay on the river, south of Allyn's land, 
and was sold in 1696, to Ralph Stoddard, and has ever since been 
Stoddard land. John Gager, senior, left one son, Samuel, and six 
daughters, the wives of John Allyn, Daniel Brewster, Jeremiah Rip- 
ley, Simon Huntington, Joshua Abell, and Caleb Forbes. 

Samu$l Loihrop. Though Mr. Lothrop removed to Norwich about 
the year 1668, his farm ^ at Namucksuck, on the west side of the 
Great River," remained in the family until 1735, when his grandson^ 
Nathaniel, having cleared the land of other claims, sold out to Joseph 
Powers,' (260 acres, with house and bam, for £2,300, old tenor.) 

1 Mass. Hist CoIL, 8d series, vol. 10, p. 280. 

2 In Hist of Norwich, p. 117, the age and death of Elderkin*8 wj/e are given as "kit 
age and date of death. The error appears to have been caused by the omission of a 
line in printing. 

8 Now Browning farm. 



The tiro oldest children of Samael Lothrop intermarried with the 
family of Robert Rojce. John Lothrop (bom December, 1646) 
married Ruth Royce ; Isaac Royce married Elizabeth Lothrop, (bom 
March, 1648,) December 15th, 1669; the doable ceremony being 
performed ' by Daniel Wetherell, commissioner. Both conple re- 
moved to Wallingford, Conn. Samael Lothrop died at Norwich, 
February 19th, 1700. 

** Mrs. Abigail Latbrop died at Norwicb, Jan. 23d, 1735, in her 104tb year. 
Her fattier, Jobn Done, and bis wife, came to Plymouth, in 1630, and there 
ftlm was liorn the next year. She lived single till sixty years old, and then mar- 
3rled Mr. John Lathrop, of Norwich, [miitfike for SamueC] who lired ten yean 
and thf^n died. Mr. Lathrop's descendants at her decease were 365.**^ 

2 JVsw England Weekly Jimmal: Boston, 1786. 


CommiseioBfl and reports on the northern and western boundary.— <<!)laimt of 
Uncas long contested. — Indian deed of New London, 1669. — Proh>nged con- 
test with Lyme. — Contention at Black Point. — Bride Brook boundary. — Sold- 
ier grant. — Black Point Indians. — Traditions of a combat and a race. — 
iMgressiou in regard to L3rme, Lady Fenwick's tomb and the graves of the 

Thb court grant of territory to Pequot, in May, 1650, fixed the 
extent on the north, at eight miles from the sea. This northern line, 
on the east side of the river, was determined by a town committee, in 
1652. They began at a point on the Sound, four miles east of the 
river, and struck a line eight miles north, which ended at the head of 
the great pond a mile and a half north of Lantern Hill,^ leaving the 
pond wholly within the bounds : from thence a west line crossed the 
head of Poquetannuck Cove, and came upon Mohegan River, opposite 
Fort HiU, at Trading Cove, a quarter of a mile above Brewster's 

In May, 1661, the Greneral Court appointed a committee of three, 
Matthew Griswold, Thomas Tracy, and James Morgan, to fry, tliat 
is, rectify the boimds of New London. " New London people," says 
the order, "have liberty to procure the ablest person they can to assist 
in this matter." The town appointed Daniel Lane and Ralph Par- 
ker. This committee reported October 28th. 

«* We began at the broad bay at Naihantik and soe upon a northerly lyne 
8 miles up into the conntry, and then upon a due east lyne, and fell in upon 
the Mohegan country above, upon the side of the great plaine, where we 
marked a white ouke tree on a hill, and another on the east side of the path 
that goes to New Norwige."* 

1 This, instead of eight miles, must hare beea ten, from the southern shore. 

2 This was at least eleven miles from the Sound. The north-west comer bound was 
in the present town of Salem. 



Upon tlie boundary line east of the river, no report was made ; and 
Ili€ ftraplitude of the tncafloretiient on the other side, offended the 
court, A note waa sent to the town authorities, (Dec- 8th, 1661,) 
ceBsiuring them for not littending to their order in regard to the east- 
em line, adding : 

•* And you may^ hi^Tcby tako notice that what hath been done in eifiending the 
bonnd» on the yrt^l »iti& is directly cross to the expressed direction in the said 
order, rMtJeciiug the bound* of the plantation.*' 

The committee was hereupon sent td ascertain once more the 
northern line cast of the river, which reported January 22d, 1661-2, 
declaring that they had measured "according to the best art of 8 
myles hy the chaiiie ujKin the ground as the land laye," and had fixed 
tipon a bound-mark tree, at the cove near Mr. Brewster's, which 
f^kiofl upon an cjtst and west Une, from the north end of the hill on 
which Unca3 ha«l his fort. This varied but little from the measure- 
ment of 1652* 

In Octcjber, 10(33, the conrt issued a new conmiission on the west- 
em boundary, wliich was contested by Saybrook. 

** MntdKJW Griswold, WiUiam Waller and Thomas Miner, are appointed to 
ftate the wcsiljomHUofNt'W LomU>ij, and Ensign Tracy and James Morgan or 
any other whom tUi? two towns of New London and Norwich do appoint, are 
tci see it doae. Thty art lo bt*gm at some suitable place as they shall judge in- 
dilTerent, tJmt they itiay havci aa much land without as there is sea within."* 

The Fame committee or any two of them were empowered to settle 
with Uneas, and determine what compensation he should have for so 
much of his hmd a.^ tell within the bounds of New London, and issue 
the case fully " IMonday c^^me 4 weeks, or aa soon as may be." 
Thid order was obeyed witliout delay. The report says: 

*' Vfa find that the &nd of tUe 8 miles into the Country falls right with 
the aotith side of the TntdiDg Cave's Mouth upon New London river, by i^ 
dlD^t eiiftt line from the corner tree of the west bounds. 

" S<;i^oiii}|y t Unkuahiap la rating lands cometh on the south side, bounded with 
CokichLwokti river,^ from die footp&th that leads to Mr. Brewster's eastMrard. 
And from the footpath west ii goes away W. N. W. to the west bounds of 

** Thirdly^ we do dcitcrmirtu that for Unkus his right from Cokichiwoke river 
south and aa aa the W. N, W. Imc runs, as also his whole right on the east side 

1 New Lutidori Records t ^cko^ ^* It is to be hoped that the order was better nndei^ 
ItCH^d thei). th^m it k uoia'' 

3 Saw^nuU Brook ; Ff^uoticef Cochickuwock* 


of the Great river within the bonnds of New London, he the said Unkut or hit 
assigns shall receive the full and just sum of fifteen pounds in some current 

The claim of Tineas is obscurely expressed in the above report. 
The sachem had been encouraged to look up his ancient rights, and 
now brought forward claims that had been heretofore both tacitly and 
expressly relinquished. He maintained that the land between the 
bound-mark tree on Cochikuwock brook, south to Mamacock, '' was 
his father's land and so his," and that on the east side the town had 
taken in three miles of his land for which he had received no com- 
pensation ; for all which his demand was now £20 in current pay, 
which the committee reduced to £15. 

This report, assenting to these claims, exasperated the town. The 
inhabitants rose as one man against it. They had repeatedly satis- 
fied Uncas for his lands west of the river, and to the Pequot country 
on the east side, they would not allow that he had any right whatever. 
A town meeting was called October 26th, which passed the following 

" Caiy Latham and Hugh Roberts are ohoaen by the towne to meet the men 
chosen by Court order to settle our towne boundes (Oct 8. 62) whoe are from 
the towne to disalow any proceedings in laying out of any boundes for us by 

Dec. 14th, a meeting was held in which more pacific counsels pre- 
vailed. It was agreed that the £15 should be raised by a town rate 
and paid to Uncas, on condition that he would give a quit-claim deed 
for all land within the bounds of New London. But public opinion 
in the town would not sustain this vote, and the rate could not be 
levied. The inhabitants refused also to pay the expenses of the 
court conmiittee, Messrs. Griswold, Waller and Minor, until enforced 
by an order of the court.* 

In May, 1666, the complaint of Uncas was carried before a com- 
mittee of the Legislature, which sanctioned his claims, and approved 
of his demand of twenty pounds. 

** And [we] do advise the towne to pay him the said sum for the establish- 
ment of a clearer title, preservation of peace and preventing- further trouble and 
charge to themselves or the country." 

The town however would not inmiediately yield the point, and the 

1 Colonial Records, vol. 1, p. 419. 


caae was brought before the Particular Court, held at New London in 
junt, Mr. Winthrop, the governor of the colony appears to have 
fa\^or«d one party, and Major Mason, the deputy governor, the 
other. To the town agents, Gary Latham and James Rogers, Grov- 
enior Winthrop forwarded from Hartford a copy of the agreement 
witli Uncas in 1654, and also gave his testimony in respect to iht 
cove u ant made with the Indians on the first laying out of the town. 
In writing to Gary Latham, he says : 

" You know that at the first beginning when we had all the Indians together, 
and challenged the Fequot bounds to Mohegan, Uncas then had no pretence to 
any Ly i ng on this side the Great Cove, and much less to any of the Fequot conn- 
\tY on the east side the Great River."i 

Governor Winthrop' s Letter to Mr. Jamet Rggert. 

"LoTing friend 

" Since you went home I found a writeing which I tould the Court I was 
^niQ ifiore was such a writing which I could not then finde which doth clearly 
sliow ihat the business which now Uncas doth again contend for was with his 
Dwiie L-oQsent issued 12 yeers since, and that then Uncas did not so much as 
chalk 11^13 anything towards New London farther than the brooke called Co- 
cbicUuack which is at the Great Coave between the Saw Mill and Monheg^an. 
1 ^encl herewith a coppie of that writeing. I have the original of the Majors 
ownt.' hand and Uncas his hand is also to it, as you will see. I keepe the orig- 
iufil writeing and this is certain that at that time Uncas had not the least pre- 
tence rr> any part of the east side of the river, within New London bounds. 
For if lie had he would then have challenged when we agreed about the bounds 
at CciLhlchuack that Uncas was contented should be as far as he could chal- 
{^jx^c for Mohegan lands. Neither did that take away the boundes of the towne 
flirt lier la wards Monhegan if they should agree with Uncas for any part or the 
wlioh.^ or it, to the full extent of the bounde, but there was not the least claime 
to any parte of the east side of the river within the Pequot country where the 
boundes do goe of N L. I hope it will not be possible to be seen that Uncas 
Dhauld againe have cause to make a new claime within the towne boundes 
nflur such an issue, under his owne hand mark in testimony of his satisfaction 
there in. Not else at present but my loving remembrance to yourself and all 
yours nad rest your loving friend 


" Hartford, June 4th, 1666. 

** I font this copy by my sonn Palmes and desired him to leave it if he went 
into ihe Bay." 

1 Records of County Court • 


The document forwarded was an agreement made with Uncas, 
Jane 10th, 1654, by John Wmthrop, John Mason and Matthew Gris- 
wold, fixing the northern boundary of Nameug at Cochickuwock 
Brook, " where the foot path to Monhegon now goeth over the brook 
or cove," and from thence it was to run upon a west-north-west line 
indefinitely into the wilderness. 

These papers were exhibited in court and recorded, but the diffi- 
culty with Uncas was left unsettled. In June, 1668, James Avery 
and Gary Latham were appointed by the town to treat with the sa- 
cliem, and make a final settlement of the boundary line. This re- 
sulted in the payment to Uncas of fifteen pounds,' and in procuring 
from him a formal deed, which confirmed the bounds of the town as 
already laid out both east and west of the river. 

We learn from tradition, that at the signing of this deed, the whole 
Mohegan tribe was assembled ; that Uncas and his son Owaneco ap- 
peared in barbaric splendor, arrayed in a motley garb of native cos- 
tome and English regimentals ; that the whites fiocked in from the 
neighborhood, either as curious witnesses of the sport, or sharers in 
it, and two or three days were spent in feasting, frolicking and 

On the east side of the river, Poquetannuck Cove was the com- 
mendng point of the northern boundary line. The General Court 
snbeequently ordered that the land near this boundary line which had 
not been granted to particular persons, should for the present lie com- 
mon to the towns of New London and Norwich. Mr. Benjamin 
Brewster, then the principal resident on this tract, was left at liberty 
to connect himself with either of the two that suited his convenience. 
He preferred to belong to Norwich. 

The town was agitated by a controversy still more unhappy in re- 
gard to its western boundary. Winthrop had originally fixed upon 
Bride Brook as the limit of his plantation, and the General Court had 
allowed of this extent, provided it did not come within the territory 
of Saybrook ; that is, within ^yb miles east of Connecticut River. 
The inhabitants were, perhaps, too ready to assume that this bound- 
aiy did not entrench upon their neighbors. Relying upon the court 
grant, they regarded the land between Nahantick Bay and Bride 
Brook, which included Black Point and Giant's Neck, as their own, 

1 The payment of this gratuity waa assumed by James Avery, Daniel Wetherell 
•nd Joshna Raymond, who were indemnified by the town with each two hundred 
acres of land. 



and f re el J scattered their grants in that direction. The people of 
Saj^brook, after a time, advancing with their claims toward the east, 
asserted that the Bride Brook boundary included a mile or more of 
their territory, and they also disposed of lands in the disputed tract. 
A new township was about to-be formed out of that part of Saybrook 
whicli h\y east of the river, (to be called Lyme,) and the bounds be- 
mg considered narrow, they were eager to extend it east as far as 
possible, and would gladly have had it reach Nahantick Bay. Com- 
mittees were appointed by the two parties from year to year, but 
without any approach toward a settlement of the question. New 
London sustained the contest with warmth and energy. 

■* Ai El towne meeting Nov. 21. 1664. 

•' Will you join as one man to beare all charges in seeking our right of that 
lund ibat \y^s in suspense betwixt us and Seabrooke. 

" Aj^n^ed upon and voated yt they would. 

*' Jfiti ibs Morgan, Ralph Parker and James Bemas are desired to make a lyne 
for trynii of what land lyes betwixt us and Seabrooke boundes. 

'' Smnvti Rogers and Ensigne Averye are desired to manage the business be- 
twixi us Hud Seabrooke." 

"Jan. i*» J664-5. 

** Collin Winthropi and Mr. Edward Palmes are chosen by the Towne to 
maiiEigi.' ^hv business betwixt us and Seabrook about the land in suspense — aX- 
lowiiii^ thcfin liberty to make choyce of one Attumaye or more to aasist them 
and lo tiikc such of the inhabitants also along with them afl they shall see most 
tittedfuL to Qjsist.*' 

In 1 667, the town authorized Mr. John Allyn of Hartford, Mr. 
Palmes*, Mr. "Wetherell, and the partners, Hill and Christophers, of 
New London, to recover the rights of the town and settle the bound- 
ary ^* according to ancient grants of the court," at their own charge ; 
engaging, in case of success, to remunerate them with three hundred 
Acr?3 each, at Black Point. They also pledged two hundred acres 
for the use of the ministry, and two hundred as a personal gift to Mr. 

This commission led to no result ; and the town subsequently in- 
trusted the business to their deputies, who were to obtain the assist- 
ance of an attorney. Sergeant Thomas Minor was also requested 
** to be helpful to them." These agents entered into an agreement 

1 Thl-i wDs FitlE-John Wmthrop, eldest son of the governor. He had spent some 
time in Kiigiand, and was there captain of a troop of horse. About this time Wait- 
0kOI Winthmp was chosen captain of the tram-band in New London, so that both 
>r9lhot7 had the title of captain. 


litli those of Lyme at Hartford, in which they not only relinquished 
all claim to the disputed mile, but gave up also a certain portion of 
Black Point, which had always been regarded as legitimately within 
tlie bounds of New London. This document, interchangeably signed 
and attested, was presented to ihe Legislature, and sanctioned by 
that body, before it was exhibited to the town of New London. 
When the deputies came honfe and reported what they had done, a 
stonn ensued. The inhabitants indignantly refused to ratify the 

"In towne meeting June 26. 1668. 

"The towne by voat have protested against the agreement made by our dep- 
uties Leftenant Avery and Gary Latham with the men of lime, Mathew Gris- 
well and Wiliam Waller about the land at our west bounds as being wholly un- 
KUisfied with that agreement that they made which was in a paper read to the 
towne or any other agreement by them made or yt they shall make for the towne 
to abridge theire former bounds, as granted by the Court formerly as apears by 

After this period, the town intrusted the management of the busi- 
ness to Mr. Palmes, Mr. Condy and Mr. Prentis ; prohibting them 
however from any settlement of the boundary line, that did not conform 
to " the ancient grant of the court," and particularly directing them 
to recover Black Point, of which, they say^ " we have been wrong- 
fully deprived by the inhabitants of Seabrooke." 

In May, 1671, the town annulled all former grants made by them 
of land at Black Point, except a farm to Mr. Bradstreet, a faim to 
Mr. John Allyn and three hundred and twenty-five acres to the min- 
istry of the town. This last tract, which they declared to be seques- 
tered for the use of the ministry forever, is said to lie at " our west 
bounds at Black Point." It was in fact the same land that in the 
agreement of 1668, had been reserved for the use of the ministry in 
Lyme. A committee of eight resolute men, two of them officers of 
the train-bands, were appointed to survey and lay out this farm. 
These measures intimate that the agitation on both sides was advan- 
cing toward a crisis. Accordingly, an explosion took place in Au-^ 
gost^ ludicrous and grotesque in its features, but in its consequences 
salutary. It cooled the air, and satisfied those on both sides who 
were disposed to resort to force, leaving the way clear for a more ra- 
tional issue of the dispute. This outbreak calls for especial notice, 
since it came about as near to a civil war as the inhabitants of the 
steady-habited land have ever been known to advance. 

The people of New London and Lyme were both determined to 



mow the grass on a portion of the debatable land — the twenty-five 
acres of meadow belonging to the ministry farm. Large parties 
went out from both towns for the purpose, and having probably some 
secret intimation of each other's design, they met on the ground at 
the same time. The conflict that ensued of tongues, rakes, scythes, 
clubs, and fisticuffs, though the actors were in good earnest, and thor- 
oughly enraged, appears to have been ifiore clownish and comic, than 
fearful or sublime. The account we have of it is taken from the tes- 
timony of witnesses on the trial of the rioters in March, 1661-2. No 
evidence appears to have been more dispassionate than that of Mr. 
Palmes. He was then living on his farm at Nahantick Bar, and 
when the New London party came along on their way to mow the 
marsh, he joined them, for no other purpose, he said, than to act as a 
pacificator if any struggle should take place. The Lyme men, under 
their usual leaders, Matthew Griswold and William Waller, were in 
possession of the ground when the other party advanced, led on by 
Clement Minor and supported by Mr. Palmes, the peace-maker. 
Constables were in attendance on either side, and Messrs. Griswold 
and Palmes were in the commission of the peace and could authorize 
warrants of apprehension on the spot As the New London men ap- 
proached, and swinging their sythes began to mow, the Lyme con- 
stable drew nigh, with a- warrant for the apprehension of Ensign 
Minor, which, beginning to read. Sergeant Beeby interrupted him, 
crying out, " We care not a straw for your paper." Others of the 
company added contemptuous expressions and mockeries, on which 
the constable, shouting to his party, demanded their aid in arresting 
Clement Minor. The Lyme men on the instant came rushing for- 
ward, waving their weapons, while the New London party brandish- 
ing theirs, threatened to mow down any one that should touch their 
leader. The constable, however, had grasped his man, and a general 
tumult of shouts, revilings, wrestlings, kicks and blows followed. 
The weapons seem to have been pretty generally abandoned ; though 
one of the Lyme company, Richard Smith, was knocked down with 
a pitchfork, and John Baldwin, of New London, was accused of 
bruising another person with a cudgel. Major Palmes, in retaliation 
of the arrest of Minor, furnished a warrant for the apprehension of 
Griswold, but he was not captured. The noisy encounter was ter- 
minated, without any serious injury on either side. The cooler heads 
among them succeeded in pacifying the rest. Ensign Minor, the 
only captive taken, was released on the spot. Messrs. Palmes, Gris- 
wold and Waller, having agreed to let the law decide the controversy, 


** drank a dram of seemiiig friendBhip together/' and all retired qui- 
etly fit>m the field. 

Each party subsequently indicted the other for assault, violence 
and riotous practices, and on account of the difficulty of finding an im- 
partial and uninterested court and jury in New London county, they 
were tried — twenty-one men of New London and fifteen of Lyme — 
at Hartford. A penalty of nine pounds was imposed upon New 
London, and five pounds upon Lyme, but both fines were afterward 
remitted by the clemency of the Greneral Court' 

It was at the trial of this case, March 12th, 1671-2, that Goviemor 
Winthrop's deposition was produced, in which he referred to the ro- 
mantic nuptials at Bride Brook, in the infancy of the plantation, as 
heretofore related. With respect to the original western boundary, 
lie makes, in substance, the following statement : 

' '* When we began a plantation in the Pequot country, now called New Lon- 
don, I had a commission from the Massachusetts, and the ordering of matters 
was left to mywlf. Not finding meadow sufficient for even a small plantation, 
unless the meadows and marshes west of Nayantick river were adjoined, I de- 
termined ijic bounds of the plantation should be to the brook, now called Bride 
brook, which was looked upon as certainly without Saybrook bounds. This 
was an encouragement to proceed with the plantation which otherwise could 
not have gone on, there being no suitable accommodation near the place." 

The tract of land so long controverted, was about two miles in 
width, and now forms a part of East Lyme. The General Court or- 
dered five miles to be measured east from Connecticut River, an«i 
four miles west from Pequot River, and the space between to be di- 
vided between the rival towns. This brought Black Point within 
the bounds of New London. An order on the town book, April 8th, 
1672, directs the ministry farm at Black Point to be immediately laid 
out, ** the rights of the town being recovered." This is the first allu- 
sion to the difficulty on the town books since May, 1671, no mention 
being there made of the mowing riot. The grantees of New London, 
'whose lands fell within the bounds assigned to Lyme, were indemni- 
fied elsewhere. 

A great part of the tract thus freed from claims and suits had been 
occupied by the Lidians. Some of these were now acconunodated 
with lands by Lyme in the northern part of their plantation on Eight 
Mile River. Those residing on Black Point were allowed by New 

1 This afl^ at Black Pomt has been called a riot ; it was rather a fracas, or hub- 




London to remain, and to occupj, on lease, 240 acres of upland, at 
an annual rent of three bushels of Indian com per acre. For a 
B timber of years afterward, this little Indian community, contrary to 
most others when overshadowed by a higher degree of civilization^ 
prospered and increased in numbers. About the year 1740 they 
were estimated at forty families. They have since been constantly 
diminishing, and are now tottering on the verge of extinction. 

The difficulties with Lyme continued several years longer in the 
form of a series of vexatious lawsuits. In 1685, the town granted 
to Major Palmes 850 acres of land in remuneration " for the charges 
^nd disbursements of many years, particularly in sustaining a course 
of law with the town of Lyme concerning the west bounds." John 
I'rentis had 200 acres for similar services. Among individual claim- 
unU to the debatable land the longest and most energetic contest 
\^k& maintained between Christopher Christophers and Thomas Lee. 
Both towns became partizans in this protracted suit. The rival 
rUimants came to an agreement June dd, 1686, by which Lee relin- 
ijuished his claim to ^^ the land on Black Point possessed by the 
Kahanticks, Ilanmionassetts and Mejuarnes/' which is said to lie 
" next to the Giant's land." 

The Hammonassetts were a clan of eight families who had ex- 
changed their lands in the neighborhood of Guilford for a settlement 
ua Black Point. The Giant's land was a lot on the point laid out 
f^ovei*al years before by Matthew Griswold and Thomas Bliss, agents 
of the town of Saybrook, to an Indian sumamed the Gtanty and hon- 
f>rcd with the gigantic name of Mamaraka-gurgana. It is probable 
iliat Mejuarnes was another name for this foi*midable personage, 
Hu is supposed to have resided originally at Giant's Neck, and to 
have exchanged this place for the land on the point. The two sons 
t>f the Giant were Paguran and Tatto-bitton. The latter, after the 
i1«icease of his brother, sold what was left; of the Giant's land to 
Christopher Christophers, July 1st, 1687.* 

North of Black Point, on Nahantick Bay, was the soldier grant. 
This was a tract given to five of Capt. Mason's companions in the 
Pt(|uot War, in lieu of a grant made to them in 1642, of " 500 acres 
H\ the Pequot country;" by which vague phrase, the vicinity of 
Pequot Harbor appears to have been understood. The grant being 

1 The Christophers land on Black Point was sufficient for two or three moderate 
ftirtiis. A considerable part of it fell by inheritance to the children of Thomas Man- 
louring, whose -wife was a Christophers. 



neglected and the land otherwise occupied, the Greneral Court in 
1650, transferred the gratuity of the* soldiers to NianUcutt. The 
town record says : 

** The land granted to Lieutenant Thomas Ball and other well deserving 
soldiers lyeth at a place called Sargent's Head." 

Sergeant's Head, called by the Indians Pataquonk, was a hiU of 
moderate elevation above the sand-bar, on the bay. From thence 
the soldier land extended west to a fresh pond, to which the name of 
Soldier's Reward was given. On the south-west of this, a tract of 100 
acres had been secured to the Hammonassetts, and was called, from 
the name of their chief, Obed land. The soldier grant, having been 
laid oat so as to include the Obed land, an exchange was effected pj 
. the General Court, and 200 acres added to the grant on the north 
side as a compensation for the 100 relinquished on the south. The 
Hammonassetts, however, sold their reservation to the proprietors of 
the grant, March 9th, 1691-2.* Three days later, (March 12th, 
1692,) Joseph and Jonathan Bull of Hartford, who appear at this 
time to have been the sole proprietors of the tract, conveyed the 
Obed land and 700 acres north of it to Nehemiah Smith, of New 

Before leaving the subject of these border difficulties it may be 
well to notice the manner in which, according to time-honored legends, 
the question was settled. Tradition asserts that the issue was brought 
about, not by committees, courts, or legislative enactments, but by a 
trial of skill and strength between champions selected for the pur- 
pose, which was regarded as leaving it to the Lard to decide. 

The account given by Dr. Dwight in his travels, who regards it as 
authentic history, is as follows : 

" The inhabitants of both townships agreed to settle their respective titles to ' 

the land in controversy, by a combat between two champions to be chosen by 

each for that purpose. New London selected two men of the names of Picket 

and Latimer: Lyme committed its cause to two others, named Griswold and 

^1' On a day mutually appointed, the champions appeared iiutlie field, 

wid fought with their fists, till victory declared in favor of each of the Lyme 

combatants. Lyme then quietly took possession of the controverted tract, and 

has held ii undisputed, to the present day. This it is presumed, is the only 

instance, in which a public controversy has been decided in New England 

^T pugilism." 

. " is probable that the Hammonassetts emigrated elsewhere, but their subsequent 
nwtory has not been traced. 
3 ThomM Bradford, tiie brother-in-law of Mr. Smith, was his partner in the purchase. 



Anotber version of the story is, .that the line was settled by a 
race instead of a pugilistic contest. The champions are said to have 
Eitartf'd at the same moment from either side of the disputed tract, 
and the line was run north and south from the point where they met. 
The Lyme men being the swiftest of foot obtained the largest portion. 

It ought to be observed that all written accounts of this judicial 
eombfii, are of comparatively recent origin, and there is no allusion 
to any such contest on the records of either town. It can not there- 
fore h«ve any weight as historic truth. As a matter of curiosity or 
Bupor^tltion, among individuals, some such ordeal may have been 
tried, but it is quite improbable that the two towns decided their 
boundary question in this manner. New London always insisted 
thfit it should be determined ^according to ancient grants of the 
eourtj" referring to Bride Brook, where the god Terminus had been 
act up. 

A short digression respecting the early inhabitants of Lyme msLj 
not be iuappropriate in this connection. Lyme was originally a part 
of Suybrook ; the first grantees were the inhabitants of Saybrook 
town plot, and among the earhest proprietors names are found be- 
longing^ to that company from Saybrook, which removed in 1659 and 
166(>j to Norwich : viz., Thomas Adgate ; Thomas Bhss, (whose 
Lyme land was sold to Richard Smith ;) Morgan Bowers ; Francis 
GrisM'old, (an early proprietor on " Bride Plaine ;") John Holmsted ; 
Biniou and Christopher Huntington, (the latter sold to John Borden ;) 
Capuvin John Mason ; John RevnoldSj (wh^ anld T)f ^ , an^ 1 aaq^ ^^ 
WxiIstuu-EjCQcklEayO and Richard Wallis. These original proprie- 
tors of Lyme were all afterward of Norwich.* Their places in 
Lymu were mostly filled by settlers of a later generation. 

According to tradition the first actual occupant in Lyme Tvas 
Matthow Griswold. His title must have emanated from Col. George 
Fej3>vick, but the grant can not now be found on record. It consisted 
of a tine segment of land, washed by the Sound and the river, at the 
soutli'west extremity of the present town, and is said to have been a fief 
or feudal grant, held upon the tenure of keeping the monument of 
Lady Fenwick,^ the deceased wife of the colonel, in good repair. 

1 PresiJi*nt Styles in his Itinerary mentions a curions tradition respecting the pro- 
prierora of Norwich — that they were driven from their ancient habitations in Lyme 
and Saybrook by bktcb-lnrds, 

2 Lmiy Alice Fen wick was the daughter of Sir Edward Apsley Knight; hor first 
hu^bnuJ WOK Sir John Botler, (or Butler,) and as a matter of courtesy she retained 
her tUlc^ nltflr her nMrriage to Col. Fenwick. 


Of this there is no proof. Yet certain it is that the Griswold home- 
stead was favorably situated for the pious office of keeping watch 
over the Fenwick tomb. No calamity could happen to it, which 
might not be observed from various parts of the Black-Hall domain. 

Lady Fenwick died in Saybrook about the year 1648. The pre- 
cise date has not been ascertained ; nor is there any cotemporary 
record, that speaks directly of her death. She was buried on the 
brow of the river bank, in a spot supposed to have been within the 
indosure of the old wooden fort constructed by Lion Gardiner in 
1635, and destroyed by fire in 1647. The fort was rebuilt of earth 
and stone, on another knoll of the bank, but time has reduced this 
also to a level with the surface, and nothing remains of it but some 
slight traces of a ditch and embankments. The monument of Lady 
Fenwick is constructed of a greyish red sandstone — the color of the 
Portland quarries. The scroll or table-piece is entire, but the sup- 
porters are dilapidated, and the inscription, if it ever had any, is 

This tomb is supposed to have been the workmanship of Matthew 
Griswold, to whose skill other monumental tablets of that day have 
been attributed. It may have been bespoken by Col. Fenwick, be- 
fore he returned to England, but not completed at the time of his 
decease in 1657. A receipt is registered at Saybrook, dated April 
Ist, 1679, wherein Matthew Griswold, Senior, acknowledges having 

" The fall and just sum of seven pounds sterling, from the agent of Benja- 
min Batten, Esq., of London, in payment for the tomb-stone of the Lady Alice 
Botler, late of Saybrook." 

Had this monument been completed before the death of Col. Fen- 
wick, his wealth, his high and honorable character, and the large 
estate he had in Connecticut, forbid the supposition that payment 
would have been so long delayed. Was it, in point of fact, ever 
completed ? Is there any proof that it ever contained any inscrip- 
tion? Mr. Griswold perhaps expected an inscription ib be sent 
from England, which never arrived.* The general opinion has in- 

1 In Uie ancient burial place at New London, some of ttie stones were set before 
the inscription was cut, as is ascertained from notes made by the graver at the time, 
in his journal or diary. There arc two sandstone tables which it is presumed he left 
unfinished at the time of his death. On one the inscription is just commenced, and 
tiie other ig left like the Fenwick tomb, entirely void of a record. 




deed been, that the tomb once exhibited a record, but that time has 
effaced the letters. Dr. Dwight said of it in 1810 : 

'* The sandstone of which it is built, is of so perishable a nature, that the 
lofcription has been obliterated, beyond the remembrance of the oldest exist' 
Img inhabitants.*' 

If this statement be correct, the letters were entirely worn out with- 
in seventy or eighty years from the time they were cut. Yet the red 
sandstone of the country, instead of perishing so readily, is found in 
other cases to grow harder by exposure, and to preserve inscriptions 
with tenacity. To the handiwork of Matthew Griswold, is also at- 
tributed the monument which covers the remains of his father-in-lawf 
Henry Wolcot, in the burial ground at Windsor, which is of similar 
sstone with the Fenwick table, and probably quite as old — Wolcot 
died in 1655 — but the inscription is entirely legible. If the Fen- 
wick epitaph was worn out in eighty years, would this be entire at 
I lie end of two centuries? 

One would indeed wish to believe that something commemorative 
and appropriate, had been inscribed on the tomb of Lady Alice. It 
19 adding sorrow to desolation, when we assume that it was left un- 
finished, uninscribed, erected by stranger hands on a distant shore. 

The solitude, the stem and dreary simplicity of the monumentt 
firesent a vivid contrast to the history of the gentle lady it was de- 
fiigned to commemorate — nobly born and delicately nurtured in the 
hosom of English refinement, and under the shadow of English oaks. 
A dark stone tablet, with a heavy scroll half-broken down ; without 
ornament, without inclosure ; nothing over, or around, but the hill, 
the vaulted heavens, and the waters murmuring along the shore ; 
lying bleak and lonely on the river's brink, looking out toward the 
melancholy sea, and suggesting the thought that the fair exile had 
died longing to behold once more her island home — such is the Fen- 
wick tomb. 

When a town is to be organized, the preliminary step is the choice 
of a constable. It is the first act of self-government — an unfurling 
of the banner of independence by a subordinate district. Accord- 
ingly, when Saybrook was to be divided, and the east side prepared 
to set up for itself, an order authorizing them to choose and qualify 
such an officer, was issued by a court of assistants held at New Lon- 
don May 31st, 1664 — Deputy Grovemor Mason, and Messrs. Tal- 
cott, Bruen and Avery on the bench. 


** This Coart apprehending a neoeasity of goYemment on the east side of the 
river of Seabrooke do order that the inhabitants of Seabrooke meet forthwith 
and make choice of a Constable for the use of the Country and the inhabitants 
on the said east side, and the oath to be administered by Mr. Chapman. 

"Also that the people at such times and seasons as they cannot go to the pob- 
lic ordinance in the town on the other side, that they agree to meet together at 
one place every Lord's day at a house agreed upon by them, for the sanctiBca- 
tion of the Si^bbath in. a public way, according to [the command of] God. 

"And this Court desires the selectmen of Seabrook to see that children and 
servants through these limits be catechised and instructed according to order of 

On the 13th of Feb., 1665-6, articles of agreement were entered 
into between the two divisions of Saybrook, preparatory to what 
they style " a loving parting.'^ The preamble states that— 

" The inhabitants east of the river desiring to be a plantation by themselves 
do declare that they have a competency of lands to entertain thirty families." 

The Lyme committee that signed the parting covenant were : 

•• Matthew Griswold, William Waller, 

Reinold Marvin, John Lay Senr., 

Hichard Smith, John Comstock." 

The new township was called Lyme^ a name derived from Lyme 
Begis on the coast of Dorsetshire, a small port^ from whence prob* 
abJy Mr. Griswold, if not others of the planters, took his departure 
from England. This name was sanctioned by the Legislature in 
May, 1667. The first land records, after the' town was organized^ 
are attested by Matthew Griswold and Reinold Marvin. The latter 
died in 1676 at the early age of forty-two, and the name of Thomas 
Lee succeeds as the land comissioner. 

The first settlers of Lyme were mostly of the second generation 
of emigrants from Europe. Matthew Griswold must be excepted, 
the patriarch, and for a long term of years the principal magistrate 
of the town. Thomas Lee, Henry Champion and John Lay must 
also be reckoned of the first generation. Henry Champion died in 
1708, verging toward the age of one hundred years. John Lay 
died in 1675 ; in his last will and testament he says, "being grown 
aged." His son John Lay, Jun., was bom in 1633, probably on the 
other side of the water. By a second wife he had a second son 
Johuy — both of them living at their father's decease. Thomas Lee 



came to America in the family of his ^Etther, in 1640 or 1641, prob- 
ably then a youth.* 

Mr. Griswold died in Dec, 1698, or in Jan., 1698-9, and was over 
eighty years of age. No memorial of his grave has been found* It 
would be satisfactory could we discover but a rude stone, and a few 
letters to note the death-day and the resting-place of one whose 
chisel had so often carved memorials for others. There is always 
satisfaction in finding a stone with its record at the head of a grave, 
even when we feel no special interest in the tenant that lies beneath. 
It seems to say that love and respect followed the departed one to 
his narrow home, and did not suddenly terminate there. But in the 
first era of our country, the absence of an inscribed stone is no 
evidence of neglect or indigence. Men who are skillful to work in 
stone are seldom found in a new country, and labor is engrossed with 
occupations necessary to the living. 

Thomas Lee died in 1705 :' his burial place is also shrouded in 
obscurity. These are not mentioned as solitary instances. Every 
where in our country we miss the graves of the fathers. The first 
generation and many of the second seem to have dropped silently 
and unnoticed into the bosom of the earth. It is indeed of slight 
importance, since we have other memorials more honorable and last- 
ing than those of stone, to attest the character of those much endur- 
ing men. 

Tradition relates that the meadows and corn-fields along the river 
in southern Lyme, were first cultivated by armed men, ^ho came 
over from Saybrook, with guns and pikes, as well as agricultural im- 
plements, to mow the marshes and to plant and gather the harvest. 
Mr. Griswold, it is said, was the first to build a habitation on that 
side, and this being occupied for several years solely by his negro 
servants, was familiarly called Black-Hall, a name which was at first 
retained to designate the Griswold lands, but is now the sectional 
term for the district in which they lie. The location of Black-Hall 
Point is very beautiful ; the land slopes to the Sound and projects so 
far into it that in winter the sun rises and sets over the water. Every 

1 A manuscript account of the Lee family says: "In 1641 came Mr. Brown from 
England with Thomas Lee and wife and three children ; the wife of Lee was Brown's 
daughter. Lee died on the passage with smaU-pox; his wife and children came to 

2 The will of Ensign Thomas Lee, Senior, was proved Feb. 19th, 1704-6. 


sail that passes through the Sound is in fufl view, and often on a 
fine day fifty or more may be seen at one time.' 

North of Black-Hall, ^^ between the rivers,'' as it is locally called, 
that is, between Black-Hall Creek and Duck Creek, both emptying 
into Connecticut River, John Lay and Isaac Waterhouse were proba- 
bly the earliest settlers. The latter was the oldest son of Jacob Wa- 
terhouse, of New London; he purchased in 1667, all the lands of 
Major Mason, in Lyme. Li this district, on a high bleak hill, three 
meeting-houses were built in succession. A bold position for a 
church, high and solitary, towering almost over Saybrook itself, 
saluting every passing sail within a wide sweep of vision, and indica- 
ting even to the inhabitants of Long Island, with its heaven-pointed 
finger, the region of happiness. 

The first meeting-house on this breezy height was erected about 
1670. In a new plantation the buildings are necessarily rude and ifl- 
complete ; destined soon to give place to others. This first church 
arrived at old age in fifteen years. The inhabitants could not agree 
on the site for its successor, and were obliged to call in magistrates 
from abroad to compose their differences and settle the disputed 
point The report of these arbitrators is so honorably characteristic 
of the magistracy of that age, that it well deserves to be quoted entire. 
It is the spirit of Puritanism, condensed into an example. 

*< Tlu Agreement abotU the Meeting- Bouee, 

** Whereas by the General Court May last we were appointed to hear and 
determine a controversy between the inhabitants of Lyme concerning the place 
where the next meeting-house shall stand, and having seen the places desired 
hf the several inhabitants, and having heard their several allegations and rea- 
loot why they would have the meeting-house stand in th^ places by them de- 
nied, and the returns they have been pleased to make one unto another there- 
upon, and seriously considered of the premises, in order to the putting of a fina^ 
issue to the case, we saw reason to pitch upon two places where to set the 
meeting-houie, and with the consent of the greatest part of the people of Lyme, 
we, alter calling upon the Lord, commended the decision of the case to a lot, 
which lot fell upon the southermost we had appointed, which is upon the hill 
where the now meeting-house stands, more northerly in the very place where 
we shall stalce it out, and we do order and appoint the said meeting-house x8 be 
erected: and now, worthy and much respected friends, we have according to 
oar best judgment led you to an issue of your controversy ; we request and ad- 
vise you to lay aside all former dissatisfaction that has risen amongst you in 
the management of this affair hitherto, and that lilUgibWl be buried and for- 

1 Mr. Matthew Griswold, the present occupant of Black-HaU, hifonned the author 
that on a fiur, calm morning he had counted one hundred saU of vossdi within sight 



gatten hy you and never more revived by any amongst you, and that yoa do 
forthwith in the best time and manner you can, join heart and hand in the' 
building and erecting a meeting-house in the place by the special providence of 
God stated and laid out to you for that purpose, and desire the favorable ac- 
ceptance of our desires and endeavors to promote your peace, and that the God 
of peace may direct you into ways of peace and good agreement, that his pres- 
ence and blessing may be your portion, which is the heart's desire of your 
friends, *• John Talcott, 

" John Allin." 

" This day in Lyme, June 4th, 1686." 

[From Lyme Records, Book 1.] 


Prom 1670 to 1690. — General View.— Indian War. — ^Account of the expedi- 
tioas from New London county.^^Death of Governor Winthrop. — Erection of 
the second meeting-house. — Illness and death of Mr. Bradstreet. — Transient 
ministers. — Popularity of Mr. Saltonstall.— His ordination. — Heat and dis- 
ease — Sir Edmund Andross. — Meeting-house btimt.— The third or Salton- 
stall meeting-house built. 

Evert glimpse that is now obtained of the plantation exhibits en- 
terprise, and a slowly growing prosperity. But the growth of towns 
in that day was gradual, a struggle for life, bearing no resemblance 
to ihe rapid expansion of American settlements in later days. In 
1670, Uie list of the town was but £8,506, and seven years later, 
(after the Indian war,) it was less, £8,206. Hartford, Windsor, 
Weihersfield, New Haven, and even Fairfield and Milford were 
before New London. Property was here more uncertain than in 
most other towns. • The comers and goers were many, and names 
incidentally appear upon the records which are never heard of after- 
ward. New London had peculiar characteristics for that day, a 
floating, wavering, self-confident populace, inured to the hardships of 
the sea, to artisan labor, and the tillage of a stubborn soil, but easily 
drawn aside to recreation, and we infer from the complaints against 
them, noby and litigious. The character of the town long reflected 
these peculiar features ; but amid the changeful elements, a substan- 
tial class of worthy citizens were always to be found ; men who were 
neither fickle, nor contentious, nor irreligious, but of the genuine, 
New England stamp ; felling the forest and subduing the reluctant 
earth ; toiUng in the work-shop, or pulling at the oar ; now gather- 
ing with right merry heart in the social circle, now governing the 
town, or with lowly veneration engaged in the worship of God. 

It i^pears to have been the original plan of the town that the first 
line of dwelling-houses bordering the semi-circular shore, from the 




head of Winthrop's Cove to the end of the point now known as 
8haw*8 Neck, a distance of more than a mile and a half, shoold, bs 
far as practicable, face the wat«r, with an open street or quay in front 
^f them. Had this design been carried out, a noble promenade would 
lifive been left along the shore, girdling the city with beauty, and pre- 
Bcnting a fine picture seaward. All the first houses in Main and 
BMtik Streets, were built on the west side of the street, while the east 
si tie, the shore, beach or marsh, that bordered the town, was left in 
common. From the eastern part of the Parade, where is now the 
Ferry wharf, the coast originally turned to the west, more abruptly 
thun at present, and was bordered by a strip of sand-beach, inclosing 
a narrow, salt-water pond or marsh, which haying been filled in and 
protected by a wall, forms the present Water Street. At the head of 
this beach were the ferry stairs and the old town landing-place, where 
in 1703, was built the town wharf. This site had been early chosen 
for town purposes, on account of its affording the easiest ascent to the 
area or platform of the town. Almost every street below this point, 
leading to the water, had an abrupt pitch to the shore, which time 
and highway labor have worn away. After 1670, the border of the 
ctive running up to the mill, began to be occupied. The water-craft 
of that day being mostly sloops, or decked boats, found no difficulty 
in ascending nearly to the head of the cove, and shops or warehouses 
were soon erected along the western side, filling this part of the town 
witli the hum of business. On the shore side of Bank Street, very 
few grants were made until about 1720. The town mainly consisted 
of two ends. Hence a distinction was early made and long continued 
between up-towners and down-towners. In later days, and no doubt 
iminemorially, rivalry and feuds, challenges at playing ball, snow- 
balling, and occasional fights, took place between the boys of the two 

After 1666, for fifteen or twenty years, the commissioners (jus- 
tices) for New London were almost invariably Messrs. Avery, Weth- 
crtdl and Palmes. In 1674, Mr. Palmes was invested by the Gren- 
eral Court with the superior power of a magistrate, through New 
XfOMdon county and the Narragansett country. In military afiairs, 
after the decease of Major Mason, Fitz-John Winthrop took the lead, 
and next to him were Palmes and Avery. In 1672, a company of 
trrjopers was raised, forty in number, of which Edward Palmes waa 
appointed caption, John Mason, of Norwich, lieutenant,^ and Joshua 

1 Son to M^jor Mason. 


Sajmondy oornet.^ This was the first organized company of horse- 
men in the county. 

The year 1675 brought with it the gloom and terror of an Indian 
war. After near forty years of quiet, following the vindictive strug- 
gle with the PequotS) the whole country was terror-struck with the 
ne^s that a wide-spread combination of Wampanoags, Narragansetts, 
and other tribes had been formed, with the design and desperate hope 
of exterminating the white race from the land. Suddenly, before any 
effectual measures of defense had been concerted, Philip, with his 
fierce horde of warriors, burst out of the dark cloud like a thunder- 

Connecticut, as well as the neighboring colonies, lay exposed to an 
immediate assault. Her eastern frontier was open to the Narragan- 
setU ; Norwich and Stonington were particularly in danger. With- 
in her limits were bands of Indians, who might perhaps be induced to 
join the enemy, and one of these bands, the Mohegans, was at no 
time more powerful than at this juncture. Patronized by the Ma- 
sons, and having his frontier protected by Norwich, UQcas had been 
for fifteen years increasing in numbers and strength. This wary 
sachem kept his neighbors for some time in doubt which party he 
would join in the contest. Messris. Wetherell and Avery made him 
a visit on the 28th of June, to ascertain, if possible, how he stood 
affected to Philip's designs, and returned, apprehensive that he was 
leagued with the enemy. In Mr. Wetherell's letter to the governor, 
be says : 

" We have reason to believe that most of his men are gone that way, for he 
hath very few men at home," — " tis certain he hath lately had a great corres- 
pODdence with Philip, and many presents have passed."' 

On Sunday, June 24th, the first overt act of hostility was commit* 
ted by Philip. Several houses were burned and men slaughtered at 
Siransey. It does not appear that the news reached New London 
till Jane 29th, when it was brought by a messenger on his way to 
Hartford, dispatched by Mr. Stanton to carry the fearful tidings to 
the governor. A thrill of horror ran through the community. Mr. 
Wietherell wyote urgently to "Governor Winthrop, June 29th and 
30th, for assistance. 

1 It was much the custom then to address people by their titles of office. Comet 
Raymond is mentioned on the town books by his title, as naturally as Captain Palmes 
by his. 

2 Mass. Hist, Coll., 8d scries, vol. 10, p. 118. 




" It is reported that Philip is Tery near us and expects further assistance 
from Uncas." 

** We have great reason to believe that there is an universal combination of 
the Indians, and fear you cannot aid us timely. We are calling in all our out 
livers, and shall by God's assistance, do our best for our defence, but hope that 
your Honor, with the rest of the honorable Council will despatch present sup- 
plies for our aid.*'^ 

Major John Winthrop, the highest military commander in the 
county, was then dangerously ill, and this was calculated to increase 
the panic of the three eastern towns. The Council of War immedi" 
ately dispatched forty men to their aid, and Captain Wait Winthrop 
being authorized to act both as a military commander and a commis- 
sioner, raised a considerable force, and marched directly into the In- 
dian territory. Here he met the troops and commissioner sent from 
Massachusetts, and assisted in concluding a treaty with the Narra- 
gansetts, which quieted for a time the alarm of the eastern towns. 
The Mohegans, after some little hesitation, and the Pequots and Na- 
hanticks, with acceptable readiness, joined the £nglish ; and both 
eventually performed essential service. 

During the summer the principal seat of the war was in the inte- 
rior of Massachusetts, and the towns on Connecticut River were the 
sufferers. But as winter approached, the hostile Indians concentra- 
ted their forces in the Narragansett territory, in dangerous proximity 
to the Connecticut frontier. 

The military regulations enforced by the Greneral Court in October 
were of a stem and vigorous cast, and embodied in terms of anxious 
solemnity. They were in fact equivalent to putting the whol0 colony 
under the ban of martial law. The most important enactments were 
these : sixty soldiers to be raised in every county — the Pequots to be 
assigned to the charge of Capt. Avery, and the Mohegans to Capt. 
Mason — places of defense and refuge to be imrftediately fortified in 
every plantation — ^neglect of orders in time of assault to be punished 
with death — ^no provisions allowed to be carried out of the colony 
without special license — and no male between the ages of fourteen 
and seventy, suffered to leave the colony without special permission 
from the council, or from four assistants, under penalty of £100.* 

1 Mass. Hist. Coll., 8d series vol. 10, p. 119. 

2 These orders are recorded at New London with the following indorsement: " To 
y« Constable of Norwitch, N. London, Stonington, Lyme, Kenllworth and Saybrooke, 
to be posted from Constable to Constable forthwith and published and recortled, and 
then to be returned to the Clarke of the Coonty.'* 


In compliance with the order respecting fortifications, a committee 
of seven persons was appointed in New London, Fitz-John Winthrop, 
James Rogers, William Douglas, William Hough, Christopher Chris- 
tophers, Samuel Rogers and Thomas Beeby, who issued an order 
(October 28th) for six points to be immediately fortified, viz. : 

1. The stone house at the mill, near Major Paknes and Samuel 
Rogers, for defense of that end of the town. 

2. The houses of Mr. Christophers and Mr. Edgecombe, for de- 
fense of that neighborhood. (On Main Street, each side of Federal 

3. Mr. Bradstreet's and the town house. (By the town home, 
probably the meeting-house was meant, which was near Mr. Brad- 

4. Mr. Charles Hill's. (On State Street, probably comer of M^ 

5. Mr. Joshua Raymond's. (Comer of Parade and Bank Streets.) 

6. Mr. Ralph Parker's. (At the head of Close Cove, in the lower 
part of the town.) 

New London, Norwich and Stonington were all partially fortified 
in this manner, and a constant guard was maintained. Li the bel- 
fries of the meeting-houses, and on the high hills, watchmen were 
kept on the look-out, with sentry-boxes erected for their accommoda- 

The United Colonies seem to have been pervaded with the idea 
that a crisis in their existence had arrived which demanded bold and 
immediate measures. To meet this crisis, they determined on a win- 
ter campaign, in which an overpowering force should be sent into the 
thickets of Narragansett, to attack the lion in his den. An army 
was raised of one thousand men. The proportion of Connecticut 
was three hundred and fifVeen, who were placed under the command 
of Major Robert Treat, of Milford, and ordered to rendezvous at 
New London. 

A town always suffers from being made a gathering-place for Sold- 
iers. New London was soon in a state of bustle and excitement, 
and, during the remainder of the war, continued to be a camp for the 
troops, a store-house for supplies, and a hospital for the sick — ^full of 
disturbance, discomfort and complaints. 

The troops began to collect the latter part of November. Those 

1 A height oTerlooking Norwich groen, is still known as Sentry Hill, fh>m this cir 


from Fairfield and New Haven counties came mostly by water ; 
those from other comities by land. New London county raised 
seventy men under Capt. John Mason, of Norwich, beside Pequots 
aad Mohegans under Capt Grallop. Of the seventy men, Norwich 
contributed eighteen ; New London, Stonington and Lyme, ftrty ; 
Saybrook, eight ; Eillingworth, four. The whole force was to be at 
New London Dec. 10th. Great exertions were made to obtmn the 
requisite quantity of provisions and all the apparatus of war. Mr. 
Wetherell was the active magistrate, Joshua Raymond the commis- 
sary. Wheat was sent from other parts of the colony, here to be 
ground and baked. Indians were to be fitted with caps and stock- 
ings. The town also furnished a quantity of powder, bullets and 
fiints, and ten stands of arms. At length there was an impressment 
of beef, pork, com and rum, horses and carts, and the army marched.^ 

These troops, forming a junction with those of the other colonies, 
were engaged in the fearful swamp fight at Narragansett,^ Dec. 19th, 
1675. A complete victory was here obtained over the savage foe, 
but at great expense of life on both sides. The number of Lidians 
killed on the side of the enemy, was estimated at nearly a thousand. 
Of the English army, two hundred were killed and wounded, of whom 
eighty were of the Connecticut line — a large proportion out of three 
hundred and fifteen. The loss sustained by the friendly Indians (if 
any) is not included in this number. 

The Mohegans in this fight were under the command of Capt. 
John Gallop, of Stonington, who was numbered among the slain. 
Capt. Avery had charge of the Pequots. It was afterward reported 
by some, that the Connecticut Indians would not fight in this battle, 
but discharged their guns into the air. This must be an error. Capt. 
Gallop, their gallant leader, was slain in the fury of the onset. No 
charge of cowardice or insubordination was brought against them 
after their return home ; while on the contrary, rewards for faithftil 
service were bestowed on several. In the accounts of the county 
treasurer, are notices of cloth and provisions dealt out to various indi- 
viduals, after they came from the battle. Among these are the 
names of Momoho, Nanasquee, Tomquash and bis brother — ^ com 
delivered Cassasinamon's squaw," and " blew cloth for stockings to 
Ninnicraft's daughter's Captayne and his brother." Capt. John Ma- 
son, of Norwich, received a wound, with which he languished till the 


1 These particulars are gathered from accounts afterward presented for payment. 

2 Within the limits of the present town of South Kingston, R. I. 


next September, and then died. The wounded men were mostly 
brought to New London to be healed, and were attended bj Mr. 
Gershom Bulkley, the former nunister of the town, who had accom- 
panied Uie expedition in the capacity of sorgeon. 

In January, 1 675-6, another army of one thousand men was raised. 
The Connecticut quota was again three hundred and fifteen ; their 
leader Major Treat, and their rendezvous, New London. They be- 
gan their march on the 26th, passed through Stonington into Uie 
Narragansett country, and from thence north-westerly into the Nip- 
muck region, clearing away the Lidians in their course, but meeting 
with no opportunity to strike a heavy blow. Uncas himself accom- 
panied this expedition ; and the Council of War wrote to Mr. Bulkley 
to return thanks for their good service, to Uncas and Owaneco of 
the Mohegans, and to Robin Cassasinamon and Momoho of the 

During the winter. New London suffered exceedingly from the 
quartering of soldiers upon the inhabitants, and the great scarcity of 
provisions. In May, the Greneral Court authorized the enlistment of 
three hundred and fifty men, as a standing army, to be in readiness 
for any service. This force, which was under the command of Ma- 
jof John Talcott, was almost immediately ordered into the field, Nor- 
wich at this time being designated as the gathering place. Mr. 
Wctherell and Mr. Douglas were the commissaries, and New Lon- 
don, for the third time, was a depot for supplies. The number of 
Indian auxiliaries engaged at this time was unusually large. Major 
Talcott left Norwich June 2d, and entering the wilderness marched 
directly toward the upper towns on Connecticut River, where the 
opportune arrival of so large a force, is supposed to have saved Had- 
ley from Indian devastation.^ Capt. Greorge Denison had command 
of the company raised in New London county ; Lieut. Thomas Lef- 
fingwell, of Norwich, and Ensign John Beeby, of New London, were 
with him. This company went up the river by water to Northamp- 
ton, and from thence joined Major Talcott with supplies, of which the 
army was in pressing need. They had suffered so much on their 
route, that the soldiers gave it the name of the long and hungry 
march? Mr. Fitch, of Norwich, went with them as chaplain, and Mr. 


, 1 Coiuu Colonial Records, voL 2, p. 406. 

I 2 Trumbull's History of Connecticut 

8 Ibid. Major Tallcott complained that the bread they had with them was all cov- 
ered with bhio mold, and adds expressively, *' Bread made for this wilderness work 
had need be well dried." Conn, Colonial Becords, vol. 2, p. 468. 


186 History of new london^ 

Bulkley as surgeon. This army returned to Connecticut about Jane 
10th, having scoured the country far up the river, but met with very 
few of the enemy. The Council of War ordered a coat to be given to 
every Indian out in this long march, " in regard (they observe) the 
service was tedious and little or no plunder gained.'*^ 

After a few days' refreshment, this spirited army again entered the 
hostile districts, and marching first to the north-west of Providence, 
then turning to the south'^ast, explored the forests and necks down 
to Point Judith. From thence they returned through Westerly to 
Stonington and New London. In this expedition great havoc was 
made among the Narragansetts. Magnus, the old queen or sunk- 
squaw, was slain, and in two engagements, two hundred and thirty- 
eight Indians were killed and captured. Major Talcott, while at 
Warwick Neck, ^ having advice that Philip was beat down toward 
Mount Hope," would have pursued him to this haunt, if his Indian 
auxiliaries had not positively refused to accompany him.' 

Major Talcott's little army, after a short dispersion and rest, was 
ordered to re-assemble at New London on the 18th of July# They 
marched again about the 20th, and made their way this time into the 
very heart of Plymouth colony. July 31st, they were at Taunton. 
From thence they returned homeward, but hearing that a large par^ 
of Indians who were taking their fiight westward, into the wilder^ 
ness, had conmiitted some depredations on cattle and com near West^ 
field, they immediately took the route thither, and pursuing the trail 
of the now forlorn and famished savages, they had a sharp and final 
struggle ¥rith them, beyond the Housatonick, in the route to Albany.' 
The troops then returned to Connecticut, and on the 18th of August 
were ordered by the council to repair to their respective counties, 
and disband their men. Philip had been hunted down and slain 
(August 12th) by the Plymouth men, and the war was at an end. 

Betuming to an early period of the contest, we find that in Feb- 
ruary, 1675-6, commenced that series of forays, into the Indian terri- 
tory, which issuing at short intervals from New London county, and 
led by those noted Indian-fighters, Denison and Avery, contributed 
in no small degree to the favorable result. These partisan bands 
were composed of volunteers, regular soldiers, Pequots, Mohegans, 

1 Conn. Colonial Records^ vol. 2, p. 466. 

3 Letter of Talcott, in Colonial Records, vol. 2, p. 458. 

8 In the present town of Stockbridge. (See Hubbard^s Indian Wars.) 


tmd Nahanticks-— disorderly among themselves, but condensed against 
the foe — the Indians usually double the number of the whites, and 
more useful as scouts and* plunderers, than in direct attack. It was 
in the third of these roving excursions, begun March 28th, and ended 
April 10 th, 1676, that the brave Narragansett chieflain, Canonchet, 
was taken prisoner. This was one of the great exploits of the war. 
The unfortunate captive was brought to Stonington, and there put to 
death,. after the Indian mode of execution, being shot by Owaneco, 
and two Pequot sachems, the nearest to his own rank among the con* 
querors.' This was done by the captors, without any waiting for ad- 
Tice, or reference to superior authority.* 

The Indians taken in arms during this war, were generally execu* 
ted. As far as those caUed warriors were concerned, it was a war of 
extermination. Quarter was seldom conceded, and death followed 
dose upon capture and submission. This was the customary and le- 
galized mode of proceeding in wars with savages, and regarded as 
the only safe course, the dictate of stem necessity. The women and 
children were saved, and either amalgamated with the Mohegans or 
distributed among the English for servants* 

The signal service performed by these partisan bands, is thus ac* 
knowledged by Hubbard, the early historian of the Indian wars. 

"The inhabitants of New London, Norwich and Stonington, apprehensive of 
their danger, by reason of the near bordering of the enemy, and upon other pru- 
dent considerations, voluntarily listed themselves under some able gentlemen, 
tod resolute soldiers among themselves, Major Palmes, Capt. George Denison, 
Capt. Aveiy, with whom, or under whom, within the compass of 1676, they 
made tenor more several expeditions, in all which, at those several times, they 
killed and took two hundred and thirty-nine of the enemy, by the help and as- 
sistance of the Pequots, Mohegans, and a few friendly Narragansetts ; besides 
thirty taken in their long march homeward, after the fort fight, December 19th, 
'75 ; and besides sixteen captivated in the second expedition, not reckoned 
within the compass of the said number ; together with fif\y guns, antt spoiling 
the eaemy of an hundred bushels of corn." 

These expeditions had very much the character of marauding par- 
ties, or border raids. The £nglish were generally mounted, and the 

1 Hubbard. The Pequot sachems were probably Cassasmamon and Momoho. 

2 Major Palmes, m a letter to the Council of War, dated April 6th, 1076, alluding to 
the death of the Narragansett sachem, says: " Might my opinion pass when there is 
no help, I apprehend it might have proved more for the public benefit if his execution 
bad been deferred till your Honors had the intelligence first of his behjg seized." 
(Council Beoords.) 


Indians on foot. The latter had no wages, but were recompensed with 
the plunder thej obtained, a portion of the prisoners for servants, and 
various presents from the government. In most instances, die sol- 
diers retained the booty and the captives that they brought home. 
Capt. Denison was the most conspicuous soldier of New London 
county. Captains Avery and Minor were also prominent in these 
excursions. Major Palmes, though active in the forwarding depart- 
ment, took the field but once, and that was in one of the flitting in- 
roads into the Narragansett territory.^ 

The statement has been sometimes made, that Connecticut lost no 
men on her own soil in Philip's War. This is an error. Five men, 
at least, within her limits, were sacrificed by sudden shot from a lurk- 
ing foe. 

1. Two men belonging to Norwich, Josiah Hock well and John 
Rey nolds, were slain on the 27th or 28th of January, 1675-6, on the 
east side of Shetucket River, which they had crossed for the purpose 
of spreading flax. Their bodies were found thrown down the river 
bank, with the usual Indian trophy taken from their heads. A young 
lad, the son of Rockwell, who was with them, could not be found, and ^ 
was supposed to have been carried away as a prisoner, but he was 
never heard of afterward.* 

2. John Kirby, of Middletown, was killed between Middletown 
and Wethersfield. 

3. Edward Ebnore, or Elmer, was slain in East Windsor. 

4. Henry Denslow, slain in Windsor. 

5. William Hill, of East Hartford, wounded but not killed.' 
These were all in 1676. 

John Winthrop, Esq., the patron and founder of New London, and 
governor of Connecticut for nearly eighteen years, died in Boston, 

1 The summary given above, of the part taken by Connecticut hi the contest with 
Philip, is partly drawn from the journal of the Council of War, from 1676 to 1678, 
preserved among the records of the colony, and recently printed in vol. 3, of the Colo- 
nial Records of Connecticut (Hartford, 1862.) 

2 An account of this tragedy was sent by Major Palmes to the governor and ooon- 
cil, m a letter dated Jan. 29th. He calls Rockwell's name Joseph, and gives fifteen or 
sixteen years as the age of the son. The author has ascertained that it was Josiah 
Rockwell that was slain, and his son Joseph, who was with him, was bom in March, 

8 The last four instances are mentioned m the examination of an Indian, named 
Menowniet, taken captive near Farmington. (Colonial Records, vol. 2, p. 471.) The 
name of John Erby, not mentioned in the examhiation, is supplied by Mr. Jndd, at 
whose instance, also, Edward Ehnore is substituted for G. Ebnore. 



AprQ 5th, 1 676.' He had been called to Boston to attend the meeting 
of the commissioners, to which he was the delegate from Connecti- 
cuL His remains were deposited in the tomb of his* father,^ in the 
cemetery of King's Chapel, where afterward his two sons were gath* 
ered to his side. His wife, who deceased not long before him, is sup- 
posed to have been bnried in Hartford*^ 

Grovemor Winthrop's family consisted of the two sons so often 
mentioned, Fitz-John and Wait-Still,^ and five daughters. The sons 
were residents in New London at the time of their father's decease. 
Wait-Still succeeded his brother as mi^or of the county regiment,* 
Iwt at a period ten or twelve years later, removed to Boston. Lucy, ^ 

the second daughter, ^ wife of Edward Palmes, belongs to New ^ ^^ ^ ^ 
London ; but her death is not on record, neither is there any stone X 
to her memory in the old burial-ground, by the side of her husband. 
It is therefore probable that she died abroad, and from other circum- 
stances it is inferred that this event took place in Boston, after the 
death of her father, in 1676.* She left a daughter, Lucy, who was 
her only child, and this daughter, though twice married, left no issue. 
Her line is therefore extinct.'' 

The very extensive landed estate of Governor Winthrop, which 
fell to his two sons, was possessed by them conjointly, and undivided 
during their lives. Fitz-John, having no sods, it was understood 
between the brothers, that the principal part of the land grants, 
should be kept in the name, and to this end be reserved for John, the 
only son of Wait Winthrop. These possessions, briefly enumerated, 
were Winthrop's Neck, 200 acres ; Mill-pond farm, 300 ; land north 
of the town on Alewife Brook and in its vicinity, 1,500 ; land at 
Pequonuck, (Groton) 6,000 ; Little-cove farm half a mile square on 

1 Hig will may be found in the registry of Suffolk county, Mass. It is also recorded 
in Hartford. 

2 Elliot's Biograpnical Dictionary. 

a She vas living in March, 1670. Mass. Hist. Coll., 8d series, vol. 10, p. 79. 
4 The adjuncts FiUi and <SWff, are very seldom used on the New London records. 
6 This regiment, in 1680, consisted of 609 men. 

6 The family of Major Palmes was in Boston during the Indian troubles. Mrs. 
Pahnes was living, at the date of her father's will, April 8d, 1676, but in November, 
1678, the minister of New London records the baptism of a child of M^jor Palmes, by 
a second wife. 

7 The first husband of Lucy Palmes was Samuel Gray, a goldsmith, of New Lon- 
don—originally from Boston— who died in 1718. She afterward married Samuel 
Lynde, of Saybrook, being his second wife. 



the east side of the river — these were within the bounds of New 
London. On Mystic River, five or six hundred acres ; at Lanthom 
Hill and its vicinity, 3,000 ; and on the coast, Fisher's Island and its 
Hommocks, and Goat Island. Grovemor Winthrop had also an undis- 
puted title from court grants to large tracts in Voluntown, Plainfield, 
Canterbury, Woodstock and Saybrook, amounting to ten or twelve 
thousand acres. He also claimed the whole of what was called 
Black-lead-mine Hill in the province of Massachusetts Bay, computed 
to be ten miles in circumference. Magnificent as was this estate in 
point of extent, the value, in regard to present income, was moderate. 
By the provisions of his will, his daughters were to have half as 
much estate as his sons, and he mentions that Lucy and Elizabeth had 
already been portioned with farms. The above sketch of his landed 
property comprises only that which remained inviolate as it passed 
through the hands of his sons, and his grandson John, the son of 
Wait, and was bequeathed by the latter to his son, John, John Still 
Winthrop, Still Winthrop, in 1747.* 

April 11th, 1678. At this date was exhibited in town meeting a 
list of the proper, or accepted inhabitants of the town, and their 
names registered. The list comprises 104 names. Only household- 
ers or heads of families are supposed to be included. The number 
of freemen that had been recorded at this time was forty-five, and 
only twenty more are added before 1700. 

On the last Thursday, in Feb., 1677-^, a town meeting was held to 
deliberate respecting a new meeting-house. The old, or Blinman 
house, had stood twenty or twenty-five years ; it was not only decay- 
ing, but the town had outgrown its dimensions. It was resolved to 
build a new one by the side of the old, the latter tc^be kept for use 
until the other should be completed. The building committee were 
Capt. Avery, Charles Hill and Thomas Beeby, who procured the 
timber and made preparations to build. But now a strong party ap- 
peared in favor of an entirely new site — viz., the comer of an un- 
improved lot that had been reserved for the ministry.' 

1 The will ennmerating these possessions, is on record in New London. 

2 On Hempstead Street at the south-west comer of Broad Street, just where the 
Edgecombe house now stands. 


A vote was obtained to build upon tbis spot, but tbe dissatisfaction 
was so great, especially among tbe people east of tbe river, tbat a 
meeting to reconsider tbe subject was called April 19tb, 1679, wbicb 
passed tbe following conciliatory resolution. 

•• The town sees cause, for the avoiding of future animosities, and for satisfac- 
tiaa of our loving neighbors on the east side of the river to condescend that the 
new meeting-house shall be built near the old, Mr. Bradstreet having spared 
part of his lot to be made him good on tbe other side, for the accommodation 
of this work ; but that the vote above [t. e,, before taken] was and is, good in 
law, and irrevocable, but by the loving consent of neighbors is altered, which 
shall be no precedent for ihture altering any town vote." 

Tbe second or Bradstreet meeting-bouse, was tberefore built near 
tbe old one, on tbe soutb^west comer of wbat was called tbe meeting- 
bouse green (now Town Square.) It is not strange tbat tbe inbab* 
itants east of tbe river sbould bave murmured at any aggravation of 
tbeir Sabbatb-day journeys, wbicb at tbe best, were of a wearisome 
lengtb, crossing tbe river and ascending from tbe ferry stairs to tbe 
town street, and from tbence up tbe bill tbrougb tbe present Ricbards 
Street to tbe place of worsbip. We are disposed to ask, wby under 
sucb circumstances tbe bouse was built on a bill at all ? wby not on 
a level near tbe water's edge ? Tbe answer is ready — ^tbe early 
cburcb of New £ngland was not only a cburcb, but a tower, and a 
beacon : its turret must serve as a look-out post, affording timely 
notice sbould any danger tbreaten tbe dwellings of tbose who were 
engaged in tbe service of tbe sanctuary. Moreover, tbe people of 
New England seem to bave bad a natural taste for a cburcb set on a 
bill. It was to tbem tbe position of beauty, propriety, and adapta- 

The contract for building the meeting-bouse was made with tlobn 
Elderkin and Samuel Lotbrop. It was to be forty feet square ; tbe 
studs twenty feet high with a turret answerable ; two galleries, four- 
teen windows, three doors; and to set up on all tbe four gables of tbe 
bouse, pyramids comely and fit for tbe work, and as many lights in 
each window as direction sbould be given : a year and a half allowed 
for its completion : £240 to be paid in provision, viz., in wheat, 
pease, poriL and beef, in quantity proportional : tbe town to find nails, 
^ass, iron-work, and ropes for rearing ; also to boat and cart tbe 
timber to tbe place and provide sufficient help to rear the work. 

This meeting-bouse, instead of being completed as tbe contract 
specifies, in October, 1 680, lingered several years in tbe road to com- 
pletion. Repeated orders were enacted concerning it; tbe pulpit 


from the old house was removed to it ; the carpenters were accoBed 
of violating their contract, and the work not satisfying the committee^ 
two of the craft from other towns — John Frink, of St<mington, and 
Edward DeWolf, of Lyme — were called in to view the work, and 
arbitrate between' builders and people. SepU 6th, 1682, the town 
came to this emphatic decision : 

•* Voted : that the meeting-house shall be completed and finished to worship 
God in ; according to conformity of duty of. Church and Town, and Town and 

The old Blinman edifice — ^the imadomed church and watch-tower 
of the wilderness — decayed and dismantled, was sold to Capt Avery, 
in June, 1684, for £6, with the condition annexed, that he should 
remove it in one month's time. According to tradition, he took it 
down and transporting the materials across the river used them in 
building his own house at Pequonuck. Retaining through this pro* 
cess something of its sacred predilections, it was again used as a 
house of worship about a century after its removal, by Elder Parke 
Avery, a Jeader of the separatists. The same timbers, the same 
boards, joyfully resounded once more to the ancient but well remem- 
bered voices of exhortation and praise. This house is still extant^ 
and with its later but yet antique additions, and its charming situa- 
tion, exhibits one of the most interesting and picturesque farm-houses 
in the county. 

While the meeting-house was building the parsonage was to be 
repaired. This, though called a parsonage and the town house, and 
kept in repair by the town, had been given to Mr. Bradstreet aad 
was his property in fee-simple. It stood on the south side of the 
present Town Square. 

"March 22d, 1680-1. 

•* Voted, that Mr. Thomas Parkes, Senior, hath given liim one hundred acres 
of land in one entire piece adjoining his own land, in consideration of providing 
good cedar clapboards, for the parsonage house, and nails and workmanship 
and all other charge about the same, to be finished by the last of August next 

In 1680, Mr. Bradstreet's health hegan to decline. In August, 
1681, heing no longer ahle to preach, he proposed to the town to re- 
sign his charge, but the people requested him to remain with them 

" The town is willing to allow him a comfortable maintenance as God shall 
enable them, and they will wait God's providence in respect of his health. 


** Voted, to aHow him jCl20 a jrear in provision pay* and also to find him his 
fire-wood, ninety loads for the ensuing year." 

The baptism of a child is recorded Aagust 12th, 1688, in Mr. 
Bradstreet's hand : this is the last token of him living. On the 19th 
of November, a rate was voted to pay Mrs. Bradstreet the arrears due to 
ber deceased husband. His death is not registered, neither is there 
any memorial stone bearing his name in the burial-ground. 

Rev. Simon Bradstreet was the oldest son of Hon. Simon Bradstreet who 
was governor of Mass. from May, 1679, to May, 1692, with the exception of two 
years, *87, and '88, which belong to the iron rule of Sir Edmund Andross. 
The son died at the age of forty-five, while the father, though venerable in age, 
was in the mid career of usefulness.^ The mother of Rev. Simon Bradstreet 
was Ann, d. of Gov. Thomas Dudley. He was bora in 1638 ; grad. at H. C. 
in 1660 ; began to preach in N. L. in 1666 ; was ordained in 1670 and died in 

•* Children of Simon Bradstreet and his wife Lucy. 

••Simon b. 7. March 1670-1, baptized 12. March. 

••Anne b. 31. Dec. 1672, bap. 5. Jan. 1672-3, died 2. Oct. 1681. 

•« John b. 3. Nov. 1676, bap. 5. Nov. 

••Lucy b. 24. Oct. 16b0, bap 31. Oct." 

Mrs. Lucy, relict of Rev. Simon Bradstreet, afterward married 
Daniel Epes, of Ipswich, whom she likewise survived. In 1697, 
the Bradstreet house-lot in NewXondon, was sold to Nicholas Hallam, 
and the deed of sale signed by Mrs. Epes and her oldest son, 
** Symon Bradstreet of Medford, clerk." * 

It has been mentioned that the church at Mr. Bradstreet's ordina- 
tion, in 1670, consisted of twenty-four members. During his min- 
istry forty-four were added, four only by dismission from other 

" Mr«. Ann Latimer from the old church at Boston. 

•* Widow Lester from the cbarch at Concord. 

*• Old Goodman Moore and his wife from the oh. at Milford.** 

Mr. Bradstreet's record of baptisms comprises seventeen belong- 
ing to other churches, and 438 of his own church : of these last a con- 
siderable number were adults ; some parents being baptized them- 

1 Gov. Bradstreet died hi Salem March 27th, 1697, at the age of nhiety-fonr. 

9 This yonnger Simon Bradstreet, a native of New London, was afterward minister 
ef Charlestown, Mass., and a man of great classical attammeuts, but of an infirm 
eonstitntion and desponding temperament His son of the same name, the fbnrth that 
had borne it in lineal succession, was ordaioed i^t >{(urblehead, January 4th, 1788. 
(Mass. Hist CoU., lat series, Vol. 8, p. 76.) 



selves, at the time that they owned the covenant, and presented their 
children for baptism. 

Baptisms followed close upcm births ; numerous instances may be 
found where the child was but one, two or three days old ; children 
of ministers, deacons, &c., were usually less than a week old. To 
renew, or own the covenant of baptism, entitled a parent to the priv- 
ilege of presenting his or her children for baptism. And not only 
children, but grandchildren, children bound to the person as ap- 
prentices, and slaves, might be presented by giving a pledge for their 
Christian education. 

There is no account of any marriage performed by Mr. Bradstreet. 
Tlux)ughout all New England, previous to 1680, the marriage rite 
was performed by magistrates, or by persons specially empowered by 
the colonial authorities. Hutchinson supposes that in MassadiuseUs 
there was no instance of a marriage by a clergyman during the exis- 
tence of their first charter — that is, previous to 1684.* It is singu- 
lar, that in a country and at a period of time when the clergy were 
BO much venerated, the privilege of solemnizing the marriage con- 
tract should not have been assigned to them. When also the im- 
portance of the act is considered, the sacrcdness of its associations, and 
the propriety of regarding it as a holy rite, we are surprised that our 
devout ancestors should not have connected the sanctions of religion 
with this most important of their social compacts. Yet even when a 
clergyman was present, the ordinance was made valid by a magis- 

The first marriages in town were by Mr. Winthrop : none of these 
are recorded. Wm. Chesebrough, Capt. George Denison and Mr. 
Bruen officiated in these services being commissioners ; but by far the 
greater number of marriages between 1670 and 1700 were by Dan- 
iel Wetherell, Esq. 

The appointment of deacons is not registered. William Douglas 
may have been the first person that held the office after Mr. Brad- 
street's ordination. He was at least active in the church economy, 
and held the box at the door for contributions. He died in 1682. 
In 1C83, William Hough and Joseph Coite wiere deacons ; the for- 
mer died August 10th, of that year, before Mr. Bradstreet's decease. 

1 " All marriages in New England were formerly performed by the civil magistrate, 
bat of late thej are more frequently solemnized by the cleigy." Keai's Kew £ng, 
land, vol. 2, p. 253. 


and no other deacon except Coite, ie mentioned daring the next ten 

" At a Towne meeting November ye 19, 1683. 

«• Voted that Major John Winthrop, Major Edward Palmes, Capt. James 
Avery, Mr. Daniel Wetherell, Mr. Chrlsto. Christophers, Tho: Beebee, Joseph 
Gotte, John Prentis Sen', Clement Miner, Charles Hill, are appointed a Comit- 
lee in behalf of the towne to send a letter by Capt. Way te Winthrop to tlie 
reverend Mr. Mather and Mr. Wooliard [Willard] ministers at boston for there 
advice and counsell in attayneing a minister for the town to supply the place 
of Mr. Bradstreet deceased, and that the sd Capt. Winthrop shall have instruc- 
tions from the sd Comittee to manadge that affaire w^ them." 

No minister was obtained until the next June, when the commit- 
tee gave notice that they had applied to Mr. Edward Cakes, of Cam- 
bridge, and received a favorable answer. The town declared their 
approbation, and voted Mr. Oakes a salary equal to £100 per annum^ 
for 80 long a time as he and they could agree together. 

Mr. Oakes is presumed to be the Edward Oakes that graduated at 
Cambridge, in the class of 1679. He preached in New London 
about a year, and some preparatory steps to a settlement were taken. 
But the inhabitants were not unanimous in his favor, and he left the 
plaoe.^ In September, 1685, the committee of supply obtained the 
services of Mr. Thomas Bamet, who arrived in town soon afterward 
with his family, and entered upon the duties of a pastor. . These he 
performed to such entire satisfaction, that in November a vote was 
passed by the town in acceptance of his ministry. Again, Dec 26th, 

'* Mr. Thomas Bamett by full consent none contradicting was accepted by 
the inhabitants to be their minister." " Major John Winthrop is chosen to ap- 
pear as the mouth of the Town to declare their acceptance of Mr. Barnett." 
" The time for ye solemnity of Mr. Barnetts admittance to all ministerial offices 
is lell to the direction of Mr. Bamett and the townsmen to appoint the day." 

It is a fact, but an unaccountable one, that after this date, Mr. Bar- 
net's name disappears from the records. No hint has been found to 
explain why the arrangement with him failed, and the connection 
was dissolved. He is never again mentioned except in the town ac- 
counts, where Jonathan Prentis exhibits a debt of 16«. "for going 
with Mr. Bamet to Swanzea.** 

Mr. Bamett was an English clergyman, ejected from his living for 
non-conformity, and driven from England by the rigorous church 

1 Farmer, in his Genealogical Register, says he died yoting. His decease, therefore, 
probably took place soon after leaving New London. 


measures which followed the restoration of the house of Stuart to tlie 
throne,* that is, after 1662. His history after leaving New Londoo, 
has not been traced.' 

On the 22d of June, 1687, the inhabitants were again assembled 
in solemn deliberation upon that oft recurring and momentous ques- 
tion — What are ^ the best ways and means for procuring an able 
minister of the gospel ?" A committee of seven, with Colonel John 
Winthrop at the head, was appointed to act for the town, which after 
a few months' delay was so fortunate as to secure the services of the 
Rev. Gurdon SaltonstalL He preached during the winter and in a 
short time engaged all hearts and votes in his favor. In May, 1688, 
the inhabitants passed a unanimous vote of acceptance of his minis- 
try, requesting his continuance among them, promising to give him 
due encouragement, and adding, " on his return from Boston, whither 
he is shortly going, they will proceed to have him ordained." The 
ordination, however, did not take place, though the cause of delay is 
not mentioned. Another vote of acceptance was passed the 7th of 
June, 1689. 

In the mean time an attempt was made, as had been done once be- 
fore, to dispense with the odious system of minister's rates, and to 
raise the salary by voluntary subscriptions of an annual sum. A 
paper was accordingly circulated, a copy of which is extant The 
number of subscribers is 105, embracing names that were scattered 
over the township from Nahantic Bay to Mystic, and from Poquetan- 
nuck to the Sound. The amount pledged was £57, which being in- 
sufficient, the project failed, and the rates continued to be levied as 

In 1690, a rate was levied for the purpose of finishing the interior 
of the meeting-house, which to this time had not been furnished with 
regular seats. This being completed, the townsmen, with the assist- 
ance of Ensign Clement Minor and Sergeant Thomas Beeby, assigned 
seats to the inhabitants. This was always an afiair of magnitude, 
and the town had frequently been obliged to interfere to adjust doubt- 
ful cases of precedence and compel satisfaction. At this time only- 
one case is reported for their decision. 

** Joseph Beckwith having paid 40*. towards finishing the meeting-bouse, is 

1 Mather's Magnalia, vol. l,p. 216, (Hartford edition.) 

2 Perhaps he was unexpectedly recalled to England, This would account for his 
sudden departure from New London. 


mllowed a seat in the 4th seat, and his wife also in the 4th seat, on the woman's 

These proceedings in regard to the meeting-house were tokens fore- 
showing that the ordination was at hand. At a town meeting on the 
25th of August, 1691 — ^** number of persons present, heads of fami- 
lies, 65" — the votes of 1688 and 1689 respecting the acceptance of 
Mr. Saltonstall for the ministry, were read and confirmed, and the 
townsmen empowered to make arrangements with him for his ordina- 

** Voted that the Hon** Major General John Winthrop is to appear as the 
mouth of the Town at Mr. Saitonstalfs ordination, to declare the town's accept- 
ance of him to the ministry."* 

The solemnity took place November 25th, 1691. 

The assisting ministers were Mr. Elliot and Mr. Woodbridge, 
probable Rev. Joseph Elliot, of Guilford, and Rev. Timothy Wood- 
bridge, of Hartford. No additions to the church and no baptisms 
had been recorded since Mr. Bradstreet's death, that is, between 
August, 1683, and November, 1691. Previous to his ordination 
(November 19th) Mr. Saltonstall was received as a member of the 
church. This was then the customary mode of proceeding. It ap- 
pears to have been regarded as requisite, and a matter of course, that 
a minister should belong to the church over which he officiated. 
The number of members enrolled was thirty-five. 

To signalize the entrance of Mr. Saltonstall on his official duties, a 
bell was procured, " a large brass bell," the first in the town and in 
New London county. It cost £25 in current money,' and for ringing 
it, William Chapman, sexton, was to have forty shillings added to his 
annual salary of £3. It may be inferred from the boisterous reputa- 
tion of the town, that this bell met with no very gentle usage, and 
that it poured forth some lively explosions of alarm or triumph, fh)m 
its elevated post, before it was involved in the destruction of the 
building to which it was attached. 

Mr. Saltonstall, assisted by a gratuity from the town, purchased a 
lot, and built a house for himself. This lot was in the upper ^rt of 
the town, on both sides of the street The house stood high and con- 
spicuous on the town hiU,^ and for his accommodation the Codner 

1 The receipt for payment is from "Richard Jones, attorney to George Makeenrie, 
merchant of the Citty of Yorke." 

2 On the spot now occupied by the house of Capt. Andrew Mather. 



highway, or *^ old pathwaj from the meeting-hoiise to the ndJly** in ike 
rear of his house, which had been shut up, was re-op«ied and laid 
out, twenty-five feet wide. This path was then a mere bed of loose 
stones, and bristling rocks, and such in a great measure it still re- 
mains,' being better known as Stony-Hill Lane, than as Huntingtoa 
Street, of which it forms the north end. By a gate from the orchard 
in the rear of his house, Mr. Saltonstall was brought within a few rods 
of the church, and the worst part of the declivity, in ascending to the 
house of worship, was avoided. 

At a later period, when Mr. Saltonstall had become governor of 
the colony, it is retained by tradition, that he might be seen on a 
Sunday morning, issuing from this orchard^ g&te, and moving with a 
slow, majestic step to the meeting-house, accompanied by his wife, 
and followed by his diildren, four sons and four daughters, marshaled 
in order, and the servants of the family in the rear. The same usage 
was maintained by his son, General Gurdon Saltonstall, whose fanuly 
furnished a procession of fourteen sons and daughters, when all were 
present, which might often have happened between 1758 and ITCS, 
as then all were living, and all of an age to attend meeting. 

The summer of 1689 was noted for extreme heat ; this was fol- 
lowed by a virulent epidemic, which visited almost every family, 
either in a qualiiie<l or mortal form, and proved fatal in more than 
twenty cases. Most of these occurred in July and August. Mr. 
Wetherell, then the recorder, inserted in the town book a list of the 
dead, under the following caption : 

"An account of seveml persons deceased by the present distemper of sore 
throat and fever, which dii^temper hath parsed through most families, and 
proved very mortal with many, especially to those who now have it in this 
more than ordinary extremity of hot weather, the like having not been known 
ill the memory of man.** 

Those who perished by this epidemic, above the age of childhood, 
were Philip Bill, senior ; Walter Bodington ; Edward Smith and hi« 
wife, and their son, John, fifleen years of age ; Widow Nicholls, and 
the wives of Ensign Morgan, Samuel Fox, John Picket, and Mr. 
Holmes. About the same period, Christopher Jeffers, a ferryman, 
was drowned, and Abel Moore, the constable, died on the road, as he 
was returning from a journey to Boston, and was buried at Dedhanu 

A disease so malignant would naturally cast a pall of gloom over it 

1 Its condition has been greatly ameliorated the present year, 186S. 


popiilation so sparse and intimately connected. At the same time 
the whole country was full of anxiety and apprehension in regard to 
their liberties. No direct allusion is made in the records of the town 
to the baneful transit of Sir Edmund Andros, athwart the prosperity 
of New England. His administration caused a general interruption 
of the laws of the colony for eighteen months. He assumed the gov- 
ernment and abrogated the charter at Hartford, October Slst, 1687. 
One of his regulations was that no town meetings should be held ex- 
cept once a year, in the month of May, for the choice of town officers. 
Agreeably to this law, the annual town meeting was held in New 
London, May 21st, and no other is recorded until after the fall of the 
royal delegate. On the 18th of April, 1689, the inhabitants of Bos- 
ton rose in arms, seized and imprisoned Andros, and persuaded the 
old governor and council to resume the government. This example 
was followed by Connecticut. The General Court was speedily as- 
sembled, and an order restoring the former laws was published on the 
9th of May. The charter now came out from its thick-ribbed hiding- 
place in the renowned oak, and re-assumed its former supremacy. 
The court order was enrolled and published at New London, and the 
annual meeting for the choice of town officers called on the 7th of 
June. In point of fact it was convened by officers whose authority 
had expired on the 2l8t of May, and the minutes of the meeting say: 

" Upon some dispute that happened whether this town meeting was Legally 
warned, it was put to voate, and by a Generall Voate parsed to be Legall, and 
then proceeded to Choice of Towne officers." 

This was a summary mode of deciding a question of law, but it sat- 
isfied the majority, and the decision was not afterward disturbed. 

««11. July 1694. 

** Voted that a new meeting-house shall be forthwith built, and that a rate of 
12 pence on the pound be made for it.. Capt. Wetherell, Mr. Pygan, Capt. 
James Morgan, Lt. James Avery, Mr. John Davie, Serg^ Nehemiah Smith, 
Ensign John Hough, and Richard Chrii^topliers, are chosen a committee to 
ngree with workmen for building the house, and managing the whole conern 
about it.** 

The regular registry of the town leaves us wholly in the dark as 
to the cause of this sudden movement in respect to a meeting-house ; 
but from incidental testimony it is ascertained that the Bradstreet 
meeting-house was destroyed by fire, probably in June of this year. 
It was supposed to be an act of incendiarism, and public fame attrib- 
uted it to the followers of John Rogers, a new sect that had lately 


arisen in the town, of which an account will be given in a future 
chapter. Several of these people were arrested and tried for the 
crime, but it could not be proved against them, and they may now 
without hesitation be pronounced innocent. For they were at that 
time obnoxious to the community ; public sentiment was enlisted on 
the other side, and had they committed a deed which was then es- 
teemed a high degree of sacrilege, it is difficult to believe that they 
could have escaped exposure and penalty. 

Unwonted energy was displayed in replacing the lost edifice. In 
four years* time, the third, which we may call the Saltonstall meeting- 
house, was so far completed as to be used for divine service. It 
stood on the same, height of ground that had been hallowed by its 

" July 18, 1698. 

** Voted that the town accepts the gift of the Bell given by Governoc Win- 
throp for the meeting house with great thankfulness and desire that their thanks 
may be given to his Honor for the same. 

« Voted that the bell be forthwith hanged and placed on the top of the meeting 
house at charge of the town, the townsmen to procure it to be done. 

«( Voted whether the town will finish the meeting house this summer. 

*« Voted— that it shall be done." 

The house was soon after finished, and the people seated : liberty 
was however given to certain individuals to build their own pews, 
under regulations in respect to " place and bigness," and they paying 
no less in the rates for finishing the house. Lastly, the sexton was 

** Voted that William HalUy is chosen sexton to sweep and cleane the meeting 
house every weeke and to open the dores upon all publique meetings and to 
ring the bell upon the Sabbath day and all other publique days of meeting and 
allso to ring the bell every night at nine of the clock winter and sumer,' for 
which service the towne hath voated to give him five pounds in money and ten 
shillings yearly." 

How small these arrangements ; how simple such accommodations 
appear by the side of the costly structures for worship that are now 
spread- over the land. Yet if the glory of the temple depends on the 
divine presence, upon humble service and fervent aspirations, who will 
say that the stupendous piles of latter days are more honored than 
their lowly predecessors I 

1 This ctufew-bell, with the slight alteration of ringing it at eight o'clock instead of 
nine, on Saturday night, has been regularly continued down to 1851. 



The unity of religious worship in New London, was fir^ inter- 
rupted bj James Rogers and his sons. A brief account of the family 
will lead to the history of their religious doctrines. 

James Rogers is supposed to be the James Boger, who came to 
America, in the Increase, 1 635, aged 20.^ As James Rogers, he is 
first known to us at Stratford, where he married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Samuel Rowland,^ and is afterward found at Milford, where his 
wife united with Mr. Prudden's church in 1645, and himself in 1652. 
Their children were, Samuel, whose birth has not been found on rec- 
ord, but his wiU, dated Feb. 12th, 1712-13, states his age to be " 72 
and upwards," which will place it in 1640 ; JFoseph, baptized in Mil- 
ford, 1646 ; John, in 1648 ; Bathsheba, in 1650; James, not record- 
ed, but next in order : Jonathan, bom Dec. 3l8t, 1655 ;. Elizabeth, 

Mr. Rogers had dealings in New London in 1656, and between 
that time and 1660, fixed himself permanently in the plantation. 
Here he soon acquired property and influence, and was much em- 
ployed both in civil and ecclesiastical affairs. He was six times rep- 
resentative to the General Court. Mr. Winthrop had encouraged 
his settlement in the place, and had accommodated him with a portion 
of his own house lot, next the mill, on which Rogers built a dwelling- 
house of stone.' He was a baker on a large scale, often furnishing 
biscuit for seamen, and for colonial troops, and between 1660 and 

1 Gleanlnp. Mum. Hist. CoU., 2d series, vol. 8, p. 161. 

2 Samuel Bowland left his farm to Samuel Rogers, his grandson, which leads to the 
supposition that Elizabeth was his only child. 

8 This spot was afterward re-purchased by the Winthrop family, and was the site 
of the house built by John Still Winthrop, and now owned by C. A. Lewis, Esq. 


1670 had a greater interest in the trade of the port than any other 
person in the place. His landed possessions were very extensive, 
consisting of several hundred acres on the Great Neck, the fine tract 
of land at Mohegan called the Pamechaug farm, several house-lots in 
town, and twenty-four hundred acres east of the river, which he held 
in partnership with Col. Pyncheon, of Springfield. 

Perhaps no one of the early settlers of New London, numbers at 
the present day so great a throng of descendants as James Rogers. 
His five sons are the progenitors of as many distinct lines, each trac- 
ing to its immediate founder, and seldom cognizant of their common 
ancestor. His daughters were women of great energy of character. 
Elizabeth married Samuel Beeby ; Bathsheba married first Richard 
Smithy and second Samuel Fox. She was an early seceder from the 
church^ courting persecution and much persecuted. 

Samuel Rogers married, Nov. 17th, 1664, Mary, daughter of ThonuM 
Stant^ ; the parenti of the two p«ties, entering into a formal con- 
tract, and each pledging £200 as a marriage portion to the couple. 
Mr. Rogers, in fulfillment of his bond, conveyed to his son his stcme 
house and bakery, at the head of Winthrop's (or Mill) Cove, where 
the latter commenced his housekeeping and dwelt for fif\e«i or 
twenty years. He then removed to the out-lands of the town, near 
\ the Mohegan tribe, and became the first English settler within the 
limits of the present town of Montville. 

Joseph, James and Jonathan Rogers, though living at first in the 
town plot, removed to farms upon the Great Neck, given them by 
their father. Like most active men of that time, they had a variety 
of occupations, each and all operating as tradesmen, mechanics, 
boatmen, seamen and farmers. 

James, the fourth son, married, November 5th, 1674, Mary, daugh* 
ter of Jeffrey Jordan, of Ireland. According to tradition, he com- 
manded a vessel which brought over from Ireland, a number of re- 
^ demptioners, and among them a family of the name of Jordan. On 
their arrival he became the purchaser of the oldest daughter, Mary, 
and married her. In after life he was accustomed to say, sportively, 
that it was the richest cargo he ever shipped, and the best bargiun 
he ever made. Several of his descendants of the same name in a 
^ght Une^-weresea-captains. 

John Rogers, the third son of James, having become conspicuous 
as the founder of a sect, which, though small in point of numbers, 
has been of considerably local notoriety, requires a more extended 
notice. No man in New London county was at one time more no- 



ted than he ; no ime ffofiered so hearilj from the arm of the law, the 
tongue of romor, and the pen of contemporary writers. His follow- 
ers still exist, & handiul indeed, hut jet a distinct people, venerating 
the mme of their founder, and esteeming him a man eminent for 
pietj and filled with the love of God and hib neighbor. His oppo- 
nents, on the other hand, have left us an image of the man that ex- 
eites not only indignation and pity, but profound disgust. Ample 
matCTials exist on both sides for his history, but the two faces of 
Janus could not be more imhke. Rogers himself produced tracts and 
trsatises in abundance, which oflen refer to his own experience ; and 
his foflowers have been, to a considerable degree, a print-loving peo- 
ple. His son, John Rogers the second, was a ready writer. John 
BoUee, a noted disciple, was fluent with the pen, and adroit in argu- 
ment ; and the family of Watrous, the more recent leaders of the sect, 
have issued various pamphlets, to vindicate their course and record 
their sufferings. This is not therefore a one-sided case, in which the 
anaigned have had no one to speak for them. It may be said, how- . 
erer, with truth, that the accounts on one side have been but little 
consulted, and that the statements which have had the widest circu- 
btkm, come from the opponents of the Rogerenes. This may be re^ 
gnrded as a sufficient reason for entering more at large upon their 
origin and history. 

John Rogers was married, Oct. 17th, 1670, at Black Hall, in Lyme, 
to Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Griswold. The rite was per- 
formed by the father of the bride, and accompanied with the formal- 
ity of a written contract and dowry ; the husband settling his farm 
at Upper Mamacock, on the wife, in ca<)e of his death, or separation 
from her, during her life. On this farm, two miles north of New 
London, af^r their marriage, they dwelt, and had two children : 

Elizabeth, born Nov. 8th, 1671. 
John, born March 20th, 1674. 

James Rogers and his wife and children, and those connected with 
the latter as partners in marriage, with the exception of Samuel 
Rogers and wife, all becAne dissenters in some sort from the estab- 
lished Congregational church, which was then the <mly one recog- 
nized by the laws of the land. The origin of this dissent may be 
traced to an intercourse which began in the way of trade, with the 
Sabbatarians, or Seventh-day Baptists of Rhode Island. John and 
James Rogers, Jun., first embraced the Sabbatarian principles, and 
were baptized vn 1674; Jonathan, in 1675; James Rogers, Sen.^ 



with hiB wife and daughter BaUisheba, ia 1676, and these were re* 
ceived as members of the Seventh-day church at Newport Jona- 
than Rogers still further cemented his union with the Serenth-daj 
community, by marriage with Naomi Burdick, a daughter of one fji 
the elders of the church. Of the baptism of Joseph Rogers we have 
no account* His wife went down into the water on Sunday, Nov. 
24th, 1677, near the house of Samuel Rogers, at the head of Win- 
throp's Cove. Elders Hubbard and Hiscox, from Rhode Island, 
were present, and it was expected that one of them would perform 
the rite ; but the town authorities having interfered and requested 
them to do it elsewhere, on account of the noise and tumult that 
might ensue, they acquiesced in the reasonableness of the proposal, 
and declined acting on the occasion. But John Rogers would assent 
to no compromise, and assuming on the spot the authority of an 
elder, and the responsibility of the act, he led the candidate into the 
water, and performed the baptism.' 

From this time forth, John Rogers began to draw off from the 
Sabbatarians, and to broach certain peculiar notions of his own. He 
assumed the ministerial offices of baptizing and preaching, and hav- 
ing gained a few disciples, originated a new sect, forming a church 
or society, which were called Rogerenes, or Rogerene Quakers, and 
sometimes Rogerene Baptists. 

A great and predominant trait of the founder of the sect, and of 
his immediate followers, was their determination to be persecuted. 
They were aggressive, and never better pleased than when by shak- 
ing the pillars, they had brought down the edifice upon their own 
heads. They esteemed it a matter of duty, not only to suffer fines, 
distrainment, degradation, imprisonment and felonious penalties with 
patience, but to obtrude themselves upon the law, and challenge its 
power, and in fact to persecute others, by interrupting their worship, 
and vehemently denouncing what they esteemed sacred. This point 
the followers of Rogers have abrogated. At the present day they 
never molest the worship of others, and are themselves unmolested. 

In respect to the most important articles of Christianity, Rogers 
was strenuously orthodox. He held to saltation by faith in Christ, 
the Trinity, the new birth, the resurrection of the just and unjust,' 
and an eternal judgment He maintained also obedience to the civil 
government, except in matters of conscience and religion. A town or 

1 A more particular account of this afl&ir may be found in Backus* Church History 
and in Benedict's Histoxy of the Baptists, toL 2, p. 422. 


^ountiy rate the Bogerenes always considered Uiemselyes bound to 
pay, but the minister's rate they abhorred— denouncing as unscrip- 
toral all intezference of the civil power in the worship of God Of 
tiieir peculiar characteristics a brief summary must here suffice. 

In respect to baptism, and the rejection of the first day Sabbath, 
they agree with the Sabbatarians, but they diverge from them on 
other points. They consider all days alike in respect to sanctity, 
and though they, meet for religious purposes on the first day of the 
week, when the exercise is over, they regard themselves as free to 
labor as on any other day. They have no houses set apart for public 
worship, and regard a steeple, a pulpit, a cushion, a church, and a 
salaried minister in a black suit of clothes, as utter abominations. 
They hold that a public oath is like any other swearing, a profana- 
tion of the Holy Name, and plainly forbidden in Scripture. They 
make no prayers in public worship or in the family : John Rogers 
conceived that all prayers should be mental and not vocal, except on 
special occasions when the Spirit of Grod moving within, prompted 
the use of the voice. They use no means for the recovery of health, 
except psre, kindness and attention, considering all resort to drugs, 
medicines and physicians, as sinful. 

The entire rejection of the Sabbath, and of a resident ministry , 
were opinions exceedingly repugnant to the community at lai^, and 
were rendered more so by the violent and obtrusive manner in which 
they were propagated. Their author went boldly forth, exhorting 
and testifying in streets, disturbing public worship, and courting per- 
secution with an eagerness that seemed akin to an aspiration after 
martyrdom. His creed was also exceedingly distasteful to the reg- 
ular Seventh-day people. It was probably in opposition to them, 
that having his choice of days, as regarding them equal in point of 
sanctity, he held his meetings for religious purposes on the first 
rather than on the seventh day. 

In 1676, the fines and imprisonments of James Rogers and his 
sons, for profanation of the Sabbath, commenced. For this, and for 
neglect of worship, they and some of their followers were usually 
arraigned at every session of court, for a long course of years. The 
fine was at first five shillings, then ten shillings, then fifteen shillings. 
At the June court in 1677, the following persons were arraigned, 
and each fined £5. 

James Rogers, senior, for high-handed, presumptuous profanation 
of the Sabbath, by attending to his work ; Elizabeth Rogers, his 
wife, and James and Jonathan Rogers, for the same* 


John Rogers, on examinatioD, said he had been hard at work 
making shoes on the first day of the week, and he would have done 
the same had the shop stood under the window of Mr. Wetherell's 
house ; yea, under the window of the meeting-house. 

Bathshua Smith, for fixing a scandalous paper on the meeting- 

Mary, wife of James Rogers, jutiior, for absence i^m public wor- 

Again in September, 1677, the court ordered that John Rogers 
should be called to account once a month, and fined £5 each time ; 
others of the family were amerced to the same amount for blasphemy 
against the Sabbath, cidling it an idol, and for stigmatizing the rev- 
erend ministers as hirelings. After this, sitting in the stocks and 
whipping were added. 

In May, 1678, (says Backus,) Joseph Claire wrote to his father 
Hubbard, from Westerly, that John and James Rogers, with their 
father, were in prison ; having previously excommunicated Jonathan, 
chiefly because he did not retain their judgment of the unlawfulness 
of using medicine, nor accuse himself before authority of workii^ on 
the first day of the week. 

Jonathan Rogers now stood alone among the brothers, adhering 
steadfastly to the Sabbatarian principles, from which he never swerved. 
His family became the nucleus of a small society of this denomina- 
tion on the Great Neck, which has ever since existed. From genei^ 
ation to generation they connected themselves with churches of their 
own faith in Rhode Island, at first with that of Newport, and after- 
ward with that of Hopkinton and Westerly, until in the year 1784, 
109 years afler the baptism of their founder, Jonathan Rogers, they 
were organized into a distinct church and society. A further ac- 
count of the Seventh-day community on the Neck will be given in 
the sequel of our history. 

In 1680, the magistrates of Connecticut, giving an account of the 
colony to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, say : 

** Our people in this colony, are some strict Congregational men, others more 
large Congregational men, and some moderate Presbyterians, &^c.— there are 
four or six seventh-day men, and about so many more Quakers.''^ 

These Quakers and Seventh-day men were probably all in New 
London, and nearly all in the Rogers fieunily. The elder James 

1 Hinman*s Antiquities, p. 142. 


Rogers was an upright, circumspect man. There is no account of 
any dealings with him and his wife on account of their secession 
from Mr. Bradstreet's church. No vote of expulsion or censure is 
recorded. Of his latter years little is known. Elder Hubhard, of 
Newport, is quoted by Backus as stating that Mr. Rogers had one of 
hb limbs severely bruised by the wheel of a loaded cart that passed 
over it, and that he himself saw him when he had remained for six 
weeks in a most deplorable condition, strenuously refusing the use of 
means to alleviate his sufferings, but patiently waiting in accordance 
with his principles, to be relieved by faith. Whether he recovered 
from this injury or not is unknown. His death occurred in February, 
1687-8, when the government of Sir Edmund Andross was para- 
mount in New England. His will was therefore proved in Boston. 
The first settlement of the estate was entirely harmonious. The 
children in accordance with the earnest request of their father, made 
an amicable division of the estate, which was sanctioned by the Gren- 
eral Court, May 12th, 1692. 

The original will of Mr. Rogers is on file in the probate office of 
New London. It is in the handwriting of his son John, and remark- 
able for the simple solemnity of its preamble. 

" The Last Will and Testament of James Rogers, Sen', being in perfect 
memoiy and understanding but under the hand of God by sickness : — this I 
leave with my wife and children, sons and daughters, I being old and knowing . 
that the time of my departure is at hand. 

" What I have of ihis world I leave among you, desiring you not to fall out or 
contend about it ; but let your love one to another appear more than to the 
estate I leave with you, which is but of this world. 

** And for your comfort I signify to you that I have a perfect assurance of an 
interest in Jesus Christ and an eternal happy state in the world to come, and 
do know and see that my name is written in the book of life, and therefore 
monm not for me, as they that are without bope." 

In a snbsequent part of the document he says : 

"If any difference should arise, &c., my will is, that there shall be no law- 
ing among my children before earthly judges, but that the controversy be ended 
by lot, and so I refer to the judgment of God, and as the lot comes forth, so 
, shall it be." 

In thig respect unfortunately the will of the father was never ac- 
complished : his children, notwithstanding their first pacific arrange" 
ment, engaged afterward in long and acrimonious contention, respect- 
ing boundaries, in the course of which earthly judges were often 
obliged to interfere and enforce a settlement 



Soon after John Rogers connected himself with the Sahbatarians^ 
hifl wife left him and returned to her finther. In Maj, 1675, she ap- 
plied to the legislature for a divorce, grounding her plea not only up- 
'on the heterodoxy of her husband, but upon certain alleged immoral- 
ities. The court, after the delay of nearly a year aod a half, granted 
her petition. 

At a session of ^e General Court, held at Hartford, October 12th9 

" The Court having considered the petition of Elizabeth Rogers, the. wife of 
John Rogers, for a release from her conjugal bond to her husband, with all the 
allegations and proofs presented, to clear the righteousness of her desires, do 
find jnst cause to grant her desire, and do free her from her conjugal bond to 
the said John Rogers." 

By a subsequent act a£ Assembly, (October, 1677,) she was allowed 
to retain her two children wholly under her own charge ; the court 
giving as a reason the heterodoxy of Rogers, both in opinion and 
practice, he having declared in open court that he utterly renounced 
the visible worship of New England, and regarded the Christian 
Sabbath as a mere invention. 

Rogers was incensed at these decisions of the court. The bill oF 
divorce did not specify any offense on his part, as the base upon whicfai 
it was granted, and he ever aflerward maintained that they had taken 
away his wife without rendering to him, or to the public, any reason 
why Ihey had done it. He seems to have long cherished the hope 
that she would repent of her desertion, and return to him ; but in less 
than two years she married again. 

" Peter Pratt was married unto Elisabeth Griswold, that wa« divorced from 
John Rogers, 5lh of August, 1679 '*" 

The children of Rogers remained with their mother during their 
childhood, but both when they became old enough to act for them- 
selves, preferred to live with their father. Elizabeth was sent to him 
by her mother, of her own free will, when she was about fourteen 
years of age, and resided with him till 1 G89 or 1 690, when she was 
married to Stephen Prentis, of Bruen's Neck. At her wedding, her 
brother John, then about fifleen years of age, came also to his father, 
by permission of his mother, to stay as long as he pleased. She after- 
ward sent a constable forcibly to reclaim him, and he was seized and 
carried back to Lyme ; yet he soon retunied to his father, embraced 

1 Becorded in Lyme. 


his doctrines,* and pnraiied a similar oomse of itinerant testimonj 
against the public worship of the land. 

An agreement was signed in 1687, hj which Elizabeth, daughter 
of Matthew Griswold, senior, engages to relinquish all claim to the 
ICamacock farm, ^ provided John Rogers will pay her £30 and never 
trouble her father about the farm agun." Bj this arrangement the 
&rm reverted to Rogers, and his son, John Rogers, junior, marrying 
Ms cousin, Bathsheba Smith, settled at Mamacock. There, not- 
withstanding his long testimony and his many weary trials and im- 
prisonments, he reared to maturity a family of eighteen children, 
most of them like their parents, sturdy Rogerenes.' Mamacock, and 
the neighboring highland over which they spread, has ever since 
been known as Quaker HilL 

Peter Pratt, the second husband of Elizabeth Griswold, died 
March 24th, 1688. Shortly afterward she contracted a third mar- 
riage with Matthew Beckwith, 2d.^ By the second marriage with 
Mr. Pratt, she had a son, Peter, who while a young man, studying 
for the profession of the law, in New London, very naturally renewed 
his youthfid intimacy with his half-brother, John Rogers, junior, of 
Mamacock. This brought him often into the company of the elder 
Rogers, to whose exhortations he listened complacently, till at length 
embracing his dogmas and becoming his disciple, he received bap- 
tism at his hands, and endured fines, imprisonment and public abuse, 
on account of his Quakerism. But after a time, leaving New Lon- 
don, and entering upon other associations, he relinquished the Roger- 
ene cause, and made a public acknowledgment that he had labored 
under a delusion. Still further to manifest the sincerity of his re- 
cantation, he wrote an account of his lapse and recovery, entitled : 

" The Prey taken from the Strong, or an Historical Account of the Recovery 
of one from the dangerous errors of Quakerism.** 

In this narrative, Rogers is drawn, not only as an obstinate, heter- 
odox enthusiast, but many revolting circumstances are added, which 
would justify the greatest odium ever cast upon him. It was not 
published till 1724, three years after the death of Rogers. He could 
not therefore answer for himself, but the indignation of the son was 

1 In the phnseology of the sect, he di$dpUd in with him immediatehf, 
t John Bogen, 2d, by his two wives had twenty children: two died in infancy. 
8 By thi« third marriage she liad one daughter, Qriswold Beckwith, afterward the 
wife of Eliakun Cooley, junior, of Springfield. 



roused, and in defense of his father, he entered into controversy trith ~ 
his brother, and published a rejoinder, from which portions of the pre* 
ceding narrative have been taken. He meets the charges against 
the moral and domestic character of his father, with a bold denial of 
their truth ; but his erratic course in matters of f^th and religious 
practice, he makes no attempt to palliate, these being points in which, 
he himself, and the whole sect, gloried. He denies, however, that 
his father was properly classed among Quakers, observing : 

** In his lifetime he was the only man in Conn, colony, I have ever heard 
of, that did publicly in print oppose the Quakers in those main principles 
wherein they differ from other sects.** 

But the term Quaker had been firmlj fixed upon them by their 
opponents, and they were customarily confounded with the Ranters, 
or Ranting Quakers, known in the early days of the colony. Yet 
they never came under the severe excision of the law enacted 
against those people in 1656 and 1658 ; that is, they were never for- 
cibly transported out of the colony, nor were others prohibited from 
intercourse with them. Yet John Rogers states that under the pro- 
visions of this law, his books were condemned and burnt as heretical. 
The law itself was disallowed and made void by an act of the Queen 
in Council, October Uth, 1705. There were other laws, however, 
by which the Rogerenes were convicted. By the early code of Con- 
necticut, absence from public worship was to be visited by a penalty 
of five shillings ; labor on the Sabbath, twenty shillings ; and the per- 
formance of church ordinances by any other person than an improved, 
minister of the colony, or an attendance thereupon, £5.- 

Though in most of the cases of arrest and punishment, the Roger- 
enes were the aggressors, and drew down the arm of the law on their 
own heads, it must be acknowledged that they encountered a vigoroua 
and determined opposition. Offense was promptly met by penaltjr. 
Attempts were made to weary them out, and break them up by a 
series of fines, imposed upon presentments of the grand jury. These 
fines were many times repeated, and the estates of the offenders 
melted under the seizures of the constable, as snow melts before the 
sun. The course was a cruel one, and by no means popular. At 
length the magistrates could scarcely find an officer willing to per- 
form the irksome task of distraining. And it is probable that all 
penalties would have been silently dropped, had they not kept up ihe 
aggressive system of testifying, as it was called; that is, presenting 
themselves in the religious assemblies of their neighbors, to utter 


their teatunonj against the worship. In this line, John Rogers, and 
the elder sister, were the principal offenders ; often carrying their 
woi^ into meeting, and interrupting the service with exclamations 
and protests against what was said or done. 

The records of the county court abound with instances to verify 
these statements. Only a sample will be given : 

" April 14th, 1685. Judges upon the bench, Fitch, Avery and Wetherell. 
John Rogers, James Rogers, Jr., Samuel Beebee, Jr., and Joanna Way, are 
complained of for profaning God*s holy day by servile work, and are grown to 
that height of impiety as to come at several times into the town to re-baptize 
several persons ; and when God's people were met together on the Lord's day JL 
to worship God, several of them came and made great disturbance, behaving 
themselves in such a frantic manner as if possessed with a diabolical spirit, so 
affrighting and amazing that several women swooned and fainted away. John 
Rogers to be whipped flAeen lashes, and for unlawfully re-baptizing to pay 
£5. The others to be whipped." 

One of the most notorious instances of contempt exhibited by 
Bogers against the religious worship of his fellow-townsmen, was the 
sending of a wig to a contribution made in aid of the ministry. This 
was in derision of the full-bottomed wigs then worn by the clergy. 
It was sent by some one who depos^ed it in his name in the contri- 
bution box that was passed around in meeting. Rogers relished a 
joke, and was often represented by his opponents as shaking his sides 
with laughter at the confusion into which they were thrown by his 
hiroads upon them. What course was pursued by the authorities in 
regard to the wig is not known, but the following candid apology is 
found on the town book, subscribed by the offender's own hand. 

'* Whereas I John Rogers of New London did rashly and unadvisedly send 
a perewigg to the contribution of New London, which did reflectt dishonor up- 
on that which my neighbours ye inhabitanto of New London account the ways 
and ordinances of God and ministry of the word to the greate offence of them, 
I doe herebye declare that I am sorry for the sayde action and doe desire all 
those whom I have offended to accept this my publique acknowledgement as 
fuU saiisfaclion. 27th, 1 : 91.* John Rogers." 

The regret here expressed must have been but a temporary emo- 
tion, as he resumed immediately the same career of offense. In Nov., 
1692, besides his customary fines for working on the Sabbath, and for , 4 
hapdzing, he was amerced £4 for entertaining Banks and Case 

1 New London Town Bee., lib. 4, folio 46. 


(itinerant exhorters) for a month or more at fais boose. In 1698 ) 

and 1694, he and others of his family were particularly eager to win I 

the notice of the law. Samuel Fox, presented for catching eels on 
Sunday,* said that he made no difference of days ; his wife Bathshna 
Fox went openly to the meeting-house to proclaim that she had been 
doing servile woii^ on their Sabbath ; John Rogers accompanied her, 
interrupting the minister, and proclaiming a shnilar offense. James 
Rogers and his wife assaulted the constable as he was rolling away 
a barrel of beef that he had distrained for the minister's rate, threw 
scalding water upon him, and recaptured the beef.* 

To various offenses of this nature, Rogers added the greater one 
of trundling a wheelbarrow into the porch of the meeting-house 
during the time of service ; for which after being set in the stocks 
he was put into prison, and there kept for a considerable time. 
While thus held in durance, he hung out of the window a board 
with the following proclamation attached ; 

** I, John Rogers, a servant of Jesus Christ, doth here make an open decla- 
ration of war against the great red dragon, and against the beast to which he 
gives power; and against the false church that rides upon the beast; and 
against the false prophets who are established by the dragon and the beast ; 
and also a proclamation of derisicH against the sword of the devil's spirit, 
which is prisons, stocks, whips, fines and revilings, all which is to defend the 
doctrines of devils.*** 

On the next Sunday after this writing was hung out, Rogers being 
allowed the privilege of the prison limits on that day, rushed into 
the meeting-house during service, and with great noise and vehemence 
interrupted the minister, and denounced the worship. This led to 
the issuing of a warrant to remove him to Hartford gaoL The 
mittimus, dated March 28th, 1694, and signed by James Fitch, assist- 
ant, sets forth : 

** Whereas John Rodgers of New London hath of late set himself in a furioat 
way in direct opposition to the true worship and pure ordinances, and holy in- 
stitutions of God, as also on the Lord's Day passing out of prison in the time of 
public worship, running into the meeting-house in a railing and raging man- 
ner, as being guilty of blasphemy,*' &c. 

1 Records of County Court 

2 Rogers himself in one of his pamphlets gives a copy of this writing. It is aho in 
Benedict's Hist, vol. 2, p. 423. 


At Hartford he was tried and fined £5, and required to give a 
bond of £50 not to disturb the chnrches hereafter, and seated upon 
the gallows a quarter of an hour with a halter about his neck. Re- 
fusing as usual to pay the fine and give the security, he was i^emand- 
ed to prison and kept there from his first ccHumitment three years 
and eight months. 

Daring this imprisonment, according to the account of his son, he 
was treated with great severity, and at one time taken out and cruelly 

While Rogers was in prison an attack upon the government and 
colony appeared, signed by Richard Steer, Samuel Beebe, Jr., Jona- 
than and James Rogers, accusing them of persecution of dissenters, 
nfurrow principles, self-interest, spirit of domineering; and that to 
compel people to pay for a Presbyterian minister, is against the laws 
of England, is rapine, robbery and oppression. 

A special court was held at New London, Jan. 24th, 1694-5, to 
consider this libelous paper. The subscribers were fined £5 each^ 
whereupon they appealed to the Court of Assistants at Hartford, 
which confirming the first decision, they threatened an appeal to 
Cesar, that is to the throne of England. In all probability this was 
never prosecuted. 

Rogers had not been long released from prison before he threw 
himself into the very jaws of the lion, as it were, by pjrovoking a 
personal collision with Mr. Saltonstall, the minister of the town. 

•• At a session of the county court held at New London, Sept. 20th, 1698. 
Members of the Court, Capt. Daniel Wetherell Esq. and justices William Eljr 
and Natheniel Lyndo. Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall minister of the gospel plf. 
pr contra John Rogers Sen'', deft in an action of the case for defamation. 
Whereas you the said John Rogers did sometime in the month of June 
last past, raise a lying, false and scandalous report against him the said Mr. 
Garden Saltonstall and did publish the same in the hearing of diverse persons, 
that is to say — did in their hearing openly declare that the said Saltonstall hav- 
ing promised to dispute with you publicly on the holy scriptures did contrary 
to his said engagement shift or wave the said dispute which he had promised 
you, which said false report he the said Saltonstall complaineth of as to his 
great scandall and to his damage unto such value as shall to the said court be 
made to appear. In this action the jury finds for the plaintiff six hundred 
pounds, and costs of court, £1, 10." • 

It wonld be wearisome and useless to enumerate all the instances 

1 Answer of John Rogers, Jr., to Peter Pratt 

2 County Court Records. 


of collision between Rogers and the anthorities of the land, which 
even at this distance of time might be collected. It is stated by his 
followers that after his conversion he was near one-third of his life- 
time confined in prisons. ^ I have/' he observes, writing in 1706, 
^been sentenced to pay hundreds of pounds, laid in iron chains, 
cruelly scourged, endured long imprisonments, set in the stocks many 
hours together," &c. John, the younger, states that hil father's suf- 
ferings continued for more than forty-five years, and adds, '^ I suppose 
the like has not been known in the kingdom of England for some 
ages past." 

It was certainly a great error in the early planters o£ New Eng- 
land to endeavor to produce uniformity in doctrine by the strong aim 
of physical force. Was ever religious dissent subdued either by 
petty annoyance or actual cruelty ? Is it possible ever to make a 
true convert by persecution ? The principle of toleration was, how- 
ever, then less clearly understood, and the offenses of the Rogerenes 
were multiplied and exaggerated both by prejudice and rumor. The 
crime of blasphemy was one that was often hurled against them. 
Doubtless a sober mind would not now give so harsh a name, to ex- 
pressions which our ancestors deemed blasphemous. 

In reviewing this controversy we can not avoid acknowledging that 
there was great blame on both sides, and our sympathies pass alter- 
nately from^one to the other. The course pursued by the Rogerenes 
was exceedingly vexatious. The provoking assurance with which 
they would enter a church, attack a minister, or challenge an argu- 
ment, is said to have been quite intolerable. Suppose, at the pres- 
ent day, a man like Rogers of a bold spirit, ready tongue, and loud 
voice, should rise up in a worshiping assembly, and tell the people 
they were entangled in the net of Antichrist, and sunk deep in the 
mire of idolatry ; then turning to the preacher, call him a hireling 
shepherd, making merchandise of his fiock, and declaring that the 
rites he administered, viz., baptism by sprinkling — the baptism of 
infants — and the celebration of the sacrament at any time but at 
night — were anttchristtan fopperies; accompanying all this with 
violent contortions, coarse expletives and foaming at the mouth : 
would it not require great forbearance on the part of the congrega- 
tion not to call a constable, and forcibly remove the offender ? Yet 
the Rogerenes frequently used more aggressive language than this, 
and went to greater lengths in their testimony against the idol Sabbath. 
Their own narratives and controversial writings prove this ; nor do 


thej offer any palliation of their course in this respect, but regard it 
as a datj they mast perform, a cross thej mast bear. 

Viewing the established order of the colony, only on the dark and 
frowning side, they considered it a righteous act to treat it with defi- 
ance and aggression. The demands of collectors, the brief of the 
constable, were ever molesting their habitations. It was now a cow, 
then a few sheep, the oxen at the plow, the standiilg com, the stack 
of hay, the thrashed wheat, and anon, piece after piece of land, all 
taken from them to uphold a system which they denounced. Yet 
our sympathy with these sufferers is unavoidably lessened by the fact, 
that they courted persecution and gloried in it ; often informing against 
themselves, and compelling the violated law to bring down its arm 
Hpon them. Says John Bolles : 

** God gave rae such a cheerful spirit in this warfare, that when I had not the 
knowledge that the grand-juryraan saw me at work on the first day, I would 
inform against myseif before witness, till they gave out, and let me plow and 
eart and do whatsoever I have occasion to on this day.*' 

What should a magistrate do? Often in despite of himself he 
was forced into severity. He had sworn to enforce the laws ; he 
might shut his eyes and ears and refuse to know that such things 
were done, but here was a race who would not allow of such conniv- 
ance ; they obtruded their violations of the law upon his notice ; and 
he felt obliged to convict and condemn. The authorities'were not in 
the first place inclined to rigor : they were not a persecuting people. 
New London county more tlian any other part of Connecticut, per- 
haps from its vicinity to Rhode Island, has ever been a stage 
whereon varied opinions might exhibit themselves freely, and a dif- 
ference of worship was early tolerated. Governor Saltonstall was 
perhaps more uniformly rigorous than any other magistrate in re- 
pressing the Rogerene disturbances. Nevertheless, while sitting as 
chief judge of the superior court, he used his utmost endeavors, by 
argument and conciliation, to persuade them to refrain from molesting 
the worship of their neighbors. 

*• He gave his word [says John Bolles] that to persuade us to forbear, if we 
would be quiet, and worship God In our own way according to our consciences, 
he would punish any of their people that should disturb us in our worship." 

Here was an opportunity for a compact which might have led to a 
lasting peace. But the principles of the Rogerenes would not allow 
oi compromise. 

It is somewhat singular that in the midst of so much obloquy, John 


Rogers skould have oontinued to take part in public affairs. He vas 
neyer disfranchised ; when out of prison he was always ready with 
his Tote ; was a warm partisan and frequently chosen to some inferior 
town office, such as sealer of leather, surveyor of highways, &c« • 
Crimes, such as the code of the present day would define them, were 
seldom or never proved against the Rogerenes, but it must be allowed 
that coarseness, vulgarity, and impertinent obtrusiveness, come near 
to crimes, in the estimation of pure minds. 

In the year 1700 Rogers having lived single, from the desertion of 
his wife twenty-five years, married himself to Mary Ransford. She 
is said to have been a maid-servant whom he had bought ; probably 
one of that class of persons called Redemptioners. The spirit and 
temper of this new wife may be inferred from the fact that she had 
already been arraigned before the court, for throwing scalding water 
out of the window upon the head of the constable who csune to col- 
lect the minister's rate. As Rogers would not be married by any 
minister or magistrate of Connecticut, he was in a dilemma how to 
have the rite solemnized. His mode of proceeding is thus described 
by his son : 

** They agreed to go into the County Court, and there declare their marriage; 
and accordingly they did so ; he leading his bride by the hand into court, 
where the judges were sitting, and a multitude of spectators present, and then 
desired the whole assembly to take notice, that he took that woman to be hit 
wife ; his bride also assenting to what he said. Whereupon the judge (Weth- 
erell) offered to marry them in tlieir form, which he refused, telling them that 
he had once been married by their authority and by their authority they had 
taken away his wife again, and rendered him no reason why they did it. Up- 
on which account he looked upon their form of marriage to be of no value, 
and therefore he would be married by their form no more. And from the court 
he went to the governor's house, (Fitz-John Winthrop's) with his bride and 
declared their marriage to the governor, who seemed to like it well enough, 
and wished them much joy, which is the usual compliment." 

This ceremony thus publicly performed, John Rogers, Jr., supposes 
" every unprejudiced person will judge as authentic as any marriage 
that was ever made in Connecticut colony." The authorities did not 
look upon it in this light Rogers herein set at defiance the common 
law, which in matters of civil concernment, his own principles bound 
him to obey. 

A story has been currently reported that this self-married couple 
presented themselves also before Mr. Saltonstall, the minister, and 
that he wittily contrived to make the marriage legal, against their 
will. Assuming an air c^ doubt and surprise, he says, Do you really, 


John, take this jour serrant-maid, bought with jour monej, for jour 
wife ? Do jou, Marj, take this man so much older than jourself for 
jonr husband ? and receiving from both an affirmative answer, he 
ezdaimed : Then I pronounce jou, according to the laws of this 
colon J, man and wife. Upon this Rogers, after a pause, shook his 
head, and observed, Ah, Gurdon ! thou art a cunning creature. 

This anecdote, or something like it, maj be true of some other 
Bogerene marriage, but not of this, for then no doubt would have 
arisen respecting the validitj of the union. 

The connection was an unhappj one ; violent familj quarrels en- 
saed, between the reputed wife, and John Rogers the jounger and 
his familj, in the course of which the law was several times invoked 
to preserve peace, and the elder Rogers himself was forced to appl j 
to the court for assistance in quelling these domestic broils. 

The compliant of John Rogers against his son, and ^ the woman 
which the court calls Marj Ransford, Which I have taken for mj, 
wife, seeing mj lawful wife is kept from me bj this government," is 
extant in his own handwriting, dated 27th of 4th month, 1700. 

In 1703, on the presentment of the grand-jurj, the -count j court . 
summoned Marj Ransford, the reputed wife of John Rogers, before 
them, declared her marriage invalid, sentenced her to paj a fine of 
40«. or receive ten stripes, and prohibited her return to Rogers under 
still heavier penalties. Upon this she came round to the^ide of the 
court, acknowledged her marriage illegal, cast off the protection and 
aathoritj of Rogers, and refused to regard him as her husband. 

Soon after this she escaped from confinement and fled to Block 
Island, leaving her two children with their father. Rogers appears 
to have renounced her as heartilj and as publiclj as she did him ; 
so that actuall J the j both married and unmarried themselves* The j 
had never afterward anj connection with each other. 

About this time Rogers made a rash and almost insane attempt to 
regain his divorced wife, then united to Matthew Beckwith. A writ 
was issued against him in Januarj, 1702-3, on complaint of Beck- 
with, charging him with lajing hands on her, declaring she was his 
wife, and threatening Beckwith that he would have her in spite of 
him: — all which Rogers confessed to be true, but defended, on the 
plea that she was reallj his wife. 

" In County Court, June, 1703. — Matthew Beiskwith Sen' appeared in court 
and swore his Majesty's peace against John Rogers, for that he was in fear of 
his life from him."* 

1 Cotmty Qonrt B^cor^, 



In 1710, Mary Ransford was married to Robert Jones, of Block 
Island ; and in 1714, Rogers married the widow Sarah Coles, of 
Oyster Bay, L. I., the ceremony being performed within the jurisdic- 
tion of Rhode Island, by a magistrate of that colony.' With this con- 
nection there was never any interference. 

The troubles of Rogers did not cease with old age. His sea was 
never smooth. His bold, aggressive spirit knew not how to keep the 
peace. In 1711, he was fined and imprisoned for misdemeanor in 
court, contempt of its authority, and vituperation of the judges. He 
himself states that his offense consisted in charging the court with 
injustice for trying a, case of life and death without a jury. This was 
in the case of one John Jackson, for whom Rogers took up the battle- 
ax. Instead of retracting his words, he defends them and reiterates 
the charge. Refusing to give bonds for his good behavior until the 
next term of court, he was imprisoned in New London jaiL This 
was in the winter season, and he thus describes his condition : 

'* My son was wont in cold nights to come to the grates of the window to see 
how I did, and contrived privately to help me to some fire, &c. But he coming 
in a very cold Dight called to me and perceiving that I was not in my right 
senses, was in a fright, and ran along the street, crying, * The authority hath 
killed my father,* and cryed at the Sheriff's, * You have killed ray father* — ^upon 
which the town was raised and forthwith the prison doors were opened and fire 
brought in and hot stones wrapt in cloth laid at m> feet and about me, and the 
minister Adams sent me a bottle of spirits and his wife a cordial, whose kind- 
nets I must acknowledge. 

** But when those of you in authority saw that I recovered, you had up my 
son and fined him for making a riot in the night, and took for the fine and 
charge, three of the best cows I had." 

His confinement continued until the time was out for which the 
bond was demanded. He was then released, but the very next day 
he was arrested on the following warrant: 

•* By special order of his Majesty's Superior Court, now holden in New Lon- 
don, you are hereby required in her Majesty's name, to take John Rogers, Senior, 
of New London, who to the view of said Court appears to be under an high de- 
gree of distraction, and him secure in her Majesty's Gaol for the County afore- 
said, in some dark room or apartment thereof, that proper means may be used 
for his cure, and till he be recovered from his madness and you receive order 
for his release. Signed by order of said Court, March 26, 1712. 

•• Jonathan Law, Clerk. 

«« Test, John Prentis, Sheriff." 

1 Kanutive of John Bogers, Jr. 


This order was immediatelj executed. Rogers was removed to 
an inner prison and all light excluded. But the town was soon in an 
uproar ; the populace interfered and tore awaj the plank that had 
been nailed over the window. Some English officers then in town 
also made application to the authorities to mitigate his treatment^ 
and he was carried to the sherifiTs house and there kept. Two days 
afterward, he received, he said, a private warning that it was deter- 
mined to convey him to Hartford, shave his head, and deliver him 
over to a French doctor to be medically treated for insanity. "Where- 
upon by the aid of his son and the neighbors, he escaped in the night, 
and was rowed in a boat over to Long Island. Thither he was fol- 
lowed by the constable, and pursued by the " hue and cry," from 
town to town, as he traveled with all possible secrecy and dispatch 
to New York, where at length arriving safely, he hastened to the 
fort, and threw himself upon the protection of Grovemor Hunter, by 
whom he was kindly received and sheltered. Here he remained 
three months, and then returned home, where probably he would not 
have been molested, if he had remained quiet But no sooner was 
he recruited, than he returned to the very position he had taken with 
80 much hazard before his imprisonment, resuming the prosecution of 
the judges of the inferior court before the Greneral Court, forjudging 
upon life and death without a jury in the aforesaid case of John 
Jackson. He was nonsuited, had all the charges to pay, and another 
heavy fine. 

The next outbreak, and the last during the life of the elder Rogers, 
is tiiDS related hj the son : 

" John Rogers and divers of his Socletjr having as good a right to New Lon- 
don meecing-faouse as any of the inhabitants of the town, it being built by a 
public rate, every one paying their proportion according to their estate,' did 
propose to hold his meetings there at noon time, between the Presbyterian meet- 
ings, so as not to disturb them in either of their meetings. And accordingly, 
we came to the meeting-house and finding their meeting was not finished, we 
stood without the door till they had ended and were come oat ; and then John 
Rogers lold the people that our coming was to hold our meeting, between their 
meetings, and that we had no design to make any disturbance, but would break 
up oar meeting as soon as they were ready for their afternoon meeting. 
Whereupon several of the neighbors manifested their freedom in the matter ; 
yet the Constable came in the time of our meeting with an order to break it 

1 ** The bnildmg of the meeting-house cost me three of the best fat cattle I had that 
year, and as many shoes as was sold for thirty shillings In silver money." — John 
Rogers, Sen. 


up» and with his attendants yiolently laid hands on several of us, hanling men 
and women out of the meeting, like as Saul did in his unconverted state, and 
for no other crime than what I have here truly related. 

** John Rogers was had to Court and charged with a riot, drc. If myself had 
been the Judge, as I was not, I should have thought the constable to have been 
guilty of the riot, and not John Rogers. However, he was fined 10s., for which 
the officer first took ten sheep, and then complained they were not snfficiept to 
answer the fine and charges, whereupon he came a second time and took a 
milch-cow out of the pasture, and so we heard no more about it, by which I 
suppose the cow and ten sheep satisfied the fine and charges. This was the 
last fine that was laid on him, for he soon aAer died." 

Joseph Backus, Ssq., of Norwich, writing in the jear 1726, gires 
this account of the death of the Bogerene leader : 

*' John Rogers pretended that h^ was proof against all infection of body as 
well as of mind, which the wicked only (he said) were susceptible of, and Co 
put the matter upon trial, daringly ventured into Boston in the time of tlie 
Small Pox; but received the infection and dyed of it, with several of bis iiunily 
taking it from him." 

In answer to this statement, John Rogers the second observes : 

** It is well known that it had been his practice for more than forty years past» 
to visit all sick persons as oAen as he had opportunity, and particularly those 
who had die Small Pox ; when in the height of their distemper he has sat on 
their bed-side several hours at a time, discoursing of the things of God v so that 
his going to Boston the last time, was no other than his constant practice had 
been ever since he made a profession of religion. 

** Now let every unprejudiced reader take notice how little cause J. Backus 
has to reflect John Rogers^s manner of death upon him who lived to the age of 
seventy-three years, and then died, in his own house, and on his own bed, hav- 
ing his reason continued to the last and manifesting his peace with God, and 
perfect assurance of a better life." 

** Oct. 17, 1721 died Joh^ Rogers Sen. 

•« Nov. 6, «• «* John Rogers 3rd, aged 21 years and 6 days. 
** Nov. 13, «< «< Bathsheba, wife of John Rogers 2nd. 
«*AU of small pox."i 

Rogers was buried directly upon the bank of the Thames, within 
the bounds of his Mamacock farm. Here he had set aside a place 
of family sepulture, which his son John, in 1751, secured to his de- 
scendants by deed for a burial place. It is still occasionally used for 
that purpose, and it is supposed that in all, sixty or eighty interments 
have here been made : but the wearing away of the bank is gradually 
intruding upon them. As the Rogerenes do not approve of monu* 

1 Town Record of New London. 


maits to the memory of the dead, only two or three inscribed stones 
mark the spot 

Rogers was a prolific writer. In the introduction to his ^ Midnight 
Cry" he observes : " This is the sixth book printed for me in single 
Yolomes." He argaed upon theological subjects with considerable 
skill and perspicuity. The inventory of his estate was £410. Among 
the articles enumerated are : 

Several chests and packages of his own books. 

Seven Bibles : PoweFs and Clarke's Concordances. 




John Liveen, a considerable merchant of New London, died 
October 19th, 1689. He was of English birth, but carried when 
young to Barbadoes, and knew not that he had father, or mother, or 
any l^indred upon earth. Before emigrating to New London, he had 
married Alice Hallam, the widow of a Barbadoes trader, who had an 
estate of about £200, which with the business accommodations of her 
former husband, passed into the hands of Liveen. She had two sons, 
John and Nicholas, who when the family came to New London, in 
1676, were about twelve and fifteen years of age — John being the 
oldest. By the will of Mr. Liveen, executed the day of his death, 
the bulk of his estate, after subtracting some trifling legacies, was be- 
queathed " to the ministry of New London" — ^his wife, however, to 
have the use of one-third of it during her life. 

It had been expected that her sons, for whom he had always man- 
ifested a becoming affection, would be his heirs, but they were cut 
off with insignificant legacies. What rendered the will still more 
extraordinary, was the fact, that Mr. Liveen was, in religion, what 
was then called an Anabaptist, and had never been known to at- 
tend any religious meeting in the town, during the twelve years of 
his inhabitancy. His business sometimes led him to Boston, and 
when there, he went to hear Mr. Milbume preach, at the Anabaptist 
house of worship, and this was his only attendance at meeting in 
America. He had scruples about taking an oath, and when chosen 
to the office of constable, would not be sworn in the customary way, 


but pledged himself to perform the duty on penalty of perjury. The 
will was written hj Daniel Taylor, of Saybrook, then living with 
Liveen ; the executors appointed were General Fitz-John Winthrop, 
and Major Edward Palmes. It was proved at a special court in 
New London, at which Governor Treat presided ; but the authority 
of this court was challenged — Sir Edmund Andross having at that 
time annulled the charter government of the colony, and declared no 
testaments valid, that were not carried to Boston for probate. The 
will was therefore kept back, until Connecticut, in 1690, resumed her 
former government. It was then demanded by the county court for 
probate. But the colony having restored her ancient system with- 
out waiting for instructions from the crown. Major Palmes, who had 
borne office under Andross, refused to acknowledge the legality of 
the court, or to produce the will ; and General Winthrop, the other 
executor, was absent with the army, on the northern frontier. 

In October, 1690, Mrs. Liveen, in her own name, and the town by 
its deputies, petitioned the General Court to devise measures for the 
speedy probate of the will and the settlement of the estate. The 
widow stated that Major Palmes kept the will, and a ship was then 
ready for sea, by which " he intended to send to his own counCry,'* 
for orders respecting it. It will be observed that this petition of 
Mrs. Liveen, implies that she considered the will valid and acqui- 
esced in its provisions. 

The affair was again referred to the county court. Before that 
body, the town brought an action against the executors for not deliv- 
ering that portion of the estate bequeathed to the ministry. Major 
Palmes being cited to appear, sent a written refusal, denying the au- 
thority of the court as not derived from the crown, and accusing them 
of arbitrary and star-chamber n^asures, to which he said freehom 
ntbjecU could not submit 

The court, however, proceeded to settle the estate upon a recorded 
copy of the will. The amount of the personal property devised, was 
estimated at something more than £2,000, but this amount could not 
be realized. A provision of the will prohibited the sueing of debtors 
at law, so that the outstanding debts, amounting to some hundreds of 
pounds, could not be collected, the ground being taken that the testa- 
tor intended to make his debtors, legatees. 

Among the assets, was a vessel called the Liveen, burden one hun- 
dred tons, which was sold to John Hallam and Alexander Pygan, for 
£600 — ^Nicholas Hallam being one of thf witnesses to the bill of 


sale. This act was yirtuallj an acceptance on the part of tlie bcmis of 
Mrs. Liveen, of the wilL 

Here the case rested, the estate remaining in the hands of the ex- 
ecutors, and the town receiving an annual dividend, until the death 
of Mrs. Liveen, in 1698. By her will she bequeathed the whole es- 
tate, which had been kept in a measure integral, to her sons. This 
will was utterly inconsistent with that of her husband, and therefore 
the Hallams, before it was exhibited for probate, that is, in October, 
1698, applied to the Court of Assbtants for liberty to contest the Li- 
veen will, which was refused them. The young men protested, and 
a special court was appointed to try the case. This court sat in 
New London, Nov., 1698, and again in 1699. Many witnesses were 
examined, and great labor expended. 

The ground taken by the contestors was, first, the vagueness isi the 
terms used in the wilL What does he mean by the mini$try ; he 
names no person, no sect, no community ; the word mtnutry is in- 
definite and has no construction in law. Again, if the bequest be 
good to any community, it must be to the ministry appointed and al- 
lowed by the laws of England. 

On the other hand it was argued that the terms ministers and min- 
istry, in the laws of the colony, and in common speech, had a partic- 
ular application to persons exercising the sacred office, under the 
authority of the government of the colony. Neither could the terms 
in the will apply to a ministry that had no existence in the town. 
Moreover, Mr. Liveen knew well what was understood by those tennSy. 
and in 1688, had voluntarily subscribed to a fund for the support of 
the minister of New London, Mr. SaltonstalL 

The second plea advanced by the contestors was, that Mr. Liveen 
was not in a condition to make a will, and unconscious of what he dfd 
when he signed it Several witnesses testified that he was confused 
in mind, in great pain, and overpersuaded by Mr. Taylor to sign the 
writing. But the most remarkable witness on this side was Miyor 
Palmes, who was placed in the singular position of defending the will 
as one of its executors, and testifying against its validity as a witness 
for the Hallams. He bore witness to the affection of Mr. Liveen for 
his sons-in-law — to his often expressed intention of leaving his estate 
to them — and to his entire dissent from the established ministry of 
the town. He also asserted that Mr. Taylor had previously written 
the will, but did not produce it to the view of Mr. Liveen, till the 
day of his decease, at which time he kept constimtly with him, allow- 
ing no one to speak to him but in his presence. 



On the other side, the testimony was no less ample. Several 
neighbors, friends and attendants who were all with the sick man, a 
greater or less part of the day on which he died, testified that his 
reason, judgment and memory were perfect, till within an hour of his 
death. He was not then supposed to be near his end ; being able to 
sit up and to more about with help. He was led to the table to sign 
the will, and as he did it, he said, ^ I write my name John Liveen." 
He afterward spoke complacently of what he had done for the town, 
and Major Wait Winthrop coming in, he showed him the will, and 
desired him to read it, asking him how he liked it Major Winthrop 
then said, " Is this your will, Mr, Liveen ?" to which he replied, " It 
is my last will and testament." Subsequently he observed, " Many 
will say I am not in my right senses, but I am." To Mrs. Pygan 
be spoke also of what he had done, saying, << I would not have you 
troubled that my brother is not an executor of the will ; I had a rea- 
son for it"' 

Tho court decided that the case was not sustained, and the will 
was valid. The brothers appealed to the Court of Assistants, and 
the case was earned to Hartford. Here the decision of the lower 
court was confirmed May 2d, 1700. Upon which the contestors de- 
manded permission to appeal to the king and queen, (William and 
Mary,J in counciL This they were prohibited from doing, the right 
of i^peal in such cases being denied by the colonial government, and 
Urns a new element of discord was brought into the conflict The 
> brothers entered their protest and declared their intention of contest- 
ing the right of the colony to forbid an appeal before the English 
pourts. At this juncture one of the appellants was suddenly removed 
from the scene. John Hallam died at Stonington, Nov. 20th, 1700. 

The labor of prosecuting the question of appeal, and of contesting 
the will, now devolved solely upon Nicholas Hallam, whose determi- 
nation increased with every difficulty, and rendered him superior to 
emergencies. He proceeded to England, to manage his interests in 
person, and was there detained for nearly two years. The question 
of appeal came within the scope of authority committed to the Lords 
Commissioners of Trade and - Plantations. It was accordingly ar- 
gued before that body. Sir Henry Ashurst, agent of the colony, en- 
deavored to prove that Connecticut, by its charter, had a right to 

1 According to a custom in those days, Lireen calls Mr. Pygan his broAer^ becanse 
their children were united in marriage: Nicholas Hallam, the step-son of Lireen, had 
married Sarah Pygan. 



hear, determine, and bring to a final issue, all causes and controver- 
sies arising within that colonj, without any appeal elsewhere. But 
the lords decided otherwise ; the king approved their decision, and 
Mr. Hallam was allowed to bring his case before the council. Here, 
the action seemed to remove the settlement of the business to a still 
greater distance. An order in ^council of March 1 8th, 1 701-2, set forth 
that the examinations had not been taken in due form of law, the 
witnesses not having been interchangeably examined, and therefore 
the parties should be sent back to Connecticut to correct the error, 
and all documents must be transmitted under the broad seal of the 

The examinations were now to be renewed from the beginning, and 
' scattered witnesses to be reassembled. Major Palmes withdrew his 
name from the defense of the will, in which he had never heartily 
concurred, and Fitz-John Winthrop was left the nominal respondent 
in the case, though it was regarded as an affair of the colony. A 
court of probate was held in New London in Jan., 1702-3, in which 
the witnesses were examined by both parties, and subjected to a te- 
dious interrogatory detail. The documents were oflBcially sealed and 
transmitted to her majesty in council: (King William had died while 
the case was pending, and Anne was now the sovereign of England.) 
The case was heard in June or July, 1704 ; at first it was confidently 
expected that Hallam would gain his cause, but the respondents hav- 
ing exhibited, in council, the original bill of sale of the Liveen, to 
which the appellant was a witness, it was regarded as an acknowl- 
edgment on his part of the validity of the will, and the decision of 
the colonial courts was thereupon approved and confirmed. 

The defense of the will cost the colony £60. Mr. Hallam is sup- 
posed to have expended £300 in contesting it* He made several 
voyages to England on this business, and when there, used his influ- 
ence against the colonial government, not only in this question of ap- 
peals, but also in the Mason controversy, uniting with the Masons 
and the Indian party who were then carrying their complaints to the 
throne. Major Palmes was also in England at the same time, with 
grievances of his own to cast into the scale against the colony. He 
had become involved in a lawsuit with his brothers-in-law, Fitz- 
John and Wait-Still Winthrop, respecting the portion of his wife. 

1 He estimated the expenses of his last voyage and suit in England at i)l79 If. 6dl, 
one-half of which he charged, probably with justice, to the heirs of his brother John. 
They ret\ised to pay it, and on his return from England he was involved in a lawsuit 
with them for its recovery. 


Judgment being pronounced against him in the colonial courts, he 
also appealed to the king in council, and proceeded to England to 
prosecute his case. The coimcil, on examination, found no occasion 
for reversing the decision already made. It is highly honorable to 
Connecticut, that the judgments of her courts should have been thus 
repeatedly confirmed by the highest court of judicature in the British 

Major Palmes entered warmly into the Indian controversy, de- 
nouncing the policy that had been pursued toward the natives, and 
joining with Mason, Hallam and others, in accusing the colony of 
having unjustly dispossessed the Mohegans from their lands. Queen 
Anne appointed a court of commission to issue and determine this 
case between the colony and the Masons and Mohegans, and Major 
Palmes was nominated as one of the commissioners. This court sat 
at Stonington, in 1704. 

New London appears to be rather undesir^tbly distinguished for 
her rash and injudicious appeals and threatenings to appeal, to the 
laws and authority of the mother country for the settlement of con- 
troversies. This was undoubtedly owing to the commercial inter- 
course which she then eiyoyed, direct with England, the number of 
her people bom there, and the influence of her name, which had in- 
duced a habit of regarding herself as a New London — a portion of 
the old country lodged on this side of the water. England was 
nearer to her than to other towns in the colony. 

The Liveen property recovered by the town, consisted of two 
dwelling-houses, a large lot attached to one of the houses, now form- 
ing the north side of Richards Street, and extending from the old 
burial ground to the cove; and in money, £300 sterling, equal to 
780 ounces of silver, which was left in the hands of the executor, and 
afterward of his brother. Wait Winthrop, of Boston, on lease or 
loan. After the death of the two brothers, it was loaned to other 
persons, the care of it being invested, by the General Court, in a 
committee of three persons, viz., Robert Latimer, Joshua Hempstead 
and James Rogers, (third of that name.) In 1735, Hempstead, the 
only survivor of the committee, refused to deliver up the papers, or 
give a letter of attorney to enable the town to recover the money. 
On application to the General Court, a new committee was appoint- 
ed, to continue in office like the former, during life, but all vacancies 
to be filled by nomination of the town. The mterest of this money, 
and the rent of the other Liveen estate, formed a part of the regular 
salary of the minister, while there was but one recognized church in 


town, and was afterward expressly allotted by goyemment, to tii6 
Congregational or ancient church. 

To avoid the necessity of again taking up the subject of the Liyeen 
legacy, its further history will be sketched here. In the year 1738, 
there was a general sale of the parsonage or glebe lands of the town, 
and the Liveen landed estate was disposed of like the rest at auction.^ 

It produced nearly £800, and the other glebe lots upward of 
£500. The Liveen money at interest was then estimated at £600, 
the whole making an aggregate fund of nearly £1,900 ; but it must 
be understood that this was reckoned in the new tenor, or deprecia- 
ted currency. But even with that allowance, the interest was nearly 
sufficient to pay the salary of the minister, to which purpose it was 
without doubt applied for many years. The whole fund has, in the 
course of time, melted away, and seems to have left no record of its 
loss behind. We may suppose that the rapid depreciation of the cur- 
rency, the great commercial losses before the Revolution, and the mis- 
eries that the town suffered during the war, affected this as well as 
all other interests, and reduced it to insignificance. What remained 
of it ailer the Revolution, was loaned out in small sums to several indi- 
viduals, and has probably dwindled away in the bankruptcies of the 

1 One of the Liyeen hooses, stood on Main Street, at the south-eaAt comer of Rich- 
ards Street This was bought and taken down by George Richards, who owned the 
land next to it. The other Liveen house stood opposite on the north-east comer of 
Richards Street, and was purchased by Daniel Ck>llins. The laige lot adjoining waa 
sold in five parcels or house lots; one was bought by Robert Latimer, and has since 
been a parsonage lot once more. 


1660 TO 1750. 

New London was settled with the hope and prospect of making 
it a place of trade. Commerce was expected U> become its presiding 
genius, under whose fostering care it was to grow and prosper. In 
a letter from the colonial government to the commissioners appointed 
by Charles 11. to inquire into the Duke of Hamilton's claim in 1665, 
is the following passage : 

. •• Whereas this colony is at a very low ebb in respect to traffick, and although 
out of a respect to our relation to the English nation, and that we might be ac- 
counted a people under the Sovereignty and protection of his Majestic the King 
of England, we presumed to put the name or appellation of Ntw-London, upon 
one of our towns, which nature hath furnished with a safe and commodious 
harbour, though but a poor people, and discapacitated in several respects to 
promote trafiique ; we humbly crave of our gracious Sovreigne, that he would 
be pleased out of his Princely bounty, to grant it to be a place of free trade, for 
"7, 10, or 12 years, as his Royall heart shall encline to conferr, as a boon upon 
his poor yett loyal subjects."* 

Again, in a letter of 1680, to the lords of the privy council, they 
entreat that ^ New London or some other of our ports might be made 
free ports for 20, or 15, or 10 yeares ;" and in describing the harbor 
they say, " a ship of 500 tunns may go up to the Town and come so 
near the shoar, that they may toss a biskitt on shoar."' 

No royal privileges were, however, conferred upon the port, nor did 
it need them ; the dowiy of nature was rich and ample, and the en- 
terprise and sagacity of the inhabitants were soon on the alert, to 
profit by their advantages. 

1 ffioman*s Antiquities, p. 61, % Vi wpm^ p. 144. 



The affairs of Robert Chanell were settled by the townsmen ; Rob- 
ert Latimer purchased the whole vessel, and all that remained after 
paying the debts, was remitted to Chanell's wife and children in 

The early coasting trade was principally with Boston. From 
thence clothing and household goods, implements of husbandry, mili- 
tary acoouterments, powder and lead, were obtained. The returns 
were in peltries and wampum. A petty traffick was also kept up with 
Rhode Island and Long Island, by boats and small sloops. Very 
soon the coasting trade was extended to the ManhadoeSy (New York,) 
and occasionally to Virginia. In 1662, there was some trade with 
the latter place for dry hides, and buck-skins.' 

With the south, however, the trafSck was very limited. " We 
have no need of Virginia trade," say the magistrates in 1680, "most 
people planting so much tobacco as they need." Tobacco and wheat 
were then common articles of culture ; not for export, but to the full 
extent of domestic consumption. These articles of produce are now 
rare in the state, and in New London county are almost entire^ 

The master of a vessel was generally part owner of both craft and 
cargo, and not unfrequently was his own factor, agent and trades- 
man. In the small coasters, especially, the master or skipper was 
entirely independent of orders. He went from place to place, chaf- 
fering and bartering, often changing his course, and prolonging Ids 
stay on his own responsibility. His boy was under his command ; 
but his man if he had one, frequently brought a venture with him^ 
and might trade on his own account New London before 1700 was 
as much noted for these coasting vessels and skippers, as of late 
years for her fine fleet of smacks and smack-men. Among the early 
planters, William Bartlett, Mathew B^kwith, Thomas Doxey, Peter 
Bradley, Thomas Skidmore, Edward Stallion, Thomas Stedman^ 
Thomas Dymond, and many others, were of this class. 

Elisha North, a distingaished physician from Litchfield county, settled in New London in 
1818 and pursned his professional practice in the town for thirty years. He died Dec. 
aoib, 1848, aged 78. 

1 Among the debts owing him was ;£15 by Mr. Comelins Stinwicke at ihe Monim- 
tos (Manhattan) and a hogshead of tobacco " at Kirkatan in Vii^nia.'* 

2 The least buck-skin was to weigh four pounds and a half. A ponnd and half of 
hides was equal in value to a pound of buck-skin — one pound of hides equaled two 
pounds of old iron — two pounds of hides equaled one pound of old pewter. Here are 
€ld iron and old pewter, having a fixed vtUue, as articles of barter and merchandiaft t 


In May, 1G60, **ite ship Hope," from Malaga in Spain, witli a 
i^argo of wine, raisins and almonds, came into the harbor, storm-beaten 
and in want of provisions. The master was Robert Warner ; and 
the supercargo Robert Loveland,* who had chartered the vessel for 
l^rginia, there to take in*a fresh cargo and return to Spain, discharg- 
ing at Alicant. The voyage had been long and tempestuous, the 
cargo was damaged, the ship leaky, and information received on their 
arrival, of the state of affairs in Virginia, induced them to relinquish 
the intended voyage thither. The supercargo then proposed to dis- 
charge the freight and have the vessel ** sheathed and trimmed" at 
New London ; after thb to take in provisions for Newfoundland, and 
there obtain a cargo of fish for Alicant, the original destination. The 
commander refusing imperatively to concur in these measures, Mr* 
Loveland entered a protest, charging him with having violated his 
engagements in various particulars. The difficulty was finally set- 
tled by arbitration ; the cargo was landed and sold at New London,' 
C^t. Warner paid, and he and his ship dismissed. 

From this period Mr. Loveland became a resident in the town, . 
Intering so fully into commercial concerns, as to make a sketch of I 
his subsequent history appropriate in this chapter. In 1661 he pre- 
sents himself as prosecuting a voyage to Newfoundland, and enters a 
protest against George Tongue, ordinary-keeper, that being indebted 
to him a considerable sum, which he had promised to pay in such 
articles as were proper for the intended voyage, which, says the pro- 
test, " are only wheat, pease and pork" — when the time arrived and 
the protester demanded his due, he was told that he must take "horses 
and pipe-staves," or he would pay him nothing ; and these articles 
were not marketable in Newfoundland. 

Mr. Loveland appears to have been often disquieted ; and to find 
repeated occasions for protests and manifestoes. He purchased of 
Daniel Lane a considerable tract of land at Green Harbor with the 
idea of building wharves and warehouses and making it a port of 
entry for the town. When he found it unsuitable for the purpose, he 
entered a protest against Mr. Lane for selling it to him under false 
pretenses, charging the said Lane with asserting " that it was a good 
harbor for shipping to enter and ride, by reason it is defended by a 

1 Robert Loveland was of Boston, 1646. Sav. Win., vol. 2, p. 262. 

2 Capt James Oliver, Mr. Bobert Gibbs and Mr. Lake, merchants of Boston, appear 
to have had an interest in the cargo. Among the lading was a quantity of Malaga 
vine-lees and molasses, for distillation. These commodities were purchased and di^ 
tilled into liquors, bj persons who had recently set up ** a still and worm,** in the place- 



ledge of rocks lying off, and y* there is 12 feete at low water, be- 
twixt the said ledge and the shore, and within 2} rod of the shore," 
whereas he, the said Loveland had sounded and found <MiIy shoal 

The title of Mr. accorded to Mr. Loveland, probably indicates 
that he had been made a freeman. 

<* Oct. 27. 1662. The magistrates have freed Mr. Robert Loveland from 
watching, warding and training.'*' 

At this immunity was not often granted before sixty years of age, 
it may be inferred that he was advanced in life. A few more years 
and we find him on the brink of the grave. On the 27th of Novem- 
ber, 1668, he assigned all his estate, whether lands, houses, horses, 
cattle, debts due by book, bill or bond, either in New England, Vir- 
ginia or elsewhere, to Alexander Pygan. This bequest was of the 
same nature as a will and probably indicates the period of his death. 
It is signed with a mark, instead of his name. Mr. Bradstreet, who 
was one of the witnesses, testified that Mr. Loveland was sound in 
mind and judgment, but unable through great weakness to write hia 
II A commercial intercourse was very early opened between New 
' London and Newfoundland. Silly Cove, Petty Harbor and Reynolds 
on that island, as well as St. Johns, were frequented by our vessels. 
Pork, beef, and other provisions were carried there, an4 not only dry 
fish, but West India produce brought back. It is strange that a cir- 
cuitous trade, involving reshipments and ennanced prices, should 
have been pursued at a time, when direct voyages from New London 
to the West Indies were of conmion occurrence. The trade with 
^ k Newfoundland was continued till after 1700. 

fl With the bland of Barbadoes the commercial relations were more 

r intimate than with any other distant port. Two voyages were made 

\ by a vessel yearly. Horses, cattle, beef, pork, and sometimes pipe- 

1 staves were exchanged for sugar and molasses and at a later period 

\ rum. An interchange of inhabitants occasionally took place. Agen- 

I cies from New London were established there, and several persons 

1 emigrating from Barbadoes, became permanent inhabitants of New 

I London. The Barbadoes trade was the most lucrative business of 

^the period. Merchants of Hartford, Middletown and Wethersfield 

1 This land was received back by Mr. Lane. 

2 Beoorded on .the Town Book. 


made shipments from New London. Capt. Giles Hamlin, Capt. 
John Chester and other conmianders from the river towns, often took 
in their cai^;oes here.' 

In April, 1669, an English vessel, probably built and sent to New 
England purposely for sale, and called the America^ was sold by 
" John Prout, of Plymouth, county of Devon, in Great Britain^ 
mariner^* — who appears to have been both commander and owner — 
to Richard Lord and John Blackleach, of Hartford, for £230. She 
was seventy tuns burden, and was then '^ riding at anchor in the 
harbor of New London." 

Several vessels were built by Mould and Coit, for the partners 
Hill and Christophers. Among them were the New London, seventy 
tuns, delivered to the owners, June 25th, 1666, and called a ship; 
the barque Regard^ 1668 ; and the sloop Charles, twenty tuns, 1672. 
The New London was larger than any vessel heretofore constructed 
in the place, and was employed in European voyages. Thomas 
Forster, John Prout and John Prentis (second of the name) were 
successively her commanders. In 1689, her invoice registered " two 
large brass bells with wheels," consigned to Greorge Mackenzie, mer- 
chant of New York.' One of these bells was unported for the town 
of New London, and was soon after suspended ^' in the turret of the 
meeting-house," apparently to the great satisfaction of the inhabit- 
ants. It was the first bell that ever vibrated in the eastern part of 

The John and Hester, stated variously at ninety and one hundred 
tuns burden, was undoubtedly the largest of Mould's vessels. It was 
built " for the proper account of John Prentis, Senior," and delivered 
to him October 14th, 1678. One-half was sold to William Darrall 
of New York for £222, 10«.* The sons of John Prentis, John and 

1 The foIiowlDg receipt shows the comparative value of two prune articles of ex- 

" Borbadoes : — I underwrit do hereby ackowlcdge to have received of Mr. Jeflrey 
Christophers one bl. of pork pr. account of Mr. Beiyomin Brewster, the which I have 
Bold for 300 lbs. of sugar. Elisha Sanford. Aug. 18th, 1671. 

" True copy of the receipt which was sent back to Barbadoes by Mr. Giles Hamliu 
in the Ship John and James. Oct. 29th, 1671. Charles Hill, Becorder." 

2 This probably notes the first arrival in this country of Capt John Prout, after 
ward of New Haven. 

8 See ofi/e, chapter 18. 

4 Payment to be made in New York flour at 15«. per cwt. and pork at 60*. per 


Jonathan, both of whom became noted sea-captains, made several 
voyages in this vessel. 

Another vessel owned at this time in New London, and probablj 
built by Mould, was the SuccesSy a ketch, rated at fiflj-four tuns. A 
captam, mate, boatswain and one sailor, formed a full complement of 
men for a vessel like this. The coasters had seldom more than two 
men and a boy. Sept. 6th, 1677, the Success, John Leeds com- 
mander, sailed for Nevis, with stock, and in lat. 36® north, encountered 
^ a violent storm of wind and tempest of sea that continued from the 
Sabbath day to the Fryday following," — in which they iost twenty- 
six horses overboard, and sprung a leak, whereupon they bore up 
helm, returned home and entered protest. The Success belonged to 
John Liveen ; and in several voyages to Barbadoes, was oonmianded 
by his son-in-law, Capt. John Hallam, of Stonington. In 1688 she 
was sold by Mr. Liveen, for £114, to Ralph Townsend, late of New 
Haven, but then resident in New London — who changed her name 
to RcdpKi Adventure. She was afterward in command of Capt. 
Benjamin Shapley. 

The little fleet of New London was often thinned by disasters'. 
The barque Providence, coming in from sea, was lost with her cargo 
on the rocks at Fisher's Island Point in the night of Nov. 28th, 1679. 
The master Thomas Dymond, and his two assistants John Mayhew 
and Ezekiel Turner, were barely saved. This is not the first in- 
stance recorded of wreck upon this dangerous point. The John and 
Lucy, an English merchant vessel, was here totally lost in 1671, and 
it is probable that her crew also perished.' 

It is not easy to determine the character of a vessel from the 
nomenclature used at that period. The terms ship and barque were 
nearly as general in their signification as vessel. Boat, sloop, snow, 
ketch and brigantine were all of vague import. The Endeavour, 
twenty tuns, of 1660, is called a barque, and another Endeavour of 
fifty-two tuns, built in 1 690, by James Bennet for Adam Picket, is 
also a barque. The Speedwell of 1660, fourteen tuns, is a boat or 
barque; but another Speedwell of 1684, Daniel Shapley, master, 
is styled a ship. To what description of vessel they belonged can not 
be determined. Probably no three-masted vessel was owned in the 
port till afler 1700. 

1 The gnus of the ship were recovered by New London seamen and delivered to 
the order of Francis Brinley, merchant of Newport, who had been appointed attorney 
for the owners. The rocks on Fisher's Island Point have lately acquired a fearfol 
notoriety by the loss of the steamer Atlantic, wrecked upon them Nov. 27th, 184S. 


The list of vessels belon^ng to New London, as returned by the 
magistrates at Hartford to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, in 
1680, was : 

'* Two ships, one 70 tons, the other 90 ; three ketches, about 50 tons each ; 
two sloops, 15 tons each." 

This was about one-third of the tonnage of the colony. Shortly 
afterward the Liveen, which is called a ship, and the brigantine Re* 
coveryy were added to the shipping of the port. The former was 
owned by John Liveen, and sold afler his death, in 1689, for £600. 
The Recoveiy was from Southampton, Long Island, and pui^hased 
by Alexander Pygan. 

The last vessel built by Hugh Mould, that can be mentioned by 
name, was the Edward and Margaret^ a sloop of thirty tons burden, 
constructed for Edward Stallion, in 1681. Mr. Mould is supposed 
to have come from Barnstable, near Cape Cod. He can be traced 
in New London, from June 11th, 1662, the date of his marriage with 
Martha, daughter of John Coite, to «lpne, 1691. He is then con- 
cealed from our view, probably by the shadow of death.^ 

Another noted ship-builder of this coast, coming next in the order 
of time, was Joseph Wells, of Westerly, on the Pawkatuck River. 
Of his vessels we can only mention with certainty as belonging to 
this port, the Alexander and Martha^ built by contract in 1681, for 
Alexander Pygan, Samuel Rogers and Daniel Stanton. The dimen- 
sions but not the tunnage are stated. 

" The length to he 40 and one foot hy the keel from the after part of the post 
to the breaking afore at the gardboard, 12 foot rake forward under her toad 
mark and at least 16 foot wide upon the midship beam, to have 11 flat tim- 
bers and 9 foot floor, and the swoop at the cuttock 9 foot, and by the transom 
12 foot, the main deck to have a fall by the main mast, with a cabin, and also 
a cook room with a forecastle.** 

For payment, the builder was to receive one-eighth of the vessel 
and £165, of which £16 was to be in silver money, and the rest in 
merchantable goods. The spikes, nails, bolts and iron work were at 
the charge of the owners. 

John Leeds was another ship-wright contemporary with those 
already mentioned. He constructed a small brigantine, of eighteen or 

1 He left a son bearing his own name, Hugh, and six danghters. Martha, one of 
the daughten, married the second Clement Miner, of New London ; bat the remainder 
of the family reiteved from the town, and most or all of them were afterward of Mid- 


twenty tuns, called the TryaU^ and sold in 1683, by John Plumbe,for 
£80 in pieces of eight, paid down, and the SwaUow^ a sloop con- 
tracted for by Peter Bradley, 2d, in 1687, but not finished until aft«r 
Bradley's death. 

Almost every merchant that sent out vessels at this period made 
an occasional voyage himself, either as master or supercargo. Ralph 
Parker, Samuel Chester, Richard and John Christophers, John and 
Jonathan Prentis, John and Adam Picket, and the two Hallama, 
were at the same time merchants and practical seamen. In 1686, 
the Prosperous, a brigantine, thirty tuns burden, was owned by tiie 
Prentis brothers, and the Hopewell, a ketch, by the Pickets. 

After 1680, John Wheeler took a prominent position in the mari- 
time business of the town. A vessel was built for him in 1689 and 
1690, for the European trade, and sent out under the command of 
Capt. Samuel Chester. The owner died before the first voyage was 
completed, and the vessel was assigned to his creditors, merchants in 

Two brigantines, styled aho ships, the Adventure^ and the Societjfy 
of sixty-five and sixty-eight tuns burden, both built in Great Britain, 
were owned in 1698, by Picket and Christophers. "The value of 
such a vessel when new, was about £500. 

In 1699, a new building yard was given by the town to John Coit, 
son of Joseph. This was on the bank, by the side of the Point of 
Rocks, where vessels of the largest draught might be built. This 
point was a bold, projecting ledge opposite the Picket lot, and was 
used for a landing place. Iron rings were linked into the rock, for 
the convenience of fastening vessels.' The ferry-boat often touched 
here to land passengers for the lower end of the town, and in 1729, 
when Mr. Coit built a wharf by the Point of Rocks, the ferry right 
was reserved. 

From the " Boston News Letter,* which began to be issued in 
April, 1704, and was the first newspaper published in North Ameri- 
ca, a few notices may be gathered relating to New London. 

1 Some of the communion plate of the First Cong. Church bean the inscriptioii, 
" Presented by the owners of the ship Adrenture, in 1699." 

t The day New London was burnt, Sept Sth, 1781, the Lady Spencer, a snocessfVil 
privateer, lay fastened to this rock. All the projecting points have since been le^elwl 
and the site is now covered by the wharves and buildings of the Brown brothers. 
The mansion of the family standing near, was constructed from the stone blasted ftom 
the ancient Point of Bocks. 


'^ New London, May 11, 1704. Capt Edward Pturry, in the Adventure, is 
beginning to load for London, and will sail in about 3 weeks.*' 

•• May 18. Capt. Parry, in the brigantine Adventure, being dead, the own- 
ers design Samuel Chester, master, who is to go with the Virginia fleet. Mr. 
Shapley is preparing to go to Barbadoes.'* 

** June 1. Capt. Chester, from New London, and Capt. Davison, from New 
York, will sail in 10 days for London, with the Virginia Convoy." 

These notes show that it was an enterprise of considerable magni- 
tude, and of slow accomplishment, to fit out a vessel for Europe. By 
further search we find that Capt. Chester sailed on the 12th of June, 
a month after the vessel began to take in her cargo, and probably 
missed the convoy, as he was taken by the French. Capt Davison 
arrived safe in London. 

" New London, Aug. 3, 1704. 

•• Yesterday, his Honor our Governor, went in his pinnace to Hartford. We 
are much alarmed by reason of a very great ship and two sloops said to be rfeen 
at Block Island, and supposed to be French." 

In October, 1707, John Shackmaple, an Englishman, was commis- 
sioned by Robert Quarry, surveyor general, to be collector, surveyor, 
and searcher ^r Connecticut. He was confirmed in office by a new 
commission, issued May 3d, 1718, by the Lords Commissioners of 
Trade and Plantations. His district included Connecticut, Fisher's 
Island, Qardiner^s Island, and the east end of Long Island. The 
office of surveyor and searcher was afterward separated from that 
of colle^or, and the appointment given to John Shackmaple, Jun., in 
1728, by James Stevens, surveyor general Mr. Shackmaple, the 
elder, is supposed to have died about 1730. His son succeeded him 
in the collectorship, and the office of surveyor was given to Richard 
Dnrfey, of Newport. The residence of these English families in the 
town was not without influence on the manners of the inhabitants, 
and their style of living. Major Peter Buor, from the island of St. 
Christophers, was at the same time a resident, having purchased the 
Bentworth farm at Nahantick, of the heirs of Edward Palmes, in 
1723.^ These foreign residents, gradually gathered around them a 
circle of society more gay, more in the English style, than had before 
been known in the place, and led to the formation and establishment 
of an Episcopal church. 

1 Before Major Buor*8 decease, this farm passed mto the hands of his creditors, and 
was purchased by Capt Dnrfey, In 1740, which brought it back to the Pahnes fiunily, 
into which Durfey had married. 


There was yet another officer connected with the castoms, who 
was styled the naval officer of the district Christopher Christo- 
phers held this office from the year 1715 to his death in 1728. 

The following brief notices, collected from a private diary, and 
arranged as a marine list, will show that a large proportion of the 
coasting trade centered in Boston, fourteen sloops arriving from 
thence in six weeks. The year is 1711. 

*< Sept. 8. Braddick arrived from Albany. Skolinks sailed for Long Island. 

*< 12. Manwaring arrived. A sloop was launched by Mr. Coit. 

** Oct. 13. Wilson and Lothrop arrived from Boston, and 2 sloops more ; 
also a brig from R. I. for Barbadoes, was forced in by the storm, ran on the 
rocks and was damaged. Capt. Tilleness, (Tillinghast.) 

** 14. R. Christophers arrived from Barbadoes. 

" 20. The R. I. b'rig sailed, and a sloop. 

** 22. Harris sailed for Norwich. 

**.26. Tudor and Kay arrived from Boston. Saw a sloop at anchor near 
Watch Point ; thought her a French privateer, but she proved to be Plaisted, of 
Bof ton, from the Wine Islands. 

«• 28. Ray sailed for Boston. 

*' Nov. 9. Hamlin arrived from Boston ; also Elton. 

•* 23. Two sloops arrived from Boston. 

** 30. Four sloops in from Boston." * 

In 1712, what was called the ConnecHctU Fleet sailed for Boston, 
8th of May, under convoy of an armed vessel which had been sent 
round for its guard, on account of the rumors of French privateers on 
the coast. A French brig, with 150 men, was soon afterward re- 
ported as hovering along the coast, near the entrance to the Sound. 
It was apprehended that she might turn suddenly into the harbor and 
fire upon the town. On the 25th of the month, a watch was set at 
Harbor's Mouth to give notice if an enemy approached. 

The passage from Barbadoes usually varied from eighteen to thirty 
days. Thomas Prentis and Richard Christophers were veterans in 
this trade. One of the vessels of Capt. Christophers bore the happy 
names of two of his daughters, '^ The Grace and Ruth." Madeira, 
Saltertudas, the Bermudas and Turks Islands, were also visited by 
our traders. John Mayhew, for more than forty years, sailed from 
this port. John Hutton, John Picket, third of that name, Peter 
Manwaring and James Rogers, were well known commanders. The 
boys of the town were early familiarized with marine terms and hand- 
icraft. Most of the young men, earlier or later, made a few voyages 
to sea, and knany a promising son of a good family was cut off un- 
timely by storm, or wreck, or West India fever. 


The vessels built at New London had hitherto been principaUj 
sloops ; now and then a brigantine, a snow, and perhaps a hrtg had 
been launched. In Aprils 1714, Capt. Hutton, who had a building- 
yard in the lower part of the town, launched a snow, and in January, 
1716, a ship. 

In 1715, Samuel Edgecombe built a ^'^. In 1719, one was built 
at Coite's ship-yard for Capt. Joseph Grardiner. Sloops had been 
built not only at New London, but at Pequonuck and at James 
Bogere'. Cove, (Poquayogh.) 

In March, 1717, a piratical vessel came into the Sound, and several 
coasters were overhauled and robbed. 

On the 7th of June, 1717, Prentis, Christophers and Picket, in 
their several vessels arrived from Barbadoes. It was noticed that 
they had left the harbor together, arrived out the same day, sailed 
again on their return voyage the same day, and made Montauk Point 

On the 12th of July, 1723, a Rhode Island sloop, in which Capt. 
Peter Manwaring and John Christophers, of New London, were 
passengers, homeward bound, was wrecked on the south side of Mon- 
tauk, and all on board perished. The surge, heaving the dead bodies 
and pieces of the wreck on shore, gave the only notice of the event. 
Manwaring was a seaman of more than twenty years' service. His 
vessel had been seized and condemned at Martinico, and he was re- 
turning home in this sloop. 

In May, 1723, a brigantine from New London, called the Isle of 
Wight, Richard Christophers master, was lost near Sandy Hook, on 
her homeward passage from Barbadoes. She was owned by Benja- 
min Starr, John Gardiner, Jr., and others. 

A prominent article of export to the West Indies was horses. On 
the 26th of June, 1724, six vessels left the harbor together, all 
freighted with horses for the West Indies. The crafl that carried 
these animals, from the first commencement of the trade, have been 
known familiarly as Horse-jockeys. August 16th, 1716, Capt. Hut- 
ton sailed for Barbadoes, with forty-five horses on board. This was 
an unusually large number ; probably he was in the ship that was 
constructed under his own direction. 

About the year 1720, Capt John Jeffrey, who had been a master 

ship-builder in Portsmouth, England, emigrated to America, with his 

family. He came first to New London, but regarding the opposite 

side of the river as offering peculiar facilities for ship-building, he 



fixed his residence on Groton Bank. In 1723, he contracted to build 
for Capt. James Sterling, the largest ship that had been constructed 
this side the Atlantic ; and that a favorable position for his work 
might be obtained, the following petition was presented : 

" Petition of James Stirling and John Jeffrey to the town of Groton : 

*• That whereas by the encouragement we have met and the situation of the 
place, we are desirous to promote the buihiing of ships on the east side of the 
river, we request of the town that they will grant us the liberty of a building- 
yard at the ferry, viz., all the land betwixt the ferry wharf and land granted to 
Deacon John Seabury, of said Groton, on the south of his land, for twelve years. 

" Granted Feb. 12, 1723-4. Provided that they build the Great Ship that is 
now designed to be built by said petitioners in said building-yard.** 

Jeffrey's great skip was launched Oct. 12th, 1725. Its burden 
was 700 tuns. A throng of people (says a contemporary diarist) 
lined both sides of the river, to see it propelled into the water. It 
went off easy, graceful and erect Capt. Jeffrey built a number of 
small vessels, and one other large ship, burden 570 tuns. It was 
named the Don Carlos, and sailed for Lisbon under the command of 
Capt. Hope, Nov. 29th, 1733. The capacity of Jeffrey's vessels is 
reported so large, that the inquiry is suggested whether the tunnage 
was estimated as at the present time. Nothing appears, however, to 
countenance a doubt on that point. New London had the reputation, 
at that period, of building large ships. Douglas, in his History of 
the British Settlements — a work written before 1750 — has the fol- 
lowing passage : 

" In Connecticut are eight convenient shipping ports for small crafk, but all 
masters enter and clear at the port of New London, a good hatbor five miles 
within land \jfrobably an euror in printing for three milei,'] and deep water ; 
here they build large ships, but their timber is spungy atjd not durable.*' 

The first reference to a schooner,^ that has been noticed, is in 
1730. Two at that time sailed from the port, one belonging to New 
London and the other to Norwich. In the latter, Nathaniel Shaw, 
in 1732, went master in a voyage to Ireland. He arrived in port 
Nov. 7th, having lost on his passage out, five out of fifteen men by the 
^ In 1730, an association was formed, called " The New London So- 

1 This denomination of vessel is supposed to be of recent origin. See Mass. Hist. 
Coll., 1st series, vol. 9, p. 234. 


ciety of Trade and Commerce," which being legalized and patroni 
zed by the colonial government, went into immediate operation. 
Loans, upon mortgage were obtained from the public treasury, and 
the capital employed in trade. It had about eighty members, scat- 
tered over the whole colony. John Curtiss, of Wethersfield, being 
chosen treasurer, removed to New London. The society built or 
purchased several vessels, and embarked in new channels of enter- 
prise. For a couple of years it promised well, giving a great impe- 
tus to business. Public opinion was however behind it ; and its 
misfortunes increased its unpopularity. A schooner sent out by the 
society for whales, returned unsuccessful, Nov. 13th, 1733. The same 
schooner was then put into the southern coasting trade. Returning 
from North Carolina with pitch and tar, she disposed of her cargo in 
Rhode Island, and coming from thence through Fisher's Island 
Sound, Jan. 19th, 1734-5, encountered a violent storm of wind, snow 
and rain, in the midst of which she struck a rock near Mason's Isl- 
and, and almost instantly filled and sunk. • Three out of the five per- 
8on^ on board perished, viz., Elisha Turner the master, Job Taber 
passenger, and John Gove. This sad calamity, so near home, and 
after a prosperous voyage, filled the town with solemnity. Mr. Ad- 
ams preached an admonitory sermon on the occasion, and the body 
of young Taber, being carried to the Baptist meeting-house, on Fort 
Hill, after a similar address from the pastor there, was interred with 
every demonstration of sympathy and respect. 

To facilitate its of^erations, the New London society emitted bills 
of credit or society notes, to run twelve years from the day of date? 
Oct. 25th, 1732, to Oct 25th, 1744. These bills were hailed by the bus- 
iness part of the community with delight. They went into immediate 
circulation. But the government was alarmed ; wise men declared 
the whole fabric to be made of paper ; and having no solid support, 
it must soon be destroyed. Very soon the whole colony was in com- 
motion. The governor and council issued an order denouncing ** the 
new money," and an extra session of the assembly was convened to 
consider the bold position of the society. This was in Feb., 1738. 
The legislature dissolved the association, and the mortgages were as- 
sumed by the governor and company, and the bills allowed to run, 
till they could be called in, and the affairs of the society settled. 

But the association was not so easily put down, although according 
to their own statement, " a great part of their t>tock had been con- 
sumed by losses at sea, and disappointments at home," and they were 


now assailed by legislative hostility and public odium, the managers 
determined to hold on, and threatened an appeal to England. 

Nov. 2l8t, 1788, they had a meeting and Wm. Groddard, from Ma- 
deira, having made them a present of a quarter-cask of wine, they 
knocked out the head, and invited those who had been their enemies 
to drink ; and they themselves drank to the health of the king, queen 
and Mr. Goddard, and to the prosperity of the society. The great 
guns were fired, and the sky rung with huzzas.^ This mode of scat- 
taring present trouble was somewhat characteristic of the town. 
When soberer thoughts came, they retraced their stq)s, and by their 
own consent ceased to exist. At a meeting held June 5th, 1785, 
they unanimously dissolved themselves. The distress to which the 
society had given birth could not be disposed of so easily. The 
members were impoverished, and hampered with obligations which 
they could not discharge. The evils produced by the as8ociati<m 
could only be effaced by time. 

« Sept. 1738.— A Sloop from N L. it lost at Nevis, being upset in a hurri- 
cane ; all on board perished. John Walsworth of Groton owned both sloop 
and cargo. John Mumford was her captain and Thomas Comstock mate."' 

** 26 Oct. — John Ledyard of Groton sailed for England in a new Snow built 
hj Capt. Jeffrey.'* [This was the father of Ledyard the traveler.] 

*< 16 Jan., 1741-2 — James Rogers sailed for Bristol in the new sfct>." 

<* May 12, 42. — A large snow in the harbor ; said to be a Moravian : many 
passengers of both sexes." • 

** 17 Jan.— 1748— A large ship of 200 or 300 tons came^in : a prize taken 
from the French by a N York privateer." / 

«* May 2, 1750 — This day 3 brigs from the West Indies arrived together in / 

the harbor. Their commanders were Nath' Colt, Jeremiah Miller, and Capt. 

" Dec. 7, 1750. — In the morning more than 20 sail of vessels lay in the bar- 
bor, mostly bound to the West Indies. Several sailed during the day." I 

In the year 1751, a brig belonging to Col. Saltonstall, was upset, 
in a hurricane, on her outward passage. Gurdon Miller, John Hal- 
lam and four others were lost. Capt. Leeds and one man were 

** Foreign vessels entered und cleared in the Port of New London from 25th 

1 Kew Ikglmtd Weekhf Journal 

2 Some of these items are from tiie diary of Joshua Hempstead, Esq.; others from 


of March 1748 to the 25th of Blaroh 1749, scarce any registered more than 80 

tons and generally are West India traders. 

Entered inwards Cleared outwards 

Brtgantines 3 Brigantines 20 

Schooners 4 Schooners 5 

Sloops 30 Sloops 37 

37 62" " 

A fair proportion of this fleet was owned in Norwich, which had 
become a flourishing town, of six parishes, fast increasing in trade 
and agriculture, and paid at that time the highest tax of any town- 
ship in the colonj. 

1 Douglas, yol. 2, p. 162. Afterward he says, (p. 180:) 

** Connecticut usee scarce any foreign trade; lately they send some small craft to 
tiie W. Indies ; they vent their produce in the neighboring colonies, viz., wheat, Indian 
com, beaver, pork, butter, horses and flax.'* 

This author certainly underrated the exports of the colony. In the article ot hones, 
especially, more were brought ftom other colonies here to be shipped for a southern 
market, than were sent from hence to our neighbors. 




It was remarked by the inhabitants of other towns that something 
bold, uncommon and startling was always going on at New London. 
This was the effect of its commerce, its enterprise, its trains of com- 
ers and goers, its compact, busy streets. It was easy to raise a mob 
here ; easy to get up a feast, a frolick, or a fracas. The activity of 
men's minds outstripped their learning and their reflection ; and this 
led them into vagaries. Men who had long been rovers, and unac- 
customed to restraint, gathered here, and sought their own interest and 
pleasure, with too little regard to the laws. The Puritan magistrates 
of the town were obliged to maintain a continual conflict with the 
corrupting influences from without A changeful, seafaring popu- 
lace can not be expected to have the stability and serenity of a quiet 
inland town. Education in the second generation was necessarily 
much neglected, and on this account many of the sons stood lower in 
the scale than their fathers. An examination of the court records, 
fixes upon the mind an impression that this second stage of the set- 
tlement was one marked with more coarseness, ignorance and vice, 
than the one before or after it. We may hazard the remark that re- 
ligion, law, and the principles of virtue, had less sway for the thirty 
years preceding 1700, than at an earlier period, or for the next thirty 
years after 1700. This opinion is given with some hesitation, for 
offenses change character with the progress of time, and it is easy to 
mistake the decrease of this or that species of vice, for a radical im- 
provement in morality. The depravity may be as great, yet exist in 
some new shape ; or the particular offense may be as frequent, only 
kept more out of sight. 

With respect to the era of which we are speaking, it may be ob- 
served that the rigor of the law was so great, that all the impurities 


of the cammvmitj were made manifest by it We see what iniquitj 
there was, in its whole length and breadth. 

Drunkenness was perhaps more prevalent here than in other towns 
of the colony, simply on account of the importation of liquors into 
the port Selling liquor to the Indians was another offense growing 
out of position. This, though illegal, was not then regarded as dis- 
graceful ; some good men, and even women, were fined for doing it 
Another class of offenses heavily amerced, were those which viola- 
ted religious order ; such as swearing, blasphemy, labor, traveling 
and sailing on the Sabbath, and non-attendance at the customary 
place of worship. In these particulars, the laws themselves were 
stringent ; they were also rigidly enforced and strictly interpreted. 
Swearing included expressions which might now be regarded as 
mere vulgarity ; blasphemy and profanity took a wide range, and 
covered denunciations of the system of worship as established in the 
colony, or of its officiating organs, whether ministers or magistrates. 

Cases of defamation, quarrels and sudden assaults were numerous. 
Violations of modesty and purity before marriage, were but too fre- 
quent, and this in the face of a stem magistracy and strict Puritan 
usage. Robbery and theft, with the single exception of horse-steal- 
ing, were very uncommon. 

It is gratifying to know, that many of the offenses committed were 
by persons who afterward reformed. Men who came into the com- 
munity with free principles and irregular habits, were soon broken in 
by the restraints of society, and became, in the end, firm supporters 
of law and religion. The sons of the fathers also, after having dashed 
about awhile in defiance of the pulpit and the bench, settled down 
into industrious and peaceable citizens. 

In 1663, the commissioners' court was ordered to be held in New 
London quarterly : Obadiah Bruen and James Avery, commission- 
ers. Charges in trial of actions were— entrance of the action. Is. 
6ci; trial, 2s, Qd.; warrant, QcL; attachment. Is,; witnesses, by the day, 
Is. 6rf.; secretary's fee, 2s. 6<i!.; jury, 6d. Constable's fee not mentioned. 

Before this court came numerous actions for small debts, and com- 
plaints of evil speaking and disorderly conduct Wills were proved 
and marriages performed in this court, as well as in the higher courts. 

A few examples of cases may serve to illustrate the manners and 
customs of the age. The following, before the justices or commis- 
sioners' court, are abridged and given in substance. 

June 30, 1664. Mrs. Houghton summons Mrs. Skillinger before the Commis- 
sioners to answer for abusing her daughter in the meeting-house : we not finding 


Idgal proofs hereof, judge it meet that Mrs. Houghton tutor her daughter better 
and not occasion disturbance in the meeting-house, by any unmeet carriage to 
her betters hereafter, and this being the first time we enforce no farther. 

Complaint entered against Mrs. Katharine Clay for keeping an inmate co^ 
trary to order. 

Also against Thomas Marshall for abiding at Mr. Humphrey Clay's contrary 
to order — (i. e., contrary to an order of the Gen. Court forbidding tavern keep> 
ers to harbor inmates beyond a certain time.) 

Humphrey Clay for entertaining a young man at his house fined 40f. and 
costs. Thomas Marshall for remaining at Mr. Clay's, fined 5f . 

Katharine Clay presented for selling liquors at her house, selling lead to the 
Indians, profanation of the Sabbath, card-playing and entertaining strange 
men, &c. 

Humphrey Clay was bound over to the court of assistants, to 
answer for these oflfenses of his wife. Following the case to this 
court, we find that Mr. Clay and wife were convicted of keeping a 
disorderly house, and fined £40, or to leave the colony within six 
months, in which case half the fine was remitted. Mr. Clay chose 
the latter course, and sold his land and two dwelling-houses (situated 
on what was then called Foxen's Hill) to Mr. Bulkley, stipulating to 
vacate them before Michaelmas. 

Minutes ofcctses before Court of Assistants^ 1664, 1665 an{/1666. 

'* Isaac Waterbouse indicted for throwing the cart and stocks into the Cove. 

•• Several persons fined for pulling down Mrs. Tinker's house. A person be- 
longing to Seabrook, for uttering contumelious speeches against his Majesty 
when in liquor; to be whipt immediately at New London, and a quarter of a 
year hence at Seubrook ; Mr. Chapman to see it done. 

*• Unca& versus Matthew Beckwortb, Jun., for burning a wigwam of his. 

** Cases of defamation,— Samuel Chester vs. Good wife Chappie,— Thomas 
Beeby vs. Hugh Williams, a stranger, for defaming his wife, — Matthew Grb- 
wall vs. Wolston Brockway and wife, — Wolston Brockway and wife vs. Mat- 
thew Griswall, — Capt. Denison vs. Thomas Shaw, — Capt. Denison vs. Elisha 
and William Cheesebrook 

** Wolston Brockway complained of by Matthew Griswall for entertaining a 
runaM'ay at his house." 

Before this court Capt. Denison brought various charges against a 
yoim'g man at Mystic, by the name of John Carr, accusing him of 
engaging the affections of his daughter Anne without leave — of pro- 
posing to her to leave her father's house and marry him— of taking a 
cap and belt and silver spoon from his house, and finally of defaming 
his daughter. Carr retracted all that he had said against the young 
lady, but was fined on the other counts £34, Is, 6rf. 

John Carr appears to have had an extra quantity of wild oats to 


BOW ; the next year he was again arraigned, together with John Ash- 
craft, for various misdemeanors, endeavoring to entice women from 
their husbands, concealing themselves in houses, writing letters which 
had been intercepted, &c. Thej were fined, and the wives of sev- 
eral men solemnly warned and ordered to take care. (John* Carr 
died 1675.) 

Capt Denison was himself presented at the same session of the 
court, (1664,) by the constable of Southerton, for marrying William 
Measure and Alice Tinker, and put under bond of £100 to appear at 
Hartford, in October, and answer to the presentment, and likewise 
for such other misdemeanors as shall there be charged against him. 

By referring to the records of the General Court, it is ascertained 
that Capt. Denison forfeited this recognizance ; being three times 
called he did not appear. His offense probably consisted in the com- 
mission under which he acted, which was derived from Massachu- 
setts ; Capt. Denison having hitherto rei^sed to submit to the author- 
ity of Connecticut. But in May, 1666, the difficulty was accommo- 
dated, and he was included in the indemnity granted to other inhab- 
itants of Stonington. 

County courts were constituted by the Greneral Assembly in May, 
1666. New London county extended from Pawkatuck River to th« 
west bounds of Hammonasset plantation, (Killingworth,) including 
all the eastern part of the colony, and the courts were to be held an- 
nually, in June and September, at New London. 

The first court assembled September 20th, 1666. Major Mason, 
Tliomas Stanton and Lieutenant Pratt, of Saybrook, occupied the 
bench; Obadiah Bruen, clerk. Jn June, 1667, Duiiel Wetherell 
was appointed clerk and treasurer. After this period Major Mason's 
health began to decline, and he was seldom able to attend on the 
court ; as there was no other mi^gistrate in the county,' the Greneral 
Court, after 1670, nominated assistanto to hold the court in New 
London annually. In 1676, Capt John Mason, oldest son of Major 
Mason, was chosen assistant, but the same year in December, re- 
ceived his death wound. Capt. James Fitch was the next assistant 
from New London county. He came in about 1680, and Samuel 
Mason, of Stonington, soon afterward. 

County Marshalls. Thomas Marritt (or Merritt) appointed in 
December, 1668 ; resigned, 1674. 

1 In May, 1674, Migor Palmes wai inretted with the antlioritj of a saagistrate for 
New London county, bot was never chosen an assistant, thongh often nominated. 


Samuel Starr appointed 1674; resigned, 1682. 
Stephen Merrick, appointed 1682. 
John Plumbe, appointed 1 690. 

MinuteB of cases, chiefly before the County Court. 

" 1667. Alexander Pygan complained of by Widow Kebecca Redfin. [Red- 
field,] for enticing away her daughter's affections contrary to the laws of this 

•* Goodwife Willey presented for not attending public worship, and bringing 
her children thither ; fined St. 

•* Matthew Waller for the same offence, do. 

" George Tongue and wife were solemnly reprimanded for their many 
offences against God and man and each other. On their submission and prom- 
ise of reformation, and engaging to keep up the solemn duty of prayer and the 
service of God in the family, they were released by paying a fine of JC3. 

** Hugh Mould, Joseph Coit and John Stephens, all three being ship carpen- • 
ters, are at their liberty and freed from common training. 

** Wait Winthrop, as attorney to Governor Winthrop vs. James Rogers. 
Both parties claimed a certain pair of stillyards ; Rogers had recovered judg- 
ment; it was now ordered that the stillyards should be kept by Daniel Weth- 
erell till Richard Arey should see them.^ 

"1670. Unc has brought under a bond of XIOO for appearance of his son, 
Foxen,* and two Indians, Jumpe and Towtukhag, and 8 Indians more for 
breaking open a warehouse. He was fined dO bushels of Indian corn for his 
son, 5 pound in wampum to Mr. Samuel Clarke and 20 pound in wampum to 
the country trea&ury. 

" Major Mason vs. Amos Richardson, for defamation, calling him a traitor, 
and saying that he had damnified the colony £1,000.3 Defendant fined £100 
and costs of court. 

** John Lewis presented by the grand jury for absenting himself at unseason- 
able hours of the night, to the great grief of his parents. 

** John Lewis and Sarah Chapman presented for sitting together on the Lord's 
day, under an apple tree, m Goodman Chapman's orchard. 

" William Billings and Philip Bill fined for neglect of training. 

** 1672. Edward Palmes, clerk of the cpurt. 

*< Richard Ely, in right of his wife, Elizabeth, [Bulnj] versus John CuUick, 
as adm*r on estate of George Fenwick. This was an action for recovery of a 
legacy lef\ said Elizabeth, by the will of Fenwick. Recovered £915 and costs. 

"John Pease complained of by the townsmen of Norwich, for liviiig alone, 
for idleness, and not attending public worship; this court orders that the said 
townsmen do provide that Pease be entertained into some suitable family, he 

1 For the purpose of ascertamlng if they were the same steelyards that the said 
Aery sold to James Rogers. 

2 Not Foxen, the counselor of Uncas. 

8 Mi^or Mason also carried this complaint against Mr. Richardson, before the Gen- 
eral Court See Conn. CoL Reo., voL 2, p. 168. 


paying for his bpard and accommodation, and that he employ himself in some * 
lawful calling. 

** A negro servant of Charles Hill presented for shooting at and wounding a 
child of Charles Hayues. 

" 1073. John Birchwood, of Norwich, appointed clerk. 

** Widow Bradley presented for a second oifence, in having a child born out 
of wedlock, the father of both being Christopher Christophers, a married man ; 
sentenced to pay the usual tine of £5, bnd also to wear on her cap a paper 
whereon her olfence is written, as a warning to others, or else to pay j£l5." 
Samuel Starr became her bondsman for £16. ^ 

** Ann Latimer brought suit against Alexander Pygan for shooting her horse ; 
damages laid at 30f. Defendant lined and bound over to good behaviour for 
presumptuous and illegal carriage in shooting Mistress Latimer's horse. 

" James Rogers, Jr., for sailing in a vessel on the Lord's day, fined 20f. 

*• Edward Stallion for sailing his vessel from New London to Norwich on tho 
Sabbath, 40». 

** Steven Chalker, for driving cattle on the Sabbath day, 20f. 

" Sept. 1674. Complaint entered against Stonington for want of convenient 
highways to the meeting-house. The court ordered that there shall be four 
principal highways according as they shall agree among themselves to the four 
angles, and one also to tho Landing-place, to be stated by James Avery and 
James Morgan, within two months. 

" Sept. 1676. James Rogers, Sen., John, James and Jonathan, his sons, 
presented for profanation of the Sabbath, which is the first day of the week, 
and said persons boldly in the presence of this court asserting that they have 
not, and for the future will not refrain attending to any servile occasions on 
said day, they arc fined 10s. each, and put under a bond of i^lO each, or to 
continue in prison. 

" Matthew Griswold and his dr. Elizabeth versus John Rogers, (husband of 
said Elizabeth,) for breach of covenant and neglect of duty ; referred to the 
Court of Assistants. 

" John Rogers ordered to appear at Hartford Court, and released from prison 
a few days to prepare himself to go.* 

" 1677. Thomas Dunke for neglecting to teach his servant to read is fined lOs. 

** Major John Winthrop vs. Major Edward Palmes, for detaining a certain 
copper furnace and the cover to it ; damages laid at £6. 

•* William Gibson owned working on the first day of the week ; fined 5». 

** 1680. Capt. John Nash, presiding judge. 

** Thomas Dymond vs. barque Providence, stranded on Fisher's Island, for 
salvage of goods. ^ 

1 Christopher Christophers and tiie Widow Bradley were afterward married, prob- 
ably in 1676. Offenses of this nature were often presented by the grand-jurors. 
This one is noticed on account of its peculiar penalty. 

2 This was the commencement of the dealings with the Rogers family. As the 
subject is amply treated in a foregoing chapter} the subsequent cases respecting them 
will be omitted in these extracts. 

8 This and similar cases that oocnr show that the county court had cognizance of 
marine affiiirs and cnstom-honse duties. 



'* 1681. Unchas complaint of much damago in his com hj English hortei 
this year, 

" 16S2. New London presented for not haying a grammar school, fined 
jClO ; also for not having an English school for reading and writing, £5, 

** William Gibson and William Chapell fined for fishing on the Sabbath. 

** Elizabeth Wajr presented for hot living with her husband. The court 
orders her to go to her husband or to be imprisoned." 

Her husband resided in Saybrook, and she persisted in remaining 
with her mother, at New London. She was the onlj daughter of 
John and Joanna Smith. A remonstrance of her husband against her 
desertion of him is on record at Saybrook. The order of court was 

** Capt. George Denison and John Wheeler fined 15s. for not attending public 

" 16S6. Chr. Christophers vs. Thomas I^ee, for trespass on his land at Black 
Point. The jury find that a north line from Reynold Marvin's N. E. corner 
to come to the Gyant's land, takes in a part of the land plowed by Thomas 
Lee, by which they find said Lee a trespasser, and that he surrender to C. G. 
all west of said north line. 

" 1687. Mr. Joseph Hadloy, of Youngers, in the government of New Yerk» 
enters complaint against William Willoughby and Mary Wedge, formerly so 
called, yt the said woman and Willoughby are run from Torke, and she is a 
runaway from her husband Ak* Peeterson, and is now at Mr. Elyes. 

" This court grants liberty unto Mr. Charles Bulkley to practise physick in 
this county, and grants him license according to what power is in them so to do. 

** Oliver Manwaring licensed to keep a house ofpubltque entertainment and 
retail drink, 40s. pr. year. 

*• Mr. Plumbe for his license to pay £3 pr. year. 

** Complaint being made to this court by John Prentice against William 
Bcebe for keeping company with his daughter Mercy, and endeavoring to gain 
her afiections in order to a marriage, without acquainting her parents, which 
is contrary to law, the said Wm. Beebe is ordered to pay a fine to the County 
Treasury of X5. 

** At a County Court held at New London, June 4, 1689. Whereas the 
Governor and Company in this colony of Connecticut have re-assumed the 
government,' May the 9th last past, and an order of the General Assembly 
that all laws of this Colony formerly made according to Charter, and Courts 
constituted in this Colony for administration of justice, as before the late inter- 
ruption, shall be of full force and virtue for the future, until further order, dec. 

*< Sept. 10S9. By reason of the afflicting hand of God upon us with sore and 
general sickness, that we are incapacitated to serve the King and Country at 
this time, we see cause to adjourn this Court until the first Tuesday in Novem- 
ber next. 

** 1690, June. John Prentice, Jun., master of the ship [vessel] New Lon- 
don, action of debt against said ship for wages in navigating said ship to Eu- 
rope and back. 


** Nicholas HftUam brings ti similar action, being assistant [mate] on board 
said ship. 

*' The Court adjoiimed to first Tuesday in August, on account of the conta- 
gious distemper in town. 

** July 3, 1690. Special Court called by petition of Mrs. Alice Living, to 
settle the estate of her husband. Major Palmes refusing to produce the will, 
administration was granted to Mrs. Living. 

** Jonathan Hall, of Saybrook, for setting sail on the Sabbath, July 27, 
fined 40f . 

*' 1693, June. George Denison,! grandson of Capt. G. Denison, a st^ylent of 
Harvard College, prosecuted for an assault on the constable, while in the exe- 
cution of his duty. 

** Sept. John Chapell, Israel Richards, John Crocker and Thomas Atwell, 
presented for nightwalking on the Sabbath night, Sept. 17, and committing 
various misdemeanors, as pulling up bridges and fences, cutting the manes and 
tails of horses, and setting up logs against people's doors ; sentenced to pay lOi . 
each, and sit two hours in the stocks." 

The first prerogative court in the county was held at Lyme, 
April 13th, 1699. The next at New London, August 28th. Daniel 
Wetherell, Esq., judge. This court henceforward relieved the county 
court from the onerous burden of probate of wills and settlement of 

The justices of peace in New London, in 1700, were Richard 
Christophers and Nehemiah Smith. The former was judge of pro- 
bate in 1716. 

In 1700, Lebanon was included in New London county, and in 
1702, Plainfield. The other towns were New London, Norwich, 
Stonington, Preston, Lyme, Sayhrook and Killingworth. 

<* Complaintt of the Grand Jwry to the Cowt holden at New London, June 4, 

** New London for want of a Grammar School ; also want of a Pound, and 
deficiency of Stocks. 

** Stonington for having no Stocks according to law ; also no sworn brander 
of horses. 

** Norwich for want of a School to instruct children. 

** Preston for want of Stocks, and not having a Guard on the Sabbath and 
other public days." 

«* June 4, 1701. New London County was presented by the Grand Jury as 
deficient in her County prison, and for not providing a County standard of 
weights and measures ; also for great neglect in the perambulating of bounds 
betwixt town and town. 

1 This was probably George, son of John Denison, of Stonington, and the same per- 
son that in June, 1698, was chosen clerk of the cotmty court He was son-in4aw of 
Mr. Wetherell, who was then chief judge. 



** New London and Lebanon presented for a deficiency in their town stock of 

Note on Horse-coursing, — In the trade with Barhadoes, Surinam^ 
and other southern ports, no article of export was more profitable 
than horses. A law was enacted in 1660, requiring that every horse 
sent out of the colony should be registered, with its marks, age and 
owner. Accordingly, in 1661, we find recorded : 

" Mr. #lay*8 gray mare shipt for Barbadoes in the Roebuck ; ^Iso four mares 
delivered by Harlakenden Symonds, and one shipt by Mr. Tinker.'* 

As the ti*ade increased from year to year, the raising of horses be- 
came an important business, and many farmers entered into it largely. 

Lands at that time being in a great degree uninclosed, the animals 
were let loose in the woods, with the mark of the owner carefully 
branded upon them. The ease with which they could be i nveigled and 
carried off, and the stamp of the owner obliterated or concealed, en- 
couraged an illicit trade in these animals, which soon filled the courts 
with cases of theft and robbery. A bold rover in the woods might 
entrap half a dozen horses with ease, and shooting off through In- 
dian paths by night, reach some port in a neighboring colony where 
himself and the mark upon his horses were alike unknown ; and be- 
fore the right owner could get track of them, they were afar on the 
ocean, out of reach of proof. Many persons, otherwise respectable, 
entered into this business or connived at it. Men who would scorn 
to pocket a sixpence that belonged to another, seemed to think it no 
crime to throw a noose over the head of a horse running loose upon 
the common, and nullify the signet of the owner, or engraft upon it 
the mark that designated their own property. 

Those who traded in horses, that is, who went round the country, 
buying them up, gathering them into pounds ready for sale, or driv- 
ing them to the ports from whence they were to be shipped, were 
called Horse-coursers. Of these, very few escaped the suspicion of 
having at one time or another enlarged a drove by gathering into it 
some to which they had no just or legal claim. 

Courts were several times held at New London, Norwich and 
Stonington, for the trial of persons accused of taking up and appro- 
priating stray horses, and the developments were such as to throw a 
dark shade upon the habits of horse-coursers. The punishments in- 
flicted were fines and whippings. At Stonington, Jan. 12th, 1 683-4, 
a court was held for the trial of horse-coursers ; it is the first of 
which any account has been found. Two persons were convicted ; 


one was sentenced to pay £10, or to have fifteen lashes; the other 
£5, or to have ten lashes. Other persons who knew of the offense, 
which the court calls a crying evil, against which they are hound to 
bear testimony, and concealed it, were also fined. 

Similar instances occurred from year to year ; but the delinquency 
was not upon a large scale. A stray colt was concealed, a mare sur- 
reptitiously obtained, a pacer ferreted away, or perhaps three or four 
horses at a swoop carried out of the colony. But as we approach 
the end of the century, the disclosures become more alaiming. In- 
dividuals in all parts of the county, from Lebanon to Stonington, 
became implicated ; some were convicted ; others declared " suspi- 
ciously guilty." 

In June, 1700, an adjourned court was held at New London pur- 
posely for the trial of horse-coursers. The penalty for a first offense 
was a fine of £10 and to be whipped ten lashes ; for a second, £20 
and twenty lashes ; for a third, £30 and thirty lashes, and so on. 
One notorious offender was convicted three times, but by the clemency 
of the court, the lashes were each time remitted. 


Campaign of General Winthrop on the northern frontier. — Fort built on the 
Parade. — ^Province Galley. — Bringing the guns from Saybrook. — Patent- 
Proprietors.— Commons. — Court-House. — New inhabitants. 

In the year 1690, New York and the New England colonies uni- 
ted in sending an expedition against Canada, from which province 
the French and Indians had issued and destroyed Schenectady, 
Feb. 8th, 1690. The command of the land forces was given to Fitz- 
John Winthrop, who had the rank of major-general and commander- 
in-chief. Sir William Phipps commanded the fleet Winthrop 
marched with his forces to Lake Champlain, but could go no further. 
The Indian auxiliaries failed ; provisions were scarce, and he was 
obliged to retreat to Albany for subsistence. The fleet was no less 
unfortunate ; it sailed too late, and on arriving at Quebec, found the 
place too strong for them. Afler an abortive attempt upon the town, 
in which they received more injury than they inflicted, the fleet re- 
turned home and the whole enterprise utterly failed. 

The government of New York was greatly exasperated at General 
Winthrop's retreat, attributing the failure of the expedition entirely 
to him. If he had pressed onward they said, to Montreal and kept 
the French troops occupied in that quarter, Quebec, left defenseless, 
would have surrendered at the first summons. So great was their 
dissatisfaction, that on Winthrop's arrival at Albany they procured 
his arrest, and he was only saved from a disgraceful trial before pre- 
judiced judges, by the bold and adventurous friendship of the 
Mohawks under his command. They crossed the river, freed their 
general from restraint, and gallantly conducted him back to the 

1 Trumbull's Hist of Conn., ch. 16. 


The reputation of Winthrop in his native colony was not dimin- 
ished hj the disastrous issue of the enterprise. After the strictest 
scrutiny the Legislature approved of his conduct, and in view of the 
difficulties that he encountered, deemed that he had acted the part of 
a wise and discreet commander. But in New York he was regarded 
with bitter animosity ; and the officers belonging to his council, who 
had concurred in his measures, were obliged to retire with him to 
Connecticut, there to wait till the fury of the storm was spent. 
Among these exiles was Captain, (afterward Colonel) John Livings- 
ton, who accompanied Winthrop to Hartford and subsequently to 
New London, where he became a landholder and an inhabitant. He 
married Mary the only child of General Winthrop, and continued to 
make New London his home, until November, 1718, when he went 
to England on some business, and there died. 

While the troops of the colony were absent on the Canadian fron- 
tier, several French privateers entering Long Island Sound, captured 
a number of vessels, and with hostile demonstrations greatly alarmed 
Stonington, New London and Saybrook. The militia from the inte- 
rior were summoned to the defense of the seaboard, and for a few 
days great excitement prevailed. But the enemy were not in suffi- 
cient force to hazard a conflict, and they contented themselves with 
a descent upon Block Island, where they took several of the inhabit- 
ants prisoners and a considerable booty. 

Danger at this time came so near New London that the inhabit- 
ants were aroused to the necessity of fortifying the town. Notwith- 
standing the site for a fort had been so early marked out, nothing in 
this line had as yet been commenced. Both the town and the colony 
appear to have relied on the mother country for assistance in fortify- 
ing New London. 

In 1680 the government, in reply to certain questions proposed by 
the Lords of Trade and Plantations, speak thus of the town and 

" The Harbor lyeth about a league up the river, where the town is ; ships of 
great burden may come- up to town, and lye secure in any winds ; where is 
great need of fortification, but we want estate to make fortification and pur- 
chase artillery for it, and we should thankfully acknowledge the favor of any 
benefactors, that would contribute towards the doing of something towards the 
good work.*** 

But while they were waiting for aid from abroad, the town might 

1 Hinman*s Autiqtdtaes, p. 187. 


be ruined by a single bold stroke of piracy. The Greneral Court 
therefore assumed the business, and in the course of the year 1691 
a fort or battery was constructed, and furnished the same season, 
with " six great guns from Seabrook" — ^probably four or six-pounders. 
This fortification stood on the point or eastern border of the present 
Parade, where is now the Ferry wharf. On the higher ground to the 
west were the magazine and guard-house. 

The Province galley was at this time commanded by Capt. John 
Prentis, (second of that name ;) its rendezvous was at New London. 
In May, 1695, he was suddenly ordered to equip for an expedition — 
which was to last only three weeks. Men, arms and provisions were 
impressed for immediate service ; May 27th, Mr. Wetherell notes, 
" Ten soldiers arrived from New Haven and Fairfield Co., impressed 
for the Province sloop." The object of this cruise has not been 
ascertained. After this period for several years Capt Prentis had a 
general charge and oversight of the fort, by commission from the 
governor, but no regular garrison was maintained, and the works 
hastily built, soon decayed. 

The warfare on the northern frontier continued, until the mother 
nations were pacified at the peace of Ryswick in 1697. 

The exhibits of debt and credit, dry and trivial as the entries may 
seem, are often illustrative of the history and manners of the times. 
A few items from the accounts of the town and county treasurer may 
be cited as examples. 

" 1691. To Sam" Raymond 5 dayes for fetching yegunns — he went by land 
w**» his horse, lOi. 

** To Capt. Wetherell, 5 dayes do, — w* expense for himself and Raymond 
and provision for those yt went by water i&2. 4<. 3d. 

" To John Prentis, Jeremy Chapman, Oliver Manwaring, Nath* ChappeU, 
WiU" Miner, Thomas Crocker, Thomas Daniels, — ^for fetching ye gunns from 
Seabrook, (from 15 to ]8<. each.) 

«« To Mr. Plambe for his horse boat to fetch ye gunns &c. £1. lOi. 6d. 

** To Jonathan Hall pr himself and sloop for ye gunns £3, 

** To widow Mary Haris for 15 gls rum and 6'^ sugar when the guns were 
fetcht, £1, 2f. lOd. 

** To John Richards for searching ye gunns'* dec. 

The same year bounty money was claimed for kiUing twenty-four 
wolves— of which number Lieut. James Avery killed nine, and John 
Morgan five.' In the accounts of this year we obtain the first inti- 

1 Mr. Wetherell notes, July 80th, 1695 : " Paid an Indian for killing a wolf this 
morning up by Mr. Wheeler's four shillings cash." 



madon of a town^s poor. Various expenses are paid for Mr. Loydenj 
a name that appears no where else in the town's history, and Capt. 
Morgan is remunerated for "keeping doctor Marret 14 weekes — Is. 
pr. weeke." 

B7 act of Assembly, May 13th, 1703, an addition was made to the 
bounds of New London, of a tract between the north bounds of the 
town and the southern bounds of Norwich, extending from the north- 
east boundary line of Lyme to Trading Cove, and by the cove to 
the Great River. 

This included the Lidian lands or Mohegan reservation, which had 
long been claimed by the town, but not legally included in their 

'* Patent of New London sanctioned by the Governor and Company, 14. Oct. 

*• To all persons to whom these presents shall come, — The Governor and Com- 
pany of her Majesty's Colony of Connecticut in General Court assembled send 
greeting: — Whereas we the said Gov' and Com p' by virtue of Letters Patent 
tons granted by his Royal Maj' Charles the Second of England *&c. king, 
bearing date the 23d day of April, in the 14th year of his reign, A. D. 1663, 
have formerly by certain acts and grants passed in Gen. Assembly given and 
granted to 

John Winthrop Esq. 
Waite Winthrop Esq. 
Daniel Wetherell Esq. 
Richard Christophers Esq. 
Mr. Nehemiah Smith 
Capt. James Morgan 
John Allyn 
William Douglas 
Joseph Latham 
Capt. John Avery 
David Calkins 
Capt. John Prentis 
Liev* John Hough 
John Stubbin 
John Keeney 
Robert Douglas 
John Burrows 
Samuel Fish 
Thomas Crocker 
Richard Dart 
Samuel Rogers Sen' 
John Rogers Sen' 
James Rogers 
John Lewis 
Daniel Stubbin 


George Geares 
Thomas Bolles 
Benjamin Shapley 
John Edgecombe 
Jonathan Prentis 
Peter Harris 
Samuel Avery 
Robert Lattimore 
Lawrence Codner 
John Turrell 
John Richards I 
Peter Strickland 
Stephen Prentis 
John Plumbe 
Samuel Rogers Jun : 
John Fox 
Samuel Beebee 
Oliver Manwaring 
John Coit 
George Chappell 
Joseph Miner 
John Beckwith 
Philip Bill 
Thomas Starr 
John Davie 


James Morgan Jun : Peter Grary 

Charles Hill Joshua Wheeler 

Joshaa Hempsted Richard Williami 

Jonas Greene Richard Morgan 

Joseph Truman Abel More 

Thomas Way Adam Picket 

Jeremiah Chapman James Avery 

Thomas Bayley John Daniels 

Daniel Comstock Christopher Darrow 

Joshua Baker Andrew Lester 

John Wickwire John Chapel 

Benjamin Atwell Daniel Lester 

Thomas Williams Samuel Rogers (Joseph's son) 

Samuel Waller 
with divers other persons and to their Heirs or Assigns or such as shall legally 
succeed or represent them, or either of them forever, a just and legal propriety 
in a certain tract of land now commonly called and known by the name of 
New London, lying and being within the Colony aforesaid, to us by the said 
Letters Patent granted to be disposed of as in the said Letters Patent is direct- 
ed, and bounded as hereaAer folio weth, and the said John Winthrop, Waite 
Winthrop, ^c. — [here the names are all repeated] — with such other persons as 
are at this present time by virtue of the aforesaid acts and grants proprietors 
of the said tract of land, having made application to us for a more ample con- 
firmation of their propriety in the said tract of land which they are now in pos- 
session of, by a good and sufficient instrument signed and sealed with the seal 
of this Corporation, therefore Know Ye, that the said Gov' and Comp^ in 
Gen^ Court assembled, by virtue of the aforesaid Letters Patent and for divers 
good causes and considerations pursuant to the end of said Letters Pattent, us 
hereunto moving. Have given, granted and confirmed and by these presents do 
llirther fully, clearly and amply, give grant and confirra«to the aforesaid John 
Winthrop Esq. Waite Winthrop Esq. Daniel Wetherell Esq. Richard Christo- 
phers Esq. Mr. Nehemiah Smith, Capt. James Morgan, with all the other 
above named persons, and all other persons at this present time proprietors with 
them of the said tract of land, now being in their full and x>eaceable possession 
and seisin, and to their Heirs and Assigns or such as shall legally succeed or 
represent them or either of them forever, the aforesaid tract of land commonly 
called and known by the name of New London, lying in the colony afore- 
said, and bounded as foUoweth — that is to say, — on the West by a ditch and 
two heaps of stones on the west side of Nayhantick Bay, on the land formerly 
called The Soldier's Farm, about 40 rods eastward of the house of Mr. Thomas 
Bradford, and from thence North by a line that goes three rods to y* west of 
y* falls in Nayhantick river and from thence North to a black oak tree 8 miles 
from the ditch aforesaid, which tree hath a heap of stones about it, and is 
marked on the west side WE, and on y* east side IP, being an antient bound 
mark between New London and Lyme, and from that tree East half a mile and 
16 rods to a black oak tree with a heap of stones about it, marked with the let- 
ter L and from thence north to the northeast comer of the bounds of the town 
of Lyme and from the said N. E. comer bounds of Lyme upon a straight line 



to the Soathwest corner of the south bounds of the town of Norwich : — On 
J* North by the south bounds of the aforesaid Norwich, as the said bounds are 
Stated from the aforesaid S. W comer down to a Cove commonly called Trad- 
ing Cove, and from thence by the sd Cove to y* Great River, commonly called 
New London river and from the j>Iace where y* said Cove joins to the said 
river by a line crossing the fiver obliquely eastward to the mouth of a Cove 
commonly called Paukatannuk Cove, and from thence by the said Paukatan- 
nnk to the head thereof, and from thence upon a direct line to an oak tree 
marked and standing near the dwelling house of Thomas Rose, which tree is 
y* S. E. comer of the bounds of y* aforesaid Norwich, and from thence by an 
East line to the bounds of the town of Stonington, which line divides betwixt 
New London and Preston. — On the east by a line which ranneth south from 
the place where the above mentioned north bounds of New London aforesaid 
meets with the said bounds of Stonington till it comes to the place where the 
Pond by Lanthorn Hill empties itself into the Brook, and from thence by y* 
main stream of sd brook till it falls into y* river called Mistick River and firom 
thence by y* said Mistick River till it falls into the Sea or Sound to y* north of 
Fisher's Island :^0n the South by the Sea or Sound from the mouth of the 
aforesaid Mistick River to the west side of Nayhantick Bay to the aforesaid 
ditch and two heaps of stones about it. — Together with all and singular the 
Messuages, Tenements, meadowes, pastures, commons, woods, underwoods, 
waters, fishings, small islands or islets, and hereditaments whatsoever, being 
parcel belonging or anjrways appertaining to the tract aforesaid, and do hereby 
grant and confirm to the said Proprietors, their Heirs, or Assigns, or such as 
shall legally succeed or represent them, his or their several particular respective 
proprieties in y* said premises given and confirmed according to such allot- 
ments or divisions as they the said present Proprietors have already made, or 
shall hereafter make of the same — 

«« To htswB and to hold the said tract of land with the premises aforesaid, to 
them the said John Winthrop Esq, Waite Winthrop Esq, Daniel Witherell 
Esq, Richard Christophers Esq, M'. Nehemiah Smith, Capt. James Morgan, 
and all y* rest of the above mentioned persons, and all other the present Pro- 
prietors of y* said tract and premises, their Heirs or Assigns, or such as shall 
legally succeed and represent them forever, as a good, sure, right, full, perfect, 
absolute and lawful estate in fee simple, and according to y* aforesaid Letters 
Patent after the most free tenor of her Majesty* Manor of East-Greenwich in 
the County of Kent, — 

" To the sole, only and proper use and behoof of the said John Winthrop Esq, 
with all the above named persons and all others the present Proprietors of said 
tract and premises, their Heirs and Assigns, or such as shall legally succeed and 
represent them forever, as a good, sure, rightful estate in manner as afore- 
said, — Reserving only to her present Majesty, our sovereign Lady Ann of Eng- 
land &c. Queen, and her successors forever one fifth part of all gold or silver 
mines or ore that hath been or shall be found within the premises so granted 
and confirmed. 

** Always provided that whatsoever land within the aforesaid tract which for" 
merly did and now doth belong unto, and is the just and proper right of Uncas 
late Sachem of Mohegan, or Owaneco his son or any other Indian Sachem 
whatsoever, and hath not yet been lawfully purchased of the said Sachems, or 



acquired by the English, doth and shall still remain y right and property of 
J* said Indian Sachems or their Heirs, and shall not be entered upon, or im- 
proved, or claimed as property by the aforesaid persons to whom the said tract 
is hereby confirmed, or any of them by virtue of this instrument, nor shall any- 
thing herein contained be at any time deemed, taken or constructed to the preju- 
dice of any of the said Sachems or their Heirs right to the said land within the 
said tract aforesaid which hath not yet been sold or alienated by them, but their 
said right shall be and remain good and free to them to all intents and purposes 
in the Law, and the said land which they have right in aforesaid shall be and 
remain as free for their own proper occupation and improvement as if it had 
not been included in the bounds of the aforesaid New London, as specified in 
this instrument^- 

•* And further, we the said Gov' and Corop' y* aforesaid tract of land and 
premises and every part and parcel thereof hereby granted and confirmed to the 
said John Winthrop, Waite Winthrop, Daniel Wetherell ^c, — [here all the 
names are again repeated] — and the rest of the present proprietors thereof, their 
Heirs and Assigns, or such as shall legally succeed and represent them to their 
own proper use and uses in the manner and under the limitation above ex- 
pressed against us and all and every other person or persons lawfully claiming 
by, from or under us, shall and will warrant and forever defend by these 
presents — 

** In witness whereof we have ordered the present instrument to be signed 
by the Deputy Gov' of this Corporation and by y* Secretary of the same as also 
that the seal of this Corporation be afiixed hereunto this 14th day of October in 
y, third year of her Maj« Reign A. D. 1704. 

" Robert Treat Dep. Gov*. 

** Eleazbr Kimbsrlt Sec' ** 

Though only seventy-seven names are registered in the patent, 
the whole number of full-grown men having a right in the town was 
perhaps at that time one hundred and sixty or one hundred and 
seventy. A man might have three or four sons of mature age, yet 
generally in the patent, only the father, or the father and eldest son 
were mentioned. Other names were also omitted which ought to 
have been enrolled, and which were added to the list of patentees 
afterward. These were Lieut. John Beeby, Thomas, son of Sergt. 
Thomas Beeby, Samuel Fox, Samuel Chapman, William Gibson, 
Nicholas and Amos Hallam, Sampson Haughton, Jonathan Haynes, 
William Hatch, Alexander Pygan, Joshua Raymond and Hon. Gur- 
don Saltonstall. 

" 13 Deer 1703. 

** Voted, that the Town Patent, be forthwith drawn upon parchment and 
that all the freeholders of this town who are desirous to have their names en- 
tered therein, shall bring them to the Moderator within a month." 

This vote was never carried into effect. 


The commons of the town were a source of great agitation and 
discord. The inhabitants could not agree upon a principle according 
to which they should be divided. One party would have had them 
distributed equally to the whole body of voters ; another, with Grov- 
emor Saltonstall at the head, was for restricting them to proprietors. 
The contention was protracted and acrimonious. 

In 1724, the proprietors were regularly enrolled, and henceforward 
held their meetings distinct from the freeholders. Divisions of land 
were limited to patentees, and no person was a patentee, who was not 
a lawful proprietor before the date of the patent. May 10th, 1703. 

fThe whole commonage was arranged in three great divisions : 

1. The inner or grass commons, in and near the town. 

2. The middle or wood commons. 

3. Outside commons ; included in the north parish, and divided 
from the town by " a line nmning from New London N. W. comer 
tree, to white rock in Mohegan River." 

The first meeting of the proprietors was held Jan. 2l8t, 1723-4 ; 
John Richards clerk, who held the office till near the period of his 
death in 1765. No meeting is entered on record between April 
15th, 1740, and March 5th, 1762. Later than this they occurred 
generally at intervals of four or five years. 

It has been heretofore observed, that the river border of the town, 
in the line of Water and Bank Streets, had been left unappropria- 
ted — a common belonging to the town. On the bank a few lots 
were sold in 1714, but afterward resumed, and the whole, with reser- 
vations here and there of a common way to the water, were disposed 
of between 1722 and 1724. Each lot was about three. rods in 
breadth upon the water, and the average price £3. The proceeds of 
the sales were appropriated to the building of a house for town meet- 
ings and the accommodation of the courts. 

This court-house, the first in the eastern part of Connecticut, stood 
at the south-east comer of the meeting-house square, or green, front- 
ing west. It was raised April 20th, 1724. The length was forty- 
eight feet ; half as wide, and twenty feet between joints : the builder 
John Hough ; the cost £48. When finished, the arms and anmiu- 
nition of the town were lodged in the garret, and " Solomon Coit was 
chosen to keep the town magazine gratis" This house, with repairs, 
continued in use till 1767. 


New Inhabitantt that appear between 1670 and 1700. 

[The exact period of setUemenC can not always be obtained ; many of the 
dates are merely an approximation to the time of arrival. By the phrase eatt 
of the river, the present towns of Groton and Ledyard are indicated; by the 
North Parieh, Montville ; and by Nahantickf Jordan and Great Neck, Water- 

Ames, John and David ; probably brothers, and it is conjectured from Ando- 
ver, Mass. — settled east of the river about 1696. The name is often writte^) 
£ams and Emms. 

Ashby, Anthony ; at Mystic 1688, and perhaps earlier. 

Baker, Joshua ; from Boston, not long after 1670. 

Blake, Jeremiah ; bought land in July, 1681 — on the list of 1688, &c. 

Bodington, or Buddington, Walter ; east of the river in 1679. 

Brookes, Henry ; living at Nahantick in 1699. 

Bucknall or Buckland, Samuel; cattle-mark recorded in 1674. He married, 
(1) the widow of Matthew Beckwith, Sen.; (2) the widow of PhUip Bill, Sen. 

Bulkley, Dr. Charles; son of Rev. Gershom — ^licensed by the Co. Court to 
practice physic, and settled in the town 16S7. 

Butler, Thomas and John ; before 1690, and perhaps much earlier. 

Button, Peter; in the North Parish, probably before 1700. 

Camp, William ; in the Jordan District, before 1690. 

Cannon, Robert ; accepted as an inhabitant in town meeting, 1678. 

Carder, Richard ; east of the river, about 1700. 

Carpenter, David ; at Nahantick ferry, 16&0. 

Chandler, John; licensed to keep a house of entertainment, 1698. 

Cherry, John ; a transient inhabitant about 1680. 

Crary, Peter ; east of the river ; cattle-mark is recorded in 1680. 

Darrow, George ; between 1675 and 1680. 

Davis, Andrew ; east of the river about 16S0. 

Davie, John ; bought farm at Pequonuck, (Groton,) 1692. 

Dcnison, George; son of John of Stonington ; of New London, 1694. 

Dennis, 'George ; from Long Island, about 16S0. 

Dodge, Israel; on a farm in the North Parish, 1694. 

Ellis, Christopher ; admitted inhabitant 1682. 

Edgecombe, John ^ about 1673. 

Fargo, Moses ; house lot granted 1680. 

Fountain, Aaron ; son-in-law of Samuel Beeby. His house on the Great 
Neck is mentioned in 1683. 

Foote, Pasco; 1678 — son-in-law of Edward Stallion. 

Fosdick, Samuel; from Charlestown, Mass., 1680. 

Fox, two brothers, Samuel and John, about 1675. 

Gibson, Roger, and his son William ; living on the Great Neck in 1680, 

Gtilbert, Samuel, in North Parish ; on a list subscribing for the ministry of 
New London, in 1688. 

Green, Jonas ; probably of the Cambridge family of Greens— commanded a 
coasting vessel, and fixed his residence in New London, in 1694, lived on Mill 
Cove, in a house sold by his descendanu to John Colfax. 

Hackley, Peter ; erected a fulling-mill at Jordan, 1694. 


Hall, Jonathan ; in 1676 or 1677, he exchanged his aooonunodationt in New 
Raven, for those of John Stevens in New London. 

Halsey, William; 1689. 

Harvey, John ; at Nahantick, 1682. 

Hatch, William; about 1690. 

Hawke, or Hawkes, John ; a serge-maker, 1698. 

Haynes, Josiah ; at Pequonnok, (Groton,) 1696. 

Holloway, Jacob ; about 1700. 

Holmes, Thomas ; he had wife, Lucretia. Their ton John was bom March 
11th, 1686. 

Holt, Nathaniel ; 1673. 

Hubbard, Hugh ; about 1670 ; from Derbyshire, Eng. 

Hubbell, Ebenezer; from Stratfteld, Fairfield Co., after 1690. 

Hurlbut, Stephen ; about 1695, probably from Windsor. 

Hutchinson, George ; about 1680. His wife Margaret, obtained a divorce 
from him in 1686, on the plea of three years' absence and desertion. 

Jennings, Richard ; from Barbadoes, 1677. 

Johnson, Thomas and Charles ; before 1690. 

Jones, Thomas;* 1677, probably from Gloucester, Mass. 

Leach, or Leech, Thomas ; about 1680. 

Leeds, John ; from Kent Co., Eng., 1674. 

Loomer, Stephen ; 1687. 

Mayhew, John ; from Devonshire, Eng., 1676. 

Maynard, Zachariah ; '* formerly living at Marlborough ;" settled east of the 
river, beyond Robert AUyn, 1697. 

McCarty, Owen ; 1693. 

Minter, Tobias ; son of Ezer, of Newfoundland, married 1672, died 1673. 

M inter, Tristram ; his relict in 1674 married Joshua Baker. 

Mitchel, or Mighill, Thomas; a ship-wright, had his building-yard in 1696, 
near the Fort land. 

Mortimer, Thomas ; often Maltimore ; a constable in 1680. 

Munsell, or Munson, Thomas; on the Great Neck, 1683. 

Mynard, or Maynard, William ; about 1690, from Hampshire, Eng. 

Nest, Joseph ; 1678. 

Pember, Thomas ; 1696. 

Pemberton, Joseph ; from Westerly, after 1680. 

Pendall, William ; mariner and ship-wright, 1676. 

Persey, Robert ; a transient inhabitant ; bought a house 1678, sold it 1679. 

Plimpton, Robert ; 1681. 

Plumbe, John ; before 1680. 

Potts, William ; from Newcastle, Eng., 1678 ; married a daughter of James 
Avery ; was constable east of the river 1684. 

Rice, Gershom ; east of the river, before 1700. 

Rose-Morgan, Richard ; 1683. 

Russell, Daniel, 1675. 

Satterly, Benedict ; after 1680. 

Seabury, John ; east of the river before 1700. 

Scarritt, Richard, 1695. 

Singleton, Richard; east of the rivei ; oattle-mark recorded 1686. 



' Springer, Dennis ; Imnd granted him eaft of the riyer in 1696. 

Steer, Richard; 1690. 

Strickland, Peter; probably about 1670. 

Swaddel, William ; east of the river ; cattle*mark 1689. 

Thome, William ; from Dorsetshire, Eng. He married in 1676, Lydia, relict 
of Thomas Bayley. East of the river. 

Turner, Ezekiel ; son of John, of Situate, 1678. 

Walker, Richard ; 1695. 

Walworth, William ; east of the river, about 1690. 

Way, Thomas ; about 1687. 

Weeks, John ; east of the river before 1700 ; probably from Portsmouth, N. H. 

Wickwire, John ; 1676. 

Willett, James; accepted inhabitant, 1681. He was from Swansea, and 
bought the fhrm of Wm. Meades, east of the river. . 

WUlett, John ; 1682. 

Williams, Thomas; 1670. 

Williams, John; east of the river; his name is on the ministry subscription 
list of 1688. 

WiUoughby, William ; ai)out 1697. 

Young, Thomas; from Southold, 1693, married Mary, relict of Peter Brad- 
ley, 2d. 


Obituabiss of thb Eablt Sbttlbbs. 

Taking our positioD on the high ground at the heginning of a new 
century, let us pause and review the band of early setders, who sit- 
ting down among these barren rocks, erected these buildings, planted 
these gardens, manned these decks, and from Sabbath to Sabbath led 
their children up these winding paths to worship Grod in that single 
church — ^that decent and comely building, plain in appearance, but 
beautified by praise, which sate on the hill-top, side by side with the 
lowly mansions of the dead. From those silent chambers let us evoke 
the shades of the fathers, and record some few fragments of their 
history, not irrecoverably buried with them in the darkness oi 

There is an interest lingering about these early dead which belongs 
to no later nu^e. The minutest details seem vivid and important. 
A death in that small community was a great event. The magia<* 
trate, the minister, and the fathers of the town, came to the bed of the 
dying to witness his testament and gather up his last words. It was 
soon known to every individual of the plantation that one of their 
number had been cut down. All were eager once more to gaze upon 
the face they had known so well ; they flocked to the funeral ; the 
near neighbors and coevals of the dead bore him on their shoulders to 
the grave ; the whole community with solemn step and downcast 
«yed, followed him to his long home. 

Riding at funerals was not then in vogue ; and a hearse was un- 
known. A horse litter may in some cases have been used ; but the 
usual mode of carrying the dead was on a shoulder bier. In this 
way persons were sometimes brought into town for interment even 
from a distance of five or six miles. Frequent rests or halts were 
made, and the bearers often changed. These funeral customs con- 
tinued down to the period of the Revolution. 


Our ancestors do not often appear to us in all the homeliness of 
their true portraiture. Imagination colors the truth, and we over- 
look the simplicity of their attire and the poverty of their accommo- 
dations. Estates before 1700 were small ; conveniences few, and 
the stock of furniture and garments extremely limited. Many of 
the large estates of modem times have been built up from very small 

Each man was in a great measure his own mechanic and artisan, 
and he wrought with imperfect tools. Most of these toools were 
made of Taunton iron ; a coarse bog ore, which could produce only 
a dull edge, and was easily broken. The value of iron may be in- 
ferred from the fact that old iron was of sufficient importance to be 
estimated among movables. In the early inventories very few chain 
are mentioned. Stools, benches and forms, took their place ; joint- 
stools came next, and still later, many families were provided with the 
high-backed settle, a cumbersome piece (rf" furniture, but of great com- 
fort in a farmer's kitchen. A broad box-like cupboard, with shelves 
above, where the pewter was arranged, and called the dresser, was 
another appendage of the kitchen. The houses were cheaply, rudely 
built, with many apertures for the entrance of wind and frost ; the 
outside door frequently opening directly into the family room, where 
the fire-place was wide enough to admit an eight feet log, and had a 
draught almost equal to a constant bellows. The most finished tim- 
bers in the house, even those that protruded as siUs and cross-b^ams 
in the best rooms, were hatchet-hacked, and the wainscoting unplaned. 

One of the first objects with every thrifty householder, was to get 
apple-trees in growth. Most of the homesteads consisted of a house, 
garden and orchard. Cider was the most common beverage of the 
country. Some beer was drank. They had no tea nor coffee, and 
at first very little sugar or molasses. When the trade with Barba- 
does commenced, which was about 1 660, sugar and molasses became 
common. The latter was often distilled after importation. Broth, 
porridge, hasty-pudding, johnny-cake and samp, were articles of daily 
consumption. They had no potatoes, but beans and pumpkins in 
great abundance. 

Of the first-comers, 1650 or before, John Stebbins, George Chap- 
pel, Thomas Parke, Thomas Roach, and three of the Beeby broth- 
ers, lived into the eighteenth century : Tliomas Beeby, the other 
brother, died but a short time previous. John Gager was living, but 
in another settlement. Alexander Pygan, Oliver Manwaring, and 
some others who had settled in the town before 1 660, were yet upon 


the 0ti^e of life. The deaths that strew the way, are thmly scattered^ 
showing that life and health were here as secure from disease, except- 
ing only one or two seasons of epidemic sickness, as in the most 
favored portions of New England. 

Jarvis Hfudge and TTiomas Doxey. 
Mention has already heen made of the decease of these two per- 
sons in the year 1652, the first deaths in the plantation. Jarvis 
Mudge had married at Wethersfield, in 1649, the relict of Abraham 
Elsing. His wife had two daughters by her former husband, and 
Mr. Mudge left two sons, Moses and Micah ; but of ages unknown, 
and it cannot therefore be decided whether they were the children 
of this or some former wife. Moses Mudge, in 1696, was of Sharon, 
and Micah, in 1698, of Lebanon. Thomas Doxey left a son Thomas, 
who in 1673, sold some estate that had belonged to his father, "with 
consent of my mother, Katherine, wife of Daniel Lane." No other 
child is mentioned. The removal of Daniel Lane, after a few years, 
to Long Island, carried the whole family from New London. 

Walter Harris^ died November 6^A, 1654. 

A Tessel called the William and Francis, came to America in 
1632, bringing among its passengers, Walter Harris,* who settled in 
Weymouth, where he remained about twenty years, and then came 
to Pequot Harbor. On his first application for a house-lot, he i^ 
styled of Dorchester y which makes it probable that his last temporary 
abiding place had been in that town. He had two sons, Gabriel and 
Thomas. His wife, whose maiden name was Mary Fry,* survived 
him less than three months ; one inventory and settlement of estate 
sufficed for both. 

The nimcupative will of Mrs. Harris will be given at large, omit- 
ting only the customary formula at the commencement. It is one of 
the oldest wills extant in the county, and if rich in allusions to cos- 
tume and furniture. From a clause in this will it may be inferred 
that Thomas Harris had been betrothed to Rebecca, daughter of 
Obadiah Bruen. This young man, according to tradition, had been 
sent to England to recover some property that had fallen to the fam- 

1 Savage, (MS.) 

2 See will of William Frj, in Hist and Gen. Reg., vol. 2, p. 886. 


370 nturonr ot New lokdow* 

ily, and WAS supposed to have been lost at sea, as he was never heard 
of afterward* 

'* The last Will and Testament of Maiy Harries* taken from her owne mouth * 
this 19th of Jan., 1655. 

" I give to my eldest daughter, Sarah Lane, the bigest brass pan, and to her 
daughter Mary, a silver spoone. And to her daughter Sarah, the bigest pewter 
dish and one silken riben. Likewise I give to her daughter Mary, a pewter 

" I give to my daughter, Mary Lawrence, my blew mohere peticote and my 
straw hatt and a fether boulster. And to her eldest sonne I give a silver 
spoone. To her second sonne a silver whissle. I give more to my daughter 
Mary, my next brasst pann and a thrum cushion. And to her yongest sonne 
I give a pewter bassen. 

" I give to my yongest daughter, Elizabeth Weekes, a peeoe of red broad 
cloth, being about two yards, alsoe a damask livery cloth, a gold ring, a silver 
spoone, a fether bed and a boulster. Alsoe, I give to my daughter Elizabeth, 
my best hntt, my gowne, a brass kettle, and a woolejx jacket for her husband. 
Alsoe, I give to my daughter Elizabeth, thirty shillings, alsoe a red whittle,^ a 
white apron and a new white neck-cloth. Alsoe, I give to my three daughters 
aforesaid, a quarter part to each of them, of the dyaper table cloth and tenn 
shillings apeece. 

** I give to my sister Migges, a red peticoat, a cloth jacket, a silke hud, a 
quoife,^ a cross-cloth, and a neck-cloth. 

** I give to my cosen Calib Rawlyns ten shillinges. 

** I give to my two cosens, Mary and Elizabeth firy, each of them five shil- 

** I give to Mary Barnet a red stuff wascote. 

** I give to my daughter, Elizabeth, my great chest. To my daughter, Mary, 
* a cifier^ and a white neck-cloth. To my sister, Hannah Rawlin, my best 
cross cloth. To my brother, Rawlin, a lased band. To my two kinswomen, 
Elizabeth Hubbard and Mary Steevens, five shillinges a peece. 

** I give to my brother, Migges, his three youngest children, two shillinges 
sixe pence a peece. 

** I give to my sonne Thomas, ten shilUnges, if he doe come home or be alive. 

** I give to Rebekah Bruen, a pynt pott of pewter, a new petticoate and was- 
cote wch she is to spin herselfe ; alsoe an old byble, and a hatt wch was my 
sonn Thomas his hatt. 

** I give to my so^e Gabriell, my house, land, cattle and swine, with all 
other goodes reall and psonaft in Pequet or any other place, and doe make him 
my sole executor to this my will. Witness my hand, 

<' Witness hearunto. The mark of (S Mart Harribs. 

" John Winthrop, 

" Obadiah Bruen, 

" WilU Nyccoils."* 

1 A kind of short cloak. 2 A cap. 

8 Some kind of cap or head-dress. Quoif and cifier are firom the French co\fe and 
coiffure, 4 New London Records, lib. 8. 


The Harris family ranked in point of comfort and accommoda- 
tions with the well-to-do portion of the community. They had a bet- 
ter supply of pewter than is found in many early inventories, and 
such articles of convenience as a gridiron, chopping-knife, brewing 
tub, smoothing-iron, ^ four silver spoons and two cushions/' The house 
consisted of a front-room, lean-to, shop-room and two chambers. 

Gabriel Harris died in 1684 ; Elizabeth, his relict, August 17th, 

The inventory of Gabriel Harris, compared with that of his father, 
illustrates the rapid march of improvement in the plantation. The 
homestead, consisting of a new house, orchard, cider-mill and smith's 
shop, valued together at £200, was assigned to Thomas, the eldest 
son, for his double portion. The inheritance of the other children, 
six in number, was £100 each. Among the wearing apparel are: 

•• A broad-cloth coat with red lining. * 

*• Two Castors, [beaver bats.] 

*' A white serge coat : a Kersey coat. 

*' A serge coat and dotiblet : a wash-leather doublet. 

*• Two red wescotes — a stuff coat and breeches. 

** Four looms and tackling : a sitk loom. 

** An Indian maid-servant, valued at X15. 

•* Three Canoes," &c. 

Thomas Harris, oldest son of Gabriel, died in Barbadoes, June 
9th, 1691, leaving an estate estimated at £927. His relict, Mary, 
(a daughter of Daniel Wetherell,) married George Denison, grandson 
of Greorge the first, of Stonington. His only child, Mary, bom Nov. 
4th, 1690, was regarded as the richest heiress in the settlement* 
About 1712, she became the wife of Walter Butler. 

Peter CoUins, died in May or June, 1655. 
He is generally styled Mr. Collins, His will and inventory are 
almost all that is known of him. Apparently he had no family and 
lived alone. He distributes his effects, appraised at £57, among his 
neighbors and friends ; the house and land to Richard Poole. The 
simplicity of the age is shown in the small number of articles with 
which he accomplished his house-keeping: a bed and one pillow; a 
blanket, a sheet and a green coverlet ; one chair, three forms, two 
barrels, three brass kettles, one iron pot, one frying-pan, a butter-tub 
and a quart pot. These were all the accommodations sufficiently 
important to be noticed, of a man who seems to have been respected 


and respectable, — who had house and lands and three cows ; a val- 
uable article at that period — with some other stock. The milk-keeU 
ers, trenchers, and wooden spoons, whittled out, or bought of Indians, 
were probably considered of too little value to be appraised. 

Robert Isbdl, died about 1655. 

He maj have been the Robert Isabell who had land granted him 
in Salem 1637.' He left, relict Ann, (who married Wilham Nich- 
olls,) and two children Eleazar and Hannah. Eleazar married Nov. 
1st, 1668, Elizabeth French and removed to KiUingworth, where he 
died, 1677. 

Hannah Isbell married first Thomajs Stedman, August 6th, 1668, 
and second John Fox, both of New London. 

Robert Hempstead, died in June, 1655. 
The following memorandum is appended to his will : 

** The ages of my 3 children. 
Mary Hempsted was borne March 26th, 1647. 
Joshua Hempsted my sonne was borne June 16, 1640. 
Hannah Hempsted was borne April 11, 1652. 
This I Robert Hempsted testifie under my hand." 

The name of Robert Hempstead has not been traced in New Eng- 
land previous to its appearance on our records. It is probable that 
when he came to Pequot with Winthrop in 1 645, he had recently 
arrived in the country and was a young, unmarried man. A report 
has obtained currency that he was a knight and entitled to the ad- 
dress of Sir. This idea is not countenanced by anything that ap- 
pears on record. It originated probably from the rude handwriting 
of the recorder, in which an unskillful reader might easily mistake 
the title of Mr. for that of Sir, 

In regard to Mary Hempstead, the first-born of New London, we 
may allow fancy, so long as she does not falsify history, to fill up the 
brief outline that we find on record, with warm and vivid pictures. 
We may call her the first fair fiower that sprang out of the dreary 
wilderness ; the blessed token that famiUes would be multiplied on 
these desolate shores, and homes made cheerful and happy with the 
presence of children. We may think of her as beautiful and good ; 

1 Felt's History of Salem, p. 169. 


pure like the lilj ; fresh and bloonung like the rose : yet not a crea- 
ture of romance, too etherial for earthlj fellowship, floating a few 
years through bower and hall, and then exhaled to Eden — but a 
noble-hearted, much-enduring woman; prudent, cheerful and reli- 
gious ; working diligently with her hands, living to a goodly age, and 
rearing to maturity a family of ten chil(Lren, two sons and eight 
daughters, an apt and beautiful symbol for the young country. 

Mary Hempstead was united in marriage with Robert Douglas, 
Sept. 28th, 1665. She had eleven children, one of whom died in 
infancy. Having lived to see the other ten all settled in famiUes of 
their own, she fell asleep, December 26th, 1711. Her husband was 
gathered by her side January 15th, 1715-6. 

Hannah Hempstead married first, Abel Moore, and second, Sam- 
uel Waller. Joanna, the relict of Robert Hempstead, married An- 
drew Lester. Joshua, the only son of Robert Hempstead, married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Greenfield Larrabee. This coufle had a 
family of eight daughters and an only son, Joshua, who was bom 
Sept. Ist, 1678, and with him the male line of the family again com- 
mences. This person — Joshua Hempstead, 2d — took an active part in 
the afiairs of the town for a period of fifty years, reckoning from 
1708. The " Hempstead Diary," repeatedly quoted in this history? 
was a private journal kept by him, from the year 1711 to his death 
in 1758. A portion of the manuscript has been lost, but the larger 
part is still preserved. Its contents are chiefly of a personal and 
domestic character, but it contains brief notices of town afiairs and 
references to the public transactions of the country. 

Its author was a remarkable man— one that might serve to repre- 
sent, or at least illustrate, the age, country and society in which he 
lived. The diversity of his occupations marks a custom of the day : 
he was at once farmer, surveyor, house and ship carpenter, attorney, 
stone-cutter, sailor and trader. He generally held three or four town 
offices ; was justice of the peace, judge of probate, executor of vari- 
ous wills, overseer to widows, guardian to orphans, member of all 
committees, every body's helper and adviser, and cousin to half of 
the community. Of the Winthrop family he was a friend and con- 
fidential agent, managing their business concerns whenever the head 
of the family was absent. 

The original homestead of Robert Hempstead remains in the pos- 
session of one branch of his descendants. The house now standing 
on the spot, is undoubjtedly the most ancient building in New London. 
It is nevertheless a house of the second generation from the settle- 


ment The first houses, rode and hastily bailt, passed away with the 
first generation. The age of the Hempstead house is determined bj 
the Hempstead diarj. The writer occupied the dwelling, and writ- 
ing in 1743, says it had been built sixty-five years. 

Other items from the diary that may be interesting in this con- 
nection are the following. 

"April 26, 1729 my aunt Waller died, aged 77, youngest daughter of mj 
grand-father Hempstead and born near this house, in the old one built by m; 

** Mary, wife of Robert Douglas was my father's eldest sister and bom in 
New London in Jan: 1646-7, — the first child of English parents bom in this 
town." (Mistake in the month, compared with the date in her father's will.) 

21 Jan: 1738-9 — Cut down one half of the great yellow apple tree, east iiom 
the house, which was planted by my grandfather 90 years agone. 

• William Rohertt^ died in April or Mayy 1667. 
Little is known of him. He had been in the service of Mr. Stan- 
ton and had settled but recently in Peqnot He lived alone ; in half 
a house owned in partnership with George Harwood, to whose wife 
and son he left his whole property, which was valued at only £26. 
A bear-skin and a chest are mentioned in the inventory, but no bed, 
table or chair. He had two cows and some other stock, plenty of 
land, decent apparel, a razor, a pewter porringer, three spoons and a 
glass bottle ; but nothing else except tubs, trays, bags, and Indian 
baskets. This may be regarded as the inventory of a hermit of the 
woods — ^a settler of the simplest class, who had built a lodge in the 
thicket, on the outskirts of the plantation. 

William Bartlett, died in 1658. 
Tliis person is sometimes called a ship-wright ; and again a sea- 
man. He was a lame man, engaged in the boating trade along the 
coast of the Sound. A deed is recorded, executed by him in March, 
1658, but he soon after appears to us for the last time at Southold, L. I.9 
in company with George Tongue, William Cooley,and his brother Rob- 
ert Bartlett. He there traded with a Dutchman named Sanders Len- 
nison, of whom he purchased a quantity of rum, in value £7, 10«., and 
paid for it in " wampum and inianiJ* In 1664 Lennison brought an 
action against Bartlett's estate for this sum, affirming that it had 
never been paid. From the depositions in tliis case and other cir- 
cumstcmces, it is inferred that Bartlett died on the voyage, or soon 


after reaching home. The date is not mentioned. He had probably 
no children, as his property passed into the hands of his widow and 
his brother Bobert In 1664 the former assigns all her interest in 
the estate to the latter in consideration of a '< maintenance for six jears 
past by his industrious care," and his engagement to provide for her 
future wants.* This intimates that she had been a widow during 
that time. 

John Cait, died August i9thy 1659. 

Mrs. Mary Coit died Jan. 2d, 1676, aged eighty. This may be 
regarded as almost a solitary instance of protracted widowhood for 
that day—- our ancestors, at whateyer age bereaved, having been much 
addicted to second and even third and fourth marriages. If the age 
of Mr. Coit equaled that of his wife, they were more advanced in 
years than most of the early settlers of the town ; a couple — t^ be 
ranked with Jonathan Brewster and wife and Walter Harris and 
wife — ^for whose birth we look back into the shadow of the six- 
teenth century. The will of John Coit (Aug. Ist, 1659) provides 
for his son Joseph and two daughters, Mary and Martha ; but he re- 
fers to four other children, two sons and two daughters absent from 
him, and leaves them a trifling legacy " in case they be living." 

Of these four absent children, the only one that has been identified 
is John Coit the younger, who came to the plantation with his father 
in 1651 and had a house-lot laid out to him, but soon returned to 
Gloucester, where he fixed his residence. The other three children 
had perhaps been left in England. The two young daughters at 
New London, married John Stevens and Hugh Mould. Joseph, the 
youngest son of John Coit, is the ancestor of all the Connecticut 
stock of Coits, and perhaps of all who bear the name in the United 
States.* He married (July 13th, 1667) Martha, daughter of Wil- 
liam Harris, of Windsor or Wethersfield — was chosen deacon of the 
church about 1680, and died March 27th, 1704.^ Joseph the second 
son of Joseph and Martha Coit, was the first native of New London 

1 In the abo7e instrament she is called Susan Bartlett, but ebewhere Sarah. Her 
age, given in 1662, was seventy. 

8 An emigrant from New London planted the name in Saco, Maine, before the Revo- 
lution; others have smce carried it to New York and the Western States. 

8 Neither the date of his birth, nor his age at the time of his decease, has been as- 


that received a collegiate education. His name is on the first list of 
graduates of the seminary founded at Saybrook, which was thd germ- 
that expanded into Yale College ; he took also a degree at Harvard 
University in 1704. Plainfield honors him as her first minister ; and 
his descendants are supposed to be more numerous than any other 
branch of the family. 

Jonathan Brewster, died in 1661.^ 

No probate papers relating to his estate have been found ; but bills 
of sale are recorded, dated in 1658, conveying all his property in the 
town plot, and his house and land at Poquetannuck,' with ^his mov- 
ables, cattle and swine — " to wit 4 oxen, 12 cows, 8 yearlings and 20 
swine," to his son, Benjamin Brewster, and his son-in-law John 
Picket. Feb. 14th, 1661-2, Mr. Picket relinquishes his interest in 
the assignment to his brother-in-law, stipulating only 

«* That my mother-in-law, Mrs. Brewster, the late wife of ray father Mr. 
Jonathan Brewster, shall have a full and competent means out of his estate 
during her life, from the said B. B. at her own dispose freely and fully to com- 
mand at her own pleasure." 

The same trustees, Brewster and Picket, also conveyed certain 
lands to their sisters Grace and Hannah, but in the settlement of the 
estate, no allusion is made to other children. 

Mrs. Lucretia Brewster, the wife of Jonathan, was evidently a 
woman of note and respectability among her compeers. She has 
always the prefix of honor (Mrs. or Mistress) and is usually present- 
ed to view in some useful capacity — an attendant upon the sick and 
dying as nurse, doctress, or midwife — or a witness to wills and other 
important transactions. She was one of the first band of pilgrims 
that arrived at Plymouth in the Mayflower, December, 1620, being a 
member of the family of her father-in-law, elder William Brewster 
and having one child, William, with her.' Her husband came over 
in the Fortune, which arrived Nov. 10th, 1621.* 

1 He was living in March, 1660-1. See CoL Bee., voL 1, p. 862. 
a The orthography of this name Is yariable; that used in the text is peihape the 
most prevalent, but Pocketannuck is nearest the pronunciation. 
8 ShortleflPs Ibt m Hist and Gen. Beg., vol. 1, p. 60. 
4 Davis on Morton's Memorial p. 878. 


Jonathan Brewster settled first in Duxbnry and was several times 
representative from that place. Subsequently he engaged in the 
coasting trade, and was master and probably owner of a small vessel 
plying from Plymouth along the coast to Virginia. In this way he 
became acquainted with Pequot Harbor, and entered the river to 
trade with the natives. In the spring of 1649 we find him over- 
whelmed with pecuniary disasters. Mr. Williams of Providence 
gives this notice of his misfortunes to Mr. Winthrop : 

** Sir (though Mr. Brewster write me not word of it) yet in privBte I am bold 
to tell you that I hear it hath pleased God greatly to afflict him in the thorns of 
this life : He was intended for Virginili, his creditors in the Bay oame to Port«?- 
mouth and unhung his rudder, carried him to the Bay where he was forced to 
make over house, land, cattle, and part with all to his chest. Oh how sweet is 
a dry morsel and an handful, with quietness from earth and Heaven."^ 

At the time of this misfortune, Mr. Brewster was purposing a 
change of residence and probably removed to Mr. Winthrop's planta- 
tion as soon as he could arrange his affairs with his creditors. He 
was " Clarke of the Towne of Pequitt" in Sept., 1649. Part of his 
family came with him ; but several children remained behind. He 
had two sons, William and Jonathan, on the military roll in Dux- 
bury, in 1643 ; the latter only sixteen years of age.* William was in 
the Narragansett war of 1645, after which his name is not found on 
the old colony records.' Jonathan disappears from Duxbury about 
1 649, and it may be assumed that these two sons died without issue. 
Two daughters are traced in the old colony — Lucretia mentioned at 
the early date of 1627,* and Mary, who married John Turner of 

At New London we find one son and four daughters. 

Benjamin, married, 1659, Anna Dart, and settled at Brewster's Neck, on the 
farm of his father. 

Elizabeth, married, first, Peter Bradley, and second, Christopher Christo- 
phars. She was aged forty-two in I6S0. 

Ruth, married John Piclcet,. probably about 1652. 

Grace, married, August 4th, 1650, Daniel Wetherell. 

Hannah, married, Dec. 25th, 1664, Samuel Starr. She was aged thirty- 
seven in 1680. 

1 Mass. Hist Coll., 2d series, vol. 9, p. 281. 

2 Marcia Thomas, of Marshfield, (MS.) 
8 Ctftoro. 4 VtiuprcL 



Ezekiel Turner, a grandson of Mr. Brewster, from Sitoate, set* 
tied in New London, about the year 1675. 

Richard Poole, died April 2^th, 1662.' 
No grant to this person is on record, nor does he appear on any 
list of inhabitants, but his name is often mentioned. He is some- 
times called Mr. Poole, and after his death is referred to as old Poole. 
He lived alone, near the union of what are now Ashcraft and Wil- 
Uams Streets. His estate, estimated at about £58, he left wholly to 
the wife and children of George Tongue. 

Peter Bradley,^ died in June, 1662. 
The wife of Bradley was Elizabeth, daughter of Jonathan Brews- 
t'^r, but of the marriage, no record has been found. He was a mar- 
iner, and after his settlement in New London, plied a sloop or sail- 
boat through the Sound. His death is supposed to have occurred 
while absent on a cruise, as in the list of his effects is mentioned — 
" His boat and sea-clothing inventoried at Flushen." Between the 
families of Bradley and Christophers, three intermarriages took place 

Children of Peter and Elizabeth Bradley, 

1. Elizabeth, b. March 16th, 1654-5. m. Sept. 22d, 1570, Thomas Dymond. 

2. Peter b. Sept. 7th, 1658, m. Mary Christophers, May 9th, 1678. 

3. Lucretia b. 1660. m. Jan. 16th, 1681-2, Richard Christophers. Eliza- 
beth, relict of Peter Bradley, m. Christopher Christophers." 

Peter Bradley, 2d, and his brother-in-law, Thomas Dymond, both 
died in 1687, as did also their father-in-law, Christopher Christophers. 
Bradley deceased August Ist, eight days after Mr. Christophers; 
leaving but one child, Christopher, bom July 11th, 1679. The 
county court summarily settled the estate, giving to the widow, £300, 
and to the son, £590. Mary, relict of Peter Bradley, married 
Thomas Youngs, of Southold, and this event in the end transplanted 
the Bradley family to Long Island. 

The Bradley lot, originally John Gallop's, lying east side of the 
Town Street, between the present State and Federal, and sloping 

1 Walter Palmer probably died about the same period, in Stonington. The probate 
action on his will was 11th of May. Savage, (MS.) 

S This name, on the records, is frequently written Bratdey; and sometimas Brad- 
2ey, alias Brawley. 


down to the marsh, where is now Water Street, was appraised in the 
inventory of Peter Bradley, 1st, at only £30. The Bradley house 
was near the north end, with a lane to it from the Town Street. In 
more recent times it was known as the Shackmaple house. North of 
it, and originally a piece of the lot, was the homestead of Daniel 
Wetherell, (where is now the Pool property.) Some other small 
portions were sold by Peter Bradley, 2d, but after his death it re- 
mained unimproved and integral, until 1730, when it was sold by 
Jonathan Bradley, of Southold, son of Christopher, deceased, to Dan- 
iel Tuthill, for £500. It was then called eight acres. Tuthill had 
it laid out in streets and blocks, and subdivided into small house-lots, 
which were put immediately into the market There are now nearly 
two hundred buildings on this lot. 

Thomas Dymond, who married Elizabeth Bradley, was a mariner 
from Fairfield, and probably brother of John Dymond, heretofore 
mentioned. He was a constable in 1679. His children were, Eliz- 
abeth, bom 1672 ; Thomas, 1675; Moses, 1677 ; Ruth, 1680; John, 
1686. The name and family passed away from New London. The 
house and wharf of Thomas Dymond, on Bream Cove, were pur- 
chased in 1702, by Benjamin Starr. The Dymond heirs continued 
to be proprietors of the Inner Commons till 1719. 

WiUiam RedfieM^^ died in 1662. 

The earliest notice of him is in a deed of gift from Jonathan 
Brewster, of " ten acres of arable land at Monhegan, whereon the said 
Redfyne hath built a house," (May 29th, 1654.) He had a son 
James, who in April, 1662, bound himself apprentice to Hugh Rob- 
erts, tanner, with consent, he says, of father and mother. Gershom 
Bulkley and Lucretia Brewster were witnesses of the indenture, 
being then probably in attendance upon the dying father. The widow 
Rebecca Redfield is often mentioned. She had two daughters, Re- 
becca, wife of Thomas Roach, and Judith, wife of Alexander Pygan. 
Thomas Bayley married, (Jan. 10th, 1655-6,) Lydia, daughter of 
James Redfield. It is probable that this was a sister of William. 

James Redfield, probably the apprentice before-mentioned, is on 
the rate list of 1666, but his history from this point, is not clearly as*- 
certained. A James Redfield married Elizabeth IIow, at New Ha- 
ven, in 1609, and had a daughter, Elizabeth, bom in 1670. A per- 

1 Thu name, on tlio early records, is often strangely corrupted into Redfin. 


son of the same name, a weaver by trade, was a resident of Saybrocd^ 
in 1676.' One or both of these may be identical with James, son of 
William, of New London ; and as Redfield was not a very common 
name, it would not be strange if all the three might be reduced to 

Sergeant Richard Hartley^ died Aug. 1th, 1662. 
The title of Sergeant, is derived from office held before he came 
to New London. He was an Englishman, and acted as agent to 
merchants in England, who consigned goods to him to sell. His will 
was* written down from his mouth, Aug. 6th, " Witnesses, Gershom 
Bulkley, minister, Obadiah Bruen, Recorder, Lucresia Brewster, 
midwife, Wm. Hough, constable.'* His inventory amounted to 
£281, 6«. 9(£.; one chest of his goods was afterward claimed by 
Thomas ReavelL He left his property to his wife and only child in 
England. In 1673, his house-lot, warehouse and wharf, were sold 
by James Avery, as attorney to Mary Wadsworth, formerly wife to 
Richard Hartley, and Martha Hartley, daughter of the same, both oi 
Stanfield, in the county of York, England. 

Isaac WiUey^ Jr., died in Aug., 1662. 

He was a young man, probably not long married. His inventory, 
though slender, contains a few articles not very common, viz., "tynen 
pans ; a tynen quart pot ; cotton yam," &c., together with one so 
common as to be almost universal — a dram cup, which appears in 
nearly every inventory for a century or more after the settlement 

Isaac Willey, Jr., left no children ; his relict, Frances, married 
Clement Minor. 

John Tinker, died at Hartford, in Oct., 1662. 
The General Court ordered that the expenses of his sickness and 
funeral, amounting to £8, 6«. 4(f., should be paid out of the public 

• ** Children of John and Alice Tinker. 
, " 1. Mary bom 2 July lGo3 4. Samuel born 1 April, 1C59 

•* 2. John *• 4 Aug 55 5. Rlioda " 23 Feb. 1001-2." 

" 3. Arao8 " 28 Oct. 57 

1 Conn. Col. Kec., vol. 2, p. 468. 


Alice, relict of John Tinker, married, in 1664, Wm. Measure, a 
scrivener or attorney, who subsequently removed with the family to 
Lyme. Mr. Measure died during the administration of Sir Edmund 
Andross, and his inventory, dated July 27th, 1688, is recorded in 
Boston. His relict, Alice, died Nov. 20th, 1714, aged eighty-five 
years to a day. 

ThamoB Hung erf ord, died 1663. 

Estate, £100. Children, three — "Thomas, aged about fifteen; 
Sarah, nine ; Hannah, four years old, this first of May, 1663." The 
relict of Thomas Hungerford, married Samuel Spencer, of East Had- 
dam ; one of the daughters mmried Lewis Hughes, of Lyme. 

On the road leading from New London to the Nahantick bar, 
(Rope Ferry) nearly in the parallel of Bruen*s Neck, is a large sin- 
gle rock of granite, that in former times was popularly known as 
Hungerford's Fort It is also mentioned on the proprietary records 
in describing the pathway to Bruen*s Neck, as " the great rock called 
Hungerfort's Fort." We must refer to tradition for the origin 
of the name. It is said that a young daughter of the Hunger- 
ford fomily, (Hannah ?) being alone on this road, on her way to 
school, found herself watched and pursued by a hungry wolf. He 
made his approaches cautiously, and she had time to secure some 
weapon of defense, and to retreat to this rock before he actually made 
his attack. And here she succeeded in beating him ofi*, though he 
made several leaps up the rock, and his fearful bark almost bewil- 
dered her senses, till assistance came. 

We can not account for the name and the tradition, without allow- 
ing that some strange incident occurred in connection with the rock, 
and that a wolf and a member of the Hungerford family were involv- 
ed in it; but the above account may not be a correct version of the 

Thomas Hungerford, 2d, had a grant of land in 1 673, " four miles 
from town," and his name occurs, as an inhabitant, for ten or twelve 
years, though he was afterward of Lyme. The heroine of the rock 
is more likely to have been a member of his family, than of that of 
his father, whose residence was in the town plot, on the bank. 



jRobert Farke,^ died 1665. 
Mr. Parke was called an aged man, in 1662. His will is on the 
town book, dated May 14th, 1660; proved in March, 1664-5. He 
names onlj three children, William, Samuel and Thomas. Of the 
second son, Samuel, we have no information, except what may be 
inferred from the clause relating to him in the will. The oldest son. 
Deacon William Parke, of Roxbury, executor of the wiD, is directed 
to pay to Samuel, £50. 

«* Provided my said son Samuel, shall first come and demand the same in 
Roxbury within the time and space of seven years next and immediately after 
the date hereof." 

Mr. Parke was of Wethersfield, in 1640, and made freeman of the 
colony in April, of that year. He was deputy to the Greneral Court 
in Sept., 1641, and again in Sept., 1642 ;' but removed to Pequot in 
1649 ; was a resident in the towB plot about six years, and then es- 
tablished himself on the banks of the Mystic. 

Thomas Parke, son of Robert, was also of Wethersfield, and had 
two children born there — Martha, in 1646, and Thomas, in 1648. 
His wife, Dorothy, is supposed to have been sister to Mrs. Blinman ; 
the family name has not been recovered. Thomas Parke, after resi- 
ding a number of years at Mystic, within the bounds of Stonington, 
removed with his son, Thomas Parise, Jr., to lands belonging to them 
in the northern part of New London, And, in 1680, they were both 
reckoned as inhabitants of the latter place. They were afterward 
included in Preston, and Thomas Parke, Sen., was the first deacon of 
Mr. Treat's church, organized in that town in 1698. He died July 
30th, 1709. Beside the children before mentioned, he had sons, Rob- 
ert, Nathaniel, William and John, and daughters, Alice and Dorothy, 
of whom no dates of birth have been found.' Alice Parke became 
the wife of Greenfield Larrabee, (second of the name,) and Dorothy 
Parke, of Joseph Morgan. 

1 Often written Parks. 

2 Conn. Col. Rec., vol. 1, pp. 46, 66, 74. 

8 The name of Alice Parke is found as a wibiess to deeds executed in 1668, which 
makes it probable that she was older than those bora hi Wethersfield, otherwise she 
could not have been more than eight or nme years of age. The law had not probably- 
determined the ago necessary to constitute a legal witness, but this was quite too 


James BemcUy died in July, 1665. 
This date is obtained by inference. James Bemas had been cho- 
sen constable for the year 1665 ; but on the 24th of July, Joseph Coit 
was appointed in his place, and his wife was soon after mentioned as 
the widow Bemas. She married in 1672 or 1673, Edward Griswold, 
of Killingworth. Two daughters of the widow Bemas were baptized 
in 1671, Rebecca and Mary; but of the last-named, nothing further 
is known. Rebecca, daughter of James* Bemas, married, April 3d, 
1672, Tobias Minter, an emigrant from Newfoundland, and had a son 
Tobias bom Feb. 26th, 1673-4. Her husband soon died, probably at 
sea, and she married, June 17th, 1674, John Dymond, another seaman, 
and had children, John, bom in 1675, Sarah, in 1676, and Jonathan, 
1678. The period of Dymond's death is not ascertained; but the 
widow was united to a third sailor husband, as per record : 

"Benedict Shatterly, son of William ^hatterly of Devonshire, Old England, 
near £xon» was marryed unto Rebecca the widow of John Dymond, August 2, 

Shatterly (or Satterly) is supposed to have died about 1 689. He 
left two daughters, Sarah and Rebecca, and probably a son. Sarah 
Satterly married Joseph Wickham, of Killingworth. A late notice 
of Rebecca is obtained from Hempstead's Journal, under date of 1749- 
He is recording a visit that he had made to Long Island, and says : 

** I called to see Joseph Sweezy and Rebekah his wife, formerly of Occubauk 
in Southold. She was a New London woman ; her maiden name was Sat- 
terly, born in an old house that belonged to her mother in old Mr. Coit*s lot that 
joins to mine." 

The Bemas house-lot, lying next to Robert Hempstead's, with a 
run of water between, was purchased of the heirs of John Coit, the 
deed of confirmation being signed by Tobias Minter, grandson of 
James Bemas, June 8th, 1694. It then comprised seven acres, and 
included the hollow lot, through which Cottage Street was opened in 
1845, and a landing-place on the cove, where the old Bocage house 
now stands. Mr. Coit built a new house on the lot, which escaped 
the burning brand of the invader in 1781, and with the well-ordered 
grounds that surround it, still forms one of the choice homesteads of 
the town. The old- Bemas house stood west of this, near the rivulet, 
with an orchard in the rear, upon the sloping land beneath the ledge 
of rocks. Of this orchard, one representative, an ancient apple-tree, 
is yet standing — a relic of a family that entirely passed away from 
the place, one hundred and sixty years ago. We can scarcely point 



to any memorial of the founders of the town, more venerable than 
that apple-tree ; and though it may not have been one of those nurs- 
ery plants, of which it is said, Winthrop obtained a large number, and 
distributed as a bonus to the first settlers, there can be little doubt 
but that it was a fruit-bearing tree before 1700.* 

Ancient Apple Tree, on the ground of Jonathan Coit, Esq. 

Andrew Longdon. 
This person was an early settler in Wethersfield. He was on the 
jury of the Particular Court, at Hartford, in Sept, 1643.* In 1649, 
came to Pequot Harbor. In 1660, was appointed prison-keeper, and 
his house to be used as the town-prison. In July, 1665, Margaret, 
widow of Andrew Longdon, conveys her land, cattle and goods, to 

1 The trunk of this apple-tree, measured a little above the surface of the ground, is 
fourteen or fifteen feet in circumference ; the hollow within, about nine feet Throe 
or four persons can stand together in the trunk, which is a mere shell, although the 
tree has yet several thrifty limbs, which have blossomed profVisely the present year, 
(1852.) It is several yean since it has produced any fruit 

2 Conn. Ck>l. Rec, vol. 1, p. 92. 


Wm. Douglas, on condition that he maintain her during life, give her 
a decent burial, and discharge her husband's debts. This is the only 
allusion to his death. The relict was living in 1667. No children 
are mentioned. The name is identical with Langdon. 

William Chesehrough, died June dth, 1667. 

Though living at Pawkatuck, Mr. Chesebrough was chosen deputy 
from New London to the General Court, 'five times between 1 653 
and 1657. No fact shows more clearly the identity of the two settle- 
ments at that time. The name of Mr. Chesebrough's wife is said by 
family tradition to have been Deborah. No daughter is mentioned. 
He had five sons, Nathaniel, Elihu, Samuel, Elisha and Joseph. 
The last mentioned was bom at Braintree, July 18th, 1640. This 
Joseph was probably the one that according to tradition died sud- 
denly, soon after the remt)val of the family to Pawkatuck: It is said 
that one of the sons, a young lad, while mowing on the marsh, cut 
himself with the scythe so severely that he bled to death. lie was 
interred on the banks of Wicketequack Creek, which flowed past 
their lonely residence. The spot thus early consecrated by receiving 
the dead into its bosom, became the common burial-ground of the 
family and the neighborhood. Here, undoubtedly, Mr. Chesebrough 
and all his sons were buried. Here, probably, lies the first Walter 
Palmer, in the midst of an untold throng of descendants. Here we 
may suppose Thomas Stanton to have been garnered, near the stones 
bearing the names of his sons Robert and Thomas. Here, also, were 
laid to rest the remains of Thomas Minor, and of his son. Deacon 
Manasseh Minor, the first-bom male of New London. The Rev. 
Mr. James Noyes, Hallam, Searle, Thomson, Breed, and other an- 
cients of Stonington, repose in this hallowed ground. 

John Picket, died August 16<A, 1667. 

It is much to be regretted that a full record of the early marriages, 
which were undoubtedly by Mr. Winthrop, was not preserved. The 
marriage of John Picket and Ruth Brewster belongs to the unre- 
corded list. Their children were : 

1. Mary, who married Benjamin Shapley. 

2. llutii, who married Mr. Moses Noyes, first minister of Lyme. 

3. William, who died about 1690. 

4. John, born July 25th, 165G. 


5. Adam, born November 15th, 165S. 

6. Mercy, born January 16th, 1600-1 ; married Samuel Fosdick. 

Mr. Picket's estate was appraised at £1,140. This was sufficient 
to rank him, at that period, as one of the wealthiest merchants of the 

Ruth, relict of John Picket, married, July 18th, 1668, Charles Hill. 

The three sons of Mr. Picket died young, and at sea; two of them, 
and perhaps all, in the island of Barbadoes. John and William were 

Adam Picket iharried. May 16th, 1680, Hannah, daughter of 
Daniel Wetherell. He died in 1691, leaving two sons ; Adam, bom 
in 1681 ; John, in 1685. The former died in 1709, without issue, so 
that the family genealogy recommences with a unit. 

The Picket house-lot, at the south-western extremity of the bank, 
descended nearly integral* to the fourth John Picket, among whose 
children it was divided, and sold i>J them in ^mall house plots, between 
1740 and 1750. Brewer Street was opened on the western border of 
this lot in 1745, and at first called Picket Street. John Picket, the 
fifth of the name, removed from New London, and with him, the male 
branch of the family passed away from the place. Descendants may 
be traced in the line of Peter Latimer, whose wife was Hannah 
Picket, and of Richard Christophers, who married Mary Picket, 
daughters of John Picket the fourth. 

Andrew lister died June 7th, 1669. 
The births of four children of Andrew and Barbara Lester are re- 
corded at Gloucester, viz.: 

1. Daniel, born April 15ih, 1642. 3. Mary, born December 26th, 1C47. 

2. Andrew, born Dec. 26th, 1644. 4. Anno, born March 21st, 1651. 

Andrew Lester was licensed to keep a house of entertainment at 
Gloucester, by the county court, 26th of second month, 1 648. He 
removed to Pequot in 1651 ; was constable and collector in 1668. 

1 One exception must be made; a portion of the lot had been given by the first 
John Picket to his daughter, Mercy, the wife of Samuel Fosdick, by whom it was sold 
to William Rogers, and by him to George Denison, ship-wright of Westerly, and by 
the latter, in 1784, to Capt. Nathaniel Shaw. Capt. Shaw blasted awny the rocks to 
obtain a convenient site, and ont of the materials erected the stone houj«e, now the 
residence of one of his descendants, N. S. Perkins, M. D. It has been enlarged by the 
present possessor, in the same way that it was fir^t built — with materials uprooted 
from the foundation on which it stands. 


His wife Barbara, died February 2d, 1653-4, the first death of a 
woman on record in the plantation. His second wife was Joanna, 
relict of Robert Hempstead, who died before 1660 ; no children men- 
tioned. By a third wife, Ann, he had : 

5. Timothy, bom July 4th, 1662 ; 6. Joseph, bom June 15th, 
1664; 7. Benjamin. His relict married Isaac Willey. "Widow 
Anna Willey, sometime wif<? to Andrew Lester, Sen., deceased," died 
in 1692. 

Sergeant Daniel Lester, oldest son of Andrew, lived upon the 
Great Neck, where he died January 16th, 1716-17. He was brought 
into town and buried under arms. Joseph and Benjamin Lester also 
settled on farms in the vicinity of the town plot. The descendants 
of the latter are very numerous. By his first wife, Ann Stedman, he 
had nine sons and two daughters, and probably other children by a 
second wife. No descendants .of Timothy, son of Andrew Lester 
have been traced. 

Andrew Lester, Jr., settled east of the river ; was constable for 
that side in 1669, and is supposed to have been the first deacon of 
the Groton church. He died in 1708. 

WiUiam Mwrton, died 1669, 

A native of London and proud of his birthplace, it is probable 
that the influence of William Morton had something to do with the 
persevering determination of the inhabitants to call their plantation 
New London. He was the first proprietor of that sandy point over 
which Howard Street now mns to meet the new bridge to Mama- 
cock. This was at first called Morton's Point ; then Hog Neck, 
from the droves of swine that resorted thither to root up the clams at 
low tide ; and afterward Windmill Point, from the structure erected 
upon it. It has also at various times borne the names of its owners, 
Fosdick, Howard, &c., and is now a part of the larger point known 
as Shaw's Neck. 

On this point, the latter years of Mr. Morton's life were spent in 
comparative silence and poverty. In 1668, it is noted in the modera- 
tor's book, " Mr. Morton's town rate is remitted," and at the June 
session of the county court in 1669, the appointment of Mr. Wether- 
ell to settle his estate, shows that he had deceased. The last remnant 
of this estate, consisting of a ten acre grant at Bachelor's Cove, in 
Groton, given to him by the town in 1650, was sold in 1695, to 
Waite Winthrop, Esq., and the deed confirmed by Morton's heirs : 


** Nathaniel Randall, of Boston, baker, son and heir apparent to John Ran- 
dall, late of the parish of St. James, Clerkenwell, Co. of Middlesex, London, 
silk-throsler, deceased, and Elizabeth his wife, also deceased, who was sister 
and heir of William Mourton, late of New London, gentleman, deceased." 

Mr. Morton must be added to the list of childless and lonely men 
to be found among the planters of New London. The two Bartletts, 
Collins, Cotter, Longdon, Loveland, Merritt, Morton, Poole, Roberts, 
lefl no descendants here, and several of them i^pear to have been un- 

Robert Latimer^ died about 1671. 

This is ascertained from the proceedings on the settlement of the 
estate in 1698, when his relict Ann presented the inventory, and re- 
quested a legal distribution of the property of her husband, " who de- 
ceased twenty-two years since." Mrs. Ann Latimer had two children 
by her first husband, Matthew Jones, of Boston. These were Matthew 
and Sarah. The children of Robert and Ann Latimer were also two : 

Robert, bom February 5th, 1668-4; Elizabeth, bom November 
14th, 1667. The two sisters married brothers. Sarah Jones became 
the wife of John Prentis ; Elizabeth Latimer, of Jonathan Prentis. 
Mrs. Latimer died in 1698, and the estate was divided among the 
four children, in nearly equal proportion. Matthew Jones, the son of 
Mrs. Latimer, was a sea-captain, sailing from Boston, and at no time 
appears as an inhabitant of New London. The Latimer homestead 
was on the Town Street and. Winthrop's Cove, comprising the old 
Congregational parsonage, and the Edgar place opposite. 

Capt. Robert Latimer, 2d, amassed a considerable estate in land. 
Beside the homestead in town, he purchased the Royce and Com- 
stock lots, on Williams and Vauxhall Streets, covering the ridge of 
Post Hill. Westward of the town plot, he inherited a considerable 
tract of swamp and cedar land, on one portion of which Cedar Grove 
Cemetery was laid out in 1851, the land having to that time remained 
in the possession of his descendants. He owned likewise a farm at 
Black Point, and an unmeasured quantity of wild land in the woods, 
in what is now Chesterfield Society, in Montville. 

No connection between the Latimers of New London and the early 
planter of this name in Wethersfield has been traced. It is mos^ 

1 Usually in the earlier records written Lattemore. 


probable that Robert Latimer, of New London, was an emigrant 
direct from England. 

JEdward Codner} died 1671. 

He appears to have been a mariner and trader ; was of New Lon- 
don, 1651, with wife Priscilla; came from Saybrook ; returned thith- 
er again, and there died, leaving a widow Alice. His possessions in 
New London accrued to his son, Laurence or Laurent, who was ad- 
ministrator of the estate. He left also a daughter. 

Laurence Codner was an inhabitant before 1664. By his wife 
Sarah, he had three children, two of them sons, who died in infancy. 
His daughter Sarah married Thomas Bennet, of Mystic. The Cod- 
ner homestead was on the Town Street, north of the present Hunt- 
ington lane, and extending to the old burial ground. It was the 
original home-lot of Jarvis Mudge. 

George Codner, of New London, 1662 and 1664, has not been fur- 
ther traced. 

WiUiam Nicholh, died September Uh, 1673. 

A person of this name, and probably the same man, had land given 
him in Salem, 1638.' He was an early and substantial settler at Pe- 
quot ; often on committees, and sustaining both town and church offi- 
ces. He married Ann, relict of Robert Isbell, but no allusion is made 
to children by this or any former wife. Widow Ann Nicholls died 
September 15th, 1689. Her two children, by her first husband, died 
before her, but she left four grandchildren, a son and daughter of 
Eleazer Isbell, and a son and daughter of Thomas Stedman. 

George Tonge, died in 1674. 

The early records have his name written Tongue, but the orthog- 
raphy used by himself is given above. In the will of Peter Collins, in 
1655, Capt. James Tong is mentioned as a debtor to the estate. This 
person was not of New London, but he may have been brother of 
George, of whom nothing is known until he appears in New London 
about 1652. His marriage is not recorded. 

1 Sometiines CodnalL 2 Felt, p. 169. 



Chiidren of Oeorge and Margery Tonge : 

1. Elizabeth, bora October 20th, 1652 ; married Fitz-John Winthrop. 

2. Hannah, born July 20th, 1654 ; married Joshua Baker. 

3. Mary, bora September 17th, 1656; married John Wickwire. 

4. George, born May 8ih, 1658. 

George Tonge was sixty-eight years of age in 1668. His wife 
was probably younger. Hempstead's diary mentions the death of 
" Groody Tongue," December 1st, 1713 ; this was undoubtedly his 
relict. No other family of the name appears among the inhabitants. 
The inn so long kept by George Tonge and his widow and heirs, stood 
on the bank between the present Pearl and Tilley Streets. Madam 
Winthrop inherited the house, and occupied it after the death of her 
husband. She sold portions of the lot to John Mayhew, Joseph Tal- 
man and others. A small, gray head-stone in the old burial ground 
bears the following inscription : 

" Herb ltsth the Boor 
OF Madam Klizabktc 
Winthrop, wife of 
the honovrable 
GovERNovR Winthrop, 
WHO died April tb 25"«, 

1731, IN HBR 79'» YEAR." 

George Tonge and his wife and children, as legatees of Richard 
Poole, inherited a considerable tract of land in the North Parish, which 
went into the Baker and Wickwire families. Pole's or Poole's Hill, 
which designates a reach of high forest land in Montville, is supposed 
to derive its name from Richard Poole. Of Greorge Tonge the sec- 
ond, (bom 1658,) no information whatever has been recovered; but we 
may assume with probability that he was the father of John Tongue, 
who married Anna Wheeler, November 21st, 1702, and had a nu- 
merous family of sons and daughters. 

Thomas Bayley^ died ahotU 1675, 

Thomas Bayley married, January 10th, 1655-6, Lydia, daughter of 
James Redfield. The same month a grant was made to him by the 
townsmen, " with the advice and consent of Mr. Winthrop," of a lot 
lying north of Mr. Winthrop's land, upon the east side of the river. 
Relinquishing his house in the town plot, he settled on this grant, 

1 His descendants uniformly write the name Bailey. 


which hj subsequent additions expanded into a farm. His children 

1. Mary, born February 14th, 1656-7; married Andrew Davis. 

2. Thomas, born March 5th, 1658-9. 

3. John, bom in April, 1661. 

4. William, born April 17th, 1664. 

5. James, bom September 26tb, 1666. 

6. Joseph. 

7. Lydia. 

Lydia, relict of Thomas Bayley, married in 1676, William Thome, of Dor- 
setshire, old England. 

William Keeny, died 1675. 

He was aged sixty-one in 1662, and hb wife Agnes (or Annis,) 
sixty-three. His daughter Susannah, who married Ralph Parker, 
thirty-four; Mary, who married Samuel Beeby, twenty-two, and 
his son John, twenty-one. No other children are mentioned. 

John Keeny, son of William, married in October, 1661, Sarah, 
daughter of William Douglas. They had daughter Susannah, bom 
September 6th, 1662, who married Ezekiel Turner. No other child 
is recorded. The wife died August 4th, 1689. John Keeny was 
subsequently twice married, and had five daughters, and a son John ; 
the latter bom Febraary 13th, 1700-1. 

John Keeny died February 3d, 1716, on the Keeny land, at Na- 
hantick, which has since been divided into three or four farms. 

John Gallop. 

He was the son of John Grallop, of Massachusetts, and both father 
and son were renowned as Indian fighters. Capt. John Gallop, of 
Stonington, was one of the six captains slain in the Narragansett fort 
fight, Dec. 19th, 1675, His wife was Hannah, daughter of Mrs. 
Margaret Lake. The division made of his estate by order of the 
county court, was, to the widow, £100 ; to the oldest son, John, £137 ; 
to Ben- Adam, £90 ; to William and Samuel, £89 each ; to the five 
daughters, £70 each. No record of the births of these children has 
been recovered. The sons are supposed to be mentioned above in 
the order of age. Ben- Adam was bom in 1655 ; William in 1658. 
The order in which the daughters should be placed is not known. 


Hannah, married Jarie ]Stb, 1Q72, 3tHph«n Qifford, of Norwii^b. 
Christobel, triarrictl, 1677, Peter Crcery, or Crary, of N, hoa&tmf iGtmimJ^ 
Elizabeth, married Henry Stevens, of Stoz^Lnj^TOti. 
Mory, in a fried John Cole, of Boston, 
Margaret, not married in 1704. 

Joshm Mayviond^ difd April ^itK 167G, 

Ricljard and Judith lia^ment, were mcmb^rg of the ciiarch at Sa- 
lem, in 1G34, Win, Rayment, of Salem j 1 G48, afttT^anl of Beverly, 
HTid John, abo of Beverly, where lie died in 1703, apjed eighty -seveu, 
were prtibahly brolher^ of Eirliard, Trjidition in the fjvmily of rtie 
latter, stutcH that hk brothers set I led in Beverly, Richard and his sons 
appear to liave left Sakra as enrlj as 1 G58t perhaps bdbre, and to 
haye Bcattered themselves along the shore of I^oiig Island Sound* 
Tije father was for a time at Nonvalk, aiul then at Sayhrook ; at the 
latter place his identity is§ detcj-mined by doeunients whieh style him, 
" formerly of Balem, and late of Norwalk-" He died at Say brook in 
1692, lie had children, Richard, John, Daniel, Samuel, Joshua, and 
a daughter, Elizabeth, who married Oliver Manwaring. Of Hichard^ 
nothing has been recovered but the faet that the inventory of Eich- 
ard Baymond, Jr., was exhibited at eounty court in 1G80. 

John settled in Norwalk, aad there left de.^eendantss. 

Daniel married, first, Elizabeth, daughter of Gabriel Harris, and 
Lad two daughters, EUzabeth and Sarah; aocoad, Rebecca, daughter 
of John Lay, by whom he had sons^ Richard^ Samuel, and pei-haps 
others. He Uvcd in Lyme ; died, 161^(5, and his widow married Sam- 
uel Gager, of Norwich, 

Samuel married Mary, daughter of Neheminh Smith, and settled 
in New London, where they both died after 1700, leaving a eonaid- 
erable estate, but no children. 

n/*j»huay married Eliniibethj daughter of Nehemiah Smithy Bee. 
10th, 11)59* lie purcln^ed the Prcntis home-lot, m New London, 
and left it to his children, together ivith a valuable farm in Mohegan, 
on the road to Norwich, 

Children ofJfftk^ia aai Elizabeth Rfffmitnd, 

1. ioslian, horn SepL Isilit IGtifl. 4. Hannah, biirn An^, Sth. IfVJS, 

2. EhKnbeTh, " May ^Jilu 1662. 5, Mar^, ** Mnreli litb, 11171-0, 
X Ann; " May 12ih, 1054, tl, K^ptriencc, " Jnn. 20tb, 1<17^^ 
Two titUers, liicbard uml Jlebitabel* tlji>d in Inbiticy. 

Experience R ay mouti, dieil Ji*ue Qflih, lOSy, agi^d fifteen yctirn. 

EliaabctU, f*3l(et of Jo^bua Ilnymond» inarricd Guorgt Dennis* of Long hUad. 


Joshua Bajmond^ second, married Mercj, daughter of James Sands, 
of Block Island, April 29th, 1683. 

It is this Mercj Raymond, whose name has been connected, bj a 
mixture of truth and fable, with the story of the noted pirate, Captain 
Ejdd.^ Mr. Raymond died in 1704, ^^ at the home-seat of the Sands 
family," which he had bought of his brother-in-law, Niles, on Block 
Island. It was a lonely and exposed situation, by the sea-shore, with 
a landing-place near, where strange sea-craft, as well as neighboring 
coasters, often touched. Here the family dwelt, and Mr. Raymond 
being much of the time absent in New London, the care and man- 
agement of the homestead devolved upon his wife, who is represent- 
ed as a woman of great thrift and energy. 

The legendary tale is, that Capt. Eidd made her little harbor his 
anchorage-ground, alternately with Gardiner's Bay ; that she feasted 
him, supplied him. with provisions, and boarded a strange lady, whom 
he called his wife, a considerable time ; and that when he was ready 
to depart, he bade her hold out her apron, which she did, and he 
threw in handfuls of gold, jewels and other precious commodities, un^ 
til it was full, as the wages of her hospitality. 

This fanciful story was doubtless the development of a simple fact, 
that Kidd landed upon her farm, and she being solitary and unpro- 
tected, took the part of prudence, supplied him freely with what he 
would otherwise have taken by force, and received his money in pay- 
ment for her accommodations. The Kidd story, however, became a 
source of pleasantry and gossip among the acquaintances of the fam- 
ily, and they were popularly said to have been enriched hy the apron.^ 

Bohert JRof/ce, died in 1676. 
This name is identical with Hice. The Robert Royce, of New 
London, is presumed to be the Robert Hice who was entered free- 
man in Mass., 1634, and one of those disarmed in Boston, 1637, for 
adherence to the opinions and party of Wheelright and Hutchinson.' 
When he left Boston is not known ; but he is found at Stratford, 
west of New Haven, before 1650,* and was there in 1656. In 1657 

1 He is called Robert Kidd in the ballad ; bat WUUam in history. 

2 Oar langaage does not form a cognomen to torse as the Latin: the posterity of 
OUlias were called kcco-plati, enriched by the well (See Plutarch.) 

8 Savage, on Winthrop, vol. 1, p. 248. 
4 Judd, of Northampton^ (MS.) 



he came to New London, and the town granted hun the original 
Post lot, on Post Hill. He was hj trade a shoemaker, was consta- 
ble in 1660, one of the townsmen in 1663, in 1667 appointed to keep 
an ordinary, and the same year, " freed from training," probably on 
account of age. He was again townsman in 1668. 

Three children of Robert and Elizabeth Rice are recorded in Bos- 
ton ; Joshua, bom 1637 ; Nathaniel, 1639, and a daughter that died 
in infancy.' Of Joshua, nothing further is known. At New Lon- 
don, we find mementos of five sons and three daughters. Jonathan was 
perhaps the oldest son ; he married in June, 1660, Deborah, daugh- 
ter of Hugh Caulkins, and removed to Norwich, of which town he wa« 
one of the first proprietors. Nehemiah may be ranked, by supposi- 
tion, as the second son; he married, Nov. 20th, 1660, Hannah, 
daughter of James Morgan. In 1668, Robert Royce petitioned the 
town for a grant of land to settle his two sons, Samuel and Nathan- 
iel. This was granted ; their father gave them also his mountain 
farm, "bought of Weaver Smith, and lying west of Alewife Bro<A, 
by the mountain." The name of Royce's Mountain was long retain- 
ed in that locality. The Royce Mountain farm was purchased by 
John and Wait Winthrop, in 1691 — ^the present Miller farm is a 
part of it. 

Samuel Royce married, Jan. 9th, 1666-7, Hannah, daughter of 
Josiah Churchwood, of Wethersfield. 

Isaac Royce was married to Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel Lo- 
throp, and John Lothrop was married to Ruth, daughter of Isaac 
Royce, Dec. 15th, 1669. This double marriage was performed by 
Daniel Wetherell, commissioner, and probably in the court-room, as 
it was recorded among the other proceedings of the court Mar- 
riages were sometimes conducted in that manner ; the couple enter- 
ing the room with their friends, and arranging themselves in front of 
the bench. 

Nehemiah, Samuel, Nathaniel and Isaac Royce, all removed with 
their families to Wallingford, a township that had been recently set 
off from New Haven, and previously called New Haven village. 
The marriage and children of Nathaniel Royce are not registered in 
New London. At a late period of his life, he married the relict of 
Sergeant Peter Famham, of Killingworth, and was living at Walling- 
ford in 1712.' None of the Royce family was left at New London, 

1 Becords of Boston. 

2 Sergeant Farnhiuu died in 1704; the maiden name of his wifb was WiloozBon. 


after the death of Bobert, but his aged widow, who, in 1688, was still 
an occupant of the Post Hill homestead, which was subsequentlj sold 
to John Frentis. The remainder of the Rojce land was purchased 
by Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, and has of late been known as the Mum- 
ford lot. It lies west of the old burial-ground, and was the original 
house-lot of Bey. Richard Blinmim. 

Jacob Waterkottse, died 1676. 

The date is obtained from the probate of his will, which was in 
September, of this year. He was probably an old man, as all his 
children were of age, and he was released from militia duty in 1665. 
His wife was Hannah, and his oldest sons, Abraham, Isaac and Ja- 
cob ; but the order of their age was not patriarchal, Isaac being 
repeatedly called the oldest son. He had also sons, John, Joseph 
and Benjamin ; and a daughter, Elizabeth, who married John Baker. 
Isaac settled in Lyme ; Abraham in Saybrook ; Joseph and Benja- 
min died without issue ; the latter at sea, and according to tradition, 
at the hands of pirates. John was a soldier in Philip's War, and 
present at the Narragansett fort fight, in December, 1676. He died 
in 1687, leaving an infant son, Jacob, and no other child. His relict, 
whose maiden name is not recovered, married John Hayden, of Say- 

Jacob, married, about 1690, Ann, daughter of Robert Douglas, and 
had sons, John, William, Robert, Joseph and Gideon, but no daugh- 
ters have been traced. 

The name Waterhouse was very soon abbreviated into Watrous, 
which is the orthography now generally used. 

John Lewis, died Dee, 8rt, 1676. 
The name John Lewis, is found several times repeated among the 
early emigrants to New England. One came over in the Hercules, 
from Sandwich, in 1635, with wife, Sarah, and one child; and was 
enrolled as from Tenterden, in Kent* This is probably the same 
that appears on the list of freemen in Scituate, Mass.*, 1637.* He 

1 Savage. Gleaniogs in Mass. Hist CoIL, 8d series, vol. 8, p. 276. 

2 Deane^s Hist. Scituate, p. 804. 


afterward disappears from the records of that town, and we suppose 
him to be the John Lewis, who came to New London, 1648. 

Another John Lewis, who was probably an original emigrant, set* 
tied in Saybrook or Lyme ; his inventory was presented at the coun^ 
court, in 1670. 

Still another John Lewis was living at " Sqummacutt," (Westeriy) 
in 1673. 

Jolin Lewis, of New London, had a son John, who was a young 
man in 1670, constable in 1681, and after 1700, sergeant of the train- 
bands. He married Elizabeth Huntley, of Lyme, where his oldest 
son, John 8d, settled. Sergeant John Lewis was himself instantly 
killed, as he sat on horseback, by the sudden fall of the limb of a tree, 
which men were cutting. May 9th, 1717. 

Nathaniel and Joseph Lewis, are names that appear on the rate- 
list of 1667, as partners in estate. They were transient residents, 
and probably sons of Greorge Lewis, of Scituilte,^ brother of John, 
the freeman of 1637. K the latter, as we have supposed, was iden- 
tical with John Lewis, of New London, these young men were his 

Thomas Stanton^ of Stonington, died 1678. 
The probate of his will was in June, of that year. Li a list of 
passengers registered in England to sail for Virginia, in 1635, is 
found the name of Thomas Stanton, aged twenty.^ If this was our 
Thomas Stanton, of Connecticut, which can scarcely be doubted, he 
must soon have made his way to New England, and have become 
rapidly an adept in the Indian language. He testified himself, before 
the court of commissioners of New England, that he had acted as 
interpreter to Winthrop, before the Pequot war, and while the latter 
was in command at Saybrook, (1636.) It is probable, that on land- 
ing in Virginia, he went immediately among the Indians, and gained 
some knowledge of their language, which was radically the same 
as that of the New England tribes, and having, perhaps, obtained 
a quantity of peltries, he came north with them, and made his 
first stop at Saybrook. That Stanton subsequently visited the In- 
dians in Virginia, for the purposes of trade, may be gathered from a 
curious fragment in the New London county records, which is with- 
out date, but appears to have been entered in 1668 or 1669. 

1 Dcane, p. 808. 2 Hiat and Gen. Register, voL 2, p. 118. 


** Whereas Capt. Wm. Morrice hath reported and informed the Kiags' Com- 
missioner that Mr. Thomas Stanton, Senr, did, in Virginia, some 20 odd years 
since, cause a massacre among the Indians, whereby to gain their Beaver to 
himself, and the said Morrice accused Richard Arye, mariner, to be his author : 
These may certify all whom it may concern that the said Arey being examined 
concerning [a word or two torn off] report, doth absolutely deny that he knew 
or reported any such thing [torn off] Morrice nor ever heard of any such thing 
[torn off] Mr. Stanton in Virginia to his remembrance. This was acknowl- 
edged in Court by Richard Arey, as attest Daniel Wetherell, Recorder.** 

The services of Mr. Stanton as interpreter during the Pequot War 
were invaluable. He was moreover a man of trust and intelligence, 
and his knowledge of the country and of the natives made him a use- 
ful pioneer and counselor in all land questions, as well as in all diffi- 
culties with the Indians. 

In 1638, the General Court of Connecticut appointed him a stated 
Indian interpreter, with a salary of £10 per annum. He was to 
attend courts upon all occasions, general and particular courts, and 
meetings of magistrates, wherever and whenever the controversy was 
between whites and Indians. 

Mrs. Anna Stanton, relict of Thomas, died in 1688. She had 
lived several years in the family of her son-in-law, Rev. James 
Noyes. The children of Thomas Stanton can be ascertained only 
by inference and comparison of circumstances. The following list is 
the result of considerable investigation, and may be nearly correct. 

1. Thomas, died in 1718, aged eighty. He had a son, Thomas, dd, who 
died in 1683, aged eighteen. 

2. John, died October 3d, 1713, aged seventy-two. 

3. Mary, married November 17th, 1662, Samuel Rogers. 

4. Hannah, married November 20th, 1662, Nehemiah Palmer. 

5. Joseph, baptized in Hartford, March 21st, 16461 

6. Banid, died before 16S9, and it is supposed in Barbadoes, leaving there a 
wife and one child * 

7. Dorothy, married Rev. James Noyes; died in 1742, in her ninety-first year. 

8. Robert, died in 1724, aged seventy-one. 

9. Sarah, married William Denison; died in 1713, aged fifty-nine. All 
these were living in 1711, except Sarah and Daniel. 

Matthew Waller, died in 1680. 
Of this person little is known. He was perhaps the Matthew 
Waller, of Salem, 1637, and the Sarah Waller, member of Salem 

1 Mrs. Anna Stanton, relict of Thomas, left a legacy " to the fatheriess child in Bar- 
badoes," without mentioning its name or parentage. 


church, In 1648,' may have been his wife. He had two daughters, 
Rebecca and Sarah, who owned the covenant and were baptized in 
1671. Rebecca married Thomas BoUes and died in 1712, leaving 
no issue. Sarah was unmarried in 1699. 

Ensign William Waller, of Lyme, was brother of Matthew. One 
of his sons, Samuel Waller, lived on a farm at Niantick, within the 
bounds of New London, where he died in 1742, very aged. 

Matthew Beckunth^^ died December 13^, 1681. 

His death being sudden and the result of accident, a jury was sum- 
moned, who gave their verdict, that "he came to his death by mis- 
taking his way in a dark night, and falling from a clift of rocks." 
Estate £393. He left wife Elizabeth, and children, Matthew, John, 
Joseph, Benjamin, and two daughters, widows, the relicts of Robert 
Gerard' and Benjamin Grant, both of whom were mariners, and had 
probably perished at sea.* No other children are mentioned in the 
brief record of the settlement of the estate ; but Nathaniel Beckwith, 
of Lyme, may upon supposition, be included among his sons. 

Matthew Beckwith, Jun., like his father, and most of the family, 
was a seaman. The births of his two oldest children, Matthew and 
John, are registered in Guilford, where he probably married and re- 
sided for a time. The next three, James, Jonah and Prudence, are 
on record in New London ; and three more, Elizabeth, Ruth and 
Sarah, in Lyme, where he fixed his abode in 1677. These were by 
his first wife. His second wife was Elizabeth, relict of Peter Pratt, 
by whom he had one daughter, named Grtswold. All these children 
are named in his will except Sarah. He died June 4lh, 1727. 

Joseph and Nathaniel Beckwith, sons of Matthew, Sen., settled 
in Lyme ; John and Benjamin, in New London. John Beckwith, 
in a deposition presented in county court in 1740, stated that he had 
lived for seventy years near Niantick ferry. He is the ancestor of 
the Waterford family of Beckwiths. 

1 Felt's Salem, pp. 170, 176. 

2 This name is written also Beckwoiih and Becket 
8 Frequently written Jarret. 

4 Benjamin Grant died in 1670. He was a son of Christopher Grant, of Water- 
town or Cambridge, and left a son Benjamin, who in 1698, was of Cambridge. 


Richard Haughion^ died in 1682. 

This event took place at Wethersfield, while Mr. Haughton was 
engaged at work, as a shipwright, on a vessel there. Of his children 
no regular list has been obtained. Massapeag Neck, a fine tract of 
land on the river, within the bounds of Mohegan proper, was granted 
to Haughton by deed of the sachem Uncas, August 19th, 1658. The 
•laws of the colony prohibited individuals from contracting with the 
Indians for land; nevertheless the General Court confirmed this 
grant, upon certain conditions, assigning as one reason for their in- 
dulgence to Mr. Haughton, "his charge of children." We infer 
from this that he had a young and numerous family. Eight children 
can be traced ; of whom three sons, Robert, Joseph and John, are 
supposed to belong to a first unknown wife, dating their birth anterior 
to the settlement of the family at New London.^ Robert's name oc- 
curs as a witness in 1655. In 1675 he was a resident in Boston, a 
marinei:, and in command of a vessel. He was afterward at Milford, 
where he died about the year 1678, leaving three children, Robert, 
Sarah and Hannah.' His relict married Benjamin Smith, of Mil- 
ford. The daughter, Sarah, married Daniel Northrop, and in 1735 
was apparently the only surviving heir to certain divisions of land 
accruing to her father from the family rights in New London. 

Joseph Haughton was twenty-three years of age in 1662. He 
died in 1697, and apparently left no family. 

John Haughton, shipwright, died in 1704, leaving wife and children. 

The wife that Richard Haughton brought with him to New Lon- 
don, was Katherine, formerly wife to Nicholas Qiarlet or Qielet, 
whom he had recently married. She had two daughters by her for- 
mer husband, Elizabeth (bom July 15th, 1645) and Mary, whose 
joint portion was £100.' The remainder of Richard Hanghton's 
children may be assigned to this wife, viz., sons Sampson and James 
and three daughters — Abigail, married Thomas Leach ; Katherine, 
married John Butler ; and Mercy, married Samuel Bill. Katherine, 
wife of Richard Haughton, died August 9th, 1670. He afterward 

1 The name of Richard Haughton is found in 1646, among the settlers in Milford. 
Lambert's New Haven Colony, p. 91. 

2 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 

8 They had the note and surety of their father-in-law for this sum, which in 1668 
was indorsed by Elizabeth Charlet, $adsfied. This was probably the period of her 


married Alice , who survived him and became the wife of 

Daniel Crombe, of Westerly. 

Massapeag Neck was sold hj the Haughton heirs to Fitz-John 
Winthrop. Sampson Haughton, the ancestor of the Montville branch 
of the family, in 1746, settled in the neighborhood of Massi^peag, on 
a farm which he purchased of Grodfrey Malbone, of Newport, lying 
on both sides of the country road between New London and Nor- 
wich. Haughton's farm became a noted halfway station between the* 
two places. 

William Douglas, died Jvly 26<A, 1682. 

He was of Ipswich, 1641;' of Boston, 1646; made freeman of 
Mass., 1646;' <^ New London, December, 1659. From various 
depositions it appears that he was bom in 1610 ; his wife was about 
the same age.' Her maiden name was Ann Mattle; she was daugh- 
ter of Thomas, and sister of Robert Mattle, of Ringstead, in North- 
amptonshire ; both of whom had deceased before 1670, leaving prop- 
erty to which she was the legal heir.* 

Their children were Robert, bom about 1639 ; William, bom in 
Boston, May 2d, 1645 ;^ Anna, wife of Nathaniel Gary ; Elizabeth, 
wife of John Chandler,^ and Susannah, who came with her parents to 
New London, and married in October, 1661, John Keeny. 

Mr. Douglas was one of the townsmen in 1663, 1666 and 1667; 
recorder and moderator in 1668 ; sealer and packer in 1673 ; and on 
various important committees, civil and ecclesiastical, from year to 
year. He had a farm granted him in 1 660, ** three miles or more west 
of the town plot, with a brook running through it ;" and another in 
1667, '* towards the head of the brook called Jordan, about four miles 
from town, on each side of the Lidian path to Nahantick." These 
farms were inherited by his sons, and are still in the possession of 
their descendants. 

William Douglas, Sen., and wife, with his two sons and their 
wives, and his daughter, Keeny, were all members of Mr. Bradstreet's 
church, in 1672. Robert Douglas married, September 28th, 1665, 

1 Hist and Qen. Beg., vol. 2, p. 176. 

2 Savage's Winthrop^ vol. 2, p. 874. 

8 He was sixty-five in 1676; his wife sixty in 1670. 

4 Depositions taken before Gov. Bellingham, of Mass., on record in New London. 

6 Boston Records. 

6 Lincoln's Hist Woroesteri p. 276. 


Hary, daughter of Robert Hempetead ; the first-born of New Lon- 
don. William Douglas, 2d, held the office of deacon in the church 
at New London, about thirty years. He married, December 18th, 
1667, Abiah, daughter of William Hough. His oldest son, William, 
removed to Flainfield, and was one of the first deacons of the church 
in that place. He is the ancestor of the Douglas families of Plain- 

No family among the early settlers of the town has sent more colo- 
nies to other parts of the Union than that of Douglas. The descend- 
ants of William, 1st, are widely dispersed through New York, and 
the states farther west, and also in some of the southern states. He 
and his immediate family wrote the name Douglas, with one b; 
Douglass is a variation of later times. 

[The Chandlers, of Woodstock, were connected with New Lon- 
don by so many ties, that a short digression respecting them may not 
be amiss. John Chandler, son of William, of Roxbury, Mass., re- 
moved with a company from Roxbury, to a place then regarded as a 
portion of Worcester county, Mass., and called New Roxbury. It 
was afterward named Woodstock, and included in Connecticut, form- 
ing a part of New London county.* This John Chandler, second of 
the name in this country, was the one who married Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of William Douglas. His oldest son, John, married Mary, daugh- 
ter of Joshua Raymond, of New London, and resided several years 
in the place. The births of his first four children, John, Joshua, 
William and Mary, are recorded here. The family afterward re- 
turned to Woodstock, but the third John, agreeably to the custom of 
his ancestors, came down to the salt water for a wife, and married^ 
about 1718, Hannah, daughter of John Grardiner, of the Isle of Wight. 
He also resided for a short period in New London, and the fourth 
John Chandler, in lineal succession, was bom here, February 26th, 

Robert Burrows y* died in Augtut, 1682. 
Robert Burrows married in Wethersfield about the year 1645, 
Mary, relict of Samuel Ireland.^ She had two daughters by her 

1 Kow in Windham county, 

2 This name is now geq^^rally written Borroogfas or Bnrroogh. 

8 Irehmd came to America in 1685. " Samuel Ireland, carpenter aged thirty-two^ 
Uxor, thirty— Martha, one and a halt'* Sav. Gleanings, p. 261« 



first husband, Martha and Marj, whose portion of £30 each was de* 
livered to their father-in-law, Burrows, by John Latimer of Wcth- 
ersfield, Oct. 20th, 1651. For the faithful performance of his trust, 
Burrows pledged his house, land and stock at Fequonock, which 
shows how early he had settled east of the river. Mary, wife of 
Robert Burrows, died in Dec, 1672. Only two children have been 
traced : Samuel and John, both presented to be made freemen of the 
colony in October, 1669. The subsequent history of Samuel is not 
known. John married, Dec. 14th, 1670, Hannah daughter of Ed- 
ward Culver, and had a large family of children. He died in 1699. 

Amos Richardson^ of Stomngton, died Aug. bthy 1683. 

Mary, his relict, survived him but a few weeks. John, the oldest 
son of Mr. Richardson, was minister of the church in Newbury, 
Mass., where he was settled in 1674. He had two other sons, Ste- 
phen and Samuel, and a daughter, Prudence, who married, first, 
March 15th, 1682-3, John Hallam; second, March 17th, 1702-3, 
Elnathan Miner. 

A lingering lawsuit was sustained by Mr. Richardson for several 
years against the town of New London to obtain possession of a 
house lot, formerly granted him, which, comprising the greater por- 
tion of the Parade, (State St.,) had been assumed by the town for a 
highway and public square. Mr. John Plumbe was Richardson's 
attorney. It was at last decided that Richardson should be indemni- 
fied for his lot, out of the nearest unoccupied land that the town 
owned. In execution of this judgment the marshal took four pieces ; 
one piece of ninety-six rods, being a part of the original lot and on 
the north side of it, the same on which the first Episcop^ church 
was afterward erected; a lot at the comer of Main and State Streets, 
west side,* which had hitherto been left common and uninclosed ; ten 
rods on Mill Cove, and one hundred rods on the Beach. 

" These two last pieces (says the marshal's return) were prized 
according to law, on the Cove, one rod for two, and on the Beach, two 
rods for one ; the four pieces containing 285 rods were delivered to Mr. 
Amos Richardson and accepted in full satisfaction; Feb. 13, 1681." 

William Hough^ died August lO^A, 1683. 
The family of Samuel Hough, oldest son of William, is registered 

1 This lot was asBigned to Mr. Plumbe for his serrioes in managing the case. 


at Saybrooky and in connection witli the record it is stated that Wil- 
liam Hough, was a son of Edward Hough, of West Chester in 
Cheshire, England. It has not been ascertained that this Edward 
Hough emigrated to America, but a widow Ann Hough that died in 
Gloucester, Mass., in 1672, aged eighty-five jears, was perhaps his 
relict, and the mother oi William Hough. 

William Hough married Sarah, daughter of Hugh Calkin, October 
28th, 1635. 


1. Hannah b. July 31, 1646. 6. WiUiam b. Oct, 13, 1657. 

2. Abiah «* Sept. 15, 1048. 7. Jonathan " Feb. 7, 1659-60. 

3. Sarah «« Mar. 23, 1651. 8. Deborah «• Oct. 21, 1662. 

4. Samuel « Mar. 9, 1652-3. 9. Abigail ** Mar. 5, 1665-6. 
6. John " Oct. 17, 1655. 10. Anna " Aug. 29, 1667. 

Hannah Hough married John Borden of Lyme ; Abiah married 
the second William Douglas ; Sarah married David Carpenter. 

The marriage of William Hough and the births of three childreii, are 
recorded at Gloucester ; the remainder' in New London, but it is men- 
tioned that Samuel was bom in Saybrook. The father being a 
house builder might have been temporarily employed in that place. 

The last four children of William Hough are not afterward found at 
New London ; it is probable that they were scattered in other towns. 
Samuel the oldest son settled in Saybrook. Capt. John Hough, the 
second son, was a noted man of his time, powerful in frame and 
energetic in character. His wife was Sarah Post, of Norwich, and 
Capt. Hough was at one time a resident in that place. His death 
was caused by a fall from the scaffolding of a house which he was 
building in New London, August 26th, 1715.* No external injury 
could be discovered, but he lived only an hour. Such an event was 
sufficient at that time to move the whole town. 

William Hough, Jun., married Ann, daughter of Samuel Lothrop^ 
of Norwich. He died April 22d, 1705. His relict, Widow Ann 
Hough, died in Norwich Nov. 19th, 1745. 

John Baldwin, of Stonington, died August 19^A, 1683. 

Among the original emigrants from Great Britain to the shores of 
New England, were several John Baldwins. Two of these, father 

1 This hoose, which belonged to Richard Christophers, was on State Street, the end 
to the street, near the comer of the present Bradley Street, but at that time no street 
was opened east of it, and the house fronted the water. Capt Hongh fell fh>m th® 
8oath-east comer, on the spot now occupied by W. H. Chapman, merchant. 


and son, who married Mary and Hannah Bruen, hare already been 
mentioned in this history, as belonging to Milford, and subsequently 
joining the company that purchased Newark. Another John Bald- 
win wa« of Guilford, where he married Hannah Burchet, or Birchard' 
in 1653, and afterward removed to Norwich. A fourth John B^d- 
win was the one now under consideration, and may be distinguished 
as the son of Sylvester, of whom John, Sen., of Milford, was probably 
a brother. 

Sylvester Baldwin died on the voyage from Great Britain, a pass- 
enger in the Martin, 1638, making his will ^^ on the main ocean bound 
for New England." In this will he is said to be of Aston-Clinton in 
Bucks ; he notes wife Sarah, sons Richard and John, and daughters 
Sarah, Mary, Martha and Ruth. The will was proved in July, be- 
fore Deputy Governor Dudley of Mass.* 

In 1 643, the Widow Baldwin is found enrolled among the residents 
of New Haven ; five in her family and her estate estimated at £800.' 
She afterward married John* Astwood, one of the first planters of 
Milford, and removed to that place.^ Richard Baldwin, her oldest 
son, married and settled at Milford. John, the second son, we sup- 
pose to be the person who came to New London, where his name 
appears occasionally after 1654, but not as a fixed resident till about 
ten years later. 

He is on the rate list of 1667, and on the roll of freemen in 1668* 
He purchased two houses in the town plot and had several grants of 

His first wife died at Milford in 1658, leaving a son, John, bom in 
1657.* This son came to New London with him, received adult 
baptism in 1674 and after that event is lost to our records. From 
some probate testimony given at a much later period, we learn that 
soon after arriving at maturity, he sailed for England and never re- 

John Baldwin, the father, married July 24th, 1672, Rebecca, 
relict of Elisha Chesebrough, and daughter of Walter Palmer. This 
connection with a richly dowried widow, whose posessions lay in 
Stonington, led to an immediate transfer of his residence to that 

1 Savage (MS.) 

2 L4unbert*s Hist New Hayen Colcniy, p. 54. 
8 R. Smith, Esq., of GnUford, (MS.) 

4 Ibid, 
6 Ibid. 


,place. By this marriage he liad a son Sylyester and seyeral 

Benjamin AtweU, died 1683. 

The name suggests a family connection with the Benjamin AtweU 
killed by the Indians, while he was engaged in hay-making, August 
11th, 1676, at Casco, within a mile of the present Portland, Maine.^ 
Benjamin AtweU of New London, had been at that time about ten 
years an inhabitant. He was constable of the town in 1675. He 
had a son Benjamin, whoke birth is not recorded in New London ; 
Thomas bom 1670; John, 1675; Joseph, 1677; Richard, 1679; 
and Samuel, the youngest child, bom April 23d, 1 682. Joseph, Rich- 
ard and Samuel, settled about 1710, on wUd land in the North Parish 
of New London. Joseph died without issue. Descendants of the 
others remain in that vicinity. 

Two of the grandchUdren of Samuel, that is, of the fourth gener- 
ation from the first settler Benjamin, were Uving at the commence- 
ment of the year 1850. These were Samuel AtweU and his> sister 
Lucretia, chUdren of Samuel AtweU second. Samuel died Nov. 
26th, 1850, aged ninety-five years and six months ; Lucretia, daughter 
of Samuel second and reUct of Joseph AtweU, died Oct. 25th, 1851, 
aged 102 years. She was bom Nov. 19th, 1749, O. S. Here are 
three generations covering the space from 1682 to 1851. 

Benjamin and Thomas AtweU, the two oldest sons of Benjamin 
senior, died in New London leaving descendants. John, in 1712, 
was of Saybrook. 

Daniel Comstock, died 1683. 
WiUiam Comstock the father of Daniel, came from Hartford in 
1649 and lived to old age in his house upon Post Hill; (near north 
comer of WiUiams and VauxhaU Streets.) His wife Elizabeth was 
aged fifty-five in 1663. No record has been found of the death of 
either. His land was inherited by his son Daniel, of New London, 
and grandson WilUam, of Lyme. The latter was a son of John 
Comstock deceased — and his mother Abigail in 1680, was the wife 
of Moses Huntley, of Lyme. It is probable that Daniel and John 
were the only children of WUliam Comstock, sen., and his wife 

1 Willis' Hist of Portland, pp. 184, 144. 



Eliaabeih. John is the ancestor of the Ljme havlj of CamstockB, 
and Daniel of those of the North Parish or Montville. The hitter, 
as appears from statements of his age, was horn about 1630. His 
wife, whose name was Faltiah, was a daughter, or step-daughter <^ 
John Elderkin. Thej had a son Daniel and eight daughters, whose 
births are not recorded ; but they were all baptized bj Mr. Bradstreet 
in April and NoTcmber, 1671. Af^er this two other sons were bap- 
tized; Eangsland in 1673, and Samuel in 1677. 

John Lockwoody died in 1683. 
We suppose this person to have been the son of Elizabeth, wife of 
Gary Latham, by a former husband Edward Lockwood, and the same 
whose birth stands on record in Boston, 9th month, 1632.^ He 
dwelt on Foxen's Hill, at a place since known as a Wheeler home- 
stead. In the settlement of the estate, no heir appears but Edmund 
Lockwood of Stamford, who is called his brother. 

Halph Parker, died in 1683. 
He had a house in Gloucester in 1647. Sold out there ^' 24th of 
8 m. 1651" and was the same y^ar a grantee at New London. He 
appears to have been wholly engaged in marine affairs — sending out 
vessels and sometimes going himself to sea. No births, marriages or 
deaths of bis family are recorded. It is ascertained, howeyer, that 
his wife was Susannah, daughter of Wm. Keeny ; though not proba- 
bly his first wife, as her age in October, 1662, was thirty-four and 
that of his daughter Mary nineteen. This daughter Mary married 
William Condy of Boston, about 1 663 : another daughter, Susannah^ 
married Thomas Forster in 1666. Keeny, Condy, Forster and 
Paricer were all masters of vessels, as was also at a later period, 
Jonathan Parker, son of Ralph. In the year 1710 Thomas Parker 
of Boston, son of Jonathan, was the principal heir to certain estate 
of the family left in New London. 

Edmund Fanning, died in December, 1683. 
It has been transmitted from one generation to another in the Fan- 
ning family that their ancestor ^ Edmund Fajining, escaped from 

1 Hist and Gen. Reg., voL 2, p. 181. and vol 4, p. 181. 


Dablin in 1641, in the time of the great rebellion, in which 100,000 
Protestants fell Tictims to the fury of the Roman Catholics," * and 
afler eleven years of wandering and uncertamty he found a resting 
place in that part of New London now called Groton, in the year 
1652. On the town records the name is not mentioned till ten years 
later, but it is then in a way that denotes previous residence. In the 
inventory of goods of Richard Poole, April 25th, 1662, one article 

** Two cowes and one steere now with Edmon ffaning." 

After this he has a grant of land ; claims the bounty for killing a 
wolf; is chosen to some town office ; is propounded to be made a 
freeman in Stonington, and thus occasionally gleams upon us, till we 
come to the last item — ^the probate of his estate. 

Feb., 1688-4, « The widow Fanning is to pay 10 shillings for the 
settlement of her estate, it being done at a called Court, which the 
derk is to demand and receive." 

The estate was distributed to the widow and four sons — Edmundy 
John, Thomas and William, and two grandsons, William and Benja- 
min Hewet. 

Several of the family have in latter days been eminent as naviga- 
tors f others have gained distinction in naval battles and in military 

Charles Hill, died in October, 1684. 

The first copartnership in trading at New London, of which we 

have any knowledge, is that of Hill and Christophers, " Charles Hill, 

of London, guirdler, and Christopher Christophers, mariner." The 

earliest date respecting them is June 26th, 1665, when they pur- 

1 MS. infonnation from late Oapt John Fanning^ of Norwich. 

a In 1797, '98 and '99, Capt Edmund Fanning, of Stonhigton, made a Toyage for 
seals in the ship Betsey, in which he discovered several islands near the equator, not 
before laid down on any chart They are known as Fanning's Islands. (See Fan- 
sing's Voyages round the World.) 

8 Nathaniel Fanning, brother of Edmund, the discoverer, was an officer in the ship 
of Paul Jones at the time of his celebrated naval battle, and by his gallant daring 
contributed essentially to the brilliant result He was stationed in the maintop of 
Jones' ship and led his men upon the interlocked yards to the enemy's top, which was 
cleared by the well ducted fire of his conmiand. He died in Charleston, S. C, Sept 
80th, 1806. Edmund Fibming, cousin of Nathaniel, fought on the other side during 
the Revolutionary War. He was colonel of a regiment raised on Long Island and 
called the Associated Refugees. (Onderdonk's Revolutionary Incidents of Queen's 
County.) He died in London in 1818. 


chased a warehouse that had been John Tinkei^'s, cm Mill Cove. 
Hill, though styled of London, had previously been at the souUi, for 
in 1668, he assigned to Robert Frowse, merchant, all right to a plan- 
tation in Maryland, with milch cows and small cattle, &c«, which had 
been four years jointly owned and cultivated by them. 

Mr. Hill was chosen recorder of the town, February 25th, 1669-70, 
and held the office till his death. His handwriting was compact and 
neat, but not distinct. He was also clerk of the county court at the 
time of his decease. His first marriage is thus recorded : '' Charles, 
son to Creorge Hill, of Barley, Derbyshire, Esq., was married July 
16, 1668, to Ruth, widow of John Ficket." Children — Jane, bom 
December 9th, 1669 ; Charles, October 16th, 1671 ; Ruth, baptized 
October, 1673, probably died in infancy ; Jonathan, bom December, 
1674. Ruth, wife of Charles Hill, died April 80th, 1677. Charles 
Hill married, second, June 12th, 1678, Rachel, daughter of Major 
John Mason, deputy govemor of the colony. This second wife and 
her infant child died in 1679. 

Charles Hill, second, married Abigail Fox, August 28th, 1701, 
Jonathan Hill married Mary Sharswood, the date not recovered. 

Pasco Footey died probably in 1684. 

We can scarcely err in assuming that he was son of Fasco Foote, 
of Salem, and that he was the Fasco Foote, Jr., of the Salem records, 
who married 2d 10th month, 1668, Martha Wood, and of whose mar- 
riage three sons are the recorded issue, Malachi, Martha and Fasco.* 
He appears in New London as a mariner, engaged in the Newfound- 
land trade, and marries November 30th, 1678, Margaret, daughter of 
Edward Stallion. Three children were the issue of this marriage, 
whose births are not recorded, Isaac, Stallion and Margaret Ed- 
ward Stallion, the grandfather, by a deed of adoption, took the second 
son. Stallion, for his own child, and at the same time, Fasco Foote 
settled his house and land in New London, on his youngest child, 
Margaret. These deeds, executed January 6th, 1683-4, give us our 
latest information of Fasco Foote. His relict married James Haynes, 
in 1687 or 1688. 

Stallion Foote died in 1710, leaving a wife, Ann, and an only 
child, of his own name, StaUion^ who died suddenly at the house ojf 
John Williams, on Groton bank, January 9th, 1714-15, aged six 

1 Goodwin's Foote Genealogy, p. 892. 


years* On the 7th of March succeeding the death of the child, an 
entry was made on the New London record, of the following import : 
*< Isaac, son of Pasco Foote, late of New London, deceased, and Mar- 
garet his wife, hath desired his name may be now recorded, Isaac, 
alias Stallion Foote." This person after 1715, disappears from our 

Charles Haynez. 
His inventory was presented in 1685. This is all the information 
obtained respecting the period of his decease. Ilis marriage is not 

Children of Charltz Haynet and hi$ wife Mary. 

1. James, bom March 1st, 1664-5. 4. Jonathan, born June 20th, 1674. 

2. Peter, " November 2l8t, 1666. 6. Mary, «• October 29th, 1678. 

3. Charles, " Sept. 25th, 1669. 6. Hercules, «« AprU 29th, 16S1. 

James and Jonathan Haynes settled in New London, and left; de- 

Edward CtdveVj died in 1685. 

He had lived at Dedham, where the births of three children are 
recorded: John, April 15th, 1640 ; Joshua, January 12th, 1642-3; 
Samuel, January 9th, 1644-5 ; and at Roxbury, where the record of 
baptisms adds two more to the list of children, Grershom, December 
3d, 1648 ; Hannah, April 11th, 1651.* His arrival at Pequot is an- 
nounced by a land grant in 1653. He purchased the house-lot of 
Robert Burrows, given to the latter by the town, and established 
himself as a baker and brewer. In 1664 he relinquished the home- 
stead to his son John, and removed to a place near the head of Mys- 
tic, but within New London bounds, called by the Indians Chepadaso, 
and in one place recorded as Chepados HilL During Philip's War, 
Edward Culver was a noted soldier and partisan, often sent out with 
Indian scouts to explore the wilderness.' In 1681, he is called 
" wheel-right of Mystic." The sons of Edward and Ann Culver, 
expressly named, are John, Joshua, Samuel and Joseph.^ It is sup- 
posed that Edward Culver, of Norwich, 1680, having wife Sarah, 

1 Savage, (MS.) 

9 Conn. Col. Rec., toL 2, pp. 408, 417. 

8 Perhaps Gerthom^ baptized at Roxbuy, 1648, is a mistake for Jntph, 


and children ranging in birth from 1681 to 1694, aad in 1700, an 
inhabitant of the new town of Lebanon, should be added to the list. 
If so, he was probably bom after the removal to Pequot, or about 
1654. The identity of his name, however, is the only evidence we 
can produce of the relationship. 

John Culver was for several years a resident in New Haven, where 
the birth of a daughter, Abigail, is recorded in 1676, and son, James, 
in 1679.* He ultimately returned to the neighborhood of the Mystic 
Joshua Culver, married in 1673, Elizabeth Ford, of New Haven, and 
settled in Wallingford.* Samuel Culver, about the year 1674, eloped 
with the wife of John Fish, and is not known to have ever returned 
to this part of the country. Joseph Culver settled on his father's 
lands at Groton. 

Isaac WiUey,^ died about 1685. 

Willey's house-lot was on Mill Brook, at the base of Post HilL 
He was an agriculturist, and soon removed to a farm at the head of 
Nahantic River, which was confirmed to "old goodman Willie," in 
1664. It is probable that both he and his wife Joanna, had passed 
the bounds of middle age, and that all their children were bom before 
they came to the banks of the Pequot. Isaac "Willey, Jr., was a mar- 
ried man at the time of his death, in 1662 ; John Willey was one 
who wrought on the mill-dam in 1651 ; Abraham had married and 
settled in Haddam before his father's decease. No other sons are 
known. Hannah, wife of Peter Blatchford, is the only daughter ex- 
pressly named as such, but inferential testimony leads us to enroll 
among the members of this family, Joanna, wife of Robert Hemp- 
stead, and afterward of Andrew Lester; Mary, wife of Samuel Tubbs, 
and Sarah, wife of John TerralL 

Isaac Willey married, second, after 1670, Anna, relict of Andrew 
Lester,* who survived him. The Willey farm was sold to Abel 
Moore and Chr. Christophers. John Willey married in 1670, Miri- 
am, daughter of Miles Moore. He lived beyond the head of Nahan- 

1 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 2 Ibid. 

8 He wrote his name Itarh WtUy. Mr. Bmen^s orthography uras WUKe : he had a 
par^lity for this termination, and wrote Averie, MarU^ Doxie, &c. 

4 She had been the third wife of his former son-in-law. Relationship was some- 
times curiously involved by marriages. It must be recollected that the males out- 
numbered the females, and there could be no wide range of choice in the selection of a 


tiek, and wHen the bounds between New London and L jme were de- 
termined, his farm was split bj the line, leaving twenty acres, on 
whkh stood his house, in New London. 

Abraham Willey, the ancestor of the Haddam family, married 
Elizabeth, daaghter of Thomas Mortimer, of New London. 

Jame$ Morgan^ died abotU 1685. 

He was about seventy-eight years of age.* The earliest notice of 
him is from the records of Boston, where the birth of his daughter, 
Hannah, is registered, eighteenth day, fifth month, 1642.' He was 
afterward of Gloucester, and came with the Cape Ann company to 
Pequot, where he acted as one of the townsmen, from 1653 to 1656, 
inclusive. His homestead, " on the path to New Street," was sold 
December 25th, 1657. He then removed east of the river, where 
he had large grants of land. The following additional grant alludes 
to his dwelling : 

" James Morgan hath given him about six acres of upland where the wig- 
wams were in the path that goes from his house towards Culver's among the 
rocky hills." 

He was often employed by the public in land surveys, stating high- 
ways and determining boundaries, and was nine times deputy to the 
Greneral Court. His estate was settled in 1685, by division among 
his four children, James, John, Joseph and Hannah, wife of Nehe- 
miah Royce. 

James Morgan, 2d, married, J,*8ome time in the month of November, 
1666," Mary Vine,=* of old England. This was the Capt. James 
Morgan, of Groton, who died December 8th, 1711. John Morgan 
married, November 16th, 1665, Rachel Dymond, by whom he had 
seven children. By a second wife, Elizabeth, supposed to have been 
daughter of William Jones, of New Haven,* and granddaughter of 
Governor Eaton, he had six other children. Lieut John Morgan 
died in Groton, 1712. Joseph Morgan married, in April, 1670, Dor- 
othy, daughter of Thomas Parke. He died in Preston, April 6i\ 

1 Conn. Col. Rec., vol. 1, p. SOO. 

2 Hist and Gen. Reg., vol 6, p. 184. 9 

8 Of the Vine family there has been no account recorered. The name can be traced 
in several families, as Vine Starr, Vhie Utley, Vhie Stoddard, &c. 

4 In settling Mr. Jones* estate in 1707, one of the children mentioned is Elizabeth 
wife of John Morgan. Jndd, (MS.) 


1704. These three sons are progenitors of a numerous body of de- 

Richard Rose-Morgan, who settled in the western part of New 
London, (now Waterford,) in 1679 or 1680, is the ancestor of another 
line of Morgans, probably of a different family from James Morgan* 
His descendants for a considerable period, retained the adjunct of 
Hose, apparently to distinguish them from that family. Richard 
Rose-Morgan died in 1698, leaving sons, John, Richard and Benja- 
min, and several daughters. His relict, widow Hope-stUl Morgan^ 
died June 1st, 1712. 

Oartf Latham, died in 1685* 

Elizabeth, wife of Gary Latham, was daughter of John Masters, 
and relict of Edward Lockwood. Two children are recorded in Bos- 
ton: Thomas, bom ninth month, 1639 ; Joseph, second of tenth month, 
probably 1642.* John Latham, who died at New London, about 
1684, is supposed to have been a third son. The daughters were 
four in number : Elizabeth, wife of John Leeds ; Jane, of Hugh Hub- 
bard ; Lydia, of John Packer, and Hannah, unmarried at the time of 
her father's decease. Mr. Latham served in various town offices ; 
he was one of the townsmen or selectmen for sixteen years, and was 
six times deputy to the General Court, from May, 1664, to 1670. 
His large grants of land enriched his descendants. 

Thomas Latham, oldest son of Gary, married, October 15th, 1673, 
Rebecca, daughter of Hugh Wells, of Wethersfield. He died before 
hb father, December 14th, 1677, leaVing an only son, SamueL His 
relict married John Packer. 

Joseph, the second son, had a numerous family. His marriage is 
not recorded at New London. His first child, Gary, was bom at 
Newfoundland, July 14th, 1668. He died in 1706, leaving seven 
sons, and a daughter, Lydia, the wife of Benjamin Starr. 

Thomas For$ter, died in 1685. 
Of this sea-captain nearly all that is presented to our view is the 
registry of his marriage, and birth of his children. 

" Thomas, soa of John Forster, of Kingsware, was married to Susannah^ 
daughter of Ralph Parker, 27th of March, 1665-6. 

1 Hist and G«ii. Beg., vol 4, p. 181. 


1. Susannah, bom March 4th, 1660-7. 5. Samuel, bom Sept. 22d, 1678. 

2. Thomas, ** Feb. 36th, 1668-9. 6. Rebecca, baptized June, 1681. 

3. Jonathan, ** Aug. 17th, 1673. 7. Ebenezer, ** April, 1683.** 

4. Mary, " June 14th, 1675. 

Thomas Forster appears to have had brothers, Edward and Jona- 
than. His son, Jonathan, settled in Westerly, Rhode Island. 

Bugh HtMardy died in 1685. 

** Hugh Hubbard, of Derbyshire, old England, was married to Jane, 
daughter of Gary Latham, in March, 1672-3." Beside a son that 
died in infancy, they had four daughters : 1. Mary, bom November 
17th, 1674; married, in 1697, " Ichabod Sayre, son of Francis Sayre, 
of Southampton, on Nassau Id., N. Y." This was the first mar- 
riage recorded by Rev. Gurdon SaltonstalL 2. Lydia, bom Febm- 
ary 7th, 1675-6 ; married John Burrows. 3. Margaret. 4. Jane. 
The relict of Hugh Hubbard married John Williams, and died May 
dd, 1739, aged ninety-one. 

Cfahriel Woodmanc^, died in 1685. 

He is first introduced to our notice by the purchase of a homestead 
on what is now Shaw's Neck and Truman Street, in November, 1665. 
Three sons are mentioned : Thomas, bora September 17th, 1670 ; 
settled in Shrewsbury, Monmouth county. New Jersey ; Joseph and 
Gabriel. The last mentioned died without issue, in September, 
1720, aged thirty-four. There was also a daughter, Sarah, bora in 
March, 1673, who married in Killingworth, where she had descend- 
ants of the names of Hurd, Carter and Nettleton. Joseph, whom 
we may assume was bora about 1680, is the ancestor of the Wood- 
mancys of Groton. 

Aaron Starke, died in 1685. 

This name is found at Mystic as early as 1658. In May, 1666, 
Aaron Starke was among those who were to take the freeman's oath 
in Stonington, and in October, 1669, was accepted as freeman of New 
London. In the interim he had purchased the farm of William 
Thomson, the Pequot missionary, near the head of Mystic, which 
brought him within the bounds of New London. Neither his mar- 
riage nor his children are found recorded, but from the settlement of 

314 'history of new london. 

his estate, it may be gathered that he had sons, Aaron, John and 
William, and that John Fish and Josiah Hajnes were his sons-in- 

John SteMnns, died probably in 1685. 

In one deposition on record, his age is said to be sixty, in 1661, 
and in another, seventy, in 1675. Where the mistake lies, can not be 
decided. It is probable that he was the John Stebbins who had a 
son John bom at Watertown, in 1640.^ His wife, Margaret, died 
January 1st, 1678-9. Three children are mentioned : John, Daniel, 
and the wife of Thomas Marshall, of Hartford. John Stebbins, 2d, 
was married about 1663 ; his wife was Deborah, and is supposed to 
have been a daughter of Miles Moore. He died in 1707. Daniel 
Stebbins married Bethiah, daughter of Daniel Comstock. The broth- 
ers, John and Daniel Stebbins, were of that company to whom the 
Mohegan sachems made a munificent grant of a large part of Hebron 
and Colchester. 

The name is almost invariably written in the earlier records, Stub- 
bin, or Stubbing. 

No due has been obtained to the period of decease of Thomas 
Marritt, Nathaniel Holt, John Fish and William Feake. Their 
names, however, disappear from the rolls of living men, about 1685. 

Thomas MarrxtL — The name is given in his own orthography, 
but it is commonly recorded Merrit He was probably the Thomas 
Maryot, made freeman of the Bay colony in 1636,* and the Thomas 
Merrit, of Cambridge, mentioned in the will of John Benjamin, in 
1645.^ At New London, his first appearance is in 1664 ; he was 
chosen custom-master of the port, and county marshal, Dec 15th, 
1668, and was, for several years, the most conspicuous attorney in 
the place. 

Nathaniel HoU. — William Holt, of New Haven, had a son, Na- 
thaniel, bom in 1647, who settled in New London in 1673, and mar- 
ried, April 5th, 1680, Rebecca, daughter of Thomas Beeby, 2d. 

1 Farmer's Kegister. 

2 Savage's Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 866. 

8 Hist, and Gen. Reg., vol. 8, p. 177. In Mass. Hist Coll., 8d series, vol. 10, p. 118, 
Mr» Myrior is probably a mistake for MyrioU 


Only two children of this marriage are recorded — William, bom July 
15th, 1681 ; Nathaniel, July 18th, 1682. From Thomas Beeby, the 
Holt family inherited the original homestead granted by the town to 
Thomas Parke, lying south-west of Robert Hempstead's lot, with a 
highway, (Hempstead Street,) between them. Sergeant Thomas 
Beeby purchased this lot of five acres, and left it to his descendants. 
In the original grant it is said, '' to run up the hill am(mg the rocks.** 
This description remained characteristic of the surface for nearly 
two hundred years, but its aptness is now fast melting away, before 
an advancing line of neat dwelling-houses, from whose windows the 
occupants look out over the roofs of their neighbors, upon a goodly 

John Fish. — Probably identical with the John Fish, who was of 
Lynn, 1637.* In New London, he appears early in 1655, with wife 
and children. Of the latter, only three are traced, John, Jonathan 
and Samuel. In 1667, the wife of John Fish was Martha — probably 
a second wife, and a young woman. She was subsequently several 
times arraigned and admonished, on account of improper conduct, 
and finally eloped with Samuel Culver. Mr. Fish obtained a divorce 
from his recreant wife, in 1680, at which time it is said she had been 
gone six or seven years. Of the guilty couple nothing further is 
known. The estate of Mr. Fish was divided in 1687, between his 
two sons, Jonathan and Samuel. John Fish, Jr., is mentioned in 
1684, but his name not appearing in the division of the estate, it may 
be conjectured that he had received his portion and settled else- 

William Peake, or Pike. — His residence was west of the town- 
plot, on the path leading to Fog Plain. Only three children are 
mentioned : 

Sarah, married, Dec. 27th, 1671, Abraham Dayneor Deane. 

1 About the year 1840, Mr. David Bishop, with great labor, succeeded in cutting a 
chamber out of the solid roclc for a foundation, upon wtiich he erected a handsome 
house. A street has since been opened over the hill, a numl>er of neat houses built, 
and the name of Mountain Avenue given to it 

2 Farmer^s Register. 

8 Perhaps in Newtown, Long Island. In the patent of Newtown, granted in 1686, 
are the names of John, Samuel and Nathan Fish. The same names occur among the 
tons of Samuel Fish, of Groton, suggesting a connection with the Newtown family. 



William, who settled in Ljrme, and manied, June 24th, 1679, Abi- 
gail Comstock. 

John, who remained in New London, had wife, Elizabeth, and 
children, John, born 1690; Samuel, 1698; William, 1695, and Ruth, 
1699. John Pike died, Oct. 2d, 1699. 

Chriitopher Ohr%$topher9, died July 234, 1687. 

Two brothers, of the name of Christophers, both mariners, and en- 
gaged in the exchange trade with Barbadoes, settled in New London 
about 1665. 

Jeffrey was aged fiftj-five in 1676; of course bom about 1621 
Christopher was, at his death, aged fiflj-six; bom about 1631.. 
That thej were brothers, conclusive evidence remains, in documents 
upon record, wherein the relationship is expressed. 

Jeffrey Christophers had a son of the same name, who was also a 
mariner, and who died May 17th, 1690, of the small-pox. Jane, the 
wife of the said Jeffrey Christophers, Jr., died of the same disease 
three weeks after her husband. Jeffrey, Sen., had no other s<m. 
Three daughters are mentioned: Joanna, wife of John Mayhew; 
Margaret, wife of Abraham Corey, of Southold, and the wife of a 
Mr. Parker, or Packer, of the same place. Li 1700, JeStrej Chris- 
tophers was living at Southold, with one of these daughters. The 
date of his death is not known. 

Christopher Christophers, having purchased the Doxey or Lane 
house-lot, on the Town Street, built thereon, about 1680, a new house 
which is supposed to be the same structure, in the frame and fashion 
of it, that has been known, of late years, as the Wheat house. Ac- 
cording to tradition, the timber of which it was built, grew upon the 
spot. Afler one hundred and seventy years of endurance, the frame 
was still firm and substantial It was one of the six fortified houses 
of 1676, and subsequently, when enlarged, the addition was built over 
the old sloping roof. Another and larger house was built by the side 
of it, on the same home-lot, and probably on the site of the Doxey or 
Lane house, about the year 1710, in which resided the second Chris- 
topher Christophers, grandson of the former. This has more recently 
been known as the Hurlbut house, (comer of Main and Federal 
Streets.) Both of these houses were taken down in 1851, and the 
new and tasteful mansions of Messrs. Lawrence and Miner, now oc- 
cupy their places. 

Mr. Christophers brought with him to New London, a wife, Mary, 


and three children, Richard, John and Mary, An ancient record in 
the family, states that Richard was bom, July 13th, 1662, at Ohof- 
ton^i JForriBy in Devonshire, England ; probably Cherston Ferrers, a 
Tillage on Torbay, near Dartmouth. Mrs. Mary Christophers died 
July 13th, 1676, aged fifly-fiye years, which was ten years in ad- 
yance of the age of her husband. Her grave-stone is the second in 
chronological order in the old burial-ground, being the next in date 
to the tablet of Richard Lord. Mr. Christophers afterward married 
Elizabeth, relict of Peter Bra41ey. A certificate of this marriage is 
indorsed upon one of the town books, without any reference to time, 
or place, or the officiating magistrate, but simply attested by two wit- 
nesses, Mary Shapley and Jane Hill, the latter a child, eight or nine 
years of age — both nieces of the bride. 

Christopher Christophers died July 23d, 1687, aged fifty-six. 

Mrs. Elizabeth Christophers, died in 1708, "aged about seventy."* 

Richard Christophers married, Jan. 26th, 1681, Lucretia Bradley. 
She died in 1691. His second wife was Grace Turner, of Situate. 
Hhe two wives were cousins, and both granddaughters of Jonathan 
Brewster. Richard Christophers was much employed in public af- 
fairs, and one of the most prominent individuals of the town in his 
day. He was an assistant in the colony, judge of the county court 
and court of probate. He died June 9th, 1726, leaving a large es- 
tate. His will provides for two sons and seven daughters. Six sons 
had deceased before him. His oldest son, Christopher, succeeded to 
all his appointments and public offices, but very soon followed him 
into the grave. He died Feb. 5th, 1728-9, in the forty-sixth year 
of his age. Estate, £4,468. 

John Christophers, second son of the first Christopher Christo- 
phers, married, July 28th, 1696, Elizabeth Mulford, of Long Island. 
He died in Barbadoes in 1703. His only son, John, was wrecked 
near Montauk, on a return voyage from the same island, and drowned, 
in July, 1723. By this event, the male issue in this branch became 
extinct, and the name centered in the family of Richard. The elder 
John Christophers had two daughters, who inherited the estate. Eliz- 
abeth who married the third Joshua Raymond, had the farm on Ni- 
antick River, called Pine Neck. Esther, who married Thomas Man- 

1 A part of her grave-stone, containing the date, is broken off and missing, but if 
Mrs. Christophers was forty-two years of age in 1680, the date most have been 1708. 
See note before, under article Bradley, 



waring, had the farm at Black Point Elizabeth, relict of John 
Christophers, married the third John Picket 

The names of Picket and Christophers, which, for a centorj and a 
half were common in the town, and borne by persons of note and af- 
flnence, whose families also were numerous, have entirely disappeared 
from the place ; but it is supposed that some branches, formerly di- 
verging from the parent stock in New London, are continued in other 
parts of the Union. 

John Richards, died in 1687. 

Of this person, no account previous to his appearance in New Lon- 
don, has been found. His marriage is not recorded, and it is proba- 
ble that it took place elsewhere. He had seven children baptized, 
March 26th, 1671 — John, Israel, Mary, Penelope, Lydia, Elizabeth 
and Hannah. David was baptized July 27th, 1673. It is presumed 
that these eight form a complete list of his children. John, the old- 
est son, was bom in 1666. He married Love, daughter of Oliver 
Manwaring, and had a family of ten children, all of whom died under 
twenty years of age, except four — John, George, Samuel and Lydia. 
John married Anna Prentis ; George married Esther Hough ; Sam- 
uel married Ann, (Denison,) relict of Jabez Hough : Lydia married 
John Proctor, of Boston. 

Israel, the second son of the elder John Richards, inherited from 
his father a farm, " near the Mill Pond, about two miles to the north- 
ward of the town plot." . He had two sons, Israel and Jeremiah, and 
several daughters. 

David Richards, the third son, married Elizabeth Raymond, Dec. 
14th, 1698. 

Samuel Starry died, probably, in 1688. 

Mr. Starr is not mentioned upon the records of New London, at an 
earlier date than his marriage with Hannah, daughter of Jonathan 
Brewster, Dec 23d, 1664. His wife was aged thirty-seven, in 1680. 
Their children were, Samuel, bom Dec 11th, 1665; Thomas, Sept 
27th, 1668 ; Comfort, baptized by Mr. Bradstreet, in August, 1671 ; 
Jonathan, baptized in 1674, and Benjamin, in 1679. 

The residence of this family was on the south-west comer of the 
Bradley lot, (comer of Main and State Streets, or Button wood com- 
er.) Mr. Starr was appointed county marshal,^ in 1678, and prob- 

1 Equivalent to sherifiEl 



ablj held the office till his death. No will, inventorj, or record of 
the settlement of his estate has been found, but a deed was executed 
Feb. 2d, 1687-8, bj Hannah, widow of Samuel Starr, and it is prob- 
able that her husband had then recently deceased. 

Samuel Starr was undoubtedly a descendant of " Comfort Starr, 
of.Ashford, chirurgeon/' who came to New £ngland, in the Hercu- 
les, of Sandwich, 1635, with three children and three servants.* The 
coincidence of names, suggests an intimate family connection. The 
three children of the chirurgeon are supposed to have been Thomas, 
John and Comfort. Thomas followed the profession of his father, is 
styled a surgeon, and was living in Yarmouth, Mass., from 1648 to 
1670.* He had two children bom in Situate — Comfort, in 1644, and 
Elizabeth, in 1646. It is probable that he had other children, and 
according to our conjecture, one older, viz., our Samuel Starr, of New 
London. The church records of Ipswich, state that Mary, wife of 
Comfort Starr, was admitted to that church in March, 1671, and in 
May, 1673, dismissed to the church in New London. She was re- 
ceived here in June, and her husband's name appears on the « town 
record, about the same period, but he is supposed to have removed 
to Middletown. This was probably the brother of Samuel, and iden- 
tical with Comfort Starr, bom in 1644. 

Samuel Starr, Jun., is mentioned in 1685, and again in 1687. He 
then disappears, and no descendants have been found in this vicinity. 
Of Comfort, third son of Samuel, nothing is known after his bap- 
tism in 1671. It may be presumed that he died young. The second 
and fourth sons, Thomas and Jonathan, settled east of the river, in 
the present town of Groton, on land which some of their descendants 
still occupy. Thomas Starr is called a shipwright. In the year 
1710, he sold a sloop, called the Sea Flower, which he describes as 
'^ a square stemed vessel of sixty-seven tons, and six-seventh of a ton 
burden, built by me in Groton," for £180. This is our latest account 
of him till we meet with the notice of his death, which took place 
Jan. 31st, 1711-12. 

Thomas and Jonathan Starr married sisters, Mary and Elizabeth 
Morgan, daughters of Capt. James Morgan. Samuel, the oldest son 
of Jonathan, removed to Norwich, and is the founder of the Norwich 
family of Starrs. Jonathan, the second son, was the ancestor of the 
present Jonathan Starr, Esq., of New London, and of the late Capt. 

1 QleaniDgs by Savage, in Moss. Hist CoD., 8d series, vol. 8, p. 276. 

2 Deane*8 Hist of Situate, p. 847, and Thatcher's Medical Biography. 


Jared Starr. Richard, another brother of this family, removed to 
Hinsdale, Mass., and was one of the fathers of that new settlementf 
and a founder of its infant church.' 

The descendants of Jonathan Starr have been remarkable for lon^* 
gevity — eight of his children lived to be eighty, and most of them 
over eighty-five years of age. One of his daughters, Mrs. Turner, 
was one hundred years and seven months old. In the family of his 
son Jonathan, the father, mother and four children, averaged ninety 
years of age. The third Jonathan lived to be ninety-five, and his 
brother, Capt. Jared Starr, to his ninetieth year. A similar length 
^ of years characterized their partners in marriage. Mrs. Mary (Sea- 
bury) Starr, lived to the age of ninety-nine years ; and Elizabeth, 
relict of Capt Joseph Starr, of Groton, (brother of Jonathan, 2d,) 
died at the age of one hundred years, four months and eight days. 

Benjamin Starr, the youngest son of the first Samuel, (born 1679,) 
settled in New London, and has had many descendants here. He 
purchased, in 1702, of the heirs of Thomas Dymond, a house, garden, 
and i|(harf, upon Bream Cove, east side, where the old bridge crossed 
the cove, which was then regarded as the end of the town in that di- 
rection. The phrase — ^from the fort to Benjamin Starr's — compre- 
hended the whole length of the bank. The water, at high tide, came 
up to the base of Mr. Starr's house ; and the dwellings south-east of 
it, known as the Crocker and Perriman houses, founded on the rocks, 
had the tide directly in their rear, so las to preclude the use fif doors 
on the water side. The quantity of made land in that vicinity, and 
the recession of the water, consequent upon bridging and wharfing, 
has entirely altered the original form of the shore around Bream 
Cove. A foot-bridge, with a draw, spanned the cove, by the side of 
Mr. Starr, and connected him with his opposite neighbor, Peter 

Philip JBiU, died My Sth, 1689. 

Mr. Bill, and a daughter named Margaret, died the same day, vic- 
tims of an epidemic throat distemper, that was prevalent in July and 

1 Richard Starr was a man eminent for piety. Mrs. Mary Starr (wife of Jonathan) 
itted to Bay, '' Brother Richard comes to see us once a year, and I always feel at his 
departure, as if an angel had heen visiting us.** This testimonial is the more pleasing, 
from the fact that the two families belonged to different religious denominations- 
Richard Stair was a Congregationalist; Mrs. Starr of the Episcopal communion. 


August of this year. He settled east of the river, in that part of the 
township which is now Ledjard, before 1670. Mr. Bradstreet bap- 
tized his son Jonathan, November 5 th, 1671, and adds to the record 
that the father was member of the churdi at Ipswich. Another son, 
Joshua, was baptized in 1675. The older children, probably bom in 
Ipswich, were Philip, Samuel, John and Elizabeth. Hannah, relict 
of Philip Bill, married Samuel BucknalL Philip Bill, Jr., was ser- 
geant of the first company of train-bands formed in Groton. His wife 
was Elizabeth, daughter of Andrew Lester. Their oldest son, Philip, 
was lost at sea, or died abroad. Sergeant Philip Bill, who *' lived 
near the Long Hill in Groton," died July 10th, 1739, aged above 
eighty. "The church bell (says Hempstead in his diary,) tolled 
twice on that occasion." We infer from this that it was customary 
at that day to have only a death-bell to announce decease, but no 
passing-bell to solemnize the funeraL 

AhdMoorey died July 9M, 1689. 

This event occurred at Dedham, Mass., and was caused by the ex- 
treme heat of the weather. He was constable of the town*that year* 
and had been to Boston, probably on business connected with his 
public duties. 

Abel Moore was the son, and as far as we know the only son of 
Miles Moore, and his wife, Isabel Joyner. Of the death of the par- 
ents we ]iave no account, but it is probable that they had deceased 
before their son. They were both living in 1680, when Mr. Brad- 
street records as admitted to full conmiunion in the church, '*old 
goodman Moore and his wife, sometime members of the church at 
Guildford" — Guilford is here unquestionably a mistake for Milford. 
Miriam, wife of John Willey, is the only daughter of Miles Moore, 
that is well ascertained; but it is probable that Deborah, wife of 
John Stebbins, Jun., had the same parentage. 

Abel Moore married, September 22d, 1670, Hannah, daughter of 
Robert Hempstead. Their children were Miles, bom September 
24th, 1671 ; Abel, July 14th, 1674; Mary, bom in 1678; John in 
1680, and Joshua, to whose birth or age no reference has been found. 
Hannah, relict of Abel Moore, married Samuel Waller. 

We find the name of Giles Smith, at Hartford, in 1639; at New 
London, in 1647 ; at Fairfield, in 1661. These three are doubtless 


one and the same person. At Fairfield, he found a resting place, 
and there remained till his death.^ 

Ralph Smith was a transient resident in 1657, and again in 1659. 

Richard Smith came to the plantation in 1652, from '^ Martin's 
Vineyard," but soon went to Wethersfield. Another Richard Smith 
was a householder in 1655, occupying the lot of Jarvis Mudge, near 
the burial ground ; but he also removed to Wethersfield, where the 
two were styled senior and junior, but they do not appear to have 
been father and son. This name, Richard Smithy was of^n repeated 
on the list of early emigrants. Two persons bearing it, one aged 
forty-three, and the other twenty-eight, are among the passengers 
that came to America in the SpeedweUyin 1656.^ A Richard Smith 
settled in Narragansett, before 1650, and was a man of influence in 
all concerns relating to the Indians of that neighborhood. He had a 
son of the same name. Another Richard Smith belongs to the early 
history of Lyme, where his name appears as a landholder in 1670. 
These have been enumerated, in order to distinguish them carefully . 
from Richard Smith of New London, who had no connection that can 
be discovered, with any of them. 

** Richard Smith and Bathsheba Rogers (daughter of James,) were married 
together by me, Daniel Wetherell, commissioner, March 4, 1669, (70)." 

Mr. Smith died in 1682, and his relict married Samuel Fox. 
Four children of the first marriage are mentioned, viz., Elizabeth, 
who married William Camp ; Bathsheba, who married hef cousin, 
John Rogers, 2d ; John, who subsequently settled in the North Par- 
ish, and left descendants there, and James. The last named was 
probably the oldest son. He was baptized April 12th, 1674 ; mar- 
ried Elizabeth, daughter of Jonathan Rogers, and has had an un- 
broken Ime of descendants in the town to the present day. He is the 
ancestor of the four brothers Smith, who have been such successful 
whaling captains from New London, since the year 1820. 

Other early settlers of New London, of the name of Smith, were 
Nehemiah, John and Edward. The first two were brothers, and the 
last named, their nephew. Nehemiah had previously lived in New 
Haven, and the birth of his son Nehemiah, the only soh that appears 
on record, was registered there in 1646. John Smith came from 
Boston, with his wife Joanna and daughter Elizabeth, who appears 

1 Judd, of Northampton, (MS.) 

2 Hiat and Gen. Reg., voL 1, p. 182. 


to have been his oolj child. Edward Smith is first named in 1660. 
He settled on a farm east of the river. 

Nehoniah Smith, the elder, connected lumself with the association 
that setUed Norwich, in 1660, and removed to that plantation, where 
he died in 1684. He left four daughters : Mary, wife of Samuel 
Raymond; Ann, wife of Thomas Bradford ; Elizabeth, wife of Joshua 
Raymond, and Experience, wife of Joshua Abel, of Norwich. His 
son, Nehemiah Smith, 2d, married Lydia, daughter of Alexander 
Winchester, of Roxbury, October 24th, 1669. He was for many 
years in the commission of the peace, an honorable and venerated 
man; usually styled on the records, Mr, Justice Smith. He died in 
1727, and was buried at Pequonuck, in Groton, where the latter 
years of his life were spent. It was this Nehemiah Smith who made 
the large purchase of soldier land at Niantic, in 1692, which he 
assigned, in 1698, to his second son, SamueL The latter settled on 
this land, and is the progenitor of several families of the name, both 
• of Lyme and New London. 

John Smith remained in the town plot, and afler 1659, held the 
offices of conmiissioner, custom-master and grand-juryman. His res- 
idence was in New, or Cape Ann Street. 

" Feb. 1666-7. John Smith hath given him the two trees that stand in the 
street before his house for shade, not to be cut down by any person." 

He died in 1680. His will was accepted in the county court, with 
thb notification, " The court doth desire tiie widow to consider her 
husband's kinsman, Edward Smith." The will had been made in 
favor of the wife, in violation, as was claimed, of certain promises 
made to his ^nephew. A suit at law ensued between the parties. 
The case was finally carried to tiie court of assistants, at Hartford, by 
whose decision the will was sustained. Joanna Smith, the widow, 
was noted as a doctress. She made salves, and was skillful to heal 
wounds and bruises, as well as to nurse and tend the sick. Her ser- 
vices in this way, she maintained, had contributed in no small degree 
to the prosperity of her husband. She died in 1687, aged about sev- 
enty-three years. Her estate was inherited by her daughter, Eliza- 
beth Way, of Lyme, and her grandsons, Greorge and Thomas Way. 

Edward Smith married, June 7th, 1663,' Elizabeth, daughter of 
Thomas Bliss, of Norwich. This couple, together with their son 
John, aged fifteen, died of the epidemic disease of 1689 ; the son, 
July 8th ; the wife, July 10th, and Edward Smith, July 14th. They 
left a son, Obadiah, twdve years of age, and six daughters, who all 


went to reside with their friends in Norwich, and mostly settled ia 
that place.' 

These, with Lieut Samuel Smith, from Wethersfield, whose career 
has been traced in a preceding chapter, comprise all the grantees of 
the town, of the name of Smith, previous to 1690. 

Walter Bodington, died September 17 th, 1689. 

He was a single man who had occupied for a few years certain 
lands east of the river, which he purchased of the heirs of Thomas 
Bailey. The orthography of the name has since varied into Budding- 
ton. Walter Bodington, Jr., nephew of the deceased, was appointed 
administrator, as being nearest of kin. ' Joseph Nest had some inter- 
est in the estate, perhaps in right of his wife, who may have been sis- 
ter to the younger Walter. Of this family no early record is found, 
either of marriages or births. The second Walter Bodington died 
November 20th, 1713. His will mentions son Walter, and children* 
of John Wood ; from which it is inferred that Mary, the fiist wife of 
John Wood, was his daughter. The Buddington family of Groton, 
have never suffered the name of Walter to be at any time missing from 
the family line. 

John Packer, died in 1689. 

With this early settler in Groton, only a slight acquaintance has 
been obtained. He fixed his habitation, about the year 1655, in close 
proximity to the Pequot Indians, who had congregated at Naiwayonk, 
(Noank.) His children can only be gathered incidentally. He had 
John, Samuel and Richard, probably by his first wife, Elizabeth. 
He married for his second wife, June 24th, 1676, Rebecca, widow of 
Thomas Latham, and had a son James, baptized September 11th, 1 681. 
Two other sons, Joseph and Benjamin, and a daughter named Re- 
becca, may also be assigned to this wife, who survived him, and after- 
ward married a Watson, of Kingston, Rhode Island. 

John Packer, 2d, married Lydia, daughter of Caiy Latham. He 
died in 1701. Benjamin Packer, in 1709, <' having been impressed 
into the army to fight the French," made his will, bequeathing his 

1 The son was that Capt Obadiah Smith, of Norwich, who died in 1727, and whose 
grave-fitone bears the quaint, but touching epitaph: 

" And now beneath these carved stones, 
Rich treasure lies—dear Smith, his bones.*' 


patrimony of sixty acres of land, to his brothers, James and Joseph^ 
and sister Rebecca. He probably never returned from the frontier. 
Capt James Packer inherited from his father a controversy re- 
specting the extent of his lands at Nawayonk, which commenced with 
the Indians before their removal, and was continued with the town oi 
Groton. In 1735, a compromise was effected by commissioners ap- 
pointed by the (Jeneral Assembly. This was an occasion of great 
local interest, and on the 5th of August, when the commissioners, 
" Major Timothy Pierce, Mr. West, of Lebanon, and Sheriff Hunting- 
ton, of Windham," left New London, on their way to view the con- 
tested premises, they were accompanied by forty mounted men from 
the town, and found their train continually increasing as they pro- 
ceeded. On the ground a large assembly had convened. The neigh- 
boring farm-houses. Smith's, Niles', &c., were filled to overflowing 
with guests.^ This b mentioned as exhibiting a characteristic of the 
times. Our early local history is every where besprinkled with such 
gatherings. Cs^t. James Packer died in 1764, aged eighty-four. 

William Chapell, died in 1689 or 1690. 

This name is often in the confused orthography of the old records 
confounded with Chappell^ but they appear to have been from the first, 
distinct names. Some clerks were very careful to note the distinc- 
tion, putting an accent over the a, or writing it double, Chaapel, 
William Chapell, in 1659, bought a house-lot in New Street, in part- 
nership with Richard Waring, (Warren ?) In 1667, he was asso- 
ciated with William Peake, in the purchase of various lots of rugged, 
uncleared land, hill, ledge and swamp, on the west side of the town 
plot, which they divided between them.^ William Peake settled on 
what has since been called the Rockdale farm, now James Brown's, 
and William Chapell, on the Cohanzie road, upon what is at present 
known as the Cavarly farm. A considerable part of the Chapell land 
was afterward purchased by the Latimer family. 

Children of WiUiam Chapell and hit wife Christian, 

1. Mary, born February 14th, 1668-9 ; married John Wood. 

2. John, bom Feb. 28th, 1671-2; married Sarah Lewis, August 26th, 1698. 

1 Hempstead^s Diary. 

2 A considerable part of the Peake and Chapell Und was sold by them to Mrs. Ann 
Latimer. On this Latimer purchase, which lay on the south-eastern slope of Wolf- 
pit Hill, (now Prospect Hill,) the Cedar Grove Cemetery was hdd out in 1861. 



3. William, " born nigh the end of Sept. 1677." 

4. Christian, «* " "end of Feb. 1680-1 ;" married a Fairbanks. 

5. William. 

6. Joseph, married Bethiah Dart. 

Edward Stallion married Christian Chapell, relict of William, in 1693. 

In February, 1695, William Chapell, aged eight years and a half, 
was delivered " to Jonathan Prentis, mariner, to be instructed in the 
mariner's art and navigation, by said Prentis, or in case of his death, 
by his Dame'' This lad died in 1704. The descendants of John 
and Joseph Chapell, the oldest and youngest sons of William and 
Christian, are numerous. There was a John Chapell, of Lyme, in 
1678, and onward, probably brother of William, senior, of New 

Thomas Minor, ^ died October 23d, 1690. 

Mrs. Grace Minor deceased the same month. A long stone of 
rough granite in the burial ground at Wickutequack, almost imbedded 
in the turf, bears the following rudely cut inscription : " Here lyeth 
the body of Lieutenant Thomas Minor, aged eighty-three years. De- 
parted 1690." It is said that Mr. Minor had selected this stone 
from his own fields, and had often pointed it out to his family, with 
the request — Lay this stone on my grave. 

Mr. Minor bore a conspicuous part in the settlement, both of New 
London and Stonington. His personal history belongs more particu- 
larly to the latter place. His wife was Grace, daughter of Walter 
Palmer, and his children recorded in New London, are Manasseh, 
born April 28th, 1647, to whom we must accord the distinction of 
being the first bom male after the settlement of the town ; two daugh- 
ters who died in infancy ; Samuel, bom March 4th, 1652, and Han- 
nah, bom September 15th, 1655. He had several sons older than 
Manasseh, viz., John, Joseph, Thomas, Clement and Ephraim. 

John Minor was for a short period under instruction at the expense 
of the commissioners of the New England colonies, who wished to 
prepare him for an interpreter and tether of the gospel to the In- 
dians. The education of John Stanton was also provided for in the 
same way. The proficiency of these youths in the Indian language, 
probably led to the selection. Neither of them followed out the plan 
of their patrons, though both became useful men, turning their edu- 

1 This name is now commonly written Miner. We use in this work, the original 
autograph authority. 


cation to good account, as recorders, justices, &c. John Minor is 
supposed to have emigrated to Stratford, in 1657 or 1658, and from 
thence removed to Woodburj, where he served as town-clerk for 
manj jears.^ The only son of Thomas Minor that settled perma- 
nentlj in New London, was Clement. 

Clement Minor married in 16Q2, Frances, relict of Isaac Willey, Jr. 
Children of Clemeni and Frances Minor. 
Mary, born Jan. lOth, 16G4-5. William, born Nov. 6th, 1670. 

Joseph, " Aug. 6th, 1668. Ann, " Nov. 30th, 1672. 

Clement, bom Oct. 6tli, 166S. 
Frances, wife of Clement Minor, died Jan. 6th, 1672-3. 
He married second, Martha, daughter of William Wellman, formerly of New 
liOndon, but then of Killingworth. 

Phebe, daughter of Clement and Frances Minor, was born April ISth, 1679. 
(This is so recorded, but Frances is a palpable mistake for Martha.) 
Martha, wife of Clement Minor, died July 5th, 1681. 

Mr. Minor usually appears on the records either as Ensign Clem- 
ent, or Deacon Clement Minor. He married a third wife — Joanna — 
whose death occurred very near his own, in October, 1700. 

** William Mynar^ married Lydia, daughter of John Richards, 
Nov. 15. 1678." This was not a descendant of Thomas Minor, but 
the person better known as William Mynard or Maynard. 

Ckorge MiUer, died in 1690. 

This person had been a resident, east of the river, (in Groton,) 
from the year 1679, and perhaps longer. He left four daughters, 
Mary, wife of Stephen Loomer ; Elizabeth, second wife of Edward 
Stallion ; Sarah, second wife of the second John Packer, and Priscil- 
la, then unmarried. 

Robert Miller settled in the Nahantick district, upon the border 
of Lyme, about 1687. He died May 14th, 1711, leaving sons Rob- 
ert and John. No connection has been ascertained between George 
of Groton, and Robert of Nahantick. 

John Lamb. 
This name is found on the New London Rate List of 1664, and 
on the list of freemen in 1669. In December, 1663, he is styled 

1 Capt John Minor was deputy from Stratford to the General Court, in October* 
1676. Ckmn. Ck>L Reo., voL 2, p. 286. 



328 HisTOigsr of new london. 

" John Lamb, now of Pockatuck, alias Southerton." He purchased 
land of Edward and Ann Culver ''at a place called in Indian 
Wontobish, near the house of the said Lamb." This land was in 
1695, confirmed to Thomas, " oldest son of John Lamb, deceased," bj 
John, son of Edward Culver ; and Thomas Lamb assigns a part of 
it to his brother SamueL^ 

Another John Lamb of Stonington died Jan. 10th, 1703-4, leav- 
ing a wife Ljdia — sons John, Joseph and David — and seven daugh- 

Isaac Lamb was an inhabitant of Groton in 1696. He died in 
1728 — ^leaving six daughters, No other residents of this name have 
been traced before 1700. 

John Bennetydied September 22dy 1691. 

This person was at Mystic as early as 1658. He had sods — ^Wil- 
liam (bom 1660 ;) John and Joseph. 

James Bennet, shipwright, died in New London May 7th, 1690. 

Thomas Bennet was a resident of New London from 1692 to 
1710. He removed to Groton and there died Feb. 4th, 1722. His 
wife was Sarah, the only surviving child of Lawrence Codner. 

Henry Bennet of Lyme died in 1726, leaving three sons and four 
married daughters. It is probable that all these had a commoo 
ancestor, whose name does not appear on our records. 

John Prentis. 

No account of the death of this early member of the community 
has been found, but the probate proceedings show that it took place 
in 1691. 

Valentine Prentis or Prentice came to New England in 1631, with 
wife Alice and son John, having buried one child at sea. He settled 
in Roxbury, where he soon died, and his relict married (April 3dy 
1634) John Watson.* 

John Prentis, the son of Valentine and Alice, became an inhabit- 
ant of New London in 1652, and probably brought his wife, Hester, 
with him from Roxbury. Though living in New London he con- 

1 The names are similar to those found in the fiunily of John Lamb of Springfield) 
but a connection with that family has not been ascertained. 

2 Genealogy of the Prentis &mily, by C. J, F. Binney, 


nected himself with the Roxbury church in September, 1665, and 
thither he carried most of his children to be baptized. 

Children of John and Better Prentit, recorded in New London, 
John, born Aug. 6th, 1652. Stephen, Dec. 26th, 1666. 

Joseph, bom Apr. 2d, 1655, died 1676. Mercy, " 1668, died 1689. 
Jonathan, born July 15th, 1657. Hannah, born June, 1672. 

Esther, J^rn July 20th, 1660^ Thomas, | ^^^ j,,^^ 

Peter, bom July 31st, 1663, died 1670. Elizabeth, ) 

In 1685, John Prentis married Rebecca, daughter of Ralph Parker, 
bj whom he had a son Ralph, who was infirm from his birth, and 
maintained until death from the estate of his parents. These are all 
the children that appear on record, but in the final settlement of the 
estate of Prentis in 1706, a Valentine Prentis of Woodbury comes 
in for a share, and gives a quitclaim deed to the executor, whom he 
caUs ^ mj loving brother, Capt John Prentis." Again, on the death 
of Capt. Thomas Prentis, youngest son of John, who died without 
issue in 1741, his estate was distributed to seven brothers and sisters, 
one of whom was Valentine Prentis of "Woodbury. These facts 
justify us in assigning to Valentine a place among the sons of John 
Prentis, and probably he was the youngest child of the first marriagci 
and bom before 1680. 

Esther Prentis married Benadam Gallop of Stonlngton. 
Hannah Prentis married Lient. John Frink of Stonington. 
Elizabeth Prentis lived unmarried to the age of ninety-five. 
She died December 13th, 1770. 

It has been mentioned that John Prentis was by trade a black- 
smith. He pursued his craft in New London for six or seven years 
and then removed to a farm in the neighborhood of Robin Hood's 
Bay (Jordan Cove) near the Bentworth farm ; but in a few years 
once more changed h\6 main pursuit and entered upon a seafaring 
life. His sons also, one after another (according to the usual custom 
of New London) began the business of life upon the sea. In 1675, 
John Prentis, Jr., commanded the barque Adventure, in the Bar- 
badoes trade. In 1680, the elder John and his son Jonathan owned 
and navigated a vessel, bearing the family name of " John and Hes- 
ter.'' Thomas Prentis also became a noted sea-captain, making a 
constant succession of voyages to Newfoundland and tl;^e West In- 
dies, from 1695 to 1720. 

John Prentis the second, married Sarah Jones, daughter of Mrs. 
Ann Latimer, by her first husband Matthew Jones of Boston. They 
had a family of five daughters, who were connected in marriage as 

330 HlfttOfiT Ol^ NEW LOUDON* 

follows : j/b^jith Oapt. Thomas Hosmer ; Sarah with ThomaB ICg- 
hill, both of Hartford: Patience, with Rev. John Bnlkley of C<^- 
chester ; Elizabeth, with Samuel Green, (son of Jonas Green,) and 
Irene with Naboth Graves — ^the two last of New London. Among 
these children, the father, in 1711, distributed the Indian servants of 
his household — Rachel and her children*— in this order : 

<* To my son-in-law Thomas Hosmer of Hartford, one black girl named Si- 
mone, till she is 30 — then she is to be free. To my son-in-law John Bulkley* 
Bilhah,— to be free at 32. To my daughter Sarah, Zilpha — to be free at 32 — 
To my daughter Elizabeth, a black boy named Hannibal— to be free at 35. 
To my daughter Irene, a boy named York, free at 35. To Scipio I have prom- 
ised freedom at 30. Rachel the mother, I give to Irene — also the little girl with 
her, named Dido, who is to be free at 32.** To this bequest is added to the 
three youngest daughters, then unmarried, each—-*' a feather bed and its fbr- 

Stephen Prentis, son of John the elder, inherited the fEirm d his 
father, near Niantic ferry, where he died in 1758, aged ninety-two. 
His wife was Elizabeth, daughter of John Rogers and granddaughter 
of Matthew Griswold. 

John Wheeler, died December IQth, 1691. 

No connection has been traced between John Wheeler of New 
London, and Thomas and Isaac Wheeler, cotemporary inhabitants of 
Stonington. John is first presented to us, as part owner of a vessel 
called the Zebulon, in 1667. He entered largely into mercantile 
concerns, traded with the West Indies, and had a vessel built under 
his own superintendence, which at the period of his death had just 
returned from an English voyage* 

He left a son, Zaccheus, sixteen years of age, who died,. without 
issue in 1703 ; also sons Joshua, eleven years of age, and William, 
eight. These lived to old age, and left descendants. Elizabeth, 
relict of John Wheeler, married Richard Steer^— a person of whom 
very little is known, except in connection with the Wheeler family. 
He appears to have had a good business education, and to have been 
esteemed for capacity and intelligence, but his native place and 
parentage are unknown, and he stands disconnected with posterity. 

1 A high bedstead, with a large feather-bed beat up full and round, with long cur- 
tains and an elaborately quilted spread, was an article of housekeeping highly prized 
by our ancestral dames. 



Christopher Ayerj was one of the selectmen of Gloucester, Mass., 
between 1646 and 1654.' On the 8th of August, 1665, he is at 
New London purchasing the house, orchard and lot of Bobert Bur. 
rows, in the tovm plot. In June, 1667, he was released from watch- 
ing and training. In October, 1669, made freeman of the colony. 
Charles Hill, the town-clerk, makes this memorandum of his decease. 

^Christopher Avery's death, vide, near the death of mother 

The reference is to Lucretia, relict of Jonathan Brewster, (moth- 
er-in-law to Mr. Hill,) but no record of her death is to be found. 
James Avery in 1685 gives a deed to his four sons, of the house, 
orchard and land, '^ which belonged, (he says) to my deceased father 
Christopher Avery." 

No other son but James, has been traced. It may be conjectured 
that this family came from Salisbury, England, as a Christopher 
Avery of that place, had wife Mary buried in 1591.* 

James Avery and Joanna Greenslade were married, Nov. 10th, 
1643. This is recorded in Gloucester. The records of Boston 
church have the following entry. 

•* 17 of 1 mo. 16 i4. Our sister Joan Greenslade, now the wife of one James 
ATeriil had granted her by the church's silence, letters of recommendation to 
the Ch. at Gloster.*'^ 

The births of three children are recorded at Gloucester ; these are 
repeated at New London, and the others registered from time to time. 
The whole list is as follows. 

Hannah, bom Oct. 12th, 1644. Rebecca, bom Oct. 6th, 1656. 

James, «« Dec. 16th, 1646. Jonathan, •« Jan. 5th, 1658-9. 

Mary, " Feb. 19th, 1648. Christopher," Ap. 30th, 1661. 

Thomas, «« May 6th, 1651. Samuel, «• Aug. 14th, 1664. 

John* «' Feb. 10th, 1653-4. Joanna, 1669. 

James Avery was sixty-two years old in 1682 ; of course bom on 
the other side of the ocean about 1620. At New London he took 
an important part in the affairs of the plantation. He was chosen 
townsmen in 1660 and held the ofl&ce twenty-three years, ending with 
1680. He was successively, ensign, lieutenant and captain of the 

1 Babson of Gloucester. 

a Mais. Hist ColL, 8d seriM, vol. 10, p. 189. 

Z Sayage (MS.) 


onlj oompanj of train-bands in the town, and was in active service 
through Philip's War. He was twelve times deputy to the Greneral 
CJourt, between 1658 and 1680, was in the commission of the peace, 
and sat as assistant judge in the county court. 

He removed to Pequonuck, east of the river, between 1660 and 
1670, where both he and his wife were living in 1693. Deeds of 
lands to his sons, including the homestead farm, in Feb., 1693-4, prob 
ably indicate the near approach of death. His sons Jonathan and 
Christopher died young, and probably without issue. The descend- 
ants of James, Jr., Thomas, John, and Samuel, are very numerous, 
and may be regarded as four distinct streams of life. Groton is the 
principal hive of the family. 

Capt, George Denison, died Oct 23(2, 1694. 

This event took place at Hartford during the session of the Gren- 
eral Court. His grave-stone at that place is extant, and the age 
given, seventy-six, shows that the date of 1621, which has been as- 
signed for his birth, ia too late, and that 1619 should be substituted. 
This diminishes the difference of age between him and his second 
wife Ann^ who, according to the memorial tablet erected by her de- 
scendants at Mystic, deceased Sept 26th, 1712, aged ninety-seven. 

The history of Greorge Denison will not be fully attempted here, 
but a few data gathered with care may be offered, as contributions 
toward the task of liberating the facts from the webs which ingen- 
ious fancy and exaggerative tradition, have thrown around them. 

William Denison is accounted a fellow-passenger with the Rev. 
John Elliot, of Roxbury, in " the Lyon," which* brought emigrants 
to America in 1631. His name is the third on the list of church 
members of Roxbury, in the record made by Elliot. He is known 
to have brought with him three sons, Daniel, Edward and Greorge. 
The latter married in 1640, Bridget Thompson, who is supposed to 
have been a sister of the Rev. William Thompson, of Braintree, 
Mass. They had two children, Sarah, bom March 20th, 1641, and 
Hannah, bom May 20th, 1643. His wife died in August, 1643. 
Mr. Denison the same year visited his native country, and engaged 
in the civil conflict with which the kingdom was convulsed. He 
was absent a couple of years, and on his return brought with him 
a second wife' — ^a lady of Irish parentage, viz., Ann, daughter of 

1 It is one of the many traditions respecting Capt George Denison, that he started 
for Eng^d to obtain a second wife, from the ftineral of the fint, only waiting to see 
the remains deposited in the grave, bat not retoming to his house, before he set oat. 


John Borrowdale or Borrodil. It is a probable conjecture that he 
brought also an infant son with him. He is known to have had a 
son George, of whose birth or baptism no record is found on this 
side of the ocean. The elder Winthrop at this period calls him "a 
young soldier lately come out of the wars in England," whom the 
yoimg men of Roxbury wished to choose for their captain ; but " the 
ancient and chief men of the town," gathered together, out- voted 
them and prevented them from carrying their point.' Two chil- 
dren of George and Ann Denison are recorded in Roxbury, John, 
bom June 14th, 1646; Ann, May 20th, 1649.* 

In 1651, we find George Denison among the planters at Pequot, 
where he took up a house lot, built a house and engaged in public affairs. 
In 1654 he removed to a farm, on the east 5ide of Mystic River, then 
within the bounds of the same plantation, but afterward included in 
Stonington. In 1670 he had three children baptized by Mr. Brad- 
street, William, Margaret and Borradil, which makes his number 
eight. On the old town book of Stonington is recorded the death of 
Mary, daughter of George Denison, Nov. 10th, 1670-1. This, we 
suppose to have been a ninth child, who died an infant. 

Our early history presents no character of bolder and more active 
spirit than Capt. Denison. He reminds us of the border men of 
Scotland. Though he failed in attaining the rank of captain, at 
Roxbury, yet in our colony, he was at his first coming greeted with 
the title, and was very soon employed in various offices of trust and 
honor — such as commissioner, and deputy to the Greneral Court. 
When the plantation of Mystic and Pawkatuck, was severed from 
New London and placed under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts 
with the name of Southerton, the chief management of afiairs was 
intrusted to him. 

Yet notwithstanding Capt Denison's position as a magistrate and 
legislator, we do not always find him in the strict path of law and 
order. He had frequent disputes and lawsuits ; he brought actions 

1 Savage's Winthrop, vol. 2, p. 807. 

2 These dates from the Boxbury records were communicated by James Savage, Esq., 
of Boston, who observes that Margaret, the third wife of Rev. Thomas Shepard of 
Cambridge, and after his death the wife of his successor, Rev. Jonathan MitcheU, bore 
the family name of Borrowdale, and was probably sister to Mrs. Ann Denison. As 
these two females are the only persons known in the new world of the name, their 
consanguinity can scarcely be doubted. 


for slander and defamation against several of his neighbors, and was 
himself arraigned for violations of existing laws. 

He was, however, encompassed with ditficulties. The young town 
of which he was one of the conspicuous founders was convulsed by 
territorial and jurisdictional claims and he could not be loyal to two 
governments at once. If he obeyed one, he must of course be stig- 
matized as a rebel to the other. 

As a magistrate of Massachusetts he performed the marriage rite 
for William Measure and Alice Tinker, and was immediately prose- 
cuted by Connecticut for an illegal act, and heavily fined. As a 
friend to the Indians and an agent of the commissioners of the Uni- 
ted Colonies, he was in favor of allowing them to remain in their 
customary hamlets by the sea, and haunts upon the neighboring hills; 
but the other authorities of the town and colony, were bent upon 
driving them back, to settle among the primeval forests. This of 
course, led to contention. 

The will of Greorge Denison dated Nov. 20th, 1693, was exhibited 
and proved in the county court, in June, 1695.* The children named 
in its provisions were three sons — Greorge, John and William, and 
five daughters — Sarah Stanton, Hannah Saxton, Ann Palmer, Mar- 
garet Brown, and Borradil Stanton. 

George Denison the second, became an inhabitant of Westerly, a 
town comprising the tract so long in debate between the king's 
province and Connecticut colony. He had three sons, Greoi^g^ Ed- 
ward and Joseph. 

John Denison married Phebe Lay, of Saybrook. The parental 
contract between Capt. George and Mrs. Ann Denison on the one 
part, and Mr. Robert Lay on the other, for the marriage of their 
children, John Denison and Phebe Lay, is recorded at Saybrook, but 
bears no date. 

William the third son of Capt. Greorge, inherited the paternal 
homestead in Stonington. 

Greorge Denison, son of John, of Stonington, and grandson of Capt. 
Greorge, (bom March 28th, 1671,) graduated at Harvard College, in 
1693, and settled as an attorney in New London, where he married 
(1694) Mary, daughter of Daniel Wetherell, and relict of Thomas 
Harris. The family of this George Denison belongs to New Lon- 
don, but it can not be here displayed in detail. He had two sons, 
Daniel and Wetherell, and six daughters. The latter, as they grew 

1 The original will is not on file in the probate ofilce, bnt is supposed to be extant 


up, were esteemed the flower of the young society of the place. 
They married Edward Hallam, Gibson Harris, John Hough, Jona- 
than Latimer, Samuel Richards, and William Douglas. 

In 1698, George Denison was chosen clerk of the county court 
and at the time of his death, January 20th, 1719-20, was recorder of 
the town and clerk of probate. His signature so often recurring on 
the files and books of the town, may appropriately be represented 

^^ T^aw^^ 

Robert Denison, brother of the last named, (bom September 17th, 
1673,) purchased a tract of Indian land in 1710, near the north-west^ 
comer of New London. It lay upon Mashipaug (Gardiner's) Lake 
where the bounds of Norwich, New London and Colchester, came 
together. At what period he removed his family thither is not 
known, but probably about 1712. He is known to the records as 
Capt. Robert Denison, of the North Parish, and died about 1737. 
His son Robert served in the French wars during several campaigns, 
was a captain in Wolcott's brigade, at the taking of Louisburg, and 
afterward promoted to the rank of major. Being a man of stalwart 
form and military bearing, he was much noticed by the British offi- 
cers, with whom he was associated. He married Deborah, daughter 
of Matthew Griswold, 2d, of Lyme, and in 1760, removed with most 
of his family to Nova Scotia. 

Peter Spicer, died probahly in 1695. 

He was one of the resident farmers in that part of the township 
which is now Ledyard. We find him a landholder in 1666. The 
inventory of his estate was presented to the judge of probate, by his 
wife Mary, in 1695. From her settlement of the estate, it appears 
that the children were, Edward, Samuel, Peter, William, Joseph, 
Abigail, Ruth, Hannah and Jane. Capt. Abel Spicer, of the Revolu- 
tionary army, was from thb family. 

John Leeds, died prohaUy in 1696. 
The following extracts from the town and church records, contain 
all the information that has been gathered of the family of John Leeds. 

** John Leeds, of Staplehowe, in Kent, Old England, wag married to Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Gary Latham, June 25th, 1678." 


«* Mr. Leeds' child John, baptized March 13th, 1690-1. 

«* " daughter Elizabeth, baptized October 16th, 1681 . 

«« " son William, baptized May 20th, 1683. 
Widow Leeds' two children baptized, Gideon and Thomas, August Ist, 1697.*' 

John Leeds is first introduced to us in 1674,as a mariner, commander 
of the Success, bound to Nevis. He engaged afterward in building 
vessels, and had a ship-yard on the east side of the river. 

John Mayhew, died 1696. 
This name appears after 1670, belonging to one of that class of 
persons who had their principal home on the deep, and their rendez- 
vous in New London. 

"John Mayhew, from Devonshire, Old England, mariner, was married unto 
Johanna, daughter of Jeffrey Christophers, December 26th, 1676." 

Children of John Mayhew, 

1. John, bom December 1 5th, 1677. 

2. Wait, born October 4th, 1680. 

3. Elizabeth, bom Eebmary 8th, 1683-4. 

4. Joanna ; 5. Mary ; 6. Patience t these three were baptized July 9tb, 1693. 

"Wait Mayhew, the second son, died in 1707, without issue. John 
Mayhew, 2d, was a noted ship-master in the West India and New- 
foundland trade, and attended the sea expedition against Canada, in 
1711, in the capacity of a pilot. The next year he was sent to Eng- 
land to give his testimony respecting the disastrous shipwrecks in the 
St Lawrence, that frustrated the expedition. He died in 1727, leav- 
ing several children, but only one son, John, who died without issue, 
in 1745. The Mayhew property was inherited by female descend- 
ants of the names of Talman, Lanpheer and Howard. 

John Flumbe,^ died in 1696. 
Plumbe is one of the oldest names in (Connecticut. Mr. John 
Plumbe was of Wethersfield, 1636, and a magistrate in 1637.* He 
had a warehouse burnt at Saybrook, in the Pequot War. In Februa- 
ry, 1664-5, he was appointed inspector of the lading of vessels at 
Wethersfield.^ He was engaged in the coasting trade, and his name 

1 This is his own orthography; on the colonial records it is Plom. 

2 Conn. Col. Rec., voL 1, p. 18. 
8 a st^o, p. 121. 


incidentanj appears in the records of Tarious towns on the river, and 
along the coast of the Sound. An account has been preserved among 
the Winthrop papers of a remaiiLable meteor which he saw one night 
in October, 1665. ^ I being then (he observes) rouing in my bote 
to groton ;*** probably from Seabrook^ where his account is dated. 
In 1670 he is noticed as carrying dispatches between Giovemors 
Winthrop, of Hartford, and Lovelace, of New York,* We have no 
account of him at New London, as an inhabitant of the town, until he 
was chosen constable, in February, 1679-80. He was afterward 
known as marshal of the county and innkeeper. He had three chil- 
dren baptized in New London: Mercy, in 1677 ; Greorge, in 1679, 
and Sarah, in 1682. But he had other children much older than 
these, vie, John, Samuel, Joseph and Greene. Samuel and Joseph 
settled in Milford ; Jphn, was at first of Milford, but afterward of 
New London, and for many years a deacon of the church. Greene 
also settled in New London ; Greorge, in Stonington. 

Jo$eph TnunoHy died in 1697. 
Joseph Truman came to New Londcm in 1666, and was chosen con* 
stable the next year. Truman's Brook and Truman Street are names 
derived from him and his dEunily. He had a tannery at each end of 
this street, on Truman's Brook and the brook which ran into Bream 
Cove, near the Hempstead lot. Li his will, executed in September, 
1696, he mentions four children : Joseph, Thomas, Elizabeth and 
Mary. Neither his marriage, nor the births of his children are in 
the town registry. 

Joneph and Jonathan Rogers* 
These were the second and fifth sons of James Rogers, Senior, and 
are supposed to have died in 1697, at the respective ages of fifty-one 
and forty-seven, both leaving large families. The other three sons 
of James Bogers lived into the next century. 

Samuel Rogers died December let, 1713, aged seven tj-three. 
James Rogers '< Novembei 8th, 1713, aged sixty-three. 
John Rogers " October 17th, 1721, aged seventy- three. 

1 Mass. Hist GoIL, 8d series, voL 10, p. 57. This is the eariiest instance that has 
been observed of the application of the name Groion, to the east side of the river. 
Probably it was first used to designate Winthrop^s farm at Peqnonnck. 

t d Mpra, p. 79. 



Ebenezer Hubhell^ died in 1698. 
A brief paragraph will contain all our information of this person. 
He was a native of Stratfield, in Fairfield county, married Mary, 
daughter of Gabriel Harris, and purchased the homestead of Samson 
Haughton, (comer of Truman and Blinman Streets.) He had a 
daughter Elizabeth, bom in 1693, and a son Ebenezer, in 1695. His 
relict married Ebenezer Griffing. The son Ebenezer, died in 1720, 
probably without issue. > 

The Beeht/^ brothers. 
The phrase " John Beebj and his brothers," used in the early 
grants to the family, leads to the supposition that John was the oldest 
of the four. They may be arranged with probability in the order of 
John, Thomas, Samuel and Nathaniel. They all lived to advanced 

1. John Beeby married Abigail, daughter of James Yorke, of 
Stonington. He h^ three children — John, Benjamin and a daugh- 
ter Rebecca, who married Richard Shaw, of Easthampton. No 
other children can be traced. He was for several years sergeant of 
the train-band, but in 1690 was advanced to the lieutenancy, and his 
brother Thomas chosen sergeant. No allusion has been found that 
can assist in fixing the period of his death. His relict died March 
9th, 1725, aged eighty-six or eighty-seven. The annalist who re- 
cords it, observes, '^ Her husband was one of the first settlers of this 

2. Thomas Beeby's wife was Millicent, daughter of William Ad- 
dis, he being her third husband. Tlie two former were William Ash 
and William Southmead, both of Gloucester ; though Southmead had 
formerly lived in Boston, and owned a tenement thei'e.* Ash and 
Southmead were probably both mariners or coast traders. Two sons 
belonged to the second marriage, William and John Southmead, who 
came with their mother to New London. Of their ages no estimate 
can be formed. They became mariners, and their names occur only 
mcidentally. Of John we lose sight in a short time. William is 
supposed to have settled ultimately in Middletown. 

1 The brothers wrote the name indifferently Beebee and Beeby. The autograph 
sometimes varies on the same page. 

2 It was sold in 1668, by Thomas and MUlicent Beeby, for the benefit of the sons of 
William and Millicent Southmead. Savage,' (MS.) 


The cbildren of Thomas and Millicent Beebj, were one son, 
Thomas, who lived to old age, but was a cripple and never married ; 
Millicent, wife of Nicholas Darrow ; Hannah, wife of John Hawke, 
and Rebecca, wife of Nathaniel Holt Sergeant Thomas Beeby died 
in the early part of 1699. His homestead descended to his son 
Thomas, by whom it was conveyed in the latter part of his life, to his 
nephew, William Holt, 

3. Samuel Beeby, in a deposition of 1708, states his age at seventy- 
seven, and says, " I came to this town nearly sixty years ago." He 
died in 1712, leaving a wife, Mary. His former wife was Agnes or 
Annis, daughter of William Keeny. Whether the children all be- 
longed to the first wife, or should be distributed between the two is 
doubtful. They were Samuel, William, Nathaniel, Thomas, Jona- 
than, Agnes, (wife of John Daniels,) Ann, (wife of Thomas Crocker,) 
Susannah, (wife of Aaron Fountain,) Mary, (wife of Richard Tozor.) 
William Beeby, one of the sons of Samuel, married Ruth, daughter 
of Jonathan Rogers, and was a member of the Sabbatarian commu- 
nity on the Qreat Neck. Jonathan, probably the youngest son, and 
bom about 1676, was an early settler of East Haddam, where he 
was living in 1750. 

Samuel Beebyi second, oldest son of Samuel the elder, obtained in 
his day a considerable local renown. He married (February 9th, 
1681-2) Elizabeth, daughter of James Rogers, and in right of his 
wife, as well as by extensive purchases of the Indians, became a great 
landholder. He was one of three who owned Plum Island, in the 
Sound, and living upon the island in plentiful farmer style, with 
sloops and boats for pleasure or traffic at his command, he was often 
sportively called " King Beebee," and " Lord of the Islands." A 
rock in the sea, not far from his farm, was called " Beebee's throne." 
Plum Island is an appanage of Southold, Suffolk county. Long Isl- 
and, and Mr. Beeby, by removing to that island, transferred himself 
to the jurisdiction of New York. 

4. Nathaniel Beeby, supposed to be the youngest of the four broth- 
ers, settled in Stonington. His land was afterward absorbed in the 
large estates of his neighl)ors, the Denisons. In the will of William 
Denison, (1715,) he disposes of the Beeby land, but adds, "I order 
my executors to take a special care of Mr. Nathaniel Beeby during 
his life, and to give him a Christian burial at his death." Accordingly 
we find the gravestone of this venerable man, near that of the Den- 
isons. The inscription states that he died December 17th, 1724, 
aged ninety-three. Estimating from the given data, the births of 


Samuel and NaUianiel Beeby would both come within the verge of 
1631. It is probable that Samuel's was in 1630 and Nathaniel's in 

WiUtam Chapman^ died December ISih, 1699. 

This name first appears in 1657, when William Chapman bought 
the Denison house-lot on the present Hempstead Street, neaiij oppo- 
site the jail. No record is found of his family. The children named 
in his win, were John, William, Samuel, Jeremiah, Joseph, Sarah 
and Rebecca. 

John Chapman, by supposition named as the oldest son, remoyed 
in 1706, with hb family, to Colchester, where he was Hiring in Mayt 
1748, when it was observed that ^ he would be ninety-five years old 
next November." We may therefore date his birth in November, 

William Chapman married Hannah, daughter of Daniel Lester, 
and is supposed to have settled in Groton. « 

Samuel Chapman is the ancestor of the Waterford family of Chap- 
mans. He lived in the Cohanzie district, reared to maturity nine 
children, and died November 2dy 1758, aged ninety-three. Before 
his death he conveyed his homestead to his grandson, NathanieL 

Joseph Chapman was a mariner. He removed his fiunily to Nor* 
wich, where he died June 10th, 1725. 

Jeremiah Chapman, probably the youngest of the five brothers, 
retained the family hcnnestead. He died September 6th, 1755, aged 
eighty-eight. All the brothers left considerable families, and their 
posterity is now widely dispersed. 

Stephen Loomery died in 1700. 
This name is not found in New London before 1687. Mr. Loom- 
er's wife was a daughter of George Miller. His children, and their 
ages at the time of his death, were as follows : John, sixteen ; Mary, 
thirteen ; Martha, eleven ; Samuel, eight ; Elizabeth, five. Li fol- 
lowing out the fortunes of the family, we find that John, tfie oldest 
son, was a seaman, and probably perished by storm or wreck, as 
in 1715, he had not been heard from for several years. Mary, relict 
of Stephen Loomer, married in 1701, Caleb Abel, of Norwich, and 
this carried the remainder of the family to that place. 


David Carpenter y died in 1700. 
The period of his settlement in the town was probably coincident 
with his marriage to Sarah, daughter of William Hough — to both 
events the conjectural date of 1676 may be assigned. Mr. Carpen- 
ter lived at Niantic Ferry, of which he had a lease from Edward 
Palmes. He left an only son, David, baptized Nov. 12th, 1682, and 
several daughters. His relict married William Stevens, of Killing- 

Alexander P^gan, died in 1701. 
On his first arrival in the plantation, Mr. Pygan appears to have 
been a lawless young man, of '^ passionate and distempered carriage,** 
as it was then expressed ; one who we may suppose " left his coun- 
try for his country's good." But the restraints and influences with 
which he was here surrounded, produced their legitimate effect, and 
he became a discreet and valuable member of the community. 

Alexander Pygan, of Norwich, Old England, was married unto Judith, 
daughter of William Redfin, (Redfield,) June 17th, 1667. 


1. Sarah, bom Feb. 23d, 1669-70 ; married Nicholas Halfam. 

2. Jane, •* Feb., 1670-1 ; married Jonas Green. 
Mrs. Judith Pygan died April 30th, 1678. 

After the death of his wife, Mr. Pygan dwelt a few years at Say- 
brook, where he had a shop of goods, and was licensed by the county 
court as an innkeeper. Here also he married an es^able woman, 
Lydia, relict of Samuel Boyes, April 15th, 1684. Only one child 
was the issue of this marriage. 

3. Lydia, born Jan. 10th, 16S4-5 ; married Rev. Eliphalet Adams. 
Samuel Boyes, the son of Mrs. Lydia Pygan, by her first husband, was bom 
Dec. 6lh, 1673. 

Mr. Pygan soon returned with his family to New London, where 
he died in the year 1701. He is the only person of the family name 
of Pj'gan, that the labor of genealogists has as yet brought to light 
in New England. His relict, Mrs. Lydia Pygan, died July 20th, 
1734 She was the daughter of William and Lydia Bemont, of Say- 
brook, and bom March 9th, 1644.* 

1 Her mother is said to have been a Danfarth ; perhaps daughter of Nicholas Dan- 
forth, of Boston. 



Thomas Stedmany died in 1701. 

This name is found at New London, at the earlj date of 1649, but 
it soon afterward disappears. In 1666, Thomas Stedman is again 
on the list of inhabitants, living near Niantic River. He married 
(Aug. 6th, 1668) Hannah, daughter of Robert Isbell, and st^H 
daughter to TVllliam NichoUs. Thej had two children, John, bom 
Dec. 25th, 1669, and Ann, who married Benjamin Lester. John 
left descendants. 

Thomas Stedman, of New London, was brother of Lieut. John 
Stedman, of Wethersfield, who, in 1675, was ccmmiander of a com- 
pany of sixty dragoons, raised in Hartford county. The following 
letter on record at New London, is evidence of this connection : 

** Loving brother Thomas ^tedman. 

** My love to yourself uid your little ones, my cousins, and to Uncle Nicholls 
and to Aunt and to the rest of my friends, certifying you that through God'a 
mercy and goodness to us, we are in reasonable good health. 

'* Brother, These are to get you to assist my son in selling or letting my house 
which I bought of Benjamin Atwell, and what you shall do in that business I 
do firmly bind myself to confirm and ratify. As witness my hand this last day 
of October, 1672, from Wethersfield." 

Extracted out of the original letter under the hand of John Stedman, Sen. 

Thomas and Jdbin Butler are not presented to our notice as inhab- 
itants of New London, until after 1680. Probably they were broth* 
ers. No account ai the marriage or family of ^ther is on record. 

<* Thomas Butler died Dec. 30th, 1701, aged fifty-nine. 

John Butler died March 36th, 1733, aged eighty. 

Katherine, wife of John Butler, died Jan. 34th, 1738-9, ag«^ sixty-seven. 
She was a daughter of Richard Haughton, 

Allan MuIHqs, chirurgeon, son of Doctor Alexander MulUns, of Galway, Ire- 
land, was married to AbigaU, daughter of John Butler, of New London, April 
8th, 1735." 

Thomas Butler^s family can not be given with certainty, but noth- 
ing appears to forbid the supposition that Lieutenant Walter Butler, 
a prominent inhabitant about 1712, and afterward, was his son. 
Walter Butler married Mary, only child of Thomas Harris, and 
granddaughter of Capt Daniel WetherelL The date of the marriage 
has not been recovered. 




1. Mary, bora Aug. 29th, 1714. 4. Jane, bap. July 10th, 1720. 

2. Thomas, " Jan. 31st, 1715-16. 5. Katherine, " Aug. 26th, 1722. 

3. Walter, " May 27th, 1718. 6. Lydia, •• Jan. 10th, 1724-6. 

Lieut Butler married, in 1727, Deborah, relict of Ebenezer Den- 
nis, and had a son, John, baptized April 28th, 1728. 

The name of Walter Butler is associated with the annals of Tryon 
county, New Yorit, as well as with New London. He received a 
military appointment in the Mohawk country, in 1J728, and fourteen 
jears later removed his family thither, Mr. Hempstead makes an 
entry in his diary : 

*'Nov. 6th, 1742, Mrs. Butter, wife of Capt. Walter Butler, and her children 
and ftLmily, is gone away by water to New York, in order to go to him in the 
Northern Countries, above Albany, where he hath been several years Captain 
of the Forto." 

CnpU Butler was the ancestor of those Colonels Butler, John and 
Walter, who were associated with the Johnsons as royalists in the 
commencement of the Bevolutionary War.* The family, for many 
years, continued to visit, occasionally, th^ir ancient home.' 

Very few of the descendants of Thomas and John Butler, are now 
found in this vicinity ; but the hills and crags have been charged to 
keep their name, and they have hitherto been faithful to their trust. 
In the western part of Waterford, is a sterile, hard-favored district, 
with abrupt hills, and more stone and rock than soil, which is locally 
called Butler^iawn — a name derived fi^om this ancient family of 

Oc^. Samuel Foidick^ died August 27th, 1702. 
Samuel Fosdick, ^from Charlestown, in the Bay,'' appears at 
New London about 1680. According to manuscripts preserved in 
the &mi]y, he was the son of John Fosdick and Anna Shapley, who 
were married in 1648 ; and the said John was a son of Stephen Fos- 
dick, of Charlestown, who died May 21st, 1664. 

1 See Annals of Tryon Co. and Barber's New York Coll. In the latter yrork is a 
view <ji Butler House. 

2 It was probably through the prompting of the Butlers, that Sir Wm. Johnson and 
his son, afterward resorted to New London for recreation and the sea-breese. One of 
these visits is noticed in the Gazette, May 4th, 1767. *' Sir Wm. Johnson, Bart, arrived 
in town, for the benefit of the sea air, and to ei\joy some relaxation from Indian af- 
fidrs. June 18, arrived Shr John Johnson, Cd. Crogfaan and several other gentlemen 
flrom Fort Johnson." 


" Samuel, son of John Fosdick, of Charlestown, New England, married 
Mercy, daughter of John Picket, of New London, Nov. 1, 1682." They had 
children : 

1. Samuel, bom Sept. 18th, 16S4. . 5. John, bom Feb. 1st, 1693-4. 

2. Mercy, " Nov. 30th, 1686. 6. Thomas, «« Aug. 20th, 1696. 

3. Ruth, " June 27th, 1689. 7. Mary, " July 7th, 1699. 

4. Anna, «« Dec. 8th, 1691. 

Mercy, relict of Samuel Fosdick, married John Arnold. 

Capt Samuel Fosdick was one of the owners of Plum Island, and 
liad thereon a farm imder cultivation, well stocked and productive. 
His residence in town was oh what was then often called Fosdick's 
Neck, (now Shaw's.) He also possessed, in right of his wife, that 
part of the Picket lot, which was subsequently purchased bj Capt. 
Nathaniel Shaw. Another house-lot, owned by him on the bank, 
comprising nearly the whole block between Grolden and Tilley Streets, 
was estimated,' in the list of his estate, at only £30. It then lay va- 
cant, but afterward became the valuable homestead of his youngest 
son, Thomas, and his descendants. A glance at the inventory of 
Capt. Fosdick, will show the ample and comfortable style of house- 
keeping, to which the inhabitants had attained in 1700. Five feather 
beds, one of them with a suit of red curtains ; twenty pair of sheets ; 
sixteen blankets ; three silk blankets ; three looking-glasses ; three 
large brass kettles ; two silver cups, and other articles in this 
proportion, are enumerated. But there are also certain implements 
mentioned, the fashion of which has with time passed away, viz., 
four wheels ; twelve pewter basins ; two dozen pewter porringers, 
&c. The matrons of those days took as much delight in a well-ar- 
ranged dresser, and its rows of shining pewter, with perhaps here 
and there a spoon, a cup, or a tankard of silver interspersed, as they 
now do in sideboards of mahogany or rose-wood, and services of 

Samuel, the oldest son of Capt. Samuel Fosdick, removed to Oys- 
ter Bay, Long Island, where he was living in 1750. John, the sec- 
ond son, went to Guilford. Thomas, remained in New London, and 
is best known on record as Deacon Thomas Fosdick. He married, 
June 29th, 1720, Esther, daughter of Lodowick Updike. 

The daughters of Capt. Samuel Fosdick were also widely scattered 
by marriage. Mercy, married Thomas Jiggles, of Boston ; Ruth, an 
Oglesby of New York ; Anna, Thomas Latham, of Groton, and Mary, 
Richard Sutton, of Charlestown. 


Joseph Pemhertany died Oct. 14M, 1702. 
James Pemberton had a son, Joseph, born in Boston in 1655/ with 
whom we venture to identify the Joseph Pemberton, here noticed. 
He resided in Westerly, before coming to New London. His relict, 
Mary, removed to Boston, with her sons James and Joseph. Two 
married daughters were left in New London, Mary, wife of Alexan- 
der Baker, and Elizabeth, wife of Jonathan Rogers, both of the north 
parish, (now Montville.) 

William Walworth* died in 1708. 

William Walworth is first known to ns as the lessee of Fisher's 
Island, or of a considerable part of it ; and it is a tradition of the 
family that he came directly from England to assume this charge, at 
the invitation of the owner of the island, Fitz-John Winthrop, who 
wished to introduce the English methods of farming. William Wal- 
worth and his wife Owned the covenant, and were baptized with their 
infant child, Martha, Jan. 24th, 1691-2. Their children, at the 
time of the father's decease, were Martha, Mary, John, Joanna, 
Thomas and James, the last two twins, and all between the ages of 
two and twelve years. Abigail, relict of William Walworth, died 
Jan. 14th, 1751-2 ; having been forty-eight years a widow. This 
was certainly an uncommon instance for an age, renowned not only 
for earljf, but for hasty, frequent, and late marriages. 

John Walworth, second son of William, had also a lease of Fish- 
er's Island, for a long term of years. He died in 1748. His inven- 
tory mentions four negro servants, a herd of near fifty homed cattle, 
eight hundred and twelve sheep, and a stud of thirty-two horses, 
mares and colts. He had also seventy-seven ounces of wrought 
plate, and other valuable household articles. It has been the fortune 
of Fisher's Island, to enrich many of its tenants, especially in former 
days. Not only the Walworths, but the Mumfords and Browns, 
drew a large incotne from the lease of the island. From John Wal- 
worth, descended the person of the same name, who commenced the 
settlement of Painesville, Ohio, and at the period of his death, in 
1812, was collector of customs in Cleveland, Ohio. 

R. H. Walworth, Esq., of Saratoga, is a descendant from William, 
the ddest son of William and Abigail Walworth. 

1 Fanner't Beglstm*. 

1 On earij records the name is Bometinies Walsworth and Alltwortfa. 



Edward StaUian, died May 14/A, 1703. 

When this person made his first appearance in the plantation, Mr. 
Bnien, the clerk, recorded his name Stanley. It was soon altered 
to Stallion, or Stallon. In later times it has heen identified with 
Sterling, which may have been the true name. 

Edward Stallion was at first a coasting trader, but later in life be- 
came a resident farmer in North Groton, (now Ledyard.) His chil- 
dren are only named incidentally, and the list obtained is probably 
incomplete. Deborah, wife of James Avery, Jr., Sarah, wife of 
John Edgecombe, and Margaret, wife of Pasco Foote, were his 
daughters. His first wife, Margaret, died after 1680. He married 
in 1685, Elizabeth, daughter of George Miller, by whom he had two 
children, names not mentioned. In 1693, he married, a third time, 
Christian, relict of Wm. Chapell, who survived \^\m. He left a son, 
Edward, probably one of the two children by the second wife, who, in 
1720, was of Preston, and left descendants there. The death of Ed- 
ward Stallion, Sen., was the result of an accident, which is suflSciently 
detailed in the following verdict : 

"Wee the Subscribers being impaneld and sworne on a jury of inquest to 
view the body of Edward Stallion — have accordingly viewed the corpse and 
according to the best of our judgments and by what information wee have had 
doe judge that he was drowned by falling out of his Canno the 14fh day of this 
instant and that hee had noe harm from any person by force or violence. New 
London May y« 31, 1703. 

Joseph Latham "Wm. Potts 

Wm Thorne (his mark. T.) John Bayley 

Andrew Lester Joshua Bill 

Phillip Bill Jonathan Lester 

Gershom Rice James Morgan 

Wm Swadle 
John Williams." 

Though dated at New London, this jury was impanneled in that 
part of the township which is now Ledyard, and the names belong 
to that place and Groton. The town had not thenjbeen divided. 

EzeJdel Turner, died January 16M, 1703-4. 
He waa a son of John Turner of Scituate, and grandson of Hum- 
phrey Turner, an emigrant of 1 628. His mother was Mary, daughter 
of Jonathan Brewster. At New London we have no account of hun 
earlier than his marriage with Susannah, daughter of John Keeny, 
Dec 26th, 1678. He left one son Ezekiel, and a band of ten daugh- 
ters, the youngest an infant at the time of his decease. His neighbor. 


OHver Mimwaring, had two sons and eight daughters of nearly coin- 
cident ages, and it was a common saying, that these two families had 
daughters enough to stock the town. 

Ezekiel Turner, second, married Borradil Denison and settled in 
Groton. Elisha and Thomas Turner, supposed also to come from 
the Scitnate family, settled in the town after 1720. From Thomas, 
who married Patience, daughter of John BoUes, (Nov. 23d, 1727,) 
most of the Turner families of New London and Montville are de- 

Jonathan Turner from South Kingston purchased in 1735, a farm 
upon the Grreat Neck (Waterford) and has also descendants in New 
London and its neighborhood. 

Sergeant George Darrow^ died in 1704. 
From inferential testimony it is ascertained that George Darrow 
married Mary, relict of George Sharswood. The baptisms but not 
the births of their children are recorded : 

1. Christopher, bap. Dec. 1st, 167S. 3. Nicholas, May 20th, 1683. 

2. George, " Oct. 17th, 16S0. 4. Jane, April 17th, 1692. 
Mary, wife of George Darrow, died in 1698. 

George Darrow and Elizabeth Marshall of Hartford were married Aug. 10th, 

The above list comprises all the children recorded, but there may 
have been others. Christopher Darrow married Elizabeth Packer, 
a granddaughter of Gary Latham. In a comer of a field upon the 
Great Neck, on what was formerly a Darrow farm, is a group of 
four gravestones; one of them bears the following inscription: 

" In memory of Mrs. Elizabeth Darrow, wife of Mr. Christopher Darrow, 
who died in February 1758, aged 78 years. She was mother to 8 children, 43 
grand-children, 30 great grand-children. Has had 100" (descendants?) 

Major Christopher Darrow, a brave soldier of the French and 
Revolutionary Wars, who lived in the North Parish, and Elder Zadok 
Darrow, a venerable Baptist minister of Waterford, were descendants 
of Christopher and Elizabeth Darrow. 

George Sharswood. 
Only flitting gleams are obtained of this person and his family. 
They come and go like figures exhibited for scenic eflfect. George 
Sharswood appears before us in 1666 ; is inserted in the rate list o*^ 


1667 ; the next year builds a house, and apparently about the same 
time becomes a married man, though of this event we can find no 
record. His children presented for baptism were, George and Wil* 
liam, April 2d, 1671 ; Mary in 1672, and Katherine in 1674. Of 
his death there is no account; but before 1678, the relict had mar- 
ried Greorge Darrow. The children being young, the estate was left 
unsettled, and in a few years, only William and Mary were living. 

June 24th, 1700, William Sharswood *" scHuetime of Cape May bat 
|iow of New London," has the house and land of his father made 
over to him by a quitclaim deed from Sergt George Darrow. The 
September following he has three children, Jonathan, George and 
Abigail, baptized by the Rev. Mr. SaltonstalL He then disappears 
from our sight. 

In September, 1704, measures were instituted to settle the estate 
of the elder Sharswood, and in the course of the proceedings we 
learn that the daughter, Mary, was the wife of Jonathan Hill, and 
that William Sharswood, the son, had recently deceased in New Cas- 
tle county Delaware. 

In 1705, Abigail, relict of William Sharswood, was the wife of 
Greorge Polly of Philadelphia. The estate in New London was not 
fully settled till 1724, nearly Mty years after the decease of George 
Sharswood. Jonathan Hill was the admmistrator, and, the acquit- 
tances were signed by Abigail Polly and the surviving sons of Wil- 
liam Sharswood — William, of Newcastle, and Greorge and James, of 

John Harvey y died in January y 1705. 
The name of John Harvey is first noticed about 1682. He was 
then living near the head of Niantic River, and perhaps within the 
bounds of Lyme. He left sons John and Thomas, and daughter 
Elizabeth Willey. 

No genealogy in New London county is more extensive and per- 
plexing than that of Williams. The £Bunilies of that name are de- 
rived from several distinct ancestors. Among them John Williams 
and Thomas Williams appear to stand disconnected ; at least, no 

1 The present George Sharswood, Esq., of PhUadelphia, is a descendant of George 
of New London. 


relationsliip with their contemporaries has been traced, or with each 
other. They are entirely distinct from the Stonington family of 
Williams, although the names are in many cases identical 

The first WtlUttms in New London was WiUiam^ who is in the 
rate list of 1664. He lived on the east, or Groton side of the river, 
and died in 1704, leaving four sons, Richard, William, Henry and 
Stephen, all of full age, and a daughter Mary, wife of Samuel Packer. 
Thomas Williams appears in the plantation, about 1670. His 
cattle mark was enrolled in 1680. He lived west of the river at or 
near Mohegan, and died Sept 24th, 1705, about sixty-one years of 
age. He left a widow Joanna and eleven children, between the ages 
of twelve and thirty-three years, and a grandchild who was heir of 
a deceased daughter. The sons were John, Thomas, Jonathan, Wil- 
liam, Samuel and Ebenezer. 

John Williams, another independent branch of this extended name, 
married in 1685 or 1686, Jane, relict of Hugh Hubbard and daugh- 
ter of Gary Latham. No trace of him earlier than this has been 
noticed. He succeeded to the lease of the ferry, (granted for fifty 
years to Gary Latham,) and lived, as did also his wife, to advanced 
age. " He kept the ferry," says Hempbtead*s diary, " when Groton 
and New London were one town, and had but one minister, and one 
captain's company." When he died, Dec 3d, 1741, within the same 
bounds were eight religious societies, and nine military companies, 
five on the west side and four in Groton. He left an only son, Peter, 
of whom Gapt. John Williams who perished in the massacre at 
Groton fort in 1781, was a descendant. 

John and Eleazar Williams, brother and son of Isaac Williams, 
of Roxbury, Mass., settled in Stonington about the year 1687, and 
are the ancestors of another distinct line, branches of which have 
been many years resident in New London and Norwich. The gen- 
ealogy of this family belongs more particularly to Stonington. 

Ebenezer Williams, son of Samuel of Roxbury, and cousin of 
John and Eleazar, settled also in Stonington, and left descendants 
there. He was brother of the Rev. John Williams, first minister of 
Deerfield, who was taken captive with his family by the French and 
Indians in 1701. A passage from Hempstead's diary avouches this 

<* Sept. 9, 1733. Mr. Ebenezer Williams of Stonington is come to see a 
French woman in town that says she is daughter to his brother the late Rev. 
Mr. Williams of Deerfield taken by the French and Indians thirty years ago.** 



This passage rrfers to a yomig daagfater of the Deerfield fimufy 
tliat was never redeemed from captivitj, but lired and died among 
the Indians. She was probabl j often personated for sinister ends. 
The French woman mentioned above was unquestionably an impostor. 

Capt John Williams, of Poqoetannock, (Ledyard,) was yet another 
original settler of the name. He is said to have come directly from 
Wales and to have had no relationship with other families in the 
country. We quote a cotemporary notice of his death : 

<* Jan. 12, 1741-2. Gapt» John Williams died at Pockatonnock of pleurisy, 
after 7 dajrs' illness. He was a good commonwealth's man, traded much by 
sea and land with good success for many years, and acquired wholly by his 
own industry a great estate. He was a very just dealer, aged abont 60 years."! 

Brigadier-Greneral Joseph Williams of Norwich, one of the West- 
em Reserve purchasers, was a son of Capt John Williams. 

Benjamin ShapUy^ died August 8dj 1706. 
Benjamin, son of Nicholas Shapleigh of Boston, was bom, accord- 
ing to Farmer's Register, in 1645. We find no difficulty in appro- 
priating this birth to Benjamin Shapley, mariner, who about 1670 
became an inhabitant of New London. The facts which have been 
gathered respecting his family are as follows : 

** Benjamin, son of Nicholas Shapley of Charlestown, married Mary, daugh- 
ter of John Picket, April 1 Oih, 1672." 


1. Ruth, b. Dec. 24th, 1672 — married John Morgan of Groton. 

2. Benjamin, b. Mar. 20lh, 1675 — m. Ruth, daughter of Thomas Dymond. 

3. Mary, b. Mar. 26th, 1677 — married Joseph Truman. 

4. Joseph, b. Aug. 15th, 1681 — died young. 

5. Ann, b. Aug. Slst, 1685— married Thomas Avery of Groton. 

6. Daniel, b. Feb. 14ih, 1689-90— m. AblgaU Pierson of KiUingworth. 

7. Jane, b, 1696 — married Joshua Appleton. 

8. Adam, b. 1698 — died young. 

Mary, relict of Benjamin Shapley, died Jan. 15th, 1734-5. The 
Shapley house-lot was on Main Street, next north of the Christo- 
phers lot, and was originally laid out to Kempo Sybada, a Dutch 
captain. Shapley Street was opened through it in 1746. Captain 
Adam Shapley, who received his death wound at Fort Griswold, in 
1781, was a descendant of Daniel Shapley. 

1 Hempstead, (MS.) 


Antkony Ashhy. 
A person of this name kept a house of entertainment at Salem in 
1670.^ It was prohahly the same man that afterward came to New 
London, and settled east of the river. He was on the jury of the 
county court in 1690. His two daughters Mary and Hannah, united 
with the church in New London in 1694. His decease took place 
before 1708. Anthony Ashby, Jr., collector for the east side in 1696, 
died in 1712. 

George Dennis. 

The period of his death is uncertain, but it was preTious to 1708. 
He came to New London from Long Island, and married Elizabeth, 
relict of Joshua Raymond. They had but one child, Ebeneaer, who 
was bom Oct. 23d, 1682. Ebenezer Dennis inherited from his 
mother a dwelling-house, choicely situated near the water, and com- 
manding a fine prospect of the harbor, where about the year 1710 he 
opened a house of entertainment. His first wife was Sarah, daugh- 
ter of Capt. John Hough, and his second, Deborah Ely of Lyme. 
He died in 1726 ; his relict the next year married Lieut. Walter 
Butler, and removed with him to the Indian frontier in the western 
part of New York. The family mansion was sold in 1728 to Mat- 
thew Stewart; it was where the Frink house now stands in Bank 

Mr. Dennis by his will left £25 to be distributed to the poor of 
the town. Among his effects 139 books are enumerated, whiclb 
though most of them were of small value, formed a considerable 
library for the time, probably the largest in the town. 

Peter Orary, of Groton^ died in 1708. 
He married in December, 1677, Christobel, daughter of John Gal- 
lop. His oldest child, Christobel, was bom " the latter end of Feb., 
1678-9." Other children mentioned m his will were Peter, John, 
William; Robert, Margaret and Ann. 

John Daniely died about 1709. 
This date is obtained by approximation : he was living in the early 
part of 1709, and in July, 1710, Mary, widow of John Daniels, is 
mentioned. His earliest date at New London is in April, 1663, 
when his name is given without the «, John DanieL 



John Daniel married Mary, daughter of George Chappell, Jan. 19th, 1664-6. 


1. John, born Jan. 19th, 1605-6. 6. Rachel, born Feb. 27th, 1676. 

2. Mary, " Oct. 12th, 1667. 7. Sarah, •• Feb. 10th, 1679. 

3. Thomas, " Dec. 3l8t, 1669, 9. Jonathan, «• Oct. 15ih, 16S2. 

4. Christian, ** Mar. Sd, 1671. 9. Clement, (not recorded.) 

5. Hannah, ** Ap. 20th, 1674. 

Before his decease John Daniel divided his lands among his four 
sons, giving the homestead, adjoining the farms of John Keeny and 
Samuel Manwaring, to Thomas. 

John Daniels, 2d, married Agnes Beeby, Dec. 3d, 1685. He 
died Jan. 15th, 1756, " wanting 15 days of 90 years old."' Thomas 
Daniels, the second son, died Oct. 12th, 1725. All the sons left de- 

George ChappeUj died in 1709. 
Among the emigrants for New England, in " the Christian" fix)m 
London, 1635, was Greorge Chappell, aged twenty.^ He was at 
Wethersfield, in 1637, and can be traced there as a resident until 
1649,* which was probably about the time that he came to Pequot, 
bringing with him a wife, Margaret, and some three or four children. 
Of his marriage, or of the births of these children, no account is pre- 
served at Wethersfield. The whole list of his family, as gathered 
from various sources, is as follows : 

1. Mary, married John Daniels. 6. Hester, bom April 15th, 1662. 

2. Rachel, married Thomas Crocker. 7. Sarah, " Feb. 14th, 1665-6. 

3. John, removed to Flushing, L. I. 8. Nathaniel, " May 21st, 1668. 

4. George, bom March 5th, 1653-4. 9. Caleb, «« Oct 7th, 1671. 

5. Elizabeth, bom Aug. 30th, 1656. 

At the time of George Chappell's decease, these nine children 
were all living, as was also his aged wife, whom he committed to the 
special care of his son Caleb and grandson Comfort. Caleb Chap- 

1 By comparing this estimate with the date of his birth it will be seen that allow- 
ance is made for the change that had taken place in the style. His birth is given in 
0. S. and his death in N. S. According to the coirent date, only four days were 
wanting of ninety years. 

2 C. F. Daniels, the present editor of the iS>to London Daily and Weekly Ckromchf 
is a descendant in the line of Thonuu Daniels. 

8 Savage's Gleanings in Mass. Hist Coll., 8d series, toL 8, p. 262. 

4 Conn. Col. Bee., vol 1, p. 194. 


pell had previously removed to Lebanon, from whence his son Amos 
went to Sharon, and settled in that part of the township which is now 
Ellsworth.' The second George Chappell married, first, Alice Way, 
and second, Mary Douglas. He had two sons, George and Comfort ; 
from the latter, the late Capt. Edward Chappell, of New London, 
descended. Families of this name in New London and the neigh- 
boring towns, are numerous, all tracing back to George, for their an- 
cestor. Branches from this stock are also disseminated in various 
parts of the Union. 

Capt, Samuel Chester ^ died in 1710. 

A sea-captain in the West Lidia line, he receives his first grant of 
land in New London, for a warehouse, in 1 664, in company with 
William Condy, of Boston, who was styled his nephew.' He subse- 
quently removed to the east side of the river, where he dwelt at the 
time of his death. He was much employed in land surveys, and in 
1693, was one of the agents appointed by the Greneral Court to meet 
with a committee from Massachusetts, to renew and settle the 
boundaries between the two colonies. His children, baptized in New 
London, but births not recorded, were, John, Susannah and Samuel, 
in 1670; Mercy, 1673 ; Hannah, 1694, and Jonathan, 1697. His 
will, dated in 1708, mentions only Abraham, John, Jonathan and 
Mercy Burrows. 

Mr. Chester had a large tract of land in the North Parish, bought 
of Owaneco and Josiah, Mohegan sachems. It is probable that; one 
of his sons settled upon it, and that the Chester family, of Montville, 
are his descendants. 

William Condy. 
In connection with Capt. Chester, a brief notice is due to William 
Condy. His wife was Mary, daughter of Ralph Parker. He had 
four children presented together for baptism, March 23d, 107 2-3 — 
Richard, William, Ebenezer and Ralph. The family removed to 
Boston about 1 680. A letter from Mr. Condy, dated June 1 4tli, 1 688, 
to Capt. Chester, is recorded at New London, requesting him to make 

1 Sedgwick'8 Hist of Sharon, p. 72. 

8 This term like that of brother and consm has a considerable range of application. 
Hugh Caulkins in a deed of gift to William Douglas who had married his grand- 
danghter, and was no otherwise related to him, calls him Im nephew, 



sale ci <me hundred aad fifty acres of land that had been fpren him 
bj the town. He says : 

** Loring nnole, 

•* I would desire if you can sell the land that Ijreth on yoor side of the rlTer to 
do me that kindness as to sell it for me at the best adyantage, and send it doiwn 
to me the next spring, and giTe a bill of sale for the same, and this shall be 
your discharge. If you sell it take it in pork if you can for that will be the 
best commodity here. I am now ready to sail for Barbadoes/* &c. 

The Condy family long retained a honse-lot in town, which came 
to them from Ralph Parker. This estate was presented in the in- 
ventory of the second William Condy, in 1710, " late of Boston, but 
formerly of New London, where he was bom," and was sold by a 
third William Condy, of Boston, in 1717. 

I%amas Mortimer, died Moreh llth, 1709-10. 
This name was often written Maltimore and Mortimore. We have 
little information concerning the person who bore it, and with whom, 
apparently, it became extinct. He was a constable in 1680. His 
wife, Elizabeth, survived him but a few months. The only persons 
mentioned as devisees or heirs, were two daughters — Mary, wife <^ 
Robert Stoddard, and Elizabeth, wife of Abraham Willey, and their 

William Mynard, died in 1711. 

This person was on original emigrant from Great Britain ; he had 
a brother Greorge, who died at Fording Bridge, in Hampshire, Eng- 
land, to whose estate he was an heir. The name appears to have 
been originally identical with Maynard, and is often also confounded 
with Minor. William Mynard married Lydia Richards, Nov. 15th, 
1678. They had a son, William, bom Nov. 16th, 1680, but no oth- 
er recorded. At his death, he is said to have wife, Lydia, and nine 
children, three of them under age. The names are not given, but 
the four brothers, William, George, David and Jonathan, (Mynard, 
Maynard, Mainer,) who were all householders about 1730, were prob- 
ably sons of William and Lydia ; but the genealogy is obscured by 
the uncertainty of the name. 

Zacharias Maynard, or Mayner, purchased a farm in 1697, near 
Robert Allyn and Thomas Rose, (in Ledyard.) His wife was a 
daughter of Robert Geer. 


Thomas Fember, 
Drowned, Sept. 27th, 1711, in Nahantic Biyer, on whose banks 
he dwelt He had three children baptized in 1692, viz., Mercy, 
Thomas and Elizabeth; also, Ann, baptized 1694, and John, 1696. 
At the period of his death, only four children were living. He left 
a wife, Agnes, who was for many years famous as a nurse and doc- 
tress. Of this kind of character, the changing customs of the age 
have scarcely left us a type. But tradition relates many vivid anec** 
dotes respecting this energetic and experienced race of female prac- 
titioners. No medical man of the present day, can be more ready to 
answer a night-call — ^to start from sleep, mount a horse, and ride off 
six or seven miles in darkness or tempest, sustained by the hope of 
alleviating misery, than were these able nursing mothers of former 
times. A seventh daughter was particularly marked and set aside for 
the office, and imbounded confidence was placed in her skill to stroke 
for the king's evil, to cure cancers, alleviate asthma, and set bones. 

Richard Singleton, died Oct. 16<A, 1711. 
The record of his death styles him ferryman of Groton. Origin- 
ally he was a mariner, and probably took the ferry when the fifty 
years' lease of Latham expired, in 1705, in company with John Wil- 
liams, or perhaps alternating with him. Both lived on Groton Bank 
and were lessees of the ferry about the same time. Mr. Singleton 
left nine children, of whom only Bichard, William, Wait-Still and 
the wife of Samuel Latham are mentioned. His will directs that his 
children in Carolina and his children in Groton, should share equally 
in his estate, which however was small. Among the special bequests 
are, to his wife a negro man valued at £40 ; to son Bichard the 
Church History of New England, £1 ; to William a large church 
Bible, "old England print," £1, 15*.; to Wait-Still two rods of land 
and a buccaneer gun. 

Thomas Wells was one of the early band of planters at Pequot 
Harbor; probably on the ground in 1648, and certainly in 1649. 
He was a carpenter, and worked with Elderkin, on mills and meet- 
ing-houses. The last notice of him on the town record is in 1661, 
when WeDs and Elderkin were employed to repair the turret of the 
meeting-house. No account can be found of the sale of his house or 


land. He may have left the settlement^ or he may be coneealed from 
our view by dwelling on a farm remote from the center of business. 

A Thomas Wells — ^whether another or the same has not been as** 
certained-^is found at Stonington or Westerly, about the year 1677, 
engaged in constructing vessels at a ship-yard on the Pawkatuck 
River. He is styled, " of Ipswich, shipwright." In 1680, having a 
lawsuit with Amos Richardson, respecting a vessel of forty-eight 
tuns burden, which he had contracted to build for him, two of his sons 
appeared as witnesses, viz., Joseph, aged twenty-two, and Thomas, 
seventeen.' Of Thomas Wells, we have no later information, but his 
iratemity to Joseph is thus established. 

« Joseph Welhy of Groton, died October 26th, 1711." We sup- 
pose this person to have been the noted ship-builder of Pawkatuck 
River, and that he is styled of Groton, from the circumstance of his 
having a farm and family residence near the head of Mystic, on the 
Groton side of the river. It is certain that a farm in this position,' 
was occupied, at a very early period, by a Wells family. Descend- 
ants of the ancient owners, whom we suppose to have been first 
Thomas Wells, and then his son Joseph, are at this day (1850) liv- 
ing in the same place, and in the same low-browed, unaltered house, 
in the shadow of Porter's Rocks, where Joseph Wells died. It is 
near a gap in the ledge where Mason and Underhill rested with their 
company a few hours, before making their terrible onslaught upon 
the Pequots, in the expedition of May, 1687. The will of Joseph 
Wells, executed ^yq days before his decease, mentions wife Hannah, 
and children Joseph, John, Thomas and Anne. 

Jacoh Holloway^ died Nov^ 9th, 1711. 
He appears in the plantation a little before 1700. Left a son, 
John, and daughters. Rose and Ai^n. His wife died four days after 
the decease of her husband. 

Joseph Nest, died Dec. Sth, 1711. . 
Mr. Nest's wife deceased before him, and he lived apparently 
alone, in a small tenement in the angle of the Lyme and Great Neck 
roads. Susannah, wife of Greorge Way, appears to have been his 
daughter. No other relatives have been traced. 

1 Judd, of NorthamptoD, (MS.) 


John Terrall, died Feb. 27th, 1712. 

His wife, Mrs. Sarah Terrall, died March 7th, succeeding. No 
children are mentioned in the will of the latter, but she was probably 
a second wife. 

Terrall should undoubtedly be written Tyrrel, Two persons of 
the name appear in New London, in the year 1662, William, a tailor, 
and John, a seaman. The former," probably, soon left the place. 
John Terrall is in the rate list of 1664. Of his family, there is no 
account, except a single entry upon the church record : " Goodman 
Tyrrell's two children, William and Mary, baptized May 7th, 1671. 

John Wtckmre, died in March or April, 1712. 

This person was an early settler in Mohegan, or the North Parish, 
(now Montville.) CoL John Livingston was one of the executors 
named in his wilL Madam Winthrop, (relict of Governor Fitz-John,) 
at her death, left legacies to " sister Wickwire's children." 

John Wickwire married Mary, daughter of George and Margery 
Tongue, Nov. 6th, 1676. 


1. George, bom Oct. 4th, 1677. 5. Jonathan, born Feb. 19th, 1691. 

2. Christopher, " Jan. 8th, 1679-80. 6. Peter, " Mar. 2d, 1694. 

3. John, «♦ Dec. 2d, 1685. 7. Ann, •* Sept. 25th, 1697. 

4. Elizabeth, " Mar. 23d, 1688-9. 

Thomas Short. 

" Here lyeth the body of Thomas Short, who deceased Sept. 27th, 
1712, aged thirty years." The small head-stone in the old burial- 
ground, which bears this inscription, shows where the remains of the 
first printer in the colony of Connecticut are deposited. He had been 
instructed in his art by Bartholomew Green, of Boston, who recom- 
mended him to the authorities of Connecticut, for a colony printer, 
in which oflSce he established himself at New London, in 1709. In 
1710, he issued " The Saybrook Platform of Church Discipline," 
the first book printed in the colony.' After this he printed sermons 
and pamphlets, and performed what public work the governor and 
company required, till death put an early stop to his labors. Two 
children of Thomas and Elizabeth Short, are recorded at New Lon- 

1 Thomaa' History of Printing, vol. 1, p. 406. 


don — Catharine, bom in 1709; Charles in 1711. His relict manied 
Solomon Colt, Aug. 8th, 1714. 

Thomoi MufuMy died in 1712. 
We find this person mentioned in 1681. He was on a e<Hnmittee 
to lay out a highway in 1683. His wife was^Lydia, and his children 
Jacob, Elisha, Mercy and Deliverance. In 1723, Jacob was of 
Windsor, and Elisha of Norwich. 

Stephen JHurlhut, died October 7thj 1712. 
The Hurlbut family, of Connecticut, commences with Thomas 
Hurlbut, who was one of the garrison at Saybrook Fort in 1636, and 
settled in Wethersfield about 1 640^ Stephen, who came to New 
London after 1690, was probably one of his descendants, and a na- 
tive of Wethersfield. He married, about 1696, Hannah, daughter of 
Robert Douglas, and between 1697 and 1711, had seven children 
baptized — Stephen, Freelove, Mary, John, Sarah, Titus, Joseph. 
Stephen, the oldest son, died in 1725. John is the ancestor of the 
Ledyard family of Hurlbuts, and Joseph of that of New London. 
Capt. Titus Hurlbut was a man of considerable distinction in his 
day ; he served in the French wars, and was a captain of the old 
fort that stood on the eastern border of the Parade, near the present 
ferry wharf His descendants, in the male line, removed to the 
western states. 

WiUiam Campy died October 9<A, 1713. 
He was an inhabitant of the Jordan district. His wife was Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Richard Smith. His two sons William and James 
removed to the North Parish, (now Montville.) 

John and Nicholas Hallam were the sons of Mrs. Alice Liveen, 
by a former marriage, and probably bom in Barbadoes — John in 
1661, and Nicholas in 1664. John married Prudence, daughter of 
Amos Richardson, in 1682, and fixed his residence in Stonington» 
where he died in 1700. His possessions were large; a thousand acres 
of land were leased to him in perpetuity by John Richardson of 
Newbury in 1692 ^for the consideration of five shillings and an 


annual rent of one pepper-corn ;" and his inventorj gives evidence of 
a style of dress and housekeeping, more expensive and showy than 
was common in those days. It contains silver plate, mantle and coat 
of hroadclothf lined with silk, ^seventeen horse kind/' four negro ser* 
vants, &c. 

** Nicholas Hallam married Sarah, daughter of Alexander Pjrgan, July 8f 
16S6. Children s 

1. Alexander bom Oct. 22, 1688. 

2. Edward '< Ap. 25, 1693, (married Grace Denison.) 

3. Sarah " Mar. 29, 1695, (married Joseph Merrills.) 
(Mrs. Sarah Hallam died in the year 1700.) 

Nicholas Hallam was married Jan. 2, 1700-1 to widow Elizabeth Meadea 
whose maiden name was OuUiver, in Bromley church, on the backside of Bow 
without Stepney church, in London, Old England* Their daughter Elizabeth 
was born in the parish of St. John Wapping, near Wapping New Stairs, in 
London Feb. 22, 1701-2, (married Samuel Latimer.) 

5. Mary born in New London Oct. 11, 1705, (married Nathaniel Hempstead 
and Joseph Truman.) 

6. John bom Aug. 3, 1708, (married Mary Johnson.)" 

Mr. Hallam's gravestone states that he died Sept. 18th, 1714, at 
the age of forty-nine years, five months and twenty-nine days. His 
wife survived him twenty-one years. 

At this period, many families in town owned slaves, for domestic 
service ; some but one, others two or three ; very few more than foun 
The inventory of Nicholas Hallam comprises " a negro man named 
Lonnon," valued at £30 ; his wife disposes of her '^ negro woman 
Flora, and girl Judith." Among the family effects are articles that 
were probably brought from England, when Hallam returned with 
his English wife in 1703— such as a clock and gecretary* Mrs. 
Hallam bequeaths to one of her daughters a diamond ring, and a 
chest made of Bermuda cedar ; to another, '^ the hair-trunk I brought 
from London, and my gold chaine necklace containing seven chaines 
and a locket." 

Alexander Hallam died abroad. The will of his father contiuns a 
bequest to him ^ if he be living and return home within twenty years." 
In 1720 his inventory was presented for probate with the label, sup* 
posed to he dead. Edward Hallam was town-clerk from December^ 
1720, to his death in 1736.* 

IRev. Kobert A. Hallam, rector of St. James* Chnrch, New London, is the ^nly 
•nrrlTiDg male deeoendaat of Nioholas Hallam, in the line of the name. 


Major Edward Palmes, died March 21«<, 1714-15. 

The same day died Capt. John Prentis, 2d. They were both 
buried on the 23d, under arms; Capt Prentis in the morning 
and Major Pahnes in the afternoon. The latter died on his farm at 
Nahantick, but was brought into town for interment. Mr. Hemp- 
stead's diary notices the extreme severity of the weather at the time, 
and says of Major Palmes — " He was well and dead in two hours 
and a half." His gravestone states that he was in his seventy-eighth 
year ; we may therefore place his birth in the year 1638. 

Guy and Edward Palmes were both traders in 1659 and 1660; 
the latter in New Haven, and the former in one of the towns west of 
it upon the Sound. In December, 1660, Edward had removed to 
New London. From various sources it is ascertained that he mar- 
ried Lucy Winthrop, daughter of Governor Winthrop of Connecticut, 
and after her death a Widow Davis, and that by his first wife he had 
a daughter Lucy, who married (first) Samuel Gray, and (second) 
Samuel Lynde of Saybrook; but of these successive events no ex- 
plicit documentary evidence is to be found in New London. Dates 
therefore can not be given. Two children of Major Palmes by his 
second wife, are on Mr. Bradstreet's record of baptisms : 

«* Baptized Nov. 17, 1678, Major Palmes his child by his second wife who 

was Capt. Davis his relict, Guy.. 

" Baptized Oct. 1, 1C62, Major Palmes his child Andrew.** 

The Bentworth farm of Major Palmes at Nahantick was mort- 
gaged to Capt. Charles Chambers of Charlestown for £853. He 
left, however, five other valuable farms. The Winthrop homestead 
in the town plot, and the Mountain farm, bought of Samuel Royce, 
he gave to his daughter Lucy Gray, but the remainder of his estate 
went to his son Andrew. These are the only children mentioned in 
his will, and probably all that survived infancy. 

Andrew Palmes graduated at Harvard College in 1703, and died 
in 1721. He had four sons, Guy, Bryan, Edward and Andrew, and 
a daughter Sarah, who married Richard Durfey. The name of 
Palmes is now extinct in New London. The Brainerd family is 
descended in the female line from Capt. Edward Pahnes, the third 
son of Andrew. 

St chard Jennings, died Dec. 12thy 1715. 
Richard Jennings and Elizabeth Reynolds were married ^ the be- 
gmning of June, 1 678." They were both emigrants from Barbadoes. 


Their children were, first, Samuel, bom March 11th, 1679 ; second, 
Richard, 1680 ; third, Elinor, who married Richard Manwaring. 

Thomas Crocker, died Jan. IfUh, 1715-6. 
The descendants of this person are numerous and widely scattered. 
At the time of his decease he was eighty-three years of age and had 
Kved about fifty years in the town. His wife, Rachel, was a daugh- 
ter of Greorge Chi^pelL Their children were : 

1. Mary, b. Mar. 4th, 166S-9. 4. Samuel, b. July 27th, 1676. 

2. Thomas, b. Sept. Xst, 1670. 6. William, 1630. 

3. John, 1672. 6. Andrew, 1683. 

The second Thomas Crocker lived to the age of his father, eighty- 
three years and seven months. WiUiam Crocker, the fourth son, was 
a resolute partisan officer in the frontier wars, during the earlier part 
of the eighteenth century, and was styled " captain of the scouts.*' 
John Crocker of the third generation (son of John,) was also a sol- 
dier of the French wars, and their victim. He came home from the 
frontier sick, and died soon afterward, Nov. 30th, 1746, aged forty. 

David Caulkiniy died Nov. 25th, 1717. 

Hugh Caulkin(8) and his son John removed to Norwich in 1660. 
David the younger son remained in New London, and inherited the 
homestead farm given by the town to his father at Nahantick. Ed- 
ward Palmes, John Prentis, David Caulkins and William Keeny 
Hved on adjoining &rms, and for a considerable period occupied a 
district by themselves, around the present Rope Ferry and Millstone 

David Caulkins married Mary, daughter of Thomaa Bliss of Nor- 


1. David, b. July 5th, 1674. 6. Mary. 

2. Ann, b. Nov. 8th, 1676. 7. Joseph, bap. Nor. 8d, 1694. 

3. Jonathan, b. Jan. 9th, 1678-^. 8. Lydia, ** Aug. 9th» 1696. 

4. Peter, b. Oct, 9th, 1681. 9. Ann, 

5. John, . 

Lieut Jonathan Caulkins, second son of David, served in the fron- 
tier wars against the French. A later descendant of the same name, 
Ci^ Jonathan Caulkins, was in the field during a considerable por- 
tion of the Bevolutionary War. 


Ensign George Wag, died in Feb,, 1716-7. 

This was the period of the Crreat Snow, famous throughout New 
England. Ensign Way lived at the West Farms, not far from 
Lake's Pond, and after his decease his remains were kept for eleven 
or twelve days, on account of the impassable state of ihe roads. He 
was finally interred on the 7th of March, being brought into town hj 
men on snow-shoes. 

The famOy of Ensign Way removed from New London. He had 
several children, but Lyme was probably the place of their nativity. 
His wife was Susannah, daughter of Joseph Nest 

Greorge and Thomas Way were brothers ; their father was George 
Way, of Lyme, or Saybrook, and theu* mother the only child of John 
and Joanna Smith. Thomas Way appears to have lived from child- 
hood in New London. His wife was Ann, daughter of Andrew 
Lester, and he had ten children ranging in birth from 1688 to 1714. 
About the year 1720, he removed with the younger part of his 
family to East Haven, where he died in 1726. His sons David and 
James married in East Haven ;' John, another son, settled in Wal- 

Thomas Way, Jr., died in New London before the removal of the 
family, at the age of twenty. A small stone of rough granite was 
placed at the head of his grave, on which the following rudely picked 
characters may still be deciphered. 

T. W. DIED ye 22 DEC. 170 11 (1711.) 

Daniel Way, the oldest son of Thomas, bom Dec. 23d, 1688, and 
Ebenezer, bom Oct. 30th, 1693, are ancestors of the Way families 
of New London and Waterford, branches of which have emigrated 
to Vermont, New Hampshire and other states and also to Canada. 
Capt. Ebenezer Way, of the old fourth United States regiment, who 
commanded a company in the army of General Harrison at the bat- 
tle of Tippecanoe, was a descendant of Ebenezer, son of Thomas. 

Joshua Baker, died Dec. 27th, 1717. 

He was son of Alexander Baker of Boston, and bom at the latter 

place in 1642. He came to New London about 1670, and married 

Sept. 13th, 1674, Hannah, relict of Tristram Minter. They had 

Alexander, bom Dec. 16th, 1677 ; Joshua, Jan. 5th, 1678-9 ; Joha, 

1 Dodd'a East Haven Register, p. 169. 


Dec 24th, 1681 ; Hannah and Sarah, twins, 1684; also a son Ben- 
jamin and daughters Mercy and Patience. 

Another Baker family belongs to New London, of earlier date 
than that of Joshua. " "William Baker of Pequot," is noticed in 
1653. Thomas, bj supposition his son, was a householder in 1686, 
living north of the town plot at Foxen's Hill. No registry of mar- 
riage, birth or death relating to this family before 1700, has been 
found. John Baker marrried Phebe Douglas, Jan. 17th, 1703—4. 

Thomas Joness died Oct, 6<A, 1718. 
His wife was Catharine, daughter of Thomas Gammon of New- 
foundland, whom he married June 25th, 1677. He lived at first 
near Alewif e G)ve, but removed into the North Parish, and his only 
son Thomas became a proprietor of the town of Colchester. 

Daniel WethereU, 
The following memorials collected from the town book, and from 
the graveyard, are more comprehensive than they would be if mold- 
ed into any other form. 

" Daniel WethereU was bom Nov. 29, 1630, at the Free School-house in 
Maidstone, Kent, Old England." 

•* Daniel WethereU of New London, son of William WethereU, Clericus of 
Soituate, was married August 4, 1659, to Grace, daughter of Mr. Jonathan 


1. Hannah, b. Mar. 21st, 1659-60. 3. Daniel, b. Jan. 26th, 1670-1. 

2. Mary, b. Oct. 7th, 1668. 4. Samuel, bap. Oct. 19th, 1679. 

" Here lyeth the body of Capt" Daniel WethereU Esq. who died AprU ye 
14t* 1719 in the S^ year of his age." 

Ci^t. Wetherell's usefulness continued almost to the day of his 
death. From 1680 to 1710 he was more prominent in public af- 
fairs than any other inhabitant of the town. He was town-clerk, 
moderator, justice, assistant, judge of probate, and judge of the coun- 
ty court. No man in the county stood higher in point of talent and 

The two sons of Capt "WethereU died young. His daughter Han- 
nah married Adam Picket; Mary married first, Thomas Harris, 
and second, Greorge Denison. His family, like the families of several 
other founders and benefactors of the town — Picket, Christophers, 
Palmes, Shaw, &c. — was perpetuated only in the female line. 


Andrew Davis, of Groton, died April 29dy 1719. 
John Davis was one of the planters of Pequot in 1651, and came 
prohahlj from Ipswich. In 1662 he was master of a vessel. His 
death is not registered, but there is little hazard in assuming that his 
relict was the Widow Davis whom Major Palmes married for his 
second wife, and that Andrew Davis of Groton was his son. It is 
difficult to construct a familj history out of the scanty materials af- 
forded by early records. We gather fragments, but the thread is 
wanting which should bind them together. The wife of Andrew 
Davis was Mary, daughter of Thomas Bailey. Of his children we 
can obtain no information, except that it is fair to presume that An- 
drew Davis, Jr., was his son. The latter married Sarah Baker, 
Dec. 9th, 1708. A Comfort Davis, mentioned in 1719, and William 
Davis who died in 1725, may also be sons. 

Lieut. John JRicharde, died Nov. 2dj 1720. 

He was the oldest son of the first John Richards, and his wife was 
Love, daughter of Oliver Man waring. He had a large family often 
or twelve children, of whom only four (John, George, Samuel and 
Lydia) survived their father. His inventory, which comprises gold 
hutons, silver plate, and gold and silver coin, shows that an advance 
had been ma^ beyond the simple frugality of the first times. He 
owned the Bartlett farm on the river, one-half of which was prized 
at £815, which indicates a still greater advance in the value of lands. 
No spot in New London was more noted than the comer of Lieut. 
Richards (now opposite the court-house.) It was for many years 
the most western dwelling in that direction, with only the school- 
house and pasture lots beyond. 

Capt George Richards, a son of Lieut John, was a man of large 
stature and great physical strength. Stories are told of his wrest- 
ling with various gigantic Indians, and always coming off conqueror 
from the combat. Capt. Guy Richards, for many years a noted 
merchant in New London, Colonel William Richards of the Revolu- 
tionary army, and Capt Peter Richards, slain in the sack of Fort 
Griswold in 1781, are among the descendants of Lieut John Rich- 

Col. John Livingeton, died 1720. 
** The inventory of Lieut CoL John Livingston, late of New Lon- 
don taken at the house of Mrs. Sarah Knight in Norwich, at the de- 


sire of Mrs. Elizabeth Livingston widow of jt deceased who is 
appointed administratrix, March 10, 1720-1.'* The list of effects 
under this heading is slender. The principal items are 103 ounces 
of wrought plate at 10«. 6c?. per ounce ; a japanned cabinet, and a 
field tent. Colonel Livington died abroad. His residence in New 
London has already been noticed. He speculated largely in Indian 
lands. Li 1705 he purchased "Patomechaug" 300 acres, of Samuel 
Rogers, and sold it subsequently to Charles Whiting. In 1710 he 
was one of the four purchasers of all Mohegan, the reservation of 
the Indians excepted. He had a farm on Saw-mill Brook, (now 
Uncasville) of 400 acres which he cultivated as a homestead. Here 
he had his mills and dwelling-house, the latter standing on the west 
side of the road to Norwich. It was here that his first wife, Mrs. 
Mary Livingston, the only child of Grovemor Fit^-John Winthrop, 
died, Jan. dth, 1712-13. She was not interred till the 16th; the 
weather being very inclement and the snow deep, she could not be 
brought into town till that time. 

Colonel Livingston's second wife was Elizabeth, daughter and 
only child of Mrs. Sarah Knight. The marriage has not been found 
registered. To Mrs. Knight, Livingston first mortgaged, and then 
sold the Mohegan farm. The title therefore accrued to Mrs. Living- 
ston from her mother, and not her husband. She sold it to Capt. 
Stephen Harding of Warwick. Colonel Livingston had no children 
by either wife. The grave of the first — the daughter of Winthrop— 
is undistinguished and unknown. A table of freestone, with the 
following inscription, perpetuates the memory of the second. 

** Inter** vnder this stone is the body of Mdm Elizabeth Livingston^ relict of • 
Col. John Livingstone of New London who departed this life March 17th, 
A. D. 1735-6 in the 4Sth year of her age.'* 

The following are items from the inventory of her efiects : 

A negro woman. Rose ; man, Pompey. 

Lidian man, named John Nothing. 

Silver plate, amounting to £234, 13«. 

A damask table-cloth, SOs, 

Four gold rings ; one silver ring ; one stoned ring. 

A pair of stoned earrings ; a stone drop for the neck. 

A red stone for a locket ; two pair of gold buttons. 

A diamond ring with five diamonds, (prized at £30.) 



John Edgteombj died April Wthj 1721. 

His will calls him aged. His estate was appraised at £681, and 
consisted of a homestead in the town plot, and two considerable 

'* John, son of Nicholas Edgecombe, of Plymouth, Old England, was married 
to Sarah, daughter of Edward Stallion, Feb. 9th, 1673." 


1. John, bom November 14th, 1675; married Hannah Hempstead. 

2. Sarah, born July 29th, 1678 ; married John Bolles. 

3. Joanna, bom March 3d, 1679-80 ; married Henry Delamore. 

4. Nicholas, born January 23d, 1681-2. ^^ 
6. Samuel, bom 1690. S.^ f f- \^% ^^% ^ 

6. Thomas. 

Mr. John Edgeoombe married for his seoond wife, Elizabeth, relict of Joshua 

The name of Edgecomb is connected with the early settlement of 
Maine. Sir Richard Edgecomb, of Mount Edgecomb, Devonshire, 
had an extensive grant of land from Sir Ferdinando Gorges, in 1637, 
on Casco Bay and the Saco River. Nicholas Edgecomb, who is 
supposed to have been a near relative, was actively engaged in es- 
tablbhing a settlement on the bay, and himself visited it in 1658. 
This person was probably the father of John Edgecomb, of New 
London. Robert Edgecomb, another supposed son of Nicholas, set- 
tled in Saco, and left descendants there.* 

Henry Delamore married Joanna Edgecomb, Feb. 14th, 1716-17. 
He was a recent Emigrant from the old world, and styled himself 
<* late master spar-maker to his majesty the king of Great Britain, at 
' Port Mahon." His second wife was Miriam Graves, but it does not 
appear that he left children by either wife. His relict, Miriam Del- 
amore, married the second John Bolles, and this carried the Delamore 
homestead into the Bolles family. It was where the Thatcher house 
now stands, on Main Street, at the comer of Masonic Street. 

Capt, Peter Manwaring, died Jtdy 29fA, 1723. 

He perished by shipwreck, on the south side of Montauk Point, as 
stated in a previous chapter. This enterprising mariner is first named 
a little before 1700. His relationship with Oliver Man waring has 
not been ascertained, but the probability is that he was his nephew. 

1 See Folsom*8 Hist, of Saco and Biddeford, p. 112. 


He followed the seas with great assiduity. His fiamily consisted of 
a wife and three daughters. 

Thomas Manwaring was probably a younger brother of Peter. 
He married in 1722, Esther Christophers, and is the ancestor of the 
Lyme branch of Manwarings. 

Oliver Manwaring, died November 8rf, 1723. 

He was then ninety years of age, and had been an inhabitant of the 
town about sixty years. His house-lot of eleven acres was bought on 
the 3d of November, 1664. The nucleus of this homestead, consist- 
ing of the house plot and garden, has never been alienated by the 
family, but is still in the possession of a descendant in the direct male 
line from Oliver. 

Oliver Manwaring married Hannah, daughter of Richard Ray- 
mond. His wife connected herself with Mr. Bradstreet'^ church, in 
1671, at which time they had four children baptized : Hannah, Eliz- 
abeth, Prudence and Love. After this were baptized in order, 
Richard, July 13th, 1673 ; Judith, in April, 1676 ; Oliver, February 
2d, 1678-9; Bathsheba, May 9th, 1680; Anne, June 18th, 1682; 
Mercy. All these children were living at the period of Mr. Man- 
waring's death : the eight daughters were married and had families. 
He bequeathed to his grandson, John Richards, (the son of his daugh- 
ter Love,) all bills and bonds due to him "and particularly that bond 
which I had from my nephew, Oliver Manwaring, in England." 

Sergeant Ehenezer Griffingy died September 2d, 1723. 

His age was fifty years, and he had been about twenty-five in New 
London. His pfu^ntage and native place have not been ascertained. 
He married Mary, relict of Ebenezer Hubbell, February 9th, 1702-3. 
Their children were John, Samuel, Peter, Lydia and Mary. John 
and Samuel left descendants. 

Richard Dart, died September 2Uh, 1724. 

This was sixty years and twelve, days after the date of his first 
purchase in New London. He was eighty-nine years of age. His 
oldest son, Daniel, bom May 3d, 1666, married, August 4th, 1686, 
Elizabeth Douglas, and about the year 1716, removed to Bolton, in 
Hartford county. Most of his children, eleven in number, either 


went with him or followed in his track. The other sons of Richard 
and Bethiah Dart, were Richard, bom May 7th, 1667 ; Roger, No- 
vember 22d, 1670, and Ebenezer, February 18th, 1672-3. These 
all became fathers of families, and their descendants are numerous. 

John Arnold^ died Atigust 16^, 1725. 

His gravestone says " aged about 73." His wife died November 
28th, of the same year. We assume with confidence that John Ar^ 
nold was a son of Joseph Arnold, of Braintree, Mass., the latter hav- 
ing the birth of a son John registered April 2d, 1650-1. He was a 
resident in Norwich, in 1681, and later; but before 1700, removed 
to New London, where he married, December 6th, 1703, Mercy, re- 
lict of Samuel Fosdick. They had two daughters: 1. Ruhamah, 
who married an Ely, of Lyme, and 2. Lucretia, who became the 
second wife of John Proctor, Al M. 


George Harwood can be traced as a resident in New Irondon only 
between the years 1651 and 1657, inclusive. He had a son John, 
whose birth probably stands recorded in Boston — John, the son of 
Greorge and Jane Harwood, bom July 5th, 1639.* The family prob- 
ably resided on the outlands of the town, and therefore seldom pre- 
sent themselves to our view. John Harwood, a young man age4 
twenty-three years, and apparently the last of the family, died Feb- 
ruary 23d, 1726. He made a brief will, in which he mentions no 
relative, but bequeaths what little estate he has to Lydia, daughter of 
Israel Richards. 

Tk€fiias BoUes,' died May 26<A, 1727, aged eighty-four. 

Samud BoUes, died Augtist 10th, 1842, aged ninety-nine. 

The person last mentioned was grandson to the former, and yet the 
time between the birth of the one, and the decease of the other, was 
199 years, an immense space to be covered by three generations, and 
a remarkable instance for our country, where the practice of early 

1 Hut and Qen. Beg., vol. 2, p. 180. 
a At fint frequently written Bowles. 


marriages operates to crowd the generations closely together. The 
intervening link is John Bolles : Samuel was the son of his old age, 
bom when his father had numbered sixty-seyen years. 

A family tradition states that Thomas Bolles came to this country 
with brothers, and that they arrived first upon the Kennebeck coasts 
but Winthrop, the founder of New XiOndon, having some knowledge 
of the family, invited them all to his plantation. Only Thomas an- 
swered the call, the others remaining where they first landed. It is 
some corroboration of this account that the name of Bolles is found 
among the early settlers of Wells, in Maine. 

Thomas Bolles is found at New London about 1668. Of his mar^ 
riage we have no account. He bought house and land at Foxen's 
Hill, and there lived with his wife Mary and three children : Mary, 
bom in 1673 ; Joseph, in 1675,' and John, in August, 1677. 

On the 5th or 6th of June, 1678, while Mr. Bolles was absent 
from home, a sudden and terrific blow bereaved him of most of his 
family. His wife and two oldest children were found dead, welter- 
ing in their blood, with the infant, wailing but unhurt, by the side of 
its mother. The author of this bloody deed proved to be a vagabond 
youth, who demanded shelter and lodging in the house, which the 
woman refused. Some angry words ensued, and the reckless lad, 
seizing an ax that lay at the wood pile, mshed in and took awful 
vengeance. He soon afterward confessed the crime, was carried to 
Hartford, tried by the court of assistants, October 3d, condenmed 
and executed at Hartford, October 9th, 1678. 

The records of the town do not contain the slightest allusion to 
this act of atrocity. Tradition, however, has faithfully preserved 
the history, coinciding in important facts with the account contained 
in documents on file among the colonial records at Hartford. John 
Bolles, the infant thus providentially preserved from slaughter, in a 
pamphlet which he published in after life, concerning his peculiar 
religious tenets, alludes to the tragic event of his infancy, in the fol- 
lowing terms: 

** My father lived aboul a mile from New London town, and my mother was 
at home with only three little children. I being the youngest, aboat ten months 
old, she, with the other two were murdered by a youth about sixteen years of 
age, who was alYerward executed at Hartford, and I was found at my dead 
mother's breast.'' 

1 In some papers at Hartford, this child is called Thomas ; at his baptism the name 
registered was Joseph. 


Tradition states that the blood of the child Maiy, who was killed 
as she was endeavoring to escape from the door, flowed out upon the 
rock on which the house stood, and that the stains long remained.^ 

Thomas Bolles married, 2. Rebecca, daughter of Matthew Waller, 
who died Felruary 10th, 1711-2. His third wife was HopestiU, 
relict of Nathaniel Chappell, who surrived him, and died in 1753, 
aged about ninety. Mr. Bolles was much employed in town affairs, 
and for nearly twenty years was in the commission of the peace. It 
does not appear that he had any children after the death of his first 

John Bolles married Sarah, daughter of John Edgecomb, July Sd, 
1699, by whom he had eight sons and two daughters. By a second 
wife, EHzabeth Wood, of Groton, he had five more children : Samuel, 
the youngest, was bom May 10th, 1744. Mr. Bolles died in 1767, 
aged ninety, and in his will enumerates thirteen children then living. 
Similar instances in our early history, where the heads of a family 
and six, eight or ten children all live beyond the span allotted to our 
race, occur with sufficient frequency to produce the impression that 
life to maturity was more certain, and cases of medium longevity 
more numerous in the first three generations after the settlement, than 
in the three that succeed them. Certainly such instances were of 
more frequent occurrence than at the present day, in proportion to 
the population. 

Samuel FoXy died September 4tk, 1727, aged seventy-seven, 

Samuel and John Fox were sons of Thomas Fox, of Concord. 
Samuel Fox married Mary, supposed to be daughter of Andrew Les- 
ter, and bom in Gloucester, in 1647, March 30th, 1675-6. They 
had a son Samuel, bom April 24th, 1681. After this he contracted 
a second, third and fourth marriage, and had sons, Isaac, Samuel and 
Benjamin, which should probably be assigned to the second wife, 
Joanna, who died in 1689. The third wife was Bathsheba, relict of 
Richard Smith, and daughter of James Rogers, (bom in Milford, 
1650.) There is no record made of any marriages or births in the 
fiEunily afler 1681. A singular caprice led Mr. Fox and some others 
in that day to give the same name to two children by a different 

1 This honse is said to have stood a little south of the stone mansion built by Capt. 
Daniel Deshon^ now owned by Capt. Lyman Allyn. The platform of rock, near 
which the house stood, has been partly blasted away. 


mother. When a name, therefore, is repeated in a list of children, it 
is not always an indication that the first named had died before the 
birth of the other. Samuel Fox, in his will, makes bequests to his 
two sons, Samuel the elder and younger. The former had settled in 
the North Parish, at a place still known as Fox's Mills. He is the 
ancestor of the Fox families of Montville. 

John Fox, son of Thomas, of Concord, married Sarah, daughter of 
Crreenfield Larrabee, June 2d, 1678. They had a son John, bom 
June Ist, 1680, who died December 12th, 1711, leaving a wife, Eliz- 
abeth, but no children. They had other sons and daughters, but all 
died without issue, except Benjamin. In a deed of 1718, he calls 
Benjamin, ^^ my only child which it hath pleased God to continue in 
the land of the living." 

John Fox married, 2. Hannah, relict of Thomas Stedman; 8. 
Mary, daughter of Daniel Lester, 2d. His last wife was fifty years 
yoimger than himself, and granddaughter to his sister.' 

Mrs. Sarah Knight. 

A cloud of uncertainty rests upon the history of Mrs. Knight. 
She was bom about 1665, but where, of what parentage, when mar- 
ried, who was her husband, and when he was taken from her by 
death, are points not yet ascertained. All that is known of her kin- 
dred is, that she was related to the Prout and Trowbridge families, 
of New Haven. The few data that have been gathered respecting 
her, in this vicinity, will be rehearsed in order. In 1698, she appears 
at Norwich, with goods to sell, and is styled widow and shopkeeper. 
In this connection it may be mentioned that among the planters, in a 
settlement then recently commenced by Major James Fitch, of Nor- 
wich, at Peagscomtuck, now Canterbury, was a John Knight, who 
died in 1695. It is possible that Mrs. Knight was his relict ; she 
appears to have had one child only, a daughter Elizabeth ; and it is 
probable that John Knight had no sons, as the continuation of his 
name and family has not been traced. He is not the ancestor of the 
Knight family afterward found at the West Farms, in Norwich, 
which originated with David EInight, who married Sarah Backus, in 
1692, had sons and daughters, and died in 1744. 

Mrs. Knight remained but a short time in Norwich^ perhaps three 

1 The wife of Daniel Lester, Sen., was Hannah Fox, of Concord. This singular 
connection is mentioned in the New £ngland Weekly Journal, printed in Boston, 
April 20th, 1780, after noticing the death of John Fox. 



or four years. At the time of her celebrated journey from Boston to 
New York, in 1704, she was a resident of Boston. In 1717, she was 
again living at Norwich ; a silver cup for the communion service was 
presented bj her to the church, and the town by vote, August 12tfa, 
gave her liberty to " sit in the pew where she used to sit" In 1718, 
March 26th, . Mrs. Knight and six other persons were presented in 
one indictment *' for selling strong drink to the Indians." They were 
fined twenty shillings and costs. It is added to tibe record, ^ Mrs. 
Knight accused her maid, Ann Clark, of the fact." After this peri- 
od, Mrs. Knight appears as a land purchaser in the North Parish <^ 
New London, generally as a partner with Joseph Bradford ; she was 
also a pew-holder in the new church built in that parish, about 1724, 
and was sometimes styled of Norwich, and sometimes of New Lon- 
don. This can be easily accounted for, as she retained her dwelling- 
house in Norwich, but her farms, where she spent a portion of her 
time, were within the bounds of New London. On one of the latter, 
the Livingston farm, upon the NorwiUi road, she kept entertainment 
for travelers, and is called innkeeper. At this place she died, and 
was brought to New London for interment. A gray head-stone, of 
which an exact impression is given below, marks the place. 

(XT K JE: Jl j^CB 


The only cWld of Mrs. Xnight, Elizabeth, relict of Col. John 
Livingston, survived her and presented her inventory, which com- 
prised two farms in Mohegan with housing and mills — £1,600, and 
estate in Norwich — ^£210. Mrs, Elnight was a woman of consider- 
able distinction in her day. She certainly possessed more than a 
common portion of energy, talent and education. She wrote poetry 
and diaries, transacted various kinds of business, speculated in In- 
dian lands, and at different times kept a tavern, managed a shop of 
merchandise and cultivated a farm. Her journal kept during a 
journey from Boston to New York, performed on horseback and in 
company with the post or with chance travelers, in the year 1704, 
was published a few years since under the editorial supervision of 
Mr. Theodore D wight. This journal in manuscript had been care- 
fully preserved in the Christophers family, to whom it came after 
the death of Mrs. Livingston ; Sarah, wife of Christopher Chris- 
tophers, who was a Prout, of New Haven, and a relative, being ap- 
pointed to administer on her estate. From a descendant of this 
Mrs. Christophers, viz., Mrs. Ichabod Wetmore, of Middletownt 
the manuscript was obtained for publication. It had been neatly 
copied into a small book. The original was not returned to Mrs. 
Wetmore and is now supposed to be lost.* 

George Geer, died in 1727. 

The Isbell farm bought by Greorge Geer Oct. Slst, 1665, was bound- 
ed north by the line between New London and Norwich, (now Led- 
yard and Preston.) George Geer married Sarah, daughter of Rob- 
ert Allyn, Feb. 17th, 1658-9. They had six sons and as many 
daughters. Capt. Robert Geer was one of the leading inhabitants of 
North Groton during the first half of the eighteentib century, and 
his mill was one of the three places where all warnings were to be 

^ Fargo. 
The first of this name in New London was Moses, who became a 
resident in 1680. He had nine children, of whom the five youngest 
were sons — ^Moses, Ralph, Robert, Thomas and Aaron. Moses 

1 These particnlars were commimicated by the daughter of Mrs. Wetmore, Mrs. 
Andrew Mather, of New London. 



Fargo, or Firgo as it was then often ^tten, and his wife Sarah, 
were both living in 1726. 

Thomas Leach, died Nov. 24thy 1782. 
He was eighty years of age and had dwelt in the town upward of 
fifty years. By his first wife, Abigail, daughter of Richard Haugh- 
ton, he had but one child ; viz., Sarah, who was bom in 1684 and 
married in 1706 to Andrew Crocker. His second wife was Mary 
daughter of Clement Miner ; and his third, the relict of John Crock- 
er. His children by the three wives amounted to thirteen. The 
sons who lived to have families were, Thomas, bom about 1690 ; 
Clement, in 1698 ; Samuel, in 1707 ; Joseph, in 1709 ; Richard, in 
1711, and Jonathan, 1716. 

John Ames J died June Isty 1785. 
He had been about forty years an inhabitant of New London, and 
had sons, John, Robert and Samuel. No registry of their births has 
been found. 


Prom noO to 1750.— Death of Governor Winthrop.— The Miniflter of New 
London chosen Governor.— Settlement of Rev. Eliphalet Adams. — List of 
1708 and 1709.— Expedition of 1711 against Canada.— Death of Governor 
SaltonstaU. — ^War with Spain. — Memorials and petitions for fortification.— • 
Petition to the' King. — ^Expedition to Cape Breton. 

When post-offices and post roads were established la America, 
which was near the commencement of the eighteenth century, the 
great route from Boston to New York was through New London, 
which was then reckoned 110 miles from Boston and 156 from New 
York. Bj act of Parliament in 1710, New London was made the 
chief post-office in Connecticut ; single letters from thence to New 
Yoik paid ninepence ; to anj place sixty miles distant, fonrpence ; 
one hundred miles distant, sixpence.' 

From the Boston News Letter^ which began to be issued in April, 
1704, and was the first newspaper published in North America, the 
following extracts are taken. 

** New London, Aug. 9th, 1704. On Thursday last marched from hence, 
Capt. John Livingston with a hrave company of volunteers, English and In- 
dians to reinforce the frontiers." 

'* Boston, June 1 1th, 1705. Captain John Livingston, with the other messen- 
gers sent hy our Governor to the Governor of Canada at Quebeck to concert 
the exchange of prisoners, returned this day." 

" Boston, Nov. 27th, 1707. About 4 o'clock this morning the Honorable John 
Winthrop, Esq., Governor of his Majesty's Colony of Connecticut, departed 
this life in the 69th year of his age : being bom at Ipswich in New England, 
March 14th, anno 1638 : — Whose body is to be interred here on Thursday next 
the 4th of December." 

The event annomiced in this last extract claims some further no- 
tice from the historian of New London. Grovemor Winthrop had 

1 See this act hi Mass. Hist CoU., 8d series, vol 7, p. 71. 


gone to Boston for medical aid, in an enfeebled state of health. He 
died in the tenth year of his office, and was interred in the same 
tomb with his father and grandfather, in the church-yard of King's 
Chapel. His public duties since the year 1690 had kept him much 
of the time away from New London, yet this always continued to 
be his home. His death was an important eyent to the town. As 
a member of the commonwealth it had lost its head, and as a com- 
munity it was bereaved of a tried friend and influential citizen. It 
led the way also to another removal — that of their minister. On 
the death of the governor, a special assembly was convened* to elect 
a temporary successor, and a majority of the votes were given for 
the Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London. He accepted the 
appointment and on the Ist of January, 1708, took the oath of office. 
At the annual election in May, he was chosen governor by the votes 
of the freemen and was annually reelected to the office from that 
time until his death. 

A transition so sudden from the sacred desk to the chair of the 
magistrate is an unusual, if not a solitary event How the appoint- 
ment was received by the church and congregation under Mr. Sal- 
tonstalFs charge, we do not learn, as no entry was made on either 
the town or church record respecting it But from the known pop- 
ularity of Mr. Saltonstall, we may suppose that in the first instance 
they were filled with grief and amazement. We are told by the 
historian Trumbull, that the Assembly addressed a letter to his peo- 
ple, acquainting them that their minister was called to engage in 
another important course of service and using arguments to indnee 
them to acquiesce in the result. 

Mr. Saltonstall himself has been freely censured for thus resign- 
ing a spiritual incumbency to engage in the routine of temporal 
affairs. The Rev. Isaac Backus, the venerable Baptist author of 
the Church History of New England, says of him with severity : 
" He readily quitted the solemn charge of souls for worldly promo- 
tion." But Mr. Saltonstall doubtless acted upon his own convictions 
of duty and believed that he could more effectually benefit his gen- 
eration in the charge which he now assumed than in that which he 
laid down. He had been the messenger of the town for twenty years 
and may even have thought that a change of ministration would not 
be injurious to his flock, especially as he still remained in tlie church 
and stood ready as before to assist them with his counsel. 

The personal gifts of Mr. Saltonstall added much to his influence. 
He was tall and well proportioned, and of dignified aspect and de- 


loeanor. Some points of bis character carried perhaps to excess, 
acquired for him the reputation of being severe, imperious, ^d oi 
seeking self-aggrandization. But among bis brethren of the clergy 
be enjoyed unbounded popularity. He strove to exalt the minis- 
terial office and maintain its dignity, and was himself the exponent 
of rigid orthodoxy. It was perhaps clerical influence, acting invis- 
ibly, which raised him to the chief magistracy. He loved synods 
and councils and was for giving them large powers. A friend to 
law and order, he would have men submit to authority and live 
soberly, taking reason and religion for ^eir guides. In his view, 
the affairs of both church and state should he managed by rules, 
judiciously established and then made firm and unalterable. The 
platform of ecclesiastical discipline formed at Saybrook, accepted by 
most of the churches, and established as the law of the state in 
October, 1708, was the embodiment of the principles which he 
favored. That instrument owed much to his counsels and influence. 

Being thus an advocate for rigorous ecclesiastical authority, he 
was disposed to check all who dissented from the established rule, 
with the harsh strokes of discipline. It was during his ministry 
that the principles of the regular Baptists were planted in Groton. 
On that side of the river, within the circle of his own church, many 
were discontented with his ministry. A list of " Complaints against 
the Elder of the Church of Christ in New London," was drawn 
up in 1700, signed by five members of the church, viz., James 
Avery, John Morgan, Samuel Bill, John Fox and James Morgan, 
Jr., and carried before the General Court in May, who referred it to 
an ecclesiastical council that was to convene at Killingworth in June. 
Of the nature of these complaints we are not informed. The result 
of the council was conmiunicated to the church in New London, 
June 19th ; and this was followed by a vote of suspension from 
church privileges of the offending members. The difficulty did not 
end here. A paper of remonstrances was next drawn up and signed 
by several persons, who were dealt with in the same way — suspended 
from membership until they should acknowledge their offense and 
tender their submission. These persons were termed subscribers in 
a way of reproach ; but most of them were afterward reconciled to 
the elder and restored to the church. 

Mr. Saltonstall's register of baptisms commences Dec. 6th, 1691, 

and ends Dec. 21st, 1707. The number is about six hundred and 

forty. The admissions to the church during this period of sixteen 

years, were one hundred and fifty-four. The number of marriages 



recorded by him is thirty-seyen. The first is in March, 1697, and 
this is the earliest notice we find of the marriage rite performed by 
a clergyman in New London. It may be inferred from the limited 
nmnber in his register, that even at this period the magistrate had 
more business in this line than the minister. 

A town meeting was held, June 7th, 1708, to determine on the 
means to be employed in order to obtain ^an able and faiUiM min- 
ister of the gospeL" It will be remembered that at this time the 
whole town (since the separation of Groton) contained but one 
meeting-house, one regular church and congregation, and one or^ 
dained minbter. The whole, therefore, were concerned in the 
vacancy of the pulpit It was decided that Deacon William Doug- 
lass and Deacon John Plumbe should repair with all convenient 
speed to Boston and ask advice of the reverend ministers there, 
with respect to a fitting person, and '^ to mention to them particulariy 
the Reverend Mr. Adams, who now preaches in Boston, and ask 
their thoughts concerning his being called to the work of the minis- 
try here." Whatever person should be recommended they were to 
invite in the name of the town to come and preach " for some con- 
venient term in order to a settlement, if it may be, and to wait upon 
him in his journey hither." Finally, it was ordered '^ that the select- 
men furnish the deacons with money to defray the charges of their 

This mission was successful ; the services of Mr. Eliphalet Adams, 
a young minister of great promise, were engaged, and on the return 
of the deacons with this favorable report, the town expressed entire 
satisfaction at the prospect before them and complimented the en- 
voys with a gratuity in lands. In their vote they say : ** Mr. Adams 
is well accepted by the town for the ministry, and if he shall see 
cause to settle, we will do what is honorable for his settlement and 

Mr. Adams was the son of Rev. William Adams, of Dedham, 
Mass., by his first wife, Mary Manning. The second wife and relict 
of Rev. William Adams had married Major James Fitch, of Can- 
terbury ; and one of his daughters was united in marriage with the 
Rev. Samuel Whiting, of Windham. Eliphalet Adams having 
these connections in Connecticut, had spent considerable time in the 
colony, and his character and style of preaching were well' known. 
No long delay, therefore, was necessary to enable the people of 
New London to decide on his qualifications. He arrived in town 
August 20th, and an invitation to settle was extended to him Sep- 


tember Sth, with a request for a speedj ordination, and offering him 
as a settlement the hundred pounds given bj the countrj to the 
town toward the settlement of a minister. 

The gratuity here mentioned was bestowed by the legislature as a 
compensation in part for depriving the town of its former minister^ 
Mr. Saltonstall— oil in return for light. To this sum £88 were 
added bj subscription. The salary was fixed at £90 per annunif 
which was to be made up in three several ways — ^by rates, by inter- 
est of the Liveen fund, and by strangers' money : that is, contribu* 
tions from visitors in the town who should attend church. It was 
customary for strangers of distinction to make a handsome donation 
on such occasions, and it was usually kept distinct from the offerings 
of the inhabitants ; the latter being often deducted from their rates. 

Mr. Adams was ordained Feb. 9th, 1708-9. Gov. Saltonstall 
appeared as the representative of the town to declare their accep* 
tance of the candidate. The assisting ministers were Mr. Samuel 
Whiting, Mr. James Noyes and Mr. Timothy Woodbridge. 

A committee was soon afterward chosen to seat the meeting-house, 
or rather to fill the vacancies, for it was ordered that no person should 
be removed, unless it was to be seated higher, and in graduating the 
places, the committee were instructed to consider age and service 
done to the town and charges l^ome in town affairs. Leave was 
given to Gov. Saltonstall to build himself a pew on the north side 
of the meeting-house, between the pfllpit and the north-west comer 
pew ; "his honor agreeing with the successors of the late Gov. 
Winthrop for removing the pew he sat in, either home to. the pulpit, 
or home to the comer pew, to make room for building the pew afore- 
said.'' The capacity of the meeting-house was soon afterward en- 
larged by building an additional gallery on each side above the first. 

At this period, the pews of greatest honor were each side of the 
pulpit. As we pursue the line cf years downward, we find the pew 
always a subject of interest. No woman of spirit and ambition re- 
garded it as a matter of indifference in what pew she should sit in 

" In town meeting April 30, 1723, it is voted — 

" That Mrs. Green the deacon's wife be seated in y* fore seat on the woman*» 

" Mercy Jiggels is by vote seated in the third seat on the woman's side where 
she is ordered by the town to sit." 

" Jan. 13, 1723-4. Voted, that for the benefit of setting the psalm Mr. Fo§- 
dick is seated in the third seat at the end next the altar." 


It almost excites a smile at the present day to see so much grave 
legislation about the seats of individuals at church ; but birth, rank 
and station had certain privileges in those days which are no Icmger 
conceded, and this was one of the channels in which emulation ran« 
In 1728, a controversy between two families nearly related, about 
the possession of a pew, reached such a height, ^at it was brought 
before the town meeting, and a committee appointed to hear the 
matter and order one of them to desist going into the pew. It ap- 
peared that ^e two men, brothers-in-law, occupying the pew together, 
the wife of each claimed the upper seat, which was the post of honor, 
and neither would yield the precedence. 

While inside of the church, and treating of its arrangements, a few 
details from the Hempstead diary may be interesting. 

«* July 23. (1721) A contribution to build a bouse for the Rector of Yale Col- 
lege; a very small one." 

" Aug. 5. (1722) A contribution for the support of the Presbyterian ministers 
to preach at Providence — per order of the Governor and Company." 

*' Nov. 14. (1725) A contribution for a Canterbury woman, who had three 
children at a birth and all living." 

** May 19 (1731.) I paid Mr. Adams 30«. which I subscribed to give him to 
buy him a negro man." 

** Aug. 17. (1734) A large book of Mr. Baxter's works is brought into the 
meeting house and lell there to read in, between meetings for those who stay 

The following vote was p^toed at a meeting of the church, in 

" Whereas divers persons of good character and deportment stand off from 
joining us because a relation of experience is insisted on — it is agreed that here- 
after this is not to be considered a test, but indifferent, and those who have 
great scruple and difficulty may be excused." 

The list of New London, returned to the Greneral Court in Octo- 
ber, 1708, was £8,476, 14*. Number of males, 249. Hartford, 
New Haven, Windsor and Norwich, stood higher in point of jMX>p- 
erty, but only Hartford and Windsor in the number of men. 

In Oct, 1709, the list was £10,288, 8«.; males, 188. The re- 
duction in one year of the number of males, is sixty-one. Norwich 
also was reduced from 174 to 155 ; Hartford from 320 to 230. Con- 
necticut raised that year a body of 350 men, under Col. Whiting, for 
the Canadian frontier, and it is probable that the returns were made 
while they were in the field. In that case, New London furnished 
beyond her proportion of the quota, v 


Expeditions against Canada formed a marked feature of the colo- 
nial history of New England. Those vain enterprises were always 
recurring, and consuming the strength and treasure of the country, 
without any compensation. The officers of the regiment raised in 
Connecticut, in 1709, ^ere Col. Wm. Whiting, Major Allyn, Capt. 
John Clark, of Saybrook, and Capt. John Livingston, of New Lon- 
don ; the last two both having the rank of major, but commanding 
foot companies. Among the enlistments from New London county, 
for the expedition of 1711, were fifty-four Lidians, procured by Grov. 
Saltonstall, and commanded by Capt. Peter Mason.^ 

The meetings of the governor and council were often held at New 
London, during the Saltonstall administration. In March, 1711, the 
governor was visited by some French embassadors, but the particular 
object they had in view is not known.^ During the whole of that 
year, the occasional appearance of French vessels on the coast kept 
the inhabitants in a state of constant apprehension. Li May and 
June, a military watch was kept up at the mouth of the harbor for 
forty-six nights^ under the charge of Lieut. John Richards. The ex- 
pediti<Hi against Canada, of this year, was exceedingly unfortunate. 
Heavy were the tidings that came through the country, after the 
wreck of the English fleet in the St. Lawrence, Aug. 22d. That 
disastrous event fixed a black seal on the day. It was in this expe- 
dition that Capt. John Mayhew, of New London, an old Newfound- 
land trader, was employed as a pilot. 

In June, 1712, the governor and council ordered a beacon to be 
erected on the west end of Fisher's Island, and a guard of seven men, 
under charge of Nathaniel Beebe, to be kept there, with a boat in 
readiness to convey intelligence to the main land. Privateers were 
hovering upon the coast, and it was apprehended that they might 
combine together, and' seizing a favorable opportunity, slip into the 
harbor and surprise the town. The Fisher's Island watch was kept 
up for three months. New London in this war suffered considerably 
in her shipping, several of her merchant vessels being cut off by 
French privateers. Hempstead writes : 

"Aug. 5. (1712) Wm. Crocker, Captain of the Scouts, came home from 

1 Council Beoords. 

2 ^ March 21, 1712. At a meeting of the Governor and Council, Ordered that the 
Treasurer pay to Joseph Chamberlin of Colchester the sum of one pound and thirteen 
BhiUings for his entertainment of the French Embassadors in their journey to and fh>m 
New London in March 1711."— Council Beoords. 


Northampton ; one of his men had been killed, and two taken prisoners — all 
three belonging to Hartford."* 

" Oct. 30. A suspension of arms was proclaimed at ye fort ; two guns and 
three chaml>ers were fired.** 

*' Aug. 26. (171^) Peace was proclaimed between England and France ; 
both companies in arms." , 

** Dec. 3. (1714) King George was proclaimed — the four companies were in 

The existence, at this period, of four military companies, two of 
which had been recently formed, one in the North Parish, and the 
other at the West Farms, shows the advance of population. In 
1683, there was but one company of train-bands in all New London, 
which then included Groton. 

The superior court was held in New London, for the first time, 
in September, 1711. No court-house having then been erected, the 
session was held in the meeting-house. Before this period the supe- 
rior court had only sat in New Haven and Hartford. It was now 
made a circuit court, each county to have two sessions annually. 
Richard Christophers was one of the assistant judges, and Capt John 
Prentis, county sheriff. 

" In town meeting April 15. 1717. 

** Voted that this town do utterly oppose and protest against Robert Jacklin 
a negro man's buying any land in this town, or being an inhabitant within s'd 
town and do further desire the deputies yt shall attend the Court in May next 
yt they represent the same to the Gen. Assembly that they would take soma 
prudent care that no person of yt colour may ever have any possessions or free- 
hold estate within this government." 

Sept 20th, 1724, Governor Saltonstall died very suddenly of apo- 
plexy, having been apparently in full health the preceding day. He 
was interred the twenty-second, with all the civic and military hon- 
ors which the town could give. Col. Whiting, and Captains Lati- 
mer and Christophers, were the officers in command. " The horse 
and foot marched in four files ; the drums, colors, trumpets, halberts, 
and hilts of swords covered with black, and twenty cannons firing at 
half a minute's distance." After the body had been laid in its rest- 
ing-place, two volleys were discharged firom the fort, and then the 

1 " Due Crocker's Comp^— Oct i2, 1712.— je216, 16s. edl"— State Becords. 


military companies, first tlie troop, and afterward the foot, ^' marching 
in single file, as each respectively came against the tomb, discharged^ 
and so drew up orderly into a body as before, and dismissed."* 

The remains of Grovemor Saltonstall wen deposited in a tomb, 
which he had caused to be excavated in the burial-ground for him^ 
self and family, and in which his second wife, Elizabeth, and her in- 
fant child, had been previously laid. John Gkrdiner, son-in law of 
the governor, died a few months after him, (Jan. 15th, 1725,) and 
was the fourth inhabitant of this silent chamber. Another son-in- 
law, Richard Christophers, was gathered here in 1736, and Capt* 
Boswell Saltonstall, the oldest son of the governor that survived in- 
fancy, in 1738. Other members of the family have been laid here, 
from time to time.' The tablet that surmounts the tomb is adorned 
with the fiEunily hatchment, and the following inscription : 

«• Here lyeth the body of the Honourable Gurdon Saltonstall Esqnire, (Jov- 
emonr of Gonnectlcntt who died September the 20th, in the 59th year of his 
age, 1724.*' 

Governor Saltonstall was bom at Haverhill, Mass., in 1666, and 
graduated at Harvard, in 1684. His name, Gurdon, was derived 
from the family of his grandmother, whose name was Mariel Gurdon 
He had three wives — ^first, Jerusha, daughter of James Richards, of' 
Hartford, who died in Boston, July 25th, 1697 ; second, Elizabeth, 
only child of William Rosewell, of Branford, Conn., who died in New 
London, Sept. 12th, 1710 ; third, Mary, daughter of William Whit- 
tingham, and relict of William Clarke, of Boston, who survived him, 
and died in Boston, in 1729.* 

1 Hempstead. 

2 It is not remembered that this tomb has been opened but three times since the 
commencement of the present century— in 1811 for the reception of the remains of 
Winthrop Saltonstall, Esq.; in 1845, for those of an nnmarried daughter of the same, 
Ann Dudley Saltonstall, aged seventy-five; and once to receive the body of a young 
child of William W. Saltonstall, formerly of New London, but now of Chicago. 

8 The births of his children and the death of his second wife are registered at New 
London, but neither of his marriages. 


Children of Chirdon Saltonttall, E$q. , and Jerutha ht$ ttfife. 

1. Elizabeth, bom May 11th, 1690; married, first, Richard Christophers; 
second, Isaac Ledyard. 

2. Mary, born Feb. 15th, 1691-2; married Jeremiah Miller. 

3. Sarah, born April 8th, 1694 ; married, first, John Gardiner ; second, Sam- 
uel Davis ; third, Thomas Davis. 

4. Jerusha, bora July 6th, 1695 ; died Sept. 12tb, 1695. 

5. Gurdon, bom July 17th, 1696 ; died July 27th, 1696. 

Children of Ourdon Saltonstall, Esq., and Elizabeth, hit wife. 

6. Rosewell, born Jan. 19th, 1701-2. Settled in Branford. 

7. Katherine, born June 19th, 1704; married Brattle. 

8. Nathaniel, bora July Ist, 1707 ; married Lucretia Araold, in 1733. 

9. Gurdon, born Dec. 22d, 1703; married Rebecca Winthrop, in 1733. 
10. Richard, born Sept. Ist, 1710; died Sept. 12th, 1710. 

Capt. Rosewell Saltonstall, the oldest son of the goveraoi; that sur- 
vived infancy, married a lady of Hartford, (Mary, daughter of Joto 
Haynes, and relict of Elisha Lord,) and fixed his residence in Bran- 
ford, the home of his maternal ancestors ; hut he died in New Lon- 
don, while on a visit to his brother Gurdon, Oct. 1st, 1738. He had 
been seized with a nervous fever, the first day of his airival, and lived 
but twelve days afterward. It was remarked that he seemingly 
came home on purpose to die, and be laid in the tomb with his par- 
ents. He was highly esteemed in New London, being a man of irre- 
proachable Christian character, and amiable in all the relations of 
life. His relict married Rev. Thomas Clap, of Windham, afterward 
president of Yale College. 

La the year 1785, the county of New London exhibited a scene of 
internal strife and uneasiness, which continued for several years. It 
was caused by a local jealousy between the rival towns of New Lon- 
don and Norwich, for the possession of the courts. An act of Asr 
sembly in October, 1734, decreed that the superior and county courts 
should henceforward be held alternately at New London and Nor- 
wich, elevating the latter, place to the rank of a half-shire town. 
This act, the inhabitants of New London declared to be injurious to, 
them, "and of ill example.'' They remonstrated, and petitioned 
again and again, to have it repealed, but without success. In the 
spring of 1739, the agents of the town were instructed to pledge the 
reimbursement to Norwich of what had been laid out by them in 
building a court-house and prison since the passage of the act, in case 


it should be rescinded. The Assembly, however, reftised once more 
to remove the courts from Norwich. 

It was perhaps this controversy which made the existing authori- 
ties so unpopular in New London. At the freemen's meeting of 
April 8th, 1740, Hempstead observes, that the people " were furi- 
ously set to make an alteration in the public officers of the govern- 
ment ; one hundred and forty-three voters — not above six or seven for 
the old governor, and generally for Mr. Elliot, Grovemor,and Thomas 
Fitch, Li^ut Grovemor." Talcott was however continued in office 
till his death, which took place Oct 11th, 1741 ; and on that occasion, 
New London, by demonstrations of respect paid to his memory, 
showed that her enmity had been temporary and was then forgotten. 

Litelligence was received in the autumn of 1739, that letters of 
marque and reprisal had been issued under the great seal of England, 
against Spain. The numerous depredations upon English commerce, 
the unlawful seizures of English subjects and their property, had 
provoked this measure. Affairs had been for some time rapidly tend- 
ing toward an open rupture. Preparations for hostilities were made 
by both kingdoms, and there was every reason to suppose that war 
would soon be declared, and that its disastrous effects would extend 
to the colonial settlements in North America. No place upon the 
sea-board was more exposed, or less prepared for defense, than New 
London. The inhabitants were alarmed ; they assembled in town 
meetings and prepared a memorial to the governor, urging him to 
convene the legislature without delay, and to recommend to them 
the immediate fortification of the town. This memorial, approved by 
the town on the first Monday in January, 1740, was drafted by a 
committee consisting of John Curtiss, Jeremiah Miller, John Rich- 
ards, Thomas Prentis and Nathaniel Saltonstall. It is an interesting 
document, evidently emanating from full hearts, that pour forth ar- 
guments, few indeed in number, but conveyed in copious terms. 
The considerations which they urge are of this nature : 

•* That the port is an outward port, and the chief haven in the colony, liable 
to sudden surprisal, and the present defense utterly inefficient to protect it in 
such peril. 

" That it is greatly for the interest of the whole colony, that it should be put . 
into a proper state of defense, as all our vessels are obliged here to enter and 
clear, and there is no fort erected in any other port or haven upon all the sea- 
coast of this colony, nor vessel of force to guard the same, and so no safety to 



them who go out, nor to them that come iiii nor refuge for the pursued, but 
much greater danger within the harbor than without. 

" That this weak and undefended condition of the town and port renders ns 
an easy prey, and will in all reasonable construction, invite the attempts of our 
enemies against us, seeing or hearing concerning us that we live carelessly 
without walls or strongholds, or other defense under heaven, and are unwor- 
thy the care of providence, without the exercise of prudent endeavors for the 
safety of our lives and fortunes.** 

In conclusion thej saj : 

" Forasmuch as this colony hath not as yet been much burdened, nor the 
public treasure exhausted with expensive fortifications and garrisons to defend 
their frontiers by sea and land, as the neighboring provinces have, the charges 
thereof can not be distressing, nor justly esteemed grievous to the inhabitanu at 
this day ; but we rather hope that as all the other provinces are not only in a 
proper stat9 of defense, but are less or more provided for the offensive party 
and to contend with the enemy in battle, so this colony upon like occasion will 
exemplify that figure and heroic dignity it hath a right to assume, as well for 
the honor of the government as the safety of its borders, and provide and equip 
a suitable vessel to guard the coasting vessels, and to be ready on other occa- 
sions, as well as erect proper fortifications to defend the town and veeseb in 
the port.*' 

The reply of the governor, addressed to the selectmen, was of a 
moderate temper, assuring them of his hearty concurrence in any 
future measure for their defense, but deqjlining to convene the legisla- 
ture expressly for that purpose. This letter was laid before the town 
January 24th, 1739-40, and acted like oil upon ignited coals. Since 
the draft of the petition, authentic news had arrived of the formal 
declaration of war, and the town in their excitement declared ^ that 
the danger of a surprisal by the sudden attack of the enemy is most 
imminent and certain." A second address to the governor was voted, 
and Messrs. Gurdon Saltonstall, Jeremiah Miller, Richard Durfey, 
John Curtiss and John Prentis, were detailed for a committee to wait 
personally upon his honor, and prefer the petition with urgency. 

In consequence of this second petition, the governor convened his 
council at Hartford, February 7th, upon whose deliberations the 
committee from New London attended. 

The firmness of the council was proof against importunity. They 
were too prudent to vote away the money of the people without giv- 
ing them a chance to be consulted. Yet they yielded in some meas- 
ure, and out of the funds ali-eady appropriated for the defense of the 
searcoast, they ordered the battery at New London to be recon- 
structed, furnished with some suitable pieces of cannon, and garrisoned 


hj a detachment of forty men from the militia of the town, ten of 
whom were to be always on duty. 

These measures fiedled to satisfy the town. Being laid before the 
people at a public meeting, they declared them wholly inadequate to 
the exigency. The question being put, 

** Whether it be expedient for this town to rest in the provision that the gov- 
ernor and council have made for their safety ; resolved in the negative,** 

After a preamble fully stating what had been done, and their great 
apprehension of invasion, the record proceeds : 

*' In confidence that his majesty's tender care of his subjects extends to these 
distant parts of his dominions and exposed plantations, and out of his royal 
bounty and indulgence to the infant state of this colony, will grant us effectual 
redress according to the necessity and urgency of the case : 

** Voted, that his sacred majesty King George the second, our rightful sover- 
eign, be humbly euldressed in this our extremity, and that a petition proper 
therefore be prepared and laid before this meeting." 

A petition was accordingly prepared, but it is scarcely necessary 
to say that it was never wafled across the ocean. The governor and 
leading men of the colony used their influence to conciliate the in- 
habitants, and prevent the execution of the design. Several town 
meetings were held on the subject, which adjourned from day to day 
without doing any business, until February 28th, when the question 
was put, 

" Whether the prosecution of our address to his majesty to render the port 
and town of New London defensible against the invasion of our enemies shall 
be suspended till the sessions of the General Assembly in May next ; resolved 
in the affirmative." 

The inhabitants were thus quieted for a time, renting in the confi- 
dent expectation that the Assembly would devise some plan of de- 
fense for a town and harbor which was in fact their frontier and out- 
post. In the mean time the attention of all New England was diverted 
toward a grand expedition fitted out by the British ministry against 
the Spanish dominions in the West Indies and on the northern coast 
of South America. Troops were raised in the colonies by voluntary 
enlistinent, to join this expedition. They went forth with high 
hopes, but the issue was disastrous. Admiral Vernon, who com- 
manded the British squadron, took Forto Bello, in November, 1739, 
only to make it the grave of the army. The same commander, sub- 
sequently besieged Carthagena, but his force was so reduced by a 
mortal sickness, which was engendered in those tropical climes and' 


carried off its thousands and tens of thousands, that he was obliged 
to abandon the siege and return to Jamaica. 

No military roll or domestic record has preserved the names of 
those soldiers from Connecticut, who shared in the plunder of Porto 
Bello, or died miserably under the walls of Carthagena. But it maj 
- be conjectured that various names which disappear from the rolls 
about this time, were extinguished in that unfortunate enterprise, or 
in the expedition against Cuba, which soon followed. 

War was declared against Spain in the spring of 1740. Gurdon 
Saltonstall, of New London, having been raised to the rank of colonel 
of the militia, gave a banquet on the 24th of April, to his friends ; 
and at this entertainment, a large number of civil and military offi- 
cers, and other inhabitants being assembled, the colonel read the proc^" 
lamation of the governor, that day received, declaring war to exiat 
with Spain.* 

In July, 1740, six recruiting lieutenants came on from New York, 
bringing 200 stands of arms, and other equipments for volunteers. 
Landing first at New London, they dispersed toward Boston, Provi- 
dence and Hartford, beating up for men to join the king's forces in 
another expedition against the Spaniards. Cuba was now to be the 
object of attack. A soldier's tent was forthwith erected on the 
training field, near the meeting-house, and an officer stationed there 
to enlist recruits. Many young men of the town and neighborhood 
were induced to join the company. They sailed in August. The 
fate of the expedition, as in the former case, was decided by a mortal 
disease, which cut ofi* a large part of the army. In the summer of 
1742, a few sick men were brought home from Jamaica; they dis- 
seminated the fatal camp epidemic through the several families to 
which they belonged, and these spread it yet further in the town, and 
thus the number of victims of the expedition was doubled. 

In the spring of 1744, intelligence was received that a new power 
had entered into the contest. France had declared war against Eng- 
land, and England against France. This was just the drop which 
made our excitable town overflow. Little had been done in the way 
of fortification. Rumors of invasion thickened the air; faces were 
sad and hearts heavy with apprehension. 

The legislature was then in session, and it was confidently expected 
that they would not separate without making some provision for the 

1 Hempstead. The diarist obsenres, " The colonel wet his new commission boun- 



Sefense ci New London. Bat in thid the town was greatlj disap- 
pointed ; no appropriation was made for their relief. As soon as 
this was known, a town meeting was warned, which met the 12th of 
June, to consider their grievances. After ordering watch-houses to 
he huilt at the harbor's mouth, and on the fort land, (now Parade,) 
they appointed committees to draw up a memorial to the govenu^ 
and a petition to the king, the latter to be held in reserve, and only 
used if the former ^plication should be unsuccessful. 

The committee immediately drafted a memorial to the governor : 

'* When (say they) the Honourable General Assembly at their last session had 
advice that war was proclaimed in England against our most formidable enemy 
the king of Prance, it was generally concluded here, that some adequate pro- 
vision for oar security would have been made. But when our representatives 
returned, and we were informed nothing could be obtained for us, we were 
greatly surprised and distressed.'* 

They proceed to state that the harbor of ten had vessels riding in it 
to the value of eighty thousand pounds, and now that France had 
joined in the war, even those of greater value might be expected in ; 
that the European and household goods were of sufficient importance 
to invite an enemy, and that probably the first French privateers that 
should appear on the coast, knowing the value of the plunder, and the 
weakness of the place, *' whose only defense under heaven is a battery 
of four guns in town, and three for alarm at the harbor's mouth," 
would make an immediate descent upon them. The memorialists 
then give loose to their fears and fancy, and delineate the picture that 
would be presented when the town should be overcome " by a French 
enemy ;'' houses in fames, substance plundered, inhabitants slaugh- 
tered. ^ Alas ! (say they) it will then be too late for those that re- 
main to fly to your honor for aid to preserve the lives and fortunes 
thus unhappily destroyed." They next advert to what the king had 
done toward fortifying Greorgia and Boston, and observe that if the 
colony do nothing for them, they shall think it ** a duty we owe to 
Almighty Grod, who commands us to preserve our own lives, to apply 
to the king for aid." They conclude with disclaiming any disgust 
with the government, or any intention to bring the charter privileges 
into danger by this measure, which they say is purely a measure of 
self-defense, and inclosing a copy of the petition, intended to be pre- 
sented to the king, they subscribe, in behalf of the distressed town of 
New London, 

G. Saltonstall, Daniel Dbnison, ) Committee. 
Solomon Coit, Thomas Fosdick, > 


No favorable answer being obtained to this'memorial, a vote paaaed 
in town meeting, 26th of June, authorizing the selectmen to take im- 
mediate measures to forward to the king the following petition :^ 

" The humble representation and petition of the inhabitants of the town of 
New London, in the colony of Connecticut, in New England, to the king's 
most excellent majesty : 

" May it please your majesty, we your very dutiful and obedient subjeots 
being fully sensible that your majesty's royal ear is ever open and ready to 
hear, and your paternal care and goodness ever ready to diffuse itself even to 
your most remote subjects, beg leave with the greatest submission to represent 
the consequence [importance] of this harbor and town, and its defenseless state. 
" Our harbor is the principal one in this colony, and perhaps the best in 
North America, capable to receive the whole navy of Great Britain, being at 
least seven miles in length, and near one mile in breadth, six fathoms water, 
bold shore and excellent anchor-ground ; all the navigation trading to this col- 
ony enter and clear at your majesty's custom-house in this port, and we shall 
probably have twenty, thirty, or perhaps forty vessels at a time, laden mostly 
with provisions, belonging to this and the neighboring governments, waiting 
for convoy, and have not any thing to defend such fleet from your majestjr's 
enemies but a battery of seven guns, (some of which are very unfit for serviee,) 
and three other guns at the harbor's mouth, about three miles distant, and have 
no reason to question but an enemy on our coast will soon gain intelligence, 
when such number of vessels shall be here, and we fear make them a quick 
prey. With such large quantities of provisions, they will be enabled to fit out 
many more privateers, to the great annoyance of other your majestjr's good 
subjects, and what renders such attempts from an enemy more to be expected, 
is the easy entrance to this harbor, it being very free and bold, and in three 
hours' sail they may be again without hind in the open sea. 
*• Our town has upward of 300 fighting men — and therein is your majesty's 
* custom-house above mentioned — every inhabitant true and loyal to your 
majesty, but by great losses suffered at sea, by the depredations of the Span- 
iards, &c., are not able of ourselves to put our harbor tmd town in a proper 
posture of defense, and fear we shall fall an easy prey to an haughty, aspiring 
enemy unless your majesty graciously provide for our defense in this our weak 
state. "We beg leave to throw ourselves at your majesty's feet, our most gra- 
cious king and common father to his subjects, beseeching your majesty in your 
royal wisdom and paternal care, to order such defense for us, as may enable us 
in a manner becoming Englishmen, to repel the attempts of your majesty's 
enemies that shall be made on us, and secure all your majesty's good subjects 
coming into this harbor for protection. 

** We pray the mighty King of kings to preserve your sacred majesty from 
all the attempts of open and secret enemies — to bless and prosper your arms, 
and to clothe your enemies with confusion, that your majesty may be long con- 
tinued to reign over us and then be received to reign in eternal glory. Amen." 

1 The committee to prepare this petition were Jose;^ Coit, Richard Dnrfey, Ed- 
ward Bobinson, Jonathan Prentis, Solomon Colt. 


Of the fate of tliis petition nothing further is known ; it is never 
heard from again, either town-wise or otherwise. The records of the 
town are from this period entirely silent in regard to the war, which* 
it may be remembered, continued four years longer and was termina- 
ted by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle in April, 1748. In the mean 
time the noted expedition to Cape Breton intervened, and though the 
records contain no allusion to it, a few facts, gleaned from other 
sources will be given, in order to show the connection of the town 
with that great adventure of New England enterprise. 

The Greneral Assembly, by a vote of Feb. 7th, 1744-5, ordered 
500 men to be immediately raised in Connecticut by voluntary en- 
listment, to join the forces of the other New England colonies in the 
expedition against Cape Breton. The premium offered was large, viz. 
ten pounds in old tenor bills, one month's wages paid before embarking, 
and an exemption from all impressments for two years. The sloop 
Defence was to be equipped and manned and to sail as a convoy with 
the transports. The land forces were ordered to New London to 
embark, and to return to New London to disband. Roger Wolcott 
was appointed commander-in-chief; Andrew Burr, colonel ; Simon 
Lothrop, lieut. colonel ; Israel Newton, major. 

The men were divided into eight companies, under the following 
captains : 

David Wooster, Robert Denison, 

Stephen Lee, Andrew Ward, 

Daniel Chapman, James Church, 

William Whiting, Henry King. 

Of these captains, Lee, Chapman and Denison were from New 
London, as were also John Colfax and Nathaniel Green, lieutenants. 
Capt. John Prentis commanded the Defence. Col. Saltonstall was 
one of the committee to superintend the concern — Jeremiah Miller 
was the commissary of the foi'ces. Alexander Wolcott, resident at 
New London, went out as surgeon's mate. 

The troops began to gather at New London the last week in March. 
The tents were pitched in a field north-west of the town plot, which 
has ever since been known as the Soldier lot. It is between the Nor- 
wich and old Colchester roads. 

April 1st, Gen. Wolcott arrived and was welcomed witb salutes 
from the fort and the sloop Defence. His tent was pitched on the 
hill at the south-east comer of the burial place. On Sunday the 7th 
Mr. Adams preached to the general and soldiers, drawn up on the 
meeting-house green. On the 9th the conmiissions were published 


with imposing eeremoniM. The eight compatiies were arranged in 
close order on the green ; and the throng of Bpectaton corered the 
hill.. Through them, G^n. Wolcott, enpported right and left by CoL 
Andrew Burr and Lieut. CoL Simon Lothrop, marched bareheaded 
from his tent to the door of the court-house, where the commissions 
were read.^ The troops embarked SatuHaj, April 18th, and the 
next day at 1 o'clock, P. M., the fleet sailed. It consisted of die 
colonial sloops of Connecticut and Rhode Island, four other sloops ; 
two brigs and one schooner. The Defence carried Gen. Wolcott and 
100 men. 

Two months of anxious suspense to the country, and eager thirst* 
ing for news, succeeded. The 24th of April was kept through New 
England as a public fast for the success of the enterprise. On 
the 19 th of June the moumftd tidings arrived that our forces had 
been defeated in an attempt upon the Island Battery with a loss of 
170 men. Major Newton of Colchester and Israel Dodge of the 
North Parish, were among those who. had fallen victims to disease. 
Soon afterward, Lieut Nathaniel Green of New London, came 
home sick. New recruits were demanded. In this vicinity 200 men 
were speedily raised and marched into town, from whence they were 
taken by transports sent round from Boston, which sailed for the seat 
of war, July 6th. The next day, a special post from Boston, came 
shouting through the town — 

Louisburg is taken! 

On the 18th of July, the Middletown transport, Capt. Doane, 
arrived in the harbor with General "Wolcott and eighty soldiers, 
mostly sick. The 25th of the same month, was the day of public 
thanksgiving for our success. 

Capt Prentis in the colony sloop returned the latter part of Octo- 
ber. Of his crew of 100 men, not one had fallen by the sword, but 
a fourth part had died of disease. November 4th, two transports left 
the port with 1,50 recruits for Cape Breton. The next spring, the 
remains of the army began to return. On the 27th of June Ci4)t 
Fitch came home with a considerable party, and on the 2d of July a 
schooner brought in the last of the Connecticut troops, with the ex- 
ception of a few that had enlisted for three years. 

Thuf ends as connected with our port, this brilliant, but unprofita- 
ble expedition. Capt. Prentis in the sloop Defence, had made a part 
of the naval force, and was with the fleet in actual service at the 

1 Hempstead. 


time that tke rich prizes were taken. In April, 1746, he accompa- 
nied Mr. James Bowdoin, of Boston, to England, to urge the claim of 
the provincial seamen to a share of the prize-money, which was with- 
held by Admiral Warren. The admiralty allowed the claim, and 
placed the British and provincial vessels on the same footing. But 
Capt Prentis while awaiting the decision of the court, made an ex- 
cursion into Cornwall, to visit the Edgecombs of Mount Edgecomb, 
being invited thither to partake of the Christmas festivities. While 
absent on this tour, he took the small-pox ; of which disease he died, 
after his return to London, in January, 1 »6-7. 

Scarcely were the wearied troops from Louisburg disbanded be- 
fore a flourish of drums and trumpets sounded through the country, 
demanding enlistments to go against Canada. On the 30th of June, 
1746, a general muster of the ^ve military companies of New Lon- 
don was called, in order to obtain volunteers for a new army, which 
like that of the previous year had its rendezvous at New London. 
The forces gathered in August, 700 in number, and encamped on 
Winthrop's Neck, about twenty days. The officers vied with each 
other in their tents, but that of Capt. Henry King of Norwich was 
acknowledged to exceed the others in the neatness and order of its 
arrangements. On the 12th of September, they broke up and em- 
barked for the scene of action. 

On the 24th of September, 1746, news arrived in town by ex- 
press from Boston " that a French fleet of twenty^ix men of war^ 
and 15,000 land soldiers in transports, were seen off Cape Sables on 
the 10th instant."* 

This article is only given as an instance of the uncertainty and 
exaggeration of rumor. The fleet seen was the celebrated* armament 
under the Duke D'Anville, supposed to Jiave been fitted out to recover 
Louisburg and Annapolis, to destroy Boston, and devastate the New 
England coast. It consisted of eleven ships of the line, thirty war 
vessels carrying from ten to thirty guns, and transports with 3,100> 
regular troops.^ 

Active exertions were made in all the colonies to defend the most 
important and exposed positions on the coast, and the troops raised 
were prepared to concentrate their forces wherever an invasion should 
be attempted. In Connecticut one-half of the whole militia was de-- 
tached and ordered to be in readiness to march in case of an inva- 
sion. The issue is well known. A series of remarkable calamities 

1 Hempstead. 2 Tmmbull's Coon., vol. 2, p. 286. 


assailed the French fleet Storm, shipwreck, failure of expected 
recruits and supplies, pestilential disease, divided councils, discon- 
certed plans, the sudden death of successive commanders, and a final 
destructive blow from a furious tempest, all concurred so oppor- 
tunely in the discomfiture of the French fleet, that thej seemed like 
visible agents employed by Providence, to avert the danger from 
New England. Dr. Holmes in his Annals observes that the country 
was saved as in ancient times, when " the stars in their courses fought 
against Sisera." 

{Note concerning Capt. PrentU, As it is a part of the business of the histo- 
rian to preserve all popular superstitions and traditions that illustrate the cus- 
toms and opinions of the age, we must here notice a story that probably grew 
out of the prolonged absence of Capt Prentis in England* and the anxiety of 
his friends concerning him. It was aAerward currently reported, that the very 
day he died in London, a man on horseback, mounted on just such a horse as 
Prentis used to ride, came galloping into New London, before sunrise, and at 
each end of the towji stopped at a house, and with loud knocks upon the door, 
gave notice " Capt. Prentis is dead !" He then disappeared, his transit having 
been so rapid that no one was able to discern his countenance, or klentily his 

Capt. Prentis left six children under nine years of age ; five of them w^ere 
daughters. Previous to his voyage to England, he had bought up the claims 
of his crew to their share of the prize-money. This money was allowed by the 
admiralty, and transmitted to Boston, but from some delay, the causes of which 
are not now understood, it was not paid over to the heirs of^rentis for many 
years; not indeed until afler the marriage of all his daughters. It waa finally 
obtained through the exertions of Richard Law, Esq., who had married one of 
the daughters. Business matters were not then so generally settled by attor- 
neyship and proxy as at present, and on the occasion of the payment of these 
arrears the family train, consisting of the younger John Prentis and his five 
sisters, with their respective husbands, all went to Boston together, to receive 
their dues. The females had never before been so far away from home, and 
almost every incident was to them a novel adventure. Two days were occu- 
pied in going, and the same in returning ; the intermediate night being spent 
at a tavern in Plainfield. Each of the men was a character of peculiar stamp. 
Among them were a lawyer, a mechanic, a merchant, a farmer and two sea- 
captains, one of them of Irish birth. Capt. William Coit was particularly 
original in his manner. He was blunt, jovial, eccentric ; very large in frame ; 
fierce and military in his bearing, and noted for always wearing a scarlet cloak. 
The populace of New London called him the great red dragon^ We can 
readily imagine that this journey would be full of strange scenes and occur- 
. rences. Could it be faithfully described no fanciful embellishmente would be 
necessary to render it a rare descriptive skeich.i] 

1 The author may be allowed to name an esteemed fHend, the late Captain Richard 
Law, as the source from whence this and other vivid pictures of past scenes, are 


Schools.— Ferries.— Mills.— Wolves.— Great Snow of 1717 —The Moving 
Rock. — Am usements. — Memoranda. 

Having brought the general history of the town to the year 1750, 
we may now return and gather up the fragments that have been drop- 
ped by the way, or set aside, in order to be arranged as topics. 

Schools. For the first fifty years after the settlement, very little 
is on record in respect to schools ; and from the numerous instances 
of persons in the second generation who could not write their names, 
it is evident that education was at a low ebb. Female instruction, in 
particular, must have been greatly neglected, when the daughters of 
men who occupied important offices in the town and church, were 
obliged to make a mark for their signature. Yet the business of 
teaching was then principally performed by women. The school- 
ma'am is older than the school-master. Every quarter of the town 
had its mistress, who taught children to behave ; to ply the needle 
through all the mysteries of hemming, over-hand, stitching and darn- 
ing, up to the sampler ; and to read from A, £, C, through the 
spelling-book to the Psalter. Children were taught to be mannerly^ 
and pay respect to their elders, especially to dignitaries. In the 
street, they stood aside when they met any respectable person or 
stranger, and saluted them with a bow or courtesy, stopping modestly 
till they had passed. This was called making their manners. In 
some places in the interior of New England, this pleasing and rever- 
ent custom still maintains its ground. A traveler finds himself in 
one of these virgin districts, and as he approaches a low school-house 
by the way-side, he is warned by eye and ear, that he has fallen upon 
forenoon play-tide. The children are engaged in boisterous games. 
Suddenly every sound ceases ; the ranks are drawn up on each side 
of the road in single file ; the little girls fold their hands before them 


with a prim courtesy, and the heads of the boys are uncovered with a 
grotesque swing of the hat, or buff-cap. Who is not inly delighted 
with this primitive salutation ? It is like finding a clear spring of 
water gushing out pf a rock by the way-side. 

Peculiar reverence was paid to the minister. Bold was the urchin 
who dared to laugh within his hearing. That reverend personage 
was accustomed to catechise them once a month in the meeting- 
house, and to accompany the exercise with many a stem reproof, or 
grave admonition. 

In the year 1 673, Robert Bartlet, a lonely man living near Ga- 
briel Harris, on Close Cove, died ; and by a nuncupative will, made 
in presence of some of the selectmen and other respectable persons, 
bequeathed his estate to the town, to be improved for the education 
of children. The records of the county court attest that this will 
was accepted and recorded at the June session, and administration 
granted to the five gentlemen specified therein ; viz., Rev. Simon 
Bradstreet, Edward Palmes, Daniel Wetherell, Charles Hill and 
Joshua Raymond. It may be presumed that Bartlet had no chil- 
dren, no relatives, no intimate friends with him, or near him, and that 
he acted by the advice of those around him, to wit, the minister and 
the magistrates. 

The oldest books of wills belonging to the county, were destroyed 
in the burning of the town by the British, in 1781 ; and neither the 
original will of Bartlet, nor any copy of it, has been found. But it 
is ascertained from various legislative acts and town votes, that the 
main purpose expressed, was the support of a school, where the poor 
of the town might be instructed. No other specification is mentioned, 
except a request that Gabriel Harris might be requited for the kind- 
ness shown him in his sickness. To this the administrators faithfully 
attended, and by deed of Dec. 19th, 1674, conveyed to Harris two 
acres of land at Mamacock, as a compensation for his care of 

Three Robert Bartlets are found among the early emigrants to 
New England, between whom no connection has been ascertained : 
one arrived in 1623,* in the vessel called the Anne, (which came 
next after the Mayflower and Fortune,) and is known to have con- 
tinued in or near Plymouth, where he left posterity.^ A second of 

1 Davis* New England MemoriaL 

2 Savage, (Ms.) 


the name is found among the first settlers of Hartford, and is men- 
tioned by Trumbull as suffering a severe penalty in 1646, for an in- 
^ngement of the old Connecticut code. This person removed to 
Northampton in 1665, and there died in 1676, leaving several chil- 
dren.' The third of the name is our Robert Bartlet, of New Lon- 
don, who was the brother of William Bartlet, one of the earliest set- 
tlers of the place, whose property he inherited about 1658. Very 
little more is known of him. He appears to have lived with his 
brother's widow, and to have taken care of her till her death. In a 
deposition of Feb., 1664-5, his age is stated to be sixty-nine or there- 
abouts, which would make him seventy-eight at death. 

The estate which Bartlet bequeathed to the town, consisted of his 
homestead on Close Cove, a farm of two hundred and fiily acres on 
the river, north of the town, various divisions of out-lands, and the 
rights of an original proprietor in the commons. Nothing was done 
with it for many years. 

In 1678, the law of the Assembly requiring that every town of 
thirty families should maintain a school to teach children to read and 
write, was copied into the town book, and a committee of five men 
chosen, " to consider of some effectual means to procure a school- 
master." This is the first town action respecting a writing-school ; 
and from this period it may be presumed that one was kept during a 
part of each year, but perhaps for not more than three months. 

The first Bartlet committee was appointed in 1698 — Thomas 
Bolles, Samuel Fosdick and Richard Christophers, who were direct- 
ed to look after the estate, and see that it was faithfully improved 
according to the wiU of the donor. 

*' Dec. 14, 1698. 

" Voated that the Towne Granu one halfe penjr in mony upon the List of 
Estate to be raised for the use of a free Schoole that shall teach Children to 
Reade Write and Cypher and ye Lattin Tongue, which School shall be kept 
two-thirds of the yeare on the West side and one third part of the yeare on the 
East side of the river. By Reading is intended such Children as are in theire 

In May, 1701, the vote was reiterated that a grammar-school 
should be established ; the selectmen to agree with a teacher ; to 
employ the stipend allowed by the country, (iOs. per £1,000,) and 
the revenue of the Bartlet estate — the latter for the benefit of the 

IJudd, of Northampton, (MS.) 



poor — and parents and masters to make up what more shoald be 

Here, then, at the beginning of the century, we may date the estab- 
lishment of the first regular grammar and Latin school of the town. 
The first masters whose names have been recovered, were Denis<m 
in 1708, Bumham, 1710, and John Gardiner^ of the Isle of Wight^ 
(Grardiner's Island,) in 1712. 

In 1713, application was made to the General Assembly for per- 
mission to dispose of the Bartlet lands ; this was granted. By a spe- 
cial act of May 14th, the Assembly vested the title of those lands in 
certain feoffees, to wit, '* Richard Christophers, Jonathan Prentis, 
John Plumbe, John Richards, and James Rogers, Jun., and their 
heirs forever, for the use of a public Latin School in the town of 
New London." 

We can not but observe, that this appropriation of the legacy spe- 
cially to a Latin school, appears to be swerving from the will of the 
donor, which was understood to regard principally the instruction of 
the poor in the common branches of learning. 

This committee made sale of most of the Bartlet donation ; five 
parcels of land on the Great Neck, some lots at Nahantick and Nai- 
wayonk, and the farm on the river ; the latter was purchased by John 
Richards, for £300. This measure was a present benefit, but gained 
at the expense of a greater future good. Every year was enhancing 
the value of the lands, and had they been retained a century, using 
only the yearly rent, they would have been ample endowment for an 

The same year, (1713,) a school-house was built, twenty feet by 
sixteen, and seven feet between joints — expense defrayed by a town 
rate. This building, the first school-house in town of which we have 
any account, stood on what is now the south-west comer of Hemp- 
stead and Broad Streets. Tliis spot was then the north-east comer of 
an ecclesiastical reservation ; the street mnning west had not been 
opened beyond this point, and the school-house stood at the head of 
it. When the lot was sold in 1738, the deed expressly mentions that 
it took in the site of the old school-house. To this school it is under- 
stood that girls were not admitted promiscuously with boys : but at- 
tended by themselves on certain days of the week, an hour at a time, 
at the close of the boys' school, for the purpose of learning to write. 

** Oct. 1, 1716. Voted that Mr. Jeremiah Miller is well accepted and ap- 
proved as our School- master." 



Mr. Miller graduated at Yale College in 1709. He was engaged 
as principal of the grammar-school in New London, in 1714, and 
continued in that situation for twelve or fifteen years. After this we 
find the following masters mentioned before 1750 : 

Mr. Cole, in 1733. Jeremiah Chapman, 1738. 

Allan MuUins, 1734. Thaddeus Belts, 1740. 

Nicholas Hallam, 1735. Jonathan Copp, 1747. 

The designation, " Bartlet School," was not used until a very re- 
cent period. During the whole of the eighteenth century, it had no 
name but " New London Grammar SchooL" 

" In town meeting March 5, 1721-2. 

" Whereas the town by the settlement thereof doth in great part consist of 
farmers which, many of them are not able to go through the charges of keeping 
their children to school in the town plot : — And whereas the school in the town 
plot hath been a very considerable charge, being a Grammar school, so that the 
town hath not been so well able to maintain two schools : — but whereas now 
Providence hath so ordered that we have got our 600 acres of school land set- 
tled, which was given by the country to the grammar school, which if sold 
with the interest of that money and the interest of the money left by Mr. Bart- 
lett to our school, which sd Bartlett did desire that the estate left by him might 
be improved for the help of the learning of children that their parents was not 
well able to learn them, and this town considering the great necessity of educa- 
tion to children, both for the- advantage of their future state and towards their 
comfortable subsistence in the world, and being satisfied that if the school land 
were sold, we may set up a school or schools among our farmers, doth appoint 
the deputies of the town to make application in the name and behalf of the 
town to the General Assembly in May next, that they would be pleased to grant 
this town liberty to appoint trustees of the school, who may have power to sell 
the land, and let the money upon interest for the use aforesaid.** 

This application to the Legislature failed of success. A school 
was nevertheless commenced in the North Parish, and a rate appro- 
priated for its support. It produced, however, great strife and con- 
tention ; the inhabitants of the town plot set their faces like flint 
against paying taxes for the support of schools among the farmers. 
The town was reduced to a dilemma, and repeated 'their petition to 
the Assembly for liberty to sell the school land. They expressed an 
earnest desire that the children of the town should be taught " read- 
ing and other learning, and to know their duty toward Grod and man," 
for the furtherance of which ends they had '^settled another school 
in the remote part of the town, which goeth on with good success," 
but which, they say, can not be kept up and the peace of the town 
preserved, unless the land is sold. This petition was granted. The 


600 acres had been laid ont in the North Parish, on the borders of 
Lyme. It was purchased bj Mrs. Mercj Raymond and Mr. John 
Merritt. The school money Reived horn the fond now established, 
was in 1725, £120. The town decided that one-half shoald be re- 
served for the grammar-school, in the town plot, and the remainder 
divided among the quarter, or circulating schools, established in dif- 
ferent districts. 

It was at this period that the people of the North Parish, aided by 
their proportion of the fund, established a grammar-school in their 
district. Mr. Allan MuUins was engaged as the principal for ei^t 
years, " to teach reading, writing, grammar and arithmetic." His 
salary was £25 per cmnum, with a gift of ten acres of land in fee, for- 
ever. At the expiration of his engagement in 1734, he took the 
grammar-school in the town plot, which paid a salary of £20 per 

The committee chosen to organize a regular system of schools for 
the town, took unwearied pains to arrange them in a just and equal 
manner, that not a single family should be left out of the calculation, 
and all parties might be conciliated. They were not able to accom- 
plish their designs. In 1726, the quarters were in* a state of great 
excitement. The special cause of disturbance does not appear ; but 
in the main it was a struggle on the part of the farming districts to 
obtain an equal participation in the Bartlet and other school moneys. 

A town meeting was summoned June 27th, by Capt. Rogers, the 
first townsman, but his colleagues not concurring in it, the measure 
was illegal. Hempstead observes : " The farmers universally were 
there, in order to gain a vote to their mind about the schools, but lost 
their labor." 

The annual town meeting for the choice of officers was held De- 
cember 26th, and the diarist records, "The farmers came in roundly, 
and the town mustered as well to match them, and a great strife and 
hot words, but no legal choice." The only entry concerning the meet- 
ing, on the town book, was this : 

** Capt. Jnmes Rogers chosen first townsman ; this meeting adjourned till to- 
morrow at twelve o'clock." 

Capt Rogers was the farmers' candidate ; he then owned and oc- 
cupied what was afterward known as the Tabor farm, on the Great 
Neck. The adjourned meeting, December 27th, opened under threat- 
ening auspices ; each party turned out in greater numbers than be- 
fore ; 150 voters were present. The record says : 


" "Wliereas yesterday there was a misunderstanding in the choice of the first 
townsman, Capt. Rogers being then chose and entered, he for the peace and 
health of the town relinquishes that choice. 

«* Capt. Christophers chosen first townsman. 

** Capt. Joshua Hempstead, second. 

** Capt. James Rogers, third,'* &c. 

Mr. Hempstead writes in his diary on the evening after the above 
stormy session : 

** I went with Mr. Douglas to see Capt. Rogers, who sent for us to ask our 
forgiveness in any thing that he had spoken that might offend us ; we forgave 
him and he forgave us." 

Happy mode of terminating an angry controversy I 
The two committees for the Bartlet fund and the common school 
fund, were for a time distinct In 1733, all the original Bartlet 
feoffees were dead, and the Assembly having designated their heirs as 
successors, Mr. Plumbe, the heir of the last survivor, refused to de- 
liver up the papers to the town. This diflBculty was referred to the 
legislature, who united the two funds, and gave the charge to a new 
committee, who like the former were to hold the office during life, but 
all vacancies w€re to be filled by the town. 

This arrangement seemed to work well, and was continued for 
many years ; but in later times the Bartlet or grammar-school com- 
mittee, like that for the common school, haa been annually appointed. 
The fund in modem days has never yielded a sufficient sum for the 
maintenance of the school. Time has diminished instead of increas- 
ing the amount. 


In town meeting February 26th, 1701-2. 

" Voted with full consent that ye ferry over the Great River which was for- 
merly leased to Mr. Gary Latham deceased, his hcires and nsigns, with the 
ferry lott and house belonging thereunto, shall afler the expiration of the afore- 
said lease, wch will be the 23th of March, in the year 1705, for ever belong to 
a grammar school, wch shall be kept in this (own, and the rents thereof be 
yearly payd to the master of sd school, in part of his yearly sallery. Provided 
nevertheless, that the inhabitants of this town, on Lord's days, thanksgiving 
days, days of humiliation and town meeting days, shall be ferriage free, that is, 
such as shall cross the ferry to attend publiquo worship or town meetings on 
such days." 

The above judicious enactment has never been molested ; the rent 
of the ferry still belongs to the public granunar-school of the town. 


Brook," in the year 1712. This also is a romantic spot; the current 
flows into a quiet, shaded basin, which is used for a baptismal font, by 
the religious society located in its neighborhood. 

The first fulling-mill was established by Peter Hackley, in 1693, 
on Nahantick River, " below the highway, where the fresh stream falls 
into the salt water." About the same period, John Prentis erected 
a saw-mill at Nahantick. 

The saw-mills of Grovemor Winthrop have been heretofore noticed. 
In 1691, Fitz-John Winthrop established one near Long Cove, on the 
east side of the river. In 1713, the town granted to " Lt ColL John 
Livingston, of N. L., what right they have to Saw-mill Brook, to 
erect a saw-mill and fulling-mill thereon." Major Wait Winthrop 
sent in a protest, which the town declared to be null and void, and 
refused to have it recorded. The same year Samuel Waller and his 
son Samuel, were allowed to erect a saw-mill on the stream which 
runs from Lake's Pond to Nahantick River. 

In 1719, half an acre of land on Town Hill, was set apart for the 
erection of a wind-milL This was just west of the Harris house. In 
1726, Capt. James Rogers erected a wind-mill on this spot. 

In 1721, Joseph Smith obtained liberty to erect fulling and grist- 
mills at Upper Alewife Cove. From him and his family this locality 
obtained the appellation of Smith's Cove. George Richards, the 
same year, erected a saw-mill on Alewife Brook. These were the 
earliest mill-seats of the town. 


** Mumorandutn : that upon Monday the lOthday of January, 1709-10, being 
a very cold day, upon the report of a kennel of wolves, mortal enemies to our 
sheep and all our other creatures, was lodged and lay in ambufcade in the 
Cedar Swamp, waiting there lor an opportunity to devour the harmless sheep; 
upon information whereof, about thirty of our valiant men, well disciplined in 
arms and spetial conduct, assembled themselves and with great courage beset 
and surrounded the enemies in the said swamp, and shot down three of the 
brutish enemies, and brought their heads through the town in great triumph.** 

** The same day a wolfe in sheepe's cloathing designed to throw an inocent 
man into the frozen water, where he might have perished, but was timely pre- 
vented, and the person at that time delivered frome that danger." i 

As the subject of wolves is thus again introduced, we may observe 
that at this period and for thirty years afterward, a wolf-hunt was a 

1 . — . 

1 New London records, book 4, Uiserted on a blank leaf of the index, by D. Weth- 
erell, clerk. 


customary autumnal sport. From ten to fortj persons usually en- 
gs^ed in it, who surrounded and beat up some swamp in the neigh- 
borhood. Mill-pond Swamp and Cedar Swamp were frequently 
scoured for wolves, in November or the latter part of October. 
George, son of John Richards, had a bounty of £11 for wolves killed 
during the year 1717. These were probably insnared. The bounty 
had been raised to twenty shillings per head. The bounty for killing 
a wild-cat was three shillings. 

It was not till 1714 that any enactment was made to encourage the 
killing of foxes. At that time a bounty was offered of three shillings 
for a grown fox ; with whelps, four shillings ; a whelp, one shilling. 

The Great Snow of February, 1716-17, is famous in the annals 
of New England. It commenced snowing with wind north-east, on 
the twentieth of February, and continued all night : the snow was 
knee-deep in the morning. There was no cessation of the storm 
during the day and a part of the next night ; the wind all the time 
blowing furiously, and the drifts in some places ten and twelve feet 
high. Friday, 22d, was a fair day, with the wind north-west, blow- 
ing hard and the weather very cold. A few people, here and there, 
began to break through the drifts and visit their neighbors. The 2dd 
was more moderate. On Sunday, 24th, was another fall of snow ; 
very windy and cold, wind north-east. No meeting. Many horses 
and cattle found dead. After this, the weather was, for three days, 
fair and moderate. On the 29th, was another snow of several hours' 
duration, and on the 2d of March, rain and snow.' 

On Sunday, March Sd, Mr. Adams resumed the service at the 
meeting-house, and preached a sermon from that passage of Nahum, 
which says, " The Lord hath his way in the whirlwind and in the 
stormy and the clouds are the dust of his feet.** The audience is char- 
acterized, in the diary of Mr. Hempstead, as " a thin appearance." 
The sermon, however, was sent forth to preach more extensively, 
being printed by Mr. Green, with the title, 

** A Discourse Occasioned by tlie late Distressing Storm Which began Feb. 
20, 1716, 17. As it was deliver'd March 3d, 171C-7. By Eliphalet Adams, 
A. M., Pastor of the Church in New London." 

At the time of the great snow, the acyoumed county court was sit- 
1 These notices of the weather from day to day, are from Hempstead's joumaL 


ting in New London, cmd was for several days interrupted bj the 
storm. The session was held in the Plumb house, (State Street.) 

The Moving Roch In the New England Weekly Journal^ printed 
at Boston, (August 31st, 1736,) an account is given of a wonderful 
moving rock, at New London. As this phenomenon excited consid- 
erable notice at the time, it demands our attention, though probably 
the force of the tide is sufficient to account for the wonderful part of 
the story. 

** A Rock ten feet long and six through, judged to weigh 20,000 pounds, had 
lain many years at the water's edge at New London : it is lately removed, (how, 
no one knows,) about twenty-five feet on rising ground ; and water fills the 
hole where the rock used to be." 

The rock here mentioned was not in the town plot, but three or 
four miles distant, at Poquyogh, or Jordan Cove. It was supposed 
to have been removed in the spring, as when first observed, the rock- 
weed upon it was green, but soon dried up. It had evidently been 
forced up a ledge, the attrition of the stone marking its course, and 
was lodged on the platform above. In September of the same year, 
it was found to have been moved four and a half feet farther on the 
land, and its position changed. In May, 1737, it was found a little 
farther removed. The fame of the Moving Rock of Poquyogh was 
considerably extended, and numbers of curious persons went to see 
it. Some attributed the phenomenon to thunder, others to an earth- 
quake, or to an uncommon tide, or to an agency wholly supernatural, 
according to each one's fancy or judgment. 

Amttsements. The choice of military officers was always accom- 
panied with a feast, or treat, given to the company by the successful 
candidate. Thus — Edward Hallam, chosen clerk of the company, 
(1715,) distributed cakes and gave them a barrel of cider to drink. 
A captain, chosen to office, might perhaps give a bushel of cakes and 
a gallon of rum. An appointment to a civil office was often celebra- 
ted by a festival. Daniel Hubbard, appointed sheriff of the county, 
opened his house for the reception of guests, at an evening entertain- 
ment, July 28th, 1735. 

On training days, shooting at a mark was a customary sport The 
prizes were usually given by some of the wealthier citizens, and were 
generally of small value, from five to twenty shillings. A silk hand- 


kerchief was a common prize ; a pair of shoe-buckles an uncommon 
one. Sometimes a sum of money was clubbed by the company, to be 
won. Shooting at a mark was also one of the customary Thanksgiv- 
ing sports. But the prize in this case was generally a goose or a 

The Thanksgiving festival was kept very much in the same way 
as in other parts of New England. Its predominant feature was 
feasting, and without the adjuncts of the roast-turkey and pumpkin- 
pie, would scarcely have been recognized as genuine. The supply of 
these articles at New London, appears to have been always equal to- 
the emergency ; at least there is no account on record of an omission 
or delay of the festival, through any deficiency of the stores. Col- 
chester, one of the younger sisters of New London, has been less for- 
tunate. In the year 1705, that town, assuming a discretionary power, 
which they doubtless thought the extremity of the case justified, 
voted to put off Thanksgiving, which had been appointed for the first 
Thursday in November, till Jiie second Thursday of the month, be- 
cause, says the record, " our present circumstances are such that it 
cannot with conveniency be attended on that day."* The tnconven-- 
tencffy according to tradition, was a deficiency of molasses, so indis- 
pensably necessary to perfect the flavor of the pumpkin. The town 
meeting which passed the vote, was held Oct. 29th, and before the 
second Thursday of November, there was a reasonable expectation 
that a supply could be obtained. 

Horse-races were not common, but sometimes took place. Here 
follows a notice of one : 

** 30 March 1725. A horse-racing to-day at Champlin*s, (near Rope Ferry.) 
Five horses ran at once. Each paid down 40 shillingft and he that outrun re- 
ceived the JC20 from Major Buor. One Bly carried oif the money."* 

Raisings were seasons of feasting and festivity. A dinner or sup- 
per usually followed. At the raising of Mr. Curtiss* house, Aug. 
13th, 1734, twenty-five were invited to a supper at the tavern: they 
were all ReformadoeSy u e,, belonging to a club of that name. 

In the following extract, there is an allusion to the raising of the 
steeple of the old Episcopal church, that stood on the Parade : 

" 1735. Sept. 3. — Last night about one or two o'clock the new Snow built 
by John Colt Jr. for Benjamin and Isaac Ledyard, Capt. Broadhurst of Great 
Britain Commander, burthen about 120 tons, ready to sail, look fire, no man 

1 Colchester Town Records. 3 Hempstead. 


being on board and burnt down to her bottom, and consumed all the masts or 
i^igK^ug and sails* and loading except some small matters in the bottom and 
heavy timber, and drove ashore on Douglas Beach. It is supposed to be wil- 
fully done, the Captain having sent the men on shore in the day time to help 
raising the lop of the steeple of the Church. They were all scattered abroad, 
some in one place, and some in another. They suspect the Captain to be 
guilty and have put him to prison."^ 

A few notices of weddings, public rejoicings and shows, may be 
allowed as illustrative of the manners and customs of the period : 

April 17th, 1729. A lion was brought to town in a wagon drawn 
by four oxen. It came by way of Lyme and Saybrook, and had been 
all winter traveling through the western towns. The preceding au- 
tumn it had visited Long Island, New York, the Jerseys and Albany. 
It was several days in New London, and was lodged in Madam Win- 
throp's stable, (Bank Street) 

April 13th, 1732. A great entertainment was made at Madam 
Wintlirop's, on occasion of the marriage of Samuel Browne, of Sa- 
lem, and Katherine Winthrop, which fbok place a fortnight previ- 
ous, but was that day first made public. Mr. Hempstead says, " I 
was invited, and presented with a pair of gloves." Matthew Stew- 
art, of New London, was married at Narragansett, Oct 19th, 1735, 
to the daughter of William Grardiner. On his return home with his 
bride, he gave an entertainment, which surpassed in stunptuousness 
any thing before exhibited in the place. 

July 2d, 1736, the inhabitants manifested their joy at the marriage 
of the Prince of Wales with a Protestant princess, by a public cele- 
bration of more than common note. The military officers, with some 
soldiers and music, were out on the occasion. Hempstead's account 
says : 

*• We had a barrel of powder out of our town stock by order of the select 
men, and fired seven cannon and chambers, three rounds at the ibrt, and three 
volHes of small arms, and marched up to the Town House anddrank the Prince 
and Princesses healths. Old Mr. Gard'ner being in town gave us a di6 bill to 
be drunk out there and then we went to George Richards' and supped and 
drank wine till ten o'clock upon Club." 

" March 1, 1737-8. Last night a great number of Sky Rockets were fired 
off from the roof of Durfey's house [in Bradley Street,] in honor to Queen Caro- 
line's birth, and the sad news of her death is come this day by the post from 
New York." Hempstead. 

1 Hempstead. From probate papers on file, we learn that this English captain 
was suffered to break prison and decamp: his books, bed and clotiies were sold at ao 
outcry, to discharge his debts. 


The following account of an excursion for pleasure, is sketched 
from minutes in Hempstead's diar7, 1789. On the third of October, 
Madam Winthrop, wife of John Winthrop, who was then in England, 
her son John, and daughter Ann, C!ol. Saltonstall and wife and two 
children, CoL Browne, of Salem, with his wife and child, and Mr- 
Joshua Hempstead, went on a visit to Fisher's Island, which was then 
leased to George Mumford. The whole party crossed with Mr. 
Mumford in his sail-boat, and remained four days on the island, nobly 
entertained by the Mumford family. The first day was diversified 
with an excursion to the east end of the island ; the second day a 
fierce storm confined them to the house ; on the third, they had a 
morning drive to the west end, and a visit to the woods ; in the after- 
noon a famous deer hunt Saltonstall brought down a doe, and Mum- 
ford two bucks, one of which was immediately dispatched by a car- 
rier to Mr. Wanton, of Newport, as a present from the party. On the 
7th of October they started for home at nine in the morning, but got 
becalmed ; the fiood failed them, and they ran into Mystic. Landing 
near the house of Mr. Burrows, all walked from thence to John "Wal- 
worth's, where they obtained horses, and reached home in the 

Memoranda in Chronological Order, 

In May, 1724, Richard Rogers of New London, stated to the Gen- 
eral Assembly, that he had eight looms in operation for making dtick 
or canvas, and had expended £140. Again, in October, 1725, he 
stated that he had expended £250. The court granted him the sole 
right of making duck or canvas in the colony for ten years. 

April 24th, 1733. This was the day of election, or of freemen's 
meeting. Thirty new freemen were admitted, and one hundred and 
forty voters present This was considered a great assembly. 

July 21st, 1733. The commissioners appointed by Boston and 
Rhode Island to settle the line east of Pawtucket River, met at the 
court-house in New London, viz.. Col. Hicks of Hempstead, Col. 
Morris of Westchester, and Mr. Jackson of Jamaica, in the colony of 
New York ; Roger Wolcott and James Wadsworth, Esqrs., and Mr. 
Joseph Fowler of this colony, with divers gentlemen of Boston and 
Rhode Island to assist . 

Sept 10th, 1734. Ten negro slaves taken to prison for being out 
unseasonably in a frolic at old Wright's : three tfiat went without 
leave were whipped ; seven that had leave, were dismissed on pay- 
ment of their part of the fine, 5s. 3d* each. 


Nov. 28th, 1784. A white man and Indian fined for killing deer 
at Fisher's Island. 

In 1735, Solomon Coit of New London, in a petition to the Gen- 
eral Court, stated that he was the only person in the colony who had 
works for distilling molasses. 

** March 3, (1736-7,) News of the death of Capt. John Mason of New Lon- 
don is come in a letter from Mr. Winthrop by Capt. Walker, who wrote on the 
25th of Decs that he died the last Sunday, in Lumbert St. of the Small Pox. 
Young Mahomet died there also of small pox last summer." (Hempstead.) 

Capt. Mason, mentioned above, had resided long among the Mo- 
hegans, and had been at various times their school-master, agent, over- 
seer and guardian. After the death of Cesar, in 1723, the tribe was 
divided in regard to the sachemdom. One party, supported by the 
colonial government, was in favor of Ben-Uncas, the uncle of Cesar ; 
the other, encouraged by Mason, declared Mahomet, a grandson of 
Owaneco, the rightful heir. Ben-Uncas having prevailed, Mason 
took the younger sachem to England, to obtain the recognition of his 
rights, where they both died. , 

** April 30. — A sad riot in town ; a great deal of fighting between the grand- 
jurymen, Shackmaple, Durfey, Keith and others." (Hempstead.) 

Jan. 3, 1788. This day was sold in New London, the township of 
western lands which had been assigned to this county. It was divi- 
ded into fifty lots, which were sold off at prices varying from £132 
to £157. 

May 3d, 1738. Katherine Garrett, commonly called Indian Kate, 
was executed on Town HUl, for the murder of her infant child. The 
deed had been committed at Saybrook, about six months previous, 
but she had been brought to New London for confinement and trial, 
and the execution was ordered to be here also. The sermon of Mr. 
Adams, on the occasion, was published. Katherine was a Pequot of 
the North Stonington reservation, twenty-seven years of age; she had 
been brought up at Saybrook, and well instructed. This is supposed 
to have been the first execution in New London. 

Capt. Nathaniel Coit was a noted ship-master of New London 
employed for a number of years in the Irish trade. The following 
account of the loss of his vessel, near Cork, is from an English 
newspaper. •• 

Jan. 6th, 1740. •* The Dolphin of New England, Nathaniel Coit master, 
from Cork, is wrecked on a great rock called tlie Roane Cariggs on the Bay of 


Bantry, about four leagues from town. The vessel was staved to pieces, and a 
passenger drowned, but the Capl. and crew, who were six in number, got up- 
on the rock. The bad weather continuing, no body would venture to save 
them, but nine brothers, sons of Morten Sulivan of Beerhoven, who after ob- 
taining their father's leave and blessing, boldly ventured forth and brought the 
Captain and sailors ashore." 

One of the seasons noted in the annals of New England for intense 
cold was the winter of 1740-41. The extreme severity of the 
weather at New London commenced with a violent snow-storm at 
Christmas. By the 7th of January, the river was frozen over be- 
tween Groton and Winthrop's Neck ; and the intense cold continued 
without interruption from that time to the middle of March. The 
ice extended into the Sound toward Long Island as far as could be 
seen from the town ; Fisher's Island was united to the main land by 
a solid bed. On the 14th of February a tent was erected midway 
in the river between New London and Groton, where an entertain- 
ment was provided. A beaten path crossed daily by hundreds of 
people extended from the Fort (now Ferry wharf) to Groton, which 
was considered safe for any burden till after the 12th of March, at 
which time the river was open to the ferry, but fast above. People 
continued to cross on the ice at Winthrop's Neck till the 24th, when 
the river began to break up. Ice in large blocks remained in vari- 
ous places almost to midsummer. At one spot in Lyme parties as- 
sembled to drink punch made of ice that lay among the ledges, as 
late as July 10th. 

July Slst, 1742. A severe thunder-storm in which a son of Jona- 
than Lester of Groton, ten years of age, was struck and killed. He 
was near his father's house at work upon hay, and had two brothers 
with him, one of whom was slightly woimded, the other untouched. 

July 2d, 1743. A succession of thunder-showers. Two lads on 
horseback near the town on the Norwich road were killed, and the 
horse also on which they rode. They were buried the next day in 
one grave. They were each thirteen years of age, and sisters' chil- 
dren: grandchildren of Nathaniel Beeby, Senior. The house of 
Samuel Chapman (on the Cohanzie road) was struck by the same 
bolt and much shivered. 

Oct. 22d, 1747. Hempstead writes — 

" News came by the post of the death of my good friend, John Winthrop 
Esq. of this town, in London G. B. where he hath been ever since 1726. Ho 
sailed from hence in July, twenty-one years since ; was aged about sixty-six." 

The John Winthrop here mentioned was the son of Wait-Still 


Winthrop/ and born in N«w LoiMb»Aug. 6th, 1681. His death is 
said by other authorities to have taken place at Sydenham in Kent, 
Aug. Ist, 1747. 

This gentleman had succeeded to most of the estate both of his 
father and his uncle ; for Fitz-John and Wait-Still Winthrop bad 
never divided the landed estate which they inherited from their father. 
The former having but one child, Mrs. Livingston, and she destitute 
of heirs, it seems to have been understood between the brothers, that 
the landed possessions should descend undiminished to John, the son 
of Wait. This also was the tenor of a general deed executed by 
Grovemor Winthrop in 1700, and produced after his death. A con- 
siderable amount of testimony was abo brought forward to corrobo- 
rate this instrument. Among other depositions on record at New 
London, is that of Joseph Dudley, Esq., the father-in-law of the 
younger John Winthrop, who testified, 

** I have near forty years had a particular intimacy and friendship with the 
Hon. John Winthrop, Esq., late Governor of Connecticut Colony and have oft- 
en heard him declare that he would keep his father's estate inviolate and un- 
broken for the heirs of the family, and the name of his father; — and in the 
summer of 1707 when the present John Winthrop Esq. offered an intermarriage 
with my daughter, the said late Governor treated with me of that marriage of 
his nephew ; he told me he was the best heir in the Provinces ; and that all he 
had, as well as all that his father had, was for him," &c. 

The deed however could not be proved ; for it had never been re- 
corded ; Samuel Mason before whom it was ackowledged, had de- 
ceased, and the witnesses (Wm. Thompson and Jeremiah Hooper) 
could not be identified. Mr. Winthrop had an only sister, married 
to Thomas Lechmere, Esq., of Boston, who claimed an equal portion 
of the estate. A lawsuit between the parties ensued. The case was 
carried from court to court in Connecticut, and decided in favor of 
Lechmere. Winthrop appealed to the king in council,. and in July, 
1726, went to England to sustain his cause in person. 

He was favorably received, and succeeded in his case. A decree 
of the king in council, in 1728, set aside the decision of the colonial 
court, and declared John Winthrop the sole heir of all the landed 
estate of his father and uncle, grounding this decision on the 
English law of primogeniture. This decree was regarded in Con- 
necticut as a public calamity, inasmuch as it involved the abrogation 
of the colonial law respecting intestate estates, (which was declared 

1 Tnunboll erroneously calls him (vol. 2, oh. 4) son of the last Qovernor Win- 
throp; he was his nephew. 


null and void) and established the law of England giving all real 
estate to the oldest son. Had this decision been actually enforced 
we can scarcely conceive of any single act that would have caused a 
greater amount of perplexity, suffering and despair to the inhabitants 
of the colony. Families would have been broken up, and estates 
thrown into a mass of confusion. Happily the wise exertions of the 
friends and agents of the colony averted the blow. A subsequent 
decision was obtained confirming Winthrop in his possessions, but 
allowing the law of inheritance in the colony to remain as before. 

Mr. Winthrop never returned to America. He was disaffected 
with the colonial government, and the course he had taken rendered 
him unpopular at home, which may account for his long residence of 
twenty-one years in England. His family continued at New London 
BXid in 1741, his oldest son, John StiU "WinthnJp, went out to him 
and remained with him till his death. 

" Nov. 25th, 174S. In the eTening I went up to Col. Saltonstaira to see John 
Winthrop who this night arrived with Mrs. Hide from London, by the way of 
Nantucket first and Rhode Island next, and Fisher's Island last. Great joy to 
his mother and friends. He has been gone seven years next February." (Hejpp- 



GroUm made a town. — Account of Sir John Davie, its first town -clerk .—Packer'i 
visit to the baronet. — First three ministers of the church, Woodbridge, Owen 
and Kirtlaud. — North society formed. — Preaching of Seabury, Punderson, 
Croswell and Johnson. — ^Baptist churches. 

The inhabitants on the east side of the river, began to ask for a 
separate organization about the year 1700. They supposed them- 
sehres able to stand alone and take rank among the group of towns 
that were gathering in the colony. 

There is no evidence to show that the parting of New London 
from her friend and associate was otherwise than amicable. Daugh- 
ter she could scarcely be called, being of nearly equal age, but she 
had been fostered like a sister and was now at her own request to be 
released from watch and ward, and left to her own management. 

The terras on which the inhabitants of the west side consented that 
those on the east side of the river should be a town of themselves, 
were arranged and voted, Feb. 20th, 1704-5, and were, in substance, 
as follows : 

** That they pay their proportion of the town's debts ; that the ferry and 
the land and house belonging to it, shall continue to belong to the free school on 
the west side ; that all estate hitherto given to the ministry, or for the sup- 
port of schools shall remain the property of the west side; that the inhabitants 
of the west side shall retain their right to cut masts or timber in the pine 
swamp near the straits on the east side, and the said swamp forever remain 
common to both sides ; that inhabitants on either side, owning property on the 
other side shall each retain their right as proprietors." 

The same year the Assembly passed an act incorporating the town 
by the name of Groton. It is probable that this designation had 
long been in familiar use ; it was intended to commemorate Groton 
in Suffolk where the Winthrops originated, and was probably first 


given by Winthrop, or his sons, to the large family possessions on 
Poquonock Creek and Bay. 

The separation was almost a split through the center in point of 
dimensions. The part cut off contained upward of seventy-two 
square miles : the greatest length from Groton Long Point to Poque- 
tannock is fourteen miles ; the breadth from six to seven and a half 
miles. It was then an expanse of farms, forests and waste land, 
with nothing like a hamlet or point of centralization in the whole area, 
but it is now pleasantly sprinkled with villages and neighborhoods. 

The first town meeting held in Groton was in December, 1705. 
Samuel Avery was chosen moderator and first townsman, and was 
annually re-chosen, until near the period of his death in 1723. The 
other townsmen were Samuel Fish, Nehemiah Smith, Capt. James 
Morgan and Greorge G^er. John Davie, clerk ; Jonathan Starr, con- 

John Barnard was chosen school-master.^ 

John Davie, the first town-clerk in Groton, continued in office till 
December, 1707, when Nehemiah Smith was chosen to succeed him. 
The handwriting of Davie was peculiarly bold and distinct. He had 
graduated at Harvard College in 1681, and appears from the offices 
to which he was chosen to have been a man of activity and intelli- 
gence. He established himself in 1698 on a farm at Poquonuck — 
the same that had been first broken up and cultivated by William 
Meades. We find him a rate-collector in 1695; the next year a 
townsman or selectman ; constable for the east side in 1702, and re- 
corder of the new town of Groton in 1705. 

A deed of sale is recorded in New London, which is in substance 
as follows : " Sarah Davie, relict widow of Humphrey Davie some- 
time of Boston in New England and late of Hartford in New Eng- 
land aforesaid, Esq., deceased — ^for and in consideration of sixty 
pounds current money of New England paid by John Davie of New 
London in New England aforesaid, yeoman, son of the i*aid Hum- 
phrey Davie, deceased," relinquishes to him all right and title to a 
certain piece of land in Boston, containing two acres and a half — 
" in the present tenure and occupation of Mr. James Allyne minister 
in Boston aforesaid." July 3d, 1699. 

This is conclusive testimony that John Davie of Groton, was son 
of Humphrey Davie, who died in Hartford, Feb. 18th, 1688-9. 

1 " Mistrees Barnard is to be paid twenty shillings per ammm for sweeping tiie 
meeting honse and keeping the key.** Groton Records. 


Humphrey was brother of Sir John Davie of England, who was 
created a baronet Sept. 9th, 1641. To this baronetcy, and the estate 
attached to it, John Davie of Groton, farmer and town-clerk, suc- 
ceeded in 1707. On receiving intelligence of his good fortune, he 
settled his affairs in haste, leased out his farm, and went to England 
to take possession of his inheritance.' The last time his name is 
mentioned on the Groton book previous to his departure, is in the 
record of a gift of £6 to be laid out in plate, for the communion 
service of Mr. Woodbridge's church. He never revisited this coun- 
try; but subsequently sold his farm and other lands, with his 
cattle, stock, and proprietary rights, to John Grardiner of the Isle of 
Wight, (Gardiner's Island.) The deed was given by " Sir John 
Davie of Greedy, County of Devon, within the kingdom of England, 
Baronet:"— Aug. 21st, 1722.' 

" The children of John Davie*' are recorded in Groton, (first 
book,) in his own hand, as follows : 

" Mary, bom June 30th, 1693. John, born July 27th, 1700. 

Sarah, " Oct. 2Ut, 1695. Humphrey, " April 12ih, 1702. 

Elizabeth," March 17th, 1697-8. William, " March 22d, 1705-6. 
♦♦ These were all born in the town now called Groton." 

The above-named children, with the exception of the youngest, 
are on the record of baptisms by Rev. Gurdon Soltonstall, who enters 
them as children of " Mr. John Davids,''* and under date of May 
26th, 1695, notes : " Brother Davids Indian Jane made a profession 
of y* Christian faith, and taking hold of the Covenant was baptized." 
This mistake in the name was then common. The title brother is not 
here used to designate merely church relationship : Mr. Saltonstall 
and Mr. Davie had married sisters — daughters of James Richards, 
of Hartford — which was, doubtless, in the first place the moving 
cause of Davie's settlement and residence in Groton. 

According to tradition, the unconscious baronet was hoeing com 

1 Douglas observes (Summary, vol. 2, p. 184) that a donation of boolu was made to 
the library of Yale College " by Sir Jolm Davie of Groton upon his recovery of the 
family honors and estate in England." The word recovery seems to intimate that hla 
title was -contested. 

2 The consideration, £500, Sir John Davie eyipowered his attorney, Gurdon Sal- 
tonstall, to pay over in the following manner; to wit, to Mrs. Margaret Franklin of 
Boston, £250; to Mr. Daniel Taylor, minister of the gospel at Newark, Mrs. Mary 
Pratt, and Mrs. Mather of Saybrook, each jC83, 6«. ScL These were probably his 
nearest relatives in America, and to them he relinquished his estate on this side of 
the ocean. 


on his fknn when informed of his accession to fortune. James 
Packer, one of his neighbors, was at work with him, and they were 
at strife to see which would do the most work in the least time. 
Letters had been s^t from England to look up the heir of the 
Davie estate and application being made to Mr. Saltonstall, he im- 
mediately dispatched a messenger to Groton with the tidings. ^ This 
messenger arriving at the house, was directed to the field ; and as he 
approached Davie, who was at work barefoot, with shirt-sleeves and 
trowsers rolled up, he inquired his name ; and on receiving an an- 
swer, struck him upon the shoulder and raising his hat exclaimed, 
" I salute you Sir John Davie." 

James Packer had made several voyages, and when Sir John 
Davie left Groton he gave him a hearty invitation, if he should 
ever find himself in England, to come to his estate in Devonshire 
and make him a visit, assuring him that it would always give him 
pleasure to see an old neighbor and hear from his American home. 
A few years later. Packer being in England, took the stage-coach 
from London and went out to Sir John's estate. He arrived just as 
the family were sitting down to dinner, with a party of the neigh- 
boring gentry for guests. Sir John recognized his former comrade 
at once ; received him with open cordiality ; introduced him to the 
company as an American friend ; and treated him with marked at- 
tention. The next day he carried him over all his grounds and 
showed him his various accommodations. Before parting, Sir John 
and his lady had a long and free conversation with their visitor, in 
the course of which the baronet expressed himself thus : 

" You see how I live. Packer : I have an abundance of this world's goods, 
and can gratify myself with a continual succession of pleasures, but after all 
I am not so happy as I was when you and I changed work at threshing and 
we had but one dish for dinner, and that was com-beans" 



The ecclesiastical independence of Groton was antecedent to its 
political organization. The first arrangement for their accommoda- 
tion on the Sabbath, was in 1687, when it was ordered that for the 


fiiture they should have liberty to invite the minister of the town 
to preach on their side of the river every third Sabbath during the 
four most inclement months of the year. In 1702, the town con- 
sented that they should organize a church and have a minister of 
their own, granting him a salary of £70 "per annum and authorizing 
them to build a meeting-house thirty-five feet square. The whole 
was to be accomplished and maintained at the joint expense of the 
east and west sides. 

Mr. Ephraim Woodbridge was ordained their first minister, Nov. 
8th, 1704. Of his ministry httle is known, no church or society 
records of that period being extant. He was a son of the Rev. 
John Woodbridge, of Killingworth and Wethersfield, and grandson 
of Rev. John Woodbridge, an ejected minister from Wiltshire, En- 
gland, who died at Newbury, Mass., in 1G95, aged eighty-two. 
Soon after his settlement he married Hannah, daughter of James 
Morgan, who was of equal age with himself: both were bom in 
1680. He died Dec. 1st, .1725. Dr. Dudley Woodbridge,* of 
Stonington, and Paul Woodbridge, of South Kingston, R. L, were 
his sons. 

We might here strike off the history of Groton, since technically 
considered it is no longer a part of the history of New London ; 
but one who has lingered long in the vicinity of that granite town- 
ship and become interested in its various associations, will not be 
willing to part suddenly from so dear a friend. Let this serve as an 
apology for keeping hold of the historical thread of the older Groton 
churches, and for introducing occasionally some matters that belong 
rather to Groton than to New London. 

The second minister of the first church of Groton, was Rev. John 
Owen. He graduated at Harvard College in 1723,' and was or- 
dained at Groton Nov. 22d, 1727.^ His first wife was Anna Mor- 
gan, whom he married Nov. 25th, 1730. His second wife was 
Mary, relict of Rev. James HiUhouse, of the North Parish of New 

1 The name of Dudley in the Woodbridge family was derived from the wife of 
Rev. John Woodbridge of Wiltshire, who was a daughter of Gov. Thomas Dudley, 
of Massachusetts. 

2 Farmer. 

S Trumbull. 

4 She survived Mr. Owen and married Rev. Mr. Dorrance, of Voluntown. Tradi- 
tion says that the three husbands were all natives of Ireland. In the case of Mr. 
Owen this is donbtfhl; though he might be of Irish extraction. 


Mr. Owen was distingaished for liberality of opinion toward those 
who differed from him in points of doctrine ; advocating religious 
toleration to an extent that often exposed him to the suspicions of 
his brethren and the rebukes of magistrates.^ A gravestone in the 
ancient burial-ground at Pequonuck, informs the passer-by that 
" The Reverend and pioui Mr. John Owen, the Second ordained 
minister in Groton, died Lrord's day morning, June 14, 1753, in ye 
65th year of his age — 

God^s faithful Seer J' 

The only son of Mr. Owen was for many yeiurs town-clerk and 
teacher of the grammar-school of New London. 

Third minister, Rev. Daniel Kirtland ;^ installed Dec 17th, 1755 ; 
dismissed 1758. 

Groton being a large town, with great inequality of surface, which 
rendered it very inconvenient for Sabbath-day assemblage in any one 
point, as soon as the advance of population would allow, the northern 
part, by permission of the legislature, withdrew and organized a 
second ecclesiastical society. The first recorded meeting of this 
society was held at the house of Capt. John Morgan, Jan. Sd, 1725~6« 
The first preacher to this society was Mr. Samuel Seabury, then a 
young man just assuming {he sacred office. He was not ordained 
or settled, and remained with them only ten weeks ; having preached 
four Sabbaths at Capt. John Morgan's, four at William Morgan's, 
and two at Ralph Stoddard's. At the expiration of this term or soon 
afterward, he declared himself a convert to the doctrines of the 
Church of England and crossed the ocean to obtain Episcopal ordi- 
nation. He returned to thid country commissioned as a resident 
missionary to the Episcopal church in New London. Mr. Seabury 
was a native of Groton, bom July 8th, 1706. 

In November, 1726, a survey was made of the parish of North 
Groton, in order to discover the exact center, which the inhabitants 
had determined should be the site of their meeting-house. The 
central point was f<9und to be " forty or ^hy rods from the south»west 
comer of Capt. John Morgan's great pasture," on land belonging to 
Samuel Newton, from whom it was obtained by exchange for the 
society training field. Until the house should be finished the preach- 

1 Trumbull, Backus, Qreat Awakening, &c. 

2 Erroneously called Samuel by Trumbull. There are some flight eiroiB in Tram 
bull*8 dates respecting Groton ministers. 



ing places designated were the houses of Capt. John Morgan, Will- 
iam Morgan, Robert Alljn and Ensign William Williams. The 
warning posts of the society where notices were to be set up, were 
at Capt. Morgan's, Ralph Stoddard's and Sergt. Robert Greer's mill. 
Several preachers succeeded Mr. Seabury ; each engaged but for a 
limited time. No minister was settled undl 1729. 

♦* In society meeting, Aug. 28th, 1729. 

♦* Voted to call *Vir. Ebenezer Punderson to be our gospel-preaching miaister 
and to ofler him a settlement of jC400 to be paid in two years, and a standing 
salary of £100." 

" At a session of the General Assembly in New Haven, Oct 9th, 1729. 

** This Assembly grants leave to the inhabitants of the north society in the 
town of Groton to embody into church estate, they first obtaining the consent 
of their neighboring churches/* 

Mr. Punderson was ordained Dec. 29th, 1729. Mr. Adams of 
New London preached the sermon. The meeting-house, though 
not entirely completed, was comfortably fitted for the ceremony. 

On the first day of January, 1733^, Mr. Punderson made a com- 
munication to the society, avowing himself " a conformist to the 
Episcopal church of England," and expressing doubts of the validity 
of his ordination. This notice was received in the first place with 
amazement and sorrow, and a committee was appointed to reason 
with him and endeavor to convince him that his ordination was canon- 
ical and his position safe and desirable. Of course this measure 
was unavailing. A council was convened at the house of Capt 
Morgan Feb. 5th, and the connection dissolved. 

The society after this event was twq years without any regular 
preaching. The Rev. Andrew Croswell, their next minister, was 
ordained Oct. 14th, 1736. The settlement offered him was £200 
per annum for the first two years and £110 per annum afterward. 
The previous unhappy experience of the society induced them to 
add the following condition. 

" In case he should withdraw from the established religion of this govern- 
ment to any other persuasion, he shall return £200 to the society." 

Rev. Andrew Croswell was ordained Oct. 14th, 1736. He was a 
man of ardent temperament and, like Mr. Owen, deeply interested 
in the Great Awakening. The revival of religion in 1740 and 1741, 
designated by that term, swept through no part of New England 
with a current more powerful than in New London county. Lyme, 
New London, Groton and Stonington were in a state of fervid ex- 
citement. Mr. Croswell came out in writing as the champion of 


Whitefield and of Davenport He went forth, also, to interest other 
parishes than his own in the new way of presenting truth. In Feb-, 
ruary and March, 1742, he was preaching in different towns in Massa- 
chusett6, with good success, but with ^Hrregular zeaL"^ 

In 1746, Mr. Croswell decided on