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i ftrat tMftM loiatia mortia ad tunbiM, 
A tento oeddiMe viro.'— <Md. Metam. y.l91. 




[Att righU 


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XHE present volume oontainB the reign of Wil- 
liam. I regret tliat the bulk to which the text baa 
swelled has caused me to leave out several notes 
which were designed to have a place in the 
Appendix; but I believe that their substance will 
find a place as least as fitting among the more 
general disquisitions which I hope to give in the 
fifth volume. 

Besides the Mends whom I have so often thanked 
in earlier volimies, I have now to acknowledge the 
great help which I have received from several 
fiiends at the various places which I had to examine 
in order to give a full account of William's Western 
and Northern campaigns. I have to thank them alike 
for help on the spot and for suggestions as to the 
local maps and plans. At Exeter I was accompanied 
by Mr. W. A. Sanford, whose eye for any physical 
point is much keener than mine. At Lincoln I had 
much help firom the Prec^itor, the Bev. Edmund 
Yenables ; at York fix>m Archdeacon Jones and the 
Bev. James Baine^ Canon of York ; in the City and 
Bishoprick of Durham from the Bev. William Green- 
well and Mr. W. H. Longstaffe of Gateshead ; and at 

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Chester fix)m the Dean and Mr. Hughes. And in 
speaking of my topographical res^arches^ though 
I do not think that in the present volume I have 
had any direct help from Mr. J. B. Green, yet I 
have often felt the benefit of earlier inquiries of the 
same kind made in his company. I may truly say 
that it was from him that I first learned to look on 
a town as a whole with a kind of personal history, 
instead of simply the place where such and such 
a church or castle was to be found. 

In the plans of towns, I have tried to show their 
extent as they must have stood in the days of 
William, and to mark such buildings as were then 
certainly or probably in being. But in such an 
attempt as this a good deal is necessarily left to 
conjecture. The map of the Fen country, illustrating 
the campaigns of Hereward, is grounded on the map 
in Professor G. G. Babington's Ancient Cambridge- 
shire, and I have to thank the Professor for most 
valuable help both in drawing the map and in per- 
sonally going over the ground. I have to say the same 
of the plan of the town of Cambridge, which is also 
founded on his work. The general map of England, 
showing the gradual progress of William's conquest^ 
is, as &r as I know, a new attempt Here again 
something must be left to conjecture. The Welsh 
boundary especially was very uncertain and fluc- 
tuating, and I cannot expect to have attained com- 
plete accuracy, but the map will at least show that 
all the shires on the March as they stand in Domes- 
day took in certain districts which noM do not belong 

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to them. With regard to the other shires, I have 
not attempted to mark the small differences between 
their present and their Domesday boundaries, except 
in the extreme cases of the largest and smallest 
among them. Yorkshire was then far greater, and 
Rutland, which in truth was not a distinct shire, 
was still smaller than it is now. In making this 
map, I have to acknowledge many valuable hints 
from Mr. James Parker. 

The present volume has taken a longer time in 
its composition than any of those that have gone 
before it, partly because of the interruption caused 
by the revision of the first two volumes for the 
second edition, partly because of the greater extent 
and difBculty of the work itself. The fifth and last 
volume will, like the first, consist partly of narrative 
and partly of dissertation. In it I trust to go 
thoroughly into the effects of the Norman Conquest 
on the later condition and history of England, and 
to carry on the narrative in the form of a sketch to 
the point which I designed from the beginning, the 
reign of Edward the First. 


May 27, 187 1, 

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vBOi ram datb or wxluax'b bkov. 
BeoembeTy to66 — ^December, 1067. 

§ I. CharaeUr of the Beign of WHUam* 

Position of William at the time of Mb ooronation 
no armed opposition in any part of Bngland 

Position of Eadwine and Morkere 

England not yet conquered . 

Eflfects of the Coronation on the formal l^^ty of his 
pootion ..... 

Character of the resistance to V^liAm after his Coro- 
nation ..... 

Legal fictions of his reign 

Their practical effsct 

William's attempts at oondliation 

Besolts of the distarbance at the Coronation 

Inherent falseneBS of his position 

His beginnings compared with those of Cnut 

Tme character of his conquest 

Real extent of the transfer of lands . 

Biiforent positions of Danes and Normans in England 

Blending of Normans and English 

Unity of the Kingdom established by William 









I a — 17 




§ a. Wiaiam'sjim Da/jfi in Engkmd. 
December, 1066— March, 1067. 

William withdraws to Barking 19 

Change of feeling among the English . 19 

Submisidon of the Northern and Merdaa chleCi ao^aa 

Snrrendeis and confiscations of land 11 

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All land held to he forfeited 

Fdlk4and becomes terra Begii 

Gaaee of regnnt .... 

General redemption of landa ; the three CommiBidonerB 

Harold's acts null and void 

Sabmission of Northern England only nominal 

William's charter to London 

His strict discipline and police 

Mai^rio67 ^ill^'^'B ^^ progress ; his regrants and alms 

Case of Berkshire .... 

Patriotism of the Berkshire men 

Lands and fionilj of Grodrio . 

CompariBon with Kent and Sussex 

Lands of the House of Oodwine 

Illegal occupations of Froger and Henry of Ferrers 

Foreigners settled in Berkshire 

Small number of Englishmen who retained their lands 

Stoiy of Aaor the DaijgiftT 

Wigod of Wallingfbrd wios William's fitvour 

His Norman sons-in-law 
107a Bobert of Oily founds Oxford Castle 
1 1 ap Bobert of Oily the younger founds Oseney Priory 

Causes of lack of resistance to the confiscation 

Confiscation familiar at the time 

Familiarity with the settlement of foreigners 

Permanent efTects of the confiscation 

Land largely retained by its actual possessors 

Abbot Brand of Peterborough buys William's 
fitYour ..... 

William's dealings with the New Minster . 
1069 Election of Abbot Wulfrlc 

Taxes and ofTerings .... 

William's gifts to foreign churches 

Harold's standard sent to Rome 

Extent of William's occupation of England . 

Analogy between the position of William and Harold 

Building of castles .... 

Condition of Norwich 

William's foreign auxiliaries 

Vicegerency of Odo and William Fitz-Osbem 

Their special Earldoms 

Earls appointed for single shires; efEscts of the 
change ..... 

Holders of subordinate commands 

William's policy towards the North ; the Earls sum- 
moned to attend him to Normandy 


15— a6 

31— 3« 
















5«— 53 




61 — 6a 







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F6bniu7 4, 

j^J ^ Oiwnlf deposed; Ckypsige appointed Barl 



§ 3. WUUcuiC9fint Vimi to Ncrmandf. 
March "Deeember, 1087. 

Much, 1067 William eete saQ for Noimaady 


HiB EngliBh attendanta or hoetagee 


Suppressioii of piracy 


His reception in Normandj . 


Hjb vintB and grants to ofaarchee 


His probable consultatioiis with Lanfrano . 


Bnglisb and German skiU in gold-work and 



. 84-85 

April 8, 1067 William keeps Esster at Fecamp 


990—1081 Condition and history of the monastery 


io6a Balph of Montdidier; his marriage with 1 


Henry's widow .... 


The English yisitoTB . 


Ckmseoratton of ohnrches 


May 1, 1067 8«nt Mary-on-Diye . 


July I Jnmi^es 


AngQBt9 Death ol Archbishop ManriHus 



Lsnfranc ref oses the primacy 


1067^1069 Primacy of John of Ivry 

. s^-^ 

Flourishing state of Normandy 




March, 1067 — ^April, 1070. 

Great part of England still unconquered 
William's motlyes for leaving England 
Galled back by the prospect of foreign invasion 

i I. The AdndnUtraHon of Odo and WiUiam FUg^Oibem. 
Marck^Decmlber, 1067. 

Opp rc es i ve goyemment of the regents 
March 11, Berolt against Copsige; he is killed by Oswnlf at 
1067. Newborn; Korman praises of him 

Special oppression in Herefordshire and Kent 
Union of Welsh and English 
Angoat 15 Eadric the Wild holds out ; his alliance with Bleddyn 
and Rhiwallon ; their ravages in Herefordshire 


101 — 103 






no — III 

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The KentiBh outbreak ; help sought from Eustace of 
Boulogne ...... 

Unsuccessful attack on Dover; escape of Eustace 
and capture of his nephew 

Help sought in foreign lands ; state of Germanj and 
Denmark ...... 

Close connexion of Sweud with Englaod; T^^glish 

inyitations to him; presence of Eadzic of Norfolk 

in Denmark . . . * . 

1066—1093 State of Norway; reigns of Magnus and Olaf Kym 

William's real danger from Denmark 



114— 118 



i 2. The Conqnegt of the Wett. 
December, loCl^^Marck, 1068. 
j^y ' Matilda and Robert regents in Normandy . 

William sets sail at Dieppe . 
December 7 He lands at Winchelsea 
December 6 Christ Church burnt .... 

No open revolt in the conquered shires, but the West 
and North threatening 
^®^°|^ ^5. William keeps Christmas at Westminster; further 
6 1068 * confiscations and taxations 

Eustace of Boulogne tried and condemned in absence 
His later reconciliation ; his lands . 
Death of Wulfrng, Bishop of Dorchester 
Exclusion of Englishmen frt>m ecclesiastical prefer- 
ment ..... 
1067 — 1093 Bemigius, Bishop of Dorchester, afterwards of Lin- 
coin ; he is consecrated by Stigand 
Autumn, 1067 Oswulf slain by a robber 
Christmas, Gospatric buys the Earldom of Northumberland of 
1067— 1068 William ..... 

William's negotiations with Swend and Adalbert of 
Bremen ; mission of Abbot ^thelsige 
X070 Later history of ifithelsige ; his outlawry 

His return ..... 

State of the West ; zeal of the men of Exeter; their 

alliance with the neighbouring shires and towns 
Connexion of the Western movement with the House 

of Godwine ; their lands in the West 
Gytha and her grandsons at Exeter; state of the 

family ..... 

Yolunteers from other districts; stoiy of Bleoman 

of Berkshire .... 

The West unsupported by the North 



137 — 138 

138 — 139 




>3a— 133 



140— 141 

141— 143 


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sabouwiaa of Sxeter 


Attempt at a oompromiM; repnUican sohenieB at 

Exeter ; lojal rights over the city 
Pootioa of tiie local n&flgiiB and of the &mily of 


WiDiam'B aaawer ; he mardm against Exeter 

His eDq^kyment of Kngtinh troope . 

WHBam'e maxch; his hanyingi in Dorset; the 

nagisteatee of Exeter offer to eubmit 
The oafntnlalion disowned hy the citisens 
"Wllliain bedflges Exeter; description of the city 
InsDlt offbred to him hy the besiegers ; he blinds one 

of the hostages .... 
Valiaiit defence of the city ; it is taken by means of 

Gytha and her oompany esoi^ to the Flat Hofan 

histoty of the Holms 
Harold's sons take refuge at Dublin 
Jnae^ 1069! Gytha withdraws to Flanders 

Gimhild dies at Bruges ... 

^ Mairiage and descendants of the youngw Gytha 

Suneuder of Exeter .... 
* Foundation of the oasUe ; increase of the tribute of 


William's conquest of Cornwall 

SetHement of the West ; Englishmen who retained 

their lands; history of Eadnoth and Ids son 

Haiding ..... 
Stoiy of Brihtrio and liatilda 
The Western Bishops undisturbed; alienation of the 

gifb of Gytha; history of the lands of Bbecman 
Chrants to the Norman churches and to the Church 

afBoms ..... 
Other Kormaa grantees 
Possessions of Bobert of Mortain, Earl of Cornwall 

his robbecy of ohuzehes 
State of Cornwall; the British element reriyed by 

the Kormaa Conquest 
1068 — 1069 Histacy of GlouoesterBfaire and Woreeetershire ; op- 
pressions of the Sheriff Urse; he is rebuked by 

Ardibishop Ealdred 
Farour of JBtbaiwig of Evesham ; Godrio of Winoh< 

eombe entrusted to his keeping 

^^^M^ Bristd sulgeot to William 










159— i(5o 


161 — 162 









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A.D. PAOl 

EftBter ftMt at Wincheitar . .178 

May IX WldtBun feast at Westminster ; ooranation of MatUda 179 

is- The Fird Ccngutd t^the Nqrth.] 

Summer and Aukmn, 1068. * 

Poritlon and obamoter of Eadwrna and Moikera; 

a daughter of WlUiam promised to Eadwina . 179—182 
Summer, 1068 Eadwine and Morkere revolt; rising in the North 181 

1067^1068 Union of English and Welsh; dTil war in Wales; 

death of BhiwaUon • . . 184—183 

(General gathering against the Noxmans; applioa- 

tions to Swend and Maloohn • 184 

Eadgar the nominal head of the movement; addon 

of the Northern Thegns .... 185 

No effeotnal Scottish help'given ... 186 

General seal of the people; Yoric the centre of 

resistance ...... 186—187 

William's first Northern march ; question of the storm 

of Oxford ...... 188 

William at Warwick ; submisrion of JSlMne and 

Thnrkill; history of the town and castle . . 188—192 

March of Eadwine and Morkere; they submit to 

William and are restored to favour 19a— -193 
Hie English army disperses, but a party withdraw to 

the North and occupy Durham . . . 193 — 194 

1068—1069 Eadgar, Gospatrio, and others pass the winter in 

Scotland ...... 194—195 

Question of the deetruction of Leicester . . 196 — 197 

William reaches Nottingham ; history of the to?m 196—199 
William Peverel; his castles at Nottingham and in 

the Peakland ..... a oo aoi 

York summits ; history of the dty . . aoi— 903 

Foundation of the first castle ; William Malet ap* 

pointed Sheriff ..... 203—904 
Submisdon of Archill and .^Sthdwine 205 

First submisdon of Malcohn ao6 

Extent of William's dominion in 1068 . . ao6 — 307 

His return march ; he reaches Lincoln 108 

History of Linoohi; eflbcts of William's rdgn on the 

dty ...... 408—915 

Ccmpaiativdy favourable treatment of Uncdn and 

lincolnshire ..... 213—916 

Treatment of Stamfi)rd and Torkesey . 216—217 

Foundation of Lincoln castle • 217^218 

Migration to the lower town; churdieB of Cole- 

■wegen^ ...... 218—219 

William reaches Cambridge ; early history of the town 219—221 

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FonndAtion of the oastle and origin of the modern 

WiUiiun at Huntingdon; Uatoiy of the town and 

foundation of the oastle .... 
Heavy oonfiflcationa in Cambridgeshire and Hnnting- 

domhire ; oppreoaiona of the Sherifi Pioot and ' 

Enataoe ...... 

Haiold'a sons retain from Ireland; they attadk 

Bristol in Tain . . . . . 

Their drawn battle witii Badnoth the Staller ; death 

of Eadnoth ; their ravages in the West 
September t Birth of the .fitheling Henzy ; his name, education, 
'o^ andoharaoter .... 

e. 1069 Legend of Henry's Urth at Selby ; foundation of the 


Legend of the oompialnts of the Norman women; 

estimate of the story .... 

WiUiam sends away his meroenaries 


333— -234 
335<— 317 
330— 33X 


ii. The BevoU and Fimd Qmquiii of ike yarth. 
1069 — 1070. 

Importance of the year 1069 ; final establishment of 

William's power ..... 334 

Janiiaiy,io69 He grants the Earldom of Northnmberiaad to Bobert 

ofComlnes ..... 335 

Bobert enters Borham; he Is slain with his foUowers 336—338 

Berolt at ToHl and slaughter of Bobert Fits-Biohard 338 
Betom of Eadgar, Gospatrio, and others ; they are 

reoeived at York ..... 340 

Siege of the oastle; William hastens to York and 

defeats the Ina i ug ents . . • . 340 
Hie seoond castle built and intrusted to ^niliam Fits- 

Osbem ...... 341 

Legend of the miraonkms defence of Durham • 341^-343 
Benewed revolt at York ; the insurgents defeated by 

William Fitz-Osbem .... 343—343 

c. June 34 Second enterprise of Harold's sons ; their rarages in 

Deronshire ..... 343 

Ihey are defeated by Count Brian ; no farther men- 
tion of them ..... 344—345 

1069 DeathofDiarmidofDnbHn . ... 345 

Story of the Counts of Stade ... 346 

ADtiimn,io69 Swend at last sends help ; deso^on of his force . 347^348 

The ocmmanders, OsUom, Harold, Cnuti and Tburkill 348 

Probable objects of Swend ... 349 — 350 

William in the Forest of Dean ... 351 

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A.D. PAOl 

Coume of the Danish fleet ; onsaooeBBfal attempts in 

Kent and East-Anglift .... 251—253 
September 8 The fleet enters the Humber ; it is joined by Eadgar 

and the English exiles .... 353—355 
Waltheof joins the Danes; his character and early 

history ...... 355 — 359 

Confidence of tiie Norman commanders at York 359 — 360 

September xi Stories of Archbishop Ealdred; his death . 360—266 

dnluoky adyenture of Eadgar in lindesey . 266 

September 19 The Danes and Bnglish march on York ; the dty 

fired by the Nonnans .... 366 — 267 
September 21 The Danes and English take York; exploits of 

Waltheof ...... 268—269 

Capture of William Malet and Gilbert of Ghent 269 

Destmction of the castles . 270 

The aimy disperses .... 271 

Morements in the West; sieges of Montacnte and 

Exeter ...... 271 — 273 

Movements in Staffordshire and on the Welsh border; 

Shrewsbnxy besieged by Eadrio . . 373 — 274 

The revolts put down piecemeal 275 — 277 

Montacnte relieved by Bishop Greoffirey ... 278 

Defeat of the besiegers of Exeter 279 

Eadric bums Shrewsbury and retires 280 

William marches northward; he surprises the Danes 

in Lindesey ; they retreat into Holdemess . 380—281 - 

The two Earls Itobert left in Lindesey ; their suecesses 

against the Danes .... 281 — 383 

William conquers Staflbrdshire and marches to 

Nottingham ..... 383 283 

His delay by the Aire ; origin of Pontefiact castle . 284 — 287 
William enters York without opposition, and repairs 

the castles ..... 

The great harrying of Northumberland ; its deliberate 

and systematic character .... 
Legend of the deliveranoe of Beverley 
Details of the harrying; contemporaiy estimate of 

William's conduct .... 

Dec. 25, 1069 He keeps Christmas at York; settlement of York- 

ahire ...... 

Jan. 6, 1070 Grants to Alan of Britanny ; foundation of Biohmmid 

Grants to Robert of Mortain and others 

Land retained by Englishmen ; faJl in its value 

English reftige at the mouth of the Tees 

Dec. 1 1 — 14, Flight of ^thelwine and his canons firom Durham to 

^069 Lindisfitfn 

General flight of the people .... 


389 — 292 


295 — 296 



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jMnuu7,io7oWi]]km muthm £raia York ihroagh Ca«v«I«nd 

. Snbmianon and rMtontion of Waltheof and Got- 
pateio ; nuoria^ of Waltheof and JudMh 
WIlHam ravagefl theBishopriok; aubmiaBion of ArobiU 
andEglaf ...... 

William returaa to York by Hdmaley; Northern 

England finally conquered 

FcSxroaiyf William'a last maroh from York to Chester; difB- 

cnlties of the road and mutiny of his troops 

Chester the last oonqneet ; fbrmer history of the 

town ...... 

Bavaging of Cheshire and the aieSghbonring diires ; 
chtfity of Abbot .^Sthelwig . • 

Castles founded at Chester and Stafford 

1069—1070 The Danish fleet remains in the Humber ; Osbeom 
bribed by WUlism . . . . 

The Conquest now practically aooomplished 





3"— 314 

315— 3«^ 



1070— 1089. 

State of England in 1070; William in pos sessi on of 
the whole country ; later revolts only load • 

Gradual change in William's character 

His attempt to learn English 

Legend of the publication of the Laws of Eadward . 

William's real legislation ; renewal of Eadward's 

Blendhoig of races, especially in the towns 

§ X. Tke CowneOi of the Tear 1070. 

lib^ToTo P*'""^'o^**>®n^o^"'»'«ri^ .... 

April 4 Easter Feast at Winchester; William crowned by 

the Papal Legates 

Schemes for the removal of English Prelates 

April II Trial and deprivation of Stigand ; stories of his last 

days ..... 

Deposition of JSthefanar 

November 27, Death of Brand of Peterborough ; he is succeeded by 

^<^ Turold 

^thelric seised and ^thelwine outlawed 
April 6 The church of Durham reconciled 


321 — 322 

3^5— 3»« 


3«9— 330 



335— 33« 


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April .^helwine sailB fiir KSln, but is driven back to Soot- 

Flight of JE^behage ; Sootbmd appointed Abbot of 

Saint Angustine's . . . . 

Wnl&tan demands the lands alienated by Ealdred ; 

the deoiBion delayed .... 

May as — 51 Whitsnn Gemdtat Windsor; appointment and history 

of Thomas 6f York and of Walkelin of Winohester 

fflay 24 The Legate Ermenfrid holds a synod ; deprivation of 

.^helrio ; appointment of Stigand of Selsey and 

Herfast of Elmham .... 

May 30 Walkelin oonsecrated by Ermenfrid . 

Lanfrano appointed to Canterbury; his soroplee 
overoome by Herlwin .... 
August 15 Lanfrano receives the Arohbishopriok from the King 
August 19 His conaeoration 

§ a. The Primaey ofLmfram. 
RelationB between William and Lanfrano 
Belations between the two Archbishopricks ; Wil- 
liam's policy requires the subordination of Yoric 
Lanfr«nc refuses oonsecration to Thomas unless he 
makes profession; oompromise brought about by 
William ...... 

107 1 Laufranc and Thomas go to Bome for their pallia ; 

Lanfianc intercedes for Thomas and Remigius 

April 8, 1073 Easter Gemdt at Winohester ; aettlement of the 

question between the Archbiahoprioks 

Ecclesiastical scheme of Lanfranc ; his works at 

Canterbury ..... 

1079 — 1079 Rebuilding of Christ Church .... 

1084 HiB foundation of Saint Gregory's . 
107a Encroachments of Odo on the lands of the see ; Lan- 
frano recovers them on Penenden Heath ; reten- 
tion of English Law 
1075— .1076 History of Rochester; death of Siward and episoo- 
pate of Emost ..... 

1077 — 'i^ Episcopate of Ghmdulf ; his refonns and buildings 
1070— 1 100 History of York ; primacy of Thomas 

1093 He consecrates Anselm ; revival of the dispute be- 
tween the ArchbishoprickB 
Works of Thomas at York . . . . 

1051— 1075 Bishops of London; episcopate of William . 
1075—1085 Episcopate of Hugh of Orival 
1086^1087 Episcopate of Maurice ; he begins to rebuild Saint 















. 364— 3« 


37»— 374 






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1070— 1098 rartcny of WinoliMter; epiaoopftte of WaQcelin 

Bcbeme loathe sabrtitation of canonB for monks 
1046—1073 Histoiy of Bxeter ; episoopAte of LeoiHo 
1073 — 1 103 Bpiscopate of Osbem; hk English tendencies 
1107— 1Z36 Fonndfttion of the present cathedral by William of 
1079 History of Hereford ; deatii of Walter 
1079—1095 Episcopate of Robert; he rebuilds theohnrbh 

1075 History of WnUstan ; his deposition designed by Lan- 

franc ; legend of his appeal to Eadwaid 
1085 WnUstan's management of his diocese ; foundation 

of Malrem Priory 
1084 HerebnfldstheehnrohofWoroester 

He preaches against the bUto- trade at Bristol 
Bond between Wnlfttan and six other monasteries 
1077— 1084 Death of .fithelwig ; Walter Abbot of Evesham 
1077— 1095 Ralph Abbot of Winchcombe 
io85_zo87 Death of Eadmnnd of Pershore ; abbacy of Thnrstan 
1079— X 104 Serlo Abbot of Gloucester ; his reforms 
1089— 1 100 He rebuilds Gloucester Abbey 

Councils held by Lanfranc ; distinction between 

ecclesiastical and temporal assemblies 

1071 or 1072 Deposition of Abbots ; Wulfric of New Minster suo- 

ceeded by Rhiwallon 

1078 Deposition of ^thelnoth of Glastonbuiy 

1083—1083 Thurstan Abbot of Glastonbury ; his diiqpute with the 

monks and deposition by William 
1089 — X090 He buys his restoration of William Rufos 
io66-io77(f) Prithric Abbot of Saint Alban's ; legendary nature 

of his history .... 

1077^1088 Paul Abbot of St. Alban's ; his reforms and build« 
ings ; he destroys the tombs of the English Abbots 
William's personal seal in ecclesiastical matters 
appointment of Abbots of Westminster 
1073(1) Eadwine succeeded by Geoflfrey 
1077 Appointment of Vital ; correspondence of William 
with John of Fecamp 
1070 — 1076 WxHiam's tow to Saint Martin ; beginning of the 
foundation of Battle Abbey 
Story of the building of the Abbey; the High Altar 

fixed on the site of the Standard . 

Succession of Abbots ; consecration of the church 

Exemption of the Abbey from episcopal jurisdiction 

Lanfranc's opposition to monastic exemptions; his 

dealings with Saint Eadmundsbuxy 

1088 His dealings with Saint Augustine's; he forces Abbot 

Guy on the monks 
















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A.D. PAOl 

1075 Decree for the remoTnl of Bishopridu ; oompariflon of 

English and oontineiital sees . 414 — 4^7 

1075 — 1078 Hemuum removes the see of Sherborne to Salisbury 418 

laai Fonndfttion of new Salisbniy 4^^ 

1078 — 1079 Episcopate of Osmund .... 418 

Stigand removes the see of Selsey to Chichester 418 

107a — X085 Peter removes the see of Lichfield to Chester . 419 
1086 — 1 1 17 Bobert of Limesey removes the see to Coventry ; his 
ill-treatment of the monks and rebuke from Lan- 

franc; later history of the see . . 419 — ^4*' 

1085 Bemigius removes the see of Dorchester to Lincoln 4*1 

1078 Herfiwt removes the see of Elmham to Thetford 4^1 

1091 — 1 1 19 Herbert Losinga removes the see to Norwich . 43a 

1088 — 1 132 John of Tours removes the see of Wells to Bath . 422 
April 1, 1076 Council at Winchester ; prohibition of the marriage of 

the clergy; modification of thedecrees of HUdebrand 422 — 426 

1076 Mission of Thomas, Lanfrano, and Bemigius to 

Bome ; privileges confirmed to William . 426—428 
107^^—1078 They return through Normandy; consecration of 

Saint Stephen's and Bee ; death of Herlwin . 428—429 
Wider separation of Church and State, and closer 

connexion with Bome .... 43^ 
Belations between Gregory and William ; Gregory 

demands homage, but William refuses . 430—434 
1079 — 1082 Belations between Gregory and Lanfranc ; Lanfrano 

summoned to Bome ; his cautious language during 

the schism ..... 434—437 

Exercise of the royal supremacy by William . 437 — 439 
Un-EngliBh feelings of Lanfranc; his contempt for 

the English saints .... 440—441 
1078 — 1079 Anselm Abbot of Bee; his visit to England; he 

convinces Lanfiunc as to the martyrdom of .^Elfheah 441 — 444 

William's Hisposal of ecclesiastical preferment . 445 
Wimund of Saint Leutfred refuses prefninent; his 

protest against the conquest of England . . 446—448 
1079— 1099 ^^ history of Wimund ; he refuses the Archbishop- 
rick of Bouen, but becomes Archbishop of Aversa 448 — ^449 
Gnlbert of Hugleville refuses lands in England . 449 — ^450 



1070 Complete establishment of William's authority ; con- 
solidation of the Kingdom . . . 451 — ^452 

Distinction between the revolts and the earlier re- 
sistance to invasion .... 452—453 

Classification of the revolts .... 454 

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§ I. The lUvoU of tke Fm Country. io7»— 1071 

May, 1070 OBbdom at Ely; the fenland for Swand 

Appearanoe of H«raward ; legendaiy and historical 

notioes of him .... 

^oS^^^[jrf^ Death of Abbot Brand of Peterborough ; suoceeaion 

^^yo ofTuiold 

Jonei, io7oTim)ld seta out to take poaseaion ; he reaches 

Stamford ..... 

June a Hereward plunders Peterborough; Torold readhes 

themonasteiy .... 
June 34 Departuro of the Danes 

.^hehio excommunicates the plunderers of Peter- 
borough ..... 

A^^ Eadiio submits to WiUiam . 

ReYolt of the Isle of Ely under Heroward ; descrip- 
tion of the country 
April T 1071 Bevolt of Eadwine and Morkere; death and cha- 
racter of Eadwine .... 
Morkere and others join the insurgents at Ely 

early history of the Isle . 
Wniiam attacks the Isle; presence and death of 

William Malet , , . . 

Geography of the campaign ; legends of Hereward 
Surrender of Morkere, .^Ithelwine, and others ; im- 
prisonment of Morkere 
1071 — 1073 JBthelwiue imprisoned at Abingdon ; his death 
1071 — 1084 Adelelm Abbot of Abingdon ; his grants on military 
tenures ..... 
Walcher succeeds ^thelwine at Durham ; saying of 

Eadgyth at his consecration 
Submission of the monks of Ely 
William comes to Ely ; his treatment of the mon< 
astery . . 
1076-— 1079 Death of Thurstan; Abbacy of Theodwine . 
1079 — '^^ Administration of Gk>dfrey ; he recovers the lands 

of the Abbey .... 

loSa — 1093 Abbacy of Simeon ; beginning of the present church 

1071 Escape of Hereward ; legends of his later life and 

death ..... 

1073 He accompanies William to Maine . 


107 1 
















i 2, The Affairs of the WeUh and ScottUh Marches. 

State of the North ; no more Earls of Deira or Meroia 
appointed ; continuation of the Bemidan Earldom 487 — 489 

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Earldom of Gheeter under Q«rbod . 
107 1 — iioi Hugh of AvrancheB, Earl of Chester; speoial privi- 
leges of the Earldom .... 

Robert of Bhuddlan ; his wars with the Welsh 

Earl Hugh dies a monk ; his friendship for Anflfllm . 

Roger of Montgomery, Earl of Shrevmbuiy; privi- 
leges of the Earldom ; treatment of Shrewibuiy . 

Murder of Mabel at Bores ; good influenoe of Rogei^B 
second wife Adeliza .... 

History of Odelerius ; his settlement at Shrewsbniy . 





1087 — 1094 

1071 — 107a 

1067— 1071 


April 3, 1071 

August 15, 

107 a 




Birth of Orderic ; his English education 

Orderic sent to Saint Evroul; his abiding English 
feeling ; lessons taught by his history 

Earl Roger f oi^nds Shrewsbury Abbey at the sugges- 
tion of Odelerius ; his death 

Earl Roger introduces Cluniao monks at Wenlook . 

Roger's wars with the Welsh ; foundation of Mont- 
gomeiy Castle . . . • • 

Earldom of Hereford under William Fitz-Osbem . 

His wars with the Welsh ; his alliance with Caradoc 
the son of Gru£^dd .... 

Malcolm ravages Northern England 

He receives Eadgar and his sisters at Weannouth . 

GJoepatric invades Cumberland ; increased cruelties 

of MnlrtnlTf* ...... 

Eadgar and his sisters remain in Scotland ; marriage 

of Malcolm and Margaret ; its lasting effects 
Walcher takes possession of the see of Durham 
William invades Scotland ; he is accompanied by 

Eadric ...... 

Malcolm does homage at Abemethy . 

Legends of William's return ; foundation of the castle 

of Durham ...... 

Gospatrio deprived of his Earldom ; his IfAer history 

and partial restoration .... 
Waltheof Earl of Northumberland; his mairiage 

with Judith and friendship with Walcher . 
Hie sons of Cari murdered by order of Waltheof 



490— 49» 














5*3- 534 


§ 3. DeaUnffi wUk Jrdand. 1074— 1087. 

William's designs on Ireland; ecclesiastical inter- 
course between England and Ireland . 526—538 

Correspondence of Lanfranc with Irish Kings and 
Bishops; he consecrates Patrick to the see of 
DubUn ...... 538- -539 

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1067 — 1070 




▲. D. PAOS 

1085 DonatoB oonsQcnted by L>nfmno ; refonns in the 

Iiiab Church enggeeted by him • 519—530 

1096^1140 Later ooDBOcratioii of Irish Bishopa in England ; the 

Irish predispoaed to the English oonnexion . 529^530 

§ 4. The BevoU of Maine, 1073. 
WilliMn FitBOsbem sent to Normsndy 531 

Affidm of Flanden ; death of Baldwin of Lide ; 

reignof Baldwin of Mens .... 53i*— 53* 
Adventores of Bobert the Frisian ; his manriage and 

settlement in Holland .... 532^533 

War between Baldwin and Bobert ; death of Robert 533 
Begency of BichUdis ; she asks help of ^Vl^Uiam Flts- 

0*€ni 534—535 

ftench and Nonnan intarrention in Flanders; battle 

of Cassel ; death of Oonnt Amolf and William 

Fita-Osbem ; imprisonment of Gerbod of Chester 535 — 536 
Philip makes peace with Robert ;*ide]ay of Arnnlfs 

German allies ..... 53^—537 

Dirision of the estates of William FittOabem 537 
Hostility between Kormandyand Flanders ; WSIiam 

abets Baldwin of Hennegan against Bobert 538 
William's alleged designs on Germany; alleged in- 

yitation from Archbishop Hanno of Koln 53^-^539 

Other versions and estimate of the story 539 — 540 

William in Normandy ; Synod of Bouen . . 540 — 543 

State of Maine; episcopate of Arnold . 543^544 

Folk Bechin of Anjon ; his alleged intrigues • 544—545 
Revolt of Maine ; invitation to Aao and Gersendis 

and their son Hngh ; action of Geoffirey of May- 

enne and Bishop Arnold .... 545—547 
Aao in Maine; he leaves Gersendis and her son 

behind ; relations of G^ffirey and Gersendis • 547— '54^ 
Mnnidpal traditions in Gaol ; the OmnfMMe of Le 

Mans 548— 55* 

War of the Oanmune with Hngh of Sill^ ; treaaon of 

Geoflbey ...... 55a-.554 

GerMndis betrays the castle to Geoffrey ; the citiaens 

invite Fulk, who takes the castle . . 554—556 
William sets forth to recover Maine ; liis English 

troops ...... 556—558 

Harrying of Maine; sieges of Fresnay and Slll^; sur- 
render of Le Mans and submission of the country 558 — 560 
Fuik attacks La Fl^die ; he is joined by Howel and 

the Bretons ..... 561 
Peace of BUnohelande ; Bobert does homage to Fulk 

for Maine ...... 561 — 564 


1066 — 1 109 


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July 8, 1074 


§ 5. The BeooUof Ralph of N(nf6Uc. 

State of England; increased oppresaion; special 
complaints of the English women . 

Jealousy between William and Philip 

"^^^lliam letnms to England . 

He goes back to Noimandy . 

Eadgar goes from FUnders to Scotland; Philip offers 
Montreoil to him .... 

Eadgar sets sail for France, but is driven back 

His reconciliation with William 

Dealings of William with Waltheof . 

Roger Earl of Hereford suspected of treason ; Lan* 
franc's letters and excommunication 

Ralph of Norfolk manies Emma sister of Roger 
conspiracy at the bride-ale 

Question of the ^complicity of Waltheof ; his confes- 
sions to Lanfranc and William 

Revolt of Ralph and Roger; the Bretons support 
Ralph ; aid sought from Benmark 

Roger defeated and taken prisoner . 

Ralph encamps at Cambridge ; he flies to Norwich 

Union of Normans and English ; mutilation of the 
prisoners . . . . • 

Ralpb flies to Denmark and thence to Britanny 

Norwich defended by Emma ; its siege and capitula- 

William returns ; arrest of Waltheof 

The Danish fleet in the Humber; plunder of York 
Minster ..... 

December 19^ 



1075— X076 

May 15, X076 
May 31 

Death of Eadgyth ; her burial at Westminster 

Midwinter Qemdt at Westmmster ; trial of the Earls 

and their followers 
Ralph condemned by defiudt ; cruel punishment of 

the Bretons .... 

Trial and condemnation of Roger ; his imprisonmeni 

for life . 
Trial of Waltheof; mmity of his wife Judith ; he is 

remanded to prison at Winchester 
Confisoationof the lands of Ralph and Roger; grants 

to Roger the Bigod ; no new Earla appointed 
Continued imprisonment of Waltheof; hia penitence 
His final trial and condemnation to death ; ii\^ustice 

of the sentence .... 
Beheading of Waltheof ; he is looked upon as a martyr 



570— 57» 














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M6— 955 

io6a— 1086 

June 15, 




1086— 1109 

Hifltoiy of Growland ; story of Saint QathUo 
Monastflty destroyed by the Danes . 
Restored by Thurcytel 

XJlfcytel Abbot of Crowlaad; gifts of Waltbeof 
the monastery .... 

Waltheofs body translated to Crowland 
Deposition of Ulfcytel ; its probable grounds 

1 109 — 1 1 24 
1114— 1158 

c 1089 

Ingnlf Abbot of Growland, his real and legendary 
history ..... 

Second translation of Waltheof ; his mirades 

Geoffrey Abbot of Crowland . 

Waltheof Abbot of Crowland ; yisit of Orderic 

Beal and legendary history of Judith ; her founda- 
tion at Elstow .... 

Matilda, daughter of Waltheof marries Simon of 
Senlis ; her seoond marriage with David of Soot 
land ; its results .... 

Estimate of the execution of Waltheof 

William's love of hunting; nature of hunting in 
early times .... 

Beginning of Forest Laws ; legislation of William 
1070^-1081 Making of the New Forest ; contemporary feeling 

Deaths of his children in the New Forest | a curse 
deemed to rest on his house 











611 — 613 




§ I. Character of the Later Beign of WUHam, 

Quiet of England; William's unsuccessful warfiyre on 

the Continent ..... 616—617 

Character of William's government ; his strict pre- 
servation of the peace .... 617—619 

His fiscal and other oppressions 620—622 

His revenue ...... 62a 

He keeps up the meetings of the Witan 623 
His legislation; legal relations between French and 

English ...... 623 — 624 

Laws agMust the slave-trade 625 

Capital punishment forbidden ; practice of mutilation 625 
William's personal appearance ; splendour of his 

court ; his avarice ..... 625—626 

Practical despotism of his government 627 

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EngHHhmen take aervioe at OonBtantinople . 
Aptili,io8i Aooeaaion of Alezioa Komndnoi; Bobeii Wiacaid 
threatens the Eastern Empire; English reinforce- 
ments ..... 
June Robert besieges Dyirhaohion 
October Alezios comes to its relief ; his motley army 
October i8 Battle of Dyrrhaohion ; valour and slaughter of the 


Alexioe builds Kib6tos 

The English defend Kastoria agunst Bohemund 
Repulse of Bohemtmd and Brian of Britannj 
Permanenoe of the Warangian guard 

§ a. WiUitm^a later OmtinenUU Wan, 1076— 1086. 

William's movements between England and Nor- 
mandy ..... 
He makes no grants to Us children . 
April 5, 1075 Easter at Fecamp ; Gedly takes the veil 
1 113 — 1 137 She becomes Abbess of Caen 

1076 William besieges Bol ; his motives . 
September 37, Dispute about the Bishoprick ; letter of Gregoiy to 



William ..... 
Dol relieved by Alan and King Philip ; peace with 

Britanny ..... 
Peaoe with France .... 
Robert's disputes with his father 
War with Rotrou of Mortagne; quarrel of Robert 

and his brothers ; he openly revolts 
Robert helped by Hugh of Neufch&tel; siege and 

capture of Raimalast 
Wanderings of Robert; Matilda sends him help 

quarrel between her and William . 
Philip sets Robert at Gerberoi 
William besieges Gerberoi; he is defeated and 

wounded by Robert 
William reconciled to his son; Gregory's letter to 


Robert's expedition to Scotland; his final quarrel 

with his father .... 
1086 — 1090 Constance marries Alan of Britanny ; her death and 

character ..... 
1080 Marriage of Adela with Stephen of Chartres 
1074 — io8a Story of Simon of Valois; he refuses WiUiam'i 

daughter and helps to reconcile Robert 
Betrothal of a daughter of William to Alfonso 
^^^83^"^^' Death of Queen MatUda ; her tomb and epitaph 




May 8 






631 — 63a 


















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1083 Bevolt of Hubert of Beaamont ; he defends Seinte- 
Sneaxme ....•• 
1083— 1086 War of Sainte-Snaanzie ; III ■aocen of William; 
deaih of Bioher of L' Ai^e 
Hubert reoonciled to William 

J11I717 — 
August 4, 


1079 — ^'oo 

X086 Council of UQebonne ; re-enaotment of the Tnioe of 

Death of Bishop Hugh oi Liiieux ; dispute as to his 

Gilbert Maminot, Bishop of Lideux ; his oharaoter . 
l>eath of Archbishop John ; the see of Bouen re- 
fused by Wimund; Primacy of William **Bona 





661— 66a 

i^ Tkt Affidn of ike SeottUh and Wdih Marehe$, 1078— 1081. 


August, X079 

1071— 1080 



Hay 14, X080 


X080— 1096 

1081 — 1085 

Maloohn defeats Hnlslnhta .... 663 

Malcolm invades Northumberiand • 663 
Epiioopate and Earldom of Walcher of Durham ; his 

character ...... 663 — 664 

BeviTal of monasticism in the North ; Ealdwine and 
his oompanions come from Winohoombe; they 

repair Jarrow ..... 665 — 666 

Bestoration of Whitby .... 666 

Foundation of Saint Mary's at York . 666 
History of Turgot; his escape from Lincoln; his 

&YOur with Olaf of Norway . . 667 

He joins Ealdwine at Melrose and Wearmouth . 667 — 668 
Monastic tendendes of Walcher; his dealings with 

Waltham 668—669 

His fikvourites ; Ligulf murdered by Gilbert and 

Leobwine ; Walcher shelters the murderers • 664^671 

Gemdt at Gateshead ; Walcher and his friends killed 671—673 

Fate of the murderers .... 674 

Odo sent to Northumberland; his cruelties and 

spoliations ...... 674 — 675 

Bobert's expedition to Scotland; foundation of New- 
castle-upon-Tyne ..... 675—676 

Suooeesion of the Earls of Northumberland ; Alberic ; 

Geoffirey; Bobert of Mowbray . 676—677 
"^niliamofSaintGarilef Bishop of Durham . • 677 
Beginning of the present church 677 
He^subetitutes monks for canons at Durham ; Eald- 
wine and Turgot Priors .... 677—678 

Affiurs of Wales ; lands held by Meredydd and his 

BonOrufiydd ..... 678—679 

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ViotorieB and death of Trabaem . 679 
William in Wales ; his conquests and pilgrimage to 

Saint Dayid's ; history of Saint David's . . 679—681 

Foundation of Cardiff Castle. ... 680 


1083— 1084 

1076 — 1080 
1080— 1086 


July 10, 

1085— 1086 
January — 
July, 1086 

May 94 

August I 

^ 4. The Laier Legklaiion of WiUiam, io8a— 1086. 

Character of the years io8a.io86 

Pride and oppression of Odo ; he aspires to the 

Papacy ..... 
William accuses and arrests him ; his imprisonment 

atBouen ..... 
Famine in England .... 

Tax laid on the land .... 

State of Denmark ; death of Swend Estrithson 

Reign of Harold Hein 

Beign of Saint Cnut ; he prepares to invade Eng- 
land ; contingent of Olaf Eyrre 

William returns to England; his mercenaries; he 
lays waste the coast 

Discontent of the Danish fleet ; martyrdom of Cnut 

Cem6t at Gloucester ; the Great Survey ordered 

The Commission for the Survey ; popular discontent 
and disturbances .... 

Whitsun Gem<5t at Westminster; Henry dubbed 
knight ..... 

Gom<St at Salisbury ; all landowners become the men 
of the King ; effect on later English history 

Another tax laid on ; William goes to Normandy 

Eadgar goes to Apulia; Christina takes the veil 



68a— 685 









696 — 697 


§ 5. 2^ Last Days of WUliam, 
Aiigwt'^epUmher, 1087. 

Physical phaenomena of the years 1086 — 1087 
miscellaneous events and deaths . 
1087 Dispute about the French Vexin; incursions of the 
French comnoanders at Mantes 
William's sickness at Bouen ; Philip's jest . 
August, 1087 William invades the Vezin . 
August 15 William bums Mantes, and receives his death-wound 

He is cairied to Saint Gervus ; his sickness . 
August 14 Deathof Gulbert ofHugleville 
August a4 Death of Gunhild at Bruges . 


699 — 700 
70X— 703 

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A. D. PAOl 

Detelk of WJIHam'B ricknew ; his rapentftnoe fuid 

duporal of hiB dominionB .... 706 — 709 

His bequest to Hemy .... 709 

He releaaes his priflonera .... 710— 711 

S^it6mb6r9 Death of William ..... 711—7x1 

General oonfiuion at his death ; neglect of his body ; 

he is taken to Caen by Herlwin . 71a — 715 

Beoeption of the body at Oaen ; fire in the town . 715—7 16 
Hie borial of William; the ground claimed by 

Asoelin ...... 716—721 

William's monument and epitaph . 741—721 

iS^2 — 164a The tomb destroyed by the Huguenots and restored 711 — 713 

1741— 1793 The third tomb . . . 733 

i8oa Present stone and Inscription . . 723 

Summaiy ...... 733 — 724 


Nora A. 

The Legal Hctions of WiUiam's Beign . 



The Gonfiscations of WiUiam's Beign 



The Three Commissioners for Bedemption of Lands 



The King's Thegns • . . . 



The Condition of Kent, Surrey, and Sussex 



The Lands and Family of Godrio . 



Wigod of WaDingford and Bobert of Oily 



Bobert and Swegen of Essex 



EadrictheWdd .... 



Castles and Destruction in Towns . 



The Earldom and Death of Copeige 



The Possessions of the .^hihelingEadgar . 



The Possessions of Count Eustace 



The Earldom of Gospatrio 



iEthelsige Abbot of Bamsey 



The Lands of Gytha and her Family in the West 

75 » 


The Children of Harold 



Eadnoth the StaUer 



Brihtric and Matilda 



The Possessions of Bobert of Mortain in the West 



The Condition of Worcestershire under William 



The Titles of Queen and Tiady 



The Northern Campaigns of William 



The Submission of Oxford . 



Thurkill of Warwick 


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BR The Dftte of the Marriage of Maloohn and Mar- 
garet ..... 

GO. The First Submiarion of Malcofan . 

DD. The EzpeditioDB of Harold's Bona . 

EE. The Birth and Education of Henry the First 

FF. The Foundation Legend of SeLby Abbey . 

GO. William's Oranta of Holdemess 

HH. The Churches of Jarrow and Monkwearmonth 

n. Betention of English Names in Durham . 

KK. The Laws of Eadward and William 

LL. The Belations of the Provincea of Canterbury and 
York . . . ; . 

MM. The Alleged Penance of William's soldiera 

NN. Frithric Abbot of Saint Alban's . 

00. The Legend of Hereward . 

PP. Bishops .^helric and .^thelwine . 

QQ. The Connexion of Waltheof with the Conspiracy of 


BR. The Siege of Dol and the Marriage of Constance 

SS. The Battle of Gerberoi . 

TT. The Betrothal of William's Daughter to Alfonso 

Un. The aaim of Asoelin 







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p. 19, note, for " WilMam of Poltien who," reftd " WiUuun of Poltieri. who.'^ 

p. 34, 1. 10. The words about Balph of Norfolk should be left out. See 
p. 717. 

p. 41, L a, for ** Begennbftld *' reftd •• Begenbald ** or •< Rembeld."* 

p. 64, 1. 10. For Eadric'i title of " Child " see p. ill. 

p. 70^ 1. a from bottom. Norfolk and Suffolk seem to hare both been under 
the goyemment of Balph of Wader ; but the two divisions of East-Anglia were 
only jnst beginning to be looked on as distioct shires. 

p. 94, 1. 17, for '< sohimatieaUy " read ** sohismatlcally." 

p. 118, note 3, for "quietum" read "qnietem." 

p. 124, note I. In oonnezlon with this should be taken William of Malmes- 
bniy's account (▼. 407), in which Boger appears as almost equalling Gulbert of 
Hugleyille in his own person, though not as oanying his scruples so &r as to 
forbid the enrichment of his sons; "Homo antiquse simplioitatis et fidei, qui, 
crebro a WiUehno prime invitatus ut Angliam veniret, largis ad yoluntatem 
possearionibus mnnerandus, supersedit ; pronundans, patrum suorum hsere- 
ditatem se yelle forere, non transmarinas et indebitas poesessiones yd appetere 
vel inyadere.** 

p. 130, 1. 5, for " other shires in those western lands *' read ** other shires 
and in those western lands." 

p. 143, 1. I. On the probability that Wulf had a twin brother, bearing the 
name of his father, see p. 756. 

p. 164, 1. 4 firom bottom. No part of Eadnoth's lands seems to haye passed 
to his son. See p. 759. 

p. 170^ note a, for "tene" read "tenet." 

p. 178, L 1 1. That Bristol Castle was built during William's reign, possibly 
at the yezy end of .it^ appears ihmi its appearing in 1088 as one of the great 
centres of revolt. See the Chronicle and Florence under that year, where the 
two Mowbnys ** fordonto Bricgstowe and hergodon and brohton to ^am castele 
[Mb hergonge, and syfftfon foron tit of ]iam castele and heigodon Batfon and eall 
^8Bt land ^ser abutan and eall Beordea hymesse hi awieston." 

p. 19a, note I, for "NN " read "CO.- 

p. a 14, note 6. The ''Turoldua*' here spoken of is doubtless the Sheriff 
Thorold. See p. 47a, note 3. 

p. a57, note a. Compare the business spoken of in p. ai, note 5. 

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pp. 967-268, note 9. For "mala oepit, Eboracum" read "mala* oepit 

p. 979, note 9. For "Comites, duos GniUelmiim" read "Gomites dace, 

p. 308, 1. 4 from bottom, for *' retain" read " retains. " 

p. 316, note I, for " maximus '* read " mazimiB." 

p. 339, L 10. So Ralph of Diss (X Scriptt 531, cf. B. Wendoyer, ii. 987) says 
of Heniy the Second in 1 158, " Henricus Bex Anglormn, caronatuB apud Wigor- 
niam, post celebrationem divinomm ooronam super altare posnit^ neo nltexins 
coronatus est." Compare the story of Gnat in vol. i. p. 483, and of Eadgar in 
Appendix BB. of the leoond edition. 

p. 331, note a. I should have excepted one or two other Bishops, like 
Leofrio of Exeter and Siward of Bochester, who were not deprived, but who 
died while the process of change waa going on. But Wulfstan stands out 
conspicuously as the one Bishop— there were several Abbots — ^who survived all 
changes^ and died in possession of his see long after. 

For ** appointments " read ** the appointments.*' 

p. 347, note a, for " elegentibus ** read ** eligentibus.*' 

?• 354. Jio*® i» for "deberi" read •« debere.*' 

p. 357, L la. That is, Thomas claimed for the see of York the Primacy 
over Mercia as well as over Northumberland. Hereford alone, a diocese still 
partly Welsh, would have been left to Ganterbuiy. 

p. 367, note 9. Put a comma after *' palum fizerit." 

p. 371, side-note, for " Cambridge " read " Gambridgeshire." 

p. 373i 1' 3' The question was also raised by Thomas at the intended 
dedication of Remigius* church at Lincoln in 109a, when lliomas " illi oon- 
tradicendo resistebat, affirmans earn in suft parochiA esse constructam." So 
says Florence, who goes on with a story which revives the old charge of 
simony against Bemigius. William Rufus *' pro pecunift quam ei Bemigius 
dederat*' bids the Bishops to dedicate the church, and Bemigius dies before 
the appointed day "occulto Dei judicio." 

p. 374, note I. Put a semicolon after " repperit." 

p. 38a, note 3. Put a semicolon after *' retrado." 

p. 391, heading, for " Churches " read *< Churchmen.*' 

f . 40a, note 3, for " in-finibus " read '* in finibus." 

p. 4ao, 1. 4 from bottom. The words of William of Malmesbuiy (Gest. 
Pont. 310, Gest. Reg. iv. 341) are remarkable. In the Gresta Regum he clearly 
wishes to imply that there was no lawful removal of the see to Coventry ; 
"Quinetiam moriturus, parvi faciens scita oanonvm qiUbua edicUur ponH/icea 
in suia 9edibu$ apeliri dd>ere^ non apud Gestram, sed apud Goventreiam se 
tumulatum in prsacepit; su4 opinione relinquens successuris non indebitum 
calumniandi, sed quasi jus legitimum vindicandi." The words in Italics are 
left out in the Gesta Pontificum. 

p. 4a9, note i. William of Malmesbuiy seems here to be copying Florence, 
1094 ; *' Hereberhtus, qui cognominabatur Loeinga, quod ei ars adulationis 
nuper egerat." The name without the explanation appears in the Chronicle 
of the same year, under the form of " Herbearde Losange." See his life and 

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wiitiiigi duoQflBed in the pra&oo to his lettem in the aeries oaUed Annalee 
Monaatici in the same Tolume with the letters of Osbert of GUie. 
p. 433, note 2, deU comma after *< adds." 
p. 444, side-note, for ** change " read "chaoges." 

p. 445, note 2, We hare another witness to the same eflfoot in the contrast 
drawn by WlUiam of Mahnesbnry between the ecdesiastioal role of the Con- 
queror and that of his snooessor (iv. 314) ; * Tempore patris, post deoessum 
episcopi Tel abbatis omnes reditus integre onstodiebantar, sabstitnendo 
pastori reeignandi, eligebantorque persona religionis merito laudabiles ; at 
Tero, pancnlis annis interoedentibns, omnia immntata." 

p. 448, side-note, lor "wealth of the conntiy- read "wrath of the 

p. 449* L II. Yet the question might ha^e been raised whether the 
acceptance of the see of Avetsa did not imply oomplioity in the Nonnan 
Conqnest of Apulia^ and whether the Nonnan Conquest of Apulia was not as 
b]«mew<»thy as that of England. Periiaps longer possession and the specially 
Nonnan ohanoter of Ayersa might be held to make a differenoe. 
p. 458, note », for ** qui inter palndes " read ** quia inter paludes." 
p. 470, side-note, for " settlement " read " settlements." 
p. 477, line 6, dde "with." 
p. 478, note 5, for *< lb." read "Hist. Ab. u. s." 

pp. 482, 483, Bide-notes» for •• 1076" read « 1073 ;*•«»•• 1079" read 
"1075;" for •'1086" read "X083;" for " 1089" read " 108 a." See below, 
p. 824. 

p. 490, 1. 10. Yet Boger of Poitou appears in the Chronide (1093) under 
the fonn of "Rogger Peiteuin," and again in William of Malmesbury 
(▼• 35>^) ^*^ *^« reason for his surname — "quod ex e4 regione uxorem 
aoceperat sic dictus." 

P- 50a, L 9 from bottom. The castle of " Muntgumri " appears in the 
Chronide, 1095, as taken by the Welsh. 

p. 50a, L a from bottom. On the date of William Fits-Osbem's appoint- 
ment as Earl, see aboTC, p. 7a. But I ought to haye mentioned the grant of 
the Isle of Wight to him, at one date or the other. Orderic (521 D) couples 
it with the grant of the Earidom ; " Bex Guillefanus . . . Willelmo dapifero 
Nonnannie, Osbenii filio, insnlam Vectam et comitatum Herfordensem dedit.'* 
The luge Crown lands in Wight which appoar in Domesday had doubtless 
been liis. The union of Wight and Hereford under William Fitz-Osbem is like 
the union of Anmdel and Shrewsbury under Roger of Montgomery. It is quite 
in chaiacter with William's poUcy. 

P- 517* ^ 5 from bottom. This is the " Dunechaldus, Begis Soottomm 
Ifakofani filiua," whom we read of as being released — " a custodift lazatum" — 
on the death of William (see Florence, 1087, and below, p. 711). He is ako 
the " Dnnecan Meloomes cynges sunu " of the Chronide under 1099, who 
appears with the same description in Florence, with the addition that "Begi 
WiUelmo [Rufo] tunc militayit." Donald is Dufbnal or Dufenaldus the 
brother of Malcolm. William of Mahnesbury (▼. 399) calls Duncan "filium 
Malcolmi nothum/' which is hard on Ingebiorg. 


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p. 540, L 10. We find doubts as to the body of Saint Cathberht niBed 
again in 1 104 by '* qaoromdam inoredulitas abbatum.*' Florence in anno. 

p. $ii, note a. He appears in the Chronicle (x f a8) and in Flovenoe (1094) 
as " Passeflambard.*' 

p. 334, L 5. I suppose that this Dolfin is the same who i^pean in the 
Chronicle nnder 109a as holding Carlisle or its site, no donbt by the grant of 
Malcolm. He is drlyen thence by William Rofus. 

p. 538, note a. See aboye, p. 441. 

p. 533, L X. It is hard to belieye the statement of William of Malmea- 
buxy (y. 403) that William paid a yearly pension of three hundred marks to 
his father-in-law and his successor; "His ille illustres crebro retributionefl 
refuderat, omnibus^ ut ferunt, annis trecentas argent! marcas pro fide et 
affinitate sooero annumerans. Ea munificentia, in filio Baldewino non immi- 
nnta, hnsit in Roberti I^Bonis malitia ** 

p. 53a, note 4, for "Oalicia" read ** QaUida." 

p. 537, 1. 5. 1 need hardly except the small and doubtful case of the Priory 
of Carisbrooke in the Ide of Wight. Carisbrooke Is not mentioned by thai 
name in Domesday, but William Fita-Osbem gaye seyeral churches in the 
island, and among them Bowcomb, by which is probably meant Carisbrooke 
(Domesday, 5a, 5a &), to his foundation at Lyra. Carisbrooke before long (see 
Monasticon, yii. 1090-1091) became a cell to Lyra, but it is not dear that it 
was strictly speaking a foundation of William Fitc-Osbem. 

P- 573> !• i» defo * the" before ** successor." 

p. 575, note a, for **ye8tram" read "vestrum." 

p. 59a, L 7 from bottom. I do not fed quite satisfied about this life-long 
imprisonment of Roger. See p. 711. 

p. 600, last line, for " in " read " among." 

p. 604, note 4, for " Wadeyi " read ** Waldeyi" 

p. 6ao, L 13, for *' more pounds " read " more hundred pounds." 

p. 639, note I. I ought to haye remarked that Alberic got his pun from 
WiUiam of Malmesbury, iy. 387; <'Quum oppidani fiducilk mosnium jactitarent 
ideo urbem Duraohium nominatum, quod contra omnes obsidiones imperterrita 
duraret, *£t ego' (inquit) * ydcor Durandus ; et eo usque in obsidione durabo 
quo ciyitati nomen auferam, ut non Duraohium sed Mollidumamodo dicatnr.*** 

p. 638, note 3. William of Malmesbuxy (iy. 389) also puts the nickname 
into William's mouth; '* Per resurrectionem Dei, probus erit Robdinus Curta 
Oorea." His character of Robert is one degree better than that giyen by 
Orderic. After mentioning the nickname, he adds, ** Hoc enim erat ejus cog- 
nomen, quod esset eziguus ; caBterum mhil habens quod sucoenseres, quia neo 
ille|nds fbrmas, nee infaceti doquii, nee yirtutis imbecillaB, nee eneryis erat 
consilii.'* He had just before said, *'Natus in Normannift^ spectatae jam 
yirtutis habebatur adolescens quando pater Anglism yenit ; fortitudinis pn>- 
batae, quamquam ezilis corporis et pinguis aqualicull." 

p. 644, L 5. We find a man of the same name and office— yery likely a son 
-vin the Chronicle, 1 134 ; " |»e8 kinges stiward of France Amalri." 

p. 65 X, note 3, for *' zeal of" read '* ceal for." 

p. 660, note 2, for ** yoluntate " read '< yoluntati." 

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p. 66a, note i. Fifteen yean kter, 1095, the Tniee ol Qod wm eonfinned 
by the higher aathoritj of the Council of dermont. WilL Helm. iv. 345 ; 
" Qaod ab Adventn Domini otque ad octavae Epiphani»| et a SeptoAgeaimi 
naqae ad ootavas Paaohie, et a primA die Bogationom naqoe ad ootayae Ptaite- 
oottee, et a qnartft ferii oooidente aole omni teonpofe naqne ad Moandam 
feriam oriente aole trevia Dei cuatodiatar." 

p. 670, L z. Thia Baldgyih would be a nieoe of Ealdgyth the daughter of 
Uhtred and mother of QogptAao. See p. 134. I truat to go more taJOj inte 
tfaeae pedigreea in my fifth Tolome. 

p. 676!» L 2. The New GaaUe and the oaatle at Tynemoath (''ae oaatel »t 
l^eamtfon") appear in the Chronicle, 1095 ; "Feorde ae eorl [Robert of 
Mowbray] anre nihte nt of Bebbaburh towardea Tinemutfan ao >a ^e innan 
>am wman autde wawon hia gewar wordon." 

p. 677, note 3. On the character of thia Biahop aee the ramarkaUe entry 
in the Chronicle (1088) reootding hia reroit againat William Bufba ; '* Swa 
wa»ll dyde ae oyng be Hm Inaoope >»t eaU Snglaland fierde after hia rasde 
and awa awa he wolde, and he ^hte to donne be him call awa Jndaa Scariolf 
dide be nxe Diihtene/* Thia ia aomewhat aoflened by Fkvenoe ; " EA quoqne 
tempeatat^ Bex pnadictoa iUina, nt yeri conailiarii, fmebator pmdentii ; bene 
enim aapiebat, ejoaqne oonailiia totina Angli« tractabatur reqinblica.*' 

p. 683, note I. If by theae worda we are to anderatand an " anla r«gia " in 
Wight itael^ we can hardly place it anywhere but at Cariabrooke. There 
have been aome royal dwelling»plaoe in Wigfat^ aa William stayed there 
time in 1086 (see p. 697), and Cariabrooke ia moat likely intended by 
the entry in Domesday (5 a h) about a caatle at Alwinaatone. See EUia, 

p. 710, laat line;, for ''and .Slfgar" read ''the aon of iEttgar." 

p. 711, note z, for " Donald" read " Donoan." 

p. 73Z> Note G. A better q>e]ling of thia name, according to ita evident 
origin, woold be Wiffgod, and it ia so apelled in the Woroeater Chronide, 1079. 
See p. 818. 

p. 735, L 3. On the wootka of Bobert of Oily aee Mr. Jamaa Parkei^s juat 
pabHahed Hlatory of Oxford, pp. 38 et aeqq. 

p. 735, L 10 from bottom, for ** Hugh . Grantmesnil " read "Hugh of 

p. 745,Note N. In the Chroniole for 1088 we read of ** Euatatiua ae iunga ** 
■a engaged in the reyolt againat William Bufha. For this Florence haa 
" EoatatiuB junior, Comeg BcnanUBt** which aounda as if he looked on the elder 
Eoatace aa baring died before 1088. 

p. 768, L 15, after " Norman writers" add " and Bngliahmen writing in 

P- 773« ^13 ^'^'"^ bottom, for ** would probably " read *' probably would." 

p. 778, Note Z. For a full diaooasion of the reading and authority of the 
maauacripta aee Mr. Jamea Parker^s Hiatory of Oxford, p. 36. 

p. 79Z, L 8 from bottom. I should haye mentioned that it ia here that 
WilHam of Malmeebury (t. 390) quotea the proverb which elaewhera (aee 
▼oL U. p. 374) haa been put into the mouth of Fulk the Good of A^jou. Henry 

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"poeritiam ad spem i^gni litoriB mimiebat; inbliid^^ patre qnoqoe audi- 
cnte, jactttare jooveibiain aolitas, ' Rex illitoratoB, aainiu ooronatuB.' " 

P* 793t 1- 4* On oonaldering this matter again, I think it ib an open 
question whether Kaiy meant that the Eoglish King, whether JESfred or 
Heniy the First, tEinslated the Greek fikbles into Latin and then mto English, 
or whether she simply meant that he translated them from Latin into English. 
In the former explanation I followed Sir Francis Palgraye, but a good deal 
depends on the ponotuation, which he and M. de Boqnefoit giye differently, 
and whibh is of oonne arbitrary. But in either case, if we aooept the readiog 
ffeniru, the En^^ish education of Henry the First is equally asserted. On the 
other hand, if all that is meant is a tiunslation from Latin into EngUsh, one 
objection to .^afred being the King intended is taken away. But the know^ 
ledge of Greek is about an equal difficulty in either case. 

p. 797, L a, for " salutens " read ** salutem." 

p. 8oo, L I. For "plays" read "play." Florence also in the passage 
referred to speaks of Stephen as «'filius amitn filius" [Willehni Bi:^ so.], 
whibh would make him the son of a sister of William. His &ther appears in 
the Chronicle (1096) as "Eoda eori of Oampaine Jnbs oynges aXSum,** a word 
which leaves the question open. 

p. 8io, L II from bottom, for ** remarking" read '* finding out." 

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December 1066 — December 1067. 

§ 1. Character of the Reign of William. 

THE coronation rite was over, and the formal reign of Portion of 
William oyer England was to begin. As far as out- the time of 
ward forms were concerned, he might be looked on as King ^j"^ "^°*" 
over the whole land. He had indeed direct military post 

^ The chief thing to be notioed with regard to the authorities for these 
years Is the loss of some of the most important The Biographer of 
Eadward failed us at the death of his own hero or, at the outside, at the 
Battle of Stamfordbridge. With the Battle of Stamfordbridge also the 
Abingdon Chronicle comes suddenly to an end. Hie Tapestry takes us 
only to the flight of the light-armed at Senlac, and the poem of Ouy of 
Amiens takes us only to the coronation of William. Wace again ceases to 
be of any value just at present, as he cuts the history of William very short 
between his coronation and his burial. We miss also Mr. Kemble*s great 
collection of Charters, which contains only a few documents later than the 
accession of William. The documents of William's reign are numerous 
and important, but we have to seek them where we can find them, in the 
Fosdera, in the Monasticon, in Hickes' Thesaurus, in the various local his- 
tories, anywhere in short where they may happen to be preserved. (A 
Gontisuation, as well as a new recension, of the Codez Diplomaticus would 
be an unspeakable gain to historical scholarship.) And, while we lose so 
many of our old authorities, we are not reinforced by new ones of any 
importance. But several of our remaining authorities increase in value. Flo- 
rence now definitely becomes an independent and, as we go on, a contemporary 
writer of the first rank. Orderic, bom in 1075, does not reach that rank 
during our present period ; still he had good means of information, and his 
value gradually increases. So does that of William of Mahneebury as he 
gets nearer to his own time. The value of Heniy of Huntingdon on the 
other hand lessens. His main value has always consisted in the early tra- 
ditions and firagments of early songs which he preserves, and his stock of 

B 2 

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OHAP. xvn. session only of certain of the southern and eastern shires. 
No armed But it does not appear that any part of the land was at 
in any put ^^ moment actually in arms against him. Bival King 
ofEngland. there was none. The rival who had appeared against him 
for a moment had submitted to him and had been received 
to his fiivour. The chief men of a large part of England 
Position of had submitted with him. Eadwine and Morkere indeed 
and Mot- still held out,^ but they seem to have been simply, after 
^^^- their manner, waiting to see what course events would 
take. At all events they did not venture on any armed 
opposition. And the consecration of William by the 
Northumbrian Primate might be looked on as some sort 
of guaranty, however weak^ for the obedience of his pro- 
vince. The two chiefs of the national Church, the repre- 
sentative of the national kingships the holiest Prelate iii 
England, the chosen friend of the slain Harold, had aU 
bowed to William and had become his men.^ He had 
possession of the mightiest and of the most venerable of 
English cities. The metropolis of ^thelberht, the rojral 
ciiy of .Alfred, were alike his. He had been crowned in 
Eadward^s church; he dwelt in Eadward's palace; and if 
London had been slow to submit, a fortress was now rising 
which would for ever fetter the hands of William's un- 
willing subjects. It might well seem that England was 
already William's in fact as well as in name. York, 
Gloucester, Exeter^ had as yet not seen his face. But it 
might seem that all that was needed for their ftiU posses- 
sion was for the King to show himself before their gates in 
the friendly state of a peaceful progress. William, King 

them now grows much smaller. The subsidiary sources, the local writers 
and the incidental notices in foreign authors, have to be attended to much 
as before. And the paramount imp<Mlanoe of Domesday grows, I need 
hardly say, at eyery step as we draw near to the date of the Survey itaelfl 
The mass of personal and local detail which may be reooyered from ita 
incidental entries is utterly amazing. 
» See voL iii. pp. 547, 767. • See vol. iii. pp. 529, 547. 

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of the EDglish, King chosen, crowned, and anointed, might osap. xm. 
well give himself out as already master of the whole 

And yet we may be sore that there was none who knew BngUnd 
better than the Conqueror himself how £eur the land still ^^^end. 
was from being conquered. William was King; but he 
knew well that in the greater part of his Kingdom his 
kingship as yet hardly existed in name. But he knew also Advantage 
how much he had gained by becoming a King. William of hj. coro- 
knew, as well as Henry the Eighth himself^ the inestimable "**^"- 
advantage of having the letter of the law on his side. 
Since the homage at Berkhampstead^ since the election and Formal 
coronation at Westminster, William was no longer a mere o?Mb 
foreign invader, a mere candidate or pretender to the P^''^^^^"* 
Crown. He was, as &r as outward ceremonies could make 
him, the King, the choice of the English people, the con- 
secrated of the English Church. The greater part of his 
realm had still to be conquered ; but he could go forth to 
its conquest in quite another character from that in which 
he had landed at Pevensey. Besistance to his authority 
would no longer be the defence of the country against an 
invader from beyond sea. It would be rebellion against a 
lawful King and an established government. In William's 
theory indeed^ all resistance to his power^ all refusal to 
ac^owledge his rights, had been guilty rebellion ever since 
the death of Eadward. ^ But he could now put forth his 
pretensions with tenfold force. Those pretensions had now 
been acknowledged in the most solemn way. William was 
King; those who submitted to him were loyal subjects; 
those who might still withstand him were traitorous rebels. 
The King bad still to win his Kingdom; but the King 
could win it &r more readOy than the mere Duke could 
have done. The might of the royal arm was to be tried 
only where the magic of the royal fieivour might fail to 

* See vol. liL p. 41X. 

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of the re- 
siBtance to 
after his 

A real 
sented as 

on thi<y 

win. It could hardly fail but that many^ whether indi« 
viduals or whole diBtricts, would be ready to submit to a 
King who claimed only the allegiance formally due to his 
Crown, while they would have fought to the death against 
one who came before them simply as a foreign invader or 
an unacknowledged pretender. 

The true way of looking at those important stages of the 
Conquest which followed William's coronation seems to be 
this. The opposition which William met with was in truth 
the stubborn resistance of a land striving to guard the last 
fragments of its freedom against the assaults of a foreign in- 
vader who was winning the land bit by bit. But in form 
it was resistance or rebellion against the lawfol King and 
the established government of the land. This twofold 
aspect of the struggle greatly affected its character. The 
fall of Harold uid his brothers, the lack of any one else 
able or worthy to stand forth at the head of the nation, 
had left the English people without a leader. The corona- 
tion of William cut them off from all hope of finding a 
leader. It cut them off from all hope of united national 
action. The coronation took place, as I have said^ during 
a moment of apparent universal submission ; if all England 
had not acknowledged William, no part of England 
acknowledged any one else. The struggle which followed 
was a reaction after a panic ; it was the revolt of a people 
goaded to revolt by the oppression far less of William him- 
self than of William's unworthy lieutenants. In all those 
parts of the country which had already submitted to the 
new King, it was strictly rebellion, however justifiable re- 
bellion, against an established government. And even in 
those parts to which William's power had not yet reached, 
in those parts which he had to subdue by force after his 
coronation^ the struggle bore a somewhat different character 
from that of simple national resistance to foreign invasion. 
When the men of Exeter or Chester bade defiance to 

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VlWrnm, they wen Udding defiance to ihe only de facto chap. xvu. 
King and government in England. Thar reeutance was Pieoem«al 
thefefim local lather than national ; eaeh city and district thfiwifli- 
fixiglit for its own hand, not for the common freedom of ^^.^^ 
the whole realm. A land therefore which resisted bit by bit King erw 
was, in the nature of things, conquered bit by bit. The only S]^ow/ 
way to make the least show of resistance to William on ^^^f^- 
equal terms was again to prockiim the kingship of t^ 
pnppet Eadgar, or to call on Swend of Denmark to come 
and elaim the Crown of his nnde and bis cousin. But 
neither Eadgar nor Swend ever obtained any general 
aeknowledgemoit* The warfare waged in their names was 
4Hily local waifare. William was the King ; Eadgar and 
Swend were only pretenders — in the Latin phrase of the 
time, Tyrants.' In all this it is easy to see the im-p 
measuieable advantage which William gained from being 
the King in possession, however imperfect that possession 
was in many parts of the Kingdom* And it is quite pos- 
sible tiiat the ta^ that many of those who fought against 
William were really technically traitors, that they were ^ 

breaking their plighted allegiance, that they were fighting 
against a King to whom they had sworn oaths and become 
his men, may have done not a little to unnerve the hearts 
and to weaken the arms of the later defenders of England. 
Certain it is that, at the actual moment of William's 
coronation, there was no armed opposition to his authority 
in any part of England. In the districts which he had 
already subdued men had made up their minds to submit 
to what they could not help, and to make the best of a 
bad bargain. In the districts to which his arms had not 
reached men had, to say the least, not made up their minds 

^ Williiaii of Malmesbmy (iii. 348) Bays of York, *^ Ibi Bex Sootonun Mal- 
eohnos com suib, ibi Edgsnu et IMLaicberinB et Weldeofos cum Anglis et 
Danis, mdwo^ lyrannMiB aaepe Ibvebant/' On Uua use of the word, see yol. i. 
pp. "5^ 39^- 

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OHAP. zyn. on any plan of resistance, nor had they chosen any chief in 

whose name they should resist. William's election and 

coronation were therefore, not only formally regolar, but 

Legal fio- actually undisputed. In William's reading of tha Law, the 

Wiiiuun'B reign of Harold was an usurpation, and the new King was 

w^«n ^e lawful successor of his cousin King Eadward. He was the 

held to be hereditary Kingr. a form of words which however must not 

the Bacoes- */ ^' 

Borof be pressed to the full extent of its modem meaning. ^ To put 

and the ' ^^ rights of conqucst offensively forward^ to deal with his 

?^«^^^ new subjects as with a conquered people, in no way fell in 

ignored, with his policy. The orthodox way of speaking under 

William, at least in his milder moments^ was to look on 

the fight of Senlac as a sort of unhappy accident. The 

King had come to claim his Crown, and he was so unlucky 

as to be forced to overcome certain rebels and traitors before 

he could take possession of it. ^ In the official language of 

William's reign, his entry is always spoken of as if it had 

been an entry as peaceful as that of Charles the Second or 

Fiotions of GeoTge the First. Indeed the way in which the reign of 

kind in'' Harold is ignored in the l^al language of William's reig^ 
^^ is an exact parallel to the way in which the Commonwealth 
and the rule of Cromwell are ignored in the legal language 
of the reign of Charles the Second.* The delicate eu- 
phemism, so common in Domesday^ '' When King William 
came into England," is exactly of a piece with the legal 
fiction by which the year sixteen hundred and sixty is 

' See YoL iii. p. 68a. 

' In the somewhAt BuspiciouB (see Chapter six.) found*tion oharter of 
Battle Abbey (Rymer, i. 4; Mon. Ang. iii. 244) WiUiam sayB, "Qnum in 
Angliam yeniasem et in finlbns Hasting* cum exeroitu applicuisseni oontra 
hostes meoe qui mihi regnum Anglitt injoste oonabantur auferre.** 80 
in the Westminster charter quoted in EUis, i. 313, and in the notes to 
Benoit, iii. 164 (see yoL iii. p. 684) ; ** Angliam yeniens, in ore gladii 
regnum adeptus sum Anglorum, deyicto Haroldo Bege cum suis oompli- 
dbus, qui mihi regnum, proyidenti& Dei destinatum, et benefido oonoessionia 
domini et oognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwaidi oonoessum, oonati sunt au- 
ferre.** The odd thing is that the title of King is here giyen to Harold. 

* On these legal fictions see Appendix A. 

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spoken of in Acts of Parliament as the twelfth year ofcBAF. xvn. 
King Charles. It is exactly of a piece with those strange 
jneces of regnal arithmetic which have given the world a 
Lewis the Eighteenth and a Napoleon the Third. In all 
these cases it was convenient to pat the plainest fiusts of 
history out of sight. Bnt there was probably no case in 
which the legal fiction told with more effect than it did in 
the case of William. No man seriously believed that 
Charles the Second became, in any practical sense, King of 
England from the moment when the axe fell on the neck 
of Charles the First. No man serionsly believed that a 
Lewis the Seventeenth or a Napoleon the Second had ever 
really reigned over France. And in these latter cases all 
that was meant was to represent the incoming ruler as the 
heir of a remote predecessor ; it was not meant to brand 
all the acts of all the intervening governments as nnll and 
void. But the legal fiction of the reign of William, like 
the legal fiction of the reig^ of Charles the Second, was in- 
tended to brand the acts of the alleged usurpation as null and 
void. And this system, fiilly and consistently carried out, P^rsctieal 
had its effect. The legal fraud came admirably to the help leg^i 
of the religious fraud. While the Church systematically *o**<»^ 
branded Harold as a perjurer, the Law systematically 
branded him as an usurper. The new King, ostentatiously, 
perhaps sincerely, gave himself out as no enemy, no con- 
queror, towards the English nation, but simply as the 
chastiser of the late usurper and his partisans. Such 
teaching, both legal and religious, did its work on men's 
minds at the time, as it has done its work on the pages of 
history ever since. When the event had bowed down 
men's minds to submission, they might even seek shelter 
in eiUier the religious or the legal subtlety, as a kind of 
relief, as a sort of salve to their consciences in accepting 
the rule of the invader. 
And of one thing we may be perfectly certain, that 

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not pur- 
poady an 

His at- 
tempts to 
the Eng- 

Ill feeling 
anoe at 
the Coro- 

William did not oome into England with any fixed purpose 
to play the tyrant in England. When he swore his 
coronation oath, he doubtless meant to keep it. William^ 
as I have often said^ tbou^ he stuck at no crime that 
would serve his pmposey was at no time one who rejoieed 
in crime for its own sake. His soul was far above the 
meanness of those petty tyrants who boast themselves that 
they can do mischief. Of wanton oppression for oppres- 
sion's sake I do not believe that he was guilty at any time. 
And now, in the first moments of his reign, it was his 
policy as well as his disposition to make his government as 
acceptable as he could to his new subjects of every class. 
His interest forbade him, and his temper certainly did not 
urge him, to do them any kind of wrong or damage which 
he knew how to avoid. His difficulties lay wholly in his 
position. He had contrived to mount the English throne 
with every circumstance of fonnal legality. But he must 
have knowD that he had not mounted it with the real good 
will of the English people. He must have known that the 
sort of artificial eagerness with which his accession had been 
welcomed was almost sure to be followed by a reaction 
against him. And the untoward accident which had turned 
the day of his coronation into a day of havoc and sorrow 
had already done much to destroy his newly-won popu- 
larity. ^ The very first day of his reign had made English- 
men feel the insolence of his foreign followers. The very 
rite of his consecration had been disturbed by their irresist- 
ible passion for plunder and destruction. They had chosen 
that solemn moment to bum and harry, in sheer wanton- 
ness as it would seem, the houses and goods of Englishmen 
who were guilty of no crime against the new King, but 
who were at that very moment engaged in doing him the 

^ Ord. Yit. 503 D. "Angli factionem tarn insperate rei dimetientes 
nimis irati sunt, et postea Normannos semper snspectos habueront, et in- 
fidos sibi dijudicantes altionis tempos de eis optaverunt." 

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moBt loyal servioe. The deeds of wrong of that Midwinter cbap. xvn. 
Bay were not forgotten. Men saw in them an omen of what 
the role of the Norman would be. There can be no doubt 

that they did mnch to set the minds of Englishmen against 

the new King and his goyemment. 

And in trath the deeds of wrong of that day were in Opive«ion 

every way a presage of what the reign of William was to JSTSi ' 

be. It had not been by William's order or by William's wish Wiliiam'e 
"^ J pontioii. 

that any "RT^gl^gViinitTi had suffered harm in his goods or in 

his person. Bat William had, of his own will^ brought about 

a state of things in which it could not fail that Englishmen 

dioald suffer harm in their goods and in their persons. It 

was not at William's bidding that the Norman horsemen 

who guarded the approach to the West Minster had set 

fire to the houses of Englishmen. But it was whoQy at 

William's biddings and wholly through William's act, that 

Norman horsemen were ever called on to keep guard at 

tiie crowning of an English King. So it was through* 

oat his reign. William had no wish to oppress ; bat he 

had placed himself in a position in which oppression could 

not be avoided. He had no wish to make his reign a reign 

of terror ; but the mere fact that he reigned at all left him 

no choice but either to cease from reigning or to make his 

reign a reign of terror. However he might disguise the 

&ct by oatward ceremonies and l^al subtleties^ he was in 

truth the Conqueror in every sense. He had won the land Difficulties 

by force at the head of a foreign army, without the good fr^^he 

wiU of a single English-bom inhabitant of England. He K^|^, ®^ 

had at once to reward the foreign army which in truth had foliowen. 

made him King^ and, if not to punish, at least to guard 

against the nation which had received him as King against 

its will. That army could not be rewarded except at the 

expense of the conquered nation. The nation could not be 

guarded against except by putting strangers in posts of 

dignity and authority. Here was. the evil; the evil which 

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CHAP. xvn. drove WiUiam to become an oppressor against his will * 
but an evil which was wholly of his own creation. He had, 
of his own selfish ambition, attacked and subdued a people 
that had never wronged him. And that sin became its 
own appropriate punishment by driving him into sins of 
yet deeper dye. 

C^oodbe- And yet the beginnings of William were as good as 

ffillDlIUSB 01 • • • . 

wuiiam; the beginmngs of a foreign conqueror could be. If we 
^thSoee compare William with Cnut, the contrast between the first 
of Cnnt. days of each is as favourable to William as the contrast 
between their last days is favourable to Cnut. The Danish 
conqueror began his reign with banishments and executions, 
some of which executions seem to have taken the form of 
simple murders.^ But, after the submission of Berkhamp- 
stead, William does not seem to have shed a drop of English 
blood. Even before the submission^ he does not seem to 
have been guilty of any slaughter except in what in his 
eyes would be held to be the lawful operations of war.* It 
is certain that the establishment of his power was not 
marked, like the establishment of the power of Cnut, either 
by assassinations or by judicial executions. ^ Some amount 
of banishment and confiscation does seem to have taken 
place^ butj on the whole, William, at this stage of his reign^ 
warred rather against the memory of the dead than against 
the lives or fortunes of the living. From the picture which 

^ See YoL i. p. 456, and the whole aooonnt of the death of Eadrio. 

' For the oppoflite evidenoe on this point, see toL iii. p. 554. But it is 
worth remarking that Florenoe, though he chaiges William with burnings and 
harryingB after the submission at Berkhampstead, yet leaves out the words 
«« homines interfioere," whioh form part of his description of his earlier 

* Nothing can be more exaggerated than the account quoted in yol. iiL 
p. 640 from the Chronicle of Ekkehard, where we are told that William, 
immediately on hts coronation, "mox omnes pene regni ejusdem prassules 
ezsilio, nobiles yero morti destinavit.*' No Bishop or Abbot was banished 
before the flight of uEthelsige in 1070 (see Appendix P.). and the death 
of Waltheo^ nearly ten years after his coronation, is the only recorded 
political execution of William's reign. 

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his pan^yiiflt gives us of his clemenoy and kindness to the cbap. xto. 
Tanqnished^ we must make the needfbl deductions. But 
it is phunly not without a certain groundwork of truth. 

It is of the more paramount importance that the real Oppoaita 
position of William, and his real disposition at this time, ^^ ^i 
should be thoroughly understood^ because of the two '^*?^*" 
extreme theories in opposite directions which have been 
maintained by the two most eloquent and popular writers 
on the subject. It is utterly unjust to look upon William Ite triM 
as a mere successful adventurer^ a mere chief of a hostile hk^l 
army encamped in a conquered country. It is utterly ^'^•^ 
unjust to speak of his claim of legal right and his show a m«ra 
of 1^^ government as mere pretences to cover the violence of fam 
of a successful brigand. On the other hand, we shall be ^^ ^ 

tempted greatly to underrate the importance of the Con- obaiifs of 
quest, greatly to mistake its true character, if we are led ^^^' 
to look on it as little more than a change of dynasty. 
William was a foreign Conqueror, King in very truth 
only by the edge of the sword." But the show of legal 
right by which he doked his real position really did a 
great deal to change the character of that position. His 
pontion was different from the position of a King, even 
of foreign birth, who succeeds- to a Crown by peaceful 
election or peaceful hereditary succession. But it was 
also different from the position of a mere invader^ reigning 
by sheer military force. If we look at one picture, we 
may be led to think that the rights of Englishmen were 
as strictly regarded, that the laws of England were as 
strictly administered^ during the reign of William as they 

> See the whole paawge in Wniiam of Poitien (146), heginning ** mttlta 
LundoDue, posteaqnam ooronatiis est, pnidenter juste dementerque di»* 
poeoH." To aome of the particular ezpreanons I ihall have to refer again ; 
the general deacription makee William exhort hia followen "niminm 
oppiimi Tictoa nequaquam opcrtere, yiotoribiia profenione ChriatianA pam^ 
ne quoe juate rabegerint injuriia ad rebellandum oogerent.** 

' Cf. the words of the duurter quoted in p. 8. 

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CHAV. xTn. could bave been during the reign of a native King. If 
we look at anotber picture, we may be led to think that 
all right and law were trampled under foot, and that the 
The old rule of William was a rule of simple brigandage. Neither 
ab^^ of these pictures represents the real truth of the case, 
but the The laws of England were not formally or systematically 
their aiimi- abolished ; the rights of Englishmen were not formally 
changed. ^^^ systematically disregarded. What Englishmen suffered 
from was mainly that irregular, often undesigned, op- 
pression which must take place when the laws of a con- 
quered people are administered by their conquerors. 
Beal ex- Another point which has been the subject of much exag- 
transfer geration is the transfer of lands and offices from English- 
un^^ men to Normans and other foreigners. This has sometimes 
William, been spoken of as if William had sjrstematically divided 
the lands of England among his followers, as Guthrum 
and Hselfdene had divided the lands of East-Anglia and 
Northumberland.^ Or rather it is spoken of as if the 
lands of England had been left open to a general scramble^ 
in which every man in the invading army took whatever 
his right hand could seize upon.^ It is perfectly true 
that^ in the course of William's reign^ all the greatest 
estates and all the highest offices in England were trans- 
ferred from English to foreign owners. The transfer of 
land was certainly not so great as has often been fancied. 
The notion that every Englishman was turned out of 
hearth and home is a mere dream. The actual occupants 
of the soil remained very generally undisturbed. Still 
the transfer of land was very great, great enough to 

* See vol. i. p. 50. The words in the ChronicleB (876) are, " py geare 
Halfdene Noil^hanhymbra land gedaelde: ]>»t hie uy^ipKa ergende and 
heora tilgende wssron ; " and in 880, " her for ae here of Cyrenoeastre on 
Eastengle, and geeiBt |«Bt land, and hit gedelde." 

' Take for instance the passage where Thierry (i. 269) begins to teU 
how **r immense prodoit de cette spoliation uoiverselle fat la soldo des 
aventuriera de tons pays qni s'^taient enrdl^s sous la banni^re du due de 

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amoimt to the establishment in the land of a territorial ohap. zvn. 
aristocracy of foreign birth. And this transfer may un- 
doubtedly be said to have been done systematically. But 
it was not done at a blow; it was done warily^ gradually^ 
and seemingly under the cover of legal form. There was 
no one moment of general confiscation or general plunder. 

In feet I have no doubt that William, at the time of Good dis- 
his coronation^ was thoroughly disposed to rule his new^^i^ 
Kingdom as well as he had ruled his paternal Duchy. *f ^\^J^ 
I have no doubt that he wished to do all that might be to nation. 
identify himself and his dynasty with the land which he 
claimed to be his by lawfiil right. We shall find that, in 
order better to discharge the duties of an English King, he 
himself etrove to learn the English language^ and that his 
English-bom son was brought up as an English iEtheling. 
But all these good intentions were thwarted by the in- His in- 
herent vice of his position. He could not maintain thwarted 
himself without the help of his Norman followers, and ^7 !^ 

* ' position. 

tihe presence of his Norman followers in England made 
it hopeless for him to tiy to reign in England as an 
English King. The example of Cnut, which so instinctively Misleading 
presents itself to our minds, could not fiul to present itself of the ez- 
to the mind of William himself.* No example could be^Pj®**^ 
more brilliant or more attractive. One foreign con- 
queror had already reigned in England as an English 
King, and had left behind him a name which lived in the 
memories of Englishmen side by side with the names of 
the noblest of their native princes. Bat the example was 
one that was altogether delusive. The position of William Differences 
was wholly different from the position of Cnut. The dif- the'pS- 
ference was both personal and national. Cnut must have ^^^^ ^ 

^ Gnut and 

been really more at home in England than he was in that of 
Denmark. England was the prize of his first youthful 
waifere ; the Crown of England was the first of the many 

* See vol. n. p. 299 ; iii. p. 549. 

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CHAP. xTn. crowns which were gathered on his brow, * and he was the 
son of a prince to whom Englishmen had given at least an 
outward and ceremonial homage as their King. At his 
age and under his circumstances, it was not hard for Cnut 
really to identify himself with his conquest, and to feel 
as an Englishman rather than as a Dane. But William 
entered England at a mature age, after a reign in his own 
land which had been but a few years shorter than his life^ 
when his character and habits were abeady formed, and 
when, however much he may have wished, he could not 
identify himself with England as Cnut had done. But the 

IMIbrent national differences were still stronger. The Danes were 


of the the pupils and proselytes of the English. They were a 

SeNof^^ kindred race, speaking a kindred tongue. They could 
2»^ "* claim no superiority over the English except the superiority 
of military succesa And even in warfiure the arms and 
tactics of the two nations were much the same. Whenever 
Danes and Englishmen had met in open battle, there had 
been no marked or lasting superiority on either side, and 
the final victory of Cnut had not been owing to any 
lack of prowess on the part of his enemy. In every other 
respect, the English, with their purer faith and higher 
civilization, stood ready to be the masters of those who 
had overcome them in mere war&re. With William^s Nor- 
mans the case was wholly different. To decide whether 
the Normans or the English of that age had made the 
more real advances in civilization would require that we 
should first define in what real civilization consists. A 
fair comparison of the two nations might perhaps lead us 
to say that each had points of real superiority over the 
other. But at all events there were the widest differences 
between them. Their language, their habits, their mode 
of warfare, their social and political feelings, were widely 
different The native Normans, once the kinsmen of Danes 

*■ See ToL i. p. 404. 

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«ad Englishmen, had cast aside all outward signs of their oHAP.xvn. 
kindred, and it must not be forgotten that a large part of 
William's followers were not native Normans, but adven- 
turers gathered from every part of Gaul.^ The success of 
William's invasion was a distinct triumph of one language, 
of one mode of warfare, of one social and political system, 
over another language, another mode of warfisire, another 
social and political system. Under these drcumstanoes it 
could not be that Normans and Englishmen should blend 
together under William as Danes and Englishmen had 
blended together under Cnut. Above all, it could not be 
that the Norman should, like the Dane, accept the conquered 
Englishman as his intellectual master. The result was Cniit*0 rate 
that, while the rule of Cnut could daily become less Danish graduaUy 
and more English^ the rule of William was driven to be- S|«p ^* 
come daily less English and more Norman. Cnut began mdiuaiy 
with harshness; William began with clemency. Sut in 
the later days of Cnut, Danes had made way for English- 
men in all the great offices of the land^ and Danes in their 
own land were beginning to complain of the promotions 
held by Englishmen in Denmark. By the end of William's 
reign, without any one act of general or violent expulsion^ 
Normans had supplanted Englishmen in all the highest 
offices of Church and State. When William gathered his 1086. 
Witan to his great Oem6t at Salisbury^^ there was not a 
single English Earl^ and only one English Bishop^ to answer 
his summons. 

In the end, I need not say, the conquerors and the con- VinaX 
quered were blended together; and, when we look at theNonnana 
circumstances of the Conquest, we shall find that the wonder ^^ .^.^' 
really is that they were blended together so soon as they < 
were. But their perfect blending was not the work of a 
single life or of a single age. The process was doubtless 
hastened, silently and unwittingly, by that real kindred 

* Vol. in. p. 306. ' Cfaion. Petrib. 1086. 


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oHAP. xvn. between Norman and Englishman of which neither Norman 
Effect of nor Englishman dreamed at the time. Bat it was hastened 
^J^5^^ f^ also, and hastened perhap in an equal degree^ by the con- 
summate policy of William himself. Whoever dwelt in the 
land, Englishmen, Normans, or any other, William was 
their master and moulded them to his will. A less dis- 
cerning conqueror might have made simple havoc of all 
that he found established in the hmd which he conquered. 
A man of meaner mould might have indulged in mere 
paltry and wanton tyranny. But William neither changed 
one whit nor tyrannized one whit beyond what his position 
and his purposes demanded. He knew how to use Nor- 
mans against Englishmen, but he knew also how to use 
Englishmen against Normans, and he knew how to make 
the whole land his own and every man in it his subject. 
Hie unity His position as Conqueror^ combined with that craft of the 
Kingdom ruler in which none could rival him^ enabled him to put 
^^^ the final seal to the work of Ecgberht, of Eadward, and of 
byWilliam. iEthclstan, to make England one united Kingdom, which, 
since his days, no man has ever dreamed of dividing. 

§ 2. WillianCs first Bays in England. 
December 1066 — March io6j. 

Effects of The violence of William's followers had changed the 
atthecoro-day of his coronation from a day of formal, and perhaps^ 
nation. jj^ore than formal,^ joy into a day of sorrow and wrath. 
The wrong done by the foreign soldiers who guarded the 
West Minster was not forgotten,^ though there seems 
to have been no open outbreak at the time. But it is 
a significant fact that, either at once upon his coronation 
or within a very short time after^ William found it con- 
venient to leave London — and we may suppose West- 

^ See vol. Hi. p. 550. * See above, p. 10. 

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minster also — and to withdraw to Barldng in Essex, chap, xvn. 
This was a point from which he coald easily appear in withdnwi 
London at any moment^ though he was remoTed for aJo^to^"^' 
while from the immediate neighbourhood of the city. Barkkig, 
And the reason is expressly given^ that he waited till fortresB ii 
additional strength was given to the fortress which he'^'*^^**** 
had already begun to rear, the germs of the future 
Tower. That fortress was reared to guard against and 
to curb the high spirit — the historian adds, the fickle- 
ness — of the citizens of the proud and populous eity.^ 
The acclamations, not wholly insincere, which had greeted Change of 

. . feeling 

the first appearance of the Conqueror in his new character among the 
of an Engfish King were already changed into murmurs of ^^ 
distrust The English people— William doubtless already 
knew it — ^were only biding their time. 

Still the formal investiture of William with the royal EffecU of 

the ooro- 

office was already begiuning to do its work upon men's nation ; 
minds. Men who had waited to see what might be 
the course or the destiny of the mere invader, the mere 

> Tlie airangement of William of Poitiers who, at this point ii our chief 
aaihority, is always very confused. In this case he begins with the passage 
which I have already quoted (see above, p. 13), describing the King's con- 
duct in London and his general designs and scheme of goyemment, in^ 
duding much which could hardly have been done in a day. Presently we read 
(i47)y **Egres8US e LundoniA, dies aliquot in propinquo loco morabatur 
Bercingis/' and the reason is added, "dum firmamentaqusBdam in urbeoontra 
mobHitatem ingentis ao feri populi perficerentur. [On this beginning of 
Tower-building, see vol. iii. p. 553.] Vidit enim in primis necessarium 
magnopere Lundonienses ooerceri." With this as his motive, WiUiam would 
not stay very long in London or at Westminster. But how much of the 
various acts and designs which William of Poitiers seems vaguely to put 
between the coronation and the homage at Barking really belongs to 
William's first stay in London, how much to the stay at Barking, how 
much to the progress which followed, must be largely matter for con- 
jecture. One grant of lands recorded in Domesday (ii 59) would seem 
to belong to the very first days of William's reign. Lands in Essex 
which had belonged to a certain Leofsuna appear as the property of 
Geoffinoy of Mandeville, with the comment ** Hoc manerium dedit Rex G. 
quando remansit Londonie.** One can hardly fancy that any later sojourn 
in London would be refeired to in this marked way. 

C 2, 

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CHAP. xvn. candidate for the Crown, hastened to do their homage to 
Bubmismon the King chosen, crowned, and anointed. The Northern 
wine, Mot- Earls themselves now saw that William was thoroughly 
oth^"^ determined to be King of the English in the fullest sense, 
and that he had no mind merely to displace the House 
of Godwine in the possession of Wessex and East-Anglia. 
Eadwine and Morkere therefore now made their way to 
Barking^ to bow to the King whom the Primate of 
Northern England had already hallowed.* With them 
came a crowd of others of the great ones of the land who 
had as yet delayed their submission. They must have 
been chiefly the men of the North, the Thegns of North- 
humberland and of those Mercian shires whose warriors 
had not marched to Senlac. The slaughter of Harold's 
own following must have left comparatively few men of 
note to come from Wessex and East-Anglia. And those 
among them who, from any cause, had not been in the 
battle, or who, having survived it, ventured to throw them- 
selves on William's mercy, would probably have already 
made their submission either at Berkhampstead or at 
Westminster. Besides the two Earls, several names are 
mentioned, all of which seem to be Northumbrian.' 
Among them was the chief of the Northumbrian party, 
if there was any such Northumbrian party, which was 

* On the reaBons for aocepting the account which places the homage of 
Eadwine and Morkere at this point, instead of placing it at the earlier 
submission at Berkhampstead, see vol. iii. p. 767. 

' Will. Pict. 148. " Ibi veniunt ad obsequium ejus Edvinus et Mor- 
oardus, maximi fere omnium Anglorum genere ac potentift, Algardi iUina 
nominatissimi filii." A singular expression of Orderic (511 A) sounds as 
if this submission was in a special way the work of Eadwine, who is spoken 
of almost as if he had brought Morkere with him against his will ; " £d- 
uinns Comes cum eo [GuQIelmo] conoordiam fecerat, eique frcOrem suum 
et pene tertiam partem Angli» subdiderat." 

* William of Poitiers says simply, "alii complnres nobiles et opibua 
amplf He then mentions Copsige by name, but no one else. The other 
names come from Orderic, 506 B. 

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-^ =^n 


most opposed to the two Earls. The prudent Copsige,^ oaip- »▼"• 
once the lieutenant of Tostig in Northumberland^ ^^"^^ oi?Ccm2^ 
now to become the man of WUliam.* The others are«Mlotii«p 

men of too 

described as Thurkill, Siward^ and Ealdred, of whom the North; 

last two seem to have been descendants of Uhtred and 

great-nephews of King Eadward.^ Eadric the Wild of 

Herefordshire, of whom we shall presently hear so much^ 

is also placed in their company; but itrseems &r more 

likely that he did not submit tQl a much later time.^ 

We know not whether it was now or later that Waltheof of Wal- 

made his submission; but it could not have been long 

delayed^ as he soon afterwards accompanied William in 

his voyage to Normandy.* Of Oswulf we do not hear 

till afterwards.^ But there can be little doubt that, The form*! 

between Berkhampstead, Westminster^ and Barkings all now com- 

^ On Copsigo or Cozo see vol. li. p. 484, and Appendix L. William of 
Poitien speaks in thb plaoe (148) of his "singularis et fbrtitudo et pro- 
bitas ;" and again in p. 158, when recording his death, he says, '* ProsapiA et 
potentatu Anglos hio juzta prscelsus, magis animi aingularitate pnidentis 
et omnino honesti ezceUuit." 

* WilL Plot. 148. "In his erat Comes Cozo ;** but he clearly was not 
in possession of an Earldom at this moment. 

* Ord. Yit. 506 B. "Siwardns et Aldredos, filii Edelgari pronepotis 
Regis." To answer this description, they must have been descendants of 
Uhtred by his third wife ^t%ifa, the half-sister of Eadward (see yoL i. 
p. 358) ; but I cannot trace them in either of the genealogies given by 
Simeon, X Scriptt. 80, 104 (pp. 155, 91 of the Surtees edition by Mr. Hinde, 
which I shall quote for the future). But all three names are found plenti- 
fully in Domesday. I know not whether this Ealdred is the same as either 
or both of the Ealdreds who appear in 149 & as " homo Morcari Comitis** 
and in 139 as ** Teignus B. E." 

* On Eadric, see Appendix I. 

* In fiujt we hear nothing distinctly of Waltheof at all till the voyage to 
Normandy. His appointment to his Earldom is matter of inference (see 
vol. ii p. 499) ; his presence or absence at Senlac is nowhere distinctly 
affirmed or implied (see voL iii. p. 424). We only know that during the 
zeign of Harold he was engaged in certain private transactions about land 
and money. " Hanc terram [Tooting in Surrey] aocepit Wallef Comes de 
Swan poet mortem Regis E., et invadiavit pro ii markis auri Alnodo Lnn- 
doniensL" (Domesday, 33.) The charaoteristio relations between the young 
noble and the rich citizen began thus early. * See Simeon, 91. 

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OHAP. xvn. the surviving Earls, Prelates, and chief Thegns of Eng- 
land had become the men of the Conqueror. They craved 
— so the Norman writers tell us — ^William's pardon for 
anything that they had done, or even thought, against 
him, and threw themselves and all that they possessed 
William's on his mercy.* He received them graciously; he ac- 
reoeption cepted their oaths of homage; he g^nted them their 
ho^^^ lands afresh, and held them in high honour." At the 
same time, according to inveterate practice, he required 
hostages for their good faith, and the royal favour was 
not won, perhaps the royal presence was not entered, 
without a gift.^ 
Surrender This account of the surrender and regrant of the lands 
grant of ^^ Englishmen who submitted to WiQiam is worthy of 
^^- special attention. If it stood by itself, it might be taken 
as simply meaning that commendation of the man and 
his land to the new lord which ia implied in the act of 
homage. And, considering the circumstances under which 
that new lord had made his entry, it may well have been 
thought desirable to have every such act confirmed as 
solemnly as might be under the King's writ and seal. 
But when we take in the other evidence of different kinds, 
we shall perhaps be inclined to see in these almost casual 
words of the Norman panegyrist a deeper import even 
Confiaca- than this. The great confiscation of lands which is such 
wufi^'s * marked characteristic of William's reign was undoubtedly 
wign; gradual. But when did it begin? There is, I think, 
every reason to believe that it began in the very first 

^ Will. Pict. 148. '' Deprecantur veniam a quft in re contra eum 
senaerant, tradunt se cunctaque sua ejus dementis.'' 

' lb. ** Bex eonim aacramenta^ at poBtulavenmt, libens accepit, libe- 
raliter eis donavit gratiam suam, reddidit eis conota qne poasederant, 
habebat eos magno honore." 

• Ghron. Petrib. io66. " And menn guidon him gyld and gialaa aealdon." 
This oomes directly after the coronation, and no doubt at least takes in 
those who submitted at Barking. 

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6ay8 of William's English reign. He had to reward his ohap. zvn. 
foreign followers, and, in conformity with his whole cha- ^^ V^ 
racter and position, he had to reward them in some way begioiuiig. 
which might be, formally at least, different from simple 
plunder and brigandage. His system of legal fictions easily Eflfoot of 
supplied him with the means. He, King WilUam, thetl^ ^ 
lawfbl successor of his kinsman King Eadward, had been 
for a while hindered from receiving his Crown and exer- 
cising his royal authority. He had even been met, when 
he came to take possession of his Kingdom, not with the 
welcome which was his due, but with an obstinate resist- 
ance in arms. Many Englishmen had fought against him ; 
no Englishman, except an exile or two in his own train, had 
fought for him. Here was active treason in a large part 
of the nation, and at least passive complicity with treason 
in the remainder. The rights of the case, according to All the 
William's reading of the Law, were plain. According to Engiwid 
its strict letter the lands of all such undutiftd subjects ^®'^®**^ 
were forfeited. William would have been justified in re- 
storing Balph of Norfolk^ to his confiscated lands, and 
in seizing all the rest of the soil of England — save of 
course the lands of ecclesiastical corporations — for himself. 
But mercy and policy alike forbade such a course. Some ReMons 
fiivour was due to those who had not actually drawn J§J^,^, 
the sword against the lawful heir; some perhaps ^^>^!^^^L 
even due to those survivors of the fight on Senlac or trine. 
the skirmish at Southwark who had atoned for their 
fiiult by a speedy submission. And besides this, the Its impos- 
lands of most of those who had fought against him lay a u^ ^ 
at his mercy, while the lands of many of those who ^^ow E^j^, 
came in to give their submission could not be reached 
without another campaign. William could at once seize 
on the lands of any Kentish or South-Saxon Thegn or 
churl who had either died beneath the Standard or had 

^ See voL iii. p. 755. 

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CHAP. XVII. lived to deal a blow in the Malfo99e} But the more 

part of the lands of Eadwine and Morkere and Waltheof 

and Copsige lay in regions to which William's arm had 

not yet reached, and to which, if he insisted on such an 

extreme stretch of severity, it never might reach. His 

course then was his usual one ; he was debonair to those 

who submitted, and stark beyond measure to those who 

withstood him.^ A less charitable way of putting it 

might be that he was debonair to those whom it might 

be dangerous fiirther to provoke, and stark beyond measure 

to those who were already in his power. But in warring 

with these last he was in a great measure warring with 

Confiflca- the dead. The evidence that we have leads us to believe 

lands of ^^^ ^^^ wholc of the lands of those men, dead or living, 

tiiose who ^j^Q jjj^^ fouffht at Senlac was at once dealt with as land 
fouffht at ^ 

Seiuac. forfeited to the King.^ William thus had the means where- 
with at once to enrich himself and to reward his followers. 
That the royal domain passed into his hands was the natural 
and legal result of his admission to the royal office. And 
now the final stroke was put to a change which had been 
The /oU;- gradually going on for some generations. The /olklandy 
^eg^^the common land of the nation, was now changed, fully 
^^' and for ever, into terra Regis, the land of the King.* 
But besides what still remained as folklandy this great 
confiscation at once put into William's hands the greater 
part — all that lay within the shires which he already 
occupied — of the vast estates of Harold and his brothers, 
and of the great mass of the landowners, great and small, 
Cases of of southern and south-eastern England. It is not neces- 
tarned'by ^aiy to supposc that every rood of ground was actually 
Sen^^ seized, and either kept by the King or granted out to 
his foreign followers. There is distinct evidence that the 
actual occupiers of the soil, here as in other parts of 

* See voL iii. p. 503. • See vol. ii. p. 169; iii. p. 537. 

" See Appendix B. * See vol. i. p. io«. 

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Eogknd, largely reitained poBseesioiu Sometdmes, when a chap, zvu, 
great estate was confiscated, the widow and children of the 
foimer owner obtained a grant of some smaU portion of 
their heritage. In other oaaes the widow or daughter of 
the f<Hrnier owner was constrained to give herself and her 
lands to a foreign hnsband. In some cases Englishmen 
of high rank contrived to win William's personal &voar, 
and to keep their lands and even their offices. A crowd 
of smaller Thegns and of well-to-do churls seem to have 
been left nndistorbed. Either they had not been present 
in the battle, or they were looked on as victims whom 
William ootild affi>rd to spare^ or else they won his favour 
by timely sabnussion or redeemed their lands by a pay- 
mmt to the new King. In some cases we distinctly Oms of 
lead of liken having their lands granted back to them^ w^^ 
or of their buying them of King William for money, demption. 
And yet we shall see that this process did not always 
secure them against the necessity of having in the phrase 
to " seek a lord " as a defender against illegal spoliation.^ 
But this last mentioned expression, of men buying their 
lands of the King, is most important^ and is of much wider 
import than might seem at first sight. One of our national 
Chroniders distinctly extends the phrase to all who did 
homage to William at or soon after his coronation. ^ And 
an entry in Domesday, which seems never to have received 
the attention which it deserves, distinctly speaks of a time 
when the English as a body redeemed their lands. ^ No Genenl re- 
date IB assigned in the Survey to this event ; but the orSL^ 
two statements, taken together, can leave hardly &n7^[,^|^ 
donbt that both refer to the same act, and that the general 

> On an these caaee see Appendix B. 

* dmm. Petrib. 1066. ''And meon guidon him gyld and gulas sealdon, 
and «y9San heora la%d ftoAtefi." 

* This moet important entry (Domeeday, ii 360) is quite inddentaL Of 
some of the lands of Saint Eadmnndabaiy we read, " Hano terram habet 
Abbas in Tadimonio pro zL mards anri, oonoeesn Engelrici, quando reeftme- 
htaU AngUd temu mob*' 

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oHAP. xvii. redemption took place at the point of time which we have 
now reached^ at the veiy beginning of William's reign. And 
The ihree by the help of another incidental notice in Domesday, it 
sioners; seems possible to recover the names of the Commissioners 
vSmiSuDL ^^0°^ William employed in this somewhat delicate matter. 
Ralph, and They seem to show that William tried to give as little 

Rngehrio. , 

offence as might be to his new sabjects m the course of a 
transaction which must have deeply grated on their feel- 
ings. He was represented by men, all of whom either were 
English by birth, or might, after long settlement in the 
land, be supposed to share in some measure the feeUngs of 
Englishmen.^ The first was William, the Norman Bishop 
of London, the one foreign Prelate who had been allowed 
to return to his see after the great expulsion of strangers 
on the return of Godwine.* The others were Ealph the 
Staller, an old fiivourite of Eadward and a man who was 
at least bom in the land,^ and Engelric, a man seemingly 
of English birth, whose name is constantly found in the 
Survey of the eastern shires.^ That these men all came 
from the same part of England is not wonderfol. Essex, 
Suffolk, and Norfolk were precisely the parts of England 
which had come into William's hands without effort or 
resistance. His first English officials therefore came from 
those districts. And we may well remark the skill shown in 
the choice of men who were at once likely to be faithful to 
himself, and not likely to give special offence to the 
conquered people. 

The theory of this memorable transaction was, as I have 
abeady said, that the whole soil of England, with the 
necessary exceptions of Crown and Church lands, was for- 

^ I get their names from a passage in Domesday (iL 367 h), which I shall 
discuss in Appendix G. It also refers to hinds belonging to Saint Ead- 
mnndsbury. "Hano terram invadiavit Abbas contra Barones Regis^ 
scilicet W. Episoopum, Engelricum, et Radulfum Stalra." 

■ See vol. ii. p. 345. » See vol iii. p. 75a, and Appendix O. 

* On Engelric, whose character, as &r as regards the acqnisition of land, 
seems to have been none of the best, see Appendix C. 

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felted. But strictly to carry out the sentence of forfeiture obap. jlvu. 
was alike unjust^ impolitic^ and impossible. A large por* 
tion of land was actually taken into the King's hands. The 
rest was redeemed by its owners. It was received as a fresh Land 
gift from the new lord, and received no doubt on various held by a 
tenns^ according to the merits or demerits of each pw-JjI^Sa"* 
ticular grantee. Some doubtless received their lands as a ^^^ 
free gift ; others, as we have seen, had to buy them back 
in the strictest sense of those words. Some received the 
whole, others a part; in some cases we are told that 
Englishmen received firesh grants beyond what they had 
inherited or received from earlier lords.^ But, amidst all 
this variety, it would seem that in all cases of lay estates 
the land was received as a fresh grant, which needed the 
writ and seal of King William as its witness. The date of 
l^al naemory went back only to the day when the forfeited 
land of England was redeemed of the reigning sovereign. 
In the case of ecclesiastical bodies, as not being liable to Exception 
forfeiture, the rule was of course less stringent. In theii* apical 
case the writ and seal of King Eadward was of equal ^^^^ 
validity with the writ and seal of King William, and the 
grants even of earlier Krnga could be put in as evidence. 
But it is plain that all acts done by the authority of the Harold's 
usurper Harold were held to be null and void. * and Told. 

We must not forget that, with regard to perhaps the The land 
greater part of these grants, William was granting away ^^ ^^^^ 
that of which he had no kind of actual possession. When S^^. 
he was restoring the lands of Eadwine and Morkere and poasesaioii. 
Copsige, he was restoring lands most of which were quite 
beyond his grasp. No soldier of William's army had as Polioy of 
yet set foot in Northumberland or Northern Mercia. But meBton' 
the policy of the transaction on both sides is obvious. The ^*^ ^^^ 

^ Win. Fict. 148. ** Ejiudem liberalitatis dono aoceperant Angli com- 
plmea quod a paraotibiu vel prioribus dominis non aooepemnt." 
' On all theoe points see Appendix A and B. 

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CHAP. xyii. Northern Earls had found that there was no chance of 
William being Batisfied with half a Eling^om ; they knew 
by this time that he had made up his mind to be master 
of the whole land. If they did not submit, they would 
have to fight; and they thought it wiser to submit on 
favourable terms, rather than to run the risk of a struggle 
which might end in their utter destruction. To William, 
on the other hand, it was clearly a gain to receive even a 
nominal submission. It quite fell in with his whole policy 
of words and names and legal fictions to grant away lands 
of which he had never had a moment's possession. It was 
a bold stroke to convert, without stirring from London or 
Barking, the Earls of the Northumbrians and the Mercians 
into his lieutenants, and their lands into fiefs held by his 
grant. The formal submission might possibly prove to be 
a real one. And, if it did not, if Northumberland had after 
all to be conquered by force, the submission of its Earls, 
Prelates, and chief Thegns would put altogether a different 
colour on the conquest. If William had still to go forth 
on a Northern campaign, he would now be going forth to 
recover what was, in every legal form, his own. He would 
be going to chastise men wl)o were not only rebels and 
traitors in some vague constructive sense, but who were 
actually men faithless to their lord, men who had rebelled 
against the sovereign to whom they had sworn oaths and 
from whom they acknowledged themselves to hold all that 
Northern they had. With this formal submission William seems for 
left^in- ^b^ present to have been content. Eadwine, Morkere, and 
touched £ot ^^^^ companions had indeed to give gifts and hostages to 
the Conqueror, but they received all their lands and 
honours again, and were admitted to the full favour of the 
new King. Eadwine indeed seems really to have won 
William's personal regard, and he was further flattered 
by the promise, sincere or insincere, of the hand of one 

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of the King's daughters J The whole of Northern England osap. xtil 
was simply left as it was before ; the old rulers^ the old 
proprietors, were undistorbed ; it does not seem that a 
single castle was btiilt to keep Northumberland and 
Northern Mercia in cheeky or that a single soldier was 
sent to occupy or to spy out the land. All was trusted to 
the loyalty of William's new made vassak. The House of 
LeoMc^ the House of the old Northumbrian Earls^ might 
alike seem to have lost nothing by the revolution which 
had enthroned a Norman instead of a West-Saxon in 
Winchester and London. 

Thus far did the Conqueror show himself mild andWilUAm*i 
debonair to those parts of England which had not acted with 
openly against him and which were as yet beyond his^*^*™ 
immediate grasp. Towards the districts which lay at his £^"^, 
mercy, the districts whose men had followed Harold and his 
brothers^ he began^ if not to show himself beyond measure 
stark, at least to show that the forfeiture of the lands of 
the rebels was not to remain a dead letter. To the city HiBcbaiter 
of London he had, perhaps before he left Westminster 
for Barking, already granted a charter in the English 
tongue, that venerable parchment which may still be seen 
in the city archives with the cross traced by the Con- 
queror's own hand.^ By that charter he confirmed to the 
city all its rights, possessions, and customs, as freely as 

^ Ord. Tit. 511 A. " Gnillelmtis Bex . . . filiAm suam se in oonjugem ei 
[Eduino Comiti] daturam ipoponderai." 

* The onginal is given by Biley, lib. Oust ii. part ii. p. 504; Stnbbs, 
Seled Charten, 79. ** Willelm Kyng gret Willelm Biaoeop and Ooafreg^ 
Portirefiui and ealle ]» burhwaru binnan Londone, Frencisoe and Englisoe^ 
fireondlioe. And ic kjVe eow )NPt ic wille JMet get been eallra Jmra laga 
weenie >e gjt waeran on Eadwerdei d«ge kynges. And io wiUe {net elo 
cjld beo his fteder yrfiinme aefter bis £eder d«ge. And ic nelle ge^lian 
Kaet mmg man eow «nig wrang beode. Ood eow gehealde." One or two 
words here look a little sospioions, but this oopy, if not absolutely the 
original, is at any rate much older than the versions given by Mr. Biley, 
voL ii. part ii. pp. 346, 247. 

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OHAP. XTH. ^ey had been held in the days of his predecessor. Wanton 
innoYBtion, needless disturbance of the regxdar order of 
things which he found established, formed no part of 
A foreign William's policy. But this very charter shows ns a 
inLondon. stranger, Godfrey by name^ holding the office of Portreeve 
of the city. His English predecessors^ Leofttan and JSlf- 
sige,^ had perhaps died in the battle, and William had 
taken care thus early to give them a successor of his 
own nation. And we must not forget that, while the 
charter of their rights was being granted to the citizens, 
the fortress of the Conqueror was rising above their heads. 
William*! We Can well believe that William did his best to shield 
police and his ncw Bubjects from the insolence of his foreign followers. 
dkdbSne ^® strict police of his reign began already; robbers, 
murderers^ intruders on lands not legally granted, the 
spoilers of the traveller and the mierchant, were kept in 
check, seemingly without regard to their rank or nation.^ 
The leaders of the host were exhorted to gentleness and 
moderation ; the inferior officers and common soldiers were 
kept in order by stringent proclamations.^ William's 
military code not only forbade slaughter^ plunder, and 
rape, but dealt with all breaches of chastity and temper- 
ance as military offences.^ Courts martial were com- 

^ A writ of Eadward is addreised to them in Cod. Dipl. iv. 214. 
Another Portreeve, XJlf, appears as a bene&ctor to Westminster in iy. 
221 (see Tol. ii. pp. 510, 968). 

* Will. Pict. 147. "Latrodniis. inyasionibus, maleficiis, locum omnem 
-intra snos terminos denegavit. Portus et quaelibet itinera negotiatoribus 
patere, et nullam injnriam fieri, jussit.*' *< Inradonee,'* it should be remem- 
tbered, is a kind of technical term for illegal occupations of land. The 
mention of the havens suggests the doings of the royal officers, who at all 
•times needed careful keeping in check. 

* lb. 146. "Suis primatibus dignA se et gravitate praecepit, et diU- 
gentii Buasit tequitatem.** Part of William's sermon has been already 
quoted (see above, p. 13). The historian then goes on; "Milites vero 
medie nobilitatiB atque gregarios aptissimis edictis ooercuit.** The distinc- 
tion reminds one of that drawn by Odysseus, U. ii. 188. 

^ Will. Pict. 147. **Tutae erant a vi mulieres quam saepe amatores 
inferunt. Etiam ilia delicta quae fierent consensu impudicarum in&mias 

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William's fibst pbogressl 31 

missioned to visit all evil doers of every kind with severe oraf. xvn. 
pnniflhment, and to show no &voar to the native Normans 
above the auxiliaries from other parts of Gaul.^ All 
these statements of the panegyrist we can, with the 
necessary dedactions, fully accept. William, we need not 
doubt^ honestly did his best to preserve peace in his 
Kingdom and discipline in his army. It was the more 
needful to do so while the work of legal spoliation was 
going on. The King now set forth on a progress, the wiUiam's 
object of which, there can be little doubt^ was to visit and oocu- 
and take possession of the forfeited lands.^ In the coarse of ^^^^^ 
that progress he came across no opposition ; not a road was |<^^ 
shut against him ; not a man met him in arms. He was 
met only by suppliants, who implored and obtained his His aUeged 
mercy, a merey shown specially to those of low degree.* mency. 
Mothers came forth with their children to work^ and not 
unsuccessfully, on his pity.^ This too we need not doubt, Its real 
at least in the sense which the great Survey enables us 
to put upon it. Many a man once rich and powerful 
doubtless met William at some stage of his progress, and 
won from his mercy^ perhaps under the name of alms, 
some fragment of his old possessions which would at least 
keep him from want or servile work. Now too it doubt- 
less was that the crowd of smaller landowners, Thegns 

prohibeDds gratU vetabantur. Potare militem in tabernk nan mtiUum 
concessit, quoniam ebrietas litem, lie homicidium fwlet generare. Seditionee 
iaterdizit» caedem, et omnem rapinam, frKnans ut populos armis, ita legibos 

^ WQL Pict. 147. '* Judioee qui vulgo militum essent timori constitiiti 
8imt ; flioral acerbsd poons in eos qui delinquerent deoretse sant ; neqne 
libeiius Normanni qnam Britanni yel Aqoitani agere permittebantur/' 

' lb. 148. '* Inde progrediene diversas partes regni aoceasit, ordinando 
nbique uiUia tSbi et incolis term.*' 

' lb. '* Iter nnUum obstmitar, oocumint paasim obsequentes aut expli- 
caates. Omnes ille olementibus ocolis reepezit, clementiBsimis plebem." 

* lb. **SGepe Yultn miserantem animum prodidit, juasit multotiena 
nusericordiam, quom supplioes oonepiceret aut egenoe, matres animadver- 
teret yoce et gestibiiB precari cam liberis.'* 

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CHAP. xvn. of the lowest rank or charls of the highest, whom W6 

Engli^. fii^<l retaining their lands in the southern shires, came 

J^.*^" and begged the mercy of the new King, and were by 

their lands, his mercy deemed too insignificant to be disturbed.^ And 

we can better understand the picture of William's clemency 

**A]ms" to the suppliant widows and orphans, when we torn to 

foid those entries in the great Survey which set before us the 

orphans, ^ndows of men of all but the highest rank glad to find 

some small part of the forfeited wealth of their husbands 

and sons thrown back to them, perhaps burthened with 

some ignominious tenure, by the contemptuous pity of 

the Conqueror. 

Sridenoe We shall perhaps better understand the process which 
lar dis- ' now Went on through a large part of England, if we fix 
*"****' our eyes more minutely on the fete of some particular 
individuals, femilies, and districts about which we are able 
to gather an unusual amount of detailed information. 
Efiectsof Such a typical region is supplied to us by a district of 
oatittftln which WO may take Berkshire as the centre, but which 
Berkshire. ^^^ ^j^.^ jj^ ^^^ ^f j^^^^ ^f |.|jg adjoining shires. This 

district is one of those in which the Commissioners em- 
ployed on William's Survey have been most bountiful 
in local and personal notices, while in some parts of 
England they give us little beyond dry lists of names. 
We are also able to draw a good deal of help from the 
detailed history of the great monastery of the district, 
the house of Saint Mary of Abingdon.^ By these means 
we are able to call up a personal image of several men 
of the days of Eadward, Harold, and William, of some 
of whom we have heard already. 

It may be simply because our local details are specially 

* See Appendix D. 

* The local History of Abingdon, " Chronioon Monasterii de Abingdon." 
edited by Mr. Stevenson, forms two volumes in the series of Chronicles and 

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lieh^ bnt our evidence certainly sets before us the men obap. xvn. 
of Berkshire as a race specially loyal to Harold and to '^^^^^ 
England. Their shire had formed part of Harold's own amoBg the 
Earldom^ and we have already come across more than Senlac. 
one instance in which his name is directly connected with 
the aflbirs of the shire. He appears on terms of friendship 
with the chief men of the district and^ if not as himself a 
beneCEu^r to the great local Abbey, yet as one who was 
ready to protect its rights and to forward its interests.^ 
The local officer second in rank^ the Sheriff Godric, is Godric the 
one of the chosen few whom we know by name as having 
given their lives for England in the great battle.^ And Great 
it is plain that the glorious end of the local chief had of the^ 
been largely shared by the men of his shire. An inci- S^''^^^"^ 
dental expression in the local history shows that for a 
man to have been a Thegn of Berkshire implied, almost 
as a matter of course, that he had died at Senlac.^ Long Zeal of the 
after William's accession, the tenants of the Abbey are^Sk^^on 
mentioned as being specially zealous in every form of-^^^^- 
revolt and resistance against the foreign government.^ It 
is not wonderful then if the hand of WiUiam lay heavy on 
both the ecclesiastical and the temporal landowners of so 
stout-hearted a district. The vague laments of the local 
history ^ are fully borne out by the detailed evidence of 

^ See vol. ii. p. 43 ; and cf. yol. iii. p. 68. 

* See ToL iii. pp. 426, 730. 

* Hist. Hon. Ab. ii. 3. " Qus poBseflsioneB [the estates held by the 
tenants of the Abbey] ab eis habitse fuerant, quos Tahinos dicunt, et in 
bello Hastingis oocubuerant.*' 

* lb. L 486, 493, speaking of a much later time ; *' Sed et homines 
abbatise Abbendonensis, dum regis parti f avert Wxttdmi ddmerant, animo 
et oonsoltn mntati, armati, quo hostes regis ipsios consistere acoeperant, 
g fi e a sum oontendemnt." The writer^s position should be noticed ; he ad- 
mires Harold and Godric, but he holds that submission was due to King 

* lb. "Nnllius sacrorum liminum prospectus reverentis, nulla fratrum 
desoUtanmi compassio. Extra per vIUas posthabito cujuslibet respectu, 
pasrim impenaa vastatio.'* 


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OHAP. zvn. the Survey. There are not many parts of England in 
which the confiscation seems to have been more sweeping ; 

nature of , , ,^^, 

the confiff- none perhaps of the shires which formed William's first 

Berkshire, conquest^ except the two where he first set foot^ and where 

his hand fell heaviest of all^ the old Kentish and South- 

StiUmore Saxon lands.^ There^ as well as in some other shires 

^mfa^"* which were conquered later, not a single Englishman 

Suflsex. ^^ allowed to keep his lands on their old tenure^ and 

only two English tenants-in-chief appear in the Survey. 

The confiscation in Berkshire was not so extensive as in 

these extreme cases^ but among the more typical shii'es, 

where English tenancy-in-chief was not wholly forbidden^ 

there are few where the number of Englishmen who 

retained their estates seems to have been smaller. Stilly 

here as elsewhere^ we find some instances of Englishmen 

who contrived to make their peace with the Conqueror^ 

and we find the case of one man of high rank who seems 

to have risen to a special place in his favour. 

Lands of The lands held by Harold and his family in Berkshire 

his family, ^^re not very extensive ; still Harold himself^ his mother 

(jytha, his sister Eadgyth, his brothers Tostig, Gyrth, 

and perhaps Leofwine, are all found as land-owners in 

the shire.^ The lands of the Lady of course remained 

imtouched till her death ; those of Tostig — of no great 

extent* — no doubt fell in to the Crown at his outlawry 

in the days of Eadward. The estates of the fallen King 

and his loyal brothers were of course^ in William's reading 

^ On the confiscations in Kent and Surrey, see Appendix E. 

* The lands of Harold in Berkshire will be found in Domesday, 57 6, 
58, 59 h, 60, 63 6, 63 h. In 58, 59, and 60 we find the names of his 
tenants and grantees, the last one perhaps being Eadnoth the Staller. 
Gytha and Gyrth occur together in 59 b, and Gyrth alone in 61. Tostig 
in 60. There is a Leofwine in 60 h, but he is not distinguished as " Comes." 
The estates of the Lady appear in 56 b, 57, 58, 60, 63 &, which last entry 
I shall have to mention again. 

' Tostig's estate was reckoned at fourteen hides T. R. E., but at seven 
only at the time of the Survey. 

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of the Law^ forfeited by the treason of their owners, and ohap. xvii. 

th^ were no doubt at once seized into the King's hands. 

The greater part of them remained in the King's hands Chiefly 

at the time of the Survey, but some portions had been KmJs 

granted out.* But a more special interest, in a view***^°"' 

of this particular district, is awakened by the fate of 

the Sheriff Godric and his family. His name is so Lands of 

common that it is not always easy to distiuguish his 

lands from those of less famous Godrics, but it is plain 

diat his estates were large, both in his own sbire and 

beyond its bounds, and that they were held by various 

tenures. Some of his lordships were held of the Crown, 

one at least by a grant from Eadward himself;^ others, 

as we have seen, were held of the Church of Abingdon, 

a happy accident to which we owe our better knowledge 

of the man and his deeds. But he also held other lands 

by virtue of his o£Sce as Sheriff, an office which he seems 

also to have filled in Buckinghamshire as well as in 

Berkshire. And with regard to these various possessions, Pemonal 

the Surv^ has happily preserved a number of incidental okxlric. 

details, which throw light on the manners of the time, 

and which, like all details of the kind, help us better to 

understand the men and the age with which we arew 

dealing. Two hides of land in Buckinghamshire were held 

in absolute property by a maiden whose English name 

appears in so corrupt a form that it can only be guessed 

at. But besides this, she occupied half a hide of royal 

domain, which was granted to her by Godric the Sheriff 

for the term of his Sheriffdonj, as her fee for teaching his 

daughter the special art of Englishwomen of those days, 

' The greater estates of Harold in 576 and 58 are all in the King's 
bands; some of the holders of smaller portions wHl be mentioned pre- 

' On the landa of Godric and all points connected with them, see 
Appendix F. 

D 2 

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OHAP. xvu the art of embroidery in gold.* This gift would, even 

in peaceful times, have reverted to the Crown at the 

death of Godric, but the freehold of the Englishwoman 

had equally passed away before the time of the Survey.* 

In another entry we find mention of a part of the royal 

domain in Berkshire which was used for the feeding of 

the Sheriff's horses.^ How far either of these applications 

of the royal property was strictly legal, it might be hard to 

say ; at any rate they illustrate the liberties which officers 

of every rank were in the habit of taking, whether by 

received custom or not, with the property of their masters. 

Ghaiges Other entries however seem distinctly to charge Oodric with 

Sm of wrongful occupation of portions of the King's land.-* The 

wrongful lands of Godric himself were confiscated, and were e^ranted 

oocapanoiL ° 

Lands of out to a foUower of William named Henry of Ferrers. 
^^^ to ^^^ ™^^' whose descendants held the Earldoms of Derby 
Henry of and Nottingham, was the son of Walkelin of Ferrers, one 
of the disturbers of the peace of Normandy in the days 
of William's childhood.*^ He had fought at Senlac,^ and 
was rewarded with high offices and vast possessions in 
various parts of England. But he could also stoop to 
despoil those whom the Conqueror himself had spared. 
^One obscure entry in the Survey illustrates the account 
given by the panegyrist of William's clemency to sup- 
pliant ¥dves and mothers. A single hide of land seemB 

^ Domesday, T49. *'De bis tenuit Aluuid puella n. bidas qnas potait 
dare et vendere cui voloit, et de dominicft iirm& Begia £. babuit ipsa 
dimidiam bidam, qnam Godricus Vicecomes ei concessit qoamdiu Vica- 
oomes esset, ut iUa doceret filiam ejus aurifrisium operaii." Wbat does 
"Aluuid'' stand fort Ealbswitb, Ealdgytb, or wbatt Of tbe English 
embroidery I sball bave to speak again. 

' Her land was beld by a tenant of Robert of Oily, of wbom more anon. 

> Domesday, 576. " Heoricus de Fereres tenet de hoc manerio ZTJn. 
acras terre quao faerunt,in firmft Regis T. B. £., sicut scira dicit. Dicunt 
autem quod Godricus Vicecomes fecit ibi pascua equis suis, sed nesdunt 
quomodo." * See Appendix F. 

• Will. Gem. vii. 2; Ord. Vit. 52a D. • Roman de Rou, 13498, 

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to have been left to the widow of the fallen Sheriff, to be chap. xvn. 

held by the degrading tenure of feeding the King's dogs, q*^*^! 

Even of this she was in the end defrauded ; even this widow. 

small fragment of former wealth came into the hands of 

the rapacious stranger.^ 

The process of confiscation is well worth studying. Analogy 

Almost every detail illustrates the way in which^ in wiilUm's 

William's policy, wrong contrived to assume the mask of J?°^"^ 

rightj and how the plunder of the Conquest was gathered the Diaso* 

in with all the forms of a legal process. The process was Mohas- 

strikingly like that which went on at the Dissolution of *®""* 

the Monasteries. The lands of Grodric were granted to 

Henry of Ferrers^ just as the lands of a dissolved monastery 

were granted to Seymour, Dudley, or Cranmer. In either 

case the new owner stepped into the exact position of the 

old one. He had a right to all to which the former owner 

had a right, and to nothing more. He had a claim to all 

his advantages, and he was bound by all his burthens. 

Godric became, in the technical sense of the Conquest, the 

ancestor^ of Henry of Ferrers, and Henry might claim all 

that had lawfully been Godric's and nothing more. But it 

is not wonderful if an intruding soldier did not always bind 

himself by the strict letter of the Law. Some of Grodric's Illegal 

possessions ought to have reverted to the Crown, others to by^Heniy 

the Abbey of Abingdon. Henry of Ferrers seized all, ^Lft^ 

to the damage of Crown and Abbey alike. The Survey Sheriff 

records the wrong in both cases, as it also records other 

wrongs either done to the King or done in the King's 

name to others. Thus we find that the Sheriff Froger, 


* Domesday, 57 5. *' Henrious tenet ibi I. hidam, quie fuerat in firmA 
Begu. Gbdricos tenait. Aluiicus de Taceham dicit se vidisse brevem Regis 
quod earn dederit femins Godrici in dono, eo quod nutriebat canes sues. 
Sad nemo est in hundreds qui brerem viderit pneter Aluricum.*' 

* "Antecessor" is the regular technical term in Domesday, of which 
"aooestor/' though now used only in the sense of " forefather/' is simply a 
contraction. See Appendix A., and the Epistles of Laniranc, i. 3 2, ed. Giles 

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OHAP. xvn. seemingly the Norman successor of Godric, in at least two 
cases converted to the use of the Crown the lands of 
Englishmen which had not been regularly confiscated.^ 
Losses of The historian of the Abbey is naturally most eloquent on 
Abl^y/^ the wrongs of his own house, but, except the loss of the 
lands held of the Church by Godric and Thurkill,* those 
wrongs belong chiefly to the times of disturbance and op- 
pression somewhat later, and not to the acts of William's 
first progress. 
Nearly In looking over the names of smaller owners in Berk- 

Mt^ction sWre, we are struck, as I have already said, by the almost 
of the universal extent of the confiscation. The number of land- 


English owners of the middle class, answering to our smaller gentry 

in Berk- and richer yeomanry, must in King Eadward's days have 

■*'^' been very large. Lordship after lordship had been held by 

three brothers, by two or by three Thegns, by one or two or 

three freemen,^ the heritage of many such being swept in 

^ The unjust doings of Froger appear in Domesday, 57, 58. The 
Abingdon historian (i. 486, 494) speaks of him as a special enemy to 
the Abbey, and rejoices o^er his disgrace and loss of office, which is not 
recorded in Domesday, but which we might have guessed from his not ap- 
pearing there as a landowner. "Itaque temporis iUius rerum abbatiiB 
amissarum vel insinuatio vel computatio, non facile dichi. Qoarum 
executioni Frogerus tunc Berchesire vicecomes pnecipuus efierebatur, sed 
ejusdem illo potentis hominis immoderatum super homines depresses pro- 
gressum moderantis universa postea Dei idndicta coercuit, ut et jus quo 
efferebatur tyrannicum regiA sibi justitiii auferretur, et in despectum 
omnium inopift et stoliditate quoad idzit verteretur," etc. 

' The local History (i. 484) records the commendation of Thurkill to the 
Abbey (see vol. ii. p. 4a), and adds, *' hie quum in bello memorato occubuisset, 
terram,.cuju8 dominationis investitoram multo ante tempore quam bellum 
foret ecclesia in manus habebat, Heinricus de Ferrariis sibi usurpavit, abbate 
invalido obstare." Then follows the lease to Godric (see vol. iii. p. 73 1), with 
the special provision made to meet any case of forfeiture ; "Quidquid tamen 
offensionis possessoribus forte accideret, ecclesia inde jacturam nullam incur- 
reret." Then follows, " Itaque ipso cum preedicto viro pariter in bello occiso, 
idem Henricus de Ferrariis hanc villam cum alterft suse ditioni adjecit.*' 

' In pp. 6 a &, 63, we find *' duo taini tenuerunt in paragio," " tres liberi 
homines tenuerunt de rege Edwardo," " tree fratres tenuerunt de rege E. in 
alodio," •• tres taini tenuerunt in alodio de rege E." There are other entries 
of the same kind. 

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a mass into the hands of some insatiable stranger. Among orap. xth. 
those to whose gra^ the lands and homes of Englishmen ^^^^ 
were ihvs handed o^er we come across many names fiimiliar Bwkshiro. 
to us in oar Norman history^ to some of whom we should 
not gmdge any amount of wealth and honour in their 
own land. The men whose exploits we could follow with 
delight below the steep of Arques or among the burning 
streets of Mortemer now meet us again in a less pleasing 
form as intruders in the shire which gave birth to iBlfred. 
William of Eu,* Balph of Toesny,* and Balph of Mortemer* 
now had their reward in the spoils of the conquered land. 
With them we find the aged Walter Oiffard, who had re- 
fused to bear the standard at Senlac,^ and Toustain the son 
of Bolf, in whose hands the sacred banner had been so truly 
guarded.^ Other lands fell to the lot of kinsmen of the 
Conqueror himself, to his brother Robert of Mortain^ and 
to his cousin Richard of Evreux.^ Here we see the lands 
which Eudo of Rye, Eudo of Colchester, the worthy son of 
the faithftd Hubert, received as the reward of his own and 
his &ther's loyalty.^ Here we light on the names of Miles 
Crispin, of the house of the defenders of Tillidres,^ and of 
Hugh of Avranches, more &mous in another quarter of 
England as the first Count Palatine of Chester.^^ The Lands 
foreign allies and mercenaries of the host are represented f^ish 
by the names of Gilbert of Ghent ^^ and Amulf of Hesdin." ^1^7^^^ 

* See Domeeday, 6i, and for hiB &te Qrd. Vit. 704 C. He was the son 
of Count Robert. See yol. iii. p. 118. 

* See Domesday, 6a h. VoL iii. pp. aS;, 465. ' lb. 6a 6. 

* lb. 60. VoL iii. pp. 139, 153, 465. 

* lb. 63. Vol, iii. p. 465. 

* Bobert of Mortain (60), wonderfdl to say, held only one lordship in 
Berkflhire, and that was held of him by the Abbey of Preauz, the foundation 
of Humfrey de Vetulia. See Necutria Pia, p. 5ao. 

^ See Domesday, 60. Vol. ii. p. 21a ' lb. 61 5. Vol. ii. p. 249. 

* lb. 61 6. Vol. ii. p. 204. *• lb, 60. Vol. ii. pp. aoy, 391. 
" lb. 6fl. Vol. iii. p. 31a. 

^ lb. 62 h. Vol. iii. p. 714, where I ought not to have confounded 
Amulf of Hesdin with his much smaller namesake of Ardres. 

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CHAP. xviL Nor was the Norman Church likely to be forgotten in the 
ffwmted to ^^^ion of the plunder. An Englishman named Eadward 
Norman and two nameless allodial holders were dispossessed in 


aud favour of the great house of Saint Peter on the Dive.* 

jj^^ ' And the Norman Abbey which soon began to rise on 

B*ui*^ English ground as a monument of English overthrow 

Abbey. came in for the spoils alike of the spiritualty and of the 

temporalty of England. It might in William's view be 

fitting that a lordship which had passed from a nameless 

Thegn to Earl Harold should pass from him to Saint 

Martin of the Place of Battle;* but we may ask, even on 

William's own principles, why a monk from Marmoutiers 

should enjoy the spoils of a church and eight bides of land 

held in King Eadward's days by the English Abbess 

Leofgifu.^ And among gifts to ecclesiastical bodies we 

also see gifts to at least two churchmen in their personal 

Possessions character. One is no less a person than Geoflfrey of 

GtJoffreT'of Mowbray, the famous Bishop of Coutances, he who had 

Coutances. exhorted the Norman host on the night before the battle, 

and had asked their assent to the crowning of their Duke 

within the walls of the West Minster.^ His lands and 

lordships reached into well nigh every comer of England, 

and probably among their firstfruits was a single Berkshire 

manor, the spoil of an Englishman whose name of Oda 

* Domesday, 59 h, ** Abbas de SupertHvA tenet de Rege Peise. Dao 
alodiarii tenuerunt et potuerunt ire quo voluerunt. . . . Ipse Abbas tenet il. 
hidas in Coeerige. Eduuardus teouit de Rege E." 

' lb. 59 b. "Abbas de Labatailge tenet de Kege Bristoldestone. 
Heraldns comes tenuit tunc pre z. bidis; qnidam Tainus qui ante earn 
tenuit geldabat pro zv. hidis, niodo pro nibilo.** 

* lb. 60. **Ip86 Abbas tenet in Beddinges ecclesiam cum Yin. hidis 
ibi pertinentibus ; Leveva abbatissa tenuit." This would teem to be 
Leo%ifu Abbess of Shaftesbury, of whom we hear in the Exon Domesday, 
1 76, where we read of Combe in Somersetshire, " Abbatisua [Sancti Edwardi] 
habet i. mansionem qu«t vocatur Comba, quam tenuit Leveva abbatissa." 
See Ellis, ii. 160. 

* See vol. iii. pp. 451, 559. 

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peiliaps points to his beings like Thurkill of Kingston, of ohaf. xvn. 
the stock of the Danes.^ Begennbald too, the Norman Beinbaid, 
ChaDoellor of Eadward, was not only confirmed in his^fEad- 
former holding, but received also the estate of a free'"^*^" 
Englishwoman named iBl^ifii.^ And with these we find Theodorio 
the name of a man of unrecorded nationality^ who doubtless smith. 
owed the favonr of William to his skill in an art specially 
adapted to enhance the splendour of a King's court, an art 
for which both natives and sojourners in England were 
specially famous.^ Five Berkshire estates, four of which 
had been the property of an Englishman named Eadward, 
had passed into the hands of Theodoric the Ooldsmitlu 
He was doubtless one of those craftsmen from the Teutonic 
mainland whose presence in England had been encouraged 
by a constant tradition going back at least to the days of 
Eadgar.^ Theodoric had been settled in England in King 
Eadward's time^ and he had held lands in various shires 
both under the King and under Earl Harold. He now 
did not scruple to accept the confiscated lands of English* 
men at the hands of William.^ He^ and all the rest of 

* Domefldaj, 58 h. " Episcopus Goififridiu tenet Contone ; Oda tenuit de 

* See voL ii. p. 359. Domesday, 63. " Reimbaldus de Cirecestre tenet 
de Bege Hachebome ; ipee tenuit de Rege K . . . Isdem BeinbaldiiB tenet 
Estone. EQeva quedam libera femina tenuit T. B. E." 

' W3L Pict. 155. " Anglicse nationis opera femins mnltum acn et auri 
iextnrft [see above, p. 36] egregie viri in omni valent artifido. Ad boo in- 
oolere apud eos Germani solebant taliiun artimn BcientiasimL Infenint et 
negotiatoree, qui longinquas regiones navibna adeunt, doctarom manunm 
<^>cra.** * See voL i. p. 68. 

' The lands of Theodorio in Berkshire are given in p. 63. All had been 
held T. R. E. by an Eadward, saye one estate whose owner is oaUed Lano. 
He i^pears in Surrey, 36 h, as holding lands which he had himself held 
T. B. E.; and in Ozfordshire, 160 d, as holding lands which had belonged 
to bis own wife. "Has ii. terras uxor ejus libere tenuit T. B. E." I pre- 
sume that he is also the Tedric who appears in Surrey, 36 5, as holding of 
Harold. But there are several entries of this thoroughly Nether-Dutch 
name in various parts of England, and it is not likely that they all belong 
to the same person. 

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cBAP.xyn. William's grantees, great and small^ stepped each man into 
the place of one or more Englishmen who became his 1^^ 
ancestors. As in the case of the confiscated lands of 
Godric and Thnrkill, disputes sometimes arose as to the 
exact extent of the ancestor's property, and consequently 
as to the exact rights of his Norman successor. Questions 
of this kind^ decided as they were by the common witness 
of the shire, are eminently characteristic of that system 
of spoliation cloked under legal forms and legal language 
which distinguished William's policy throughout.^ 

It is not to be supposed that all these sweeping con- 
fiscations took place at once. But they doubtless began 
during William's first progress, at all events in the cases 
of men who, like Thurkill and Oodric, had actually died 
SmaUnum- in arms against him. But in the end, small indeed was 
lishmen'^^ the remnant, in Berkshire at least, which any Englishman 
2?°^da ^^*® ^^^® ^ ^eoip for himself. In many other shires 
we find a larg^ class of King's Thegns, bearing English 
names and holding small estates, which themselves or 
their fathers had held in the time of Eling Eadward. 
A long list of such is found in the neighbouring district 
of Wiltshire. But in Berkshire the list is indeed short. 
One Englishman alone holds a single hide of land which 
be had himself held under King Eadward.^ This man, 
Eadward by name^ is most likely the same who occurs 
as the predecessor of several Norman owners, a case no 
doubt where the Conqueror's clemency had allowed the 
former owner of a great estate to keep some small portion 
for his mere maintenance. Another Englishman, ^If- 
ward, still held of King William the land which his 
father had held of the Lady Eadgyth; but he was of 
the same craft as Theodoric^ and his skill doubtless pleaded 

^ See Appendix A. 

* Domesday, 63 6. " Edwardus tenet de Bege i. hldam in GoBerige ; ipse 
tenuit in alodio de Bege £.*' 

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for bim.^ A few others oocnr who held knd which in ohap. xm. 
Eadward's days had belonged to other Englishmen, and 
of which it is mostly impossible to say whether it had 
passed by confiscation, by purchase, or by inheritance. 
But in one case it is recorded in a marked way that one 
^Ifeige of Faringdon held as a grant from King William 
an estate which had belonged to Earl Harold.^ Another, 
Cola^ held lands which had once belonged to two other 
Englishmen, and he was even bold enongh to lay claim to 
property which was held by the jjowerful Robert of Oily.* 
Still more to be noticed, as illustrating the boasted cle- Englisb- 
mency of William, are the cases in which a string of received 
women appear as keeping, under the title of alms froDi^dw^ 
King William, the lands which they had held in full "alms." 
property under King Eadward.^ 

Other entries let us into the fiict that men who retained Cues of 
their land were sometimes driven to commend themselves, ation. 
to seek a lord, in order to win the protection of some 
powerfol man.^ They thus sank, as far at least as those 
particular lands were concerned, from the rank of tenants- 
in-ehief to the rank of mesne tenants. These commen- 
dations would doubtless not take place during the first 
stage of William's confiscations and renewed grants. Men 

1 DomeBday, 63 h, " Alwardos anri&ber tenet de B^e Sotesbroc ; pater 
fjitt tennit de reginft Eddid." This is Shottesbrook, &moiiB for its graceful 
collegiate church of the fourteenth century. 

' lb. "AM de Ferendone tenet Liereoote de dono Regis W. ; Heraldus 

tennit. Isdem Alsi tenet de Bege «^iipiMi>Tn hidam quam Aluric 

qnidjun liber homo tenuit T. R. £.** 

* The holdings of Cola come in page 63 h ; but in 62 we read of two 
miDB at Ardington, belonging to Robert of Oily, ** Cola AngUcus calumniatur 
mium ex his molinis, sed Aluuin et Goduinus et Aluricus testificantnr quod 
semper jacuit in Ardintone." But it should be noticed that the antecessor 
of Robert in this property was the same as one of the arUecesson of Cola. 

* Domesday, 63 h, " Ibi habet .£ldeva libera femina i. hidam de Rege 
in elemosina, quam eadem tenuit T. R. £. et quo vellet ire potuisset.** 
The same entry follows of *« Eddid quodam femina,'* and <* Eldit 
qusedam femina." 

* See Appendix B. 

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CHAP. xvn. would begin to find them needM when oppression on the 
part of tiie strangers and discontent on the part of 
the natives had begun to take the shape of open 
violence on both sides. Then doubtless it was that a 
nameless Englishman, who, in King Eadward's dajs, 
"could go where he would, '^ that is, who could commend 
himself to what lord he pleased or to no lord at all, 
commended himself for the sake of safety to the Bishop 
Commen- of the diocese, the Lotharingian Hermann. After Her- 
Thored to mann's days his son Thored, whose name witnesses to the 
Bishop Danish descent of the family, renewed the commendation 
to Hermann's Norman successor Osmund.^ Such a case 
doubtless did not stand alone; indeed we find one 
remarkable instance expressly recorded in the case of a 
Forced man of much higher rank. Azor^ the sewer or dqpifer 
Scmof ^ ^^ Ki^gr Eadward, held, among various estates in various 
Ro^rt* f P^^^' ^^® ^^^® ^^ ^*°^ *^ Ardington. He met William 
Oily. at Windsor, and received the restoration of his land, 

confirmed by the royal writ. Yet at the time of the 
Survey Azor had been driven to hold this same land, no 
longer as a tenant-in-chief of the Crown, but as a tenant 
of Robert of Oily.* Here was a case of forced com- 
mendation without any claim of legal right. Robert had 
no writ of King William to show. Simply by the right 
of the stronger, he had at once defrauded the King of 

^ Domesday, 58. ** Isdem Episcopus tenet de Rege I. hidam et dimi- 
diam, et Tori de eo. Pater Tori tenuit T. R. E. et potait ire quo voluit, 
Bed pro 9u4 defensione se commiBit Hermanno Episoopo, et Tori Osmundo 
Episcopo similiter." 

* lb. 63. " Isdem Robertus tenet unam hidam quam Azor dispensator 

B. E. tenuit, et cam e& ire potuit quo voluit Hanc terram tenet 

isdem Azor de Roberto, sed homines de hundreds testificantur eum de 
Rege debere tenere, quam Rex W. apud Windesores ei reddidit et brevem 
Buum inde ei dedit. Robertus yero tenet injuste. Nemo enim eorum 
▼idit brevem Regis yel ex parte ejus hominem qui eum inde satsisset.** 
We do not often get the history of a piece of land in such full and clear 

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his rights as Azor's immediate lord, and had further grap. xvn. 
wronged Azor himself by reducing him to a lower rank 
in the territorial hierarchy.^ 

This mention of Robert of Oily leads us at once to the Cue of 
most remarkable instance in this district of an English- Walling- 
man of rank retaining his lands under William. Besides "^ 
Godric and Thurkill and the members of the house ot 
Godwine, there are not many English names in the Berk- 
shire Survey to which we can attach a personal idea. The 
two Stallers^ Bondig and Eadnoth^ both held lands in the 
shire. One certainly, the other possibly/ passed into 
WiUiam's service^ yet at the time of the Survey the lands 
of both of them were distributed among foreign holders. 
Of the fate of Bondig we know nothing for certain ; but 
it is strange that the lands of Eadnoth^ who died fighting 
in William's cause, were not allowed to pass to his son.^ 
A third Englishman of rank in the district knew better 
than all how to adapt himself to the new state of things. 
It is plain that Wigod of Wallingford, the kinsman and Hi* faTour 
cupbearer of Eadward,^ had made his submission to William limn. 

and had been received into his full favour. There is Proba- 
bility of hid 
therefore eveiy reason to accept the tradition which re-receiyiDg 

presents him as having made his submission when William ^^ g^^^ 

appeared in Berkshire before his coronation^ and which 5?*^^. 


makes it owing to Wigod's help that William was peacefully 1066. 
received and enabled to cross the Thames without opposi- 
tion. Wigod seems to have retained so much influence 
in the new state of things that Englishmen of smaller 
account found it expedient to seek his protection by com- 

1 See Appendix G. 

' Thai IB, if we can believe in the Westminster writ in the Monnsticon, i. 
310, where "Willem King gret Bnndi stallere and Sawold sirefen and alle 
mine thegnes on Oznefordeeire freondlice." For the lands of Bondig in 
Berkshire, see Domesday, 60 &, 73 (. 

' On Eadnoth, see Domesday, 58 h, and Appendix 8. 

* See Tol. iiL p. 768. On Wigod and Roger of Oily, see Appendix O. 

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CHAP. xvn. mendation. He died before the time of the Survey, 
but his lands^ and much more than his lands^ had 
Bobertof passed to his Norman sons-in-law, Robert of Oily and 
Bon^in-law. Miles Crispin, otherwise Miles of Wallingford. This was 
of course the most honourable way which William could 
find of providing for his favourites. An English heiress, 
the widow or daughter of a landowner who had either 
died in the battle or had made timely submission to 
William, was given in marriage to some foreign adven- 
turer, who thus, either at once or on the death of his 
£ftther-in-law, was settled in an English estate without 
any formal wrong or confiscation. So now Robert of 
Oily and his sworn brother in arms, Roger of Iviy,^ came, 
like other men, to make their fortunes, and received estab- 
lishments in the border shires of Wessex and Mercia. The 
destiny of Robert, owing probably to his marriage with 
Great pos- Wigod's daughter, was the more brilliant of the two. His 
Bobert ; possessions in Oxford and Oxfordshire were large, and six 
oLforf^" years after William came into England, he reared, to 
Caatle. frown over the wasted and impoverished town, that keep 
of Oxford which plays such a part in the wars of the 
next age. One of its surrounding towers still stands, 
a relic of days when Oxford, unknown as a seat of 
learning, was famous as a border fortress. He and his 
English wife died childless, and his inheritance at Oxford 
passed to the son of his brother. But the younger Robert, 
like his uncle, married a wife whose English name of Ead- 
gyth makes her English descent all but certain. Robert 
and Eadgyth left descendants, and we may thus believe 
that, in a strange and indirect way, some fragments of 
the lands and honours of England abode in the hands 
of men who, by the spindle side at least, were English. 
Some portions too of English soil were still held by men 
whose descent from the ancient stock was yet more direct 

* See Appendix G. 

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than the descent of the sons of Norman fathers and ohaf. xvii. 
English mothers. The merits of Wigod pleaded for his Wigod's 
kinsfolk, and one at least of them deserved at William's ^^ hU '^ 
hands the highest rewards of faithfiil and really honour- ^®P^»«'^ 
able service. We shall see a son of Wigod, Tokig by 
name^ die fighting at William's side against his rebellious 
Bon.^ His name therefore finds no place in the Survey^ 
and his inheritance doubtless went to swell the wealth 
of his sisters' husbands. But two nephews of Wigod are 
found in Domesday^^ and one of them appears in close 
and significant neighbourhood with Ouy of Oily^ doubt- 
less a kinsman of Robert. As for the youn&rer Bobert R^^r^ of 

. Oily the 

and his wife, their names live in local history as theyoanger 

founders of that great Abbey of Oseney which was for 0^^^^ 

a moment the cathedral church of the Bishoprick whose I^ory* 


throne is now hidden in the elder minster of Saint 

Such is the witness of a single district to that process Causes of 
of confiscation and distribution of land which was now reristanoe 
carried on through a large part of southern and eastern ^^^*^'** 
England. We are inclined to wonder at first sight that 
such wholesale robbery could be endured for a moment, 
that every inch of ground was not disputed in arms, that 
every hedge was not defended as a palisade, that every 
fidd did not become a local and unrecorded Place of Battle. 
Several causes may help to explain the &ct. Some of 
them are obvious enough. The English were for the The spirit 
moment thoroughly cowed. Their moral force was utterly peopfe 
broken, and in a large part of the country their physical ^^\^ 
force was utterly broken also. They had no leader, and moment. 
in many districts, could Eadmund or Harold have come 
again, he could have gathered round him but a slender 

^ See Appendix G., tad Chron. Wig. 1079. 
* See Appendix 6. 

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OHAP. xvn. following. The land had not yet recovered from the 
f^^ mere carnage of the battle. Shires like Kent and Berk- 
slaughter ghire, whose men had been foremost at Senlac, were, for 
that very reason, less able than other shires to offer re- 
sistance after Senlac. If Wigod had had the heart to 
defend the bridge at Wallingford or to stand a siege 
within the walls of Oxford, he could no longer have 
summoned to his banner the Thegns and Housecarls who 
had gone forth to the war with Godric and Thurkill. 
Effects of We may well forgive the surviving elders of this or that 

William*fl «/ o o 

position town or district if their feeling at the approach of the 
as King. Conqueror was, "Behold, two Kings stood not before 
him, and how shall we stand?'* And we must not 
forget that now, on William's second appearance in 
the shires along the Thames, William was the King. 
Resistance would no longer be resistance to a foreign 
invader, but rebellion against one whose authority, how- 
ever acquired, was actually the only authority established 
in the country. Many, we may be sure, hastened to 
buy back their lands of the crowned King, who, thi'ee 
months before, would have been ready enough to lift their 
axes against the invading Duke. Herein we see how 
Affecta- William's policy helped him no less than his arms. And 
strict^ ^^ policy helped him again in the particular bounds 

!^,^**J^ which he set to his confiscations and in the way in 
in the oon- ^ ^ "^ 

fiscations. which they were carried out. Everything, we may be 
sure, was scrupulously done according to the letter of 
the Law, as William chose to understand the Law. His 
panegyrist, who does not directly mention the confiscation, 
implies it, and he also implies its nature, when he tells us 
that William at this time gave nothing to any Frenchman 
which was unjustly taken from an Englishman. ^ This, we 
be sure, is strictly true in the sense in which it is meant. 

* WiU. Piot. 148. "Kulli Gallo datum est quod Anglo cuiquam in juste 
fuerit ablatum." 

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William^ beyond all doabt, no less than Heniy the Eighth, ohap. xvn. 
did evexytJiing in strictly legal form. We see that irregular Mere 
seizores of land did take plaoe^ at least in after times. But mLum 
we also see that, whether the injured party was the King °^^ ®°' 
himaelf^ or a foreign settler, or a native Englishman, the by William. 
wiong is in eyeiy case alike reported in the Survey as a 
wrong. We may be sure that no such ill^;al occupations 
were made by William's knowledge during his first pro- 
gress, however soon they may have begun when his back was 
tamed and when Odo and William Fitz-Osbem reigned in 
his stead. And there is no need to think that all the land. The actual 
even in the southern shires, which the Survey shows to tion and 
have passed fix>m Englishmen to foreigners passed from^^' 
th^n daring the first months of William's reign. The ^^^^ e^ 


eonfiscation began now as the punishment of the great 
treason done on Senlac, but it was continued from time 
to time as excuses were given for it by the various local 
risings and disturbances of later years. William no doubt 
at onoe seized the lands of Harold and his family, of 
Godric^ Thorkill, and others whose estates were large, 
and who had been foremost in what he called rebellion. 
But many a man who appears in Domesday as holding 
under King Eadward, but whose lands had passed to 
another at the time of the Survey^ must have had them 
granted back again by William in his first days and must 
have lost them on account of his share in some later in- 
surrection. And it must be remembered that^ in taking 
Berkshire as my type, I have purposely taken a strong 
ease, and that there were other shires in which the pro- 
portion of land finally retained by Englishmen was much 
greater. But^ in any case, whatever was done was done Effsots 
in a regular and l^;al way. And this must have done outward 
something to raise men's spirits again^ and to lead them ??^™^^ 
to put some sort of trust in the new government. It 
was plain that, though the rule of King William was 


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OHAF. xvn. likely to be Bt&m and exacting, yet it was not likely to 
be, at any rate by King William's own will, a reign of 
mere lawless violence. At all events, not a drop of blood 
was shed, and that was somethings when men looked back 
to the beginning of the days of Cnut. A vast extent 
of land was seized, bat it was seized in all legal form ; a 
large portion was granted out to foreign landowners, but 
Ptobable that too was granted out in all legal form. For the rest, the 
^^^.^ Englishman who got back his land under Eling William's 
STti^ writ and seal^ even if he had to pay a mark or two of gold 
for the favour, most likely went back to his house re- 
joicing. He had been in the mouth of the lion, and he 
had come forth unhurt. His good success with one who 
might have harried his lands with fire and sword, who 
might have doomed himself to death or bondage^ must 
have made him, at least in these earlier days of William's 
reign, disposed to be thankful that his lot was not far 
harder than it was. 
Other But there were other and deeper causes at work which 

moSSty *^ """^^^ the change easier to work than it would be in 
of the age Qm* time, and which also made it seem less strangre and 

withflweep- ^ 

mg oonfiB- monstrous than it would seem in our time. Nothing is 
im^d. more repulsive to modem ideas than the confiscation of 
l>ifi'8ren«o private property under any circumstances. Except in a 

of modem « . x f i» • ^ 

ideas on iew extreme cases, except under a few special tyrannies^ 

t emibjeot. ^^ tenure of a private estate lives through both domestic 

revolution and foreign conquest* No conqueror of our 

days would dream of confiscating the lands of every man 

who had served in the army which he had overcome. And 

in the internal a£Ssdrs of civilized states there is a deep and 

growing feeling against confiscation in any shape, against 

punishing the children for the sins of the fathers^ even 

agamst making the rights of the individual give way to 

the needs of the commonwealth. As for wrongs done by 

individuals to each other, it would be a thing unheard of in 

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England or in any other civilized ooontry^ for the lands orap. zyn. 
of a priyate owner or of an ecclesiastical corporation to be 
seized mthont process of law hj the steward of a neigh- 
bouring Dake or Earl. Now on all these points the circum- 
stances and the feelings of the men of the eleventh centoiy 
were wholly different from our own« Confiscation, a word 
which is so frightful a bugbear to most modem ears/ was 
nothing strange or monstrous to them. The name might OonfiBoa. 
be unknown; but they were fiimiliar with the thing in ^^^ 

all manner of shapes, just and unjust, legal and illegal. ^^' 
Confiscation was the received punishment for all manner of 
crimes^ moral as well as political ; it was the doom of the 
adulterer no less than the doom of the traitor.' Every «ul the 
revolution in the state, even every change analogous toxemltofa 
what we should call a change of ministry, was not indeed, J^y^^^jl^ 
as in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries, ac- 
companied by the slaughter of the defeated party, but it 
was commonly accompanied by their banishment and for- 
feiture. AH the lands of the House of Godwine which Owe of 
William now seized on had been already seized and restored 
in the days of Eadward. Even women of the highest rank CaseB of 
were no more secure than other folk. Eadgyth, who now Eadgjih. 
sat at Winchester in queenly wealth and honour, had, in 
the days of her own husband, been driven thence despoiled 
of her lands and goods. Her predecessor Emma had twice 
undergone the same doom, once at the hands of an 

^ ''Coniflo«tion''ofooiinettricaymeinBfbi^^ 
whether goch IbifeHare be just or m^ost In modem lansuage the word 
always Mems to be used in an odions aenae, and it ia even yolgarly uaed as 
a mere equivalent finr robbeiy. 

* See YoL L p. 341. Gompaietheeixtey In Domeaday (i) among theoaa- 
toma of Dorer and Kent ; '< De adnlteilo per totmn Ghent habet Rex 
hominem et Archiepiaoopna molierem." So Cod. DipL iii. 145, in a deed 
of Eadgar, where a oertain .SIfied loaea landa heldof the seeof Whicheater 
fer adultery ; " la eqnidem inaipiena, adulterana, ataprum, propriam religiose 
pactatam abominana, aoortmn diligen8,libidinoee oommiait. Qao reatu omni 
nibatanti& pecnliaU reete priratoa eat." The whole atory ia onrioua. 

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CHAP. xvn. enemy and once at the hands of a son. As for irregular 
m^ and illegal occupations of laud^ made more commonly, it 
oocupation would seem^ by the agents of powerful men than by the 
' powerftd men themselves^ we have abundant instances of 
such deeds of wrong, alike in the days of Eadward and 
in the days of William. Men no doubt complained of 
such wrongs, and sought redress at the hands of the Law ; 
but their complaints were often made in vain, and the Law 
was not always strong enough to punish the wrongdoer. 
In all these ways men had become accustomed to see land 
transferred from one holder to another in arbitrary, and 
Hie confiB- often illegal, ways. After so great a revolution as that 
thing to be which had set William on the throne, a confiscation on a 
undCT the S^^^ ^^® ^^ ^ truth a thing naturally to be looked for. 
circum- It might be looked forward to with dread; it might be 
looked back upon with bitterness and with hopes of re- 
venge. But it could not be looked on as anything strange 
or unnatural, when every man of mature years must have 
remembered the same process happening on a smaller scale 
at the outlawries of Osgod Clapa, of Swegen, of Godwine, 
and of ^Ifgar. 
Special Nor was this aspect of the case essentially altered by the 

settlement ^a^t that William's confiscations were, to a great extent, 
foreign- confiscations of the lands of Englishmen for the behoof of 
Such foreigners. Even in this there was nothing new. Men 

£„Qj^^^ had been used to the establishment of foreigners in the 
*^*««e- land, ever since the days when Hugh the French churl 
had shown himself so poor a defender of the walls of 

Cue of the Exeter.* Old men migrht remember those later days when 


of Gnat. Danish Earls and Danish Thegns were established in 

England, and when English nobles and even English 

JSthelings died by the hands either of the hangman or of 

the assassin.' With such memories as these in their minds, 

> See yol. L p. 346. 

' See above, pp. la, 17. Compare the words of William of Poitiers, 145 ; 

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they might be thankful that their present conqueror was ohaf. zvil 
satisfied with seizing on lands, and did not go on to shed 
blood. ^ Men whose memories did not go so far back as 
this could still remember to how great an extent English 
lands and honours had been parted out among the foreign 
favourites of Eadward. They could remember the evil 
deeds of the castle-builders in Herefordshire and the flight 
of the foreign Bishops through the eastern gate of London. ^ 
And of those foreign favourites some were still in the land, Favourites 
some still held English lands and honours. Robert theoon^j^u^d 
son of Wymare, Staller and Sheriff of the East-Saxons, is ^^^ 
perhaps not to be reckoned as an enemy of England. His 
unlucky counsel to William on his landing was forgotten 
or forgiven. His estates were largely increased by grants 
firom the Conqueror, and were handed on to his son 
Sw^en. ^ Begenbald the Chancellor^ kept at once his 
temporal estates and his ecclesiastical benefices. And, 
worse than all, the original sinners of the Herefordshire 
border, Richard and his son Osbem, were still lords ofOBbemof 
English soil and holders of English offices, ready to play ^^^^^^ 
their part in the work of conquest which still had to go on. 
With such men as these already in the land, the establish- 
ment of William's foreign followers in England was simply 
a large addition made to a class whose presence English- 
men had abeady learned, if not to love, at least to endure. 
In all these various ways, the first confiscations of William 

** KobOiflamoB toomm pie is apostrophizing £<iiglaiid] filiorom, juvenes ac 
senes, Ghnnniiu Danus tracidaTit nimift crudelitate, ut sibi ao liberis suis 
te subigeret. Hie [WiUelmiiB] ne Henddum vellet oooubuisM." 

^ See YoL ii p. 266. ' See yol. ii. p. 331. 

' On Bobert and Swegen see Appendix H. 

* Forhis Berkshire holdingSfSee above, p. 41. He appears as '* Bainbaldas 
presbyter" in Wiltshire, 68 6, Backinghamflhire, 146, Gloucestershire, 166 b. 
The Bockinghamsfaire estate he bad himself held T.R.E., but the lands in 
Herefordshire, 180 h, which " BMnbaldus Canceler " had held T. R.E., had 
been exchanged with Earl William of Hereford, and were beld by the 
King at the time of the Surrey. 

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oBip. xvn. would not seem at the time either so strange or so hateful 
as a spoliation of the same sort would seem in our own day. 
But they must have caused much sorrow and awakened 
much indignation. For the moment men who had lost 
heart endured this along with the other scourges of the 
Conquest. Presently they strove to redress the wrong, but 
by that time the yoke of the stranger was too tightly fixed 
upon their necks. 

EflbctBof There can be little doubt that it was to this great 
cation on' transfer of lands from Englishmen to strangers that the 
the per- Gorman Conquest of England owed its distinguishing 
of the character. This was the causcj more than any one causCj 
which made the Norman Conquest so thorough and so 
lasting in one point of view, so transitory, if we look at 
it from another. It was the master-piece of William's 
policy of outward legality. He did not remain a mere 
conqueror at the head of a foreign army^ holding his 
new Kingdom by main force, and liable to be driyen out 
whenever the whole nation should join together in one 
sudden and vigorous uprising. Himself, in his own read- 
ing of the Law^ a lawful King, he would turn the followers 
by whose swords he had won his Crown into supporters of 
his throne, bearing a more lawful and peaceful character 
than that of mere foreign soldiers. The King by the edge 
of the sword changed himself in all outward show into a 
King according to the laws of England^ and by the same 
process his foreign knights and men-at-arms were changed 
into English landowners^ holding the soil of England 
according to English Law. He had his garrison in every 
comer of the land, but his garrison was formed of the chief 
lords of the soil and of the chief tenants who held under 
Position of them. Such a garrison was harder to drive out than any 
gnnteea in mere army. Each detachment of William's great army of 
England, occupation was weak and isolated ; but in its very weak- 

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nasn and isolation lay its strength. To have oat off eyery ohaf. ztn. 
NbnnaB lord and his Noiman retainers thronghoat the 
length and breadth of England wooU have been a fiv 
harder work^ and wedld have called for a far larger 
exercise both of concert and of secrecy, than to storm any 
fortress or to defeat any army in the field. Something 
of the kind had been done in the great massacre of the 
Danes under iBthelred, bat the Danes who were then cat looa. 
off most have been gathered together in bodies at par- 
ticular places. They were not settled, each man in an 
English home, from one end of England to the other. 
Such a garrison as William planted in England could 
nerer be driven out^ but for that very cause it soon ceased 
to be a garrison at all. The Norman landowner held his 
lands on the same tenure and according to the same law as 
his English neighbour. Each alike held them according 
to the ancient Law of England, Each alike held them as 
a gift from the same hand, as a grant from the bounty 
of King William. In a generation or two the stranger Ther 
ceased to be a stranger. The foreign spoiler, as he must ^lln^into 
have once seemed to English eyes, insensibly changed into ^^1^~ 
the son of the soil^ an Englishman who knew no home but 
England. William divided the lands of England among 
his followers, to secure his own throne and to hold the 
people of England in his obedience. The not remote 
descendants of those on whom he hud this duty became 
the champions of the land which their fathers had con- 
quered, the men who stood forth to curb the pride of Kings 
who sat on William's throne, and to save the lands of 
England from being again parted out as the spoil of the 
Poitevin and the Braban9on. 

The incidental witness of our authorities has thus enabled 
OS to put together a picture of a part of William's policy, 
of which the chroniclers of his actions give us nothing 

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CHAP. zvn. beyond hints and dark allusions. We must however bear in 
mind that in this its first stage the confiscation probably 
extended only to those who had actually fought against 
Land William before his coronation. It is plain that the living 
r^^edby ^^0 Submitted for the most part retained their lands, even 
Jjj^j^^ though their tenure might be changed and the restitution 
not made without a price paid to the new lord. Confisca- 
tion of this kind was mainly confiscation against the dead, 
though, as in all such cases, it was the living heir who 
really suffered. But how rigorous William deemed it his 
policy to be in pressing what he professed to look on as his 
right is shown by his dealings even with ecclesiastical 
DeaUngs bodies. Two of the greatest monasteries in England lay 
AbbevB^of Specially open to his wrath. We have seen how the Abbots 
j^^*^, of Peterborough and New Minster, Leofric the nephew 
and New of Earl Leofric and ^Ifmg the brother of Earl GrodwinCj 
had gpiven their lives in the cause of England. ^ And the 
brotherhood of either house was in William's eyes as guilty 
as its chief. Twelve monks of the New Minster had been 
William's found among the slain at Senlac,^ and the convent of the 
theele^ion ^^olden Borough had done a deed of treason well nigh as 
of Brand. ^^^ ^ William's eyes by sending the Abbot chosen in 
LeoMc's place to seek the royal confirmation at the hands 
of the English ^theling.^ There seems to have been 
something specially galling to William in this quiet ignor- 
ing of his claims. The monks of Peterborough had not 
even waited to see what would be the final end of the strife. 
They had shut their eyes to the presence of the Conqueror 
in the land, and had dealt with the uncrowned Eadgar as 
already King. What followed is best told in the words of 
Reoondli- the local Chronicler. '*When that King William heard 
tween the *^* Spying h© was very wroth, and said that the Abbot 
A™Abbot- ^^ ^^^® despite to him. Then went good men between 

^ See yoL iii. pp. 426, 501. ' See voL iii p. 426. 

' See vol. iii. p. 530. 

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William's bsalinos with pbtebbohough. 67 

them and reconciled them, becaose that the Abbot was a obap. xtil 
good man. Then ga 
for reconciliation/' * 
He wrath of TV 
the Gk)lden Borough by a discreet employment of the< 

good man. Then gave he to the King forty marks of gold ^^^^^ 
He wrath of William was thus tamed away fi^ni wauam's 

wealth of Saint Peter. On the great honse of .Wilfred and Kew 

Eadward his hand fell more heavily. Winchester, it will "™*"* 

be borne in mind, bowed to William some while before 

his coronation,^ so that he was the de/acio ruler in the old 

royal city while Peterborongh still looked to Eadgar as the 

lawful King-elect. Had the convent of the New Minster No saoeet- 

ventared on the choice of an Abbotj it must have been jsifwig 

fix>m William that he must have sought for confirmation. ^^^'^^ 

Either the monks were too utterly downcast at the fidl of 

their country and of their own chief to risk such a step at 

such a moment, or else the election was directly hindered by 

the authority of the Conqueror. One is tempted to think 

that, in William's reading of the Law, the New Minster 

was held to Ml by the treason of its Abbot, just as, in 

the days of Henry the Eighth, the Abbey of Olastonbury, 

which never surrendered, was held to &11 by the attainder 

of Richard Whiting.^ At all events no capitular election 

was allowed for three years, and the church remained 

all that time without an Abbot.^ But this was not all. 

> Chron. Petrib. 1066. " pa |»e cyng Willelm geharde >et Beqgen, >a 
weaifS he BwiOe wis'S, and Bade |»Kt se Abbot him hefde fbraegon. pa 
eodon gode men heom betwenen, and sahtloden heom, foif^an )>8et se abbot 
w«s goddera manne. Geaf )>a [nme cyng zL maro goldes to BahtnysBe." 
That this is the right tune (see vol. iii. p. 530) for this story is plain ftom 
what follows ; '* H lifede he [Brand] litle hwile hsnefter, baton >ry gear." 
Brand died (Chrom. Petrib. 1069) November 37th, 1069. The only qnes- 
tion then is whether William's dealings with Peterborough were not before 
his coronation. But the use of the word King seems to forbid this. 

* See YoL iii. p. 540. 

' Compare the suppresnon of Leominster on account of the misconduct 
of Eadgifn. See vol. ii p. 89. 

* See the reference in vol. ii p. 644, and Mon. Angl. ii. 428-431. 

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oEiF.zyn. A lai^ part of the posseBaionB of the monasteiy were 
seized by the new King — ^Williamt the Tyrant, as thd 
local historian emphatically calls him^ — and g^nted out 
to his followers. A legend^ conceived in the same spirit 
of grim pleasantly as so many other tales about the 
Conqueror, describes him as saying that he punished the 
crime of the Abbot by the confiscation of a barony and 
the crime of the twelve monks by the confiscation of an 
equal number of manors.^ Nay more ; the two minsters 
of Winchester, Old and New, stood in awkward neighbour- 
hood to each other, so much so that the singing of the wor- 
shippers in the one is said to have disturbed the devotions 
of the worshippers in the other. The newer foundation 
was cabinedj cribbed, and confined in a very narrow space 
between the cathedral church and the buildings of the 
WiUiam'B city. William still further narrowed the dwelling-place 
Win^estor ^^ ^^^ monks of New Minster by seizing part of their 
^^^'S**^^^ precinct for the site of a palace for himself^ the walls of 
monasiery. which almost touched the west front of the church.^ 
Such a royal dwelling-place was specially needed in a 
city which, under William, recovered some of the dignity 
which it had lost under Eadward and Harold. The 
older palace of the West -Saxon Kings had become 

1 T. Budborne, Hist. Maj. Wint. ap. Ang. Sacr. i. 349. ** WilhelmoB 
Ck>nqiuefitor illud ab ipso xnonasterio rapnit injuste et militibug 8aiB tradidit. 
Consimili modo se haboit WUhdmus Tjfrannui aliis monasterilB et caeterb 
Dobitibus AngluB." 

> Li the dooament called "Destructio Monaaterii de HidA" (Mon. 
Angl. ii. 437, see voL ii. p. 644) we read, " Anno regni sao tertio mare 
tranBiit, dacens secum eooledas prBBdiotea thesanroe, qui, in brevi rediens, 
diotl monasterii, videlioet pro Abbate baroniam tmam et pro singulis 
monachis qui oum Abbate contra dictum Begem in bellum prooesserunt, 
singula feoda militum arripuit, militibus qui cum eo venerant conferendis." 
The date at least is wrong. 

* See the plan in Edwards* Liber de HydA, p. zli. Of this palaoe no 
trace remains. A royal house, as distinguished from a castle, of William's 
reign would have been a precious addition to our knowledge of domestic 

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the dwelling-place of the royal widows Emma andoHAP.xTxi. 
Eadgyth, and nothing could be further firom William's 
purpose than in any way to disturb the relict of his 
revered predecessor and lord.^ But William's wrath 
against the i^lGanding house seems gradually to have 
relaxed. In the third year he allowed the election o£ Ekotion of 
an Abboty whose name of Wulfiric moreover proclaims wuifrio. 
him to have been an 'Rnglishman^ and whose deposition, '^' 
three years later again, awakens an interest in his favour.* 
And it appears that some parts of the alienated lands Partial re- 
were in the course of William's reign restored to thetoSe ° 
Abbey, and other lands granted to it, some of them ^^^' 
expressly in exchange for the ground alienated for the 
building of the palace.' 

Besides these seizures of landed property, William also Tazm and 
possessed himself of great moveable wealth from various re^^by 
sources. The native Chronicler simply tells us that he ^^^^**™- 
laid a very heavy tax upon all men.^ But the expressions 

' In the liber Winton (Domesday, !▼. 535) we read, " domuB Emms 
Reginae fbit qiuata T. B. E. ei modo est qaieta.'* The palace kept the 
name of the first Old Lady who held it. 

' See Edwards, Liber de HydA, xli. ; Appendix to Winchester Chronicle, 
Thorpe, i. 386. 

' Edwards, ib.; Domesday, 43. Two of the new grants, Alton and 
dere, are expressly said to haye belonged to Eadgyth, who had a house 
at Cl ero *' ibi ftut aula." These grants therefore could not have been 
made till some years later, when the Lady was dead. But Glere is ex- 
pressly said to have been given as a recompense for the site of the palace ; 
'* Hoc dedit eodesia W. Bex pro excambio terrss in quA domus Begis est in 
chitate." Of another place, Laverstook, we find this curious notice; 
" XJhreTa Betedan tenuit de abbatH usque ad obitum. Post mortem ejus 
reddidit Bex W. hoc manerium eidem ecdesis pro suA animll et uxoris ejus." 
The King therefore had some daim after the death of Wulfgifa. Was she 
one of the widows of men slain at Senlac, who were allowed to keep their 
lands as alms ? Of the mysterious and Slavonic-sounding name BetedtM^ 
which seems also to have puxaled Mr. Edwards, I can give no account. 

* daon. Wig. 1066 (just afUr the account of the coronation oath), 
'*8wa |>eah leide gyld on mannum swiOe stiff." William of Poitiers, on 
the other hand« says (147)^ '* Tcibutis et ounctis ad regium fiscum reddendis 

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OHAP. xvn. of writers on the other side may lead us to think that 
the leg^ subtlety of William had forestalled another 
device of later times, and that what those who paid looked 
on simply as a tax was clothed in the eyes of those who 
received it with the milder form of a benevolence. Cities 
and rich men made bountiful offerings to the new Eing.^ 
So churches and monasteries were equally liberal to one 
whose fresh gifts abundantly made up for whatever he 
took away.* It is not perfectly clear whether these 
offerings are to be looked on as something distinct from 
the sums paid for the redemption of lands or as another 
Theallegedway of describing them.^ We hear also of the rich 
of Harold, boards of Harold^ of the goodly things of various kinds 
gathered in his treasure-house, which the wide-spread 
commerce of England had brought together from all parts 
of the world.* These expressions of course fall in with 
those stories of Harold's greediness and parsimony of 
which we have heard already.'^ Here^ as elsewhere, we 
need some less suspicious witness than that of Norman 
panegyrists and legend-makers before we see anything 
in these tales beyond a wise economy. Certain it is that^ 
afterwards at least, no one laid himself more open to the 

modozn qui non gravaret posuit." This however, whateyer tnith we may 
diooae to see in it, is probably meant to refer to regular and permanent 
taxation, while the words of the Chronicler suggest a single extraordinazy 

^ Will. Pict. 144. " Id munificentise stadium adjuvit non modicns census, 
quern undique dvitates et locupletes quique obtulerant novitio domino." 

' lb. 155. ** Abundantes ecdesue transmaiinie sJiqua ei libentes que in 
Oalliam transferret dederunt, quoniam ea multuplo redemit rebus aliis." 

' On the redemption, see above, p. 25. It is possible that the two Chroni- 
clers may mean the same thing by two such diflEerent forms of expression. 

* Will. Pict. X43. " In hujus ergo Imperatoris [Regis R^^um sc.] quasi 
tributum Uuige erogavit quod Heraldi Begis aBrarium avare inclusit. Terns 
illi sua fertilitate opinuB uberiorem opulentiam oomportare sotiti sunt nego- 
tiatores gaza advectitia. Maximi numero, genere, artifioio, thesauri oom- 
poeiti fuerant, aut custodiendi ad vanum gaudium avaritiie, aut luxu Anglioo 
turpiter oonsumendL " * See vol. iii pp. 4.aa, 423, 639. 

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charge of g^reediness than William himself.^ NowoHiF.xvn. 
however, according to his own lanreate, he showed Willjam'B 
nothing bnt bouniy. Of the wealth which came into tion of his 
his hands from all these sources, part went to reward the ^^^' 
companions of his war£ue> bnt fiur more, we are told, to 
the poor and to monasteries and churches, seemingly in 
England as well as beyond sea,^ But these last were 
naturally the chief objects of his thankfulness and bounty. 
First of all came the mother of all churches, the church His gifts 
to whose approval it might be almost said to be owing ohm^es. 
that he held the Crown of England at all. Words, we 
are told, would fail to describe the wealth, in gold and 
silver and precious objects of all kinds, which King 
William sent as his thank-offering to Pope Alexander.^ 
The New Bome herself— a witness to the place which 
the New Bome still held in the minds of men — would 
have wondered at the gifts which the Conqueror poured 
into the lap of the Old.^ One gift was precious above Harold's 
all, alike from its intrinsic value and as a record of the U^ to 
victory which had been won. In return for the con-^"®- 
secrated banner which Toustain had bome beside him 
at Senlac, William now sent the fidlen gonfanon of 
Harold^ on which the skill of English hands had so 
vainly wrought the golden form of the Fighting Man.^ 

1 Chron. Petiib. 1087. " He wies on gitsunge befeaUan, and gnodiiuesBe 
lie Infode mid ealle." This is another stoiy from what William of Poitieis 
tells US (146) ; "Nam, nti adversas liUdines alias, ita advenus ayaritiam 
iuTictiim animom gerebat.'* 

' WiD, Piet. 144. '* Qnomm partem ad ministros oonfecti belli magnifioe 
crogaTit, plnrima ac pretioeisrima egenis et monasteriis diversarom proTin- 
daram distribnit." 

' lb. " Bomanm EcdesiflB ssncti Petri pecuniam in anro atque 
aigento ampliorem qnam dicta credibils sit." 

' lb. " Ornamenta qns Bysantinm peroara haberet in mannm Alez- 
andri Papn transmidt" 

' lb. " Mflimorabile qnoque vezillnm Heraldi, hominis annati imagi- 
sem intextam habens ex anro porissimo [see vol. ill p. 475] ; quo spdio 

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oHAP. xviL The chnicheB of all the lands whence eoldiers had flocked 
^^^ to his standard, or where prayers had been put np for 
iiiTarioiM his success, were enriched with the holy spoils of con« 
a^^ quered England. The gifts which William bestowed 
on the smallest monastery were gifts which a metro* 
politan church would not have despised. > Golden crosses 
studded with jewels^ precious vestmients, chalices of gold, 
even ingots of the same costly metal^^ were scattered 
at WilUam's bidding through the churches of France, 
Aquitaincj Buigundy, and Auvergne.^ But precious 
Gifts to ihe above all were the gfifts which his own Normandy re- 
of Nor^ oeived from the hands of her son and sovereign. The 
''"^<^7- colds and storms of January did not hinder him from 
sending messengers across the sea^ who at once announced 
his elevation^ and who with the news bore the thank- 
offerings of the King and Conqueror to the holy places 
Public joy of his own land.^ Every loyal Norman heart beat 
lom^^'i^^ high with joy at the news that Duke William had 
wroiTti'" become a King.* He himself seems to have been eager 

pro munere ejusdem Aportdlici beDigniiate ribi xnisso par redderet : simul 
et triumphum de tTranno Bom» olteriiuque optatum pulcre jadicaret." 

^ WHl. Pict. 144. **Splendid6 adomaret metropolitanam hawlicam, 
qiK>d mimmam in his donia ooaniobolum aliquod letifioavit." 

' lb. '* AH» emces aureas admodnm grandes msigniter geminatas, pie- 
reque libras auri vel ex eodem metallo vaaa, Doxmullss pallia vel pretiosum 
afiud quid acoepere." These tibinga were evidently among the pretended 
gifta of the English monasteiiee which I haTB mentioned just before. 

* lb. "MilleeocleBiisFrancifl^ Aqnitanin,Bni^ndi»,necnonArveniifB, 
aliarumqne regionum perpetuo oelebre erit Willelmi Regis memoriale." 
Benolt (37883) oddly changes Auyeigne into Saxony ; 

** N'out en France riche moeter, Ob il n'enveiast ses presenx 

N'en Aquitaine n'en Boigoigne, Riches e precios e jenz.'* 
Ne par tot ci que vers Saissoigne, 

* Will. Pict. 144. '* Mnnera qnidem gratissima NormannisB ad^enerunt 
a suo duld nato, pio patre, festinante affectu missa, qnnm saeyitia tem- 
poris atque mans, intrante Januario, esset acerrima.'* 

' lb. 145. " NalluB mnquam illuxit ei [Normanniae] dies betior» 
qnam quum certo rescivit Principem sumn, avctoran m ^tUeti 8tat^ 
Rfigem esse." He goes on with much more in the same strain, but the 
words which I have put in Italics form William's real title to honour. 

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to rait his native land in all iihe glory of conquest and csub.tvu. 
in aQ the splendour of his new rank. His first stay in 5^*^ 
England took up less than three months from the day^intNor. 
of his coronation^ less than six months from the day of 
his first landing at Pevensey. 

But, before he yentured to leave his new Kingdom^William Extent of 
had to take measures for its government and defence during ttonof^ 
his absence. We must here remember his position. He was ^^'^^ 
King over all England, inasmuch as there was no other 
King, inasmuch as the chief men of all England had out* 
wardly become his men. But he was in actual possession of 
only a small part of the country. It is not easy to trace the 
exact extent of the fully conquered territory. The south* 
eastern shires, Sussex and the Earldom of Leofwine, were, 
I need not say, hopelessly in the grasp of the Conqueror. 
Kent and Sussex, above all, had not only seen the flower 
of their inhabitants cut off in the great battle ; they had 
seen every inch of their territory, ecclesiastical estates 
alone excepted, portioned out among foreign inasters. 
Not a rood of ground in those shires remained in the 
hands of an English tenant-in-chief of the King.^ West- 
wards we have traced William in person as far as Wall- 
ingford, and by his representatives as fiur as Winchester. 
There is therefore no doubt as to the submission of 
Hampshire, Berkshire, and part of Oxfordshire; as to 
the town of Oxford itself the evidence is far from dear.^ 
On the other hand Exeter, and with it Devonshire and DistriotB 
Cornwall,' was still untouched. In Herefordshire and on pendent' 
the Welsh border the state of things was very unsettied. 
The Norman colony, phmted in that region by Eadward State of 
and so strangely tolerated by Harold, was still doing its ghire. 

' in Kent and Svtnex we find none of the oUes of Eing^B Thegns of 
whom I have already spoken in Berkehixe. See above, p. 34, and 
Appendix E. ' See Appendix G., Z. 

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CHAP. xvn. work. Osbem, it will be remembered, had been Sheriff 

under Eadward^ even when Harold was Earl of the shire,^ 

and his father Bichard^ the old offender, still lived. Their 

own Richard's Castle was a ready-made outpost of the 

Norman King. And by some means, doubtless through 

Osbem's office of Sheriff^ they were also in command of 

the city of Hereford, where, probably under Osbem's hands, 

Resistance a castle had now sprung up.^ But the most powerful Eng- 
of JSiulnc. 

lishman in those parts, Eadric the Wild, who bears the title 

of Child and is described as the son of iBlfric the brother of 
Eadric Streona,^ had revised to submit;^ and it is need- 
less to say that no homage has been received from the 
Somerset- Welsh Princes. Of the remaininfir shires of Harold's own 
Dorsetshire Earldom, Gloucester, Somerset, Dorset, and Wiltshire, 
untouched. ^^ accounts are less certain. Wiltshire had probably sub- 
mitted along with Hampshire and Berkshire, but Somer- 
setshire and Dorsetshire, there can be little doubt, still 
held out. In the central and northern part of England 
it does not seem that William had taken a single step 
to secure submission beyond receiving the homage of their 
East- Earls and reinstating them in their offices. In the East 
occupied. ^^ England William's dominion was secured by the posses- 
sion of Norwich, the chief town of the Earldom of Gyrth.* 
In short the state of things seems roughly to have been 

* See vol. ii p. 346, and above, p. 53. 

' Florence (1067) speaks of the *< Herefordenses castellani et Bichardus 
filius Scrob " as the opponents of Eadric. I could almost have £fincied 
that the words " Herefordenses casteUani " referred to ** the castle ** in 
Herefordshire, that is Richard's Castle (see toI. ii. p. 138) ; but the words 
of the Worcester Chronicler, " pa castelmenn on Hereforda," seem to 
fix the meaning to the dty iteel£ It is possible that Harold himself, 
during the Welsh war, may have found it expedient to build a castle at 
Hereford. But it is just as likely to have been a work of Osbem himself 
during these first months of William's presence in England. 

' FL Wig. 1067. " Eo tempore exstitit quidam prepotens minister, 
Edricus, oognomento Silvaticus, filius JEHrim, fxatris Edrici StreonsB.** 
See above, p. ai, and Appendix I. 

'lb. " Se dedere Regi dedignabatur." * See below, p. 67. 

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on this wise. The battle of Senlac and his later cam- obab.zvii. 
paigns and progresses had g^ven William real possession ^^^^ 
of by fisur the greater part of those regions of England William's 


whieh had been under the immediate government of the Id jannaiy 
House of Godwine, The south-western shires^ the West- ]^^ld^f in 
Saxon Wealhcyn^ alone seem to have held out. William •^•^^•^ 
in short had stepped into the place of those whom he 
had himself overcome. He had become, as Harold had 
been, King in the fullest sense over the West-Saxons and 
the East-Angles. Over the districts ruled by the sons 
of JSl%ar he held^ as Harold had held, a supremacy which 
the sons of ^Ifgar were anxious to throw off at the first 
opportunity. This singular analogy between the position 
of Harold at the beginning of one year and the position 
of William at the beginning of the next is one which 
I have pointed out already.^ I may add that both princes Attempts 
tried the same means, and that both tried them in vain, Huroidand 
for securing the fidelity of the Northern Earls. The tie "^J^^ 
of marriage or promised marriage was attempted in both North by 
cases. But as the bridal of Ealdgyth brought no North- 
humbrian warriors to Harold's side at Senlac, so the 
promise of William's daughter to Ealdgyth's brother 
worked very little towards bringing the Mercian shires 
into practical submission to the Conqueror. 

I have abeady shown that Harold^s nominal dominion WUliam's 
over Northumberland was changed into a reality by one ^^r the 
of the most signal instances on record of the might of JJ^""^^^ 
persuasion.2 We shall presently see that William's nominal quored 
dominion over the same country was changed into a reality 
only by fire and sword. And the dominion of William 
over the districts where his authority was really acknow- 
ledged had, before he could venture again to cross the 
sea, to be secured by means of which neither Harold nor 
any other English King was likely to dream. I have 

^ See yol. iil. p. 5^ ' lb. p. 61. 


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OHAP. Tvn. already spoken of the extreme rarity of castles in England 
Barity^ before the Norman Conquest, and of the general indig- 
England. nation which was awakened by the building of a single 
castle in Herefordshire by a single Norman adventurer.^ 
Instances Harold however had not scrupled to follow the Norman 
Aixmd^' example in Una matter in positions where the fortress 
ha** ^ - would act, not as a centre of oppression against Euglish- 
ford. men, but as a defence against invading enemies. He had, 

as we have seen, built the famous castle at Dover ; ^ it is 
possible that he had built one at Hereford,^ and it seems 
likely that he had also built another at Arundel. Domes- 
day at least bears its witness to the existence of a castle 
there in the days of King Eadward/ a solitary instance 
in the whole course of the Survey. But now the age 
CasUes of castle-building fairly set in. It was William's policy 
WiUiam. to keep the conquered land in check by commanding 
every town and every important point by one of these 
fortresses, which became in truth the fetters of England.^ 
We have already seen him begin the work on the heights 
of Hastings,^ and go on with it in the greatest city of 
the land.7 And, as we follow his steps, we shall see that, 
at every stage of the Conquest, the buildiug of a castle in a 
conquered town was ever the first work of the Conqueror's 
foresight. Most of the castles whose foundation is dis- 
tinctly recorded naturally belong to places which came 
into William's hands in the course of later warfare. But 

^ See vol. ii p. 158. ' See vol. iii. p. 536. ' See above, p. 64. 

* Domesday, 23. '* Castrum Hanindel T. B. £. reddebat de quodam 
molino XL. solidos." See Appendix K. 

* Ord. Vit. 511 C (speaking however of a somewhat later time) ; •* Bex 
igitur seoessos regni proyidentins periustrayit, et opportuna looa contm 
ezcursionee hostium oommonivit." So Will. Qem. vii. 4a. "Rex antem 
monituB quidem pradenti&, qu& consulere in cunctis Regi novit, immnnita 
regni providissimi dispositione perlustravit, ac ad arcendos hostium ex- 
cursus tutissima castellA per opportuna loca stabilivit, qu» militum eleotia- 
simo robore et uberrima stipendiorum copift mnnivit." 

* See vol. iii. p. 409. ^ See above, p. 19. 

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tbere were castles in Sotithem and Eastern England also^ obap. zvn. 
and it is most likely that their foundation at least, if not 
their completion, was among the very first works of 
William^B reign. In one case indeed we have distinct 
evidence of the feet. The borough of Norwich, not yet Condition 
an episcopal city, was^ as we have seen,^ one of the wich^ita 
chief among En^ish towns^ the chiefest by fax in its own ^^^^^^ 
quarter of England^ the capital of the Earldom held sue- •^^ "pili- 
cessively by Harold, uSllfgar, and Gjnrth. It had nowportance. 
folly recovered from the damage which it had suffered in 
the wars of Swend and Ulfcytel.^ The Norman panegyrist 
speaks of it as a noble and powerful city^ inhabited by 
rich^ daring, and he is pleased to add faithless, citizens.^ 
In King Eadward's reign the burghers of Norwich had 
reached the great number of thirteen hundred.^ It stood 
at no great distance from the sea which separated, or 
rsUier united, England and Denmark, and the citizens, 
Kke the rest of the men of East-Anglia, had no doubt 
a strong Danish dement among them. Norwich was 
therefore a point which called for special attention at the 
hands of a conqueror whose Crown might at any moment 

» Vol. i. p. 350. • lb. p. 351. 

* Win. Hot. 148. " Gnenta nrbs est nobillB atqne valens. OiTos ao 
finitimoe habet divites, infidos, et andaces." " Guenta ** would of oonne, 
if tliere were no reason to the contraiy, mean Winchester, Venta Bd- 
^omm, but the description given of its position shows that the Archdeacon 
most have taken a classical fit, and that he means Fento /oenorum, of 
which Norwich, though not exactly on the site, may fEorly pass as a repie- 
sentatire. Benott however, in translating William of Poitiers (3 7949), says, 

** Guincestre ert mult noble cit^/' &c. 

* Domesday, iL 116. '*In Norvic erant tempore Regis E. Moooxx." The 
numbers had sadly dwindled at the time of the Survey. In 116 6 we 
read, ''Modo sunt in burgo DOLZV. burgenses Anglid et consuetudines 
rsddunt, et OOOLXXX. bordarii qui propter pauperiem nuUam reddunt con- 
soetndinem, et in ill& terrft quam tenebant Stigandus T.B. E. manent modo 
ez iHis snperiozibus xxzviin. burgenses . . . et in ill& terr& de qu& Heroldus 
habebat socam sunt xv. burgenses." 


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cudes in 
England. threatened by a Scandinavian rival.^ A fortress was 
^^^^J*f therefore built within the walls of the city,^ a fact which 
at once shows that the city itself was already forti- 
fied, and that the new fortress was mainly intended as a 
curb upon the citizens themselves. Whether William's 
present work was really the beginning of the great fortress 
whose shell still survives^ or whether all that waa now 
done was to provide in a hasty way for the needs of the 
moment, is a question which may be left to local inquirers. 
In the course of William's reign other castles arose within 
the limits of the territory which was already subdued, 
at Canterbury, Rochester, Bramber, Lewes, Carisbroke, 
Wallingford, and Windsor, the last being the most famous 
and abiding of all.^ Of most of these it is probable 
that the beginnings at least belong to this early stage 
of William's reign, but all or most of them have either 
perished or survive only in the form of representatives of 
later date. The present keep of Rochester above all is 
the noblest example of the Norman military architecture 
of the next generation. In all these castles we are told 
that William placed trusty and valiant captains, who had 
come with him from Graul, at the head of large forces of 
the oastlee. horse and foot.* The expression " from Gaul " is re- 
^^]^TMe- ii^Afl^ftHe- It is a witness to the importance of the force 

importance which William had drawn from lands beyond the bounds 
of the 

of his own Duchy. The foreign, especially the Breton, 

placed in 

' Will Pict. 149. "Danos in auzilium citius redpere potest. A mart, 
quod AngloB a Danis separat, millia passumn quatuordecim distat." 

' lb. *'Huja8 quoque urbis intra mcenia mnnitionem constmxit." So 
Ord. Vit. 506 B. "Intra moenia Guente opibos et munimine nobilis 
urbis et man contigun, yalidam arcem oonstruzit." This almost looks as if 
the famous castle of later times was now at least begun, though the words 
may merely refer to some temporary predecessor. 

* On these castles, see Appendix K. 

* Will. Pict. 148. •* Gustodes in castellis strenuos viros oollooaTit, ez 
GaUis traduotos, quorum fidei pariter ac virtuti credebat, cum multit<idind 
peditum et equitum.*' 

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aoxiliaries, rnust^ at this stage of the Conqaest, have been ohap. xvn. 
nmneroas and formidable, and we shall see that^ later in ^^mga 
his reign, William was well pleased to get rid of them. atthLitime. 
To encourage the commanders of these fortresses under the 
toils and dangers which, peaceful as the country seemed, 
it was assumed that they would still have to undergo, 
they were endowed by the King with wealthy fiefe.^ It P^** ®' 
is now that we are assured that, among all William's wiliiam'i 
grants of this kind, nothing was given to a Frenchman ®®^"* 
which was unjustly taken from an Englishman.^ That 
is, as I have already explained it, William despoiled none 
of his new subjects, except those who, whether dead or 
alive, were, in his reading of the Law, justly liable to the 
penalties of treason.^ 

Among these faithful servants of the Conqueror who ^^ 
were thus set to bear rule over Englishmen, or more oomnuuid 
truly to hold Englishmen in check, two claim special §||^^p 
noticej both j&om the place which they have already held 95?J"^ 
in our narrative and from the office which they were now Fit>- 


called upon to fill. High above all those whom William 
put in places of trust, he chose as his special lieutenants 
and representatives in absence his brother and his chosen 
friend. The rule of the conquered land was entrusted 
to William Fitz-Osbem, the man who had done more 
than any other man to bring about the invasion of Eng- 
land,^ and to Bishop Odo of Bayeux, who had had, next to 
the Conqueror himself, the greatest share in making the 
invasion successful. The panegyrist of William tells us that 
he knew his namesake, the son of Osbem, to be specially 
dear to the Normans and specially dreaded by the English.^ 

* WilL Pict. 148. '* Ipris opulenta beneficia distributt, pro quibun labores 
ac pericula libentibiis animlB tolerarent." 

' See tbe extract from William of Poitiers in p. 48. 
' See above, p. 14. 

* See voL iii. p. 196. 

' WiU. Plot. 149. " Hunc Normannifl cariiwimnm, AngliB maximo terrori 

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OHAP. xvn. Of OdOj on the other hand^ we are told that, dear as be 

was to Normans and Bretons, even the English themselves 

were not such barbarians as to fail to appreciate him. They 

saw that^ whether as Prelate or as temporal ruler, be was 

entitled not only to their fear but to their reverence and 

EarldomB love.^ These two specially £Bhvoured chiefs were invested 

w^am ^^^ English Earldoms^ and were entrusted with a general 

^^m conmiand over the whole of the conquered country. But, 

and Odo. even at this early time, William began that policy of 

poU^with ^"^io^ which has affected the whole course of English 

w^ard to history since. In the Northern part of England^ where 

his power was purely nominal^ he was constrained for 

a season to leave the successors of LeoMc and Siward 

in possession of the vast governments held by their pre^ 

decessors. But^ within that part of the land which was 

really his own, William was not going to allow the 

growth of any power^ even in the hands of those dearest 

to him^ which had the faintest chance of becoming dan- 

EarlB gerous to his own. There was no longer to be an Earl 

fOT^^^ of the West-Saxons or an Earl of the East-Angles, wield- 

shires. j^g ^q y^gt powers and ruling over the vast territory 

which had been held by the Earls of the Houses of Grod- 

wine and Leofiric. Returning in this to earlier English 

practice^ the Earl under William was to have the rule 

of a single shire only^ or if two shires were ever set 

under one Earl, they were at least not to be adjoining 

Results of shires. The results of this change have been of the 

ange. jjjgi^gj^^ moment. This one resolution of the Conqueror 

esse soiebat." He enlazges on William Fitz-Osbem*s merits and on the 
friendship which had lasted between him and the Duke from their earliest 

^ Will. Piet. 150. After a long panegyric on Odo, he winds up ; '* Libentes 
eidem obseqnebantur, ut acceptissimo domino, Normanni atque Britanni. 
Nee Angli adeo barbari faerunt, quin fiioile intelligerent hunc prsBsulem, 
hunc prsfectum, merito timendum esse, venerandum quoqne ac dili- 

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did more than any other one cause to make England an ooip.xyu. 
imited Kingdom^ and to keep it fix>m falling asunder 
like France and Qermaay. The Duke of the Normans 
and the King of the fioglish had widely diffiarent interests. 
WilUam would not run the faintest chance of having 
sach a fendatory in his own Kingdom as his own lord 
the King of the French had in William's own person. 
A Norman Earl of all Wessex^ feeling himself in 
truth Earl by the edge of the sword^ might well have 
forgotten that the Law of England looked on him simply 
as a magistrate accountable to the King and his Witan, 
and, under a King who showed the least weakness^ he 
might have found opportunities of growing into a terri-^ 
torial prince. But William the Great never showed weak- The royal 
ness in any matter, and in this matter he followed a course S^^^. 
which cut off all fear of danger. An Earl of the West- 2?^ •?* 

° the unity 

Saxons might be dangerous to the power of the King and of the 
to the unity of the Kingdom ; there was no such danger Airtherod. 
in a local Earl of Kent or Hereford. William thus 
took care that no one man in his Kingdom should be 
stronger than the King. Any one noble, however powerful, 
could be at once overcome. This secured the unity of the 
Kingdom in one way. In order fco resist the royal power 
with any hope of success, the nobles had to combine with 
one another and to seek for the help of the people. Thus 
the Old-English parliamentary instincts which the Conquest 
for a while checked were again awakened and strengthened, 
and the unity of the Kingdom was secured in another 
way. It was precisely because William for a while over- 
threw English fireedom^ because he knew how to win for 
himself such a power as no King of the English had 
ever held before him, that in the end national unity and 
national freedom appeared again in more perfect shapes 
than they had ever taken in the days of our old insular 

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CHAP. xvn. The firstfruits of the new system were seen in the ap- 
of Kent; pomtment of Bishop Odo to the Earldom of Kent * and of 
WiUiam' William Fitz-Osbem to the Earldom of Hereford.^ The 


Osbem immediate and permanent authority (^ both was thus 
Hereford. Confined within very narrow bounds; the wider com- 
mission which they also held was a mere temporary dele- 
Their joint gation of authority during the EJng's absence. In this 
oomman ; ^^ character they seem to have been joined together as 
co-regents, while each had his own special province within 
the South the limits common to both.^ The South, which, we are 
the North ' assured, was, through its neighbourhood and intercourse 
waSam. ^^^ GtSLuly somewhat less savage than the rest of the 
island, was put under the milder rule of the Bishop.^ 
It was left to the new Earl of Hereford to keep watch 
against the still independent North, and Norwich, with 
its newly rising castle, was put under his special care.^ 
These two extreme points of his province, Hereford on 

^ William of Poitiers (149) implies, without directly stating, Odo*s ap- 
pointment as Earl ; '* Gastram Doyeram Odoni fratri sno commisit, com 
adjacente orft australi, quse, nomine vetosto Cantium dicta, Galliam propius 
spectat.*' The Peterborough Chronicler also calls him Earl (1087), though 
without naming his Earldom ; ** He haefiie eorldom on Englelande." His 
Earldom is implied in the well-known story of his seizure by his brother's 
orders (WiU. Malm. iii. 377 ; Ord. Yit. 647 C), and William of Malmes- 
bury, just before telling it, says, " Odonem, quem ad episcopatum Baio- 
oensem provexit Gomes, Comitem Cantis Rex instituit," as Orderic directly 
after the story speaks of his " oomitatus Cantie." 

' From the language of Orderic (531 D) one might have thought that 
William Fitz-Osbem did not receive the Earldom till 1070, but Florence 
(1067) says expressly, '* Willehnum filium Osbemi, quem in Herefordensi 
provinci& Comitem oonstituerat.'* 

' The joint commission of Odo and William appears fiuntly in the 
Worcester Chronicle, 1066 ; ** and Oda Biscop and Wyllelm Eori belifen 
her aefter;" It is more distinct in Florence, 1067 ; *' Fratrem suum Odonem 
Baiocensem et Willelmum filium Osbemi AngliiB custodes relinquens." So 
Will. Pict. 156. " Interea Baiocensis Presul Odo et Wilielmus Osbemi filius 
prsefecturas in regno, uterque suam, laudabiliter administrabant^ interdum 
simul agitantes, modo diversi." 

^ Will. Pict. 149. " Cantium . . . Galliam propius speotat, unde et a minus 
feris hominibus inooUtur. Consueverant enim meroes cum Belgis mutare." 

» See above, p. 67. The words of William of Poitiers (149), ** Ibidem 

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the West and Norwich on the East^ show plainly how far ohap. xvn. 

the real dominion of William reached towards the North. 

The two Earls were to be the royal lieutenants during GmUm to 

William's absence^ and they were specially bidden to be 

diligent in the great work of securing the obedience of 

the land by the building of castles.^ 

Besides these two great Viceroys^ we also know theSubofdi- 
names of some of the subordinate captains who heldgum^^Jd 
commands under them. The few whose names appear ^^ 
in the history were all of pure Norman birth. The Hugh of 
Castle of Dover, the chief fortress of the government |^ Doyer, 
of Odo, was entrusted to the immediate care of Hugh 
of Montfort.^ Of him we have heard in two widely 
different characters on different sides of the sea. Dover, 
perhaps again arising from the ruin of the Norman fire, 
was given to the care of the man who had so well guarded 
the burning streets of Mortemer. The fortress raised 
by the forethought of Harold was put under the rule, 
not of one who had met his axe &ce to &ce, but of one 
of the evil four who had wrought the last brutalities 
upon liis disabled body.' The fortress of Hastings had^ Humfrey 
from ihe very day when it began to arise, been placed Hastingg, 
under the command of Humfrey the brother-in-law of 
the more famous Hugh of Grantmesnil.^ His son Robert, 

[Gaentae] WOlelmum reliquit OBbend filiiup pnecipuum in exerdtu suo, 
at in vice 8u& interim toti regno Aquilonem versus prsesset," show that 
^^Gaento" cannot be Winchester. 

* Fl. Wig. 1067. ** GarteUa per looa firmari prsscepit." 

' Will. Gem. vii 59. '' Militee Odonis Baiocasini PraesaliA atque Hu- 
gonia de Monteforti, quibiu cnatodia Dorobermn credita erat.** Will. 
Pict, 157. "HonitioneB oustodea Prsesnl Baiooensis atque Hugo de 

' On the doings of Hugo of Montfort at Mortemer and Senlac, see vol. 
iii-PP. 155,287, 499. 

* Ord. Yit. 51a B. "Sororius ejus [Hagonis de Grantemaisnil] T7n- 
fridus de TeUiolo, qui Hastingas a prim& die oonstructionis ad onstodien- 
dun BOflceperat.'' See also 600 0. In 669 G we read of his son Robert, 
" Umfridus pater ejus fuit fiUus Amfridi de progenie Daconun. Adeliza 

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OHAP. XVII. known afterwards as Robert of Rhuddlan, had been one 

of the Norman fisivoarites of Eadward; he had received 

knighthood at his hands^ and had held what one would 

think must haye been the sinecure office of armour-bearer 

Hugh of to the Saint J To Hugh of Grantmesnil himself was 

Qil^^ij[. entrusted the government, or at least the military com- 

c^«rt»r. naand, of the old Imperial city and of a district which 

at least took in the whole of Hampshire.^ As one 

Norman Hugh had been set by Emma to bear rule in 

her moming-gifb of Exeter^^ so now Eadgyth saw, per^ 

haps without repining, her still nobler moming^gift of 

Winchester placed under the rule of another Norman 

Hugh of greater renown. 

WiUiam's Of the state of things in the Northern Earldoms we 

^iS to unluckily hear nothing. It was "William's policy to 

the North, remove from the country during his absence all those 

whose presence in it at such a moment might have been 

dangerous to his authority. An honourable pretext was 

not wanting. The chief men of England were called 

upon to accompany their new King on his visit to his 

dominions beyond the sea. Normans and Englishmen, 

now under the rule of one common sovereign, were to 

feel^ if not as fellow-countrymen, at least as fellow-subjects. 

They were to become accustomed to the presence and 

companionship of one another, and each was to look on 

the land of the other as a land not whoUy foreign. 

vero mater ejus Boror Hngonis de Grentemaionil de cUrfk atirpe Geroift- 
norum." Was Humphrey a brother of Thurstan Gos, and therefore great* 
uncle of Hugh Earl of Chester f See toL i. p. 205. 

* See Ord. Vit. 666 C, 669 C, where we read of Kobert, "Hie Eduardt 
Regis armiger fuit, et ah illo cing^lum militin aooepit.** 

' lb. 51a B. "Hugo de Grentemaisnil, qui pnesidatum Gewiseorum, 
id est Guentan» regionis, jam habuerat." The flourish about the Gewissi 
(compare a kindred flourish in a charter of Eadwig quoted in yoi. i. p. 62a) 
need not make us carry Hugh's government beyond Hampshire. A laige 
part of Weasex was stiU unoonquered. 

' See voL I p. 346. 

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William's policy towabds the nobth. 75 

We are expressly assured that those whom William took oBBAP.xm. 
with him were not taken as captives, bat as men high in 
his favour, as the men of highest dignity in his new 
realm, who were to be farther honoured by being thus 
brought into the closest companionship with tiie royal 
person.' But, if they were not taken as captives, we 
are no less distinctly told that they were taken as 
hostages. William chose as his companions the men 
whose power he dreaded and of whose faithfulness he was 
doubts. In their absence revolts would be less to be 
feared. For there would be no leaders of the first rank to 
head them, and regard for the safety of those who were 
in William's hands might keep back their friends trom 
b^inning disturbances which might be avenged on them.' 
In pursuance of this policy, William summoned three Eadwine, 
out of the four Northern Earls, Eadwine, Morkere, and ^^^ "*' 
Waltheof, to accompany him on his visit to his native ^^^ 
Duchy. They could not well refuse. They may have*o»«»p 
seen through the real motives of the invitation, bat on to Nor- 
the surface everything was friendly and honourable. They ™*''^y- 
could not have declined so flattering a request from the 
King whom they had just acknowledged^ unless they 
wished to hurry on the open quarrel which it was their 
interest as well as his to stave off. Eadwine, Morkere, and 
Waltheof accordingly obeyed the summons.* Of Oswulf 

*■ WilL Pict. 150. " Pnesertim quom non traherentur ut captivi, sod domi- 
Dum sanm Regem prozimi oomitarentar, ampUorem ex hoc gratiam atque 
honorem habitnri,** 

* lb. " Abdaoere aecum decreyerat, quorum prsBcipue fidem bus- 
pidebat ao potentiam, . . . . ut ipflis anotoribus nihil sub deoeasum 
suum noyaretor, gens vero tota minos ad rebellionem valeret spoliata 
principibiu. Deniqne eoB potifwimum, vduH obsidestin potestate suA tali 
cautelA tenendos eziathnabat, quorum auotoritas vel salus propinquis et 
oompatriotis maximi esset." The Peterborough Chronicler (1067) P^^ *^ 
this into a very short formula; *' Her for le oyng ofer bib, and hsfile mid 
him gitku and sceattas." 

* lb. ''Sic autem iuere subaoti, ut obeequentissime faoerent im- 

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OBAP. xvn. we hear only incidentally, but it is plain that he must 

Apparent have given offence. If he had failed to appear at 

of ^wt^ Berkhampstead or at Barking, to become William's man, 

and to receive his Earldom again at William's hands^ 

that was quite ground enough, according to the code of 

the new reign^ to deal with him as a traitor whose lands 

and honours were forfeited without fiirther sentence. 

But as yet William exercised as little authority beyond 

the Tyne or the Humber as he exercised in the Orkneys. 

Policy of But it was politic to treat as his own the land which 

dealings ^^ ^^^ ^7 ^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^7 ^^ ^^^ 7^^ 

J^^lJJ^'come when he could try the experiment of sending a 

land. foreign Earl and foreign soldiers into that distant and 

dangerous land. But it was prudent to make at least 

a show of authority even in the fiirthest comer of the 

land over which he claimed to be King. Such a show 

of authority might be made by granting the forfeited 

Earldom to an Englishman^ and leaving him to take 

possession of it in William's name, if he could. Such an 

instrument was found in Copsige, the old lieutenant of 

Tostig. A partizan of Tostig would naturally be at feud 

with Oswulf, as one whom the favour of Tostig's enemy 

Morkere had restored to some share of the possessions 

Gopdge of his fore&thers.i William acted with speed. Early' 

Ew?,''* in the month of February Copsige was invested with 

^^io6i^ the Earldom, and he at once set forth to take possession. 

We shall see hereafter how he fared on his errand.^ 

Position of Besides the Earls and Prelates who are spoken of as 

S;theiwig' accompanying William, there are one or two other leading 

^^^ , churchmen of whom we hear later in the story, and 
i£thel- '' ' 

sige. of whom we should have been well pleased to learn some- 

thing at this particular moment. One of these is uSlthel- 
wig, the prudent Abbot of Evesham. High as he had 

* See vol. iL p. 487. 

' See the next Chapter and Appendix L. 

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stood in the fiivourof Eadv^ard and Harold, he stood oHAP.xvn. 
equally high in the fiivour of William. The annab of 
his house set him before us as one of the first of English 
Prelates to sabmit to the new order of things, and as 
being at a somewhat later time invested with large 
anthority in several Mercian shires.^ Another Prelate 
also, whose church lay in the Earldom of Waltheof, 
iBthelsige of Bamsey, who had borne to Harold in his 
sickness the miraculous message of comfort from his 
saintly predecessor^^ was also soon after high in William's 
&vour. He therefore probably was so already. The 
presence of Copsige, ^thelwig, and uSlthelsige in the 
Earldoms of Morkere^ Eadwine^ and Waltheof respec- 
tively may possibly have been looked on as a guaranty 
for the preservation of order no less valuable than the 
absence of the Earls. But on all these points of detail we 
are left to conjecture. 

§ 8. WiUiam^s First Fmt to Normandy. 
March — December 1067. 

All was now ready for the royal vojrage. The place WilMam's 
chosen for the embarcation was the same which had been tion at 
chosen for the landing six months before. In the course ^«^«»»»^- 
of the month of March the ships were ready at Pevensey, 
already most likely the lordship of William's brother^ 
Robert of Mortain.^ Those ships, the Norman panegyrist 
tells us, should have been adorned^ in ancient fashion, with 
white sails, as bearing a conqueror to his triumph.** A 

> See Appendix W. * See toL iii. p. 359. 

' See DomefldAy, so b. I know not on what oathority Thierry (i. 373) 
wya, ** k TtnreoBej, lien de d^barqaement de V»xat6e, lea soldate nonnandB 
pertag^rent entre enx lee maiaons dei yaincnB.'* He refen to Domesday, 
16, where there is not, and oould not well be, anything of the kind. 

* WOL Pict 150. **Stabaat naves ad transmittendum psratissinue, quas 

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OHAP. zvn. large body of Englishmen of rank had assembled on the 
Ush ^^d- ^^^' either to accompany the King on his voyage or simply 
antB or to do him worship on his departure.^ And of those who 
were chosen for the former dangerous honour the first was 
Eadgar. Eadgar^ the King of a moment, whom we are told that 
William had enriched with large gifts of land and enrolled 
among those who were dearest to him.^ Another was 
Stigand. Stigand the Primate, whom he had already made op his 
mind to remove from his office^ bat with whom he thought 
good to bear for a while, till his deposition could be brought 
about by proper Papal commission. Till this could be done, 
William deemed it prudent to show all honour to one whose 
authority stood so high among his countrymen.^ The only 
^thelnoth other churchman of whom we hear by name is iEthelnoth, 
bury. Abbot of Olastonbuiy^ whose obedience to William's sum- 
mons is the only sign which we have yet come across of any 
authority being exercised by the new King in the Western 
shires. That ^thelnoth, who was afterwards deposed from 
his Abbey, was already honoured by William's jealousy is 
a &ct which may be set against the charges which are 
brought against him.^ Among laymen the only one 

vere dectient albis velis more veterum adomatas esse. Ennt eniin reyec- 
tune, gloriosiBBimuin triumphum nimtiature, mazime optatum gandium." 
Thieny (i. aSi) seems tp think that the sails actually were white. 
^ Will. Pict. 150. '^Gonyenit eodem multus Anglorum equitatus." 

* See Appendix M. 

* WilL Pict. 147. " Pontificium Stigandi, quod noyerat non canonicom^ 
minime probabat ; sed ApostoUd sententiam exspectare melius quam pro- 
perantins deponere existimabat. Suadebant et ali» rationes, ut ad tempua 
pateretur atque honorifice haberet ilium eujus inter Anglos auctoritas erat 
gumma." William of Malmesbuiy, Gest. Pont. 36 (I quote henceforward 
from Mr. Hamilton's new edition), especially marks the unwilliDgness of 
Stigand to go on this journey ; ** Kec multo post in Kormanniam nayigans 
■ub yelamine honoris renitentem secum trazit, ne quid perfidiie, se absente, 
per ejus auotoritatem in Anglia pullularet." 

* On ^tfaehioth, see yol. ii. p. 361. Thierty (i. 381) for jEthelnoth sub- 
stitutes Frithiio Abbot of Saint Alban's, for whose presence he quotes no 
authority. I suspect it to be as mythical as most other stories about that 
Prelate. William of Poitien (150) mentions no Prehikte but Stigand, but 

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William's bitglish gompanioks. 79 

mentioned besides the .^heling and the three Earls, chap. ztu. 
is a Thegn of Kent, who bore the same name as the Abbot ^J^' 
of Glastonbory.^ Those however whose names are given Waitbeof. 
as did not form the whole of William's English escort ; Jxe^?*^ 
many ''good men,'' who are otherwise unrecorded^ went 
with him. And, along with his English companions, no William 
small amount of English treasure also found its way on trearare 
board WiUiam's ships. We are assured that it was all "^^^^^ 
honourably gotten and was designed to be honourably 
spent ;* but the mention of it draws forth a glowing de- The wealth 
scription of the wealth of England from our Norman 
informant. Gaul, in the widest extent of its three di- 
visions, could not have farnished such wealth of gold and 
silver as William now brought from his new conquest, a 
conquest which is proudly contrasted with the petty exploits 
of the first Csesar in the same island.^ Some part of all 

in a flourish a little way on (153) he speaks of *' totias Britannis episoo- 
pomm priniatem atque magnos in transmarinis ooenobiis abbates." ^thel- 
noth appears in the Worcester Chronicle, 1066, and in Florence, 1067. 

^ Tlie iBtbeling and the three Earls are mentioned in the Worcester 
Chronicle, and by Florence and William of Poitiers, both of whom give a 
Latin eqniyalent for the "manege o9re gode men of Englalande." Florence 
mentions the Kentish Thegn .^Sthelnoth by name ('* satrapam Agelnothnm 
Gantoanensem"), distinguishing him from the Abbot, with whom Orderio 
(506 B) evidently confomided him. He is most likely the '* Alnod cild," 
<* Alnod Chentiscus," '* Alnod Cantuariensis" of Domesday. See Appendix S. 

Hie Peterborough Chronicler (see above, p. 75) puts the whole escort 
together under the head of '* gislas." Oddly enough, he is literally translated 
in the Normannis Nova Chronica, 1067. ** WiUelmus Dux, et Bex 
Angloigm, eodem anno mare transiit^ in Normanniam ducens secum cbMes 
et thesanros." 

* Will. Pict. 155. " Quod rectissimo jure acceperat, quod, ubi honestis- 
simae rationes poetularent, ezpendere cogitabat.*' The panegyrist clearly 
had a lurking doubt as to the perfect righteousness of his master. 

' The comparison between William and CsBsar is drawn out at great 
length by the Archdeacon of Lisieuz, pp. 1 51-154. The passage with 
which we are here concerned comes near the end ; " Attulit non aliquan- 
tulum vectigal, non rapinas, sed quantum ex ditione trium Qalliarum vix 
oolligeretur argentum atque aurum. . . . Caii metalli abundantii multipU- 
citer Gallias terra ilia vincit. Ut enim hoireum Cereris dioenda videtur 
frnmenti copift, sic aerarium Arabin auri copi&." 

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OHAF. xvn. 


police by 






at the 


in Nor- 

this wealth was scattered among the companions of 
William's labours, while the fleet was still in the haven 
of Pevensey/ But enough was curied beyond sea to set 
on fire the minds of all those among William's countrymen 
who had tarried by their own hearths while the land which 
sent forth such goodly stores was in winning. 

The voyage was prosperous, and it seems to have had 
the incidental good eflTect of securing the safety of sea- 
£Euring folk of lower degree. A stop, we are told, was put 
to aU piracy for a long time to come.^ The expression is 
remarkable ; it might seem to imply that, since the great 
fleet of Harold had disappeared from the Channel, piracy 
had been specially rife. The Danish havens in Ireland 
were no doubt always Ml of men in whom the old Wiking 
spirit was strongs and who were ready to sail forth for 
fighting or plunder wherever either fighting or plunder was 
to be had. And it is quite possible that dispossessed English- 
men may have already begun, as we know that they did 
before long, to take service in any quarter which promised 
either a chance of restoration or a hope of vengeance on those 
who made restoration hopeless. For the present at leasts it 
would seem that the southern coast of England^ the coast 
which William's own fleet could immediately protect or 
coerce, remained unharried by either friends or enemies. 

The haven at which William landed is not told us. But 
we have fiill, perhaps not exaggerated, accounts of the joy 
with which the Duke, now a King, was received in his 
native land. Few, in any time or place, are slow to pay 
their homage to a conqueror, and we must never forget 
that, within his own Duchy at least, few princes have been 
better entitled than William to the real love and thankfiil- 

^ Wffl. Pict. 150. "At mHites repatriantee, quorum in tantie negotiis 
fideli operft usua fuerat, largA mann ad eumdem portum donavit, ut opimum 
fructum victoiUB seoum omnes peroepisse gauderent." 

' lb. 15 1 . ** Tranamissio hmc mare diu pacavit, piratft omni procul fugato." 

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William's voyage to NORMANor. 8i 

11668 of their people. It was Lent ; it was winter : but ohap. ztii. 
the return of William turned the gloomy season into 
days of summer festival.^ Eveiy town through which the 
Duke passed was crowded with men from the remotest 
parts of the Duchy, who pressed to set eyes once more on 
their own prince who had won such glory for himself and 
for the Norman name.' The pomp of his approach to Hii entiy 
Bouen^ the assemblage of all ages, ranks, and sexes, carries ^ ^^^ 
back the classical imagination of the panegyrist to the tri- 
umphs of old Boman days. And it is worth noticing that, 
after he had just spent all his ingenuity in proving the ex« 
ploits of William to be in every way greater than the exploits 
of Caesar^ he still seems to think that he is doing further 
honour to his own hero by likening his reception at Rouen 
to the reception of Fompeius at Bome.^ At Rouen it probably Be^enoy^of 
was that he again met his beloved Duchess, who, though •*"°*-- 
uncrowned, already, on Latin-speaking lips at least, bore 
the royal titled Aided by the counsel of the wise and 
aged lEioger of Beaumont, she had kept Normandy in peace 
and prosperity during her husband's absence,^ and it needs 
no great flight of imagination to picture to ourselves the 
truest and purest source of joy in that proud entry, when, 
not the King or the Conqueror, but the faithful partner of 
so many cares, returned to the home which, almost alone 

^ WflL Pict. 154. ''Diesetant hibemi, et qui poenitentue quAdiMgesunalis 
rigor! TBcant. Ceteram nbique agebantur tamquam summie festivi temporia 
ferue : aol sestiyA Berenitate lucidus videbatur, gratia dierum solitA longe 
majar." Is tbiB merely meti^hor, or was WiUiam really fikvoured by the 

' lb. " Mmomni sive remotionim looornm inoolsB in nrbes, aut alio ubi 
fiumltaa conspidendi Regem daretur, confluebant.'* 

' lb. " Qunm in metropolim snain Rothomagum introiret, senea, 
paeri, matrons, cnnctique cives spectatum proceaaeiunt ; oonclamabant 
salutantes redncem, adeo ut dvitas ilia universa applaudere putaretur, 
ricnti Roma quondam Pompeio buo applaudena tripndiavit.** 

* lb. 155. "Optime quidem egerat in gubemaculo domina nostra 
HatOdis, jam nomine divulgato Regina, etsi nondum coronata." 
« See vol. iii. p. 384. 


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OHAP. zyn. among princelj homes, supplied a model for lowlier homes 

to follow. 

Willuun Bat besides his own household^ besides his people at 

Norman lAi*ge, William, the champion of the Churchj the Crusader 

^^'^^' against the perjiured blasphemer, the reformer of the 

corrupt manners of the benighted island^ stood in a more 

direct and special relation to the ecclesiastical foundations 

of his Duchy. He had felt the benefit of their prayers 

during his days of warfSu*e ; they were now in return to 

feel the benefit of his liberality in his day of triumph. 

Costly gifts had already been sent over the sea, and gifts ' 

yet more costly were now the witness of his personal 

His recep- presence. Regulars and seculars strove which should pay 

monks and the highest honours to the returning hero.^ And regulars 

clergy. ^^ ^ seculars alike were rewarded with such ^fts as no King 

Hisgiftsto . ^ ^ 

charches. or Empcror had ever before lavished on holy men and holy 
places.* Some churches William visited in person ; to others 
His yisit to he sent his offerings.^ One of the first objects of his personal 
Stephen's pilgrimage was his own creation at Caen, his own house of 
at Caen, gg^^^ Stephen, which it had been one of his last acts before 
his voyage to England to place under the care of his chosen 

m^^Lan- j^£j. ^ picture to ouTsclves the mutual greetings of Eling 
and Abbot, and to conceive the more secret discourse of the 
man whose wit had planned the great enterprise and the 
man whose arm had so far guided it to success. But those 

^ Will. Pict 154. "Monasteria certabant monachontm atqne clerl 
quodam in adventu sui carissind tutoris ampliorem officiositatem im- 
penderent." Mark the use of the word " monasterium" (see vol. i. p. 472 ; 
ii. pp. 349, 441) as applied to churches of both classes. 

' lb. " Nullius umquam Regis aut Imperatoris lai^tatem in oblationi- 
bus majorem comperimus." 

' lb. '* Item quas ecclesias non prsesentiA suA^ muneribus visitavititenim." 
"Iterum*' must refer to the gifts sent now, as distinguished from those 
which had been already sent from England in January. See above, p. 61. 

♦ See voL iii. p. 38a. 

His proba- counsellor Lanfiranc* The two now met again; but no 
tations chroniclcr gives us the details of their meeting. We are 

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two men must have Had other thoughts in their minds than ohap. xyii. 
any that were likely to occur to the minds of the mass of 
those who greeted the Conqueror on his return. To the 
shouting multitudes and to the rejoicing clergy the work 
no doubt seemed to be done, when their Duke returned 
firom his isknd warfare in the guise of a triumphant King. 
But both William and Lanfranc must have known that the 
work was only b^;im, and that the real Conquest of 
England was still a thing of the future. To Lanfranc the 
Conqueror might not scruple to reveal the secret that the 
seeming King of the English was in truth King only over 
East-Anglia and part of Wessex. He had with him the 
Earls of the North and an Abbot of the West, but the West 
and the North were still wholly unsubdued. That York 
and Exeter would one day be his, no less than London and 
Winchester, William could hardly doubt; but as to the 
way, the means, the time, of making his kingship a reality 
over the whole realm there was room for much of thought- 
ful consultation between the two subtle and daring minds 
which now again came together. And there was one point 
of still deeper personal moment to the Abbot of Saint 
Stephen's. William, we know, had, among the other objects 
of his undertaking, gone forth as a missionary to reform 
the corrupted Church of England. The chief Prelate, in PraBenoeof 
William and Lanfiranc's eyes the intrusive Prelate, of that Limfi«no 
corrupted Church, the Prelate already doomed in William's ^^^^^ 
counsels, was now one of the most honoured among bis sncces- 
William's train, possibly a guest within the walls of 
Lanfiranc's own Abbey.^ Is it going too far to surmise 

* See above, p. 78. William of Malmesbuiy (Geet. Pont. 37) 1b emphatio 
on the hoooan paid to Stigand in Nonnandy ; " Inter qua difficile dicta 
est qnantiB enm [Siigandum] exoeperit offidis, dignanter abicumqne loco* 
mm aagurgendo et contra eom in omnibuB epiBcopatibus Konnannise et 
abbatiiB longft aerie pompa prooedi fadendo.** Bat he adds pointedly, 
''Sed qoidqoid hia tegebatur involaciiB erupit in olanmi, veniente 
Angliam Ermenfredo, SedunenBe Epiacopo, legato Alexandri Papo." See 
Chapter six. 

O 2 

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oHAP. xvn. that, during William's Lenten pilgrimage to Caen^ it was 

ftilly arranged who should be the next to fill the throne of 

Augustine^ and what should be the policy of the Primate 

who should step into the place of the already condemned 

schismatic ? 

But of all this the writers of the time tell us nothing. 

The meeting of William and Lanfranc would supply 

admirable materials for an Imaginary Conversation, but 

all that the historian can affirm with positive certainty 

lies on the sur&ce. The unfinished minster^ not to be 

hallowed for another ten years,^ was rising under the care 

Wiffiam's of its great Abbot. The gifts of William to his own house 

at Saint wcre splendid. To all the churches which he visited he 

®'^*"*"' gave costly vestments and ingots of gold ;* would it be too 

wild a flight of fancy to deem that for the church of Saint 

Stephen was reserved that mighty ingot of all which 

Harold Hardrada had brought from the &r East, and which 

had passed from the hands of the victor of Stamfordbridge 

into the hands of the victor of Senlac ?^ However this may 

be, the choicest wealth of England was poured forth before 

the altar of the protomartyr. Men gazed with wonder upon 

Skill of the the rich spoils of the conquered island. They might look 

intiie arts, down on its inhabitants as barbarians ; they might scorn 

^'^dwS *^®™ ^ unskilled in the tactics of the horseman, as lagging 

and em- behind continental lands in the crafts of the sculptor and 

the mason. But there were other arts, arts of skill and 
adornment, in which England and other Teutonic lands 
were allowed to outdo the nations of the Romance speech. 
The women of England were renowned for the art which 
had wrought the Baven on the banner of Bagnar and the 
Fighting-Man on the banner of Harold. And the same 

* See Tol. ill. p. io8. 

' Will. Plot. 154. ** Quam pietatem ipae oonfestim lucre multiplid recom- 
penflavit, donans pallia, lihras auri, aliaque magna altaribus et fiunnlia 
Christi.*' See above, p. 6a. 

* See Tol. ill. p. 341. 

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skill turned to more peaceful uses had adorned the gor- ohap. xvn. 
geous Yestments with which Eadgyth had appeased the 
wrath of the saintly Abbot of Saint Riquier.^ We have 
seen by what rich rewards the knowledge of that art was 
purchased for the daughters of Englishmen of high degree.^ 
The men were no less skilful in workmanship of other kinds. 
And if insular skill was lackiog in any point, the extended Engluh 
commerce of England with the kindred races of the main- ^thGer^ 
land 3 was ready to supply it. The merchants of the Impe- "*^y- 
nal havens brought goodly things of this kind among their 
precious wares, and strangers of Teutonic birth had settled 
in the land to practise the gainful crafbs of the goldsmith 
and the moneyer.^ All these arts William knew how to 
encourage in his new realm by rich gifts to their professors 
of whatever sex or nation.^ And now the choicest of these 
fruits of the skill and commerce of England were scattered 
among the rejoicing churches of Normandy, the choicest of 
all finding their way to adorn the newborn minster at 
Caen. The gifbs of William were such that natives of the 

^ See Tol. ii p. 536. 

* See above, p. 35, for the reward given by Godric to the instnictrees of 
his daughter in the art of embroidery. 

' See voL i. p. 310. 

* The whole description given by William of Poitiers (155) is most 
remarkable; "AngHoss nationis femins mnltum acn et auri texturft, 
egregie viri in omni valent artifido. Ad hoc incolere apud eos German! 
aolebant talium artinm seientissimi. Infenmt et negotiatores, qni longin- 
quae regiones navibns adeunt, doctarum manuum opera." 

' On iTheodoric and the other Berkshire goldsmiths, see above, p. 41. 
Another of the same craft, **Otto auri&ber," or ** Otho anrifex, " appears in 
Essex (Domesday, IL 97 h) and Suffolk (ii. 2S6 6). He does not seem to have 
had anything T. R. E., or to have been enriched by William to anything 
like the same degree as Theodoric ; indeed at Sudbury he was merely a 
tenant of the Kingf s demesne. He however left a fiumly who kept on the 
ancestral craft in the form of mintmaaters. See Ellis, i. 46a. *' Grimbaldus 
auiifaber" (Domesday, 74) was a Ejng's Thegn in Wiltshire, and held 
lands which had been held by one Eadward. In the same page we find 
** Leviet " or " Leviede " (Leo%yth), a widow holding, among many other 
widows in WUtahire, the land which her husband had held T. B. E. 
It IB added, "Fedt et &cit aurifrisium Regis et Regince." 

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CHAP. xvn. lands where wealth and luxury most abounded^ men used 
to the splendours of Byzantine Gsesars and Saracen Caliphs^ 
Byzantme might have found delight in beholding them.^ This whole 
cen impress picture is a striking witness, not only to the early de- 
**° dl"**' velopement of the ornamental arts in England and in the 
kindred lands, but to the influence over men's minds 
which was still held by the realms and cities which, fallen 
as they were from their ancient power, still kept up the 
imbroken traditions of elder days. Constantinople and 
Bagdad^ — ^perhaps rather Constantinople and Cordova — 
were still looked up to as the special homes of all that was 
most magnificent upon earth. The Greek and the Saracen, 
the two nations which, if last in the race of political 
freedom, were foremost in the race of material civilization, 
were instinctively appealed to as the natural judges of 
all that was rich and splendid. High and strange in- 
deed was the calling of the Normans of those days. 
The Nor- The sovereign of Normandy was bringing the wealth 
England which Greeks and Saracens might wonder at from his 
^cU^ conquered island in the Northern Ocean. Meanwhile 
other men of his own race were treading the path which 
was to lead them to grasp the wealth of Greeks and 
Saracens in their own land. As William turned to his 
own ends the skill of the continental and the insular 
Teuton, so his countrymen were soon to turn the skill of 
Greek and Saracen to their ends, in that other island of 
hardly less renown which the Norman won as his home 
and kingdom in the southern sea. 

WiUiam Easter now drew nigh^ and William had appointed 
Easter at ^^^ festival to be kept in the ducal palace and monastery 
A^s/ ^^ Fecamp.^ This year no crowning feast, no national 


^ Will. Pict. 154. •'TraiiBiret iliac hospes GnBcos ant Arabs, rolnptate 
traberetiir eftdem/' 

' It should be remembered that, in this age, Babylon meuiB Bagdad. 
Two huidred years later it meant Cairo. ' See toI. i. p. aSo. 

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William's easteb at f^gamp. 87 

6«Bi6ty WM held in the royal hall or in the Old Minster gbap. xyu. 
of Windiester. After hia own Saint StejAten's, no church 
in NorowDdj stood higher in William's &T0iir than 
Qm great hooae of Richard the Fearless and Richard 
the Good. That house waa now flourishing under its 
second Abbot John^ William's special friend and ooon- 
sellor. ^ But of the mighty pile which now com- Conditioii 
mands the F&amp valley, that huge length of nave ^ the ^ 
which almost rivals our own Saint Alban's, that central ™<«»«»*«7- 
tower 80 stately in its simple majesty, that Lady 
Chapel where the rich work of later days contrasts with 
the stem dignity of the thirteenth centuiy^ not a stone 
had yet arisen.* The monks of F&»mp still worshipped Secular 
in ihe elder church of Richard the Fearless. That church foanded by 
had been built for secular canons^ who, under Richard the ^^^1^, 
(rood, the patron and father of monks,^ gave way to leas, 
r^^ars from Saint Benignus of Dijon, that g^eat Bur- ' 
gundian abbey which has become the cathedral church substitnied 
of a modem diocese.^ Thence too came their first Abbot, t^e Good. 


* We BhaU see him in this character in Chapter xix. 

* The eaiiieflt part of the exiBting church is due to WiUiam of Bob, Abbot 
from 1087 to 1 107. See Ord. Vit. 83a A, who Bays of him, ''CaneeUum 
TeteoB eodesise, qaam Bicardus Dox eonBtrazerat, dejecit, et ezimise pui- 
eritodiiuB opera in melioB ranovavit, atque in longitadiDe et latitndine 
deosnter angmentavit. Navem qnoqne basilics ubi oratorinm Sanoti 
Frodmundi habetor eleganter anzit, opuBqne tandem oonBnmmatnm a 
Groillelmo ArchiepiBoopo aliisque quatuor praeBuliboB xvii. KaL Julii [1107] 
oonaecnui fedt" William, Bomamed " Bona-anima,*' was Archbifihop of 
Bonen from 1079 to mo. Of the choir then oonBecrated one chapel re- 
mains in a Tery marked style of Bomaneeqne. 

' Add. ad Will. Gem., Dnch^sne, 316 G. " De Richardo filio primi 
Bicfaardi dioitar, qnod faerat pater patrie et maximi monachorom.'* See 
ToL li. p. 133. 

* When I spoke of Fecamp in connexion with Richard the Feariess (vol. 
L p. aSo) I did not aoonrately distingaish between his first foundation, for 
Becnlar canons, and the change to regnlan which was afterwards designed 
by him and carried out by Bichard the Good. The mistake was, I hope, a 
pardonable one, considering that William of l^lmesbury (ii. 165), when 
speaking of Bichard the Fearless, says, *' Fiscannum cosnobium, quod ipse, 
aliquantis redditibus ampliatum, regolA monasticA per Willelmum quemdam 

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CHAP. xvn. the renowned and holy William,^ a native of Italy, who 
th^&Srt ^0^**^ 0^ ft descent from the ancient Lombard Kings 
Abbot. and of being held at the font by the restorer of the 
Roman Empire. The godson of Otto and Adelaide ^ 
ruled his house in wisdom and sanctity; he enjoyed the 
special favour of Duke Bichard, and he is said to have 
been the first Prelate in Normandy to shelter the banished 
-^thelred when he fled before the arms of the con- 
OreaineaB qnering Dane.^ His church boasted^ as it still boasts, 
monaateiy; of * relic holy beyond all relics, of that Precious Blood 
brought to its site by miracle/ which to this day draws 
thither crowds of votaries and pilgrims. At Fecamp both 
the founders of the chnrch were buried, neither within 
nor without the pile which they had reared and en- 
riched.^ There too its second founder loved to keep the 
highest of the Church's festivals^ and to honour rather 
than to abase himself by performing menial services 
ite specukl to the holy inmates.<^ In later days the house of the two 
with the Bichards became the special home of those among their 
J^^ descendants who embraced the monastic life. There the 

Abbatem DivionenBem insigniyerat." See the whole histoty in Kenstria 
Pia, aio et aeqq.; De Lincy, Essai HiBtoriqae et Litt^raire sur TAbbaye 
de Fecamp (Rouen, 1840), pp. 7 et aeqq., 344 et seqq. Indeed I ought to 
have found out the change from Wace, who first (5873), speaking of the 
foundation of Richard the Fearless, says, 

'<Clers establi ki sennreient, 
E proTendes dunt il vivreient." 

But afterwards (5945 et seqq.) he goes on to tell about Abbot William and 
the monks coming from Dijon. 

1 For his histoiy see the Chronicle of Saint Benignus in D'Achery, 
ii> 381, 386 ; cf. Mabillon, Analecta, i. 229. 

* So says the local Chronicle in De Xiinoy, p. 245, but was it aooording 
to Canon Law for a man and his wife to be spoqsora to the same child ! 

' Keustria Pia, p. 213. 

* The whole legend is treated at length by M. De Lincy, p. 79 et seqq. 
He connects it with the story of the Saint Graal. 

' See the story in Dudo, 156 D ; Palgrave, ii. 903. 

* See Add. ad Will. Qem., Duchesne, 31 7 A. 

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nnhappj Malger had passed his jouthfol years, > and there oiup.xvn. 
too dwelt perhaps the only members of the ducal house 
whose names are never mentioned in connexion with 
political strife, William the son of Richard the Good^^ 
and Nicolas, the son of the third Richard, who left his 
odl at F&amp to reoeiye the abbatial staff of Saint 
Oaen.® There the young and pious Margaret, the last 
scion of the house of Maine, had found her grave, when 
she had escaped from the fear of earthly wedlock to the 
presence of a heavenly Bridegroom.^ The reigning Abbot Abbot 
Jolin, of Lombard birth like his predecessor, had now 1031-1081. 
presided over the house for six and thirty years. He had 
received the second profession of Maurilius, the Primate 
who still for a short time longer filled the metropolitan 
throne of Rouen.^ He had crossed the sea to get what Gifts of 
he might at the hands of Eadward ; the bountiM Eang to F^cunp, 
had granted to his house a prospective interest in the lord- ^q^ 
ship of Steyning in the South-Saxon land, but Godwine, wine ; 
not coveting the presence of strangers in his own special 
shire, had managed to convert the estate to his own 
use. Harold had been less austere or less grasping; he 
had not restored Steyning, but he had allowed the 
church of F^mp to obtain other possessions in England. 
William, before he crossed the sea, had promised the confirmed 
restoration of the disputed lands, and the promise had 
been carried out in a charter granted by the new King, 
which most likely formed part of his oblations at the 
present Paschal feast.^ In no part of William's dominions Zeal of the 
had he been more loyally served than within the monastic monks for 
walls of Fecamp. One monk of Fecamp, Hugh Margot, WiUiwn. 

^ See YoL ii. p. aio ; iii p. 93. 

■ WilL Gem. v. 13. » See vol. i. p. 518 ; iii. p. 380. 

* See vol. iii. p. a 1 3. ' See vol. iii. p. 100. 

* On Steyning and the other English possessions of Fecamp, see Cod. Dipl. 
ir. 929 ; Keustria Pis;^ 323. I hfiive enlarged on the subject in an Appendix 
(Note C.) to the second edition of my second volume. 

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OHAF. xYii. had borne William^e messages of warning and defiance to his 
rival.^ Another, the almoner Ilemigius, had given a well- 
manned ship to share in the voyage firom Saint Valerjr 
to Fevensey.^ The house itself, and especially this last- 
named zealous member of the house, were now to reap 
their reward. 
Qreat The Easter Feast at Fecamp was attended by a goodly 

at Flclmp. ooi^pw^y o^ various nations. The knights and soldiers 
of William's army followed him thither^ and a vast crowd 
The Nor- of all orders came together to meet him. The Bishops 
1^^ and Abbots of Normandy were there, and a large body 
of the nobles of France. Foremost among these last was 
one who had greatly risen in renown and worldly rank 
Ralph of since we last heard of him. Ralph of Montdidier^ once 
Mont^ ^^ ^^® ^^^ ^^^ *^® captive of Roger of Mortemer,^ had 
didier; yig^n to be a mighty Count, lord of Valois and Amiens 
his mar- and of the French Vexing He had, five years before, 
^®^* against the vdll of the young King Philip and of his 
Henry's guardian the Marquess Baldwin^ married the Russian 
io6a. princess Anne or Adelaide or Agnes, the vndowed mother 
of the King. Either on the ground of kindred between 
Ralph and her former husband or on that of the existence 
of an earlier Countess, the marriage was loudly denounced, 
and Ralph underwent more than one excommunica- 
tion.* A princess brought up in Eastern Orthodoxy 
may perhaps have felt but little dread of Western ana- 
themas, and William, with all his piety, may have felt 
some lurking sympathy for those who had drawn on 

» See vol. ill. p. 431. "See voL iii. p. 380. 

■ See vol. iii. pp. 145, 157. 

* WiU. Pict. 156. "Regis Francorum vitricuB intererat hujuB curie, 
Bodolphus prspoteiiB Gomes, multaque nobilitas Francis/' 

* Chron. S. Petri Vivi Senon. 1060 (ap. D'Achery, ii. 476). " Bodulfua 
Comes oomianguineiiB ejusdem Regis duxit uzorem in oonjugio contra 
jus et fii8, unde iuit ezoommunicatus." See Art de Verifier les Dates^ 
IL 701. 

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themselTes the censures of the Church for this particuhir obap. xtii. 
cause. At all events the excommunicated Count was 
received with all honour at the festival at F&2amp, and, 
as we are told that William exacted strict attendance 
at divine service from all his company,^ we must infer 
that the assembled Prelates of Normandy did not shrink 
from his spiritual society. But chief among the guests The Eng- 
of the King-Duke were the companions^ the hostages^ '^ "' 
whom he had brought with him from his island realm. 
To Eadgar, the momentary King, brought as a child 
from Hungary to England, a visit to Normandy was but 
a small episode in a life of wanderings. Eadwine and 
Morkere may possibly have been visiting the native land 
of their own mother.' But Waltheof the son of Siward, 
whose not remote forefather was held to have been a 
bear in a Norwegian forest,^ was treading a land which 
his kindred had certainly never visited in any peaceful guise. 
Amid the splendours of the Easter feast the Abbot of Glas- 
tonbury might compare the church of Duke Richard with 
his own church reared by the great Dunstan, and with 
that primaeval temple of wood which still lingered on 
from the days of the conquered Briton.^ The older and 
wiser among the English visitors, the Primate above all, 
might see through the hoUowness of the honours which 
were everywhere shown to themselves and their country- 
men. But outwardly at least all was joy and festivity. 
The English visitors were the objects of universal at- Korman 
tention, of universal admiration. The outward attrac- ^^ the*****" 
tions of our countrymen had not lessened since Gregory Engliah. 
had beheld the angelic children of Deira in the Boman 
slave-market. The beauty of the English youth, the 

* WiU. Pict. 155. '* Humiliter adstana ille cboris ordinum religioBorum, 
ladicra intenoittore, concurrere ad divina, miUtum plebisqae turbns 
coeg^t." * See toL ii. p. 629 ; iii p. 699. 

' See vol. i. p. 586. * See vol. i. p. 486. 

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CHAP. xvn. long-haired children of the North, rivetted the eyes of the 
close-shorn Normans J And the wealth of England again 
dazzled all eyes at Fecamp, as at every other stage of 
Royal William's Norman progress. The robes of state of the 
of WilSam. ^^ *^d ^^ ^^^®^ nobles, rich with the embroidery of 
gold wrought by English hands, made all that France 
and Normandy had beheld of the same kind seem mean 
by comparison.*^ At William's Paschal feast the whole 
company, we are told, drank out of the spoils of England, 
cups of gold and silver, in number and goodliness such 
as no man had seen before^ cups too made of the horns 
of the wild bull of the English woods, and tipped at 
either end with the same costly metals.^ The fame of 
the King of the English and of the wealth and splendour 
of his Kingdom was soon spread abroad through every 
CoDsecra- As soon as the Easter Feast was over, a whole 
chmxjheg. ^^^^'^ ^^ ecclesiastical ceremonies and ecclesiastical cares 
pressed upon the mind of William. As not uncommonly 
happened,^ several great monastic churches, which had 
probably been finished some while before, were still waiting 
for consecration. The pieiy of the Duke demanded that 
the ceremony should be no longer delayed. The feast of 
Saint Philip and Saint James was fixed by his bidding 

^ Will. Pict. 156. " Cariose hi com Normaniiis oemebant crinigeroe 
almnnos plagn aquilonfUlB, quorum pulcritudini GftUise Comate formo- 
siflsimi juvenes inviderdut. Nee enim puellari venustati oedebant." The 
introduction of Gallia Comata is happier than most of the Archdeacon's 
daasical flourishes. 

* lb. ''Regis autem regiorumque satellitum indumenta spectantes 
intexta atque crustata auro, quieque antea viderant villa aestimayere." 

* lb. ** Item vasa argentea aive aurea admirabantur, quorum de numero 
Tel decore vere narrari possent incredibilia. His tantum ex poculis 
coenaculum ingens bibebat, aut oomibus bubalinis metallo decoratis eodem 
circa extremitates utrasque." 

* lb. " Denique plurima hujusoemodi, oompetentia regali munificentiae, 
notabant, quae, reversi domum, ob novitatem prsedicarent." 

* SeeyoLu. p. aia. 

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for the hallowing of the minster of Oar Lady at Saint Peter chap. zth. 
on the Dive-* This was the great foundation of the pious ?^p^^ 
Leseelina, the widow of Count WiUiam of Eu, the mother on Dire, 
of his three sons, the valiant Robert, the holy Hugh, 1067. ' 
and the traitor William.* The first Abbot Ainard had 
been appointed one and twenty years before, and the 
minster, which has been wholly supplanted by work of 
later date, was now ready for oonsecration. The K^ing 
was present at the ceremony, and the church on the Dive, 
like other churches, came in for its share of William's 
bounty.^ But it would seem that William's CAamp ^fewuiMun's 
Mai was not held only for ecclesiastical purposes. We hear *^^ 
of a large gathering of men of all ranks, to whom certain 
decrees which the Duke had made for the good of his 
whole people were announced by the voice of the herald.^ 
Of this legislation, whatever was its nature and object, we 
should gladly learn some further details. A day two months Conseora- 
later was devoted to a still greater ceremony of the same jJISittgeg. 
kind, the hallowing of a minster of still higher renown, ^^y '• 
one which still remains, though unhappily in ruins, to 
bear witness to the arts of those days and of days far 
earlier stiU.^ The church of Jumi^ges had been begun. The church 
seven and twenty years before, by that Abbot Robert jo^^jo^g, 
whom the blind &vour of Eadward had successively thrust 
into the episcopal chairs of London and Canterbury, and 

> Ord. Yit. 507 A. ** CdebratA Paschfe soUennitate, Rex dedioari 
baolicam Sanctae Marie super Divam prttoepit." See Neustria Pia^ 
p. 498. 

■ See vol. iii. pp. 1 1 7, 153. 

' Ord. Yit. 507 A. " Utramque [Dives and Jumi^ges] nimirum ex pne- 
diis dominii eui largiter dotavit, suftque pneeentUidum sanctum mysterium 
celebraretur, devote sublimavit." 

* lb. ** Ipse cum magno coetu optimatum et mediocrium Kal. Mail 
reverenter interfuit, et utillima totius populi commoditati edicta sub voce 
praeoonis pramulgavit." 

* Hie existence at work of Merowingian days in the earlier and smaller 
church at Jumi^es has been satisfactorily proved by M. Bouet. 

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oHAP. zvn. whom the indignant voice of the English people had driven 
from the office in which he had made himself the root of 
all evil.^ Robert was now dead, and he had been buried in 
the church of his own rearing, but the consecrating rite 
bad been delayed through the incumbencies of two 
Abbots, Godfrey^ the immediate successor of Robert, and 
another Robert who now held the office.^ The slender 
towers of Robert's west front, the massive and almost 
rude arcades of his nave, must have already looked 
antiquated at a time when the twin churches of Caen 
were rising in a more developed, a more strictly national^ 
form of Norman art. It would seem that it was at 
William's express order ^ that the ceremony was now 
performed by Archbishop Maurilius, assisted by one or 
more of his sufiragans.^ With what eyes^ we may again 
ask, did Stigand look on the works of the predecessor 
whom^ in Norman belief, he had unjustly and schimati- 
cally driven from his throne? Again the Conqueror 
devoutly attended at the ceremony, and a share of the 
wealth of England fell to the lot of the church of 
Jumieges as well as to the house on the Dive and to 
his own Saint Stephen's. 
Death of The consecration at Jumieges was the last official act 
bishop o^ Maurilius. He fell sick and died within two months, 
Awirt o*' *^^ ^^^ metropolitan throne of Normandy was again 
vacant.^ In the search for a successor the claims of one 

' See vol. U. pp. 70, lao, 331, 335, 341. * See Neustm Pia, 309. 

' Orderic (507 A) again ubcb the same expression, " Kal. Julii ecclesiam 
Sancts Maris apud Genuneticimi dedicari pnecepit, et ipse sacro mysterio 
veneranter adfnit" So William of Jumi^es (vii. 38), " Panllo post in 
Normanniam regressus, ecclesiam Sanctte Mariae in Gemmetioo cum honore 
magno dedicari jussit." 

* Orderic (n. s.) says, " Maurilius cum suffiraganeis episcopis banc dedi- 
oationem humiliter et devote perpetravit." But William of Jumieges 
(u. s.) mentions only Maurilius himself and Baldwin^ Bishop of Evreuz 
(1067 to 1071). See Bessin, Cone. Rot. Prov. 374. 

' Ord. Vit. 507 A, B. " Paullo post, duodecimo episoopatAs sui anno. 

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man stood forth beyond all eomparison. There was one ohap.xvii. 
Prekte in Normandy who towered^ as no Prelate had 
ever towered before, over the whole Church of the 
Duchy. LanfranCj Abbot of Saint Stephen's, was called Unani- 
by every voice to fill the highest spiritual place in his elation of 
adopted country. The process of his election reads as if I'*»''^«' 
it were copied from our own side of the water in the 
days of Eadward, The church of Bouen chose Lanfrano 
as Archbishop by a canonical election; the Duke, the 
nobles^ and the whole people of Normandy — ^we seem to 
be reading the acts of English Witenagem6t — with one 
voice confirmed their choice.^ But Lanfranc refused to bow He de- 
his shoulders to such a burthen ; he was even zealous on ^^^ ^ ^ 
behalf of another candidate^ John^ Bishop of Avranches.' 
When we look forward three years, and see how much 
heavier a burthen was then laid on Lanfranc's shoulders, 
we cannot avoid the suspicion that the refiisal was precon- 
certed between the Abbot of Saint Stephen's and his 
sovereign and Founder. The votes of the Chapter of 
Bouen^ the approval of the nobles and people^ were 

in lectnm decabtut. Peraoto antem quidquid religioso Dei vemultt oom- 
petit v. Idus AnguBti ad Denm (oui din servierat) migravit. Corpus vero 
ejus in Epifloopali Eoclesia (quam ipse ante ▼. annos Tndiotione i. sanctse 
Dei genitrici Mariae dedicaverat) delatnm est ; et ante crucifizum honorifice 
tumulatam est." So WiU. Gem. vii. 38. On his church eee vol. iii. 
p. lOI. 

1 Ord, Vit. 507 B. " Post mortem antistitifl mii Rotomagensis Eccieeia 
Lanfrancum Cadomensem Abbatem sibi Praesulem elegit ; et Rex Quillel- 
muB, cum optimatibus suis omnique populo, HbentiBsime oonoesat.** Vit. 
Lanfr. ed. Giles, i. 292. "Eft tempestate civitas Rothomaga viduata est sancto 
ac venerabili Archipnesule Maurilio ; turn derns omnis et populns oongre- 
gati volebant substituendum eligere Lanfirancimi." 

* Ord. Vit. 507 B, C. " Sed vir Deo devotus, et humilitate stndens, 
tanti primatdB sardnam refutavit ; et sibi ad hunc apioem toto oonatu 
Johannem Abrincatensium prcsulem prgferre sategit." Vit. Lanfr. ed. Giles, 
I. 99a. "Yerum toto conamine ille [Lanfrancus] t%le onus devitabat 
Bubire, humiliter magis cupiens subesse quam pneesse. Nam abbatiam 
Cadomensem, quam invitus susoeperat, libenter dimississet, si extra anmue 
liesionem gravem fiicere valuisset." William of Jumi^^ mentions the 
appointment of John without mentioning the offer to Lanfieano. 

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CHAP. rvn. doubtless given in good faith ; but we may feel sure 
that the ducal confirmation was given only on the 
understanding that the Primacy of Rouen would be 
declined by the man who was already designed for the 
John, Primacy of Canterbury. On Lanfranc's refusal, the 
Avn^hes Bishop of Avrauchcs^ his favourite and doubtless the 
^o^io^7» favourite of William, obtained the metropolitan see. John 
bkhopof was a remote kinsman of the ducal house, being a son 
1069-1079. of that Rudolf of Ivry who won for himself so unenviable 
a fiune in the early days of Richard the Oood.^ He was 
HiB thus a man of a past generation, a cousin of the grand- 

®**° father of the reigning Duke. An elder brother, Hugh, 
had held the see of Bayeux for forty years before the ap- 
pointment of Odo, and had proved himself a troublesome 
kinsman and subject to William's father Robert.^ In 
these two Prelates the male line of Asperleng and Sprota 
came to an end, but the stock was continued in females. 
Hugh of Montfort, who now held the command at Dover, 
was married to a niece of the new Primate,^ and the 
more famous William Fitz-Osbern was the son of his 
sister.'* Archbishop John was a rigid asserter of eccle- 
Lanfrano siastical discipline. In order to put his appointment 
Rome to beyond all cavil, an embassy was at once despatched to 
paUhmi^for ^^® ^ obtain the pallium for the new Primate, a step 
John. which is spoken of as if it were at once praiseworthy 

> Old. Vit 507 C ; WOl. Gem. vii. 38. The latter writer goes on to give 
the whole history and pedigree of Rudolf and his desoendants, including 
his kUling a bear in the days of Richard the Fearless. The tale is trans- 
lated by Benolt (38071 et seqq). On Rudolf's suppression of the peasant 
revolt, see vol. i. p. 284. 

• See vol. i. p. 518. Hugh must surely have been very much older than 
John. His episcopate and that of Odo fill up between them the almost un- 
paralleled space of eighty-eight years, a speaking conmient on the way in 
which, before William's reibnns, preferments of this kind were given to 
mere boys. See voL ii. pp. 209, an. The occurrence of the name John 
in a man of his generation is itself remarkable. See vol. ii. p. an. 

» Will. Gem. vii. 38. ♦ See vol. ii. p. 194. 

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and mmBual. But when we read that the messenger chap. xyu. 

employed on this errand was no other than the Abbot 

of Saint Stephen's, and that he went at the Duke^s special 

bidding, we cannot help suspecting that Lanfranc was 

Bent to act as the mouth-piece of William towards 

Alexander and Hildebrand on other matters besides the 

grant of the pallium to the new Archbishop of Bouen.^ 

The pallium was of course sent without difficulty, and 

Primate John ruled for ten years with great strictness 

and holy indignation against offenders of all kinds.' 

His zeal was that of another Phinehas, and it was specially John's xeftl 

displayed against the married clergy. In one synod which ^J^^* * 

he held on this matter, the party of laxity had the upper cle^^y- 

hand, and the zealous Primate was driven out of the 

church amidst a volley of stones, crying aloud as he went 

that the heathen had come into Ood's inheritance.^ It 

could hardly have been in the same cause that the monks 

of Saint Ouen's set upon him with force and arms 

^ Orderic (507 G) bajb, *' "Potto at canonice fieret ista conjugatio, 
Bomam adiit, pnedictae ordinationis lioentiam ab Alexandro PapA impe- 
travit : sacrum quoqae pallium, unde et ipd et toti Normannue glorian- 
dum erat, cum licentU deportavit" This becomes dear in the Life of 
Lanfranc (i. 29a) ; " Quod Bex advertens providit subrogare Johaonem 
quern Abricatennum constituerat Pontificem ; sed ut hoc canonice fieret, 
Hcentiam petendi grati& Romam direzit eimidem Abbatem Cadomensem 
Lanfrancum ; qui onus hujusce legationis alacriter perferens Hcut ecdesUs 
a^nebat ease canauttum a Pap& Alexandro impetravit; sacrum quoque 
paQium, cum lioentiA hujus promotionis deportavit ; unde et ipsi toti Neu- 
8tri« gaudium fuit." The words in Italics may cover a great deal. It 
should be remembered that Malger had held the Archbishoprick without 
the pallium. See vol. iii. p. 95. 

The journey seems to fill up the space between 1067 and 1069, from 
which the years of John as Archbishop are reckoned. 

* Ord. Yit. 507 C. " Hie ardore virtutum in verbis et operibus multi- 
pliciter fervebat, nimioque zelo in vitia ut Phinees saeviebat.** 

* lb. *' Multum contra impudicos presbyteros pro auferendis pellidbna 
laboravit; a quibus, dum in synodo concubinas eis sub anathemate pro- 
hiberet, lapidibus percussus aufugit, fiigiensque de ecclesiA, ' Deus, 
venerunt gentes in hsereditatem tuam,' fortiter clamavit." 


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oHAP. xvn. when he was sayiDg mass on the day of their patron.^ 

But the Primate was, to say the least, unlucky who thuB 

contrived to set both regulars and seculars against him. 

He was succeeded in the see of Avranches by an Italian 

named Michael, whose learniug and piety are highly 

Midiael, spoken of.^ Here we have another instance of the 

Avnmches discerning patronage which William was ready to extend 

1067- 1087. on both sides of the sea to worthy men of any speech 

or any country except the proscribed natives of England.^ 

Flourish- These ecclesiastical cares and other peaceful duties occu- 
ditionof pied William during the whole summer and autumn, 
ormandy. jformandy is, as usual, described — and probably described 
with truth — as rejoicing and flourishing in the presence 
of its sovereign. The peace and order which the watchful 
eye of William established throughout his Duchy are de- 
scribed in glowing terms.^ From works of this kind, so 

^ Chron. S. Steph. Cad. 1073 (Duchbsne, 10T7 D). *' Invaserunt mooaohi 
Sancti Audoeni Jobazmem Bothomagensem Archiepisoopum, miasam cele- 
brantem in festivitate ejusdem sancti, cum armatA manu virorum. Unde 
judicatum est in concilio in eftdem civitate congregate, pnesidente Rege 
Anglorum Willehno, monacbos bujus criminis reos per abbatias carceribiis 
retnidi ad placitum Arcbiepiscopi/* 

' Ord. Vit. 507 D. ** Michael, natione Italicus, eruditione literarum 
imbutus, studio religionis venerandus/' 

' WiU. Malms. Gest. Reg. iii. 240. *' In locum illorum qui morerentnr, 
cujuscumqne gentia industriam, prater Angligenam, imposuit. Exigebat 
hoc, ni fallor, indurata in Begem pervicada ; quum sint Normanni . . in 
conviventes advenas natural! benignitate prodives." 

* Ord. Vit. 509 B. " Willelmus Bex, dum moraretur in Normanni^, tran- 
quillitati ejus in longum prospiciebat sollicitudine maximft. Justas leges 
et recta judicia ex consultu sapientum [mid minra witena ge]>eahte] divi- 
tibus et pauperibus seque sanxit, optimosque judioes et rectores per pro- 
vincias Neustrias constituit. . . . Omnibus tam advenis quam indigenis 
pacem in totA terrft suA pneconis voce propalavit, et super iures ac seditiosos 
patrisque quietis contemptores graves justasque ultioues rigide promul- 
gavit." Of. vol. ii. pp. 165, 17a. William of Poitiers (156) also waxes 
eloquent on the same subject, but, oddly enough, he is driven to employ 
exactly the same words which he had already used more appropriately 
when describing the good discipline of William's army at the mouth of the 
Dive. See vol. iii. p. 386. 

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worthy of the higher parts of his nature, he was presently chap. xyn. 
called away to occupations of quite another kind. While Imp«r- 
William was bnsied with ecclesiastical ceremonies at Caen of the 
and Jnmieges, while he was displaying in Normandy the ^^^®J ^^ 
gifts of the wise lawgiver and the firm administrator^ 
events were happening in England which showed, what 
he at least doubtless knew well enough, that his work 
in his island realm, instead of being ended, was hardly 
b^fun. It now became plain that^ after the victory at 
Senlac, the homage at Berkhampstead^ the coronation at 
Westminster^ the kingship of William was still hardly 
more than a name^ and the Conquest of England was 
still a thing of the future. 


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March 1067— April 1070. 

William'8 UmTE have now reached a stage in our history in which 

T T it is of special moment to bear in mind the peculiar 

nature of William's position as I have already set it forth. 

William had taken seizin of his Kingdom on the shore 

^ In the course of this Chapter we lose the help of William of Poitiers, 
whose work, as we have it, saddenly breaks off soon after Williain*8 return 
to England. He seems however to have brought his story to a good epic 
finish at the point when William's power was really established throughout 
the country (see Ord. Vit. 52 1 C). The substance of the latter part of his 
work is preserved to us by Orderic, whose own value also is constantly 
increasing. As the affiilrs of Northumberland are now of great moment, 
it is a great advantage to have the important insertions in the text of 
Florence which have been hitherto attributed to Simeon of Durham, but 
which have been lately subjected to a searching examination by a most 
competent Northumbrian critic, with whose writings I am sorry that I did 
not become sooner acquainted. Mr. J. H. Hinde, in his History of North- 
humberland— a book which is a model of what local histories should be, 
but what they vexy seldom are — and again in his Preface to the edition of 
Simeon of Durham published by the Surtees Society, argues that these 
insertions are not the work of Simeon, but of some unknown monk of 
Hexham, writing after the Scottish inroad in the time of David. The 
chief argument is the occasional contradictions, real or apparent, between 
these insertions and the History of the Church of Durham printed in the 
Decern 8criptore$, which Mr. Hinde strongly maintains to be the work of 
Simeon, in opposition to the view which has assigned it to Tui^ot. I con- 
fess that, whether the author be Simeon or any one else, and whether he 
wrote at Durham or at Hexham, I set great store by a work which in any 
case is Florence adapted to Northern readers by the insertions of a Northern 
writer. And it adds something in my mind that the work was approved 
by so judidouB a later compiler as Roger of Howden. I shall therefore. 

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Freeman's Notvuui Corufuest. Vol IV 


of Pevensey;* he had been solemnlj inyested with the oHAP.zyiii. 
kingly office before the altar at Westminster; he had 
appeared as King and Conqueror before the eyes of his 
native subjects ; he had actual possession of many shires 
of England^ and he held in his power such among the 
chiefs of the rest of the land as seemed likely to en- 
danger his dominion. He had now to establish his power A large 
over those parts of England where he was King only so STu^d 
far as that no one else was King. And it was by the"**^*^^^ 

° "^ oonquered. 

sword that his power was established. It was now, for 
more than half England, that the Conquest really began. 
And it was now that William reaped the fruit of his great 
victory and of his coronation. No rival King or leader 
acknowledged by the whole Kingdom appeared against 
him. The land was therefore conquered piecemeal, and 
William was enabled to use the force of one district to 
overcome the resistance of another. And^ as the King, 
he had the great moral advantage of being able to brand 
all resistance to the establishment of his power as rebellion 
against a power already lawfully established. 

It is a natural question to ask why, when William must William's 
have seen that his hold over England was so imperfect, ^tives^ 
he should have left the country so long without the re- ^"^ ^^^^ 
straint of his own presence. He did not even come back 
at the first hearing of news which seemed to make his 
presence specially needful. In such a mind as William's 
we may be sure that many motives joined together. It Necessity 
was due to his own native Duchy, which had served him ^p ^^^^ 
so loyally in his great undertaking, to show himself once Popularity 
more among his own people, and to thank and reward both mandy. 
his earthly and his heavenly helpers. Moreover^ as the 

withcnt deciding the question of authonhip, quote the enlarged Florence 
as Simeon, referring to Mr. Hinde's own edition. But I shall of course 
weigh the evidence for each of the statements which Mr. Hinde calls in 
question. * See toI. iii. p. 405. 

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cHAPJLvm. ruler of two states, it was impossible for him to dwell 
exclusively in either, and it was doubtless good policy 
to visit Normandy at this particular moment. His popu- 
larity in his native Duchy must now have been at its 
very highest, but anything which could be construed as 
neglect of his own land and people might have caused 
that popularity to cool as it had warmed. The visit to 
Normandy^ the Easter-Feast at F&^mp, the ceremonies 
at Jumidges and on the Dive, were all signs that the 
King of the English was not puffed up by his new great- 
ness, but that he was still the Duke of the Normans^ 
loving his own land, labouring for its wel&re, showing 
His ab- honour to its holy men and its holy places. And as his 
England presence in Normandy was certainly politic, his absence 
a^Bim^of ^°^ England may have been politic also. It was doubt- 
confidenoe less meant to be taken as a sign of confidence in his new 

in the . /» . 

English, subjects. King WilUam^ a righteous and merciful King, 
had dealt in all gentleness and tenderness with a people 
of whom well nigh every man was entangled in the guilt 
of treason. He had shown favour and honour to all who 
had not personally sinned against him; the noblest men 
of England had been chosen as his companions in his 
voyage, and they were now the objects of wonder and 
admiration to his subjects beyond the sea. A Conqueror 
who had shed no blood except in battle,^ who had seized no 
man's lands or goods save with every legal formality, might 
affect to trust himself to the good will of his new subjects, 
and might profess to deem that his actual presence was not 
Expedi- needed to secure their obedience. In his own heart he 
twting ^^7 ^^^ hsLve been sorry to put their obedience to the test, 
^°^^"^ to see what his chances really were of retaining the part 
of the land which he had already won, and of winning 

' Unless we except the probable exeontions at Ronmey (see roL iii. p. 
534), and these were, after all, a militaiy operation while the war still 
lasted. Kirig William had certainly not pnt any man to death. 

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MOTIVES OP William's absence prom England. io3 

the rest to a more than nominal subjection. T\nB policy oHAFaviii. 

enabled him directly to prove the disposition of the 

I>eople at large. The shires which had submitted were 

free from the terror of his own presence, and the presence 

in his train of the Earls of northern and central England 

left the still independent districts to their own devices. 

I do not believe for a moment that William purposely 

put England into the hands of oppressive lieutenants^ 

in order that the people might be goaded into revolt. 

But it is not unlikely that he may have wished to bring 

matters to an issue and to learn what the temper of the 

nation really was. It is possible that he was not sorry 

when an imperfect and unsatisfactory state of things was 

put an end to by the act of others^ when he found that, 

if he meant to be King at all, he must go on with the 

work of conquest. The same kind of feeling may have BeaBonsfor 

led him not to hurry back at once on the first news of j^*^*^ 

disaffection. Haste would have implied fear. It would 

rather suit his purpose to deal with the isolated movements 

which took place during his absence as trifles which his 

lieutenants could easily put down, even if they were not 

put down by the loyal English theipselves. It was only William 

when he found that the disaffected were intriguing for^^^^^^"*^ 

foreign help, that there was a chance of his having to prospect 

struggle for his Crown against Swend of Denmark orinvaBion. 

some other foreign King, that William thought that the 

time was come to return to England with all speed. 

§ 1. Tke Administration of Odo and William Fitz-Odem. 
March — December^ 1067. 

The new Earls of Kent and Hereford, Bishop Odo Joint 00m- 
of Bayeux and William Mtz-Osbem, had been left, as we odoaml 
have seen, in a joint general command in England. The ^^^ 
Bishop was charged with the special care of the South, the Oabem. 

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praiBes of 
their ad- 

given by 
the Eng- 

and by 

region which was most thoroughly subdaed^ while the 
Seneschal had to keep watch against movements &om 
Northumberland and the still unsubdued parts of Mercia.^ 
Of the character of their administration the Norman pane- 
gyrist of William gives a glowing picture. They were 
models of loyalty towards their master^ of harmony towards 
one another, and of just government towards those over 
whom they were set. Their example in all these respects 
was carefully followed by the subordinate commanders of 
the castles^ whose building, in conformity with William's 
parting orders,* they were diligently pressing on.^ The 
native Chronicler has another tale to tell. From him 
we learn how Odo Bishop and William Earl stayed in 
the land, and wrought castles wide among the people, 
and oppressed the poor folk, and how evil grew ever after.^ 
Here is another speaking witness to the horror with which 
our fathers looked on the fortresses, the special badges of 
foreign rule, which were &st rising among them. And I 
think that we may see that a distinction is drawn between 
the rule of William himself and the rule of his oppres- 
sive lieutenants. At all events, the record, or rather the 
wail, of the native writer is more than borne out by the 
elaborate picture drawn by our one authority who is 
English, French, and Norman all at once. And in his 

* See above, p. ya. • See above, p. 73. 

* WiU. Pict. 157. "Mutuo sese, Begem seqnaliter, diligebant; affectu 
ardebant pari ad oontinendam in pace gentem Christianain ; consilio alter 
aiterius aBquanimiter assentiebantnr. .^uitate ntebantur maxim&, nti Rex 
prsemonnerat, qQ& homines efferi et inimici corrigerentar et beuevoli fierent. 
Item preefecti minores, ubi quisque in munitionibus locatos fiierat, strenue 

* Ghron. Wig. 1066. "And Oda Biscop and WyUelm Eorl belifen her 
aefter [after King William's departure for Normandy], and worhion ocOLdas 
wide geond Jxu ^eode, and earm folc awencte, and & eyiStSaxi hit yflade swit$e. 
Wuiffo god se ende |>onne Qod wylle." The words in Italics are nearly 
the same as the Peterborough writer's description of William himself; 
*' Castelas he let wyrcean and earme men swi0e swenoean." See yoL ii. 
pp. 138, 19a. 

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version also the distinction between William and his un- joHAP.xvin. 
worthy representatives is plainly drawn. The two haughty Oppressive 
chiefs whom he had left in command despised his orders, ment of 
and ]aid every kind of oppression on the people. The^^Jj^ 
English were insulted by the pride of the Normans. Their ^*«- 
property and the honour of their women lay open to the 
attacks of the followers of the two viceroys, and no redress 
could be had from Earl or Bishop for any wrong that an 
Englishman suffered; if an injured man dared to bring 
a complaint before them^ he was driven from the judge- 
ment-seat with scorn. 1 We must remember that the 
excesses here complained of were not the momentary ex- 
cesses of soldiers whose blood is roused by the excitement 
of a battle or a storm. The land was now, at least nomi- 
nally, at peace, and the oppression here described is the 
wearing, grinding, daily oppression of unrighteous rulers 
in time of peace. And the evils spoken of were just the Amount 
evils which it was William's own great object, both inning's 
Normandy and in England, to put down. Wherever ^^"^ "?" 
his personal authority was peaceably established, he had bility. 
no mercy for the robber or the ravisher.* We may fully 
acquit William of any personal share in the evil deeds 

^ Ord. Vit. 507 D. " laterea Normannioo fiistu Angli opprimuntur, et 
prsBffldibuB superbis, qui Begis monitus spernebant, admodum injuria- 
bantur. .... Odo nimirum Episcopus et Guilielmua Osberni filius nimiA 
oervicositate tumebant, et clamores Anglorum rationabiliter aadire, eisque 
equitatis lance snfihigari despiciebant. Nam armigeros suos immodicas 
prtedas et incestos raptus fiwdentes vi tnebantur, et super eos qui contu- 
meliis afiEbcti querimonias agebant, magis debacchabantur." This aooount 
of Orderic is very remarkable, because in this part of his work he is, in 
his main facts, following William of Poitiers. But he here deliberately 
leaves out William's panegyric on the two Earls and puts this widely 
different description of them instead. The passage has the same kind of 
value as the controveraial passages of Florence (see vol. ii. p. 607; iii. 
p. 578), or as the places where Matthew Paris, following the narrative of 
Roger of Wendover, changes the political colouring. 

' See the &mous character in the Peterborough Chronicle, 1087, and 
vol. ii. p. 17a. 

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cHAF.xyni. of Odo and his fellow- viceroy ; his share in the blame 
is that of not seeing how utterly unfit his brother and 
his dearest friend were for the trust which he placed in 
them. Yet perhaps no fitter deputies could be fotmd. 
As throughout the whole story, wrong was its own 
punishment. The original sin of an unjust enterprise 
drove William against his will to become a tyrant and 
a favourer of lesser tyrants. Deeds were done under 
the shadow of his name which we may be sure that in 

TVranny his own heart he abhorred. For the lesser commanders, 

of the 

lesser com- each safe in his own castle^ faithfully followed the example 
man era. ^£ ^j^^ ^^^ great viceroys, and ground down Englishmen 
of every degree both with illegal exactions and with insults 
which were probably more bitter than any injury.^ While 
the new King's authority was wielded by men like these, 
any feelings which may have still lingered on from the 
momentary and factitious popularity which had greeted 
the day of William's crowning died utterly away. 

Firat oat- But the first appeal to arms in England during WiUiam's 

3gjjj^ absence was not provoked by any oppression on the part of 

N°rth* ^ ^ Norman lieutenants. It happened in a district which 

berland. was far withdrawn from William's practical authority^ and 

though his name was used by one party, the struggle wxm 

really a local struggle between Englishman and Englishman. 

Copsige, the newly appointed Earl of Bemicia or Northern 

Northumberland, must have set forth to take possession of 

his Earldom about the time that William was setting forth 

for Normandy.^ What kind of force he headed we are not 

told, but it must have been a force of his own partizans, 

personal or local. Everything g^es against the notion that 

any Norman troops could have made their way into the 

extreme North of England so early in William's reign. 

* Ord. Vit. 507 D. "Prsefecti minores, qui munitiones custodiebant, 
nobiles et mediocres indigenas iojustis exactionibaB multisqne contumeliiB 
aggravabant." • See above, p. 76. 

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But, however Copsige found the means, it was only by 0HAP.rvm. 
force that he was able to dispossess the reigning Earl 
Oswulf.^ The son of the old Earls had to lurk in woods 
and mountains till his day of vengeance came. He soon 
gathered together a band of outlaws,' and it presently 
became plain that popular feeling was on his side. Five ^P^ 
weeks after William^s grant,^ a much shorter time there- OswulZ 
fore after Copsige could have actually appeared north of JJ^ "• 
the Tyne, the new Earl was feasting in a place called 
Newburn. Then followed a scene to which we find several 
parallels in Northumbrian history. The partizans of 
Oswulf beset the house where Copsige was ; he contrived 
to slip out secretly and to seek refuge in a neighbouring 
church. But his lurking-place was soon betrayed; the 
church was set on fire ; the Earl, to escape the flames, 
tried to make his way out by the door, and was cut down 
on the threshold by the hands of Oswulf himself.^ The 
victor in this struggle, a scuffle rather than a battle, 
again took possession of the Earldom, and held it for a 
few months. 

By the Norman writers Copsige, or, as they call him, Norman 
Coxo *, is held up to honour as the martyr of his loyalty to copsige!* 
the Norman King, and they are not sparing of the praises 
which, according to their views, were due to the one 
Englishman whom William found thoroughly feithftil.^ In 

^ Sim. Dun. Gest. Reg. 107a, p. 91, ed. Hinde. "PuIbub a Gopsio de 
comitata OsulfuB." 

' lb. " OsulfiiB in fiune 6t egeatate silviB latitans et montibuB, tandem 
ooUectJB qnoB eadem neoeasitaB oompulerat sociiB, Copsium in Nyweburne 
oonyivantem oondudit.** 

' lb. 92. "Qnintft hebdomadft oommiBsi sibi comitate iiii. Idas 

* lb. ** Qui [CopeiuB] inter tomultoantes turbas lapaue dum lateret in 
ecclesii prodituB, incendio eccleaieB oompellitur UBqae ad oetium procedere, 
obi in ipso oetio manibus Osnlfi detnmcatur." ' See vol. ii. p. 484. 

* Will. Pict. 158. "Sed ubi mentem firmiter in tenore boni fixam 
taliier dimovere neqneunt, comprovinoialeB ad invidiam concitavere, qu%m 

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oHAP.xTui. English ears, whether then or now, such praise might perhaps 
Copsige*B sound like a charge of the deepest treason. What Copsige 
poliOT. * seems to have done was to use the name of the Norman 
King as a means to carry out a personal scheme, most 
like to cany out a Northumbrian deadly feud. His act 
was an attempted betrayal of the country into the hands 
of an invader who had as yet not ventured to assert his 
claims in any practical form. It is not wonderful that 
Northumbrian feeling was aroused against him^ and that 
his enterprise had only a momentary success. The day 
when William was really to subdue the most northern shire 
of England was still far distant. 

Dificontent These Northumbrian disturbances had little effect on the 
Md ^ general march of the events^ and they had no immediate 
F-te^*™ connexion with the outbreaks in other parts of England 
Osbem. which were caused by the oppressions of Odo and William 
Fitz-Osbem. Of the general discontent at their adminis- 
tration, and of the outbreaks to which that discontent gave 
rise, we have accounts which enter a good deal into detail, 
but it is not easy to fix the exact order of events. But the 
general indignation of the people, and their readiness to 
seek for foreign help in any quarter, are plainly shown on 
Outbreaks all sides. And it is plain also that the two most formidable 
fordflldre Outbreaks took place in the districts immediately subject to 
and Kent. ^]^q f^^ Earls, in Herefordshire and in Kent. Under the 
p^SwJI*^" immediate eye of the two viceroys oppression ought to have 
g^^^*^ been less flagrant than in other places ; but with rulers 
tricta. who systematically refused to listen to the complaints of 
the oppressed, it is possible that the grievances in the near 
neighbourhood of head-quarters may have been even greater 

neoessario placaret ab Bege deficiendo. PoBtremo augeecente in dies 
maleyolenti& ipsorum, qunm iUe populaiiiiin odia, omnemque injniiam 
perpeti, quam integritatem fidei temerare mallet, per insidias oppressum 
interfecere. Ita eximius vir bug casa qaod majestaB domini sai stare 
deberet asBeruit.*' 

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than elsewhere. A local commander, perhaps of no great ooabxtoi. 
consideration in his own country, but who found his 
services at Senlac rewarded with an English estate and 
sometimes with an English wife, might, from the very 
beginning, be more inclined to identify himself with his 
new country than men of such high place in their own 
land as the Bishop of Bayeux and the Seneschal of 
Normandy. Kent and Herefordshire were moreover the Foreign 
two ends of William's real dominion, and they were the ea^^^'^ 
districts where foreign aid might most easily be found. ^^^ 
Kent lay open to help from any enemies of William who 
might be found beyond the sea, and on the Herefordshire BeadinesB 
border the Welsh were always ready to step in on any ^ebh to 
pretext which promised a chance of fighting and plunder. ^™^?^*"y 
We have seen that the old allianoe between ^Ifgar and quarreL 
Gruffydd had caused Eadwine to be accompanied by Welsh 
followers on his march to Northampton.^ That alliance 
was doubtless still remembered. On the other hand, the 
reigning princes, Bleddyn and Khiwallon^ had received 
their kingship at the hands of Harold and had become his 
men.^ They had therefore, if they chose, a fair right to 
give themselves out as his avengers or as assertors of the 
rights of his house. When English plunder was to be had, 
kinsmen and followers both of the Northern and of the 
Southern Grufl^dd would be ready to answer either call. 
The unhappy thing was that, in those times, a movement 
for the deliverance of any district too often took the 
form of a general harrying of that district by friends and 
enemies alike. So it now was in Herefordshire. The land 
had not yet recovered, it had not fully recovered twenty 
years after, from the wasting warfare of Gnifiydd the son 
of Lly welyn.' It was now to be wasted again. The most 
powerful, at any rate the most enterprising. Englishman 

^ See Yol. ii. p. 490. * See vol. ii. p. 476. 

* See vol. ii. p. 588. 

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oHAp^vra. of those parts was Eadric, of whom we have already 
t^twad *^eard.i He held lands both in the north of Hereford- 
iriHin t Ain ii ghire and in Shropshire, and he had refused all submission 

his inde- , . , > 

pendenoa. to the new King. Here then, right in the teeth of 
the new Earl of Hereford^ right in the teeth of the old 
enemies, Bichard the son of Scrob and his son Osbem, 
lay an outlying piece of independent England which still 
Vain needed to be conquered. None of the representatives of 
the Nor^^ Norman rule in the district were slow to act in such a case. 
gubdUie* ^^ garrisons of both fortresses, of Kichard's Castle and 
liim. of the castle of Hereford, made constant inroads on the 

lands of the refractory Eadric. The English Thegn and his 
followers, and whoever else may have joined him, stood 
manfully on their defence, and every Norman incursion was 
He leagues beaten back with loss on the part of the invaders.^ At last, 
dyn and '^^ ^^ month of August, the English chief ventured on re- 
fuid hf^ei P"^^- He formed an alliance with the two Welsh Kings, 
as far as and their combined forces entered the obedient ^ districts 
August 15. of Herefordshire. Eadric seems to have thought him- 
^^' self justified in dealing with lands which had submitted 
to the Normans as with an enemy's country. Bleddyn 
and Bhiwallon would of course have no scruples. The 
whole land as far as the Lugg, the river which flows by 
Leominster, was ravaged, and a vast booty was carried off 
by the combined English and Welsh forces.* The geogra- 
phical limit thus g^ven would take in the city of Hereford 

^ See above, pp. ai, 64. 

• Flor. Wig. 1067. "Cujus [Edrici] terrain, quia se dedere Eegi de- 
dignabatur, Herefordenses casteUaiii [see above, p. 64] et Bicbardus filius 
Scrob, frequenter vastaveruot) et quotieecumque super eum irruerant, multos 
e suis multibus et ecutariU perdiderunt." On *' scutarii," see Ducange in 
voc. The word is the paient of ecuyer and esquire. 

" I adopt the familiar phrase of the days of Philip the Second 

* Flor. Wig. u. 8. " Idciroo adscitis sibi in auxilium Regibus Walanorum, 
Blethgento videlicet et Rithwalano, idem vir Edricus, circa Assumptionem 
S. Marise, Herefordensem provindam usque ad pontem amnis Lucge> 

' devastavit, iogentemque prtedam reduxit/' 

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itself. The town and its fortress were clearly not taken, chapjcthi. 
but the Norman garrison was reduced to great straits.^ Sj^J^?^ 
Eadric himself retained his independence for at least two ^^ ^l 
years longer. The impression which he made on the ^^^^^ ^^ 
Normans is shown by the surname of the Wild or Savage mainB un- 
which he bore among them.^ Among the hills and woods 1067-1069. 
of the border land, Eadric and his British allies could 
maintain themselves as easily against the Norman chivaliy 
as Grufiydd had done against the English Housecarls, till 
the genius of Harold found out the way to bring the rest- 
less enemy to submission.^ 

This contest in Herefordshire was strictly a local war. Di£ferenoe 
It was an attempt, and an unsuccessful attempt, on the the Here- 
part of the invaders to subdue a district, however small, ^"^^"^ 
which had never submitted to William's authority. The ish oot- 
outbreak in Kent, a shire where William's authority was 
fully established, was of course strictly a revolt. In 
the Herefordshire case, the strangers had simply to be 
kept out ; in the Kentish case, they had to be driven out. 
It may possibly be owing to this difference that the ex- 
ploits of Eadric are recorded by the English writers only, 
while the movement in Kent is narrated at some length 
by our Norman informants, but is wholly passed by in 
the national Chronicles. The attempt at deliverance in 
Kent was certainly planned with very little regard to its 
chance of success and with still less regard to the national 
honour. The Kentishmen sought for foreign help, but they 
sought it in a very different quarter from that in which it 
was sought by Eadric. However practically dangerous 
might be the presence of Bleddyn and Rhiwallon on 

1 Chron. Wig. 1067. " And Eadric did and ]» Bxyttaa wurdon nDsefate, 
and wunnon heom wi'S Ni castelmenn on Hereforda, and fela hearmas heom 

* See Appendix I. ' See yol. ii. p. 473. 

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cHAP.zym. English ground, no formal treason towards England was im- 
plied in an alliance with Under-kings of the English Empire 
against strangers who threatened Briton and Englishman 
Tbe Kent- alike. But the Kentish insurgents sought for help at the 
help of hands of a stranger who had done greater despite to 
Boul*^e^ Englishmen than any other man living, and for whose 
rule it would have been madness indeed to exchange the 
rule of William. Oppression must indeed have reached its 
height, men's minds must have reached that state when 
any change seems as if it must be a change for the better^ 
when the men of Kent sent to ask for the help of Eustace 
of Boulogne in an attack on the castle of Dover. The 
man whose crime had been the beginning of evils, the man 
who had slaughtered the burghers of Dover in their streets 
and in their houses/ the man whose one exploit in the 
great battle had been to wreak a coward's spite on the 
corpse of the dead Harold,^ was now called on to help to 
rid Dover of its Norman lords and to join in the siege of 
the fortress which Harold himself had reared. Perhaps, if 
we minutely study the story, we may see signs that the 
invitation was not shared in by the men of Dover itself, 
but it is plain that the men of the shire in general clutched 
Objects of eagerly even at so feeble a chance of help as this. What 
tion™^ ^^^ object proposed by such an invitation could be is not 
clear ; it was probably an act done in the mere frenzy of 
despair, without any rational reckoning of what was likely 
to come of it. We are told that the English^ imable to 
hiive a native ruler, preferred one who was at least their 
neighbour and known to them.^ It is possible that some 
vague sentimental feeling may have attached to the son-in- 
law of -^thelred;* otherwise one would have thought that 

' See vol. ii. pp. 131-133. ' See vol. Hi. p. 499. 

• Win. Pict. 157, "Si erat serviendum nou oompatriotse, noto aervire 
atque vioino satius putabant." 

* See vol. ii. p. 131. 

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what was known of William was, even now, better than chap.xviii. 
what was known of Eustace. Men could hardly have 
dreamed that the Count of Boulogne could dispossess 
William of those parts of England which he had already 
conquered^ or that the still unsubdued districts could be 
persuaded or compelled to receive him as their King. They 
could hardly have seriously thought that^ if a foreign King 
had to be endured, they were likely to find a better King 
in a paltry coward and murderer than they already had in 
the great Conqueror. Most likely the reckonings of the 
men of Kent did not go so far afield. Anything seemed 
better than the rule of Odo and Hugh of Montfort. 
Eustace was at that moment the enemy of William,^ and 
any enemy of William seemed for the moment to be the 
friend of England.^ Eustace's own views were most likely Probable 

views of 

not much clearer than those of his Kentish allies. He Eustace. 
may, or he may not, have aspired to the Imperial Crown of 
Britain ; but our hints rather set him before us as one who 
looked with jealousy on the Norman power, and who 
hoped, by obtaining possession of the strong fortress of 
Dover, to be better able to hold his powerftd neighbour 
in check on both sides of the sea.^ But, whatever may 
have been the views on both sides, the men of Kent 
patched up an alliance with their bitterest enemy.'* It 

^ Will. Pict 157. **Regi eft tempestate Eustaduus Comes Bolonis 
adTonabatnr, qui filium de fide ante bellum In Nonnannift obsidem de- 
derat." Ct yoL iiL p. 748. I do not kno\r the grounds or circumstances 
of this quarrel between Eustace and William, or of the suspicion in which 
William seemingly held Eustace even before his expedition. 

* Ord. Yit. 508 B. ** Olim cum eodem inimicitias ingentes habuerant, 
•ed nunc, quia simultates inter eum et Begem insuirexerant .... pacem 
com illo fecerunt.** 

' Will. Pict. 157. " Equidem fore, si firmissimo loco hoc sit potitus cum 
porta marine, ut potentia ejus latiua distendatur, deque potentiam Nor- 
mannorum diminutum iri.** These words are put into the mouths of the 
Eng^h messengers, but they express the reasons why Eustace should 
accept the invitation, not why the English should send it. 

* lb, ** Quia Konnannoe odere, cum Eustachio, pridem sibi inimicissimo, 
oonoordavere." See Qrderic in the passage last quoted. 


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oHAF^xvin. was agreed that the Count of Boulogrie Bhould sail across 
^tZ^ ^""^ with a fleet and with a fitting land force, and that the 

ver into Kcntishmen should be ready to do their best to make him 
nig haiidB. 

master of the castle of Dover.^ 

Plan of the However unwise the scheme of Eustace and the Kentish- 
men may seem in a wider aspect of things, the actual 
attack on the castle seems, as a military enterprise, to 

Absence of have been skilMly planned. Advantage was taken of 

Hi^h. ^ ^^^ when Bishop Odo, Viceroy and Earl, and Hugh 
of Montfort, the immediate commander of the castle, were 
both of them absent. They had gone beyond the Thames 
with the greater part of their forces.' This movement 
clearly shows that something was going on in other 
parts of England of which we should gladly learn more. 
It can hardly be that the forces which were meant to 
keep down the men of Kent were called away for the 
defence of Hereford against Eadric. While Dover was 
thus comparatively defenceless. Count Eustace was warned 

Eustace that the proper moment was come. He at once embarked 
'^'"^^^ in the fleet which he had made ready for the purpose, and 
crossed in the night with a band of picked knights. 
Horses, which could be of little use in attacking the 
castle on the cliff, were, with few exceptions, of which the 
Count's own horse was one, left behind.^ The state of 

> wm. Fiot. 157. "PecBuadent hi mazime qui Cantiam inhabitant, uti 
oaatrum Doveram invadat, ipsis utens adjntoribus." OnL Vit. 508 B. 
*'Multimodi8 Normannorum oppressionibus Angli ad rebellionem lacessiti, 
Boloniam legatos miserunt, et Eustachio Comiti, ut cum dasse diligenter 
militibus et annis instructs ad suscipiendam Doveram acoelezaret, man- 
daverunt. . . . Munitionem Dovene contra Begem illi tradere conatl sunt." 
Orderio's account is founded on that of William of Poitiers, whose words he 
largely copies ; but he also brings in matter of his own, and he gives quite 
a different turn to the personal conduct of Eustace. 

* Will. Pict. 157. "Aocidit ut occasio temporis eventum rei qnam 
affectabant promitteret. Abierant ultra flumen Tamisim primi munitionis 
custodee, Prsssul Baiocensis atque Hugo de Monteforti, militum parte 
majori secum ductA.'' So Orderic, 508 C, in nearly the same words. 

' WilL Pict 157. " EustachiuB itaqne, accepto nuntio Anglorum [" Can- 

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A!rrAC& OK DOYBB. 115 

readinesB in whidk Eustace kept himself, and the energy ohap.zviil 
shown in his passage, should be noted. And it is impor- 
tant also to notice that, in his general plan at least, he 
seems to have risen above that superstitious trust in horses 
in all times and places which distinguished the French 
and Norman knights of those days.^ It is even possible 
that his former esqperience in Dover itself may have taught 
him a lesson on this head. What we hear of Eustace now. Union of 
just like what we hear of him at Seulac,^ suggests the idea cowardice 
of a man who well understood the science of war,® but who, ™ B«***«»« 
like his stepson Balph,'^ was lacking in personal courage. 
He landed, and found a large English force gathered Eustace 
together to join him, the Kentishmen being the most BngUA 
forward of all. Within two days, if the siege should last ^^^ 
so long, still larger reinforcements were looked for from 
the more distant parts of the country.^ It was however 
judged better to begfin the attack at once; the two days 
which might bring together a larger English force might 
also bring back Odo and Hugh with their following. At 
day-break accordingly the attack was made.* Our ac* 
counts show that the town itself had to be taken as well 
as the castle, and it was on the town that the first attack 

tionim yeredario" in Old. Yit.], com sais ad eoe noctia oonticinio tranalyit, 
nt incaute opprimeret oaatdlanoa ["daasem paratam aaoendit, noctiaque 
contidnio, at oppidum ex insperato pneoccuparet, enxn snis feetinanter 
tnasfretaTit.'' Qrd. Yit.]. Glassem dnzit militibna deleotis oneratam [" militei 
multos aecnm dnxit." Ozd. Vit.], reliotis equia pneter admodum pauooa." 

* See voL ii. p. 15a. "See vol. iii. p. 748. 

' WilL Pict. 157. *'Eam beUandi peritom atque in prcBlio felioem 
ezpenmentia oognoyerant." Does this mean at Dover itself or at Senlacy 
or where? 

* See voL ii p. 388. 

* Will. Pict. 158. '* Yicinia omnia adfiiit armi^ [Orderic adds " mazime 
Cantiormn caterva, quae toto nisu suffiragari £astachio erat oonata **] ; anctior 
nnmenu ex nlteriorlbua acoederet, si morft bidnaoA obeidio traheretur.*' 

* WilL Gem. vii. 39. ** Eastachins ... in noctia conticinio mare trans- 
fretana, diluculo cum oopioao ezerdta eorum obsedit." This writer's account 

I to be independent of the others. 

I 2 

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0HAP.zyni. was made.^ Eustace and his English allies seem to ha^e 

Stout re- looked for an easy success. But the garrison was found 

the gaiTi- better prepared and in higher spirit for defence than they 

townnnen ^^ deemed possible.^ And it is plain that the townsmen 

were on the side of the garrison. Whatever might be the 

feelings of the rest of the shire, the men of Dover had no 

mind to see Count Eustace again within their walls* At 

every point which lay open to attack, the assailants were 

vigorously withstood, and a stout fight was kept up on 

Betreat of both sides for several hours.^ At last the heart of Eustace 

Eustace* . . 

fiiiled him, as it had fiiiled him on the steep of Malfosse 
amid the twilight of Saint Calixtus.'* The assault must 
have begun to slacken, for he feared a sally of the besieged. 
He therefore ordered a retreat to the ships.^ The evil 
which he thought to avoid now came upon him; the 
Utter rout gates were thrown open by the townsmen, and a general 
wanny. ^^^j^ ^^ ^Yiq part of the besiegers changed the retreat into 
a flight. In the last scene of the great battle the thought 
of Eustace had been that a new English host was coming 
to snatch the victory from the conquerors; so now the 
cry of Eustace and of his whole host was that the Bishop 

> At this point William of Poitien suddenly draws in his horns, so that 
his story reads like an abridgement of Orderio's, instead of Orderic's being, 
as it must be, an enlaigement of William's. Is it possible that Orderic, 
who clearly had William's account before him, had it in some form earlier 
and fuller than our present copies, from which William of Poitiers, like 
his namesake of Malmesbury, afterwards cut out parts through prudence f 

The special mention of the town comes from Orderic (508 C) ; " Quum 
hostes yehementer impetum facere in oppidum molirentur ; custodes ad 
defensandum reperti sunt, et ferventissime, qua locus poterat impugnari, 

' WilL Pict. 158. ** Ceterum custodiam invenerunt minus opinione 
remissam, plus metu ad defensandum validam.*' 

* Old. Yit. 508 C. '* Acerrime per aUquas horas diei utrimque oertatum 

' See Yol. iii. p. 503. Ct p. 485. 

' Ord. Yit. 508 0. ** Sed dum Eustachius diffideret, eruptionemque pro- 
pugnatorum^ quft turpius abigeretur, timeret, reoeptui ad nares oani signa 

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of Bayeux was upon them at the head of a mighiy army.^ ohapjlvui. 
The loss was frightful, but, though the Norman horsemen 
followed on the fliers, slaying and taking captives, yet the 
smallest number of those who fell that day were those who 
were slain by the sword. The terrible name of Odo 
scattered them in all directions. Some, seeking to escape 
the horsemen, strove to climb the steep heights on either 
side of the town. But in their flight and hurry and 
ignorance of the paths, the more part of them perished 
by falling over the rocks. Some threw aside their arms, 
and were dashed to pieces by the mere &11 ; others, in the 
general confusion and entanglement, received deadly wounds 
from their own weapons or from those of their comrades. 
Some contrived to reach the coast unhurt, but, as they 
crowded recklessly into their ships, the frail vessels sank, 
and many of them perished.' The Count himself wasEecapeof 
more lucky ; he had indeed taken special care for his own 
safety. He at least knew the way, if his comrades did not, 
and for him a fleet horse was ready. He made &st for his 
ship, where better order was kept than in the others, and so 
saved himself from the general wreck of the undertaking.' 

' Ord. Yit. 508 C. ** Denique oppidftni oonfeBtim portas patefeoenmt, 
svideqae et caate sequentes noTissimos ooncidonmt. Fugientes vero Baio- 
C6D8em Epiaoopum cum agmine oq;>ioso subito sapervenisae rati sunt.'* 

' The deBGription in Orderio (508 C, D) is very graphic ; " Eft formidine 
▼dot amentes per avi» mpis prsBoipitium se dejeoerunt, et tali oompendio 
fcddioa qaam enae viionim perienint. . . . Plerique abjeotia armia, aoumioe 
aazeo exanimati annt, nonnnlli telo ano ae aocioaque auoa una labentes 
necftnmt^ et mnlti letaliter vulnerati rel colliai apirantea ad mare devoluti 
sant. Flares etiam qui ad puppes propere anhelant, dam aalatia aimium 
capidi trepidant, aoAque multitudine navee deprimont, aubito aubmerai 
pereant. Equitea Kozmanni quantoa oonaeotari poaaunt oomprehendunt 
vfll oocidunt." 

* At thia point William of Poitiera (158) he^m again; **Eripiunt 
▼docitaa equi, notitia tramitia, naviaque paratior." But the aoouaative 
** Eaataehium," which ia needed to explain who thia lucky rider waa, ia left 
to be aupplied by Orderic, who alao improves "equi" into " comipedia." 
William of Jumi^gea (vii. 39) tella ua how " Euatachiua ad mare devertens, 
com pauda indecenter navigio aufagit." 

William of Jumi^ges makes no mention of the townsfolk, and speaks 

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oHAPjnnn. His nephew, who had aooompanied him, was lees lucky, 
hk nephew. Probably more valiant, and he became the captive of the 
pursuers.^ As was natural, the horrors of the flight and 
slaughter fell mainly on the French followers of Eustace. 
His English allies knew the country, and, protected by 
their own numbers, they contrived to baffle the smaller 
bands which attempted to follow them. 

An enterprise which had been planned in folly thus 
ended in utter disgrace. While the sons of the soil, 
British and English alike, could still hold their own on 
the Herefordshire march, the attempt to rescue England 
by an alliance with the basest foe of Englishmen had led. 
General as it deserved, only to signal discomfiture. Of the rest of 
in other ^^^ ^^ which was already conquered we hear nothing in 
^, detail. Our stories of oppression and discontent are per- 
fectly general. But men were eveiywhere seeking either 
to shake off the yoke or to escape it in their own persons. 
Even where no open outbreak took place, local conspiracies 
were everywhere rife.' Many left England altogether; 
some sought a lasting home in foreign lands; others 

only of ihe " militefl Odonis Baiocamni Presolis atqne Hugonis de Monte- 
fbiti," and how they, '* Uberalibns animis aooenol, portas patefiMiont," fto. 
From this, and from ihe aoconnts of men falling headlong from the roclcB^ 
we might have thought that the attack was made only on the castle. But 
from the distinct mention of "oppidum" and **oppidani" in Orderic it 
would seem that it was the town which was immediately assaulted. The 
bedogers may have invested the town on all sides, fix>m above as well as 
from below, or footmen pursued by horse may have tried to escape by 
^tiiitiMtig the heights on each side of the town. 

^ Will. Pict. 158. ** NobilisBimus tiro, nepos ejus^ compreheosus est." 
Of this nephew I can give no frirther account. I conceive him to have 
been the son of Eustace's brother Lambert, who is described as Lord 
-of Sens, and who died in 1054. Eustace's other brother Godfrey was 
Bishop of Paris, and his sister Gerbexga^ the wife of Buke Vrederiok of 
Lotharingia, had only daughters. See Art de Vdrifier les Bates, ii. 761. 

* Will. Plot. 157. ** Angli neque benefioio, neque foimidlne satis coerceri 
poterant, ut quietum serenam quam res novas ac turUdas mallent. Oon- 
sorgere palam in arma non confidunt, sed regionoHm de piavis oonspira' 
tionibus tractant, si quibus forte dolis preevaleant ad nocendum.** The 
word *' regionatim" explains the cause of the real conquest of England. 

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mnply vidted them to seek the meaiifl of their own reeto- cbatxtol 

mtion or of the deliTeranee of their country.* EngUsh- Move- 

. ments after 

men, chazged with the bidding of some section or other foreign 

of their eoontrjrmen, were scattered over every comer of ^' 

Europe where there was any chance of help being found. 

Some seem to have sought for allies in the old hnd of 

their fothers at the mouth of the Elbe and the Weser.' 

But the state of things during the sickly and licentious state of 

youth of Henry the Fourth did not offer much prospect of ^* 

help firom the Teutonic Kingdom. The King himself was^ 

in the autumn of this very year, lying on a bed of sickness 

at Gbslar,^ and the troubles of Saxony and Thuringia, if 

they had not yet broken forth, were ahready festering in 

silence. There was another quarter in which such attempts Denmajrk 

were iGur more likely to be crowned with success. There promising 

was one foreign potentate to whom Englishmen might look q^*'*®'. 

as all but their countryman. The old West-Saxon dynasty 

had died out ; its only representative was the King of a 

momoit who was now tarrying in William's Norman court. 

The new West-Saxon dynasty had been cut off in the 

cause of England ; besides the sons of the traitor Tostig, 

its only adult legitimate representative was the hostage 

Wul&oth^ who was tarrying either in William's court or 

in William's dungeon.* But the stock of the Northern Portion of 

kinsmen and conquerors of England stiU flourished in a Ertrithaon. 

prince who was united by the' closest ties of blood alike 

* WilL Pict. 157. "TJltro in exiilium aliqui profdgiunt, qao eztorreg 
▼el a poteitaite Nonnaimorimi nnt libeii, tbL auoti opibus alienis contra eos 

> I think we may infiar thia frfxm the words of William of Poitiers (u. s.), 
'* Ad DanoB, Tel alio, nnde auxiUani aliquod speratur, legatee misntant/' 
oompaied with the legend of Harold's German journey (see toI. iii. pp. 515, 
76z)» and with the Tarioos indicationB which we shaJl oome across of the 
mterooajse between England and Germany at this time. 

' Lambert, 1067. Heniy fell sick on November nth. His life had 
bean despaired of in a former sickness in May, xo66. 

* See ToL iii. pp. 349, 674. I shall give, a little farther on, some aocount 
of the state of the House of Godwine at this moment. 

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0HAP.xTnii. with the House of Cnut and with the House of Qodwine. 
Swend, the son of Ulf and Estrith^ the nephew of Cnut^ the 
nephew of Gytha^ the brother of the murdered Beom, the 
cousin of the fallen Harold, was, of all men not absolutely 
His dofie bom of English parents on English soil, the man who was 
with Eog- most called on to avenge the blood of his kinsmen and to 
break the chains of what he might almost call his countiy. 
1042. Rve- and -twenty years earlier, a party in England had 
sought to place him on the throne in preference to Eadward 
himself.^ Since that time he had acted as the ally of 
England, as the friend of Godwine, and he had perhaps 
1047-1048. met with less of English thankfulness than his services 
deserved.^ He had refused to abet the schemes of Tostig 
or to clutch at the crown which Tostig offered him.^ He 
had equally refused to abet the enterprise of William, and 
Norman writers believed, though doubtless without foun- 
dation, that subjects of his had been among their foes on 
Senlac.^ But now everything had changed since the day 
when Swend had refosed to undertake at Tostig's bidding 
an enterprise which might befit the greatness of Cnut, but 
which was beyond the power of his own littlenesa It was 
not now a solitary Englishman, banished by English justice, 
who asked him to attack a King of his own blood whom 
the free choice of the English people had honoured with their 
English Cro?ni. Englishmen were pressing to him from all quarters, 
to Swend. ^ crave help against a foreign conqueror at the hands of 
one who might give himself out either as the heir of Cnut 
or as the avenger of Harold.^ Things too had changed in 
another way. Since the day of Stamfordbridge Norway 

^ See vol. ii. pp. 9, 523. ' See vol. IL pp. 91--93. 

' See vol. ill. p. 330. * See voL iii. p. 746. 

' Ord. Vit. 508 A. *' Ad Suenam Begem Danoram dirigunt, atque at 
regnum AngUs, quod Sueniu et Ghunutus avi ejus annis obtinuenmt, 
repoflcat ezpetimt." In the Legatio Helsinl (of whicli more below) in 
Langebek, iii. 353, we read, ''Contigit at Danoram Rex, auditft morte 
Haraldi oonaanguinei, venire in AngUam disponeret, at et mortem ejus 
vindicaret et terram sibi subigeret quam dioebat Boam ease." 

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uras no longer threatening, and the pmdence of Swend OTAP^yra,, 
himself no longer needed to shrink &om the risks of an 
English campaign. There is indeed no reason to believe the 
wild fable of a late writer that, immediately on William's 
coronation, Swend sent to require the new King to hold 
the English Crown of him as its lawM Over-lord.^ Snch a 
piece of bravado wovld be quite out of character with the 
prudence which had enabled the Danish King to hold his 
own among so many storms. But now that Englishmen 
were bidding him to come and deliver England from 
the invader, there was no doubt that their requests were 
&vourably listened to. And among the Englishmen who 
sought refuge in his Kingdom there was one especially 
who could give him the best information as to the naval 
resources of England. Eadric, the captain of KingPreaenoeof 
Eadward's ship, who had perhaps met Norman ships in ]^orfQlk in 
naval warfare before the day of Senlac, had been out- l>«"n*rk. 
lawed at the coming of William, and was now an exile 
in the Danish Kingdom.' While he and other Englishmen 
were pressing Swend to action, there could be no doubt 
where the greatest hope for England, the greatest danger 
for William, now lay. The whole North lay open to aNorthmn- 
Danish invasion at any moment. No Norman soldier ,eady for 
had crossed the Humber; the brother Earls were with^^ 
William in Normandy ; the Northumbrian people, as yet 
unchecked by Norman castles and garrisons, would doubt- 
less have welcomed the Danish King to put an end to 
what, as far as they were concerned, was a state of Inters 
regnum. Even if Swend had hastened, even if the ex- Swend 
pedition which took place two years later had taken place ^Tomble 
at once, it would perhaps be too much to deem that™®™*^** 
William could have been driven out of England. But 

* See the itozy in Knighton, 2343, and Appendix P. 
' On this Eadric from the East of England, see vol. iiL p. 717, and 
Appendix I. 

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ciBAP.zvin. there can be little doubt that ^ if sach a course had been 
taken^ the final conquest must have been long delayed. 
If Swend had eome at once^ William could never have 
oeciipied Northern England, except at the price of a hard 
struggle against the men of the land, supported by their 
kinsfolk from Denmark. 
Aid sought Besides the Danes, we hear vaguely of what the Norman 
gpe^^]^^ writers call other barbarous nations, as likely to take a 
Norway, p^j^ j^ disturbing William's possession of England.^ The 
reference is doubtless to Norway, whither we shall see 
that William did, a little time later, find it worth his 
while to send an embassy,' no doubt with the object of 
State of warding off any danger from that quarter. But under 
J^^^ the sons of Harold Hardrada, Magnus and Olaf sur- 
^IJ^^^ named Kyrre or the Tranquil, Norway, instead of threat- 
[Mafipius ening either Denmark or England, had well nigh itself 
1066-1067. &llen under the power of Swend.^ The power of the 
^d^W Kingdom, as well as its reputation, must have been greatly 
t^th^ lessened by the failure of the great expedition against 
Olaf alone, England, and even by the mere slaughter of Stamford- 
io93]« bridge. Neither of the brother Kings inherited the enter- 
prising disposition of their father. Olaf especially, who 
soon .became sole King by the death of his brother, 
Peaoefiil was much more occupied in maintaining peace and good 
^JJ^^ order in his own Blingdom, than in disturbing the King- 

^Olaf doms of others. Men who doubtless yearned for the days 

of his &ther called him in mockery Olaf the Bonde or 

Ohurl.^ And whatever gratitude the sons of Harold 

^ Ord. Yit. 509 C. ** Ex malevolentift Aoglomm cmn nisa Daiioram 
cdiarumque harbararum gentUant magnam dadem NormanniB oritunun 

* Sim. Dan. 1074 (p. 95, Hinde). See Ohapter xad. 

* See Lamg, lii. 103. 

« Laing, iii. 108. ''King Olaf Haraldason was called by some Olaf Kyrre, 
but by many Olaf the Bonder, becanse he sat in peace, without strife 
within or without the country, and gave no reasonable cause for others to 
plunder in his dominions." Tet in the poem which Ijaing translates in 

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Haidnda may bave felt for the meioiful dealings of Harold ghapjctox. 
of Esgland after his great victory/ they could have had ^o dangw 
no motive to avenge his nul, or to oistorb the reign of fromNor- 
his conqneror. From Norway then tiiere was no real hope ^^^' 
for England, no real danger for William. The real hope, bat from 
the real danger, [was to be looked for wholly firom Den- 
mark. And it was evidently the news that Engb'fih exiles 
were gathering at the Danish Court, and that King 
Swend was lending a &vourable ear to their prayeis, which 
made William suddenly break off his festive and devout 
sojourn in his native Duchy, to embark once more on 
the sea of troubles which still awaited him in his half- 
conquered island Kingdom. 

§ 2. 21^ Conquest of ike West. 
December 1067 — March 1068. 

When William had once determined on his return to Matada 
England, he did not tarry long in carrying his purpose i^ ^e- 
mto effect. The Lady Matilda, a King's wife but not yet ff "Jj!j°j 
a crowned Queen, was again entrusted with the govern- 
ment of Nonnandy, but this time William's eldest son 
Robert was nominally associated with his mother.^ He 
was still a boy; he could not have been above thirteen 
years old, and he was probably younger ; ^ but his capacity 

p. 113, and the original of which \b given in Johnstone, p. aaS, he appean 
ac a triumphant rayager of KnglaTid ; 

''Orr er Eogla ^errir 
Olafr borinn solo.*' 

He certainly waa ao in intent at a later time. 
1 See vol. iiL p. 375. 

* OnL Yit. 509 C. *'Bex igitor Matiuldi conjngi siue, filioqne Bao 
fiodbeito adoleeeenti prinoipatun Nenatri» commimt, et oun eis religioeoa 
pnBsolea et Btrennos prooeree ad tnendam regionem dimimt.'' 

* M. Bomet (Saint-Btlemie, p. 8) places Bobert's birth abont (** environ "} 

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qHAP.xyin. for government was most likely as great now as it ever 
was^ and the real authority must have been left in the 
hands of his wiser parent. Matilda was still surrounded 
by a Council of Prelates and Barons ; but it would seem 
that they were now deprived of the man who had acted 

Roger of as their President during William's first absence. The 


and the old and experienced Soger of Beaumont was called on 

hosLges ^ accompany his sovereign to his new Kingdom at this 

*<^°^" critical moment.* And later events show that William 

William, also brought back with him the English attendants or 

hostages who had been his companions in Normandy, and 

whom he could not venture to leave out of his sight in 

waiiam either country. Having made these arrangements^ William 

Dieppe, hastened to the haven at the mouth of the Dieppe^ which 

J^^J^y was then spoken of as lying near the town of Arques.^ 

He passed by the scene of his exploits of fourteen years 

earlier,^ and once more took ship for England. The month 

was December; the sea was stormy; but we are told that 

the prayers of the Norman Churchy then engaged in 

keeping the festival of Saint Nicolas, kept its Prince safe 

from all dangers.^ As in the September of the year 

1056, but I know of no evidence for the exact date. It could not have 
been before 1054. 

* Orderic (509 C) says, " Rex in illA transfretatione Bogeriom de Monte- 
Gomerici (quern tutorem Nonnanniee, dum ad bellum transmarinumproficis- 
ceretnr, cum buA conjuge dimiBen^t) secum minavit." Here is a plain, 
though very etrange, confuaion between Boger of Montgomery and Boger 
of Beaumont. It was Boger of Beaumont who waa left in charge in Nor- 
mandy (see vol. iii. p. 384), and Boger of Montgomery (see voL iii. p. 460) 
commanded the French contingent at Senlac. 

' Ord. Yit. 509 C. " Sextft nocte Deoembris ad ostium amnis Deppie 
ultra oppidum Aichas acoessit." On the name Deppa, see voL iii. p. 113. 
' See vol. ill. pp. iaa-140. 

* Ord. Yit. u. s. " Prim& vig^lift gelidse nootis austro vela dedit. .... 
ITam aura hiemalis mare stevissimum effidebat ; sed sancti Nicolai Myne- 
orum PrKsulis soUennitatem Ecclesia Dei celebrabat^ et in NormanniA pro 
devoto principe fideliter orabat. Omnipotentia ergo Dei . . . benevolum 
Begem inter hiemales tempestates ad portum salutis cum gaudio dirigebat." 

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before, one night was enough for the passage, though the chap jivni. 
oouise taken, firom Dieppe to Winchelsea, was longer than and lands 
the conrse of the great fleet from the mouth of the Dive chaUea,' 
to Pevensey. On the morrow of the festival, William P««ab« 
stood once more on English g^ound.^ 

He came on a day of evil omen for England. The most Christ 
venerated among the minsters of England, the mother o„itdr- 
chnich of the whole land, the church of Christ at Canter- ^^^ 
buiy,* was on that Saint Nicolas' day burned to thei>««nber 
ground. The church, which had been simply damaged, 
but not destroyed, by the fire of Thurkill's Danes,^ was 
now utterly wasted by the flames which lighted William 
back to complete his errand of conquest That church, 
so men fondly deemed, was still the first building of 
Augustine and ^thelberht, which had been simply re- 
paired and heightened under the primacy of Oda.^ But 
the native fabric was now to be wholly swept away to 
make room for the work of the first of a line of foreign 
Primates. Men's minds must indeed have been impressed, 
when the return of the Conqueror was ushered in by the 
destruction of the ecclesiastical home of the nation at the 
very moment of his coming. 

At the time of William's return no part of those shires 

This 18 pbunly tram WiDiam of Poitiers, but the date is oonfinned by our 
own Chromden. 

^ Old. Vit. 509 C. '* ICane portnm oppositi litoris, quern Wioeneiium 
rodtant, proeperrinio cunn airipuit." 

* Chron. Wig. 1067. " Her com se kyng eft ongean to Englalande, on 
8oe Nioolaes nuesMdege, and pma dsges forbam Oristes qyroe on Cant- 

' This is distinctiy affirmed by Eadmer in the ** Epistola ad Glastonienaes," 
Ang. Sac. uL a 35. " Ad hsc considerandum quia Bcclema ipsa in paadone 
heatiswiTni martyris Elphegi neo igne consumpta nee teoto aut parietibus 
dimta fnit. Tiobttam quippe fiusse et ploribus omamentis spoliatam, ao 
sopposito de fbris igne ut oonoremaretur adorsam, noyimos quo yesana 
manns Pontifioem intus sese taentem, quern mandaret &aie, oompelleret." 

* See all the passages bearing on this point collected by Willis, ArchiT 
tectnral History of Canterbury, 7, 8. 

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No open 
rayolt in 
the oon- 

ing atti- 
tude of the 

of England which had ever been really sabdned was 
actnallj in anns against him. Eadric still held out on 
the Herefordshire march, but Eadric had never submitted 
at all. The Kentish revolt had met with the &te which 
it deserved. And if we believe the Norman writers, a 
party of order had been formed among all classes of Engp- 
lishmen^ who stood firmly by the Norman King against 
their rebellions fellow-connttymen. At its head was 
Ealdred the Northern Primate and several other Bishops^ 
and they were supported by many others, Thegns, citizens, 
and churls, the wisest and most respected, we are assured, 
of their several orders, who had learned to practise the 
divine precept which bids men fear God and honour the 
Eing.^ Wherever William had either himself appeared or 
had secured the district by the building of a castle, that 
is, generally throughout south-eastern England, his will, 
outwardly at least, was law.^ He was received on his 
return by the English inhabitants, dergy and laity alike, 
with every formal sign of loyalty .^ On the other hand 
there was the general, if hidden, feeling of diiscontent 
within the obedient districts; there was the injninent 
fear of an invasion from Denmark, and the tiireatening 
aspect of the still independent West and North.^ William 
had need of all his arts of war and policy to triumph over 
the combination of so many enemies at once. 

^ Old. Vit. 509 B. " Tuno Adeldredus PrimM Ebonoenab aliiqae Pontl- 
fieee qnidam ntOitati regiae mtendebant, qui* sapientiB monitum sdentes 
leqmUti obtempembant. * Time,* inqnit, * Denm, fili mi, et Begem.' Tunc 
etiam aliquot sapientiflflimi oivimn urbanomm et nonnuUi ex militibos 
ingenuis, qnomm nomen et opes valebant, et multi ez plebeiia oontra sues 
pro Nonnannis magnopere insurgebaat." Thii plainly comes from William 
of Pdtien. 

* lb. 509 D. <* Concttt nrbes et regioneei quaa ipte adierat yel pnendiis 
ooenpaverat, ad nntnm ei parebanl" 

' lb. ** Adventui Begis Angli oocanenmt, ipsmnque tarn honorifioentia 
DKmasteriali quam Mcularibns officiiB mblimayenrnt." 

* lb. '* Circa terminos regni oooidentem aut plagam septemtrionalem 

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Thifl new act of the drama began with the great cere- aHAP.xTm. 
monj, eocIesiafltLcal and political, which habitually marked ^^^ 
the Midwinter Festival. For the third successiye year that Cluutmaa 
festival was kept, not as it had been in past times and was minster. 
again to be in later times^ at Gloucester^ but in the new seat J^^^ 
of royalty at Westminster.^ There, in the chosen dwelling JMuaiy 6, 


of his revered predecessor^ King William wore his Crown ^|^ j^^^ 
and gathered the Witan of England around him for counsel winter 
and for judgement We hear much of the courtesy and WilliAxn's 
honour with which he received the English Prelates and ^^^ ^ 
TheguB, with what readiness they were admitted to the ^^^ 
royal kiss^ how willingly their requests were granted and 
their counsds followed, and how by these generous arts 
many of the disaffected were won over.' After making 
the needful deductions, there is probably much of truth 
in this. Now^ as ever, there were those to whom William 
found it prudent to be gentle, and those to whom he 
deemed it his wisdom to be harsh. It stands unmistake- Second 
ably on record that William's return was accompanied by tion and 
a confiscation and distribution of lands on so wide a scale ^^^' 
that it could he said with indignant sarcasm that he gave 1«d<^ 
away the land of every man.^ The revolts and conspiracies 

▼emu effirenis adhno ferocia Buperbiebat, et AngUae Begi, nisi ad libitum 
iRinm, fiunolari sab Bege Ednaido aliisqae prioribns olim despezerat." 
This is laigelj trae of tbe Noiih, but hardly of the West. 

* Old. Yit. 509 D. *'Ipee Lundoniae Bominicam natlvitatem oelebravit." 
See ToL iiL p. 66. 

* lb. ** Pontifioibus Anglis proceiibasqae multft ealliditate fsmt. Ipse 
onmes officioso affectu demnloebat, duldter ad oscula invitabat^ benigne, 
si quid orabant, oonoedebat, prompte, d nuntiabant aut suggerebant, 
auscultabat. Deseiiores hujusmodi arte aliqooties reducuntur." 

' Chron. Petiib. 1067. *' And he geaf seloes mannes land ]« he ongean 
com." Thomas Radbome (Ang. Sao. L 248) giyes a rhetorical aoooont of 
William's doings at this time in which, among a good deal of exaggeration, 
some expresmons are worth notice; **Willelmu8 in Begem sublimatos 
pacifice tractabat nobiUores regni Anglis, post fidelitatas juiamentum ab 
ipsis sibi prcstitum quamdiu fidem ei serrabant, sed postqoam rebellare 
oosperunt, homagiis iterum ab ipsis acceptis datisqne obstdibusy omnibus. 

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cHAPJKvm. which had happened during his absence would give ample 
Heavy tax excuse for such a measure. And the confiscation was 

laid on tho 

oountiy. further attended by one of those heavy imposts in money 

which to the feelings of those days were more hateM 
than confiscation. ''The King set mickle geld on the 
poor folk." 1 
wmiam'8 William was thus busy in half caressing, half coercing, 
tionstothe his English subjects. Meanwhile the men of French and 
Noman^ Norman birth who were about him were carefully warned 
of the state of the country^ and bidden to be ever on 
their guard against the plots of the disaffected English.^ 
And it also suited William's policy to give his subjects 
of both nations the spectacle of a great judicial pageant, 
to teach them that their King was no respecter of persons, 
and that no man of either race could safely revolt against 
him. This Midwinter Gemot of Westminster was made 
unusually impressive by a trial of which the like had 
certainly never been seen in England. Sentence of ban- 
ishment and forfeiture had been over and over again 
pronounced against English Thegns, Earls, and ev^i 

4iui ad regnum aspiraverant fiftctus est ierrori. CiTitatibiui quoqne depositiB 
et caatelliB propriisqite miniatris impositiB, ad Normanniam cum obeidibos 
Angliae et theBauiis impretiabilibuB nayigayit. Quibus incarceratis et sub 
salvA custodial deputatis, ad Angliam denuo remeayit, ubi oommilitonibas 
Bvda Normaimis qui in bello Hastrngensi patriam secum subjagaverant 
temu Anglorum et poateuionea, iptis expuUis, succestive manu cUgtrtbuU 
qffiuenti, et modicum iUud quod eie remaneerat, fetctuajam de rege tyrannue, 
evh jugo detnuU perpetucB servUutU. Bt quum se viderat in sublimi elevatum 
et in fastu regni confirmatum, in allum virum snbito est mutatus, nobiles 
teme quoe antiquos sanguis ex antique sublimaverat, proh dolor, ezbsere- 

^ Ghion. Wig. 1067. *< And her se kjng sette micel gyld on eann 

' Ord. Vit. 509 D. ''Pari sednlitate et sollerti& OudUoe nunc instruebat» 
nunc ut contra omnee doles et insidias singulorum semper ubique parati 
essent dam Anglis admonebat." I think, with Maseres (209), that for 
**Guallos" we must read '*6allo8.'* It seems impossible that intrigues 
with the Bret-Welsh can be meant, and, in Orderic, we can hardly under- 
stand ** Qiialli *' of Oal^Wdeh. See vol. iL p. 140. 

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^thelings. Once^ in the midst of warfare, a general c«AP.xvin. 
decree had been passed declaring every Danish King an 
outlaw.^ Bat it was a new thing for a foreign prince 
to be formally pat on his trial before an English coart, 
and^ as it would seem, to be condemned by default. 
Eustace of Boulogne was, in his County of Boulogne, a Eustace of 
sovereign prince, owning no superior but his lord the tried^fad 
King of the French. But by taking service in William's ^""^^"^^ 
army he had become the man of the Duke of the Nor- Oem<5t. 
mans, and by receiving any grants of English lands, he 
became for them the man of the King of the English. 
As such, he had been guilty of treason against his lord, 
and for that crime he was arraigned, in ancient form, 
before the King and his Witan. It cannot be supposed 
that he appeared; but we know that the voices of the 
assembled Wise Men, French and English, were given 
against him, as they could hardly fail to be where all 
Kent might have been summoned to bear witness.^ The 
sentence is not recorded, but according to all English 
precedent, it would be outlawry and forfeiture of all lands 
and honours within the Kingdom of England. Bat, at Eustaoe'i 
some later day, Eustace contrived to win back William's oonciUa- 
favour and to be reckoned among those who were °^<>st^^^^ 
highly honoured by him.^ He was enriched with lands, 

^ See ToL i. p. 405. 

* The triJil and sentence are clearly implied by William of Poitiers (158), 
though he cuts the thing as short as he can ; " Neque sententia erravit 
dicta consensu Anglorum et Gallorum, qu& de reatu convictus est." 

" The caution of William of Poitiers (158) is amusing; " Equidem si 
rationes quae ejus liti oontroversantur depromerem. Regis eum gratiam 
atque Begis dano aecepta hen^fida ex equo et bono amitHme plane con- 
▼incerem. . . . Sed paroendum sentimus persons multi&riam Ulustri, Comiti 
Dominato, qui reoonciliatus nunc in prozimis Regis honoratur." The words 
in Italics imply forfeiture. Orderic (508 D) of course changes the tense ; 
" Non multo post Eustachius Consul Willermo Regi reoonciliatus est, ejusque 
amicitift longo tempore postmodum perfimctus est. Erat enim idem Comes 
magnse nobilitatis/* &c. He goes on to speak of his pedigree and his 


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0HAP,xyra. chiefly in those parts of England which were not in any 
Landi held dangerous neighbourhood to his foreign dominions. He 
widow and himself was dead at the time of the Survey, but his widow 
^^' and son appear there as holders of lordships^ both in yarious 

other shires in those western lands which on the day of his 

Their sentence were still unoonquered. The names of Ida and 

estates in 

Somenet. Eustace, the widow and the son of the coward of Boulogne, 
the mother and the brother of the hero of Jerusalem, are 
found as owners of English soil on spots which would 
have a strange propriety if we could deem that they were 
ever honoured with the sojourn of the mightiest of the 
foes of Paynimrie. One of the western possessions of the 
House of Boulogne lies nestling at the foot of the north- 
western crest of Mendip, where the power of evil of the 
old Teutonic creed has left his name in Count Eustace's 
lordship of Loxton. Another, Kenwardston, the dowry of 
the widowed Countess, crowns the wooded height which 
looks fiill on that inland mount of the Archangel which 
shelters the earliest home of Christianity in Britain.^ 

The see of It was probably in the same Gemot that William for 
Taeant by the first time exercised the power of bestowing an English 
SwiS?^ Bishoprick on one of his own countrymen. The great see 
of Dorchester, the greatest in extent of territorial jurisdic- 
tion among the Bishopricks of England, had become vacant, 
seemingly during William's absence in Normandy, by the 
death of its Bishop Wulfwig.^ It was in this Christmas 
session of the Witan that the vacancy would regularly be 
filled. The death of Wulfwig at such a time might seem 
of hardly less evil omen than the burning of Christ Church. 
He was a living memorial of what Englishmen had done 
and suffered in the cause of English freedom. He had, in 
io5>* the moment of deliverance from Norman influence, been 

* On the estates of Eustace in Somenet and elsewhere, see Appendix N. 
■ Chron. Wig. and Fl. Wig. 1067. 

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mised to the seat which the Norman Ulf had disgraced ohap.xviii. 
and forsaken.^ He was now taken away at the moment 
when such parts of his diocese as still retained their inde- 
pendence were about to be added to the dominion of the 
strangers. He died at Winchester, but he was buried in Wulfwig 
his own church, the last of the long line of Prelates who the bishops 
had not despised that lowly dwelling-place. Chester 

The appointment of his successor marked the beginning 
of a new sera. Since the flight of Robert and Ulf no man 
of French speech had been raised to an episcopal throne in 
England. The few men not natives of the island whom 
the policy of Harold had called to such high offices were 
men whom England could hardly look on as strangers, men 
from the kindred land of the Lower Lotharingia.' William 
of London alone, honoured equally by men of all races, had 
been allowed to hand on to the reign of William the worst 
tradition of the early reign of Eadwaid. What Eadward 
had done out of mere weakness and personal &youritism 
William was now to do out of systematic policy. The 
Prelacy of England was to be used as a means for rivetting 
the fetters of England. The rule which was strictly carried Long ex- 
out through the rest of the century and the first half of the Engliah- 
next now began. As the Bishopricks and Abbeys of JJ®J^" 
England became vacant by the death or deprivation of «pintii«l 
English Prelates, men of Norman or other foreign birth ment. 
were appointed in their room. For a long time to come 
the appointment of an Englishman to a Bishoprick is un- 
known, and even to a great Abbey it is extremely rare. In 
the case of the Primacy indeed the rule was so strict that 
the exclusion of Englishmen was extended even to men of 
Norman descent bom in England, and for a hundred years 
after the Conquest, till the days of Thomas of London, no 
.native of the Isle of Britain sat in the chair of Augustine. 
We have now to see the firstfruits of this system in the 

' See vol. ii. pp. 113, 117, 331. * See toI. ii. pp. 80, 449. 

K 2 

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0HAF.xvin. choice of a successor for Wulfwig. The great Bishoprick 
Remigius of Mid-England, a large part of whose diocese was not yet 
appointJP ^ William's power, was given to Bemigius the Almoner of 
S^Dor. Fecamp* whose zeal and liberality in William's cause has 
Chester been already recorded, * The voice of scandal ventured 
10 7-io9«. ^ breathe that neither the gift of Remigius nor the 
gratitude of William was wholly a free-will oflTering. It 
was in after times brought up as a formal charge against 
the new Prelate that, before the fleet had sailed from Saint 
Yalery^ an English Bishoprick had been promised as the 
price of the well-appointed ship which had been the con- 
tribution of the loyal almoner.^ As yet however Remigius 
took possession of the see without objection, and it is 
Remigius specially to be noticed that the first Norman appointed by 
orated by William to an English Bishoprick received consecration at 
Stigand. ^^^^ hands of Stigand/^ Bemigius himself, in his later pro- 
of igno- fession to Lanfranc^ declared that he did it unwittingly^ 
'*^®®' that he went for the rite to the actual Metropolitan, without 
knowing the uncanonical and schismatical character which 
attached to all his official act8> Yet we cannot forget the 
notorieiy of Stigand's position, and the formal utterances 
of the Boman See against him.* We cannot forget that 
Englishmen, that Harold himself, had commonly avoided 
his ministrations, that English Bishops, Wulfwig among 
them,^ had commonly been consecrated by other hands, 
that Harold and William alike had chosen the other 
Primate to perform the rite of their own crowning. The 
expubion of Bobert and the alleged usurpation of Stigand 

' See above, p. 90. ' See the next Chapter. 

* This fiftct appears from Bemigius' own profession to Lanfranc, printed 
by Mr.Dimock, Gir. Camb. vii. 151. 

* Bemigius in his profession repeats the Norman stories about Bobert 
and Stigand, and adds, " Ego vero hujus negotii nee ex toto ignarus, nee 
usquequaque gnarus, ordinandus ad eum yeni, profesdonem sibi suisque 
BucceBsoribus fed, curamque episoopalem de manu ipsius me consecraatiB 
aooepi." lb. p. 15a. 

* See vol. ii. p. 466. • See vol. ii. pp. 344, 466. 

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bad even been pat forward among the grounds for William's 0HAP.xvnL 
expedition against England.^ It would be strange if 
nothing of all this had ever made its way to the cloister of 
Fecamp ; it would be strange if Remigius, on coming to 
England, found no one, Norman or English, to warn him 
of the canonical risk which he was running. It is hard to The appli- 
avoid the belief that it was not so much the ignorance gtigand 
of Remigius as the policy of William which led to what ^^y^J!^l 
all strict churchmen must have deemed a sross breach of to wfl. 
ecclesiastical order. William was still temporizing with policy. 
Stigand ; the time for his degradation was not yet come.' 
It would be a great, perhaps an unlocked for, mark of his 
continued confidence for the King to direct the new Bishop of 
Dorchester to seek consecration from the still acknowledged 
Primate. When the day came, the friend of Lanfranc and 
Hildebrand could easily find means to set straight any past 
irregularity. At all events, Remigius was consecrated by 
Stigand, with the help of what assistant Bishops we are 
not told, and he made profession to the schismatic as his 
lawful Metropolitan. He took possession of his humble Bemigiiu 
bishopstool, in a land where Wigod on one side and Robert bvii^igs 
of Oily on the other were ready to give him all needful ^J^ 
help. There, we are told, he planned and began great The see 
works,^ which were left unfinished when the further pro- 2£ooin. 
gress of William's conquests allowed him to remove his 
throne to a more lordly seat of episcopal rule. 

At the same Gemot William had also most probably the 
opportunity of again, nominally at least, bestowing an Eng- 
lish Earldom. The second reign of Oswulf beyond the l^ne Oswulf 
had not lasted long. In the course of the autumn he was robber.^ ^ 
slain, not however, as it would seem, in any political broil -^^tt™"** 
or at the hand of any avenger of Copsige. He died by the 

* Sefl Tol. iii. pp. 2B2, 285. ' See above, p. 78. 

' WilL Malm. Gest. Pont. 51a. See the neit Chapter. 

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His con- 
with the 

ideas of 
female suc- 

buys the 

spear of a common robber^ one of the brood who had 
escaped the heavy hands of Siward and Tostig, and the 
story reads as if he were killed in the act of trying per* 
sonally to arrest the wrong-doer.^ His death left the 
dangerous post open to the ambition of another English- 
man of the highest rank. This was Gospatric the son of 
Maldred^ who, by female descent at leasts sprang of the 
noblest blood of Northumberland and even of the kingly 
blood of Wessex. For his mother Ealdgyth was the 
daughter of Uhtred by his third wife, the daoghter of 
King ^thelred. And the words of our chief North- 
humbrian guide seem to imply that this descent gave him 
some kind of right of preference to the Earldom.^ ThiA 
is a comment on the g^rowing notion of hereditary right 
with regard to such offices, and it is further remarkable 
as showing that the notion of succession through females 
was already beginning to be entertained. We cannot 
suppose that .it would have come into any man's head to 
propose a woman as a candidate for an Earldom, but men 
were clearly beginning to think that the son of an Earl's 
daughter had a better right to his grandfather's dignity than 
an utter stranger to his blood. Of the former life of Gos- 
patric we know nothing, unless, as seems most likely, this is 
the same Gospatric who so gallantly jeoparded his life to save 
the life of Tostig on his return from his Roman pilgrimage.^ 
He now went to William, probably at this Christmas 
feast at Westminster, and asked for the Earldom vacant by 
the successive deaths of Copsige and Oswulf. His claim, 

^ Sim. Dun. Gest. Reg. 92. " Mox sequenti auctumno et ipse Osulfos 
quum in obrii sibi latronis lanoeam pneceps imieret, illioo oonfossus 

* lb. **Nam ex matemo sanguine attinebat ad eum honor illins 
comitatus. Erat enim ex matre AlgithA, fili& Uhtredi eomitis, quam 
haboit ex Algivft filiA Agelredi regis. Hanc Algitham pater dedit in con- 
jugium Maldredo filio Criaani" 

' See vol. ii. p. 457. 

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backed by a large sum of money, was siicceesfal,i bat obap.xviu. 
whether he took any practical steps to take possession of ^fWiiUwn. 
the lands beyond the Tyne we are not told. A thick veil zo67«io^. 
shrouds the afiairs of the extreme North for some time 
to come, and when we next hear of Gk)«patrio, he appears 
in the same character as Eadwine and Morkere, as a 
dweller in William's court, but as one who had already 
begun to fear his enmity.^ 

But William had other cares besides thus regulating the 
affairs of the obedient shires of England, and granting away 
the nominal government of shires which still remained to 
be subdued. He had to guard against the dangers which WilliAm's 
threatened him both from Denmark and from the still un* ^^ ^^i^ 
subdued West, In that quarter the determination not to Swend. 
admit his authority was eveiy day assuming a character of 
more direct hostility. William had his remedy for both 
dangers. The intentions of the Danish King were to be 
sounded, and his purposes, if hostile, were to be staved off 
by the discretion and power of speech of an ambassador of 
English birth. For the defenders of Western England, the 
rebels as they were deemed in Norman eyes, William deter- 
mined on the bold step of a winter campaign. To employ Policy of 
an Englishman as his ambassador to the Danish King was an^^^di 
a clear stroke of policy on William's part. Such an ambas- J^'^" 
sador would come, not from the Norman Conqueror, King 
by the edge of the sword, but from the lawful King of the 
English, the kinsman and successor of the saintly Eadward. 
The man chosen for this purpose was a churchman of high Mi«don 
rank of whom we have already heard more than once. jEtheUige: 
^thelsige, Abbot of Saint Augustine's, had received the ^^™®' 
abbatial benediction, as Bemigius of Dorchester had received 

* Sim. Dim. Gest. Reg. 93. '* Quo [Osnlfb] mortuo, Coflpatricus, Alius 
lialdredi filii Crinani, V^illelmmn Regem adiens multft emptum pecunii 
adeptuB est oomitatnm Noiihymbrensiiim.'' 

' On the Earldom of Gospatric, see Appendix O. 

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oHAF.zvni. his episcopal consecration, at the hands of Stigand.^ He 
had been further entrusted by Eadward in his lifetime with 
the government of the great house of Saint Bene't of 
Ramsey,^ and legends went on to say that he had been 
chosen by the departed King to carry a message of health 
and victory from Eadward to his chosen successor.^ No 
choice on William's part could have been better planned 
to make a moral impression on the minds of Danes and 
Englishmen. A Prelate who had been the &.st fiiend both 
of Eadward and of Harold now appeared at the court of 
Swend as the representative of William. The whole life of 
jEthelsige is wrapped in confusions and contradictions, 
and the details of his embassy to Swend have come to us 
only in a legendary shape. But there is no need to doubt 
the fact of his mission, as the legend falls in most remark- 
ably with several entries in the great Survey.* jEthelsige 
then sailed for Denmark and reached the court of Swend in 
His recep. safety. He w^ received with honour, and oflfered the gifts 
Denmark. ^^ William to the Danish King and his nobles. His stay 
was long ; of the political details of his mission we have no 
accounts, but the course of events would seem to show that 
he succeeded in staving off for a while any interference of 
Swend in English affairs.^ We may perhaps even guess 
William's that his mission was not confined to Denmark only. It 
SoMwith is certain that William entered into negotiations with 
^*R«men '*'^^'^®^*'> *^® renowned Archbishop of Bremen, once the 
perhaps guide of the tender years of the youthful Henry .^ The 
through Primate of the North was led by the gifts of William 
^thdsige. ^ j^ ^1 ^Y^^ jj^ ^^jj ^ j^g^p Swend from disturbing 

• See voL li. p. 454. ■ lb. p, 455. » See vol. iii. p. 359. 

* See Appendix P. 

* Lectio ap. Langebek, iii. 253. '* Reverenter igitur a Bege Danorom 
reoeptus et habitus, non modico tempore apud eum mansit. Tandem, quum 
negotia pro quibus missus fuerat ad pladtuin peregisset, licentii redeundi 
a Bege data, iter per mare cum sociis aggressus est." 

• See vol, iii. p. 307. 

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the peace of England.^ The legendary part of the story OHAP.xvin. 
now follows. When ^thelsige set sail from Denmark on Legend 
his return to England, his ship was well nigh lost in a gige's re- 
storm. In answer to the prayers of the Abbot and his*™™*' 
companions an angel presently appeared, and bade them 
keep the feast of the Conception — not yet declared to be 
immacalate-~of our Lady. On his vow so to do^ the 
storm ceased, and on his return the new festival was first 
established in the church of Bamsey, and from thence its 
observance spread over England and Christendom.^ 

Abbot ^thelsige is thus set before us as chosen for the l^ter 
second time to be the vehicle of a supernatural communi* ^^ithSiige. 
cation. And his real history is well nigh as marvellous as 
anything that legend could invent. It may be as well, at 
the expense of strict chronological sequence, to sketch the 
remainder of his strangely chequered life. At this moment 
he seems to have been as high in the &vour of William 
as he had been in that of Eadward and Harold. Within 
two years he had lost the favour both of William and 
of his own monks at Saint Augustine's. The displeasure 
of the monks is said to have been caused by alienations of 
the lands of the monastery to Normans. The grounds of His out- 
William's displeasure are not mentioned, but there is no flight to 

doubt that the Abbot was outlawed, and that he took shelter ^"^^t- 

' 1070. 

in the land which he bad so lately visited as William's am- 
bassador. The strange thing is that, ten years later, he had, 
by some means or other, by some service doubtless at the 
Danish court, contrived to recover the favour of William. 
He was allowed to return, not to Saint Augustine's, which 
was in the hands of his Norman successor Scotland, but to 
Bamsey, where his place during his absence seems to have 

^ Adam Brem. iii. 53. " Inter Suein et Bastardam [see vol. ii. p. 589] 
perpetoa contentio de Anglift fuit, licet noster pontifex [Adalbertus, sc.] 
mimeribos Willehelmi persuaBiu, inter Beges paoem formare voluerit." 

' See the different yermons in Langebeic, iii. 255 et seqq., and Ap- 
pendix P. 

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cHAP.xvm. been taken by his predecessor ^Iftdne.^ His outlawry is 
recorded in the great Survey^ but it is no less plain that, 
when the Survey itself was made, he was again Abbot of 
Ramsey. And to wind up aU, as if purposely to make way 
for a new state of things^ both^thelsige and his suocessor at 
Saint Augustine's died in the same year as William himself.' 

State of 
the West. 

Exeter the 
centre of 
the inde- 

of its 

Meanwhile William was making every preparation for 
the campaign in the West. The shires of the Wealhcyn 
seem as yet to have retained perfect independence. The 
only sign of anything like an acknowledgement of 
William's kingship in those parts is the fact of the 
Abbot of Glastonbury being one of William's companions 
in his voyage to Normandy.^ On the other hand, we 
are distinctly told that Exeter, the great city of Western 
England, had had no dealings whatever with the new 
King.'^ And it would seem that the attitude of the men 
of the West was now taking the form of something beyond 
a mere refiisal to acknowledge the King who reigned in 
London and Winchester, Exeter was of course the centre 
of all patriotic action. The city had doubtless fully re- 
covered from the misfortunes which fell on it in the days 
of Swend,* but it is quite possible that the memory of 
Hugh the French churl ® bad helped, along with later 
events, to make its inhabitants specially hostile to all 
men of French blood or speech. That hatred they are 
said to have shown in cruel and insulting treatment 
towards certain Norman knights who had been sent by 
William himself, and whom stress of weather had driven 
into their haven."^ This may or may not imply that a 

* See vol. ii. p. 455. 

' See these points worked out in Appendix P. / • 

* See above, p. 78. 

* Ord. Yit. 510 A. **Regem alienigenam . . . cum qno antea de nullo 
negotio egerant/* • See vol. i. p. 346. • See above, p. 52. 

^ Ord. Vit. 510 C. "Mititibus crudeliter et oontumeliose iUoBerant, 
qnoe ipse de NormanniA miserat et tempestas ad portum illomm appulerat." 

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force had been sent against the West while William was oBAPjcvm. 
still in Normandy. At all events the citj was at this Zeal and 
moment perfectly independent and fiill of zeal for the all ranks, 
national caose. The citizens of Exeter were rich, nu- 
merous^ and valiant, and, at this stage at least of the 
story, all ranks joined in fall purpose to withstand the 
stranger to the uttennost.^ like their brethren at Win* Their ro- 
chester^ they stood in a special relation to the widowed Sad^th. 
Eadgyth/ as their forefathers had stood towards the 
widowed Emma. But the influence which the absent 
Lady could exercise at Exeter was far less than that which 
she could exercise in her own dwelling-place at Winchester.' 
The walls which ^thelstan had reared^ and which Swend 
had at least partly overthrown,^ had been repaired or re- 
built, and the city was again strongly fortified.^ And now 
towers and battlements, and whatever was needed for defence 
against a siege, were carefully repaired, and new works 
added wherever any further strength could be given.* 
But it should be noted that we hear only of the defences 
of the city itself; Exeter did not as yet contain a castle. 
But the resistance of the West was not to be only They seek 
the resistance of a single city, however great; the men ^^e^neig™. 
of Exeter sent messengfers to and fro to rouse the men ^y"°fi: 

° shires and 


This inddental mention is just in the style of William of Poitiers (cf. his 
account of Bonmey, vol. iii. pp. 410, 534) ; one woald be well pleased to 
know the story more at large. 

' Ord. Vit. 510 A. "Gives earn tenebant furiosi, copiosc multitudinis, 
infestissimi mortaUbus GaUici generis, puberes ac Senatus." One is tempted 
to read either "plebs et Senatus" or "puberes ao seniores." But the 
mention of "Senatns," it will be presently seen, is important. (In this 
eoggestion I find myself forestalled in tiie excellent note of Maseres, 
p. 210.) 

> In Dcmiesday (100) twelve houses in Exeter appear as "libers ad 
Dumemm in ministeriis Eddid BeginsB.** 

■ See yoL m. p. 541. ' * See vol. i. pp. 338, 346. 

* " Operose munita," says Orderic. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 A. "Pinnas ac turres et quseque necessaria sibi cense- 
buit in munimentis addebant vel restanrabant.'* 

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oHAP.xvin. of the neighbouring shires, and to call on their towns 
to enter into a league with Exeter against the foreign 
The King.^ Those shires, those towns, were now undoubtedly 

nowmainly whoUy English in feeling ; they were probably by this 
English, ^jjj^g mainly English in blood. The Thegns and the 
citizens at all events would be so; the towns, we may 
be sure, like Exeter itself, had been from the beginning 
English colonies in the Celtic land. The memory of 
older distinctions would simply tend^ as in some parts it 
tends to this day, to make local feeling a little stronger 
than elsewhere. But the patriots of Exeter were ready 
to welcome help fix)m any quarter, and, among other 
quarters^ they sought it among the strangers from distant 
lands whom the commercial importance of their city had 
brought to sojourn within their gates. Foreigpi merchants, 
if they seemed likely to be of use in the campaign^ were 
pressed into the service, to take their part on behalf 
of the land to which they owed a temporary allegiance.^ 
It was plain that to put down such a movement as this 
must be William's first work* The active hostility of the 
West was becomiug more dangerous than the stubborn 
sullenness of the North or even than the chances of an 
invasion from Denmark. 
Connexion And there was another feature about the movement at 
movement Exeter which would make it specially hateful in William's 
fianUyof ^^^* '^^ Benalagu might be ready to welcome Swend 
Qodwine. or to seek for a King in the House of Leofiic. The name 
of Eadgar might kindle a sentimental feeling in any part 
of the Kingdom over which he had been for a moment 
chosen King. But the voice which came up from Exeter 

^ Ord. Vit. 510 A. "Hi nimirum socioe e plagb finitimis inqniete 1 
bant .... alias quoqne ciTitates ad oonspirandom in eadem legationibui 
instigabant, et contra Begem alienigenam toto nisu ae pneparabant, cum 
quo antea de nuUo negotio egerant." 

' lb. *' Mercatoree advenaa bello habiles retinebant." 

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was a voice raised on behalf of the House of God wine and oHAP.xym. 
Harold. Of that House we have heard nothing since 
(Jytha, the mother of heroes^ craved the body of her son 
on the morrow of the great battle.^ But now the widow Presenoeof 
of Grodwine was present in the city whose holy places she Exetw.* 
had enriched with offerings for the soul of her husband.^ 
There was no part of England in which her own possessions Great po«- 
and those of her children were larger than in the shires of Harold and 
Devon and Somerset. And it is in those shires only that we ^^J[^^ 
can trace in the Survey the names of those younger mem- We^t. 
bers of the family of whom so little record is to be found 
elsewhere.^ The lands of the House of Godwine^ at all 
events the lands of Harold, Gyrth^ and Leofwine^ had^ 
wherever William's rule had reached^ been forfeited to the 
behoof of the Conqueror and his followers. Here, in the 
free West, their revenues and the fighting power of 
their occupants were still ready to be used in the cause 
of England. The men of Somerset and Dorset had sent 
their contingents to Senlac; the men of Devonshire and 
Cornwall are not mentioned;^ in the swift march of 
events between the two great battles the forces of such 
distant regions may easily, without any suspicion of back- 
wardness or disloyalty^ have fiuled to find their way to 
Harold's muster. But for this very reason those shires 
were better able to resist now; their noblest and bravest 
had not been cut off^ like the noblest and bravest of 
Kent and Berkshire. The widow of the great Earl^ the 
mother of the fallen Eing^ was thus dwelling within the 
walls of a city where she was well known, in the midst of 
vast estates belonging to herself and her house. We may 
here stop and see what was at this moment the state of the 

> See YoL iii. p. 51a ; c£ p. 519. 

* See vol. ii p. 352 for her gifts to Saint OIoTb church at Exeter. 

* See Appendix Q. and R. 

* See the list from Wace in vol. iii. p. 493. 

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0HAP.xvm. House of Godwine, as several of its members will flit before 
the House ^^ ^7^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ moments. All the sons of Godwine were 
of God- dead, save only Wulfnoth the hostage, who was in the 
Wulfiioth ^^^^ of William.^ Of Harold's other companion in his 
*^ ?"Jy fiital voyage, Hakon the son of Swegen, no certain account 

Buryivuig . . 

•on. can be given. I have ventured, rather doubtingly, to give 

H^on eon him i^g fhce among the warriors of Senlac.* He may 
have died there, or the conjecture^ may be true which, 
without any Airther evidence, makes him the same as a 
Danish Earl Hakon of whom we shall hear later in the 
The history. Of the daughters of Godwine, Eadgyth was still 

of God- enjoying the honours of the Old Lady within the walls of 
^"^®' her Imperial morning-gift. -^Ifgifu, according to one 

version, was dead;^ at all events there is no Airther 
account to give of her. Gunhild, alive and unmarried, 
was doubtless in attendance on her mother. In the third 
generation, besides the doubtful case of Hakon, the sons 
of Tostig were in Norway ; ^ of any children of Gyrth and 
Tlie Leofwine we hear nothing. But Harold had left behind 

Harold. ^^ ^^^ children, who, as I have elsewhere suggested, were 
Three aons probably the offspring of Eadgyth Swanneshals.^ Of their 
dAughten, mother we hear no more after her sad errand to Senlac. 
chfldren of ^ ^^® really was the rich and fair Eadgifu of Domesday, her 
^«^«3^ lands formed — ^most likely had already formed — a rich 
neeh*lB. harvest for Norman spoilers. But her three sons, Godwine, 
Eadmund, and Magnus, of whom Godwine was a holder 
of lands in Somerset,"^ and her daughters Gytha and Gun- 
hild, will all call for momentaiy notice. Everything leads 
us to believe that the whole fiimily were now gathered 
round their grandmother at Exeter. But there was an- 
other child of Harold who was most likely in a distant 

' See above, p. 119. ' ' See vol. iii. p. 476. 

' This is made by Lappenberg, Nonnaa Kings, p. 168 (Eng. ed.), after 

• See vol. ML pp. 262, 703. • lb. p. 374. 

* lb. p. 764, and Appendix R. ^ See Appendix Q. 

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part of England. There can be little doubt that Ulf, the 0HAP.xTin. 
son of Harold and Ealdgyth, was bora after his father's J^^^* 
death. It would follow that he was born at Chester, Eal<^h ; 
whither his mother had been sent for safety by her 
brothers.^ As Chester was not yet in William's possession, 
the babe, whom the event of the great battle had hindered 
firom being a born ^theling, was probably dwelling with 
his mother within the Mercian Earldom. Sooner or later Iub cap* 
indeed he fell into William's clutches and remained a ^^' 
prisoner till the end of William's reign.' But we may 
believe that his captivity dated only from the fall of 
Chester rath^ than suspect that even Eadwine could 
stoop to the baseness of giving up his infant nephew 
as the price of the Conqueror's &vour to himself. 

The son of Ealdgyth united the blood of the two greatest Harold's 
houses in England, and, had his father's reign been as long Exeter. 
as the heart of England had prayed for at his crowning, 
he might have been the second King of the House of 
Oodwine* The sons of Harold who were within the walls 
of Exeter came of a lowlier and doubtful stock. But, as 
vigorous youths fast approaching manhood^ they were 
better fitted to become the rallying point of a patriotic 
movement, and the probable stain on their birth could 
hardly be thrown in their teeth in the days of William the 
Bastard. The whole West was ready for defence, and Volunteers 
volunteers flocked in from other parts. One recorded districts, 
instance in such cases proves many unrecorded. Blsecman, Bbecman 
a wealthy secular priest of Berkshire, a tenant of the Abbey ghite. 
of Abingdon^ and himself founder of a goodly church in its 
neighbourhood^ risked all his possessions, temporal and 
spiritual, to share the fortunes of the widow of Godwine.'* 

* See vol. iii. pp. 5if. 764. " See Flor. Wig. 1067. 

* BlaBcman, Blacheixum, Blachemannns, is spoken of in the History of 
Abingdon, i 474, m ** presbyter pecomosus.** By the leave of the convent 
he built a church, with bnildingB of a nuynastic pattern attached, on an 
island to the south of the monasteiy, which, from the dedication of the 

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oHAP.xvin. Such a man, we may be sure, did not stand alone ; Exeter, 
the one great city of Southern England which remained 
free, was doubtless a city of refuge to many a patriotic 
heart from all the shires over which the House of God- 
wine had ruled. At no moment since the battle had the 
The West- hopes of deliverance been higher. But, as usual, local and 
ment not internal dissensions spoiled everything. England had no 
hj^T^ leader. If the North had risen now, if the Danish fleet had 
North. come now, their united forces might perhaps have driven 
William once more beyond the sea. But while Exeter was 
in arms, York did not stir, and when York did stir, Exeter 
had no longer the power of stirring. The grandsons of 
Leofric doubtless cared little for a movement on behalf of 
the House of Godwine. Had the son of Harold and 
Ealdgyth been a grown man, capable of leading armies, 
both the great divisions of England might possibly have 
gathered round one who united the blood of Godwine and 
the blood of Leofric. But the babe at Chester could give 
no strength to any cause, and Eadwine and Morkere 

church to Saint Andrew, got the name of ** Andreaia" (Andreasoge ?). The 
buildings were '* mirifice ooaptata, picturis caelAturisque infra et extra ubique 
locorum delectabile visu subomata.'* He then ** privatim se monachis 
ingerendo, turn auri argentique ostentu, turn fiunindi oris profusione/' got 
a lease of three lordships from the Abbey. The writer seems to record the 
grant with some displeasure, but it was merely one of the usual leases. 
Blsecman was, as he is described in the local history (i. 484), *' ecclesiae homo 
efiectus," just like Sheriff Godric. Of one of the places spoken ot Sandford 
in Oxfordshire, we also read in Domesday (156 h), ** Blacheman presbyter 
tenuit ab eccleBi&.'* The name, whether of the same person or not, is found 
in several other entries in the Surrey. Another entry in Oxfordshire (160) 
doubtless belongs to our Bbecman. The connexion of Blascmaa with the 
siege of Exeter comes from the local histoiy, i. 48.^, 484. The passage runs 
thus ; *' WiUelmus vero Anglise diadema obtinuit. Cui dum quidam sub- 
jectionis fidelitatem sponderent, nonnulli exteras sibi sedes per alia regna 
consult! rati petere sese subducerent, Abbas Ealdredus, primorum sese sen- 
tentia dedens, Reg! fidelitatis sacramenta persolvit. At in posteriorum 
numero qnum multi diverterent, turn et perempti Regis mater, secum in 
oomitatu suo, una cum plnrimis aliis, presbyterum Blachemannum habens, 
Angliam desernit.*' If Blsecman accompanied Gytha in her flight, we 
may be pretty sure that he was with her at Exeter. 

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tarried in the Court of William till William's rule was as 0HAF.xvm. 
safe at Exeter as it was at Winchester and London. 

In overcoming the hostility of the West, William acted wmiam 
as he always did act. Before he tried arms, he tried 
negotiation. In the great case of all, in his dealings with 
Harold himself, he did not strike a blow till all the powers 
of diplomacy had been thoroughly worn out between him- 
self and his rival. In the course of his march after the 
battle^ he had sent a successful embassy to Winchester,^ 
and one of more doubtful issue to London.^ So he now He de* 
sent to Exeter to demand that the citizens should take ^^"^^^^^^ 
the oath of allegiance to him as their lawful King.^ <*^E*«^''- 
He also, it would seem, required to be received in person 
within the city. William^ on becoming full sovereign 
of Exeter^ might have purposed, like iBthelstan^ to 
celebrate and to secure his conquest by holding one of 
the solemn Gem6ts of the year within its walls.^ On 
the arrival of this message, we see the first signs of a 
wavering policy, of a division of feeling between different 
classes in the city. At Exeter, as everywhere else, the 
mass of the people were patriotic, but a fainthearted, if 
not a traitorous, faction soon began to show itself among 
those of higher degree.^ The chief men^ whether by Attempt of 
those words we are to understand the local magistracy or leaden to 
generally the leading men who were gathered within the J^|^^* 
walls of the city, sent a temporizing answer to William, ooune. 
In so doing they showed that they as little understood 
the man with whom they were dealing as Robert the 
Staller had understood him when he counselled him 
to go back quietly from Hastings to Normandy.® In 
dealing with William the Conqueror there were only two 

* See voL iii. p. 540. • lb. p. 545. 

■ Ord. Vit. 510 A. *' Rex nbi hnc certius oomperit, primoribiu dvitatia 
jamre sibi fidelitatem xnaDdavit." * See vol. i. p. 338. 

» See the note in vol. iii. p. 333. • See vol. iii. p. 414. 


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ance of 

They are 
reftdy to 
pay tribute, 
out not 
to swear 
oaths or 
to receive 
thehr walls. 

with Italy 
and else- 

wish to 
found an 
only an 

choices, unconditional submission and resistance to the 
last. Submission would bring favourable terms. Resist- 
ance might be successful, and William moreover now and 
then showed that he could find it in his heart to honour a 
valiant enemy. The Wise Men of Exeter tried a middle 
course, a course which made success impossible ; but 
their answer is most valuable as an illustration of the 
politics of the time. It shows the strength of local, as 
distinguished from national^ patriotism ; it shows the ideas 
of municipal freedom which were growing up; it shows, 
we may add, the chances and tendencies from which 
William saved England. The answer to William's sum- 
mons, as reported by our Norman informants, ran thus, 
" We will take no oaths to the King; we will not 
receive him within our walls ; but we are ready to pay 
to him the tribute which we have been used to pay to 
former Kings." ^ That is to say, they were ready to 
receive him as Emperor, but not as King. The words 
are exactly such as an Italian city might have used to a 
Teutonic Caesar. We long to know whether such language 
came jfrom the magistrates of Exeter only, or whether it 
was shared by the Thegns of the West in general. In 
the former case the object is plain; the aim of the 
Exeter patricians was to make their city an aristocratic 
commonwealth, like those of which the germs were already 
showing themselves within the continental Empire. Is 
it possible that, among the foreign visitors who gave 

^ Ord. Vit. 510 A. ^' At illi remandaverunt ei dioentes, Neque sacra- 
mentum Begi ffunemus, neque in urbem eum intromittemus, sed tributum 
ei ex consuetudine pristinE reddemus." It must be remembered that our 
only account of these most interesting negotiations oomee from Orderic, who 
doubtless followed William of Poitiers. The short accounts in the Chronicles 
and Florence begin only with the actual siege. This is much to be re- 
gretted, as we should never have more gladly welcomed a record in our 
own tongue than in the report of these answers, which could not fail to 
preserve to us so many technical phrases of early politics. 

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their help in matters of war, there were some who could oHAP.xvin. 
give lessons to the rulers of Exeter in matters of Italian *^**^^_ 

policy ? Exeter was to be a republic, independent in all in the 

its internal afiairs.^ The Emperor of Britain might beBrftJ^* 
Over-lord of the commonwealth ; his protection might be 
bought, or his enmity might be bought off, by a payment 
in money. The burthens which had been laid on Exeter Boiral 
by former Kings had not been excessive. The city paid ^^, 
in money only when London, York, and Winchester paid, 
and the sum to be paid was a single half mark of silver, 
for the behoof of the soldiers, that is doubtless of the 
Sing's Housecarls.' The mention of Exeter in such 
company marks the high position that it held among the 
cities of England. When the King summoned his Jyrd 
to his standard, by sea or by land^ Exeter supplied the 
same number of men as were supplied by five hides of 
land.3 These payments, these services, the commonwealth 
WW ready to render to the new master who claimed its 
allegiance. But the men of Exeter would not, each 
citizen personally, become his men; they would not 
receive so dangerous a visitor within their walls; they 
would not, we may believe, be handed over as a morning- 
gift to any more widows of Kings, or again be exposed 
to the treason or the incapacity of Reeves commissioned 
by foreign Ladies. Such schemes were natural enough 
in a civic aristocracy, but they could hardly have been 
shared by the rural Thegns of Devonshire and Somerset. 

* On the condition of Exeter at this time and ita league with the 
other boroughs, see Palgrave, iii. 419, 426-439, and English Common- 
wealth, i 645. There is perhaps a little exaggeration in the line which 
he takes, but it is a striking thought when he says, "But a little 
more, and England might have becomf^ the first Federal Conmion- 
wealth in Christendom.** 

' See below, p. 162. 

' Domesday, 100. " Quando expeditio ibat per terram aut 'per mare, 
serriebat hnc civitas quantum ▼. bids tenw." So Ezon, 80. 

L 2 

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oHAP.xvin. Still less were such schemes likely to be shared by Gytha 
thekcai ^^^^ her grandsons. The sons of Harold might well dream 
Thegna. of Kingdoms, greater or smaller, whether of England, of 
probable Wessex, or only of the Wealkcyn, But they would 
towwS a hardly aspire to be Consuls or Burgomasters of the Free 
JJ^"- Imperial City of Exeter. As for the ordinary Thegns 
Position of the country, we can hardly attribute to them such a 
family of d^&rec of political foresight as to understand the probable 
Harold, results of the establishment of an independent common- 
wealth in the great Western city. Such a commonwealth, 
if it lived and prospered, was not unlikely to play the part 
which was afterwards played by Bern and Florence, which 
was, a few years later^ played for a moment by Le Mans, 
and to constrain the neighbouring lords of the soil to 
become its citizens or its subjects. Exeter had already 
possessions beyond its own walls, which might easily form 
the germ of a subject district.^ But, without supposing 
the Western Thegns to look so &r afield as this, the 
scheme of establishing a commonwealth of Exeter could 
have no charm or interest for them. If they were faint- 
hearted, they might seek their advantage in becoming 
William's men and buying back their lands of him.^ If 
they were stout-hearted and hopeful, they might look 
forward to keeping William out of the Western lands 
altogether. But no half-measure offered any chance. A 
commonwealth of Exeter promised them nothing, and they 
could have no hope of admitting William as Over-lord with^ 
No cbanoe out admitting him as immediate Eang. They could hardly 
a ^^^ ^^ have cherished any dream so wild as that of establishing 
PJP^f ^ the Wealkcyn as a separate principality like the Northern 

paUfry in Wales, paying tribute to William as Basileus of Britain, 
the West. 

^ Pomesday, loo. '* Burgenses Ezoniffi urbia habent extra civitatem 
teme zii. carucatas que nullam consnetudinem reddunt, nisi ad ipsam 

' See above, p. 25. 

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but ruled by a prince of the House of Gtedwine, a prince 0HAP.xvin. 

who might himself be the man of the Over-lord, but 

whose personal vassalage should not be shared by his 


But of all princes of his day William was the least WilHun's 

likely to be entangled into middle courses or to be^^^^^. 

satisfied with a half-submission. He miffht be Duke of^^*®'^'^ 

^ oveiy- 

the Normans and Csesar of the English ; ^ but in either where, 
character he would be the immediate lord of every one 
of his subjects. He might be satisfied with maintaining 
the external superiority of his predecessors over the out- 
lying provinces of his Empire, but within tlie Kingdom 
which his kinsman had bequeathed to him he would put 
up with nothing short of unreserved allegiance. He 
would have nothing to do with terms and reservations. 
His answer to the Exeter deputation was terse and to His answer 
the purpose ; '' It is not my custom to take subjects on Exeter 

such conditions." * War of course followed : William ^eputa- 


marched with an army into Devonshire^ an army drawn He 
partly from the English inhabitants of the conquered ™*^^ 
districts. This was the first, but not the last, time in Exeter, 
which William learned to employ English valour in his ^"^H^**J^j^ 
wars on both sides of the sea.^ The policy of so doing »™iy- 
was obvious ; it was not a foreign conqueror who was ^^^^^^ 
marching against an independent city ; it was the King ployment. 
of the English^ at the head of his loyal Englishmen, 
marching against a city which refused him his lawful 

1 " Qui Daz Nornmniiis, qui Caesar praefuit Anglis." says Abbot Baldric 
in his verses on William. Duchesne, Rer. Franc. Scriptt. iv. 357 A. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 A. " E contra sic eis remandavit Rax dioens, Non est 
mihi moris ad banc conditionem habere subjectos." 

' lb. " Deinde com ezercitu ad fines eorum accessit, et primos in e& 
ezpeditione Anglos eduzit." I do not see that this need mean — though the 
hd is not at all unlikely — that " the English were placed in the front of 
his army" (Lappenberg, I3i, Eng. tr.). Surely it simply means that this 
was the first time that William used English troops. 

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0HAF.zTin. rights. Nor is it wonderM that native Englishmen^ 
tira'of^ even from the West-Saxon shires, were found ready to 
their march on such a service. A government in possession, 

to aerve. however unpopular, has vast advantages over a people 
without leaders. If Kling William summoned the fyrd 
in ancient form^ under the same penalties which had been 
decreed in the days of jSlthelred,^ the man, Thegn or 
Churl, who dared to hold back must have been a man 
of unusual boldness and vigour. And when soldiers are 
once under arms, the blind instinct of military discipline, 
and of what is called military honour^ has too often been 
found utterly to outweigh the higher biddings of moral 
and political duty. If the soldiers of Cromwell and the 
Buonapartes did not scruple to drive out Parliaments at 
the bidding of their military chiefs^ we cannot wonder 
that William^ now and at other times^ found English- 
men ready to march at his bidding against those who 
were fighting to deliver England. The thing was not 
Earlier in- new. Swend, ^ Cnut, Harold Hardrada, ^ had always 
Borvioe found means to draw fresh forces from the districts of 
^^f' England which submitted to them. In the wars of Cnut 
quexors. the still stranger sight had been seen of West-Saxon 
troops serving under the Danish Raven against a West- 
Saxon ^theling at the head of the forces of the DenaUigu^ 
So now, it was at the head of a host largely composed 
of Englishmen that William set forth to win for himself 
the great stronghold of English freedom in the Western 

His line of march was, as usual, marked by ravage.^ 
His course naturally led him through Dorset, and it was 

» See vol. i. pp, 366, 415.. " lb. 394. 

' See vol. ill. p. 352. * See voL i. p. 414. 

' Chron. Wig. 1067 (after recording the tax, see above, p. 128) ; *' And 
^eahbws^re let efre bergian eall >et bi oferforon.** ThiB will at least 
include the Dorset harrjings. 

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no doabt now that the towns of that shire^ Dorchester, oBAP.zvni. 
Bridport, Wareham, and Shaftesbury, underwent that^i^«»*» 

* "^ ravages on 

teaifiil harrying the result of which is recorded in Domes- his mMxoh ; 
daj. Bridport was utterly ruined ; not a house seems to Bonet 
have been able to pay taxes at the time of the Surrey. ^^'^ 
At Dorchester, the old Roman settlement^ the chief town 
of the shire^ only a small remnant of the houses escaped 
destruction.^ These &cts are signs that William followed 
the same policy against Exeter which he had followed wmUm's 
against Le Mans ^ and against London.^ The boroughs of same m in 
Dorset were doubtless among the towns which had joined !^te.^^" 
in the civic league. Probably they stood sieges and were 
taken by storm. At any rate they were ruthlessly harried^ 
in order at once to isolate and to frighten the greater city 
which lay beyond them. This policy did its work. As Iti eflBM* : 
William drew near, the fear of him and his wrath fell on trateeof 
the patricians of the commonwealth of Exeter. At ^^^^^u, 
distance of four miles from the city a second deputation miiwion 
met him, whose language was very different from that of hostages, 
the earlier message. Nothiug was now said of conditions ; 
nothing was refused ; all was abject submission to William's 
will. The men of Exeter craved for peace ; their gates were 
open to receive the King; they would obey all his orders. 
In pledge of their good &ith, hostages^ as many as William 
demanded, were at once given up.^ And it would seem Alleged 

• m n i» breach of 

e special promises of favour promise by 
to carry out.* We cannot ^^^^°'- 

that William now made some '^ ^ ^ 

which he afterwards fidled to carry 

> On the details, see Appendix K. 

* See voL iii. p. aoa. » lb. pp. 533, 543. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 B. " Majore$ mox, ut Begem cum ezercitu appro- 
prnqvare oognoecunt, obyiam advenienti procedunt, paoem poscunt, portas 
ei patere dicunt, imperata quadibet se &cturos promittmit, et obsides Ulioo, 
qnaotos Bex jabet» adducuntar.*' This of course cannot mean that they 
went back to the city for hostages. 

' So it would seem from the short bat weighty aooount in the Worcester 
Chronicle, which gives hints which we should be well pleased to see drawn 

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0HAP.xym. wonder that it was so, for^ as soon as the messengers 

returned to the town^ it speedily appeared that the act of 

the ruling body was not confirmed by the general feeling 

The capitu- of the citizens. The capitulation was disowned ; even regard 

owned by ^^^ *^® safety of the hostages did not move men who had 

the citizens made up their minds not to yield.^ After the deputation had 

withdrawn, and had left the hostages in the King's hands, 

no further marks of submission followed. The road was not 

thronged, as William probably looked to see it, by his 

new subjects pouring forth to welcome their sovereign. One 

might ahnost be led to think that acts of direct hostility 

The SHOE followed on the part of the citizens. At all events, 

William WiUi^ni saw that he was deceived, and we can hardly 

drawB near blame him for being filled with wonder and wrath.^ With 

to reoon- 

noitre, and five hundred horsemen he rode forth to see the city^ to 
cityVre^ judge of its site and its fortifications, and to find out what 
pared for ^he enemy were doing.^ 

out at greater length. The words are — ^after the harryings — *' And J» he 
ferde to Defenascire, and besset >a burh Ezanoester xviii dagas, and jner 
wearV niicel his heres for&ren, ac he heom vod hehetj and yfeU gdceste, 
and hig him >a burh ageafon forj'an )>a )>egena8 heom geswicon hsfdon." 
The account seems hardly to follow chronological order, and this seems 
the most likely time for promises. 

^ Ord. Vit. 510 B. *' Reversi ad concives, qui suppliciapro reatu nimis 
metuebant, nihilominus machinantnr hostilia qusa C€eperant, multisque pro 
causflis ad oppugnandum sese incitabant.** These words by themselves 
would rather imply that those who made the capitulation were the same 
as those who disowned it. But the mention in the Chronicle of the treason 
of the Thegns, and the distinction which Orderic himself seems to draw 
between the "primores" now and the *' municipes" a little later, seem to 
justify me in following Lappenberg in the view which I have taken in the 
text. I see that Thierry and Mr. St. John take it in the same way, only it 
is hardly fsdr of Thierry to quote the words of Ordeiio so as to make 
•« eonciyes ** the nominative cases. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 B. " Quod audiens Rex, qui ad quatuor milliaria oon- 
Bistebat ab urbe, irSi repletus est et admiratione.'* 

' lb. " Imprimis itaque Rex cum quingentis equitibus propere perrexit^ 
ut locum et moeniavideret, et quid hostes ageret deprehenderet." Compare 
the five hundred horsemen sent against London (see vol. iii. p. 54»), but 
then William was not present in person. 

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IrectTuin's Norman Conquest. Vol IV 

To feu» ptufe 1SS. 



A . St letters ChuTxh' . 
C. CutLtChapd. 


For the Drl^aies of the Clarmdon Press. 

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The city to which William now drew near did not indeed cHAPJcvm. 
rival the natural strength of Le Mans or Domfront, but it J*"^^ 
came nearer than most English towns to recalling some- Exeter, 
what of the character of those memorable scenes of his 
earlier exploits. Exeter is described by the most detailed 
historian of this campaign as standing in a plain,^ and to 
one who looks down upon the city from the higher ground 
which surrounds it on nearly every side the description 
might not seem inappropriate. But the city really stands 
on a hill^ and a hill, in some parts, of no inconsiderable 
steepness. The Exe flows to the south-west; at the north- 
east a sort of narrow isthmus connects the hill with a large 
extent of ground at nearly its own level. On either side 
of the isthmus a sort of ravine, stretching towards the 
river on each side, forms a kind of natural moat round 
the greater part of the city. On the isthmus, the most 
important point in the line of defence, stood the east gate 
of the city^ one of the four which guarded the ends of 
the four main streets which still keep up the memory of 
the ground-plan of Roman Isca. The wall which, with The wkUb 
a little care, may be traced through nearly the whole"' ^ 
of its extent,^ followed the crest of the hill, which is 
divided from the river by rich alluvial pastures, in those 
days most likely mere swamps. The defences were therefore 

> Orderic (510 A) caUs the city " in phino dta/* and adds " a litore 
niarino, quo ex Hibernift vel Britannift minore brevinimo aditur spatio, 
distans milliaria ciroiter duo.*' ** Idtufl marinnm " may, by a &vourable 
conrtruction, be taken to mean the shore of the estuary of the Exe, but the 
whole geography is confused. 

' The walls of Exeter are well shown in the plans in I2ac1ce> " Remark- 
able Antiquities of the City of Exeter" (London, 1734). and Jenkins's 
** History and Description of the City of Exeter " (Exeter, 18061. In April, 
1870, 1 made the whole circuit of the defences in company with Mr. W. A. 
8anford, and we were able to trace the wall nearly everywhere. It has 
been greatly patched at various times, and shows a most remarkable 
variety in its masonry. I do not feel at all certain that some portions of 
the foundation of iBthelstan's wall do not remain on the north side. All 
the gates have been destroyed. 

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oHAP.xvm. not carried down to the water, except at the extreme 
southern point of the city, where a fifth gate, the Quay 
Gate, came between the Western and Southern Gates of the 
four main arms. Here then were the two main approaches 
for either friends or enemies. The Exe, not yet, as at a 
later time, bridled by weirs,^ aflforded free access from 
the friendly districts, and we hear nothing of any fleet 
WiUiaoi being employed by William. At the opposite end of 
firom the" tti® city, William's line of approach would lie by the 
^^" isthmus leading to the East Gate which opened into 
the High-street. The ground is such that he and his 
horsemen would see but little of the town till they came 
into its near neighbourhood. To the left of the East 
Gate, just within the wall, stood the cathedral church of 
the newly translated Bishoprick, which has since given 
way to the building whose combined uncouthness of out- 
line and perfection of detail makes it unique among 
English churches. To the right of the gate rose the 
high ground, which William's keen eye would at the first 
glance mark as the site of the future castle. The river, 
the main source of the importance of the city, flowed out of 
sight on the other side, but on the right, soaring over the 
city and the intervening valley, rose the height of Penhow, 
looi. where, sixty-seven years before, Swend of Denmark, driven 
back from the city, had found his revenge in a victory over 
He finda the men of Devonshire and Somerset.^ The new invader 
prej^red found the city as well prepared for defence as ever it had 
for defence, jj^^jj against the earlier enemy. The gates were shut, and 
the whole range of walls and towers was thick with 
defenders.^ According to one version, one of the besieged 
went so far as to offer to William and his followers an 

^ On the blocking of the river by the Earls and Countessea of Deron, see 
01iyer*8 " History of the City of Exeter/' p. 249. ■ See vol. i. p. 340. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 B. " Portae offirmatte erant, densaeque turbn in pro- 
pugnaoulis et per totum muri ambitum prostabant." 

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insult as unseemly as it was senseless.^ The wrath of oHAP.xvm. 
William was now kindled to the uttermost. God, he said, p^* "^ 

\ 'to h»ve 

would never help men who dared to treat him with such been 
scorn.' The whole army now drew near ; the siege was wiUiwa. 
formed, and William began by striving to strike awe alike 
into his followers and into his enemies by an act in which 
the laws of war were strained to the uttermost. One of the He Uinds 
hostages was brought close to the East Ghite, and his eyes hoitages. 
were put out in the sight of both armies.^ We shudder at 
the cruelty; to the avenger of Alen9on^ the act most 
likely seemed at once politic and merciful. In the eyes of 
William it was a means by which Exeter might be won, 
as he loved to win his conquests, without further shedding 
of blood.^ But the sight in no way bent the hearts of the 

> WQL Malm. iii. 248. ** XJnuB eonun, sapra manim stans, nndato 
iBgniDe auras eonita ioferioria partU turbaveiat, pro oontemptu videlicet 
NonDannonxm.'' So Bog. Wend, il 4; Matt. Paris, 6, ed. Wats. There 
IB however the question whether this story does not belong to Oxford 
instead of Exeter. See Appendix Z. 

s Will. Malm. u. s. ** Ipse audacias earn assilierat ; protestans homines 
iirevereotes Dei destituendos suf&agio.** Cf. vol. ii. p. 387. 

' Ord. Yit. 510 B. " Denique regie jussu exercitos ad arbem admotus 
est, et onus ex obeidibus prope portam ocuEb privatus est." 

* See voL ii. pp. 287, a88. 

' On the rights of hostages and the unlawfulness of putting them to 
death, see Grotius, De Jure Belli et Pads, iii. ii. 18; Vattel, Droits de 
Gens, ii. 16 (voL i. p. 190, ed. Leyden, 1758). This doctrine William 
would no doubt have readily accepted, even while reserving to himself the 
right of blinding or other mutilation short of death. See vol. ii. p. a66. 
Grotius refers to the conduct of Narses as described by Agathias. The 
reference is to the siege of Lucca in 553 (see Gibbon, vii. 395, ed. Milman). 
The defenders of the dty failed to surrender at the time agreed on, so 
be fird/tnAtd (if the story is to be believed) to put their hostages to 
death. His words are remarkable ; hUat lik rw d/i^' oinhv kojL xpft^iu, 

VMydi t^4£€itF rijM dwiffrUu. 6 91 trrparrfybt, 7^^/19 yiLp ^irovra $wpaaatt 
mat oi Xiaof r$ 6py^ ^vr<X!^P«9 od/r it t^c &ft6njrot ettj itt diroirrciVai roht 
iofihf 5,T< Koi 1j9ue7ftt6rra» Ml* &y irtpoi kwXtffiiUkow. Agath. p. 23, 
ed. Paris. 

Yet, if nothing might be done to the hostages, one wonders what 
hoetagee— so habitually given in that age on all occasions— were for. 

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oHAP.xvra. men of Exeter ; they were rather stirred up to a yet more 

Thede- valiant defence of their hearths and homes.^ The sie&e 
fenders ^ ^ _ ° 

made more began, and was carried on with vigour on both sides for 

by the eighteen days. The besieger^ kept up a constant attack 
"^^*' on the walls ; the defenders however stood their ground, 
resistanoe and many of the assailants lost their lives.^ William 
eiehteen ^^^^ have been beaten back from Exeter as Swend had 
days* been, if the military art of Normandy in William's days 

had not been many steps in advance of the military art of 
The city at Denmark in the days of Swend. It was by undermim'ng 
by a mine, the walls that William at last gained possession of the 
city.^ This was a mode of attack for which the men of 
Exeter were most likely not prepared. They could hurl 
their javelins from the battlements ; they could cleave the 
skull of any daring assailant who mounted a scaling-ladder ; 
but a countermine would probably have been a refinement 
beyond their skill. William's mine advanced so far that 
part of the wall crumbled to the ground, making a prac- 
ticable breach.* The hearts, not only of the magistrates 
The but of the mass of the citizens, now at last gave way. To 

determioe avoid the horrors of a storm^ it was determined to submit 
J^^ unreservedly to the mercy of a prince who, to do him 

^ Ord. Vit. 510 B. " Pertinacia fdrentis populi nullo timore, neo uUA 
reliquorom obsidum flectitur miseratione, sed acuitur ad defensandum ae 
suoeque lares tota obstinatione.'* 

' CHuon. Wig. 1067. " pter was mioel his heres foifisu«n.'* 

^ Ord. Vit. 510 B. *' Bex aotem fortiter urbem obsidione oonoludit, 
militari feritate invadit, et per plurimos dies obnize satagit cives desuper 
impngnare et subtus murum suffodere." 

* I infer this from William of Malmesbniy (iii. 348). "Urbem 
Ezoniam rebellantem leyiter (?) subegit, divino sdlioet jutus auxilio, 
quod pars muralis ultro decidens ingressnm illi patefecerit.** This is 
of course on the supposition that "Exonia** is the right reading. It 
strikes me that William's story, allowing for a little legendary improve- 
ment, fits so well into Orderic's as to form an argument in £ftvour of 

The expression of Florence " infregit " seems to fall in with this 

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justice; had never ordered or allowed an indiscriminate 0HAP.xvin, 
massacre of unarmed suppliants.^ 

But there were still those in Exeter who scorned orGythauid 
feared to throw themselves upon the mercy of William, company 
The mother of Harold was within the walls, and, as I have J^^^he 
already conjectured, she was probably accompanied by all aurwnder. 
those members of the House of Godwine who were still 
free and still on English ground* Oytha left the city, evi- 
dently before the gates were thrown open;* with her went 
the wives of many good men,^ and probably others of both 
sexes^ for the presence of Blsecman the priest is distinctly 
recorded.^ If her grandsons were with her^ they no doubt 
accompanied her in her flight, though they did not share 
her final place of refuge. The means of escape were easy. Emj 
William, superior to Swend in his other resources, had ^^^^ of 
brought no ships to share in the attack on Exeter. The *^® "^®'* 
besieged therefore must have retained their communica- 
tions with the river and the sea during the whole length 
of the siege. There was therefore nothing to hinder any 
who were minded to escape by water from so doing. 
When the breach in the wall showed that resistance was 
now hopeless, perhaps even while William was marching 
in triumph through the East Gate, it was still easy for Escape of 
Gytha, and those who chose to share her fortunes, to make her follow- 
their way by the Quay Gate to the still friendly stream. ^' 
The widow of Godwine, the mother of Harold, was able 

^ OrtL Vii. 510 G. ** Tandem mmdcipee ingenti hostiuxn instantUl utile 
oonsQinm coacti capiunt* ad deprecationeiii desoendont.'* Here I seem to 
see a Tote paned by a general Assembly of the citiEens (munidpes) as dis- 
tinguished from the earUer action of the ** primores *' only. Of. on the 
constitution of London, vol. ill. pp. 545-547. 

' Flor. Wig. 1067. " Gytha vero Gomitissa, scilicet mater Haroldi Begis 
Anglorum, et soror [it should be ** amita **] Suani Regis Danorum, cum 
multis de cMtaU fugieiM evasit." 

' Chron. Wig. 1067. "And her ferde GySa fit, Haroldes modor, and 
manegra godra manna wif mid hyre.** 

* See above, p. 144. 

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oBAPjcvm. to sail away with her companions before the last strong- 
hold of her children had bowed to the Norman as its lord. 
She and her immediate company either doabled the Land's 
End, or were perhaps able to find their way across a 

GythA friendly country to the coast of Somerset. There they 

ttiid ii0r 

company sought shelter on one of those two islands in the Bristol 

t^e wfuge Channel, the Steep and the Flat Holm, which form such 

Flat Holm, prominent objects in the view from either coast, and which 

can be seen even from the distant hills of Gloucestershire. 

Early To one of them Gildas, the one British chronicler of the 

history of , , , , 

the HolmB. English Conquest^ had retired for solitude and meditation, 

of GuSlT ^^^^ pirates from the Orkneys, forerunners of the Wikings 

Stee*^^ of a later day, drove him to seek for refuge in the inland 

Holm. isle of Ynysvitrin.^ In the days of the Danish invasions, 

^^J^ .j^ a band of ravagers, flying before the arms of the men of 

the Danish Hereford and Gloucester, had sat on the lonely island till 

915. food foiled them, when they sailed away to Dyfed and to 

Ireland.'^ And now Gytha and her companions, her daughter 
Gunhild and her granddaughter the younger Gytha, sought 
the same dreary refuge,^ perhaps only till one more chance 
of restoration could be tried. For the sons of Harold 
. sought the same place of shelter which their father had 

^ Vita S. Gilda, p. xxxviii. Stevenson (the Life is attributed to Caradoc 
of Llancanran) ; ** Sanctus Abbas Cadocns et Gildas doctor optimus communi 
oonsilio adierunt duas insnlas, scilicet Bonech et Echin. Cadocus intravit 
proximiorem ViTallitB [the Flat Holm], Gildas adjacentem Anglise" [the 
Steep Hohn]. After a description of their mortified life for seven years, 
we read of the "piratss de insulis Orcadibns "— the description savours 
rather of the age of Caradoc than of the age of Gildas — who spoiled their 
goods and carried away their servants. Then Gildas sailed to Glastonbury 
(" reliquit insulam, ascendit naviculam, et ingressus est Glastoniam ") where 
King Meluas reigned " in astivA regione " — that is Someraet. 

' See the Chronicles, 915. Winchester reads, ** ])a sston hie ute on }mm 
iglande »t ^raclanrelice "~>that is the PUU Holm, while all the other 
versions have " set jSj^eapanreolice." ** Relic *' or " Beolic " must be the same 
name as the ** Bonech" of Caradoo. 

» Chron, Wig. 1067. "Her ferde Gy«a fit . . . into jBra<ianreolice"— that 
is the Flat Holm — ^nearer the coast of Morganwg. 

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Bought seventeen years before. King Diarmid still reigned oHAP.xym. 

in Dublin, and was still ready to give aid and comfort to rm^^^^ ^ 

English exiles.^ It was perhaps not till this last hope Huroid 

proved as vain as all others that the sister of Ulf and shelter 

widow of Godwine bade her last farewell to the land of her jj^j^ 

adoption.^ She made her way to the old shelter in Flanders, of DubUn. 

and found a home at Saint Omer in very different case ^^,^,„ 

from the days when, in her former exile, she had come with toFUnden. 

her husband and her sons.^ This is the last stage that 

we are allowed to see of her long and chequered life. Of 
her descendants we get a few more glimpses. Ounhild, GunUld, 
the daughter of Godwine, already vowed to a virgin life of <^-' 
spent nineteen years of pious mortification in the land of ^^* ^^ 
banishment. From Saint Omer she passed to Bruges ; Augoat 14, 
from Bruges, according to all precedent, she went on to 
Denmark, where she was sure of an honourable welcome 
at the hands of her royal cousin. She afterwards re- 
turned to Bruges, and there died a few weeks before the 
death of the Conqueror at Bouen.^ Her niece Gytha Marriage 
also found her way to the court of Swend. By his JJJ^g^^j^^, 
means she is said to have been given in marriage to the ^^^^^ 
Russian prince Vladimir of Novgorod. To him she bore a of Harold* 
son who was honoured with the name of his English grand- 
father, and daughters too, through whose inter-marriages 

^ Ord. Vit. 513 A. " Duo filii Heraldi Regis Anglise, moBsti pro patria 
oociaione raiqne propuUione, confugerant ad Dirtnetum Regem HibemuB." 
See vol. iL pp. 154, 387. 

' Florence cuta the story short ; ** De oiyitate fugiens eyasit et Flandriam 
petit." But her stay on the Flat Hohn was not very short, aa the Chronicle 
adds, "And ^ wunode sume hwile and swa for Hnon ofer bsb to 8ce 
Audomare." This '* some while " may possibly cover the space till the 
final discomfiture of her grandsons in June, 1069. 

' See vol. ii. p. 151. 

* The bones of Gunhild, and her sepulchral inscription written on lead, 
were 6r8t found in the church of Saint DouAtus at Bruges in 1786. The 
church was destroyed in 1804, but the inscription and a single bone-^like 
the one bone of WiUiam which escaped the Huguenot destroyers of Saint 
Stephen's — were preserved. I haye given the inscription in Appendix L. 

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oHAPJLYin. the blood of Harold found its way into the veins of 
many of the princely houses of Northern Europe.^ 

Sarrandor But We must hasten back to the gates of Exeter. 
Gytha and her companions were gone, and those who 
had less personal reason to dread the wrath of William 
went forth to crave his mercy. The pageant which had 
greeted his eyes as he entered Le Mans ^ greeted them 
again as he entered the capital of Western England. 
The whole population poured forth to meet the Con- 
queror whom they were now forced to acknowledge as 
The their sovereign. Along with the elders in age or rank 

pray for came forth the goodly youth of Devonshire,^ aud the 
™«roy. clergy of the city, bearing their sacred books and other 
holy things, to appeal to the religious element which 
They are was ever strong in the mind of William. The appeal 
reodved. was hardly needed; William's heart was not yet so 
hardened as to inflict the horrors of slaughter and plunder 
in mere wantonness. The prayer of the suppliants was 
heard, and they were assured of the safe possession of 
Care of their lives and goods. Remembering perhaps the acci- 
to hinder dent which had led to the destruction of Dover,^ William 
^^^^^ secured the gates with a strong guard of men whom he 
coijld trust, in order to preserve the goods of the citizens 
from any breaches of discipline on the part of the common 
soldiers.^ A free pardon was granted to the city; even 

^ See Appendix M. 

' See vol. iii. pp. 203-206. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 C. " Formosissima juventus, majoresque natn [)>a 
yldestan jiegnas], cum clero gestante sacroB libros et hujusmodi omatum, 
ad Begem exeunt." On the " fbrmodasima juventus" see above, p. 91. 
Mr. St. John (ii. 319) turns them into "numbers of the loveliest women 
of Devonshire." In the " majores natu/' as ever, the notions of " old men *' 
and "aldermen'* run into each other. 

* See vol. iii. p. 537. 

* Ord. Vlt. u. s. " Princeps moderatus humiliter prostratis dementer 
pepercit» confitenti populo reatus indulsit, ac si nesdsset quod illi eidem 

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the ^nrongSy wliateyer they were^ which had been done csAPJiym. 
to his soldiers at an earlier time^ were graciously over- 

William was thus master of Exeter. His first step, as Foimd»- 
eTer, was to secure his conquest by the building of a castle. CasUe of 
In the north-east corner of the city, immediately within ^®*«^- 
the walls, a site stood ready, such as the Normans loved 
for ihe building pf their fortresses, a site admirably suited 
to keep the half-subdued citizens under the yoke.^ A 
moond^ probably a natural mound strengthened by art, 
which, from its Norman occupiers, received the name of 
Eougemont/ overlooked both the city and the surrounding 
country, and there William laid the foundations of the 
fiunous Castle of Exeter. The present remains are not 
imposing. The greater part of the buildings, including 
the colI^;iate church which arose within the walls^^ 
have vanished, and unsightly modern buildings have in- 
truded within the precinct. Still the gate which leads 
from the town, though a good deal disfigured, may well 
be of the time of William or of a time but little later. 
A better site for commanding the city, the opposite 
heights, and the valley which lies between, could not 
have been wished for. The command of the rising The castle 
fortress was given to Baldwin of Moeles, a son of Wil- ^ Baldmn 
liam's kinsman and early guardian Count Gilbert, and^^^*^^- 
married, according to some accounts, to a kinswoman of 

proteiTe rertitenuit. . . . Ezonii gaudenty gratesque Deo refenmt, quod 
port tot ins terribilesqtie miiuus spe melius alienigense Regi padficati sunt. 
Bex aatem a rebus eonun abetinuit» et portas urbis valeiite fid&que 
coftodtt mnmvity ne giegarii milites repente introirent et pecunias civium 
yiolenter duiperant." 
' See above, p. 138. It is now that Orderic mentions the stoiy. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 C. " Locum intra moenia ad ezstruendum castellum 

' Bouffemoni, Bubens mom. See Oliver, 181. 

* See its history in Oliver, 193. 


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cFHAPivm. his sovereign.^ Baldwin was left, with other men of fame 
and rank, to keep strict watch over the city whose con- 
quest had cost William so dear. He was to hasten on with 
the completion of the castle, a process which, together with 
the other effects of the siege and the surrender, involved 
the destruction of forty-eight of the houses of the city .^ 
incrMM of Besides the building of the castle and the destruction 
of Exeter, which it involved, another penalty was inflicted upon the 
city. The patricians of the half-bom commonwealth had 
offered to pay to William the tribute which had been paid 
to earlier Kings.^ The money payment was now nused 
from an occasional half-mark of silver to eighteen pounds 
yearly. The rights of the Old Lady were not forgotten, 
and Eadgyth received two-thirds of the increased burthen 
laid upon her morning-gift.^ 
WiUiiun The amount of resistance which William met with in 
into Corn- ^^® West after the fall of Exeter is not clearly marked, 
wall and There were movements which he had to put down ; 

oYeroomes ^ , * 

all oppo- and the heavy destruction which fell on the town of 

Barnstaple in the north-western part of Devonshire, 

and the still heavier destruction which fell on the town of 

1 Ord. Yit. 510 C. " Ibi Baldidnum de Molis, filium Gisleberti GomitiB, 
alioaque milites pnecipuos reliqait, qui neceasarium opuB oonfioerent pnB- 
ridioqae manerent." On Baldwin, see Will. Gem. yiii. 37 ; Ord. Vit. 687 
C, 694 D, which latter passage gives some details of his actions after death. 
The genealogy in DuCange, 1085, gives him as his wife a daughter of an 
aunt of Duke William, whom Dr. Oliver (i8i) calls "Albreda the Conqueror's 
niece ;" but Orderic (687 C) seems to speak of her only as ** bona uxor.** 

' Domesday, 100. '* In hac civitate sunt vastatse zlviii. domus postquam 
Bex venit in Angliam." We may assume that these houses were destroyed 
to make way for the castle, though it is not expressly said that they were, 
as in some other places. * See above, p. 146. 

* Domesday, 100. " Hac reddit xviii. libras per annum. De his habet 
B[aldwinu8] viceoomes vi. libras ad pensum et arsuram et Coluinus xii. 
libras ad numerum in ministeriis Eddid Begins. . . . Hec civitas T. B. £. 
non geldabat nisi quando Londonia et Eboracum et Wintonia geldabat ; 
et hoc erat dimidia marka argenti ad opus militum." Bat even the tribute 
imposed by William was not large for so great a city, when we iind that 
Tawton paid fifteen pounds and Brampton sixteen. 


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Lidford,^ might seem to show that those two boroughs 0BAP.xvin. 
were special somes of resistance. Lidford lay on the 
road towards Cornwall, into which peninsula William now 
marched. Whatever may have been the zeal of their 
English landlords, the Bretwealaa themselves had no spe- 
cial motive to struggle against one master on behalf of 
another, and whatever resistance William met with in 
that quarter was easily overcome.* 

The conquest of Western England was thus complete^ ConfiacA- 
and the usual processes of confiscation and division of lands di^J^ of 
now began. I say began, for of course, neither here nor ^^^• 
in any other part of the country, is it necessary to suppose 
that it took place altogether at once. In some cases it 
is plain that it did not. And here, as elsewhere, a few English- 
Englishmen of rank contrived to win William's favour ^^J|j^^ 
and to keep their lands and offices. One of these perhaps f»^our. 
was Aiidf, a man who appears as Sheriff of Dorset, Aiulf 1 
and who may be the same as a landowner of the same 
name in the reign of Eadward.^ A more certain case is 

^ Domeiday, lOo ; Exon DomeidAy, 80. Dr. Oliver (180) remarks that 
" this record shows that Lidford did not suhmit to the Conqueror nntU 
forty honaes of the huiigesses were demolished, nor Barnstaple until 
twenty-three houses were laid waste ; a proof of the deadly hostility of the 
townsmen against the Norman invaders." The number of bui^gesses in 
Barnstaple T. R. E. was forty within the borough and nine without. 
Lidford had twenty-eight within the borough and forty-ooe without. 
Lidford, once more populous than Barnstaple, is now a very inconsiderable 
place. Ho destruction of Itouses is spoken of in the other Devonshire towns. 

* Ord. Vit. 510 0. " Ipse postea in Comu Britannia ulterius oontende- 
bat. Composite ubique motu quem deprehendit, exeroitum dimisit/' 

* The entries about Aiulf may lead to the belief that there were two 
persons of the name. We have in Berkriure (63), Wiltshire (73), and 
Dorset (8a &, 83), an Aiulf, described as " Viceoomes " and " camerarius," 
holding lands all of which had belonged to English owners T. R. E. In 
Devonshire (116) there is an Aiulf in the same case without any official de- 
seriptaon. In Devonshire (109) there is an Aiulf who holds of Judhael of 
Totnes lands which he had himself held T. R £. Again, in Somerset (94) 
and in Devonshire (115 and 116) we find an Aiulf holding T.R.E. whose 

M % 

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oHAP.xvni. that of Colwine, who stands at the head of a long list 
Colwine. ^£ English Thegna who appear as landowners at the time 

of the Survey. Most of them retained the lands which 

they had themselves held in the time of King Eadward. 

Colwine seems also to have been the representative of the 
Lwqge Lady in the ^city of Exeter.^ This large number of 
English Devonshire Thegns who retained their lands seems to 
j^^. ^ ^^^^ *^*^ ^^^ gn^eater part of the shire submitted easily 
shire. after the fell of the capital.^ But the most remarkable 

man, and the official of highest rank^ among those who 
Eadnoth won William's favour in the Western shires was Eadnoth, 


staller. a man who seems to have risen by the fevour of Harold, 
who had held the office of Staller under both Eadward and 
Harold^ and who held large estates in various parts of 
England, but especially in the West. He became a 
zealous adherent of William and, as we shall presently 
see, died in his service. It is therefore almost certain that 

Loss of his he must have retained his lands; still only a small part of 

estfttos D y 

his son them passed to his son Harding, who, there is every 

^' reason to believe, was the ancestor of the great house of 

the Lords of Berkeley. Some pretext must therefore have 

lands had passed to Norman owners. In Wiltshire (74) we find among the 
King's Thegns an Eadmnnd son of Aiulf holding lands which his father had 
held T. B. E. This last person can hardly fail to have been an English- 
man, but, as he can hardly fiul to have been dead at the time of the Sur- 
vey, he can not well have been the Sheriff. It remains a question whether 
the Sheriff and the holder T. B. E. can be the same person. It should be 
noted that the Sheriff's largest estate, that in Dorsetshire, was partly an 
official and not a personal holding. After one of the entries (83) follows the 
ccMnment, " banc tenet Aialf de Bege quamdiu erat vicecomes." 

^ Colwine appears in Domesday (118) as the owner of eight lordships, 
two of which had been held by himself, four by Godric, who may have 
been his &ther — possibly however an English antecessor — and two by 
women, Odeva (Eadgifu) and Briteva (Brihtgifu). On his office in Exeter, 
see p. 162, note 4. 

' The largest owner is God wine (118), who holds eleven lordships, three 
of which had been held by himself and the rest by Alestan (iSSthelstan 1), 
probably his father. Of one Thegn, Donne by name, we read (118), *'hic 
tenuit de Bege E. et modo dicit se tenere de Rege Willelmo." 

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been found for defiraading Harding of his frill succession; 0HAP.zvni. 
sach a pretext was perhaps easily to be found in the case 
of a man who, we are told, was much more valiant with 
his tongue than with his sword.^ Another Englishman, Confiflca- 
Brihtric by name, whose lands were scattered at least ^^^^^® 
from Worcestershire to Cornwall, was- less lucky than^ri^*ric. 
Eadnoth or even than his son. Of him we have already 
heard. I have elsewhere * told the legend how, in the days Legend of 
of King Eadward, Brihtric had been sent as an am- ^^ 
bassador to the Court of Flanders ; how Matilda offered Matada. 
herself to him in marriage and was refused ; how, when 
Brihtric was in William's power, she remembered the 
slight which he had put upon her, and stirred up her 
husband's wrath against him. Brihtric was seized at his 
house at Hanley in Worcestershire, on the very day 
when Saint Wulfisrtan had hallowed a chapel of his building. 
He was hurried to Winchester, and died in prison, when 
his lands were divided between Matilda and Robert Fitz- 
Hamon. Such is the tale. It has thus much of corrobo- 
ration from history, that a portion of the lands of Brihtric 
did pass to Matilda ; but nothing more can be said.^ 

Among ecclesiastics neither of the two Western Bishops Stote of 
were disturbed, and the Abbot of Glastonbury, William's cai aflUn. 
companion in his Norman voyage, was allowed to keep his ^« 
place for several years. Both Gisa and Leofric held their Bishops 
sees for the rest of their days, and Gisa outlived William ^^^^ 
himself. The two great assertors of Lotharingian dis- 
cipline * were not likely to be foremost in the champion- 
ship of EngUsh freedom. Gisa, a stranger by birth, WiUiam's 
found &vour and help from the stranger King ; he qJ^^ ^ 
at last obtained a portion of the lands which had been 
disputed between him and Earl Harold. In his gratitude 
he learned to look on tiie overthrow of England as a 

' On Eadnoth and HaHing see Appendix S. ' See voL iii. p. 85. 

' On Brihtric Bee Appendix T. * See vol. ii pp. 84, 453. 

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0HAP.x7in. small price to be paid for the addition of the lordships 

of Banwell and Winesham to the possessions of the see 

of Wells.^ Leofric^ who was at least of English or 

Topsbam British birth, was less lucky ; he never obtained the 

stored to restitution of the lands at Topsham of which Harold 

ExetOT.^^ was said to have deprived him.^ Within the conquered 

AlioDAtion city itself a small transfer of ecclesiastical property took 

^of place, which in William's eyes perhaps seemed specisdly 

Gytha. appropriate. The church of Saint Olaf in Exeter, the 

church of the Scandinavian saint which the Danish Oytha 

had enriched for the welfsire of the soul of Grodwine^^ was, 

either now or at a later stage of William's reign^ bestowed 

on the Abbey of the Place of Battle.^ Another of Gytha's 

pious gifks^ bestowed for the same cause on the Old 

Minster of Winchester^ passed away altogether from the 

Church, and became part of the spoil of William's 

insatiable brother of Mortain.^ As William could have 

no motive for despoiling the chief church of his own 

capital, and as we can hardly suspect him of going so &r 

as to try to do Godwine an ill turn in the other world, 

this last alienation is more likely to be due to some 

usurpation on the part of Earl Robert than to any legal 

History of grant on the part of the King. Lastly, the fate of the 

^j^^^jiQ^ ^ lands of the patriotic priest Blaecman illustrates at once the 

confosion of tenure so conmion at the time and also 

^ HiBtoriola^ ap. Hunter, iS. '' Pneoocnpante autem ilium [Haroldum] 

judicio divinsB ultioDiB Dux yictorid potitus, quum regni gubemacula 

post eum Buscepiaset, et a me de injuria mihi illat& querimoniun audiiasei, 
Wynesham ecclesise resignavit, priviiegio oonfirmavit," &c. On Banwell, 
see voL ii, p. 639. This means that Winesham came into the King's 
hands by the forfeiture of JSlfsige. I should like to know more of one 
" Johannes Danus " (Domesday, 89 6} who was also dii^possessed in iayour 
of the Bishoprick. 

• See vol. ii. p. 549. » See voL ii. p. 35a. 

* Domesday, 104. ** Ipsa ecdesia [de Labatailge] habet in Exeoestre 
eodesiam Sancti Olaf." 

^ SeeyoL ii. p. 353. The entry on Crowcombe in Domesday (91 h) is, 
<' Ecdesia Sancti Suuithuni Winton. tenuit T. R K*' 

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William's constant desire to do formal justice as he under- 0HAP.xym. 
stood it. Blseeman's flight was, as nsualj held to be 
equivalont to outiawrj, and his estates were seized. But, 
just as Henry of Ferrers had sdzed, not only the freehold 
lands of Oodric, but the lands which should have reverted 
to the King and to the Abbey of Abingdon,^ so the lands 
held by BlsDcman of the same abbey were seized with his 
other possessions, and it was only with much difficulty 
that Abbot Ealdred at last obtained their restitution.' 

The conquest of the West opened a wider field than Gh:«intB io 
ever for the reward of William's followers and allies. The cbwr^es ; 
samts of Normandy and France were not forgotten. The 
metropolitan church of Rouen, the two Abbeys of Caen^ 
and the Abbey of the Battle all came in for their share.^ 
And later in his reign, when the death of the Lady to the 
Eadgyth put her lands also at his disposal, William be- some; ^ 
thought himself of making a more permanent offering 
than banners and treasures to that one among his allies 
who ranked highest both in heaven and earth. One 
lordship in Somerset, alone among all the lands of Eng- 
land, became the freehold of the Church of Saint Peter 
at Rome.'* Among more earthly helpers, the Bishop who 

^ See above, p. 37. 

* Hist Ab. i. 484. " Ipao, u( dizi, ab Angli4 diseedente, quaecumque 
mills faerant, in mannm Regis at puta [utpote Y ] profiigi, redaota sunt. 
Qnare Abbas magno cum labore pnedictaram terrarum apud Begem 
obtinoit restitatioiiem." 

* The chuTCh of Boaen held the two lordships of Otteiy and Rovrige in 
Devonshire, the former the site of the well-known ooUegiate churoh. 
Bovrige (Domesday, 104) was William's own gift oat of the estate of a 
woman named WnlQ^ifa. Ottery had been held by the ohurch T. B. E., and, 
aooording to a docoment quoted in the Monastioon (vii. zxi8), it was a gift 
of Earl Odda, doubtless daring his momentary Earldom over Devonshire in 
1051.1053 (see voL ii. p. 160). Both the Abbeys of Caen (Domesday, 104) 
held lands in Devonshire which had belonged to Brihtric, and Saint Stephen's 
bad also lands in Somersetshire (91). For the possessions of Battle in 
Devonshire besides the cbnrch of Saint Olaf, see Domesday, Z04. 

* Domesday, 91. "Terra Ecdeeitt Bomanae. Eoclesia Bomana beati 
Petri Apoctoli tenet de Bege Peritone. Eddid Begina tenebat T. B. E." 

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0HAP.xvm. had prated at Senlac and the Bishop who had fought^ 
to Odo and QeoSrey of Coutances and Odo of Bayeux, received grantB 

GrOOffi?GY 01 ^ 

Coutances; in their personal and temporal character. The estates of 
the Earl of Kent in the West were not large, but among 
them was part of the spoil of the House of Godwine.^ 
Geoffrey of Mowbray received an endless list of lordships 
in Somerset, together with smaller possessions in the other 
Western shires.^ Fresh possessions fell, as we have seen, 

to Count to the lot of Eustace of Boulogne when he recovered the 

' £Bivour of William,^ and few of the leading followers of the 

Conqueror went without their share in the new distribu- 

to Baldwin tion/ Baldwin, who had been left in command at Exeter^ 

' and who drew his name from the conquered ciiy, received 

a vast estate lying wholly in the two shires of Devon 

and Somerset, in the former of which he held the office 

Vast poB- of Sheriff.^ And there was one beyond all these, whose 

^^^.^ share of the spoils of England was greater than that of 

brother ^Qy other one man, and whose chiefest and richest rewards 
Boberi. "^ 

lay in the newly conquered lands. Bobertj the son of 

Herlwin and Herleva, in whose favour William of Mortain 

had been despoiled,^ who had received the very first fruits 

of the Conquest on the shore of Pevensey,7 and whose 

* Domesday, 87 &. " Episcopus BaiooenslB tenet Come et Sanson de eo. 
Lenuinus Comes tenuit T. B. E." 

* See Domesday, 87 6-89 &, zoa-103 b. 

* See above, p. 130, and Appendix N. 

* Nearly all the familiar names, Earl Hugh, Walter Giffihrd, V^Uiam 
of Eu, Balph of Mortemer, Toustun the son of Bolf^ and so forth, are 
found in Somerset or Devonshire, or both. William of Moion has a single 
lordship in Devonshire (no) and a vast estate in Somerset (95 6-96 b), 
among the entries of which we read *' ipse tenet Torre, et ibi est castellum 
ejus." This is Dunster. 

' " Baldwinus de Execestre,*' *' Baldwinus vicecomes," appears in Somer- 
set (93), where he holds the historic lordship of Porlock. His estates in 
Devonshire fill eleven columns of Domesday, 105 &-108 h. Among his 
many tenants French and English, but mainly French, we twice find his 
own wife, "uxor Baldwini tenet de eo." 

* See yol. ii. p. 293. ^ See above, p. 77. 

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lands spread into well nigh every shire from Sussex to cnupjcvm. 
Yorkshire, now gathered in the richest spoil of all in the 
forfeiture of countless Englishmen within the Western 
shires.^ To his Earldom of Mortain Robert now added Hia Earl- 
the Earldom of Cornwall^ and within his own shire he^^^^^ 
held a position to which only one or two other parallels 
can be fomid in the roU-call of the conquerors. Well nigh 
the whole shire was g^ranted to him. The list of his 
possessions, lands of Earl Harold, of the Sheriff Mserle- 
Bwegexiy and of a crowd of smaller victims, is simply 
endless. Hardly any other landowners appear in Cornwall, 
except the Crown and ecclesiastical bodies. And the lands 
retained by the Crown are small compared with those in 
the hands of the Earl, and in fitvour of the Conqueror's 
brother the Church itself was not spared. The two great Hiarob- 
Comish foundations^ the two churches which laid claim to ^" 
be looked on as the episcopal sees of the West- Welsh diocese, ^^«" ©^ 
were both shorn of their wealth to glut the insatiable and Saint 
appetite of the new Earl. These were the church of Saint 
German, which bore the name of the missionary who had 
won back Britain from the Pelagian heresy,^ and the more 
renowned house of Saint Petroc at Bodmin, a church which 
had won the favour of the West-Saxon conquerors,^ and 
which had but lately yielded its episcopal rights to the 
capital of the West. Both alike were despoiled of many 
of their lordships to swell the vast possessions of Earl 
Robert.^ Thus arose that great Earldom, and afterwards 
Duchy, of Cornwall, which was deemed too powerftil to 

> See bis Somenet estates in DomesdAy, 91 b-93> and tbose in Devon- 
sbire, 104 b>i05 b. In Comwally witb tbe exceptions mentioned in the text, 
be simply holds tbe whole sbire, lai &-ia5. 

■ See Beda^ Hist. EocL i. 17 et seqq.; Bnde Cbronioon, 189, ed. 

* See Mon. Angl. ii. 459. 

* On tbe aggressions of Robert of Mortain on Cbarcb lands, see Domes* 
day, 1 21, and Appendix U. 

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cHAP.xTin. be trusted in the hands of any but men closely akin to 
the royal house, and the remains of which have for ages 
formed the appana^ of the heir-apparent to the Crown. 
Bnt the lands of Robert in the West were not confined 
Hi* wtotet to his own Earldom. The lord of the waterfalls heaped 
shire and' together manor upon manor among the dashing streams 
Somenat ^f Devonshire and among the hills and islands of Somerset. 
And one spot came to him by an exchange with an 
ecclesiastical body, the possession of which^ like the pos- 
session of Pevensey, seemed to mark him out as the very 
embodiment of the overthrow of England. The hill of 
HIb castle Lutgaresbury^ whence came the holy relic which had givMi 
oute. England her waivcry and which had been the object of 

the life's devotion of her King,^ now passed into the hands 
of one who was to wipe out its name and memory. The 
height, one of the peaked hills which form so marked 
a feature in the scenery of Somerset, was now crowned 
by a castle of the new Earl, which, under the French name 
of Montacute, became at once a badge of the presence of 
the stranger and an object of the bitterest hatred to the 
men of the Western lands.^ 
Buityof In tracing out the distribution of lands in the shires 
personal which fell into William's power afber the surrender of 
^^^ Exeter, we are struck at every step by the all but utter 
absence, among the dispossessed landowners, of names 
suggestive of British origin. In Somerset, and even 
in Devonshire, this is not wonderful. Though much of 
British blood must have remained in those shires, and 
though their originally British character was not yet wholly 

» See vol. i. p. 590; ii. p. 440 ; iii. pp. 428, 480. 

* Domesday, 93. " Ipse comes tene in dominio Bisoopestone, et ibi est 
castellmft ejos quod vocator Montagud. Hoc roanerium geldabat T. B. E. 
pro u. hidis, et erat de Abbatift de Adelingi, et pro eo dedit Comes eidem 
ecdeeisB maneriom quod Candel yocatur." In 9a is another entry, ** duo 
portarii de Montagud tenent de Comite Esturt" 

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forgotten,^ thej had no doabt b7 this time become to all oBArxvm, 
oatward appearance thoroughly Engliah. Even in local 
nomenclature^ the British namesj though common as 
compared with their rarity in the purely Teutonic parts 
of England, are still decidedly exceptional. But Corn- 
wall, I need not say, retained its British speech for ages 
after this time ; the local nomenclature is mainly Celtic, 
and the local families profess to show in their surnames 
the evidence of their British origin.^ It is therefore re« 
markable that even in Cornwall the landowners in the 
days of King Eadward seem by their names to have been 
almost wholly English. In an age when surnames were 
still unknown in Britain^ we are of course not to look for 
<* Tre^ Pol, and Pen " among the owners of Cornish soil. 
But we might have looked for distinctively Welsh Christian eyon in 
names, and of them we find a few, but very few.® This 
is the more striking, as in other Cornish documents which 
survive, the number of Welsh names^ though not over- 
whelming^ is much larger than it is in Domesday.^ The 
natural inference seems to be that Cornwall before the 

' Take saoh aigiui m the desoription of 06dm*B £«rldom in 1051 (see 
▼ol. ii. pp. 160, 564), the description of DeyoDshire And Somerset by the 
Biographer of Eadward in 105 a (see yoL it. p. 516), perhaps the words of 
Thietmar about ^thelstan^s army in 1016 (see vol. L p. 422). 

' Every one knows the saying aboat " Tre, Pol, and Pen ;" bnt it is a 
saying which carries its own refutation with it. Tre, Pol, and Pen are 
now surnames ; that is, they are the names of places adopted as surnames 
by their possessors or inhabitants. But the man who first took such a local 
name as a surname was just as likely to be of English or Norman as of 
Cornish descent. 

' We find a genuine Welshman in 120 5, Caduualant by name, who held 
Lancheroc m Cornwall T. B. £. of Saint Petroc. In 123 6 we find Griffin 
holding lands T. B. E. which at the time of the Survey were held of Earl 
Robert by Jovinus ; and of the men in Domesday, 124-125, bearing the 
nondescript names of Briend, Offers, Hueche, Babel, and Blohin, some 
may have been true Britons. 

^ See the manumissions at the altar of Saint Petroc, Cod. Dipl. iv. 308. 
We there find plenty of Gru%dds and other genuine Welshmen in the 
time of Eadgar and earlier. 

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0HAP.xym. Norman Conquest was in much the same state as England 
clementbi ^^^ ^^' ^® '*^^ must have been mainly in the hands 
^"k^t^ either of Englishmen or of Anglicized Britons. The 
x^viyedby Norman Conquest may very well have given the native 
man Con- ^^^^i^^i^t a fresh start. Nowhere was the dispossession of 
quest. former landowners more complete. The whole shire passed 
into the hands of a few ecclesiastical corporations and of 
a few great proprietors, Earl Robert &r outtopping all 
others. In Cornwall we find none of those King's Thegns^ 
Englishmen who kept small estates or fragments of large 
ones, of whom there are so many in other districts. On 
Earl Robert's estates the names of the tenants are mostly 
French, but some are English, and a still smaller number 
are British.^ But now Briton and Englishman were at 
least brought down to the same level under their common 
master. The greater numerical strength of the Britons 
-would give them an advantage over ihe strangers of either 
speech, just as the English in England proper had the 
same advantage over the Norman settlers. And it would be 
singular indeed if this result was in any way strengthened 
by what may pass as another, and the last, of the many 
migrations and counter-migrations which have gone on 
in various ages between Armorica and West- Wales. The 
followers of one Alan of Britanny had once pressed into 
the greater Britain to seek shelter from Olorious iBthelstan 
against the attacks of Norman invaders.^ The followers 
of another Alan now came to receive their share of the 
spoils of the land which had sheltered their forefathers 
from the hands of the descendants of their old enemy. 
A few Breton settlers in Cornwall and the other shires 
of the West may be discerned in the Survey.^ And one 

in the 

^ Of Robert*B English tenants several went on holding the lands which 
they had themselves held T. B. E. See Domesday, 1 24 h. 
' See voL i. p. 308 ; iii. p. 459. 
' Take for instance Aluredus Brito, who holds a large estate in Devon- 

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adventnrer, bearing a name common in different shapes to oHAF^ym. 
Wales and Britanny, Judhael, who from his chief seat J^^^^ 
took the name of Jadhael of Totnes, became the owner 
of a vast estate in Devonshire, and extended his possessions 
into the proper Cornwall also.^ 

The West was now conqnered, and the distribution of Conqnest 
its lands among the conqaerors had at least begun. IttexBhire. 
was probably in this campaign also that Gloucestershire 
was fuUy subdued, though the accounts to which we have 
to trust are very imperfect. A castle was built at Olou- Gloaoestar 
cester, and its building of course involved a certain amount 
of destruction of houses, but the date of its foundation 
is not given, and the destruction is much smaller than 
in many other towns.^ This looks as if the capital of 
the shire was at least not taken by storm. With regard State of 
to Worcestershire our information is in one way still ^iii,^. ^ 
scantier, while in another it is much fuller. There is no 
shire of whose condition during the Conqueror's reign we 
are able to put together a more vivid picture from the 
combined evidence of the Survey and of local records,^ 
but we have no record of the date of its conquest. 
We find that the two shires were put under the care of Oppres- 
a single Sheriff, Urse of Abetot, who stands conspicuous sheriff 

shire (Domeeday, IZ5&, iid). So also Raaldus Adobed in Devonafaire 
<II45) BnggestB the Bnallua, that is Rhiwallon, of William of Poitiers, no. 
See vol. iiL p. 353. He may not unlikely be the same man. 

^ See his estates in Deronahire, Domesday, 108 (-izo, and Cornwall, 
1 2$. We have met with the name in di£ferent foima, as Io>wel, one of the 
Welsh piinoes who sought Eadwazd the Elder to Lord (see vol. i. p. 129), 
Jndwal, Juchil or Judethil, one of those who rowed Eadgar on the Dee 
(FL Wig. 973 ; WilL Malm. ii. 148, 155), Juhel Berengar in Britanny in 
WiUiam Longswoid's time (see vol. i. p. 207), and we find Gytfiocael as the 
name of a slave in Cornwall in Cod. DipL iv. 315. 

* Domesday, i6a. "Sedecim domus erant ubi sedet castellum qute 
modo desont, et in haigo oivitatis sunt waatatae xiiii. domus." 

* Our accounts of the condition of the Worcestershire monasteries are so 
fun, that I have thrown them together in another place (see Appendix W). 

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oHiFjcvm. amoBg the most oppressiye of his class, and whose hand 
Abeto^ seems to have fallen heavily on clerks and laymen alike. 
SpoliationB Odo also, the insatiable Bishop of Bayeux, appears at a 
^06o. ]^^p i^g among the spoilers of the Church in this dis- 
trict, and as he did not spare men of his own calling, 
neither did he spare men of his own nation. Among 
Englishmen we come across the well-known names of 
Saint Wulfstan the Bishop of the diocese, of the pradent 
^thelwig of Evesham, and of Ealdred, who, though long 
since removed to a higher see, seems to stand towards the 
Worcester Bishoprick in a character strangely made ap of 
guardian and spoiler.^ In behalf of the rights of the church 
of Worcester he braved the terrible SheriflP himself. Urse 
of Abetot was only the chief of a whole band of Norman 
spoilers, who seem to have fallen with special eagerness 
on the lands of the Church in this particular shire. 
But the Sheriff was the greatest and most daring of- 
fender of all. He built his castle in the very jaws of 
the monks of Worcester, so that the fosse of the fortress 
encroached on the monastic burying -ground.^ Church 
and castle must thus have stood side by side over- 
Ealdred looking the Sevcm. Complaint was made to the Arch- 
and ciuMf bishop, who came to the spot, examined the ground^ and 
1068I106Q '^^^^d ^^^ King's officer to his feice. To a Latin or 
French speaker the name of Urse might have suggested 
an easy play upon words. To the English Prelate, who 

1 On Ealdred'B ■poliation of the oharoh of Woroester, see vol. ii. 
p. 467. Of his goardjAnship and benefibotionB I shall speak in Ap- 
pendix W. 

• WiU. Malm. Geet. Pont. J53. " TJnniB erat vioeoomee WigomisB a 
Bege oonstitutuB, qui in ipsis pene fauoibus monaehonun castellom oon- 
Htmzit, adeo ut foesatum OGsmeterii partem decidenet." The castle of 
Worcester is utterly gone, but the site to the south of the church is still 
well known. From the stoiy of Saint Wulfstan, to be told in the next 
Chapter, we may infer that Oswald's ohorch, then standing, did not 
stand on exactly the same site as the church of Wulfstan; so that the 
castle may have been still nearer to the church than its site is now. 

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appears as addressing the Norman Sheriff in English verse, oHAP^vm. 
it seems rather to have soggested a happy rime. 

"Hightest thon Urse? 
Have thou God's curse" 

is the vigorous hit of English which is preserved to us. 

The rest we have only in the Latin of the narrator, but 

he goes on to add, " and mine and all hallowed heads, 

unless thou takest away thy castle &om hence ; and know 

of a truth that thine offspring shall not long hold the 

land of Saint Mary to their heritage."^ We hear of no Fateof hii 

repentance on the part of Urse, and yet, as in the case *^' 

of the penitent Ahab, the evil that was to come on his 

house was kept back till the days of his son. In the days 

of King Henry, the Lion of Justice, Roger the son of 

Urse drew on himself heavy punishment at the hands of 

the King in whose days no man dared to hurt another.' 

A servant of the King was slain by Boger^s order, and 

the lands of Saint Mary, along with his other possessions, 

passed away from the son of the first spoiler.^ 

This famous tale of course implies the complete 
submission of Worcestershire, but the tale is unluckily 

' The way in which William of Malmeshiuy (Gest. Pont. 353), tries 
to ezpUin the nature of a rime Is corioiis. ** Libertas animi ejus 
[Aldredi] in uno Torbo enituit praeclare, quod Anglice apponam, quia 

lAtina Tivba non sicut AngBca conoinnitati respondent Ursum his 

verbis adorsos est, BatUtt ^u Ur8, have >tt Qode$ kur; eleganter in his 
verbis sed dare nominom euphonie alludens ; * Voearis, inquit, Ursus ; 
habeas Dei fMledietionem,' et (quod Anglice non apposui) meam et omnium 
oonaecnitorum capitum, niri oastellum hino amoveris; et sdas profecto 
qnod prc^^enies tuA non diu de terrft Sanctae Marisa hcreditabitur/* 

The Apologetic way in which William quotes a few words of English 
reminds one of his difficulty about the names of the English shires : see 
vol. L p. 382. 

* See voL iii. p. iia. 

^ WilL Malm. u. s. " Dixit ills implenda qu» nos videmus impleta. 
Siquidem non multis annis fiUus ejus Bogerius patemarum possessionem 
compos, gravi Henrici Regis indignatione pulsus est, quod quemdam ex 
ministris regiis praecipiti furore jussit interimi.** 

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cwAP.xvni. without an exact date. The mentioii of Ealdred however 

enables ns to fix it to a time not later than the 7ear 

Temporal following the taking of Exeter.^ Nor can we give a date 

tion con- ^ ^® secular commission which, if we may trust the 

^JJ^y^ local history of Evesham, JEthelwig received at some 

Abbot time or other from William's hands. This commission 

' clothed him with large authority in several shires, in some 

of which it is plain that, at the time of the fall of Exeter, 

William had no authority save such as he derived from the 

nominal submission of Eadwine. ^thelwig is described 

as chief ruler, or at any rate as chief judge, in no less 

' than seven shires, Worcester, Gloucester, Oxford, Warwick, 

Hereford, Stafford, and Shropshire.^ We naturally suspect 

exaggeration, but there is no reason to doubt either 

^thelwig's early submission to William or his lasting 

favour with him.^ He appears as already trusted by the 

Conqueror in a story which not improbably belongs to 

the time which we have now reached, and which seems 

to preserve a record of the struggle which led to the 

Norman occupation of the two Hwiccian shires.* We 

' Ealdred died in September, 1069. 

' Hist. Eves. 89. "Et quoniam Rex Bapiens oognoverat eum virum 
prudentem, pene omneB hujus gentis bomineB ssculari sapientiA prsBcellen- 
tem, commisit ei coram istarum partium teme, yidelicet, Wbreoeetrescire, 
Gloneoestrescire, Ozenefordsoire, et Wareuuickescire, Herefordflcire, Sta- 
fordscire, Scrobschire, ita ut omniom bujus patriae oonsilia atque judida 
fere in eo penderent. Et non solom in istis partibus, sed etiam per totam 
Angliam nbicomque Teniebat, tarn Frand quam Angli pro justiflaimA lege 
tenebant qnidquid ipse legibuB aaecularibuB dioebat.'* 

' See above, p. 77, and Appendix W. 

* The doubtfdl language of the Winchoombe writer preserved in the 
Monaatioon, ii. 30a, preserveB at least the tradition of a severe straggle in 
this district. '* Si vero sint qui scribunt Winchecombensium et Perse- 
chorensium monasteria, tempore quo Williehnus Nonnannorum Dux sibi 
regnum subjugaverat, longe majora atque plura quam modo habuisse 
posseasiones et dominia, sed quia minus caute sibi de futuris prospicientes, 
elegerunt eidem Willielmo Duci pro viribus resistere aut eum forte 
debellare, ideo dicunt eumdem Willielmum Regem, vehementer in eos 
oommotum, abstulisBe pluiima ex eorum possessionibus, et ea pro suA 
voluntate aliis piis locis contulisse. Verum an h«c aliquid veritatis 

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get glimmerings of fighting on the borders of those shires, ohap.xviii. 
which ended in a Gloucestershire Abbot beinfi: entrusted W*rf"« 

^ on the 

to the safe keeping of his brother in Worcestershire. Hwicdan 

Godric, Abbot of Winchcombe, whose appointment to that 

monastery was recorded in an earlier Chapter,^ is set before ReBistance 

us as the leader of patriotic movements in that quarter, prisonment 

His opposition was thought of importance enough to call, q^^^^ ^f 

not merely for deprivation or outlawry, but for personal ^"^o^- 


restraint. The monasteiy was despoiled of many of its 

possessions; Godric himself was at first put in ward at 

Gloucester, and was afterwards entrusted to the milder 

keeping of -^thelwig, to whom also the care of the Abbey 

itself was entrusted for three years, till a successor for 

Godric was found in a Norman named Galand or Waland.' 

The exact date of these events is not to be fixed, and it 

must remain uncertain whether they were connected with 

the movement in the West which I have just recorded 

or with the movement in the North which I shall 

presently have to record. But it seems plain that 

Gloacestershire was fully subdued at some stage of the 

habeant, necne, cum ea in nostris antiquitatibus nusquam legerim, non 
ansim Kribere. Memini tamen roe, apud monasterium EveshaimnenBium, 
in eorom antiquiaBimis biBtoriia olim legiBse, Willielmum Duoem Norman- 
nomm, tunc Anglorum Regem, Godricum Abbatem Winchelcumbensem 
violenter tenuisse, ac in castro Glouoestriee jussisse retrudi custodiendum, 
WinchelcumbenBeque ccenobium AbbatiB Eveshammensium moderationi 
commeudftsse, et paulo post cuidam monacho ez Normannonim, ut credi- 
tur, genere, Gralando nomine, illud idem Winchecumbense monasterium 
contulisse regendum. Quo reverft fieri umquam baud potuit nisi (ut com- 
munis se habet fiuna) idem Williehnus Bex in Abbatem bujus loci fiiisset 
▼ebementer ezacerbatus.*' ' See vol. ii. p. 362. 

' The account of Godric in the Evesham History (90) runs thus ; *' Rex 
Willielmus tollens Abbatem Wincelonmbensem, Godricum nomine, fecit 
constitui in captivitate apud Gloecestre, moxque buic Abbati, Ageluuio 
suam abbatiam oommisit, quam fere per tres annos quasi propriam in 
cunctis gubemando servavit. Deinde Rex donavit illam cuidam Abbati 
Gahmdo nomine, et eo poet modicum tempus ex quo eam aocepit defuncto, 
iterum isti Abbati Ageluuio committitur." Tn the next Chapter we shall 
come across a record of Godric's sojourn at Evesham. 


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old Earl- 
dom in 
subject and 
loyal to 

year which we have now reached, and I have connected 
it with the Western movement because the subjugation 
of Oloucestershire is at least connected with it in idea. 
The conquest of Gloucestershire put into William's hands 
the whole of the former Earldom of Harold^ except the 
comer of Herefordshire which was still defended by Eadric 
the Wild. One thing is certain, that the great merchant 
borough on the borders of Mercia and Wessex was in 
William's power, and was not disposed to revolt against him. 
The castle of Bristol is famous in the wars of the next cen- 
tury, but there is no record of its foundation in the Survey.* 

comes to 

William William, now conqueror of all southern and western 

Easter at England, returned to his southern capital and kept the 
ter^Maroh ^^aster Feast, according to the custom of his predecessors, 
23, 1068. in the royal city of Winchester.^ There might Eadgyth, 
while her mother, sister, and niece were seeking shelter in 
their lonely island, receive all the honours due to the 
widow of a King. Her lands in the West had been spared, 
and her royal home in her dower city was still hers. But 
she was not long to enjoy her position as the highest of her 
sex in England. William now deemed that his Kingdom 
was secure enough for him to call on his wife to come and 
share his honours. An honourable embassy was sent to 
the Duchess-Regent in Normandy to invite her presence 
in England.^ She came with a train of clerks and lords 
and noble ladies; and among the churchmen in her 
company one is specially recorded, Bishop Guy of Amiens, 

^ Bristol is simply mentioned in Domesday (1 63) xmder the head ** In Ber- 
tune apud Bristou ;" " Hoc manerium et Bristou reddunt Regi c. et x. markas 
argenti ; burgenses dicunt quod Episcopus G[oisfridu8 Constantiensis ec.] 
habet xxziii. markas argenti et unam markam auri pneter firmam Regis.** 

' Chron. Wig. 1067. *' On )>isan Eastron com se Kyng to Winoestre, 
and |>a wseron Eastra on x. Kal. April.'* Ord. Vit. 510 C. *' Guentam ad 
vacandum illuc paschali festo rediit/' 

' Ord. Vit U.S. '* Guillelmus Bex legates honorabiles in Neustriam 
direxit, et Matildem conjugem suam ad se venire precepit." 

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the poet of the great battle.^ His work was already 0HAP.xYin. 
written^ perhaps as a laureate's offering at the great solem- 
nity which was presently to take place. For at Pente- William 
cost King William, again walking in the steps of his p^l^cost 

predecessor, wore his Crown at Westminster. And there, »^w«^ 
, , minster. 

in the church which had beheld his own anointings though Matilda is 
doubtless in far other guise than the wild tumult of ^J^^S^d?^^ 
great Midwinteisday^ the Lady Matilda was hallowed to May n, 
Queen by Archbishop Ealdred. The law which had marked 
the crime of Eadburh by lessening the dignity of the wife 
of the West-Saxon King was now repealed or forgotten, 
and the consorts of English Kings have ever since shared 
equally with their husbands in all the honorary dignities 
and privileges of royalty.^ 

§ 3. 25i^ Mr8t Conquest of the North: 
Summer and Autumn^ 1068. 

All for the moment now seeined quiet. William had Position of 
assured his dominion over the West, and the chiefs of the ^nd ^"*^ 
North were still at his court in a character which did^°'"^®'^- 
not greatly differ from that of hostages. Eadwine and 
Morkere were WiUiam's Earls over Mercia and Deira, as 
William Rtz-Osbem was his Earl over Herefordshire 
and Bishop Odo over Kent.* But it was his policy to 

^ Ord. Yit. 510 G. " Protinua ilia mariti jnssis libenter obedivit, et cmn 
ingenti frequentift Tirorum ac nobilium feminarum transfretayit. In dero 
qui ad divina ei ministrabat, Celebris Guido Ambianorum Praesul eminebat, 
qui jam certamen Heraldi et Guillelmi versifice descripserat." See vol. ill. 
pp. xxvi. 136, 377. 

^ Cbron. Wig. 1067. " And sona eefber ]>am com Mathild seo hUefdie hider 
to lande, and Ealdred arcebisceop big gehalgode to cw4ne on Westmynstre 
on Hwitan Sunnan dseg." Ord. Vit. 510 D. "Adelredus Eboracorum 
metropoHtanns, qui maritum inunxerat, Matildem ad consortium regii 
honoris die Penteoostes anno ii. regni prsefati Regis inunxit." On the use 
of the words '* Queen'* aud " Lady," see Appendix X. 

' Tliere is an English writ of William (Mon. Ang. i. 301) on behalf cA. 
Westminster addressed to " Leofwine B. and Edwine Eorll and alle tha 
thegnas in Staffordesdre." This may be a nominal exercise of authority 

N % 

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cHAP.xTni. keep them away from their Earldoms, and to hold them 
immediately under his own eye. Eadwine seems to have 
really won his personal regard, and he had tried to win 
him over by a promise, whether sincere or designedly 

A daughter illusory, of the hand of one of his dauerhters. Her name, 

of William . , . 

promised whether Matilda or Agatha, I do not pretend to determine, 

\^nebut ^^^ there seems every reason to believe that, whatever may 

the mar. have been the objects of William, a real attachment had 

riage de- •* . 

layed. sprung up between the Norman maiden and the young and 

handsome English Earl. But, whenever Eadwine asked 

for his bride, some excuse was always found to delay the 

Possible accomplishment of his wishes. It is to be noticed that 

of Normao ^^^^ breach of faith is distinctly attributed, not to William's 

prejudice. ^^^ designs, but to the bad counsel of some of his Norman 

advisers.^ There is something grotesque in the notion of 

William the Great being led astray, like ^thelred or 

Eadward, by the arts or the advice of any man. But it 

is quite possible that a feeling of contempt towards the 

conquered nation, which William assuredly did not share, 

may have already grown up among William's Norman 

followers. Eadwine, we are told, had won the love of 

William's courtiers as well as of William himself.* Still 

they may have looked on a marriage with the native Earl of 

now, or it may belong to the short time in 1070-X071, between the real con- 
quest of Staffordshire and the last revolt of Eadwine. The writ is followed 
by another addressed to Archbishop Ealdred, Bishop Wul&tan, Earl William 
(Fitz-Osbeni), and all the Thegns in Gloucestershire and Worcestershire. 

^ Ord. Vit. 51 z A. "Guillelmus Bex, quando Eduinus Gomes cum eo 
concordiam fecerat [see above, p. ao] . . . . filiam suam se in conjugem ei 
daturum spoponderat ; sed postmodum fraudulento consuitu Normannorum 
oonoupitam virginem et diu ezspectatam denegavit nobilissimo juveni.*' 
The same language is used afterwards (521 A) with regard to William's 
treatment of Morkere; " Bex Guillelmus, oonsilio pravorum male usus, 
laudi sun damnum ingessit." 

' When Orderic (521 B) records the death of Eadwine, " formosissimus 
juvenis Eduinus Gomes/' he adds, "auditft per Angliam Eduini morte, 
luctus ingens non solum Anglis sed etiam Normannis et Francis ortus 
est ; qui eum velot socium et amicum seu cognatum cum multis fletibus 

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the Mercians as nnwortliy of a daughter of the conqaering oHAP.xvin. 
King of the English. And to a prejudice of this kind 
William may have found it needful to show some deference. 
But it is quite as likely that it was William's own policy 
which led him to try to keep Eadwine still more dependent 
upon himself by constantly promising and never fulfilling. 
However this, may be, the marriage was delayed^ and the Indign*- 
anger of Eadwine was further kindled against William. Sadwine. 
The position of the two brothers must have been irksome 
and degrading enough in any case, and the further wrong 
done to Eadwine brought matters to a head. The sons of Revolt of 
^Ifgar^ the Normans say, openly rebelled.' The view of tr^^h^ 
the people of their Earldoms would doubtless be that they 
at last came back to head them against a foreign invader to 
whom, though they had submitted, their people never had. 

At this moment then, when the West had just sub* RUbg in 
mitted, the North rose. As yet no step had been taken sunmer, 
for its practical subjugation, and the men of Mercia and '^^^' 
Northumberland had now their natural chiefs to head 
them. There was little in the past career of Eadwine and Poation 
Morkere to give any good ground of hope for any under- r»cter of 
takings b^^un under their lead. But in Northumbrian ^^^^*^®- 
eyes the acts by which they had undone England^ their 
successive betrayals of Harold and Eadgar, and, still more, 
their earlier share in the revolt against Tostig, might seem 
praiseworthy assertions of the independence of Northern 
England. Absence too and distance would work their usual 
work. The forced presence of the Earls in William's court 
would look like imprisonment ; their visit to Normandy 
would look like banishment. They might thus seem entitled 

' Ord. Vit. 511 A. '*Eodem anno egregii jnyenes Edainns et Mor- 
omiB, filii Elfgari ComitiB, rebellaTeninty et cum eis multi alii ferociter 
insnrrezemnt, qnomm motas AlbioniB regnnm vehementer turbaverunt. 
.... EduinuB . . . iratUB cum fratre buo ad rebellionem incitatuB eBt." 

On the different aocountB of these eventB, in no way oontradictory to 
each other, bat every one strangely imperfect, see Appendix T. 

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0HAP.xvin. to claim somewhat of the honours of confessors in the national 

cause. Add to this that^ politically worthless as Eadwine 

clearly was, he plainly possessed many of those superficial 

attractions which often have a stronger influence on men 

than the highest wisdom and virtue. His high birth and 

office, his handsome person and winning address, combined, 

we are told, joined with a large share of the piety of the age^ 

won for him a wide-spread popularity among the English 

people.^ The monks, the clergy, and the poor joined in 

daily prayers for the welfare of the two Earls^^ and, when 

they made their way from William's court to their own 

Earldoms^ the flame broke out in the whole northern region 

of the island. 

Union of The movement headed by the Mercian Earls is specially 

wid Welsh, spoken of as a common movement of English and Welsh.' 

1055. The league between MUgsr and Grufiydd the son of 

Llywelyn* seems never to have been forgotten. Welsh 

allies had joined the revolted Northumbrians in their 

1065. march to the Gemots of Northampton and Oxford.^ It is 

not clear what amount of understanding may have existed 

between Eadric of Herefordshire and the Mercian Earls ; 

but we have seen Eadric powerfully supported by the 

OivU war reigning Welsh Princes Bleddyn and Rhiwallon.® Bleddyn 

Winter** ^^ now, by the result of a civil war, become sole sovereign 

1067-1068. of at least all North Wales. Bleddyn and Rhiwallon, 

^ Ord. Vit. 511 A. " Fervens adfectus erat praBfatis firatribus erga Del 
cultnm et bonorum reverentiam homlnam. Erat eis ingens pulcritttdo, 
nobilifl et ampla cognatiop late valens potentatoB et nimia in eos popolaiium 
dileotio." So at a later stage. (521 B) ; " Idem [Eduinus], ut supra dictum 
est» fuerat ex religiosft parentelll natus, multisque bonis deditus. prout 
poterat inter tanta ajecularium curarum impedimenta positus. Corporis 
pulcritudine in multis millibus eminebat, et clericorum atque monachorum 
pauperumque benignus amator erat." 

' lb. 511 A. *' A cleris et monachis crebra pro iUis fiebat oratio et % 
turbis pauperum quotidiaua Bupplicatto.** 

* lb. " Eum magna pars Anglorum et Gualonun sequuta est." 

* See vol. ii. p. 387. » See vol. ii p. 4y>. 
^ See above, p. no. 

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whom the English make brothers of Gruffydd,^ appear ohap.xviii. 
in the Welsh Chronicles as sons of Cenwyn,^ and we find 
than abont this time engaged in a war with two of their 
eoontrymen, described as Meredydd and Idwal, sons of 
6ra%dd.^ A battle took place at Mechain in Powys, in Battle of 
which the brother princes were victorious. Idwal fell in death of ' 
battle, and Meredydd, flying from the field, died of thefi'^^d^'*''' 
cold,^ a description which seems to fix this campaign to the sole Under- 
same winter which beheld William's return from Nor- 
mandy. But the victory was purchased by the death of 
Rhiwallon^ and the struggle seems in some way to have 
led to a division of the great dominion of Gruffydd the 
son of Llywelyn. Bleddyn reigned alone in Gwynedd and 
Powys, but Deheubarth or South Wales is spoken of as 
being under the rule of another Meredydd, the son of Owen 
the son of Etwin, one of a house of which we heard in the 
days of jEthelred.* 

The language of the one writer who narrates these events Holding of 
in any detail seems to describe the holding of an assembly pre^^oe of 
which must have been designed as a general Gemot of the **^® Welsh. 
Empire, at which the chief men of Wales as well as of 

' See vol. ii. p. 476. Orderic, it may be remembered (see vol. ii. p. 630), 
makes Bleddyn a son of Gra%dd and Ealdgyth ; he now remembers the 
sopposed kindred, and speaks of Eadwine and Morkere as Bleddyn's uncles 
(511 B) ; ** Blidenns Rex Gaallorum ad avunciUos stios suppetias venit." 

' They are so called under 1068 both in the Annales Cambrie and in the 
Brut y Tywysogion, but the Brut under 1073 seems to speak of Bleddyn as 
Grolfydd's brother." 

* Idwal in the Annales, Ithel in the Brut. Here are further forms of 
the name spoken of in p. 1 73. 

' Ann. Gamb. 1068. ** Bellum Methein inter filios Kenwin, scilicet 
Bledin et Buallo et filios Grifini, scilicet Maredut et Idwal, in quo filii 
Grifini oedderunt, Idwal beUo, Maredut frigore, Ruallo etiam Alius 
Kenwin, occisns est.*' So Brut y l>niiryBogion in anno. 

* The Brut says, " Bleddyn, son of Cynvyn, held Gwynedd and Powys, and 
Maredudd, son of Owain, son of Edwin, held South Wales " [Deheubarth], 
(On Etwin see voL i p. 313.) The Annals say simply, '* Bledin in regnum 
snooessit.** It should be remembered that the Welsh writers do not mention 
the investiture of Bleddyn and BhiwaUon by Harold. 

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oHAPjtvm. England appeared.^ The grievances of the whole country- 
were strongly set forth, and it was determined to seek for 
Great help in every quarter. Messengers were sent to every part 
gatheriDg of England to stir up the people. They of course went 
^^^^^^® openly to the parts which were still independent, and they 
sent secretly to the shires which were already under the 
yoke.^ The resolution to defend or to recover their ancient 
freedom was widely spread and firmly fixed in the hearts of 
Possible Englishmen.^ Nor was the chance of foreign aid neglected, 
with the It is not clear whether it was in concert with this Northern 
^!ol^. movement that the sons of Harold and their Irish allies 
presently attempted to return. The only difficulty in the 
way of such a supposition is the rivalry which had so long 
reigned between the House of Leofric and the House of 
Godwine. But however strong this motive might be in 
the hearts of Eadwine and Morkere, there is no need to 
believe that it would be shared by their followers in 
withSwend general. "We seem also to get glimpses of further applica- 
iQif]f .' tions to Swend of Denmark,^ and there can be no doubt 

with Mai- that it was as a part of this same greneral movement that 

oolmof . . . 

Scotland, communications were opened with Scotland which led to a 

chain of events of the highest moment in the history of 

both Northern and Southern Britain. 

Our history just at this time has to be put together in so 

piecemeal a way that it is not easy to arrange events in their 

exact order, or even always to assign their proper share in 

them to each of the actors. It is not, for instance, perfectly 

^ Ord. Vit. 511 B. ** Blidenus . . . venit, secumque multitudinem 
Britonum adduxit. Gongregatis autem in unum multis Anglorum et 
Guallorum optimatibus, fit generalis querimonia de injuriis et oppressionibus 
quibas intolerabiliter Angli afflig^bantur a Noimannis et eonim oon- 
tubemalibus *' — that is, the foreign mercenaries. 

' lb. " Legationibus quoscumque poterant per omnes Albionis terminos 
in hostee dam palamque stimulabant." 

* Fit ex consensu omnium pro vendicandd libtrUUe pristifnSk procaz con- 
spiratio et obnixa contra Normannos conjuratio." 

* Hist. Ab. i. 495. " Pars gentem Danorum nt AngHam appeteret illicere." 

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dear what was at this moment the position of Eadgar, 0HAP.xvm. 
the ^theling, the momentary King. But on the whole it 2°?^^^ ^^ 
seems most probable that he was the nominal head of the probably 
movement^ and that whatever was done was done in his „ J ^^' 
name as the Kine: already lawfully chosen.* Such a doc- ^*^* , 
trine might not be acceptable to the sons of Harold; it 
might not be acceptable to Swend of Denmark ; it might 
not be acceptable in their heart of hearts to the two 
Earls by whom the ^theling had already been once 
betrayed. But there was no one round whom so many 
varying interests and associations could gather as round 
the last representative of the House of Cerdic. Whatever Action of 
the brother Earls may have done, the Northumbrians in ernTtngna. 
general seem to have accepted Eadgar in good &ith. They 
were perhaps not without a remembrance of that earlier 
Eadgar, who had found his way to the West-Saxon throne 
by Northumbrian help, and whose name abode on North- 
humbrian tongues as the embodiment of just and good 
government, till his memory was overshadowed by the more 
recent memory of the Danish Cnut.^ At the head of the Gotpatric 
Northern movement stood Gospatric^ who had, not many 
months before, been invested by William with the Bemician 
Earldom.^ William's jealousy seems up to this time to have 
kept him idle in his court along with his fellow-Earls of 
the house of Leofric, while the province which he nominally 
held under the Norman King still retained its perfect inde- 
pendence. Next in rank to Gospatric was the Sheriff Mserle- Biasrla- 
swegen, whom Harold had left to command the North after "^^fif*"* 
the great day of Stamfordbridge/ and who now jeoparded 
the distant possessions which he held in William's latest 
conquest of Cornwall.* Hardly lower in local esteem than Archill, 
these great chiefs was Archill^ who is described as one of the 

' On the order of events, see Appendix Y. 

' See vol. i pp. 67, 463. ' See above, p. 134. 

* See voL iii. p. 421. * See above, p. 169. 

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cnAP.xvin. most powerful Thegns of Northumberland,^ and whose vast 

estates stretched^ if not, like those of Mserleswegen, from 

Yorkshire into Cornwall, yet from Yorkshire into the 

Afliance of South-Mercian shire of Warwick,^ King Malcolm too 

of Scotland, accepted the alliance of the insurgents, and a powerful 

Scottish army was summoned for an English expedition.^ 

No But either Malcolm lingered in his preparations, or else 

Scottish the whole movement had fallen through before his troops 

e p gi^e^ coui(j ]yQ gQi together. For we have to tell the same tale 

Collapse of . o o 

the move, which wc have ever to tell in the English history of 

ihrough these years, save when a bom King of Men, an Eadmund 

*f\h^t^ or a Harold, stands forth as the leader of a people worthy 

EarlB. of him. As in the days of iEthelred, as in the days of the 

Interregnum, as at the siege of Exeter, the zeal and 

courage of a whole people were again brought to nought 

by the cowardice and selfishness of incompetent leaders. 

General The blood of the nation was thoroughly roused. Every 

people. town which was as yet unchecked by a Norman fortress or 

a Norman garrison looked well to its ramparts and made 

ready for resistance. The metropolis of Northern England 

set the example. What Exeter was in the West, York was 

in the North, It was the centre of every patriotic move- 

of WMmq ^^^ ^^^ towns only ; every defensible spot, woods, marshes, 

York the ready for resistance. The metropolis of Northern England 
r^tance. ^^^ ^he example. What Exeter was in the West, York was 
in the North, It was the centre of every patriotic move- 
Vain ment,* where all the mild piety of Ealdred strove in vain to 
Ealdred keep down the burning zeal of its eager citizeus.* But it was 

^ Ord. Vit. 511 C. '* ArchilluB potentissimus Nordanhimbrorum.'* 
> See Ellis, ii. 41. 

* Ord. Vit. 511 D. " Malcolmus licet ab Anglis requisitus fuerit, et 
validam expeditionem [fyrd] in eomm anxilium paraverit." 

* The declamation of William of Malmeabuiy (m. 348) is in truth a noble 
panegyric on the city ; " Eboracum, unicmn rebellionnm suiiiigium . . . 
ibi enim Bex Scotorum Malcolmus cum suis, ibi Edgarus et Maroherias et 
Weldeofus cum Anglis et Danis, nidum tyrannidis saepe fovebant, seepe 
duces illius [Willelmi] truddabaut.** Mark the use of tyrannis. See 
vol. i. pp. 15a, 269. 

* Ord. Vit. 511 B. '* Eboracensis dvitas ardentissime fiirit, quam 
sanctitas Pontificis sui sedare nequit." 

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moaths of rivers, were all seized upon and strengthened in 0HAP.xTm. 
readiness for an attack.^ Men thought it shame to dwell 
at such a time under the shadow of a house. The wild The 
men, the savages^ as the mocking tongues of the Normans *^^' 
called them, dwelled of their own choice in tents and lurk- 
ing-places, lest their strength should grow rusly among the 
comforts of their own roof-trees.^ All this is credible 
enough; but it is hard to fix the chronology, and it is 
almost harder to believe the tale of a general conspiracy 
throughout England to massacre all the Normans during 
the penitential solemnities of Ash Wednesday. The plot, Legend of 
we are told, £uled through the sudden return of the great ^pinMjy. 
warrior, who is thus conceived as being absent from 
England at the time when he was winning his great suc- 
cesses in the West. The maleoontents, it is added, with- 
drew into the inaccessible North, and there for a while 
withstood the royal power.^ That such a tale as this is 
wholly legendary it is hardly needful to prove. 

Thus matters stood in northern and central England not 
very long after William had brought over his Queen to 
enjoy the honours of royalty in the conquered land. News The news 
was presently brought to the King that the folk in the wiu^. 
North were gathered together, and that they would stand 

^ Ord.yit. 511 B. ** Seditioei ailvajB, palndes, lestaaria, et urbes aliquot 
in munimentis habent.'* The "urbes aliquot" would doubtless take in 
an the walled towns of the independent shires. 

* lb. C. " Plures in tabemacuHs morabantur ; in domibus, ne mollesoe- 
rent, reqoiesoere dedignabantur, unde qnidam eomm a Normannis 9Uv<Uici 
eognominabantur.*' See aboTe, p. 1 1 1, of Eadrie of Herefordshire. 

* Will. Grem. yiL 40. '* Ipse vero in regnum remeans Anglicum, iterato 
plurimos ejusdem gentis repperit, quorum levia corda ab ejus fidelitate 
pneraricatrix oonspiratio averterat. Conjuraverant enim latrunculi per 
totam patriam, quatinus milites, quos ad tuendum regnum reliquerat, in 
capite jejuni nndis vestigiis, quo scdet usu pcsnitens Christianorum religio, 
ad coclesiam festinantes incautos ubique perimerent, et sic ipsum a Nor- 
manniA regredientem levius e regno proturbarent.** He then goes on to 
speak of their taking up a position at Durham, which I shall have to 
speak of preeently. 

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cHAP.xvin. against him if he came.* Possibly the presence of Ealdred 

at York, so soon after the great ceremony at Westminster, 

and his attempts to check the patriotic movement by pious 

exhortations, may have been the firstfruits of the message. 

William's But at any rate William was not slow to follow with other 

Northern weapons. His course was his usual one, to seize the towns 

©unpftipi. j^jj^ other important points and to strengthen them with 

1068. castles.^ One version, a version resting more on inference 

ofcastlM. ^^^^ ^^ direct authority, would lead us to think that at 

QuoBtion t^is time Oxford still held out, that the town was taken 

as to the y^y g^orm, and that the fearful devastation recorded in the 

storm of -^ ' 

Oxford. Survey was the result.^ If such was the beginning of 
William's first Northern campaign, we can well understand 
the terror-striking effect of such a blow dealt at such a 
moment. But the direct evidence for a siege of Oxford is so 
weak that the tale cannot be relied on with any certainty. 

William at The first place where William's presence is distinctly re- 

Warwick, , . 

corded is Warwick. That town was one of the series of 
Fomida- strongholds by which the renowned Lady of the Mercians, 
towntf * *^e daughter of Alfred, had sought to put a bridle in the 

^thelfl»d. mouth of the Danish invader.* It lies at no great distance 
915. ^ ^ , ^ , ^ ^ 

from the obedient districts, and it is even possible that it 
may have already been in William's power. The property 
and influence of his friend Abbot ^Ethelwig of Evesham 
stretched into the shire, and William found in Warwick- 
shire at least one Englishman of rank and wealth ready to 
play the part of Wigod in Berkshire. Thurkill of Warwick 

^ Chron. Wig. 1067. " pa k/5de man ]nui kyninge |>8st het folc be 
norOan hefdon heom gegaderad togssdere, and woldon him ongean standan, 
gif he come." 

' Ord. Yit. 511 C. '*Bez igitur secessas regni providentius perlustrar 
vit, et opportuna loca contra exoarsiones hostiam communivit.'' It is now 
that Orderic makes that remark on the lack of castles which I quoted long 
ago. See yoL ii. p. 140. 

* On the date of the taking of Oxford, see Appendix Z. 

* Chron. Wig. 915. "Her on )nson geare wes Wserincwio getimbrod." 
Florence (in anno) adds that it was founded " in fine auctunmi." 

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appears in the Survey as one of the very few Englishmen 0BAP.xTni. 
retaining or possessing estates which put them at all on 
a level with William's great Norman grantees. He was Probable 
the son of ^Ifwine^ who seems to have been Sheriff at the jEHmne 
time of William's entry, and who evidently made his peace *^® Sheriffi 
with the Conqueror.^ Thurkill kept his lands, which 
were largely increased by royal grants out of the confis- 
cated estates of less lucky Englishmen. For among his Lands of 
possessions a small part only had been held by his father iStu^Hu. 
in King Eadward's days; the greater part had been the 
property of various English owners, among whom we dis- 
cern Earl Eadwine, another Eadwine described as the 
Sheriff^ and the gpreater name of Hereward. It is painful^ Few Eng- 
on looking through the Warwickshire Survey, to compare j^ war?°" 
the vast estates of Thurkill with the two or three other wickahire. 
Thegns of the shire who retained some small fragments of 
their property.^ It is plain that here^ as elsewhere, the 
men of the shire at large were patriotic, and paid the 
penalty in the confiscation of their lands. The one loyal 
man^ the one prudent man, the one traitor, as he would be 
called in the mouths of his more stout-hearted countrymen^ 
reaped his reward^ in retaining his wealth and honours^ and 
in adding to them alike at the cost of a less successful 
fellow-traitor and at the cost of men better than himself. 

William thus held Warwick^ and we can hardly doubt William's 
that he held it through the adherence, either now or at M^a 
some earlier time^ of the Sheriff jElfwine and his son. *>^"- 

> On £lf wine and Thurkill, see Appendix A A. 

* See Domesday, 244, 144 h. Two women hold land in *' alms," Eadgyih 
who kept her own estate, and Leo%ifa the nnn, whose lands had been held 
T. K K by Godgifn, widow of Leofric. j£lisige, Ordric, and Grodwine had 
kept their lands, though those of Ordiic were waste. /TOfric had lands 
which had been held by Wichig. The only one remaining holder is Leof wine, 
who holds two yeiy small estates. Of one we read, " Hie Leuuinus emit ab 
Aluuino fratre suo." He may hare been the Sheriff's brother. These 
men are not given the title of Thegn. They are the only English tenants 
in eapUe, though of course there are English under-tenants. 

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oHAP.xvin; He had now passed out of those lands, West-Saxon, East- 
Anglian^ and Mercian, which had been for a longer or 
shorter time under the rule of the House of Godwine. 
He had entered those strictly Mercian lands over Which the 
House of Leofric had, since their great rise under Cnut, 
always retained at least a superiority. Warwickshire had 
perhaps been held as a subordinate government by Balph 
and Odda, but the Hwiccian lands had reverted to the 
rule of Leofric or his son,^ and William was now setting 
forth to establish his effective supremacy over the Earl- 
dom of Eadwine, the old realm of Offa and Cenwulf. 
He was in truth setting forth to conquer a new Kingdom. 
And, unless we accept the Version which represents Oxford 
as being stormed during the campaign of this year, 
Warwick was the firstfruits of his conquest. The new 
possession had to be guarded in the usual way. Whatever 
bulwarks survived from the days of -ffithelflsed were 
deemed worthless in the recent advance of the defensive 
Founda- art. Warwick could be safely guarded only by a castle 
Warwick ^^ ^^^ newest Norman pattern. Yet in this case at least 
Castle. ^jjg works of the defender of England have proved more 
lasting than the works of her Conqueror. The new town 
which arose at the bidding of the Lady of the Mercians, 
stood on a slightly rising ground at a small distance &om 
the sluggish stream of the Warwickshire Avon. For ihe 
defence of her new creation, the Lady reared between the 
town and the river one of those vast artificial mounds 
which played so important a part in the early history of 
fortification. Whatever works, whether of stone or of 
timber^ crowned or surrounded it in its first estate have 
utterly passed away, and the crest of the artificial hill 
is crowned by defences of a far later date than the days 
of either -^thelflfled or William. But the mound itself 
still remains, a monument of the wisdom and energy of 
» See vol. ii. pp. 5^3-5^5 • 

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Foundation op Warwick castlBi i91 

the mighty daughter of -Alfred, while the keep ofoHAP.xTiii. 
William has so utterly perished that its very site can 
only now be guessed at. Most likely it stood in the void 
space between the mound, the gateway, and the later 
castle, whose picturesque turrets and battlements hang so 
proudly over the river at its fiset. At all events, it was 
now that that &mous fortress took its beginning. Either 
because the town passed peaceably into the hands of the 
Conqueror, or because the site of the fortress stood more 
than usually isolated from the town, the building of the 
castle seems to have involved a far smaller destruction of 
houses than was commonly the case elsewhere.^ Thus Its later 
arose the renowned castle of Warwick, famous alike in " '^' 
legend and in history, the seat of the mythical Guy 
and of the historical King-maker.^ And, though the 
actual work of William himself has vanished, yet his 
foundation abides, one of the few fortresses of his day 
which have lived on through all changes and all 
rebnildings, and which still remain the dwelling-places 
of noble owners. With the guardianship of the new 
fortress no man of English birth, not even the loyal 
JSlfwine, might be trusted. He might retain the civil 
administration of the shire, but the military command of 
the castle could be safely entrusted only to Norman hands. 
The new castle was placed in the keeping of Henry, 
the younger son of Roger of Beaumont.^ A great 

> The only destraction in the town of Warwick recorded in Domesday 
IB that of four houses belonging to the Abbey of Coventry, which are en- 
tered in p. 338 as "vastce propter situm casteUi/' 

' The legend of Guy, which may be found at large in Knighton (X 
Scriptt. 3324), is placed in the days of ^thelstan. There is in the popular 
mind an invincible tendency to identify this mythical hero with Earl 
Richard Neville. The confusion is possibly helped by the existence of a 
real Guy Earl of Warwick in the days of Edward the Second. See the 
so-called Walsingham, i. 130, ed. Riley. 

• Ord. Vit. 511 C. "Rex itaque castrum apud Guarevicum oondidit, et 
Henrico Rogerii de Bellomonte filio ad servandum tradidit.** 

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0HAP.xTin. estate in the shire also fell to Henry's elder brother, 
The castle Robert, Count of Melent, who, at the head of the French 


to Heniy auxiliaries, had been the first to break down the English 

mont. ' palisade at Senlae.^ His son, Robert Earl of Leicester, 

became in the female line the forefather of the great 

The Earls Simon ; ^ and from Henry's son, Roger Earl of Warwick, 

wiok. came, through various intermarriages, the long line of 

inheritors of his Earldom. The coronet of the house of 

Beaumont passed on to Beauchamps, Nevilles, Flantagenets, 

till the last of the old stock, the last direct descendant of 

the Angevin Kings, was cut off to appease the jealousy 

1499- of the first Tudor and to allay the fears of a King of 

distant Aragon.^ 

This vigorous beginning of the campaign did its work. 

Our accounts are strangely imperfect, but, such as they 

March of are, they lead us to think that Eadwine and Morkere 

and were actually marching at the head of an army to meet 

Morkere. ^y^e invader, and that, as they drew near to Warwick and 

learned the occupation and defence of the town, they 

shrank from meeting the Conqueror in arms, and, without 

They sub- a blow, submitted and craved his pardon.* They were 

WiUiaiQ. again received to favour, and it may be that the hopes 

of a royal bride were again dangled before the eyes of 

^ See Domesday, 239 5-240 h. The English owners are mainly unknown 
persons ; but one lordship had belonged to Earl Eadwine, and Hereward 
appears as under-tenant of lands which had been his own. See A ppendix NN. 
On the history of the family, see WiU. Gem. vii. 4, viii. 40, 41. On Robert's 
exploits at Senlac, see vol. iii. pp. 384, 488. 

* See vol. ii. p. aoo. 

* The King^maker, Richard Neville, was Earl of Warwick only in right 
of his wife Isabel Beauchamp; but, through her, the female descent 
fixym Heniy of Beaumont went on to Isabel Duchess of Clarence and 
her children, Edward Earl of Warwick, the victim of Henry the Seventh, 
and Margaret, Countess of Salisbury (mother of Reginald Pole), the victim 
of Heniy the Eighth. 

* Ord. Vit. 511 C. ** Tunc Eduinus et Morcarus cum suis ancepe proelii 
diserimen pnependentes, gratiam Regis petierunt." 

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Eadwine. But we are told, and we can well believe it, ohaf-xtih 
that the favour at William's hands to which the sons of ]^^^ 
iElfgar were now received was a favour only in nameJ kere again 

__ _ 1- « • • ji Ml* reconciled 

Jjut the policy ot receiving them even to apparent favour to WiiUam. 
did its work. In the next struggle for Northumbrian 
independence Eadwine and Morkere had no share. They They re- 
seem to have fallen back into their former position ofwiiUam's 
hangers-on at the court of the Norman King.^ They*^^^' 
doubtless retained the rank and title of their Earldoms; 
but William disposed of the shires and fortresses of 
Mercia and Northumberland according to his will, and 
Englishmen of stouter hearts disputed his possession of 
them, without the will of the sons of ^Elfgar being taken 
into account on ^ther side. 

Thus, for the second time within a few months^ chances '^•^^ of 

of deliverance brighter than any that had offered them- and steadi- 

selves since William's coronation were utterly thrown J^^^j^^® 

away. During the course of the spring and summer of thi6 to William. 

year, far more than the half of England must have been in 

arms against William. But there was no one moment 

when all his enemies were in arms against him at once. 

The West rose and the 2^orth rose^ but the North did not 

rise till the West was overcome. The West was betrayed 

by the Exeter patricians; the North was betrayed by the 

Mercian Earls. Their army no doubt dispersed on their The army 

submission. Any army of those days which found itself 

cheated of all chance of either fighting or plunder was 

pretty sure to disperse^ even if its leaders did not forsake it. 

The mass of the followers of Eadwine and Morkere went, 

each man to his own home^ to see their homes conquered in 

detail. The more resolute spirits determined on retiring to 

* OnL Vit. 511 C. " Specie tenuB obtinuerunt." 

* This win appear from the way in which their final revolt in 107 1 ia 
apoken of in aU our acoounta. 


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qiiAP.xvni. the extreme North, and there organizing a separate resist- 

withdn!w ^ ance. They left Mereia and Southern Northumberbnd to 

N rth d ^^^^^ ^*^' ^^^ occupied the stronghold of the Bemician 

oooapy Bishopriek.^ No spot could be better chosen for such a 

Stremrthof P^^^^®® ''^^^ ^^^ peninsular height on which the happy 

the post- choice of Ealdhnn had placed the minster of Saint Cuth- 

Durham, berht* and the humbler home of episcopal rule which 

preceded the mighty castle of William of Saint Carilef 

and Hugh of Pudsey. The mound on which the later keep 

of the episcopal fortress still stands may well have been 

called into play at this time, if not in times earlier still. 

Commanding the neck of the peninsula, guarded on three 

other sides by the river which flows by the foot of the 

well nigh perpendicular hill, a fort on or near this point 

would make the ecclesiastical precinct secure against all 

attack. At all events, Durham was put into a state of 

such vigorous defence that its independence was not 

threatened for the present. As for the rest of the land, 

William bad only to march on and take possession. 

Eadffarand But meanwhile a company of Englishmen of higher 

^*" "Jj^"' rank sought a shelter yet further to the North than that 


and MfiBrle- which had been chosen by the defenders of Durham. King 


flee to ^ Malcolm of Scotland had already promised his help to the 

patriots^ but before his help was forthcoming, the whole 

scheme had broken down through the desertion of the 

brother Earls. But the Scottish King might still show 

his good will to the cause in another way. Two of the 

chief men of the North had chosen a diflferent course from 

* Will. Gram. vii. 40. "Bepentinnm magni debellatoris fonnidantea ad- 
ventum, furtim, ut festinum magni terroris oonsilium aoasit, fngft lapai in 
quamdam partem Gumberlonda comitates, aquis pariter et ailvis inacoeasi- 
bilem, se contulerunt ; et firmissimo vallo castrum erexerunt, quod propria 
lingu& Dunelmum noncup&runt." This follows the passage quoted in p. 
187 ; the geography breaks down at once ; on the chronology see Ap- 
pendix Y. 

■ See vol. i, p. 321. 

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tiiKt followed by tlie sons of Leofric. One of them was a ghapj^thi. 
man of birth even more lofty than their own and of equal 
nominal rank. When Eadwine and Morkere bowed to the 
Conqueror and returned to their luxurious ignominy in his 
court, Groepalric, with a nobler spirit^ set forth to seek a 
shells in Scotiand till the day might come when he could 
again serve his country. With him went the Sheriff 
Mserleswegen and many others of the best men of the North. 
They took with them the nominal leader of the enterprise^ 
Eadgar the iBtheling^ with his mother Agatha and his 
sifitero Margaret and Christina.^ They set sail^ at what 
haven we are not told^ and reached the court of Dunferm- 
line in safisty.' Malcolm received the exiles as favourably 
as he had^ two years before, received Tostig.^ The whole Thej pan 
party abode und^ his protection through the whole ^^j^^*®' 
winter/ planning no doubt new schemes for the deliver- ^|?°^ 
anoe of the land which the sons of ^fgar had for- 
saken. The shelter given by Malcolm was valuable in 
itsdf, and in the end the sojourn of the English exiles at 
die Scottish court led to events memorable in the history 
of both countries. Not only did Scotland stand ready as 
a land where English exiles were ever welcome, but 
gfreater results still came when at a later time one of the 
company was prevailed on to accept the land of refiige 
as a permanent dwelling place.* 

We retom to the progress of the Conqueror. The next 

' On the moyemeDts of Gospatric and Msrleswegen, see Appendix T. 

* The.Chionicle8 simply say " oomon [foran* Petrib.] to Bootlande." But 
Plorenoe adds "navigio Scottiam adierant." If they oould once reach a 
port» they were doubtleas safer from William by sea than by land. 

* See voL iii. p. 327. 

« " On Malcbolomes cyninges gryfS," says the Worcester CSironider. See 
YoL it pp. 151, 154. 

* On the date of the marriage of Malcolm and Margaret, see Appendix 

O % 

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cHAP-xym. point at which we hear of him is Nottingham. But 
coarse from Nottingham is a long way from Warwick; and, if no 
to iTt^^ blow was struck in all the region between those two towns, 
tioghftm. there must at any rate have been many peaceful submis- 
No men- sions. Coventiy, with Earl Leofric's minster, and Leicester, 
vent^or ^^^ capital of the intervening shire, are not mentioned; 
Leicester, but the submission of those towns and of the neighbour- 
ing country must have happened on this march. That 
we hear nothing of Coventry is perhaps not wonderful. 
The town does not appear in the Survey as a borough ; its 
name has not yet been nientioned in English histoiy^ 
except as the site of the great monastery which was soon to 
History of grow into an episcopal church. But the omission of 
Leicester. L^j^j^^j. Ytkisea questions of quite another kind. Unlike 
Coventry, the town had played a considerable part in early 
history ; it was one of the famous Five Boroughs, and it 
had been fortified, no less than Warwick, by the Lady of 
the Mercians.^ It was now a town of at least equal im- 
portance with Warwick. If Warwick sent ten, Leicester 
sent twelve, of its burghers whenever the King called forth 
hiBjfyrd.^ Are we to suppose that the contingents of these 
towns were pressed to follow William's banner, as the men 
of the North had in times past followed Swend to the 
conquest of southern England ? Or is it possible that, in 
the case of Leicester at least, no power was left either to 
Allegedde- foUow or to resist ? While we have no evidence either way 
jJ^o^T^ on which we can rely with confidence, one of those second- 
ary and local records which sometimes contain fragments 

^ Chxon. 918, 94^, 943- 

* Domesday, 230, 238. This was in case of an ezpeditioQ bj land. 
When the Eong went to war by sea, I^eioester gave the use of four paok- 
horses as far as London ("mittebant ei iiii. equos de eodem buxgo uacpie 
Londoniam ad comportandom anna vel alia quse opus esset"), while 
Warwick sent dther four sailoro (" batsueins," hoatwHuns) or four pounds 
in money (" iiii libras denaiiorum **). Why was Warwick held more capable 
of finding sailors than Leicester t 

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of aathentic tradition, suggests, in a perfectly casoal way^ oHAPjLvni. 
that a doom fell upon Leicester which might, doubt- 
less with some exaggeration, be spoken of as utter de- 
struction. ^ And this incidental hint may perhaps draw 
some indirect confirmation from the highest evidence of all 
The Survey contains no account of a castle at Leicester, 
tiiough one undoubtedly arose there before long, nor does 
it contain any account of destroyed or wasted houses. But 
then it contains no mention at all of English burghers or 
English freeholders within the borough.* The whole town 
had passed into the possession of strangers. The shire too EztenfliYe 
is one of the districts on which the hand of confiscation tionB in 
fell heaviest. Only two or three English landowners of the ^^**^ 
smallest class retained their lands. In Nottinghamshire, Great 
on the other hand, the number of King's Thegns, keeping ^f ^i^s 
lands which they had held in the days of King Eadward, ^^®8?» '^^ 
is remarkably large,^ though there are also many entries of hamBhiie. 
lands as waste. This difference plainly points to some un- 
recorded difference in the circumstances of the conquest of 
the two shires, and it may be that Leicester earned its 
overthrow by a defence worthy of a borough which was to 
give its name to the g^reatest of England^s later worthies. 
Of the chief town of the next shire our notices are clearer. 

' In the Hifttory of the FonndatioD of Leicester Abhey in the Monaettoon, 
▼i 466, the nairatiTe beginB, " RobeitvB Comes MeUenti, yemens in An- 
gUam cum WiUielmo Duce Normannise, adeptns consulatom Leyoestria, 
ez dono dioti Duels et Gonquestoris Anglin, dettructd prim eivitaU Leir- 
eecfrte cum casteDo et eodesiA infra castellum, tempore pnedicti Con- 
qucBtoris, reeedificaYit ipsam ecclesiam Sanctse Maria infra castellum.*' 

' There are many English under-tenants, but of tenants in capUe there 
seem to be only threet, Aschil, Raven, and TurchU— aU seemingly of Danish 
descent — among the "servientes Regis" in p. 336 h, 

* See Domesday, 399 b, 193. On 394 the list goes on with the Thegns 
of Rutland, so strangely treated as an appendage to Nottingbamshire. One 
entry (393) shows William in a somewhat amiable light ; " In Wareshope 
tenet quidam csbous i« bovatam in eleemosynft de Rege." But he might 
have been blinded by the royal order. C£ vol. iii. p. 107, 

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0HAF.xvni. The main importance of Nottingham was drawn from ita 
anM^Mid position near the Trent, the g^eat southern tributary of the 
early his- HumboT. The town stood on the great highway to the 
Nottmg- North, both by land and water, and to keep open and 
guard the communications both ways was the great public 
duty laid upon its burghers.^ The river flows at some 
distance from the original town, which stands on a hill 
divided by a slight depression from a steep rocky height to 
the west, at the foot of which runs the smaller stream of 
the Leen. Nottingham, like Leicester, was a member of 
the Danish Confederacy, and its defence had been a special 
object of the care of Eadward the Elder. Its acquisition 
indeed seems to have been the crown of his conquests in 
Fortifica- central England. He visited Nottingham twice, and at 
Eftdwnrd ^^^ ^^^ ^^ secured his conquest by a fortress. His first 
*^® ■^^®'- occupation of Nottingham was followed by the final sub- 
mission of all Mercia, English and Danish, and its incor- 
poration with the West-Saxon Kingdom. His second visit 
was followed within the same year by that great Commen- 
dation of the states north of the Humber which first made 
the West-Saxon King to be Lord of all Britain. The 
position of Nottingham in truth made it in some sort the 
key of Northumberland, and the great object of Eadward's 
fortifications was to secure the river. On the former of his 
two visits he secured the borough by a fortress on the 
lefb bank of the Trent ;^ on the second he added another 

' Domesday, 380. "In Snotingeham aqua Trentse et fossa et via versus 
Eboraoum custodiuntur, ita ut si quia impedierit transitum navium, et si 
quis araverit vel fossam fecerit in vilk Regis infra dnas pertioas, emendare 
habet per viii. libras.'* The importance of the navigation of the Trent 
oomes out also in the Charter of Heniy the Second to Nottingham in 
Rymer, i. 41, and Stubbs'^ Select Charters, 159. The burgesses were en- 
titled to tolls from those who used the river, but it is also ordered* " Iter 
de Trenta liberumesse debet navigantibus quantum pertica una obtinehit 
ex utraque parte fill aquae." 

' Chron. Wint. 922. *< pa for he >onaa to Snotingaham, and gefiSr 
)>a burg, and het hie gebetan and gesettan, 89g>er ge mid Engliscum 

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fortresB on the opposite bank^ and joined the two together 0BAP.xvin. 
by a bridge.^ All traeee of Eadwaird'8 works hare vanished. 
Bat their site is doubtless marked hy the picturesque 
mediasval bridge which is now giving way to a modem 
sncoesBor. This important post the men of Nottingham 
had to hoid; no further military service is spoken of; yet, 
besides merchants, we hear of horsemen or knights as 
forming a chief element in the population of Nottingham.* 
Two churches are recorded in the Survey, but Nottingham 
never became the seat of any great ecclesiastical founda- 
tion. Of the submission of this important post we get no Nottuur- 
details; but it was at the head of his army that William mits to 
appeared before the town,* and its possession was at once ^*^^^*^' 
secured by the foundation of a castle.^ The site which Found*- 
William chose for the fortress which was to overawe the ^^^^ 

mannum ge mid Deniscnm, and him oierde eall |>set folc to >e on 
Merenalaiide geseten wan, ng)>er ge Denisc ge EngliBce.*' Tbic entry 
follows immediately on the commendation of the Welsh prineee. See 
vol. i. p. 6a 

' Chron. Wint. 924. " Her on )>78um gere foran to middum lumera ; for 
Eadweard cyning mid fierde to Snotir^gaham ; and het gewyrcan >a bnig 
on nit( healfe >iere eas ; ongean >a o>re and )>a brycge ofer Treontan, betwiz 
>am twam burgum.** Then follows the entry of the fortification of Bake- 
well and the Peak-land, and then that of the commendation of Northum- 
berland, Scotland, and Strathdyde. 

* In Domesday we read of ^'domns mercatorum" and of "domus 
equitom,'* the latter being seemingly a numeroos class. Were they the 
remains of an old Danish patriciate? See vol. i. p. 64. "Eqnee,** what- 
ever its meaning, is a most unusual word. Du Gange (in voc.) quotes a 
eharter of Philip of France in 1050 (I do not understand the date), in 
which "duo equites" are granted along with "duo rustici'* Bat these 
Kottingbam " eqnites " rather suggest the cnihtenagUd of London. 

* Fbr. Wig. 1068. "Bex Willelmus cum exetdtu suo Snotingaham 

* Chion« Wig. 1067. "He for >a to Snotingaham and worhte >(et 
CMteL** So Florence, **nbi oastello firmato Eboracum perrexit." Ord. 
Vit. 511 C. " Deinde Bex Snotingheham castrum construxit et Guillehne 
Pererello oommendavit.'* The building of the castle is not distinctly 
mentioned in Domesday, but we read (a 80), *'Willelmo Pevrel concessit 
Bex X. acras terras ad &ciendam pomcBiium." This would seem to be the 
town wall, as the " fossatum burgi " u mentioned just aboTe. 

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cHAP.xvin. borough was one which would have been less eligible for 
Eadward's objects of protection. The castle of Nottingham 
was now reared on the highest point of the great rock 
overhanging the town. A new town spread itself over the 
lower ground between the castle and the older borough.^ 
State of In such a case the building of the castle did not involve 
nnder'^ any destruction of houses ; but the borough suflfered under 
waiiMn. ^e foreign government. The number of its burghers 
dwindled, while the amount of royal revenue drawn from 
William the town was increased.^ The command of the new fortress 
wmman? ^*^ placed in the safe hands of William Peverel, a Norman 
?*^*^**™fif" adventurer of unknown origin, who became one of the 
greatest landowners in this and the adjoining shire.^ From 
Nottingham his name has passed away ; a modem house^ 
now itself a ruin, occupies the site of the Conqueror's 
fortress. But the name of Peverel is inseparably bound to 
His castle another of his possessions. In the wild Peakland of Derby- 
Peak, shire, where the huge mass of Mam Tor rises over the 
valley of the southern Derwent, a height of less elevation 
than some of its fellows, but of singular steepness of ascent, 
overhangs the huge cavern which bears the name of the 
Devil's Hole. On its highest point, standing on the very 
edge of a perpendicular cliffy where the fosses of Arques and 

^ Domesday, aSo. '* Hugo vioeoomes, filius Baldrid .... in terra 
comitis in novo bni^ statuit xiii. domus quse antea non fuerant, apponens 
eas in sensa yeteris burgi.** 

* See Ems, ii. 476; Domesday, 480. **T.R.E. reddebat Snotingham 
zyiii. Ubras; modo reddit xzx. llbras et z. libras de monetfL" Another 
grievance was the interference with the burgesses' right to fish in the river; 
'* In aqnll Trente soliti erant piscari, et modo querelam fadiint, eo quod 
piscari prohibeotur." 

' William Peverel's estates in Derbyshire appear in Domesday, 376, and 
those in NottinghAmshire in 387, a88. This is the William Peverel whom an 
utterly uncertified and almost impossible scandal calls a natural son of the 
Conqueror. See vol. iii. p. 656, and Ellis, i. 466, 467. Banulf Peverel is 
a real man, but he is &r more likely to have been a brother of William 
than a reputed &ther. On Engelric, the alleged maternal grandfather of 
William Peverel, see above, p. 26. 

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Old Saram were needless and impossible, William Peverel CHAP.zvm. 
reared his castle of Peak Forest/ the true vultare's nest of 
a robber-knight. It is the worthy fellow of those other 
fortresses which freedom has left as forsaken ruins on so 
many of the heights where the young Rhine nms through 
the land of the Three Leagues. The still existing keep 
most likely belongs to a slightly later age, but, as in so 
many other cases, it fiurly represents the position and general 
style of the first building. Romance unites ^th history to 
make the name of Peverel of the Peak cleave to a spot where 
the frowning fortress of the invader seems ahnost a natural 
finish for the wild height on which it is reared. 

William had thus passed, seemingly without a blow Effects of 
being struck, certainly without anything to be called aunintor-* 
battle, through the heart of Mercia. He was now so far J[^^ 
on Northumbrian ground that he was within the province 
and diocese of the Northumbrian Primate, perhaps even 
within the jurisdiction of the Northumbrian Earl.^ His 
last conquest commanded the approach by land and by 
water to the still independent North. The defection of 
the Earls, the actual approach of the Conqueror in person, 
did what all the preaching of Ealdred had failed to do. 
The Northumbrian metropolis trembled, as the Kentish 
metropolis had trembled two years before.^ At what York sub- 
stage of the march between Nottingham and York we 
know not, but seemingly before William appeared beneath 
the walls, certainly before any hostile steps had been 
taken, an embassy from York drew near with the keys 
of the city, and with hostages for the good faith of the 

' DomeidAy, 276. "Temun casteUi in Pechefers WiUelmi Pevrel tenn- 
erunt Gemebeam et Handinc.'* On the date of the present castle, see 
Mr. Hartshome's paper in the Archeological Journal, v. 314, where also 
may be seen some aoooont of the doings which went on in it even as late 
as the reign of Heniy the Fourth. 

' See ToL ii. p. 560. * See yoL iii. p. 539. 

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».xTnL citizens.^ The sabmission was accepted; bat William: 
put little tmgt in the promiaes which were made to 
him^ and he determined to take every means to secure 
the city which was his greatest conquest since the sub- 
Early his* mission of London. The old Eboracum lay on the left 
YOTk! bank of the Ouse, at a point where the course of the river 
is towards the south-east. At a short distance below the 
Roman city it receives the waters of the Foss^ a stream 
flowing from the north-east, and which therefore forms 
a sort of peninsula with the greater river. But even in 
Roman times a suburb had arisen on the right bank of the 
Ouse, aiid the Anglian and Danish city, a ciiy which in the 
tenth centUTy is said to have numbered more than thirty 
Extennon thousand inhabitants,^ had spread itself far beyond the 
Roman Roman walls, both on the right bank and in the direction 
^^^^' of the confluence of the rivers. The minster of Saint Peter, 

the metropolitan church of Northumberland, stood within 
the ancient circuit, but the new foundation of Saint Olaf, 
the burying-place of Siward,* lay beyond the walls, not &r 
from their south-west corner, where a Roman multangular 
tower still remains. And in the newer parts of the city 

* Ord. Yit. 511 G. "Hsbc Eboracenses at audienmt, extimentes matn- 
rat& deditione vim declinayerimt, Begique daves cmtatis oum obeidibnB 

* Tlie manuscript Life of Archbishop Oswald, quoted by Mr. Baine 
(Fasti Eboracenses, i. 113), sajs, "Estcivitas Eboraca metropolis totius 
gentis Korthanimbrorum, qu« quondam erat nobifiter asdificata at firmiter 
maris constructa, quae nunc dimissa vetustate; qusB tamen gaudet de 
multitudine populorum, non minus virorom ao muUerum, exceptis parvulis 
et pubetinis, quom xxx. millia in e&dem dvitate numerati sunt, qa» 
inedidabUiter repleta et mercatorum gazis locupleta qui undique adve- 
niunt, maxime ex Danorum gente.'* I need hardly say that very litUa 
tnut is to be put in sudi statistics. In the time of King Eadward the dty 
was divided into six "scyns/* besides the "scyra** of the Arohbishop. 
One of the six at the time of the Survey was waste because of the castles ; 
'*TJna ex his est vastata in oastellis." In the other Ave wete 1418 in- 
habited houses, beddes 189 in the shire of the Archbishop. 

» See vol. ii. p. 375. 

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TrrenuuiJF Nomuuv CcnqitesU f^L IK" 

To /koe paff£ 202. 



Seal»tf Rulfinffs. 

For the Delegates of the Clarendon Htss. 

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other charches Iiad sprung up,^ witnessing to the growth chap-xyxu. 
of population beyond the ancient precinct, a growth which 
may well hare been one of the causes of that neglect of 
the older fortifications which is said to haTC happened at 
a somewhat earlier time.^ The wealth and importance 
of the city largely depended on its trade. This was chiefly 
carried on with the kindred people of Denmark, to whom 
the broad stream of the Ouse ofiered an easy access. To William 
control this great cify William took the usual means of ^^^ ^^^^g^ 
founding a castle. He chose a site where a high mound v^*i^ 
suggests that it had been used for purposes of defence in Ouse. 
earlier times, and which is not unlikely to have been the 
site of the old Danish tower of York, famous in the 
wars of ^thelstan.^ It was on the peninsular ground 
between the Ouse and the Foss, on the mound which 
is now crowned by the later fortress known as Clif- 
ford's Tower^ that William planted his new fortress. The 
position commands one main passage of the Ouse, and 
the waters of the Foss may, then as now^ have washed 
the outworks of the castle. Thus the first castle of York 
arose, the castle on the left bank of the river, but which, 
distant as it was from the elder walls of Eboracum, 
was, then as now, held to be within the bounds of the 
city.* Five hundred picked knights were set to guard 

* The chnxch of Saint M«iy BisliDphill Junior, on the right bank of 
the river, has a tower which may possibly have been rebuilt in later times. 
But, if so, it must have been rebuilt out of materials not later than the 
time of William. Parte indeed of it seem to be fragmente of Roman work, 
with which the neigbbourhood — ^the Roman suburb— abounds. 

' See note 2 on last page. 

' WilL Mabu. ii 134. " Ethelstanus oastrum quod olim Dani in Eboraco 
obfirmaverunt ad solum diruit, ne esset quo se tutari perfidia posset.*' 

* Ord. Vit. 511 C. " Ipse tamen, quia fidem illorum suspeotam babuit, m 
whe ip»d muuitionem firmavit, quam deleotis militibus custodiendam tra- 
didit." He afterwards, as we shaU see, mentions the building of the second 
castle. This minute statement seems to outweigh the words of the English 
writers, which in strictness would imply that both of the York castles 

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The three 
en, Robert 
of Ghent, 
and WU- 

Lands and 
offices of 



the fortress^ under the command of at least three trusty 
captains. One of them, Robert Fitz-Bichard^ we know 
onlj from his fate in the next year.^ Of the others 
one was the Flemish adventurer, Gilbert of Ghent ; ^ the 
other was a man whose name must always awaken a 
certain sympathy in English hearts, William Malet, who 
had borne the body of Harold to its first hasty burial 
on the rocks of Hastings.^ He received the office of 
Sheriff,^ and he was at once rewarded with large grants 
of lands in the shire. This is shown by several passages 
of the Survey, which speak of lands as having been held 
by William Malet before the revolt of the next year. 
This of course implies confiscations at this particular 
time. But among the names of those English owners 
whom we can certainly say were dispossessed at this 
moment, there are none to which we attach any idea.^ 
It appears that William also at this time made gifts to 

were built at onoe. So Chron. Wig. ** He for swa to Eoferwio and |Mer 
worhte twegen e(utel€u.** And Florence, " Eboracum peirexit, ibique duo- 
biu cafltellb firmatis, quingentos milites in eis posuit." 

' See below, p. 338. 

' See vol. iii. p. 3 1 2. For his lands, not large, in Yorkshire, see Domes- 
day, 326. 

' See vol. iii. pp. 466, 514. WilHam and Gilbert both appear in the 
history of the next year. 

* Sim. Dun. 1069, p. 85. "Willielmo Malet qui tunc vioeoomitatmn 
gerebat.** So Domesday, 374. " Vivente Willelmo Malet et vioeoomitatum 
tenente in Euruic.*' 

' In the Qamores de Evruicsdre in Domesday, 373-374, we find several 
entries speaking of lands as being held by VHUiam Malet ** antequam eas- 
tellum captum fuisset ;*' "donee invasum est oastellum ; " "donee firactum est 
oaateUum ;" *' quamdiu tenuit castellum de Euruio ;" "usque Dani oeperunt 
ilium." The names of the former possessors are given, including a long string 
of Danish names in Holdemess. But the only one (373) which awakens 
any personal interest or curiosity is a woman named Asa — ^it is hard to see 
what English name can be meant— who had been, on what ground we are 
not told, divorced or separated firom her husband Beomwulf. All her 
Wds which she held in her own right " ut domina," free from aU control 
of her husband, were given to William Malet. Cf. p- 51. 

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the cbarck of Saint John at Beverley, and confinned gi&B <«AP.xvin. 

of his predecessor Eadward to the same church.^ s^^oLi 

The confiscations which are implied in the grants to^^^^®^ 

William Maiet are not likely to have stood alone, but in 

other cases there is not the same means of distingaishing 

between forfeitures made now and forfeitures made at a 

later time. We must however suppose that, as Eadwine PoB»tlon 

. ofEad- 

and Morkere were now again in the King's nominal wine and 

favour, their lands were spared for the present And it 

is certain that, while William was at York, he received 

the submission of some other men of importance, whose 

lands would, according to his usual policy, be restored 

to them either wholly or in part. Thus Archill, the Submknon 

great Northumbrian Thegn,^ deemed it hopeless to resist, 

now that the Earls had forsaken the cause and the capital 

of the Earldom was in the hands of the Conqueror. He 

came to York; he was received into the King's peace, and 

gave his son as a hostage.' And he was followed by another of Biahop 

homager of higher rank, who appeared on the errand of ^ine. ~ 

one higher still. Durham still held out ; but, as Ealdred 

had hallowed William and his Queen long before York had 

1 In Dam6idft7,375, the Ctaunm of Beverley daim •' donum Regia W. et 
oonfinnatkmem.*' This howerer might be at any time in his reign, but 
in two oti&er cases the date of the grant seems to be distinctly fixed to 
WUEam's first appearance at York. Thns we read in 375 6, " in Risbi 
habmt Gamel iiii. carucatas temd, qnas vendidit .Mdredo Archiepisoopo 
T. B. W. De hac terrH jacnit olim Boca in Welleton, sed Thomas Arohi- 
episoopns habet brerem B^gis W., per quem conoearit ipeam locam quietam 
Sancto Johanni de BeurelL Similiter de iiii. carucatis teme in Walchinton 
pertinebat soca ad Welleton, sed Bex W. donavit earn quietam Eldredo 
Archiepisoopo, testante wapentnco, qui brevem Regis inde vidit et audivit." 
So again in 374 lands are witnesMd to belong to Saint John *'per 
homines de Treding [the Biding] et per donum Begis W. quod dedit 
Sancto Johanni tempore ^Idredl Archiepiscopi." It is added, ** de hoc 
habent canonid aigillum Begis Edward! et Regis T^UebnL" 

* See above, p. 185. 

* Ord. Yit. 511 C. "Arohillus . . . cum Bege conoordiam fedt, eique 
filiom SQum obeidem tradidit." 

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oHAPovni. submitted, bo -^thelwine, the Bishop of Durham,^ came 
to William's court at York, and was received into his 
&yaar.^ But he did not come only in his own name. He 

.fiJthelwine bore a oommission from King Malcolm, whose Earldom of 


between Lothian formed part of his diocese, and he arranged terms 

and Mai- ^^ peace between the Conqueror and the Scottish prince.^ 

colm. 1]^^ know not their exact nature; but it is plain that 

they implied the recogaition of William's supremacy, and 

that they did not involve the surrender or expulsion of the 

first sub- English exiles. The Bishop returned to Scotland, and thence 

Malcolm, (^^me back to York with ambassadors from the King of 

Scots. They brought Malcolm's acceptance of the proposed 

terms, and swore fealty to William in their master's name.^ 

Position of Thus gradually the power of William advanced. His 

in 1066 position was now widely different from what it had been 

^^j^ at the time of his coronation less tiian two years before. 

1068 com- ... . 

pared. His dominion was far more extensive than it was then. 

But, within the limits of his possessions at the two points 

of time, his position at the earlier and at the later point 

Extent of had many analogies with one another. When he was 

nominaf" crowned at Westminster, he held actual possession of only 

at^etwo * ™^^^ P^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^' ^^®^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^ England 
points of he was King only by virtue of the formal homage of its 

chiefs. With the dependent members of the Empire he had 

entered into no relations whatever. In London and Win« 

Chester he was King in every sense ; at Exeter and York 

*■ On JEthelwine, see vol. ii. p. 408. 

* Ord. Vit. 511 D. " Presiil quoque Dunehni Regis in gratiam aocessit." 

* lb. "Pro Maloomo Rege Scotorum pacis mediator intervenit, et 
acoeptas conditiones in Scotiam detulif 

* lb. "Malcomns . . . aaditft . . legatione pacia qnievit, et com 
Pnestde Dnnelmi nuntios snoa ovanter remisit, per quoe GuiUelmo Begi 
fidele obsequium jnravit/' On Mr. E. W. Robertson's objections to this 
important passage, see Appendix CG. 

Orderic follows witii a panegyric on the peace-loying temper of the Soots, 
which the local history of Durham would hardly bear out. 


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ke ivas King only in name ; at Dunfermline he was not oiupjLym. 
even a nominal oyer-Iord. In the two years that had since 
passed^ Exeter and York had come into his actual pos- 
session ; but there were still lands and cities which stood 
to him now as Exeter and York had stood to him in those 
days. Bemicia was now what all Northumberland had been 
then ; Durham was as ind^ndent now as York had been ; 
the homage of ^thelwine had brought with it as little 
practical submission on the part of his flock as the earlier 
homage of Ealdred. So too he had now received the nominal 
homage of Malcolm of Scotland ; but as yet it was purely 
nominal, and the two Kings had not even seen one another 
&ce to fikce. Now as before, William was satisfied for William 
a while witti taking seizin as it were by these nominal i^orth and 
submissions, of which he would know how to make use ^^^' 
when the time came. York was the most northern point 
at which he thought it expedient for the present to appear 
in person^ and to confirm his dominion by fortresses and 
garrisons. Scotland, Bamicia, and the north-western 
shires of Mercia, were still left in their precarious inde- 
pendence. A lai^ district, still unsubdued, lay between and 
the line of his late march northwards and the East- Anglian ^^^^ 
shires which he had wcm by the great wager of battle?*^*™ 
on Senlae. On that district he deemed it prudent firmly 
to fix his yoke before he risked any more enterprises in the 
extreme North. He therefore returned by a road lying to 
the east of that which had taken him by Warwick and 
Nottingham. And on his southward, no less than on his 
northward, march, each important point on his prog^ress 
was secured as it submitted by the building of a castle.^ 

* The Worcester CluoDicler, after mentioning the castles at Nottingham 
And York« adds vaguely, '<and on Lincolna and gehwar on )>an ende." 
So Florence, *'in civitate Ldndioolinll aliisque loots cast^la firmari prte- 
eepit." Orderic (51 1 D) is more definite ; " Rex posthtec in reversione siUk 
Lmeolite^ Hantendonse, et GruntebnigBB castra locavit, et tatelam eomm 
lortisaimiB yiris oommendavit." 

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0HAP.xTin. The first recorded point of his homeward inarch was 
Li^ln!** Lincoln. That borough, soon to become a city, was then 
Grefttne08 one of the greatest in England.^ It boasted eleven hundred 
^^^' and fifty inhabited houses.^ A member, doubtless the 
foremost member, of the Danish civic Confederation, it still 
Its Danisli retained a Danish patriciate of twelve hereditary Lawmen, 
of th€^ Had the royal power ever fallen as low in England as it 
^]J^®^ did in Germany and Italy, the ruling burghers of Lincoln 
might have stood forth as an oligarchy not less proud, and 
even more narrow, than their brethren of Bern and Venice. 
It is only the peculiar character of English history, the 
steady advance of the whole realm, as opposed to the 
more brilliant developement of particular cities, which 
hindered the descendants of Swarting the son of Grim- 
bold and Swartbrand the son of Ulf from handing on 
names as memorable in history as the names of Erlach 
Their and of Foscari. The Lawmen of Lincoln enjoyed the 
hereditary rights of territorial lords. All twelve were clothed with 
suoceaaion. ^j^^ judicial powers of sac and soc^ and one among them, 
whether by seniority or by hereditary right, farther enjoyed 

Priests the profitable privileges of toll and team.^ And it is to 

tbeir be noticed that three of these great officers were men in 

number, j^^j^ q^^qj^^ fj^^ ]^^ ^j^gg j^^^ begin, like an ancient 

charter, but ends like a modem commission of the peace, 

^ WiUiam of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 51a) calls it '* Lindooolmam dvi- 
tatem, unam ex populosioribus Anglis, emporium hominum terr& manque 
venientium." See also vol. ii. p. 511. Heniy of Huntingdon (M.H. B. 
693 D) quotes the line, 

" Testis Lincolise gens infinita deoore." 

' Domesday, 336. " In civitate Lincolift erant tempore Regis Edwardi 
novies centum et Izx. mansiones hospitatsB. Hie numerus Anglioe com- 
putatur i. centum pro cxz.*' See Ellis, i. 148 ; ii. 466. 

* Domesday, 336. " In ips& dvitate erat xii. Lageman, id est, babentes 
sacam et socam, Hardecnut, Suartin filius Grimboldi, Ulf filius Suertebrand, 
qui habuit thol et theim, Walraven, Aluuold, Britric, Guret, Ulbert, Grodrio 
filius Eddev», ^wardus presbyter, Leuuine presbyter, Aldene presbyter.*' 
I presume that Ealdhw^ \a the name intended by the corrupt form Aldme. 

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with the names of the clerical members of the body, the oHAP.xviit. 
priests Siward^ Leofwine^ and Ealdhon. It would seem 
that they did not sit by yirtae of their ecclesiastical 
benefices, but that their ecclesiastical character was simply 
incidental and personal. It is certain that one left a 
widow and that another was succeeded by his son.^ Besides 
its Lawmen^ Lincoln also contained citizens who, in the 
country at large, were of yet higher dignity. Mserleswegen PoaaeMloiiB 
the Sheriff, Earl Morkere, Earl Harold himself, held^jf^„ 
houses in the borough, and within their precincts they held "* *^® °**y- 
the same rights of jurisdiction as the civic aristocracy.* 
Private burghers also had their halls^ and many houses 
were held of them by their fellow-citizens of lower degree.^ 
The rights both of burghership and of clanship were strictly 
enforcedj and grants, even to religious houses, of pro- 
perty within the borough were denoimced as illegal.^ 

' Domeadfty, 336. *' Ulnodai presbyter loco Siuoaid presbyteri, Bnmolt 
looo patriB Bui Leamne, qui modo est monachuB, Lednuiniu filial Beyeiue looo 
Aldene presbyteri.'* Of " Ulnodiu " we shall hear in a later note. It would 
seem that the son succeeded the &ther quite irreepectiye of his character, lay 
or derical. Mark also that the priest who became a monk was oiyilly dead. 

s The *' manaioneB *' of Merleswegen, Morkere, and Harold all i^pear 
in Domesday, 33(>. The two Earls had sac and see ; Merleswegen, it would 
seem, had not. We then read ; " Bogerus de Busli habet i. mansionem 
Snen filii Suave cum sacA et socA ; Judita comitiasa habet i. mansionem Stori 
sine sadt et soc&/' 

' Domesday, 336. ** Toohi filius Outi habuit in dvitate zxz. mansionea 
pneter Buam hallam, et ii. ecdesias et dimidiam, et suam hallam habuit 
quietam ab omni consuetudine ; et super alias zzx. manaiones habuit loca- 
tionem, et prster hoc de unAqu&que unum denarium, id est landgable." 
Tokig's thirty houses had at the time of the Bunrey passed to Bishop 
Bemigius "in ecdesiA SanctsB Mariae.** They therefore probably stood on 
the site of the present prebendal houses. 

* Certain lands belonged to the church of All Saints. Of these the 
Sorrey (336) goes on to say, " Hanc eodesiam et terram ecdesieB et quid- 
quid ad eam pertinet habuit Godricus filius Grareuins, sed, eo fiaoto 
monaeho, Abbas de Buig obtinet. Buigenses vero omnes Linoolia dicunt 
quod injuste habet, quia neo Grareuine nee Godricus filius ejus, nee ullua 
alius, dare potuemnt extra oiyitatem nee extra parentes eorum nisi ooncessu 
Regis. Hanc ecdesiam et quae ibi pertinent clamat Bmuin presbyter 
bereditate Godrid consanguind sui." 

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oHAP.xym. The community^ like that of Exeter, had its lands lying 

Common without the city walls, lands which seem to have been 

apportioned among the magistrates and chief burghers.^ 

The King had a mint in the borough, which brought him 

Righto of in seventy-five pounds yearly.* But whether he was 

°^* entitled to any forfeitures or other profits within the walls 

seems to have been matter of controversy.^ We hear 

nothing of military service ; it would almost seem as if a 

yearly tribute of thirty pounds, twenty as usual to the King 

and ten to the Earl of the shire, redeemed the borough 

from all claims on the part of any external authority.^ 

Such a community as this, strengthened further by the 

alliance of the other members of the Danish Confederation, 

had claims yet higher than those of Exeter to rank as an 

Position of independent commonwealth. And no town in England 

occupied a prouder site, or might consider itself more safe 

against all assaults. Yet no town in England has more 

utterly changed its outward garb than the Colony of Lindum* 

has changed in every leading feature since the day when 

The William came to demand its submission. Now, throngh- 

^d*the o^^ * vast district around the city, the one great feature of 

***^®- the landscape is the mighty minster, which, almost like 

that of Laon,^ crowns the end of the ridge, rising, with a 

1 Domesday, 336. ** In campis Lincolise extra dvitatem sunt zil. cara- 
catiB teiT» et dimidia." The Survey goes on to mention their present 
and former owners, several of whom were among the Lawmen. 

' lb. 336 6. " Moneta vero reddit Ixxv. Ubras." 

' lb. 336. Of the thirty houses which had belonged to Tokig we read, 
" Super has xxx. mansiones habebat Bex thelonium et forisfacturam, ut bur- 
genses juraverunt. Sed his jurantibus contradicit Vluiet presbyter, et 
offert se portaturum judicium quod non ita est sicuti dicimt." 

* lb. 336 b. " T. B. E. reddebat civitas Lincolia Regi zx. Ubras et Ck>miti 
X. libras. Modo reddit c. libras ad numerum inter B^gem et Comitem.'* 

' The ending coin, the same of course as Colonia Agrippims KlUn, is, 
as &r as I know, peculiar to Lincoln in English local nomenclature. 

* There is however this difference, that at Laon the hill runs east and 
west, while at Lincoln it runs north and south, so that the minster stands 
as it were against the grain. 

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steepness well nigh unknown in the streets of English cHAP.xvnz. 
towns, above the lower city and the plain at its feet. Next 
in importance to the minster is the castle, which, marred as 
it LB by modem changes, still crowns the height as no 
unworthy yokefellow of its ecclesiastical neighbour. The 
proud polygonal keep of the fortress still groups well with 
the soaring towers^ the sharp pointed gables^ the long 
continuous line of roof, of the church of Bemigius and Saint 
Hugh. The slope of the hill and the long line of road at 
its foot are covered by the buildings of the city^ its houses, 
many of them presenting forms dear to the antiquary/ 
the Guildhall over its southern gate, the dark arch which 
spans the polluted river^ the tall square towers of those 
churches of the lower town^ whose tale^ we shall soon find, 
comes more deeply home to us than anything else in the 
local history. When William drew near, minster, castle. Effects of 
houses, churches, had not yet come into being; all Alike p^gQ^^' 
are direct memorials of his coming. One alone among the I^oo^n- 
many antiquities of the city was already there to meet the 
eye of the Conqueror, to remind him of conquerors as far 
removed from his age as he is himself now removed from 
ours. The Danish borough had more than one predecessor. 
The height on which it stands, the promontory of Lincoln,' 
is part of that long line of low hills, stretching through a 
large part of Central and Eastern England, which seems like 
a feeble rival of the loftier ranges of the West. At this 
point the range is broken by a depression which^ if it were 
worthy of the name, might pass as the valley of the 
Witham. Thus is formed the promontory of Lincoln, looking 

^ EBpeoSally the Jews* House, mnd one or two other twelfth-centuiy houses 
on the slope, and the building caUed John of Gaunt's Stables, more properly 
called Saint Mary's Guild, near the church of Saint Peter-at-Gowts. John 
of Gaunt (see Mr. Nichols in the Lbcoln Volume of the Institute, p. 377) 
held the Earldom of Lincoln, and had a house in this part of the city. 

* "Sub promontorio linoolniflo" is Henry of Huntingdon's (M.HB. 
760 D) description of the site of Stow-in-Lindesey. 

P 2 

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0HAF.xyin. down upon the river to the south of it. Vale and ridge 
alike are traversed by those g^eat roads which abide as 
the noblest relics of the days of Roman dominion. The 
steep is climbed by the united line of the Ermine Street and 
the Foss Way, which last again diverged from the eastern 

The gate of the Roman city. But the Roman was not the 

Bite. fif ^ to occupy the spot. His road, after climbing the hill, 

cuts through an earlier town to the north of the present 
city^ of which the dyke and foss are still easy to be seen. 
The road itself^ the Ermine Street, notwithstanding all 
the centuries which have passed since it was first traced 
out and paved^ is still distinguished from a yet older track 
by the name of the New Street. And the New Street 
leads to the New Port^ the Roman arch of massive stones 
which still remains the entrance to the city from the north. 

The The Roman town^ the Colony of Lindum, arose to the south 

Colony and ^^ *^^ more ancient site, on the very brow of the hill. 

itBremaiuB. Fragments of the wall still remain, and the site of the 
southern gate is still marked at a point but a little way 
down the steep descent. In the later days of Roman 
occupation, a fortified suburb seems to have spread itself 
down the slope of the hill, from the southern gate to the 

TheDaniih banks of the Witham. The Danish town still occupied 
the Roman site, gathering round at least two churches 

Cburohet. whose names have been preserved. An earlier Saint Mary's 
seems to have already occupied some small portion of the 
site of the present minster,^ and the memory of FauUinus, 
the Apostle of Idndesey no less than of Deira, was cherished 
in a church whose present mean representative preserves a 
trace of the ancient dedication in its corrupted name of 
Saint Paul.^ Here then on its hill-top, with the Witham, 

* The earlier existence of Saint Mary's church appears from the words in 
Domesday, 336, "Sanota Maria de LinooUA, in qoA nunc est episoopatos/' 

* BflBda, ii. 16. The present insignificant church of Saint Paul, or Saint 
Paullinusy is traditionally said to represent the church there spoken of. 

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freeman's Nomuut Conquest, Vol IV 

Tof(SU»paqe 2/2. 


1068 _1087, 

*SeaI» of Mwtm^ 

For the DeU^€Uts of the Clarendon JWss 

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then an important highway of merchandize, at its feetj 0HAP.xvin. 
dwelled the rich and proud commonwealth^ which, holding 
sach a position, might have been expected to withstand 
the invader as manAilly as Domfront, Le Mans^ or 
Mayenne. Bat not one word has been preserved to us No detiAi 
either of the negotiations or of the warlike operations by takiiw of 
one or other of which Lincohi must have been won. We ^^->^<»™- 
have no such records of the fall of the Danish common- 
wealth as we have of the &11 of the great city of the West. 
All that we can say is that William, advancing from the 
North, was able to attack the town from the point where 
it gained little advantage from its site^ and that the still 
abiding Roman gate was doubtless the scene of the Con- 
queror's triumphal entry^ whether that entry was the result 
of a successful attack or a peaceful submission. 

Lincoln thus came into William's hands, and we may The oon- 
be led to believe that it came into his hands without any tbedtynot 
very serious resistance. We may infer this from the fact ^^^J?^ 
that the treatment which it received from him was on 
the whole favourable. The amount of tribute was largely 
raised/ but the civic constitution remained untouched. 
The numbers and powers of the magistrates, and even their 
hereditary succession, remained under King William as 
they had stood under King Eadward. The son succeeded 
to his father's office, and one Norman only, Peter of 
Valognes, had found his way at the time of the Survey 
into the ranks of the Lincoln Lawmen.^ One of the priestly 
members of the magistracy must in some way have given 
offence^ as a payment of forty shillings had been laid upon 
him as a fine, probably for the redemption of his land or 
office. But even he had a successor of his own nation and 
calling, who however stands charged with wrong-doing 

^ Seop. 110, note 4. 

* Domesdfty, 336. ** Petrus de ValoDges looo Godric filii Eddene." The 
other Lawmen are Danish or English, seyeral sons having succeeded their 
fikthers between 1068 and 10S6. 

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oHAF.zvm. towards the widow of his predecessor.^ That the houses 

and jurisdictions of Harold, Morkere^ and Mserleswegen 

English- passed to Norman owners is in no way wonderful.^ It is 

£^ Ui^ more remarkable to trace how many Englishmen, both in 

lands in ^j^g ^^y ^nd in the shire, who retained their lands, how many 

■hire. were even further enriched by grants from the Conqueror, 

too often, it is to be feared, at the expense of less fortunate 

or more patriotic countrymen. Besides a good number of 

Thegns of less degree,^ several Englishmen, as Colegrim,'* 

Coleswegen,* iElfred of Lincoln,® and two men of the name 

of Northman,^ appear as holders of large estates alongside 

' Domesday, 336. " Aliam carucatam T. R. E. habuerunt Sinnard pres- 
byter et Outi, et vi. acras tenrse quas tenet Ulviet presbyter ; nunc habet 
Alfnod medietatem hujus canicatie et Norman filius Siuuard presbyteri 
alteram medietatem. Hanc vero pnedictam medietatem istius terne et 
uzorem Siiiuardi presbyteri invasit Unlof presbyter, dam erat in saisitione 
Be^s, propter xl. solidos qnos ipsemet Rex imposuerat super Siunardum 
presbyterom.*' In the former column, in the list of the Lawmen, we find 
** ninoduB presbyter loco Siuuard/' The strange name Unlof of the other 
entry must surely be the " Ulnodus " (Wulfhoth or Ulfnoth) of this. 

By the Charter of Henry the Second to Lincoln (Rymer, i. 40 ; Stubbs, 
Select Charters, 158) the citizens are to keep "omnes libertates et oonsue- 
tudines et leges suas quas habuerunt tempore Eadwardi et WiUelmi et 
Henrid Regum Anglise, et gildam suam mercatoriam de hominibus dvitatis 
et de aliis mercatoribus comitatos, sicut illam habuerunt tempore pnedicto- 
rum antecessorum nostrorum Regum Anglie melius et liberius." But there 
is no mention of Lawmen. 

* Domesday, 336. Ralph Pagenel held the " mansio " of Mserleswegen 
with sac and soo. Earl Hugh that of Earl Harold, and Eamwine the priest, 
though an Eng^hman (see above, p. 209, note 4), that of Earl Morkere, 
with the note, ** Sic de Rege tenet sicut Morcar habuit, ut ipse dicit." 

• lb. 370 6-371 h. "Terra Sortebrand et aliorum Tainorum." Most 
of the names are English or Danish, but among them we several times 
find "Emuinus presbyter," doubtless the same who had Harold's house 
in the city. But in one case with the addition, " In eleemosynft Regis.*' 
Another entry is worth notice ; to a small holding of one Chetel is added, 
" wasta est ; Waldinus habuit, sed Rex reddidit Anglico." 

* lb. 370. * lb. 356 6, 357 6. 

• lb. 357 6-358 6. So in the city (336 6), " Aluredus nepos Turoldi 
habet iii. toftes de terr& Sybi quam Rex sibi dedit.'* See Mr. J. G. Nichols 
in the Lincoln Volume of the Archaeological Institute, 355. 

^ "Norman de Adred" appears in 361 h, and "Normannus Crassus,*' 
a much smaller holder, in 363. 

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of the great Norman grantees. Among these kst we have 0HAP.xyni. 
the usual difficulty in finding out whether the confiscations 
which provided for them were made now or at a later time. 
Butj sooner or later, Earl Hugh,^ Bjilph of Mortemer,^ Normim 
Waiiam of Percy,^ Walter of Eyncourt,^ Hbert of Lacy,« 
Henry of Ferrers,* Ivo Taillebois, fiEunous in local history 
or legend,^ and a crowd of other foreign adventurers, 
were established at the expense of the Danish Theg^nhood 
of Lindesey, Kesteven, and Holland, as their forefathers 
had, in the days of Ingwar and Hubba, been established 
at the expense of earlier Anglian owners. A few names 
awaken curiosity without .satisfying it. The element of 
foreign adventure in William's host was largely repre- 
sented in Lincolnshire. Besides the well-known names 
of Earl Alan® and Gilbert of Ghent,^ we find Baldwin 
of Flanders,^® Ralph of Saint Valery," two Bretons, Oger " 
and Waldin,^^ and three other men of uncertain race de- 
scribed as Waldin the engineer,*^ Heppo the balistaritis}^ and 

1 Domesday, 349. He comes next after Alan, and seyeral of his lord- 
ahipe had belonged to Earl Harold. Coleswegen appears as his tenant. 

* lb. 363. He holds five lordships, two of which had belonged to 
Gopsige, and three to Eddeva, whether " Eddeva pulcra" or not there is 
no sign. » lb. 353 6. 

* lb. 361. Under one of his lordships is the entiy, " Hoc manerinm 
tenuit Tori T. B. £. et Norman post eum eodem tempore, sed homines 
pairisB et de wapentac nesciunt quo pacto habuit» quia nullum servitium 
inde yidemnt ilium facere." ' lb. 353 6. 

* lb. The estates of Hbert and Henry are but small. 
' lb. 350-351 6. I shall have more to say of him when I come to the 

stozy of Hereward. 

' lb. 347. He stands first of the lay hindowners ; and Colegrim 
i^pears more than once as his tenant. One entry in 347 h is curious ; 
" Terram Eculf habebat Willelmus Blundns eo die quo Emuinus presbyter 
captus fuit et ante." I can give no account of this airest of Eamwine. 

' For his lands in Lincolnshire see Domesday, 354 6-356, and on his 
Earldom and his successors see Mr. Nichols' paper already referred to. 

'* Domesday, 370. Compare 337. *^ lb. 364 h, 

» lb. 364 h. " lb. 365. 

^« lb. 365 5. " Waldinus ingeniator." 

^ lb. 369. " Heppo balistarius.'' 

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oHAP.xvm. Odo the crossbowman.* Of these last, men who had clearly 

raised themselves by proficiency in the more intellectual 

branches of warfare, we should be better pleased to learn 

something more than of many of th^r fellow-adventurers 

of higher rank and fame. 

Lmooln- On the whole then the amount of land and of authority 

paratiyely which remained in English or Danish hands in Lincoln- 

^^^ shire and the Lincolnshire boroughs is very remarkable. It 

is plain that Lincolnshire submitted more peaceably, and 

was dealt with more tenderly, than most parts of the 

Condition Kingdom. Stamford, the town next in account after the 

of flforw_ " 

ford ; local Capital, fared only less well than Lincoln itself. Of 
its twelve Lawmen, nine were undisturbed,^ and Lawmen 
and burghers retained a large portion of their common 
land beyond the town walls.^ Stamford, like Lincoln, had 
been a member of the Danish Confederacy, and, like its 
allies, it fills a prominent place in the wars of Eadward the 
Elder and his son Eadmund. In William's days, as now, 
the town stood in two shires. Of its six wards, five were 
in Lincolnshire and one in Northamptonshire.^ The fort- 
ress of Eadward stood on the southern side of the river/ 

^ '* Odo arbalistariuB." Domesday, 365 h, 

' Domesday, 536 h. ^ In Stamford T. R. E. erant xii. Lagemanni, qui 
babebant infra domoa suob sacam et socam et super homines suos, pmter geld 
et heriete et foris fiicturam corporum suorum de xl. oris argenti et preter 
latronem. Hoc idem modo habent, sed non sunt nisi novem." 

* lb. ''Terram arabilem extra villam in Linoolescire habet Rex do. 
acras. Lagemanni et burgenses habent cc. et Ixxii. acras sine omni consuetu- 
dine.** On the other hand, Bye houses had been destroyed for the castle, and 
the money payment had been largely raijed. " T. R. £. dabat Stanford 
xv. libras ; modo dat ad firmam L libras ; de omni consuetudine Regis modo 
dat xxviii. libras." 

* lb. '* Ibi fherunt et sunt vL oustodis, quinque in Lincolescyre et 
sexta in Hantunescyre, quss est ultra pontem." 

^ Chron. Wint. 922. '* Her on i$yssum gere, betweox gangdagum and 
middansumera, for Eadweard dng mid firde to Steamforda^ and het 
gewyrcan ]» buig on su^ healfe ]»ere eas, and Jxet folo eal 8e to >89re nor- 
))erFBn byrig hierde him beah to and sohtan hine him to hlaforde.*' 

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but now the town was overawed by a Norman oastle on oBAP.xvin. 
the Lincolnshire side, which however involved the destruc- 
tion of five houses only.* Torkesey, a place now utterly of Tor- 
insignificant^ but which then seems to have ranked next ^^^' 
after Lincoln and Stamford^ suffered &r more severely than 
either^ so as to suggest the idea that William met with 
some serious resistance at this point. The position of the 
town on the Trent, where it still commands a ferry, made 
it a place of importance on the great Northern road, and its 
two hundred and thirteen burgesses had the honourable 
duty of conducting the King's commissioners down the 
river on their way to York.* But at the time of the 
Survey the burgesses had sunk to one hundred and two^ 
and a hundred and eleven houses stood waste.' To return Special 
to Lincoln itself, the Survey contains several entries which about 
have a special interest. One burgher of Lincoln^ Ulfkill or J[jj^^' 
Ulfcytel by name, received a grant of land without the city uSkflL 
as the price, or part of the price^ of a ship which he sold to 
the King.^ Another grant of the same kind has had a 
higher and more lasting importance. A castle was of Buadingof 
course raised at Lincoln as well as elsewhere^ and at Lincoln^ 
unlike Nottingham, the strongest site was to be found 
within the city itself. The mound which now supports 
the polygonal keep of the next age may have supported 
some earlier fortress; it doubtless supported the fortress 

* DomoedAy, 336 h. Of a hundred and forty-one houses in the five 
Lincolnshire wards we read, "Mode totidem sunt, prsster v. qu«e propter 
opus castri sunt wastaB." 

' lb. 337. " Hoc autem eorum erat ut, si legati Regis illuo yenirent, 
homines ejusdem vioi cum navibus suis et aliis instrumeDtis navigationis 
usque Eboraoum eos conduoerent." 

' lb. '* Modo faabet Rex in donunio, et sunt ibi di. burgenses manentes. 
Waste sunt vero cxi. manriones." 

* lb. 336. "Ex his [of the carucates spoken of in p. a 10, note i] dedit 
unam Rex Willelmus cuidam Ylchel pro unA navi quam ab eo emit. 
lUe rero qui navim yendidit mortuus est, et banc caracatam terr» nuUus 
habet nisi Rege conoedente." 

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tion of 

grant to 

to the 




which was now reared by William. The building of the 
castle and its outworks involved the destruction of a 
large number of houses. One hundred and sixty-six 
dwellings perished to make room for it,^ and we can hardly 
doubt that the building of the minster a few years later 
must have involved further destruction. Of seventy-four 
other waste houses we find a most remarkable entry, 
assuring us that their forsaken state was not owing to 
any oppression on the part of the King's oflScers, but to 
fires and other ordinary accidents of human life.^ By these 
various means no small portion of the burghers of Lincoln, 
who had once held houses on the height, were driven from 
their former homes and had to seek dwellings where they 
could. For a small part of them a dwelling-place was 
found in a manner which forms one of the most interest- 
ing pieces of local history in England. Without the city, 
at the foot of the hill, beyond the stream of the Witham, 
lay a waste piece of land which had never been dwelled 
upon by man. This the King granted to his English 
favourite Coleswegen. A new town began to arise. At the 
time of the Survey thirty-six inhabited houses, inhabited 
doubtless by men who had lost their homes on the height, 
formed part of the estate of Coleswegen. For the use of his 
tenants he built two churches, the most striking portions 
of which still remain. They still bear witness, in their 
tall slender towers and windows of the more ancient 
fashion, that, even while the Norman castle and the 
Norman minster were rising above their heads. English- 
men could still build in earlier and more national forms 
of art. Beared as they were after King William came 
into England, the works of Coleswegen, the towers of Saint 

^ Domesday, 336 h. " De pnedictis wastis mamsionibns propter castellum 
destmcts fuerant clzvi.'* 

' lb. ** Beliqiue Izxiv. wastatce sunt extra metam castellam, non propter 
oppressionem vicecomitnm et ministromm, sed propter infortunium et 
paupertatem et ignium exustionem." 

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COLESWEGEN's churches. 219 

Peter-at-Gowts and Saint Mary-le-Wigford still reproduce ohap.xviil 
that style of building wbich Wilfrith and his contempo- 
raries had brought from Rome, and which so long re- 
mained the common heritage of Western Christendom. I 
hardly know of any works of man which speak more 
strongly to the heart than these two stem and unadorned, 
yet stately, towers, reared, in the days of bondage, by an 
Englishman who, by whatever means, contrived to hold up 
his head among the conquerors of England, and to win no 
small share of the honours which belong to the founders of 
new temples of God and of new dwelling-places of man.^ 

Of the places through which William passed on his march 
southward ifrom Lincoln two only are mentioned, Hunting- 
don and Cambridge. Cambridge, not yet famous as the waiiam at 
seat of a great University, was a borough of considerable "" " *®- 
importance, though not attaining to the measure of 
Exeter, Lincoln, or Norwich. The town of Cambridge, Origin of 
or, in the language of those days, Grantbridge — the ritum, 
Roman Camboritum — then stood wholly on the left bank 9^^ 
of the river Cam or Grant. The alternative name of the or Cam- 
river is still not wholly forgotten. The extent of the 
Roman town can be easily traced.^ It is something like 

^ DomeBday, 336 6. " Colsuen habet in LinooliA civitate iv. toftee de terr& 
Cole nepotia sui, et extra civitatem habet xzxvi. domoB et iL ecclesias, in quibua 
nihil adjacet, quae hoapitavit m wastft teiT& quam Bex sibi dedit et quie num- 
quam ante hospitata fuit." This entry seems to make it absolutely certain 
that the towers of Saint Mary-le-Wigford and Saint Peter-at-Gowts were 
bnilt by Coleswegen between the years 1068 and 1086. Of the importance of 
this fact in the histoiy of architecture I shall speak in my fifth volume. When 
I first saw Lincoln in 1847, traces could still be seen of the Romanesque 
north aisle of Saint Peter^t-Gowts ; before 1866 they had vanished. Hard 
by is a house which must be late in the twelfth century, but whose 
windows bear the impress of the earlier work of Coleswegen. The name 
Wigford is worth notice. The church stands near the present bridge, which 
may have been preceded by a ford, and wi^ may well point to some battle 
in the Anglian conquest of the district, perhaps to that which made lindum 
an English poesesaioD. 

' On the early history of Cambridge, see Professor C. C. Babington's 

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oaAP-xym. that of Lincoln in small. The original town occupied 

the end of a positively smaU^ but in that flat region, 

considerable, ridge of higher ground overlooking the river 

at its feet. Like so many other Roman sites, Camboritum 

seems to have been utterly overthrown and forsaken in 

Its desoU- the havoc of the English Conquest. In the seventh cen- 

■eventh tury the town is spoken of as lying desolate ; it was there, 

^'®"*"^' among the shattered remains of Roman skill, that a 

marble sarcophagus was sought to receive the remains of 

the virgin Queen and Abbess ^thelthryth. Sexburh, 

her sister and successor in the rule of the holy house of 

Ely, thought good to translate her body to a place of 

higher honour in the church which she had founded.^ 

No stone fit for such a purpose could be found in the land 

of flats and fens, but the ruins of the Roman town still 

remained as a quarry where all who would might seek 

Its restora- materials for their own buildings. Sut in process of time, 

later his- ^ civilization and the art of defence advanced, the Roman 

^°^' site, like so many other Roman sites, was again occupied, 

and at the beginning of the tenth century Ghrantbridge 

had once more grown up to enough of importance to give 

its name to a shire in the new nomenclature of Mercia.^ 

In the wars of Swend the town, like other towns, was 

bumed.3 But to a wooden town— and in that part of 

Ancient Cambridgeshire, published in the Transactions of the Cambridge 
Antiquarian Society, p. 3. 

^ BsBda, iv. 19. "Qaum sedecim annis esset sepulta, placuit eidem ab- 
batissas levari ossa ejus, et in locello noyo posita in ecdesiam transferri ; 
jusdtque qnoedam fratribus qunrere lapidem, de quo looeUum in hoc 
&oere possent ; qui ascens& navi (ipsa enim regie Elge undique est aquis 
ac paludibuB drcumdata, neque lapides mi^ores habet), venerunt ad 
dvitatulam quamdam desolatam, non procul inde sitam, quae linguA 
Anglorum GrantaosBstir Tocatur ; et mox invenerunt juxta muros civitatis 
locellum de maimore albo puloerrime fiustum, operculo quoque similis 
lapidis aptissime tectum." 

* The first mention of Cambridge in the Chronicles is in 931, when it 
is in the hands of the Danes. The first mention of the shire is in 1 010. 
See vol. i. p. 378. * Chron. loio. SeevoL i. p. 380. 

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freenuui's Ncrman (^onqu^sc Vol IV 

To fojo^ p(X^^ 22^. 



1068 __ 1087. 


w mU* 

2 Buiimg 

Far tkf Ddtffalts of the Clarendon Press. 

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England towns ' must have been eyen more completely 0HAP.zTm. 
wooden than elsewhere — a destruction of this sort was a 
mere passing misfortune. In William's day Orantbridge Its oon- 
was again a town of four hundred houses^ divided into William's 
twelve wards, and ruled by Lawmen after the manner of **™®- 
Lincoln and Stamford.^ No details of its sieg^ or sub- 
mission are given. A castle was of course built : ^ it Building 
arose on a mound, partly natural, partly artificial, which ^tle. 
still marks the site of the Norman fortress, as it doubt- 
less marked that of some earlier English predecessor. 
But all actual traces of either have utterly passed away. 
The building of the castle immediately - involved the 
destruction of twenty-seven houses, and, either now or in 
the wars which followed in the neighbourhood, a large 
number of other dwellings became waste.^ But this havoc 
seems to have led to even more important consequences 
at Cambridge than it led to at Lincoln. At Lincoln the OrigiD of 
driving out of the former inhabitants led only to the town^wid™ 
extension of the city by the formation of a suburb at the ^nivenity. 
foot of the hill. At Cambridge the river and the marshy 
ground beyond it had to be passed. On this new site a new 
town arose, the town first of monasteries and then of 
colleges, adorned by the minster of Saint Radegund and 
the minster of Barnwell, and far more famous as the 
dwelling-place of that renowned University which has so 
deeply stamped its mark on the intellect of England and 

* Domesday, 189. "In hoc burgo fuerunt et innt decern oustodise." 
We presently hear of the '* harieta Lagemanoram." 

* Old. Yit. 511 D. ** Bex post hec in revexnone sa& LinoolisB, Hunten- 
don»i et GruntebrugsB castra locavit, et tatelam eorum fortissimiB yiris 
commendavit." The Woroeeter Chronicle (1067) simply says, after men- 
tioning the castles at York and Lincoln, '* And gehwar on ^an ende." So 
Florence, " In civitiite Lindicolin& aliisque locis castella firman prsecepit." 

* Domesday, 189. '*Pro oastro sant destmcts zzvii. domas.** The 
number of waste houses in each of the ten wards is entered separately, 
amounting in the whole to fifty-three out of ibur hundred, besides those 
destroyed for the castle. 

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cHAP.xyiii. the world. But, unlike the case of Lincoln, it would 

seem that the exiles who were driven from the higher 

ground of Cambridge had rather to enlarge an earlier 

settlement beyond the river than absolutely to found a 

new one. The ancient tower of Saint Bene't, the most 

venerable monument in Cambridge, clearly points to an 

age earlier than that of the churches of Coleswegen at 

Lincoln, and shows that a site which was destined to 

become so famous had already become the dwelling-place 

of man. 

William at The town of Huntingdon was, then as now, one of 

don? ^°^ much less account than Cambridge, and one that would 

Early hia- seem to be of purely English origin. As at Cambridge, no 

toTO. trace remains of the fortress reared by William beyond 

the mounds which no doubt mark the old Hunlersdotan 

which gave the town its name. They rise well above the 

stream of Ouse, and look forth on the old Roman site of 

Durolipons or Godmanchester on its opposite bank. 

Fortifica- They mark also, no doubt, the site of the fortress re- 

E^ard stored by Eadward the Elder in the course of his Danish 

the Elder. ^arg,i On Huntingdon too, as on Cambridge, and also on 

both the shires named after the two boroughs, the hand 

of confiscation pressed &r more heavily than it did on 

Lincoln and Lincolnshire.^ Here again chronology fails 

us. One part at least of Cambridgeshire played a most 

^ Ghron. Wint. 931. ** pj ilcan aipe for se here of Huntandune and of 
Eutenglam, and worhton pest geweorc set Tsemeseforda ; and hit budon 
and bytledon ; and forleton )>8et o\>eT sat Huntandune. . . . |>a for oJ>er 
lit; and gefor ]» burg st Huntandune, and hie gebette and geedneo- 
wade ; {wer heo 6r tobrocen wses.** There was therefore an older fortrees. 

' Neither in Cambridgeshire nor in HuntingdoDshire do we find any 
Englishmen keeping large estates like those of Golegrim and Coleswegen 
in Lincolnshire. In Cambridgeshire we do not even find any of that 
smaller class of King's Thegns of whom we have so often heard, and in 
Huntingdonshire we find only some four or five (207 h) who keep lands 
which themselves or their &thers had held T. R. E. 

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important part in later struggles against William, and cHAF.xvm. 
it is impossible to say to which date the main spolia- S®*^*^*^'^" 
tion is to be referred. One thing is plain^ that^ either in Gam- 
now or at a later time^ both shires were put into the and Hun- 
hands of most unscrupulous Sheriffs. Picot bore rule in *^^'^" 
Cambridgeshire and Eustace in Huntingdonshire^ and the Oppres. 
amount of wrong wrought at their hands seems to have ^J^^ 

far surpassed the ordinary measure of havoc.^ Among nflfe Root 

the other sins of Picot^ the Survey charges him with Eustace. 

depriving the burgesses of Cambridge of their common 

land.^ Yet he too appears as an ecclesiastical benefactor. 

A church and monastery of regular canons arose at his 

^ The Sheriff Pioot appears in Domesday, 189, 190 6, 193 6, 197, aoo, 
aoi 6. In one of these places (190) he is charged with an '* invasio super 
Begem," in 193 & he seems engaged in a very doubtful transaction with 
Earl Koger, and in the entries of his own lands (201 6) we find a whole 
string of parcels of land held by him which belonged to various churches. 
Pioot also appears in the Historia Eliensis (949, 351, Stewart), and in pp. 
266, 167 we get the characters of the Sheriff himself and of one of his 
agents. Picot was **genere Normannus, animo Gsetulus/' and a vast 
niunber of hard names foUow. In the next page the like measure is 
dealt to Gervase, " cui dominus ejus jam dictus Picotus, tamquam cseteris 
fideliori, pro suA pravitate totius vice-comitatOs negotla oommiserat." We 
shall also hear of him in Chapter xix. Eustace is charged in p. aoa with an 
** occupatio" in Cambridgeshire, in 228 with another in Northamptonshire 
on the church of Ramsey, and the entries in his own town and shire are 
full of complaints against him. In the town of Huntingdon in 203 there are 
several, both from churches and from private English owners. The com- 
plaint from the representatives of a former English Sheriff is quite 
pathetic ; " Habuit Aluricus vioecomes T. R. E. unam mansionem quam 
W. Bex postea concessit uxori ejus et filiis. Eustachius modo habet, quam 
pauper cum matre redamat." In the entries of Eustace's own lands 
(206 5) we find English owners, and also the Countess Judith, com- 
plaining of his seizures. Other cases occur in 208, to one of which we 
get a date. A small piece of land, '* tertia pars dimidisB bids," belonging 
to the Abbey of Ely was seized by Eustace in 107T-1072, doubtless 
while the exploits of Here ward were going on ; ** Sic Abbas habuit T.R.E. 
et post adventum W. Regis v. annis ; banc Eustachius vi de ecclesi& rapuit 
et retenuit." 

' Domesday, 189. ** Burgenses . . . reclamant . . . super Picotnm vice- 
comitem commnnem pasturam sibi ab eo ablatam." A complaint about 
Pioot's mills follows. 

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0HAF.xym. bidding in honour of Saint Giles within the boands of 

f^°^dafci ^^^ ^^^ Camboritum,^ and, strangely as the building has 

at Cam- been disfigured in later times, some small relics of the 

*^' work of the rapacious Sheriff still survive. The evil 

deeds of Eustace of Huntingdon stand out still more 

clearly in the Survey. But of the town with which 

his name is connected we should specially like to hear 

more. It lay within the Earldom of Waltheof, and its 

history is shrouded in the darknesd which surrounds all 

the doings of its Earl till he breaks forth into full light 

State of in the course of the next year. As to the other shire 

tonshira^^" which formed Waltheof 's Earldom, Northamptonshire, and 

as to its capital, history is equally silent. But the Survey 

shows that here also, whether now or at a later time, 

the yoke was pressed very heavily both on borough and 


Return of While William was thus brinffinff the greater part of 
Harold's ^, . , ^t .1 t i ^ , , . i . 

■onsfrom Mercia and Northumberland under his rule, an attempt 

was made to shake the dominion which he had established 

over Wessex. We have seen how, early in the year, the 

sons of Harold had escaped to Ireland, and had found 

shelter with the same prince who had once sheltered their 

^ On Pioot's foundation of Saint Giles in Cambridge, see Monastioon, vi. 
85, 86. The foundation for a Prior and six regular canons was made in 
1092 at the prayer of his wife Hugolina. There is an incidental notice 
of her marriage in Domesday, 197 ; *' Has terras tenet Pioot vicecomes de 
Roberto Gemon in maritagto feminse suse." The Priory of Saint Giles 
was moved in 11 12 to Barnwell, outside the town, where it grew and 

' At Northampton (Domesday, 319) sixty bui^gessee had shrunk up to 
forty-seven, the remaining houses being waste, but forty more had ap- 
peared in the new town (*' in novo burgo "). All the freeholders mentioned 
in the town are strangers, and among all the large owners in the shire, 
even among the tenants of the church of Peterborough, veiy few English 
names are found. Two priests, Godwine and Leofnrine, xppetir in a 31 6 
as " eleemosynarii Regis," and in 229 we get a short list of Thegns, among 
whom are two with the Danish names Olaf and Oslac. 

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fieitherj King Diannid of Dublin.^ It was not hard to find oBAP.zTin. 
the means of raising and manning a fleet in the Danish 
towns on the east coast of Ireland. So, before the first 
year of their banishment was out^ three sons of the fallen 
King, Gh)dwine^ Eadmund, and Magnus,^ appeared, exactly 
as their father had done sixteen years before,^ to attempt 
to win their way back into their native land by force. 
How far this was done in concert with the leaders of the 
Northumbrian movement we can only guess. But things 
look as if all the enemies of William had agreed to do their 
best to shake his power, each in those parts of the island 
where his influence was strongest. Harold^s sons, just as 
their father had done, chose for their field of operations 
those shires of the West where the cause of their house had 
been de£»ided longer than anywhere else. Their fleet, which 
is said to have numbered fifty-two ships,^ was manned 
no doubt partly by Danes from Ireland, partly by English 
exiles. At the head of this force they sailed up the Bristol They nil 
Channel. But either they had not taken warning by the ]^igtoi 
error of their father, or they looked on a land under ^^''***"'®^» 
Norman rule as an enemy's country, or else the natural 
love of plunder in the breasts of the Wikings fi'om Ireland 
could not be overcome. The usual, but invariably fiital, 
mistake was made ; the deliverers began by ravaging the 
land far and wide.^ After thus harrying the coast as they and attack 
went, they sailed up the Avon to Bristol, the port whence 

1 See aboTe, p. 159, and voL il. p. 154. 

' On the sons of Harold engaged in this attempt, and on the authoritiefl 
for the stozy, see Appendix BD. 
» SeeToL ii. pp. 3i5-3i9> 59^59^- 

* So at least lay the Winchester Annals, Ann. Mon. ii. 18. The 
Chronicler and Florence do not mention the number. 

* Chron. Wig. 1067. ** Com an Haroldes suna . . . mid scyphere 
into Afenan motlan unwnr, and hergode sona ofer call 'pone ende." 
Tiorenoe does not mention these earlier harryings, nor the attack on 

VOL. IV. q 

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oHAP.xvia, their father had sailed to the land whence they now 
but are returned.^ They at (Mice assaulted the city. Whatever 
by the Were the feelings of the burghers of Bristol towards the 
buighers. ^JQ^Qe ^^f Qodwine, they not unreasonably thonght that to 
have their town sacked by Irish Danes would be worse 
than to live under the peace of King William. They 
fought manfully against the besiegers^ and drove them off 
without their being able to carry off anything as a memo- 
They rial of their attack on Bristol.' But, loaded with the spoil 
Somonet. which they had gathered in the nei^bourhood, they re- 
turned to their ships and sailed to some point of the coast of 
Somerset which is not more fully described.^ There they 
landed, and the story of their father's landing at Porlock 
was acted over again. Under the circumstances of their 
landing, it is not wonderful that they found the shire 
They are unfriendly, or that Eadnoth, once their Other's Staller, 

met by 

Eadnoth preferred his lately sworn allegiance to the Norman King 
the Staller, ^ ^^^ feelings of regard for the sons of his old master. 
Eadnoth, as Eling William's officer, met the sons of Harold 
in arms at the head of King William's new subjects, the 
local Jyrd of Somerset.^ Many good men were slain on 
both sides.^ This form of words commonly refers to the 

^ See vol. ii. p. 154. 

* Chron. Wig. 1067. ** Foron )» to Bryc^towe and |»a burk abreoan 
woldon, ac aeo burhwam heom heardlice wi^ feaht, and ph hi ne mihton 
of )«ere barb naht gewiaDan; hi foron )« to scypan mid ^tai pe hi 
gehergod hsBfilon." 

* lb. <* And Bwa hi foron on Sumersaaton and jMer npp eodon." Here 
the narratiye of Florence joins in ; ** de Hibemii redeuntes in SumersetaniA 

* lb. *' Eadno9 Stallere heom wii$ gefeaht.** Flor. Wig. - Ead- 
nothos, qui fait Haroldi Regie Stallarius, occurrit cum ezeroita." 
William of Mabnesbuiy (pi. 354) is fuller on William's policy on this head ; 
** Angligenam ezerdtum et ducem objedt, Normannos feriari pennittena, 
ingens slbi levamen providens, utrilibet yincerent.** Yet it is clear that 
William's interest needed the repulse of Harold's sons. 

* lb. ** Eadnotf . . . weaiiS her ofilagen and manege gode menn 
on egOre healfe." 

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rank of tiie persons spoken of,^ and it would seem to imply ohap.xviii. 
thftt socli English Thegns as were left in the shire did not 
scrapie to obey the smnmons of Eadnoth. The result seems 

to have been a drawn battle. Eadnoth fell in the fiffht. and who u 

killed in 

his son, as we have seen, fiuled to retain the inheritanoe utile. 
which might have seemed the due reward of his father's 
oerviees.^ Godwine and his brothers sailed away, and, after 
farther harryings in Devonshire and Cornwall, made their They 
way back to Irekmd.^ All that King Harold's sons had Dl^hlre 
done towards the recovery of their father's Kingdom had ^^' 
bean to be beaten back by English burghers, to harry nUl»ck 
Aree English shires, and to bse a large part of their own 
farce in an indecisive battle against Englishmen.^ 

At some stage of this year, and seemingly not later than Birth of 
the month of September, an event took place which may Fint7 
have had the effect of making the foreign dynasty seem ff ?^^[' 
one degree less foreign in the eyes of EnglishoMn. At 
some time after her coronation Queen Matilda gave birth 
to the fourth and youngest son of the Conqueror, most 

^ Ci Mr. Qtoie*» remarka on the Mudcgoiu use of ^70^^ and Mk6$, 
ii.88; ill. 6a. 

f * Florence says of the sons of Harold, ** ilH potiti WctoriA,*' but VHlliam 
of MalmeHlmiy pnta the viotoiy on the other ode ; ** Nee eum oogHatio 
Inait ; nam ntrique Angli, aliquamdia digladiati inter se, palmam otioaam 
Regi refndere; adTenie Hibemiam fiigati ; regii, maximA rai dade, nomen 
inane Tictorin, amiBso duce, mercati. Vocabatur is Ednodns/* &c. 
It 18 now that William goea on to apeak of Harding. See above, p. 45, 
Aid Appendix & 

* Chron. Wig. 1067. ** And jMoion aweig Ibron ])e )«r to lafe wwron." 
Compare the uae of the aame fbnnnla with regard to William'a anny after 
Sanlac, voL iii. p. 535. 

* Here may come in the onriona oommanta of the Vf incheater AnnaUal 
(Ann. Hon. ii a8) ; ** Oodwinna, Haroldi Begia filiua, patrem vindicare 
enpien% oun UL navibna Angliam venit, et muita mala Begi et regno 
intnlit; de regno tamen poatremo expnlaua eat In hoc antem madme ibi 
profiMst, qnod interemptia aodalibna de eomm victu et pollicito pnamio 
ninna reddebator lollicitaa." Compare tbe atovy of Antigonoa and Dteod* 
trioa in Plutarch, Dem. 40. 

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GHAP.xym. likely the youngest of all his children. Bom on English 
^^^^ f ground, the son of a crowned King and dueen, the babe 
William's was a bom JStheling, and was marked out from his birth 
EngiiBh as a ftiture King of the English.^ There can be little 
-^theling. ^j^uIj^ ^\^^^ ^8 the chances of deliverance from the foreign 
yoke grew weaker and weaker^ English feeling began to 
attach itself to that one among the Conqueror's children 
who alone could be looked on as in any sense an English- 
man. William no doubt designed from the beginning 
Analogy that it should so attach itself. His policy with 
ward the i^^gard to his Enghsh-bom son was probably much the 
S«»adi»i same as that of Edward the First with regard to his 
British-bom son,* The very name of the young ^theling 
The name is worth notice. He was called Henry, a name strange to 
^'^' England, ahnost equally strange to Normandy, but a name 
of genuine Teutonic ring.^ If to Norman ears it might 
suggest the French King who had been William's ally at 
Yal-^-dunes and his enemy at Yaraville, to English ears it 
might rather suggest the reigning German Eling and his 
&ther the renowned Emperor, close alliance with whom 
had ever been the policy of England. The choice of such 
a name, a name hitherto unknown in the ducal house, but 
which was to become one of the most famous among the 
royal names of England, may well have been a sort of com- 
promise between the purely Norman and the purely English 

> See Appendix E£. 

* Whatever we make of the fiimiliar legend, there is no doubt that 
Edward the Second was bom at Caernarvon (though not in the tower of 
hiB own building), and it is not likely that he was bom there without a 
reason. Bee N. Trivet, 309 ; lingard, ii. $21; Greatest of Plantageneta, 
138; WiUiams' Hist, of Wales, 421. 

' There are very few Henries in Domesday, besides the weU-known 
Henry of Ferrers. In English the name oocurs as Heinric, Henrio, 
Heanrig, Henrig, later as Henri and Heanri. In the first two IbimB 
it is looked on as a real Teutonic name ; the last two are attempts to 
represent the French sound; the middle two may perhi^M throw some 
light on the process of softening the final g. 

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nomenclature. Heniy then, the one royal-bom son of his oHAP.xTm. 
parents, the one who, by English Law, would have a claim Careful 
to a distinct preference at the next vacancy of the throne, of Heniy. 
was bronght np with special care. He was taught all the 
learning of the age; his proficiency became wonderful 
among contemporary princes, and Henry the Clerk, as His love of 
men called him, retained his taste for letters through the 
whole course of a long life and an eventful reign.^ And 
there is little doubt that one among the branches of learning 
which were instilled into the young ^theling was a 
knowledge of the speech and the literature of the land 
in which he was bom. The youogest son of the Conqueror His know- 
showed a knowledge of two tongues, one of which must or^^and 
have been as unusual as the other, when, most probably as ^^S^^- 
a youthful exercise, he translated the fables which bore the 
name of jSsop from the Greek tongue into the English. 
That such was the case rests on the authority of the well- 
known poetess, Mary of France, who used the English 
tnmslation of King Henry as the groundwork of her own 
version in her own tongue.^ And, in his later life, though Hepxy'v 
at some periods of his reign his policy became mainly £^^y 
foreign, yet he never wholly threw aside the character of ^8^**"'' 
an Englishman. In his first marriage with Eadgyth of 
Scotland the green tree first began to return to its place.^ 
The son of that marriage was freely spoken of as an 
English ^theling,^ and the first marriage of his sister 
Matilda with the Emperor Henry the Fifth was a con- 
tinuation of the policy which had given the daughter of 
Eadward the Elder to Otto the Great and the daughter of 
Cnut to the Emperor Conrad.^ And the King who, with 
his English Queen, had been mocked by Norman courtiers 
as Godric and Godgifn, filled her place with a second bride, 
in the person of Adeliza of Lowen, sprung from those lands 

> See Appendix EE. 'lb. * See vol. iii pp. la. 59. 

* See Appendix EE. ' See vol. i. pp. 63, 351, 479, 505. 

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OHAP.XVUI. kindred in blood and q)eech with England, a close oon- 
nexion with which, if it was part of the policy of William, 
had been equally part of the policy of Godwine. 

Legend of The place of birUi of a prince who was to be so renowned 

Henry 8 . '^ . 

birth at cannot be fixed with certainty. A local tradition^ for 
^' which I can find no confirmation among contemporary 
writers, places it at Selby in Yorkshire.* No place would 
at first sight seem more unlikely; it is the very unlike- 
liness of the tale which suggests that it must have some 
Foundft- groundwork of truth. The tradition at once connects 
Selby itself with the fact that it was just about this time that the 
c^^^ooo. firrcat Abbey to which Selby owes its fame made its first 
feeble beginnings.^ The most perfect of l^e monastic 
churches of Yorkshire, still, with some mutilations, retained 
in use as a parish church, is older than the more fiimous 
Cistercian minsters which it has survived, and which now 
remain only in ruins. The foundation legend is full of 
marvels and miracles, but we may trust it so fiur as to 
believe that the house of Saint Grerman at Selby was a 
Legend of oolony from his more famous house at Auxerre.^ According 
^^ ' to the legend, the monastery began in a way more 
characteristic of earlier times, in the settlement of a angle 
hermit in the wilderness. This was Benedict, a monk of 
Auxerre^ who planted himself in solitude among the wild 
forests by the Ouse. He won the notice and fieivour of 
several powerful men^ and at last of King William himself; 
his hermitage grew* into a monastery ; he himself grew 
into the first Abbot of the new house^ and, as usual, a town 
grew up around the Abbey. The presence of Matilda in 

^ See Monafitioon, iii. 485. As usual, a building of much later date than 
Henry's time was shown as bis birth-place. 

' Sim. Dun. 1069 (83 Hinde). " Coenobium Sancti Germani de Selebi 
sumpsit exordium.*' 

* The legend, on which I shall have something to say in Appendix FF., 
will be found at length in Labbe's Bibliotheca, i. 594. 

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NcMrtiiiiittberlaiid at such a time is in itself unlikely ; her 0HAP.zTin. 
pvesence at such a spot as Selbj then was is unlikelier stilL Po^^^^i^f 
It is indeed possible that William may have brought his birth in 
wife into Northumberland, as Edward brought his wife humber- 
into WaleSj in order that the expected iBtheling might be ^^^* 
not only an Ikiglishman^ but a native of that part of 
England which had cost his father most pains to win. 
But in that case we should have looked for his birth^ not 
in some hut or cell in the wildemesB^ but in the renowned 
capital of the province. If Henry really was bom at 
Selby, his birth there could only have been the accidental 
result of some visit of curiosity or devotion to the spot 
where the newly founded monastery was just beginning 
to rise. 

William was thus comforted amidst his toils by the 
presence of his wife, whose almsdeeds^ we are told^ ever 
wroaght mightily for him in the day of battle.^ Many of Hie 
his comrades however had not the same advantage, womea 
While they were fighting and receiving the reward of their ^^'*^ 
fightings^ their wives still tarried in Normandy. Fearful^ abmoe of 
80 we are told, of the dangers of the sea, fearftil of the hnabaads; 
dangers of a land which seemed to be wholly given up to 
war and tomulte^ the Norman ladies feared to trust them- 
selves in England. But the long absence of their husbands 
soon became more than they could bear ; they sent, so the their 
stoiy runs, messengers saying that, if their lords did not mJSffes 
speedily come back, they would be driven to seek out other ^^^ 
consorts for themselves.^ The Norman warriors were torn 
asunder by the force of two contending ties. Could they 

* OnL Vit. 513 A. *' EleemoByna, cui quotidie hiec hera insistebat, 
marito agonizanti in prodnctu bellico plus quam fari n6rim suocurrebat/' 

' lb. 51a A. '' His tempoTibufl qtuedam Normannisp muUeres sayft 
libidinis face urebantar, crebrisque nantiis a titis suis flagitabant ut dto 
reverterentar, addentes quod, nisi reditum matararont, ipssB sibi alios oon- 
juges procurarent/' Orderio tells the tale at lengrth, not without some 
touches of humour. 

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oHAP.xvni. forsake their King in his hour of need ? But could they 
tamely abide in a strange land while their wives were 
Some of throwing themselves into the arms of other men ? The 
^f„ . ^'* domestic duty or interest prevailed ; the offers made by the 
return King of laiids and honours, of greater lands and honours 
still when the whole Elingdom should be subdued, had no 
effect on men whose hearths were thus threatened.^ Hugh 
of Orantmesnil left his command in Hampshire ; ^ Humfrey 
of Tilleul left his guardianship of the fortress of Hastings/ 
to revisit the wives whose importunate clamours thus called 
for them. They and many others crossed over into Nor- 
mandy, leaving their King and their comrades to their 
£a>te, and leaving their English lands and honours to the 
King's mercy. 
ElementB That this story is not true in all its details is shown by 
^d"fi^ the fact that our informant, the monk of Saint Evroul, 
hood in the goes On to say that those who now returned to Normandy 
forfeited for ever the lands and honours which they left 
Hugh of behind in England.^ Now in the case of Hugh of Orant- 
mi retains luesnil this is notoriously false. He appears, not only in 
l^nOTiii"*^ Domesday, but in the historian's own pages, as retaining 
his English possessions, including his Sheriffdom of Lei- 
cestershire, and as dying in England long after the death 
of the Conqueror.^ And it is specially strange that the 
historian of Saint Evroul should, even by a momentary 
slip or a mere inaccuracy of expression, go so far wrong 

1 Ord. Vit. 513 A. ** Rex inter tot bellomm motionee secum milites 
suofl retinere cupiebat, et terras cum reditibus et magnis potestatibus ds 
amicabiliter offerebat, et majora dum totum regnnm ab advenariis 
undique liberatnm esset promittebat." 

* See above, p. 74. • See above, p. 73. 

^ Ord. Vit. 51a B. '*Deinde famulari lascivis dominabns sols in Neu- 
striam reversi sant ; sed honores quos jam naotos h&c de caussflk reliquerunt, 
ipsi vel hsredes eoram numquam postea recuperare potuerunt." 

' He appears as Sheriff of Leicester in p. 600 B (of. 521 G, 602 B) ; be 
dies in £^bind in 1098 in 716 D. The beauty of his wife Adelaide, 
daughter of Ito of Beaumont, is witnessed in 691 D. 

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in the case of one of the founders of his own house.^ cfn\p.zvin. 

Hie story too has in itself a mythical air ; it seems to be ^J^J*^. 

a modified form of a tale which turns up in various times where. 

and places.' Yet legends of this kind commonly grow 

round a certain kernel of truth. And such a kernel there Probable 

. origin of 

most likely is in this tale also. Some of William's foU the ttoiy. 

lowers, perhaps Hugh of Grantmesnil himself, may have 

forsaken him for a while at this stage of his enterprise. 

That their return to Normandy was owing to the impor* 

tunities of their wives would be an obvious jest at the 

time, and would be easily mistaken for a piece of true 


Nor is it unlikely that desertions of this kind were William 

in some way connected with the fact which the historian his mero!^ 

goes on to record, that William at this time dismissed ^^' 

the mercenary part of his army, loading them with re* 

wards and allowing them to go where they would.^ Such 

an act, at such a time, when William's power was still so 

insecure, seems to point to mutinies and discontents of 

some kind or other. And nothing would be more Ukely 

to awaken the jealousy of tixe mercenaries than if the 

native Normans either received or took to themselves the 

privilege of returning to their own land. 

' See YoL ii. p. 33a. 

* The Normao women here simply threaten what the women in some 
other stories do. The Scythian women in Herodotns (Iv. i) consort with 
their slaTes during the twenty-eight years* absence of their husbands. The 
Polish women do the same during the absence of Boleslaus the Second and 
Ids army at Kief in 1076. See Dlugoss, i. aSo (ed. Leipzig, 1 71 1) ; Chron. 
Polono-SOesiacum, Pertz, xyiii. 559. In these oases the husbands return and 
take yengeanoe. But the sUny of the origin of the Partheneiai, the founders 
of Tarentum, in Strabo, tL 3 (vol. ii. p. 45), and Justin, iii. 4, is essen- 
tially the same, and a tale of the Uke sort seems implied in the legend of 
the foundation of the Italian Lokroi. See Polybios, xii. 5 et seqq. 

* Ord. Vit. 51a C. "BeZy perspectis importunitatibus terrs, solidarios 
milltes oonTooavit, omnesque regali munifioentiA pro militari serrituta 
muneratos domum abire benigne permislt." 

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§ 4. Tie Revolt and Final Conquest <ff the North, 

impori- We have now reached one of the most eventfal years 
yetf 1069.^ ^^ William's reign, the year which may be said to have 
finally made him master of all England. His power was 
William's already spread oyot the greater part of the Kingdom. 
6Di^y e^° '^^ extreme north of Northnmberland and some districts 
tablished. i,^ j^q north-west of Mercia alone remained imsubdued. 
But William^s hold was as yet &r from firm over a large 
part even of those shires where he had personally appeared 
to receive submission and where he had planted castles to 
Wretclied secure his conquests. And the state of the country every- 
^^^^^® where was wretched. The old powers had been broken 
down by William's conquest, and William's own power 
was not yet so firmly established as to give his subjects 
of either race that protection which it certainly was his 
wish to give to both alike. Englishmen and Normans 
were prejring on one another, and, as so constantly 
happens, natural powers of destruction followed in the 
wake of the havoc which was wrought by man. What- 
ever escaped the sword fell into the jaws of hunger and 
pestilence.^ Such is the picture given us in our most 
detailed narrative of these times. The prophecy of the 
dying Eadward had been fulfilled; fiends had indeed 
stalked through his land.* 

Where William kept the Christmas Feast of this year we 
are not told ; according to the practice of the more settled 

' Ord. Tit 51a. ** Multimodifl desolationibus Anglia nimis attrita est, 
et tarn ab indigenis quam ab alienigexuB yalde aggravata est. Inccndia^ 
rapins, et quotidiame cedes miseram gentem invaserunt, percusserunt, 
dejeoerant, et oonquassavemnt. Adveraa fortuna miseros tarn victos 
quam yictores mascipul& sulL irretmt ; nunc ense, nunc fame, nunc peste, 
irreverenter pnedpitavit, prout omnipotens arbiter unicuique dispensavit." 

* See vol. iii. p. 1 1 . 

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years of his i^ign it would be at Glotioester. Wherever the 0KAP.xvin. 
place was, it was no doabt the restdt of the deliberations of q ^*^^^ 
the Midwinter G«m6t that an attempt was made to subdue Gloa- 
the extreme North, or raliier to deal with it as with a land 1068-1069. 
abeady subdued. The Earldom ci Northumberland in the 
narrower sense of the name was vacant by the flight of 
GkMpatric, and the office, with the task of subduing the 
coontiy, was entrusted to one of William's own followers, 
seemingly one of die adventurers fiom Flanders. This was 
Robert of Comines, on whom aU our authorities bestow the 
title of Earl,^ and who now, in the course of January, set The Earl- 
forth on the perilous task of taking possession of a dis- k^q^- 
trict where William's own presence and William's armies ^'^'^^♦^j 
had not yet been seen. He commanded a body of troops Tyne 
which is variously reckoned at five, seven, and nineK^i^of 
hundred. We have, as in some other cases, the fturther ^^'™*"*'- 
difficulty that it is not perfectly clear whether the numbers 
take in his whole force or only those among them who 
were of knightly rank.^ His course lay through Durham, Dttrhnm 
a city which had not as yet submitted, and which we ^*^""~*'" 
have seen was a stronghold of the independent English.^ 
We are told that the general feeling in the country was 

^ Oidnk (513 C) says, '*Gni]lelmu8 Rex Dunehnensem oomitatum 
Bodberto de Cuminis tndidit ; " but Simeon (1069) says diBtinctlj, ** misit 
Bex WillielmuB Northymbris ad AquUonalem plagam Tina Comitem Bod- 
berto oognomento Cumin." Tbe Ghroniclee (1068) simply aay, '* Willelm 
cyog geaf Rodbeide Eorle )>one eorldom on Noifl|ymbraIand/' On the new 
uae of ** Northumberland " in the narrower sense, see voL i. p. 585 ; vol. ii. 
pp. 483, 487. At any rate the expreasion of Onleric need not imply that 
Robert was inyested with a special Earldom of Durham, of the land be- 
tween the Tees and the Tyne. 

** RodbertoB de Cuminis " I take to liave drawn his name from the same 
place as the historian Philip. It has become Comyn, Cumin, Cumming, 
and is one of the names which has come to be looked on as " Sootch." 

* ** MUUea quingenti/* says Orderic ; ** septingenti Aom^n^g/* according 
to Simeon; '*iz. hund manna** in the Chronicles. Are these different 
reckonings, or the same I 

* See above, p. 187. 

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GBAPjLvm. in favour of flight, but that the severity of the winter, 
heightened by a deep fall of snow, made flight hope- 
less. The men of the district therefore determined to 
meet the invader, and either to slay him or to perish 
Robert re- themselves.^ The new Earl drew near to Durham^ where 
^^op ^ ^^ b<^ 0^6 friend in the city, in the person of the Bishop 
^thelwine. That prelate, as we have seen, had made 
his peace with William at York^^ and he now came, 
with more reason, to act towards Robert of Comines 
the part which Robert the son of Wymarc had acted 
towards William himself.^ He met the new Earl on 
his way, and warned him not to think of entering the 
city.^ Robert made light of the warning; he marched 
on, dealing with the land through which he marched 
as an enemy's coimtry, and even slaying some of the 
tenants or bondmen of the church of Saint Cuth- 
berht. He entered Durham with his force, and we read 
of no opposition to his entrance^ The Bishop perhaps 
prevailed thus far with his fellow-citizens, or perhaps the 
site of his episcopal dwelling made him practically master 
of the military position^ Certain it is that Robert was 
admitted into the city, and that he and his immediate 
followers were lodged in the Bishop's own house, the 
doubtless £Eir lowlier forerunner of the fortress which, side 
by side with the minster, looks down on the encircling 
stream of the Wear. But it was soon shown that, if the 
prudence of uEthelwine led him to receive a visitor stained 
with such outrages as those of which Robert had been 




> Sim. Dim. Hist. Dun. iii. 15. "Quern illi ubi advenientem audierant, 
omoes reiictifl domibuB fagere parabant. Sed subito oiviB tanta nimietaa, 
tantaque hiemis obvenit asperitas, ut omnem eia fugiendi poaaibilitatem 
adimeret. Qn^ropter omnibus idem fuit oooBilium ut aut Ck>mitem es- 
rtinguerent aut simul ipn caderent." Id. Hist. Begg. 1069 (84 Hinde). 
** At illi omnes in unam ooacti 8ententiam,n€ aHenigena domnitubderentur, 
statuerunt aut ilium interficere aut ipd simul omnes in ore gladii cadere." 

* See above, p. 206. * See vol. iii. p. 414. 

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guilty, his flock, within and without the city, were not ohap.ztui. 
like->miaded with him. They had no mind to receiye a 
Norman Earl, an Earl whose approach to his intended 
capital had been marked by slaughter and devastation. 
As Robert had begun, so he went on ; reoeived as he Outnget 
was by the Bishop with all honour, he allowed his menfoUow«n. 
to deal with the town as with a place taken by storm.^ 
The spirit of the people was now aroused. The news 
spread during the night, and towards morning the gates 
of Durham were burst open by the assembled forces of 
Northumberland, A general massacre followed. In the MMMore 
houses, in the streets, the Normans were everywhere Xormana. 
slaughtered.' No serious resistance seems to have been 
offered except in defence of the Bishop's house, where the Retirtaaoe 
Earl and his immediate companions withstood their as^ Bishop's 
sailants so manfully that they were driven to have recourse '^^^''®' 
to fire. The palace was burned ; the Earl and his comrades The house 
all died, either by the flames or by the sword. One man «ad Bobert 
abne contrived to escape with his life, and he was~~j^ 
wounded.^ But, even amid the slaughter of their enemies, 
the men of Durham found time to think of their patron 

* ffim. Dun. Hist. Begg. 84. '* Duneknum cum multa militum manu 
iogressus pennisit suos hostUiter ubique agere, oodsis etiam DonnuUis 
eodenn rasticis, susoeptus est autem ab Episoopo oum omzii humanitate et 
honore.** So Hist. Dun. ii. 15 ; "Intravit Dunehnum oum septingentis 
hominibus ubique per domos hostiliter agentibus.*' 

' Sim. Dun. Hist Begg. 94. '* At Korthymbri totft noete feetinantes 
Dunehnum Bumm& vi diluculo per portas irrumpunt et sodos Comitts 
imparatos ubique looorum interfidunt. Atrodter nimis ree geritur, pro- 
stratis per domos et plateas militibus." So in the Durham History ; 
•* Tanta denique fuit interfectorum multiitudo ut omnes plateae oruore atque 
cadaTeribus replerentur." Compare Orderio, 5x3 ; '*Prim& vero noote 
dves ooUecti sunt et ipsum cunctosque milites, pneter duos fugft illapaos, 
mactaverunt. Fortissimi viri nequiverunt defendere se, oppressi tempore, 
dole, multitudine." 

' Sim. Dun. Hist. Begg. 1069. "Domum Episcopi, in qu& Ck>meB fiierat 
susceptus, aggrediuntur pugnantes, sed quum non ferrent jaoula defenden- 
tium, domum oum inhabitantibus oonoremaverunt." The account in the 

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0BAP.xTin. saint and of his minster. The flames which destroyed the 
Bishop's palace all but seized on the neighbouring western 

EBcaoe of tower of the church, the last finish of the building, which 
'^ Eadmund had added to the work of the founder Ealdhun. 
But, owing, we are told, to the prayers of the people, 
the wind changed, the flames turned away from the tower, 
and the church of Ealdhun and Eadmund was spared to 
giye way to the grander conceptions of Norman archi* 

Revolt ai The blow struck at Durham was at once followed by 

York and '^ 

slaughter a blow struck at York.3 As Durham, which had never 

pj^ ^ submitted, reftised to give up its freedom, York, which 

Richard. \^ submitted, was aroused to make an effort to win its 

freedom back again. The citizens rose^ and slew one of 

the Norman commanders, Robert the son of Richard^ 

with many of his companions.^ That this was done with 

the distinct intention of throwing off all allegiance to 

the Norman King is shown by their immediately wel- 

Eadgarre- coming, most likely inviting, his English rivaL The 

Scotland, descendant of the West-Saxon Kings had small chance 

of winning back the Kingdom and the royal city of his 

fathers, but he was to have another momentary reign in 

the Kingdom and city which had cost his fathers so much 

pains to win and to keep in hand. The jEtheling Eadgar 

ventured to leave his shelter in Scotland, and the whole 

force of Northumberland — the word being here no doubt 

Durham History is to the same effect, except that it is not said to be the 
Bishop's house. One escaped, according to Simeon; two, according to 

* The escape of the tower, " turris ooddentalis qusB jiixt« stabat," i^ 
pears in the Durham History only. It was seemingly a single western 
tower. See toI. i. pp. 496, 565. 

* On the succession of events during this campaign, see Appendix T. 

> Ord. Yit. 512 0. **Non multo post Bodbortus Ricardi fiHus, Ebova- 
oensis prsBsidii oustos, cum multis peremptus est." No other writer 
mentions this outbreak^ but it seems needed to account for what comes 

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again used in the wider semie — ^was gathered to him. okap.xviii. 
For with him came the local chiefs, Merleswegen andEadgar 
the banished Earl Gospatric^^ whose lead was no doubt byGoe- 
followed by the Northumbrian people in general. Of^^^j^^ 
Eadwine and Morkere we hear nothing ; they were most awegen. 
likely still half guests, half prisoners^ in the court of policy. 
William. But it is plain that the chiefs and people of 
the North no longer trusted them ; the career of the house 
of Leofric in those regions was over. The new scheme 
was the restoration of the West-Saxon iEtheling by the 
might of Northumberland and the kindred help of Den- 
mark. The policy of the scheme is obvious. M»rle« 
swegeuj Gospatric, Archill, and the rest would never agree 
to submit to any one of their own number ; they might 
aU agree to yield a nominal submission to a prince who 
was indifferent to their local feuds, and in whose name 
each of them might hope to govern. But the choice of 
Eadgar as chief clearly points to at least a hope of 
driving William wholly out of the island. The heir of 
Cerdic could never be satisfied with a Northumbrian 
Kingdom; he could never sit down quietly to reign at 
York while Winchester was in the hands of the Norman 
Bastard. If left to themselvesj Eadgar and his advisers 
would probably have waited for the Danish succours which 
did come in the course of the year. But the present 
moment could not be lost ; the advantage of the move- General 
ments at Durham and York was not to be thrown away. ^OTtham-* 
The spirit and confidence of the people was high, and^"*^^ 

* Orderic (5 1 a C) at this point waxes claasical, and talks of ** Marias 
Swe^OB [Maerleswegen], Gains Patrioins [Gospatric; see vol. ii. p. 457], 
Edgams Adelinns, aliiqne potentes et factiod.*' The Chronicles (1068) say 
simply, " Sona )>8erjefter [after the movement at Durham] Eadgar .^jSeling 
odm mid eallnm Nor Shymbrum to Eoforwic, and )>a borhmenn [" portmen " 
in the Peterborough Chronicle] wiO hine griSedion/' But Eadgar would 
never have got " all the Northumbrians" together without the guidance of 
some of the great men of the country. 

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cHAP.xvnT. the oppressions which everywhere went on kindled the 
national indignation more and more. Men who had 
sworn oaths and given hostages to the foreign Eling 
reeked little both of their oaths and of the safety of 
their surviving friends, as they thought of the lands 
from which they had been driven and of the kinsmen 
and countrymen who had fallen by the hands of the 

Eadgar re- In such a frame of mind the assembled forces of North- 

C6iy6d ftt 

York ; - humberland, with the young Eadgar at their head, drew 

^®g^ * ® near to the walls of York. The citizens at once welcomed 
the English King^ joined his forces, and began a general 
attack on the newly-built castle.^ The command was now 

Menage of held by William Malet. who at once sent to King William, 

William ^ ^ -© j 

Malet to saying that, unless help came with all speed, he should 

jl3^f " be driven to surrender.* William was not likely to risk 
the loss of his northern capital; the need called for 
his full force and his own presence. He came with all 

March of speed at the head of an overwhelming power \ ^ his march 

York. must, as a military exploit, have been the fellow of 
the great march which carried Harold from London to 
Stamfordbridge. He came, and his vengeance was fearfrd. 

He defeats He burst upon the besiegers of the castle, slew, captured, 

the iDsur- 

genta. or put to flight the whole party, harried the town, and 

in some way or other did dishonour to the metropolitan 

' Ord. Vit. 51a C. "Fiduda deinceps Anglis orevit contra Konnannoii, 
a qaibnB videbant nimium vexari suob coUegas et amiooB. Fidea, aacra- 
mentuxn, et salua obsidum vilia fuenmt iratis pro amiasis patnim luorum 
pmdiiB et oodsifl parentibus et compatriotia." 

' lb. " Conaociatft manu dvium ac finitimonim, munitionem Begis in 
Eboraco impugnare auai aunt." 

* lb. " Willelmua cognomento Maletus, prsBeea caatrenaia, Regi denun- 
davit ae defeoturum niai maturum feasia conferat auxiliam.'* 

* Chron. Wig. 1068. " Wyllelm kyng 06m auCan on unwer on heom 
mid geotendan here/' or, aa Peterborough haa it, " mid eallan hia fyide." 
Ord. Vit. 51a. '* Rex odua advenit." 

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church of Saint Peter, most likely by showing small heed oHAP.xvm. 
to its rights of sanctuary.^ York was a second time 
subdued, and this time a second yoke was added. One and builds 
castle had not proved check enough for the turbulent city ; castle at 
William therefore took the same steps to curb York which ^^'^• 
Eadward the Elder had taken either to curb or to defend 
Nottingham. One castle already commanded the left 
bank of the Ouse ; another now arose on its right bank, 
on the mound which still bears the name of the Bail 
Tower, just within the later walls of the city. The 
navigation of the river and, with it, the direct communi- 
cation between the Danes of York and the Danes of 
Denmark, was thus brought altogether under Norman 
control. The new fortress however, one which has always 
remained quite subordinate to the elder, must have been 
a hasty structure of wood or of the roughest kind of 
masoniy. For we read that it was built during the 
King's sojourn of eight days. It was however thought 
needful to entrust it, for a time at least, to a leader 
of the highest rank. No less a person than the Earl 
of Hereford, the famous William Fitz-Osbern^ was left 
in command of the new tower.^ York was thus se- 
cured for a while ; but the power of Saint Cuthberht, Legend of 
so local legends told, rescued the more guilty city of loua de- 
Durham from William's wrath. The King sent troops, ^^^ 
under a commander whose name is not mentioned, to 

> Chron. Wig. 1068. ** Hi aflymde, and >a o&loh )» \>e setfleon ne 
mlhton, ^et wsron fela hund mannay and >a borh forhergode, and See 
Petres mjnster to bjemere maoede, and eaUe )>a ot^re eac forhergode and 
foriiynde." So the Peterbotongh Chronicle more briefly, and without 
anj mention of the minster. Ord. Vit. 513 C. "Rex • . in obsidenteB 
roit^ nee nlli pepercit. Multi capti, pleriqne interfeoti, cnteri sunt 

' Ord. Vit. 513 D. " Rex aatem dies octo in nrbe morans alterum pre- 
sidiam oondidit, et Quillelmum Comitem Osbemi fiHum ad custodiendum 

VOL. IV. B. 

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oHAF^zvin. avenge the death of Earl Robert.^ They went as &r as 

Alvertonj and^ in the common course of things, they 

would have reached Durham the next morning. But a 

great darkness came upon them, so that they could not 

see the way before them.* Presently one came among 

them who told them that the city against which they 

were marching had a saint who dwelled in it^ who was 

ever its defender, and who suffered no man to harm it.' 

When the invaders heard this^ they turned back again, 

and the men of Durham^ who had been marked out for 

the slaughter^ heard at the same time that a host had 

been sent against them, and that, by the help of Saint 

Cuthberht, the host had been turned away.^ 

The truth probably is that William was satisfied for 

the present with the recovery of York, and thought it 

wiser to leave Durham for a while untouched. He went 

away in triumph to keep the Feast of Easter^ according 

Benewed to custom, at Winchester.^ His back was no sooner 

ToriLand turned than the English again rose, and attacked both 

defeat of ^^ j^^^ fortress and the old. Something: followed which 
the iDBur- ^ 

gentB. seems to have deserved the name of a battle, or at least 
of a skirmish. Earl William, we are told, fought against 

^ Sim. Dun. Hist. Eccl. Don. iii. 15. " Bex WiHielmizs graviter offennis, 
ducem qnemdam cam exercitns ut ejuB mortem ulcisceretur, direzit." 

' lb. ** Quam antem ad Alvertoniam veniBsent, et jam mane fiicto 
Dunelmum profecturi essent, tanta nebulanxm densitas orta est at vix 
adstanteB seae alterutrum yidere, viam vero nollo modo valeient mvenire.* 
A story of the same kind is told of certain Northmen who soogfat to 
plunder the Abbey of Saint Remigiua at Rheims. The origin of all 
tales of the kind is doubtless to be foand in the blindness of the Syrians in 
2 Kings vi. 18. 

' Sim. Dun. Hist. Eod. Dun. iii. 15. *' Homines lUos quemdam in suA 
nrbe sanctum habere qui eis semper in adversis protector adesset, quos 
nemo impune, illo vindicante, kedere umquam yaleret." 

* lb. <' Hi yero ad quos interficiendos nussi fuerant nihil ex hostibus, 
antequam reversi fuissent^ agnoverunt.** 

^ Ord. Vit. 51a D. '* Ipse vero Isetus Guentam rediit et Paschale festom 
ibi celebravit." 

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the insurgents in a certain dale^ of the position of which oRAPjLvni. 
we should like to know more. The English were again 
defeated; some were killed^ others taken, and the rest put 
to flight.^ 

Thus it was that the strength of England was frittered 

away in petty local struggles and enterprises. Never once, 

after the day of Saint Calixtus^ did the whole nation 

show an united front to the invader. After the defeat 

at York, while King William was on his way back to 

Winchester, his rival Eadgar again went back to his 

shelter in Scotland.^ He could not have been there long Second en- 

before another enterprise was risked in the West. TwoJ^^JJ^®^ 

of the sons of Harold, which of the three we are not told, Hwold. 

o. Jane 34, 
appeared again at midsummer off the north coast of the 1069. 

Western peninsula, at the head of sixty-four or sixty-six 
ships.^ They sailed up the mouth of the Taw, and their They sail 
followers seem, in the true Wiking spirit, but with lessxawimd 
than the old Wiking caution, to have spread themselves S^^ 
over well nigh the whole of Devonshire, plundering asofDevon- 
they went. According to one account, they attacked 
Exeter itself; but, if so^ the defences of Bougemont were 
too strong for them, or the zeal of the citizens in their cause 
was quenched. They might not unnaturally be less ardent 
on the behalf of the exiles, now that they appeared at the 
head of foreign pirates, than they had been when Harold's 
sons were defending the last stronghold of English free- 
dom in the West. The extent of their harryings may be 
partly traced by an entry in the local Domesday, which 

' Old. Vit. 513 D. ** BuTSUB Aogli post Regis dificeesum oontara 
utmmque pnesidinm congregati sunt; sed, Guillelmo Comite cum sais 
Tujliter in quftdam valle dimicante, non prseviUuerunt, aed, pluribus eorum 
captis sen trucidatis, alii fug& mortem distnlerunt/' 
' Chronn. Wig. Petrib. " And se .^lOeling ^r eft ongean to Sootlande." 
' Sixty-four in the Worcester Chronicle and Florence ; sizty-aix in 
Orderic (513 A) and William of Jumi^ges (vii. 41). 

B 2 

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Brian of 

PHAP.xTin. shows that they reached points in the central and southern 
parts of the shire, &r away from their first landing-place.* 
They are They were met in arms, most likely on their return 
featedby towards their ships, hy Brian, son of Count Odo of 
Britanny, who bears the title of Earl, and by another 
leader described as William Waldi, whom I cannot further 
identify .2 The force under these captains was not small ; ^ 
they came on the plunderers unawares, and fought with 
them two battles in one day.^ This is a comment on the 
disorderly way in which the irregular force which fol- 
lowed the sons of Harold had spread themselves over 
the country. The Breton Earl probably fell in with 
two detachments at different points, each of which sepa- 
rately he found it easy to overcome. The slaughter was 
terrible ; seventeen hundred men are said to have been 
killed, and, as usual, the loss fell heaviest on the " best 
men," whether by that name we are to imderstand 
English exiles of rank or chief men among the Danes 
of Ireland.^ Nightfall alone, we are told, hindered the 
plunderers from being utterly cut off. As it was, the 

' On the geography of this expedition, see Appendix Y. 

' Ord. Vit 513 A. '* Protinus ilUs Briennus, Eadonis ComitiB Britanniaa 
Minoria filius, et Gnillelmns Gualdi cum armis obyii fuenint." *' Breon 
eorl," as the Worcester Chronicle calls him, was the son of Odo the 
brother of Howel and of the Alan who fonght at Senlac, and cousin of the 
late Count Conan. See vol. iii. pp. 230, 231, 313. He appears in the 
Suffolk Domesday (ii. 291) as '* Comes Brienus/' but he must have been 
dead before the Surrey, as his lands are held by Earl Robert of Mortain. 

' Chron. Wig. xo68. "Breon eorl common iinwier heom togeines mid 
unlytlan weorode and wit$ gefeaht." 

* Will. Gem. vii. 41. *' Briennus . . . cmn eis sub die unA duobus 
prceliis manum conseruit" So Orderic, *' duobus uno die oonflictibus." 

' lb. ** Ccesis vero mille et septingentis bellatorum cum nonnuUis r^gni 
proceribus reliqui e cer^amine fiigientes navium prnsidio necis exddium, 
utcumque evaserunt." Are these " regni prooeres " English exiles or 
men serving under Brian ? The expression certainly fiJls in singulariy 
with that of the Chronicler, *' and ofsloh haer ealle )>a betstan menu \>e on 
|>am lySe wseron." 

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two sons of Harold, with a small remnant of their fol- ohapjltiii. 
lowers, escaped in two ships to the friendly court of 
King Diarmid.^ 

This crashing overthrow quenched for ever the hopes No farther 
of the House of Godwine. Of the sons of Harold we hear Harold's 
no more. The fiunily which in two generations had risen ^^^ 
from obscurity to the highest pitch of greatness was in 
the third generationj so far as history is concerned, utterly 
wiped out. Of the band of sons who had gathered round 
Godwine in the march from Beverstone ' and in the Gemot 
of London,^ the captive Wulfnoth alone remained. All 
the rest had been cut off. But of that generation we at 
least know the end. Of the next we know only that male 
descendants of ToBtig,^ that female descendants of Harold,^ 
lived on in Northern Europe. But in English history they No further 
have no longer a place. The Earl who delivered England ^^^ houm 
firom the stranger^ the Kmg who died as her champion ?'^^!|J?* 
against the stranger, have left behind them a name better history. 
than that of sons and daughters, but of their sons and 
daughters themselves no trace abides in the land which 
they loved and guarded* Godwine, Eadmund^ and Magnus 
now vanish from our story. A time of confusion fol- 
lowed in Ireland^ and their protector King Diarmid lost Death of 
his life in the very year of their second enterprise.* jo^^. 
Possibly they were cut off in these foreign broils 

' Ord. Vii. 513 A. ** Horrendam multitudinem in earn paucitatem redege- 
mnt nt residiii duabos soaphis sabtracti aufugereDt et Hibemlam lactu 
replerent. At, nisi nox praelinm diremisset, ne nuntins qaidem cladis re- 
patriaTisBet.*' So Will. Gem. vii. 41. " Qui profecto, nisi nox proelitim dire- 
miaBet, omnes mortis noyaciil& abrasi fnissent." The Chronicler is much 
to the same effect ; *' )>a oOre lytlan werode to scypum stflugon, and 
Haroldes snnas foron eft to Yrlande ongean." 

* VoL ii. p. 141. • See vol. ii. p. 333. 

* See voL iiL p. 374. • See above, p. 160. 

' See Chronioon Sootorom, 1069 ; Ann. Oamb. 1070 ; Bruty lytvysog^on, 
1070^ where he is described as ** terrible to his foes, friendly to his oonntry- 
men, and gentle towards pilgrims [pererinyan] and strangers.** 

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oHAPjLYm. while men were still fighting for England at York 
and Ely. At all events their career on English soil was 
Gytha It was probably after this final overthrow of her grand- 

Flat sons that Gytha at last left the shelter of her rock in the 

^^^ Bristol Channel, and betook herself to a surer refuge beyond 
sea.^ Of those many wives of good men' who shared 
her banishment we seem to get a glimpse in a story pre- 
Oneofher served by a German historian.^ An English matron and 
Snfl^pro^ her three daughters^ sailing away from what was now the 
^^^ ked • ^^^^ ^^ bondage, had the ill luck to suflFer shipwreck in 
North the County of Stade near the mouth of the Elbe. That 
™**"^* county was then held by the Margrave Udo as a fief 
of the church of Bremen.^ The laws of his coast were 
at least as inhuman towards shipwrecked persons as the 
laws of the coast of Fonthieu.'^ The helpless beings who 
escaped the waves were doomed to become the bondmen 
of the lords of the soil.^ This custom was enforced against 
the English lady^ and her daughters became the bonds- 
women of the Margrave's wife. The harshness of their 
lot was however greatly lessened in practice. The daugh- 
ters found husbands^ and their sons were carefully brought 
Frederick up and promoted to oflSces of trust J One ^of the grand- 
Stade. ^^^ o^ ^^^ banished Englishwoman, Frederick the son 
1133-1135. q{ B^inhold, after a strange and discreditable career, 

* See above, p. 158. » See above, p. 157. 

' The story is found in the Annales Stadensea, Pertz, xvi. 330 ; wliich 
I should not have been likely to explore save for the reference in Lappen- 
berg, Noiman Kings, 114. 

* Pertz, u. B. ** Prgediotus Udo tenuit Stadensem Comitatum ab ecdesii 
Bremensi in beneficio." 

' See vol. iii. p. 122. 

* Pertz, u. 8. '* Friderici avia et mater de AngliA navigantes in oami- 
tata Stadensi naufiragium passsB sunt, et, secundum piisci juris rigorem, 
tarn homines quam res regis ditioni sunt mandpati." 

^ lb. '* Filii favorabiliter a Dominis educati sunt^ et adultis oollata 
administratio et dispensatio quarumdam villanun." 

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died as the reigning Coont of the land into which his <'HAP.xyiii. 
ancestress had found her way in so strange a sort.^ 

We again flit firom the West to the North. Ever since 
the accession of William, England, Northern England at 
least, had been looking for help from the once hostile land 
of Denmark. All this while King Swend had been coming, 
perhaps to assert his own rights^ at all events to avenge 
the blood of his kinsfolk who had died at Senlac. At once 
the nephew of Cnut and the nephew of Gytha, he might, 
for lack of more distinct representatives, pass as the 
champion of the house of the West-Saxon Earls no less 
than of the house of the Danish Eings.^ And now at Swend at 
last, in the autumn of this present year, three years after help. 
England had been for the last time invaded by a Scandi- f^^^ 
navian enemy, her shores were approached by a Scandina- 
vian fleet bearing men who at least gave themselves out as 
her friends. In August, less than two months after the 
final discomfiture of the sons of Harold in the West, two 
hundred and forty ships, commanded by men of their own 
blood, nephews and grand-nephews of Gytha, drew near to 
the eastern havens of England. The numbers in all these Deiorm-^ 
statements are utterly uncertain ; we therefore have no foroe. 
trustworthy means of judging whether the efibrts of Swend 

^ Frederick and his brother Ulrio are said to have got rich by robbing 
and drowning in the Elbe three Danish Bishops who were passing through 
the country. When the County passed to a minor heir, Henry, Frederick 
acted as regent in his name, and afterwards bought his freedom and the 
poMession of his County firom the Emperor Henry the Fifth. After many 
successes and reverses he was finally, on the death of Henry — ^by poison 
aa was alleged — in 1123, fbzmally invested with the fief by Adalbert the 
Second, Archbishop firom 1133 to 114S. 

* Qrd. Yit. 513 B. "Multotiens enim pecuniis Anglorum et obnixis 
predbus fuerat sollicitatus, et ruin& suomm qui nuper in Heraldi confliotu 
oociri fderant motus: quinetiam proximA cognominatione [cognatione t] 
ad regni oupiditatem iucitatos, utpote nepos Eduardi Begis, Hardecunuti 
filius." A pedigree was seldom more utterly mistaken ; Swend, son of Ulf 
the son of Thoigils and of Estrith the daughter of the elder Swend, was sister's 
son to Cnut, brother's son to Gytha, cousin alike to Harthaonut and to the 
scms of God wine, but he had not a drop of blood in common with Eadward. 

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His alleged 



manders of 
the fleet, 
Cnat^ and 

to deliver England were or were not greater than the efforts 
of Harold Hardrada to subdue her. Writers on the 
Norman side strain all their powers of language to set 
forth how Swend drained the whole strength of his realm 
and of many surrounding realms. The whole might of 
Denmark was gathered together; auxiliaries in the cause 
of England came from the kindred lands of Friesland 
and Saxony. All this may be believed ; but we begin to 
have our doubts when we hear of warriors coming from 
Slavonic Poland, and from the still heathen land of 
Lithuania.^ The fleet was commanded by Osbeom, the 
son of Ulf and Estrith, the brother of King Swend and of 
the murdered Beom, who had himself once been an Earl 
in England, but who had been banished six and twenty 
years before at the election of Eadward.^ With him came 
his nephews, Harold and Cnut, the sons of King Swend^ 

^ Ord. Vit. 513 B, C. "Hie [Suenus] ingenti potenti& poUebat, univenas 
regni sui virea contrabebat, quibus a vicinis regionibus et amicis auzilia 
magna ooaoervabat. Adjuvabant eum Polenia, Frisia, necne Sazonia. 
Leutecia quoque pro Anglicis opibus auziliares tormas mittebat. In e& 
popnlosiflsima natio oonsistebat que, gentilitatis adhuc errore detenta, yemm 
Deum nesciebat, sed ignorantise muscipulis illaqueata, Guodeyen et Thurum, 
Freamque, aliosque falsoa Deos, immo dsmones, colebat. Hec gens terri 
manque prceliari perita erat, quam Suenus cum Bege suo Sfepe vicerat 
suseque ditioni subegerat." 

My small stock of Nortbem history and geography here quite breaks down. 
As Orderio's Leutecia cannot well be Lutetia Parisiorum, nor yet Leodium 
or Liittich, nor yet Lausitz, I can find no name the least like it nearer than 
Lithuania. The Lithuanians undoubtedly remained heathens long after 
this time, and we must remember that Sembia or Sambia, seemingly in 
Eastern Prussia, was (see vol. i. p. 504) reckoned among the Kingdoms of 
Cnut. But I know of no conquests of Swend in those parts, and I cannot 
believe that Lithuanians worshipped our Teutonic Gods. Still it is 
hardly £Eur to expect Orderic to be a comparative mythologist, and one 
would be well pleased to number the last speakers of verbs in /u (see Lord 
Strangford's Remains, i. 6) among our helpers. 

It must have been from the Polish contingent that some of Sir Walter 
Scott's characters learned to call on Czemi Bog, the Black God of the 
Slaves. Godescalc was too good a Christian for the purpose. 

' See vol. ii. p. 63. He appears as *' Beomus comes " in the Winchester 
Annals, 1069, where he is further inaccurately made the son of Swend. 

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both of whom in tarn came to wear the Danish Crown, oHAP.xvm. 
while Cnat won also the crown of martyrdom on those P?««>W 

■^ King 1074 

easy terms on which it was often adjadged to royal candi- -1081. 
dates.^ We hear also of an Earl Thurkill and of two -1096.] 
Danish Bishops as having a share, therefore doubtless a 
command, in the expedition.' One would be well pleased 
to know what instructions the leaders of the fleet received 
from the wary prince who sent them. They undoubt- 
edly came to deliver England, to help those who were 
striving to free her from the yoke of her foreign King. 
But what form was the deliverance to take? Was thePoisible 
attempt to be made on behalf of Eadgar, once the King- s^^t ^ 
elect, on behalf of Swend's kinsmen the sons of Harold^ or 
on behalf of Swend himself? In Eadgar Swend could 
take no interest; in his eyes he would be simply the 
representative of a &mily which had displaced his own. 
In young Grodwine, or in any other of Harold's sons, he 
might well take a kinsman's interest, and it is quite possible Probable 
that the two expeditionsj from Ireland and from Denmark^ ^^ 
were planned in concert. But, if so, they had failed to act H*"'^^'" 
in concert, and the last hopes of the House of Oodwine 
had been smitten to the ground in Western England 
before the Danish deliverer had appeared in the East. 
The discomfiture of the sons of Harold may well have 
been felt as a serious check to Swend's plan of operations ; 
it may even have brought about a change in his main 

' Chron. Petrib. and Florence, 1087. 

* The Worcester Gbronide (1069) gives the list m " >reo Swegenes suna 
kyninges . . and Esbeom Eorl and parkyl Eorl." Peterborough leaves out 
"^reo" and does not mention ThorkiU. Florence has "Suani Regis 
Banonim filii Haroldus et Canntos, et patruus eorum Esbemus Comes, et 
Comes Turkillns." Orderic (5 1 3 B) gives the list thus ; " In ill& tempestata 
Snenns Bex Danorum magnam dassem Danis et Anglis acooratissime 
instmzit, dnosqae filios suos et Osbemum fratrem sumn, Pontificesque 
duos, Comitesqae tres dilectissimos praefeoit, et in Angliam misit." The 
Peterborough Chronicle under 1070 gives us the name of one of the Bishops ; 
"Christien >a Densce biscop.*' The later characteristio royal name of 
Denmark is already coming in. 

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cHAP.xvin. objects. All hopes of joint action were at an end; Swend 

could no longer be looked on a« bound to support men 

who had so utterly £a.iled to support themselves. His 

Sweod*B object, now at least, cannot £ftil to have been to restore the 

perronal monarchy of Cnut in one form or another. As far as we 

objects. can dive into Swend's mind, one may be inclined to think 

that his caution and experience must have taught him 

that it was hopeless to attempt to place the two crowns of 

England and Denmark upon the same brow. But one of 

Swend's many sons might well become the stock of a new 

dynasty^ a dynasty which to Northern England would be 

in every way welcome, while in Southern England it would 

be at least preferred to the rule of the Norman. We can 

however well believe that the schemes of Swend, whatever 

they were^ were not so distinctly chalked out, but that 

they were liable to change according to the chances of war^ 

and according to the reception which they might meet with 

in England. We may perhaps also infer that, whatever 

Swend's objects were, they were not very clearly made known, 

and that, at any rate, no purposes irreconcileably hostile 

Adhesion to the claims of Eadgar were publicly annoimced. For we 

j!<a4igar. ^^^^ presently find the ^theling acting in concert with 

the Danish invaders. And Eadgar at least must have 

hoped for the Crown for himself. If he had only to choose 

between two masters, he could have no motive for pre* 

ferring Swend to William. 

Swend's But in any case it is plain that Swend's objects, what- 

embraced ^^^^ ^^^7 Were, took in the whole of England, and were not 

^ Eng- merely confined to its northern portion. And we may feel 

sure that it was generally known throughout England that 

Connexion a Danish invasion was preparing. The movements which 

lielfW een 

the inva- took place in various parts of the country before the year 
Bion and ^^^g ^^^^ j£ ^^^ actually planned in concert with the Danish 


being supported by Danish help. William had to struggle 

in the King, were doubtless at least undertaken in the hope of 
West. ^ ^ 

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■gainst enemies in the West as well as in the North, and ohapjcviil 
this danger from various points maj account for the place 
where we next hear of him, one which otherwise seems 
somewhat strangely chosen. When the Danes actually drew WiUiam in 
near, William was engaged in hunting in the forest of of d^ 
Dean, in the part of Gloucestershire west of Severn.^ Fond 
as William was of the craft of the woods^ he was the least 
likely of all men to let his sport stand in the way of his 
interest. Strangely chosen as the place seems for a prince Probable 
who had to withstand the invasion of an enemy on his ^ p]^ ' 
eastern coast, it was a good central point for watching the "w^®® *>»««• 
movements which soon broke forth on each side of him, 
and which had most likely already given signs of their 

The Danish fleet did not at once make for that part of Conne of 
England where it was most sure of a hearty welcome. It \^^ *^ 
might have seemed the wisest as well as the most direct 
course if the deliverers had steered straight to the mouth 
of the Humber. Instead of so doing, whether by the 
orders of ELing Swend or by the discretion of their imme- 
diate commanders, they began their work by a series of 
attacks on various points in the south-east of England. 
In these, as it turned out, they simply lost time, strength, 
and credit.^ Their first attack was on Dover, where UiiBuocefli- 
Harold's castle on the rock had been so vainly assaulted by ^^^ Dover. 
Count Eustace.3 We have not the same detailed account 
of this enterprise as we have of the former one, and we 
hear nothing of the feelings either of the men of Dover or 
of the men of Kent in general. But it seems that Odo, 

^ OitL Vit. 513 C. ** Bex autem GuillelmtiB tunc in Dana siIyA erat, 
ibiqne pro more venatui vacabai." 

* From the Chroniolee and Florence we learn nothing of the course of 
the Danish fleet till its appearance in the Humber; the accounts of these 
nnsnccessfol attempts in other parts of England come from Orderic» who is 
probably following William of Poitiers. 

' See above, p. 114. 

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0HAP.xvin. or Hugh of Montfort, or whoever was in immediate com- 
mand^ was able to drive back the invaders with the troops 

and on which he found at his disposal.^ A like repulse followed 
Sandwich. ^ 

on an attempt which was next made on Sandwich.^ The 
Danes now sailed northward for the once Danish land of 
East-Anglia. As the fleet of the earlier Thurkill had done 
fifty-nine years before, they entered the estuary of the 
Stour and Gippen^ and landed near Ipswich, not far from 
A plunder- the scene of Ulfcyters battle of Ringmere.^ This time 
defeated^ WO <U'e distinctly told that they betook themselves to 
Ipewich pJ^i^der, and that they were driven back with the loss 
of thirty men, not by a Norman garrison, but by the 
people of the country.* It is plain that we are here 
reading, not of any serious attempt on the part of the 
whole fleet, but of an isolated repulse which fell on some 
Attack on isolated, perhaps unauthorized, band of plunderers. An 
repulsed attempt ou Norwich which followed was a much more 
of Wa^r, ™portant enterprise, and one much more likely to have 
been deliberately planned. One of the reasons which led 
William to place that great city for a time under the 
command of his trustiest friend was the ease with which 
succours from Denmark might be received there.^ But 
William Fitz-Osbem was no longer in command in the 
East ; his services had been called for in the West and in 
the North, wherever in short the power of his friend was 
most in danger. The man who now commanded at Nor- 
wich, and who was already or soon afterwards invested 

^ Ord. Vit. 513 G. ** AppulsoB Doveram regiornm militnm oocuraua 

' lb. ** Itidem apud Sandguioum abacti sunt, sed a Nonuannb lepuln 

» See vol. i. p. 378. 

* Ord. Vit. u. 8. " Nacti opportunitatem egrediendi apud Gepesuicam 
in pnedam diffusi sunt, sed provineiaUs oongregati triginta necaverunt et 
reliquofl in efiugiam coegerunt." The *' provinciales ** seems here to 
stand in contrast to the '* Normanni " and " regii milites ** of the other 
entries. » See above, p. 67. 

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with the East-Anglian Earldom, was the renegade native 0HAP.xyni. 
of the shire, Balph of Wader.^ We do not read that 
matters came so &r as to an actual assault on the city ; it 
would rather seem that Ralph attacked the Danes while 
they were still in disorder, perhaps while they were scat- 
tered in search of plunder. Some were slain by the sword ; 
others perished in the waters of the river, of the Yare or 
the Wensum ; the remnant were driven in shameful flight 
to their ships.^ 

The beginnings of the expedition were thus very far 
from auspicious. But it should be borne in mind that, of 
all these Kentish and East-Anglian skirmishes, we have 
only Norman accounts. As the fleet drew near to what 
must have been all along the main object of the enterprise, 
we again get the help of our own writers.^ Early in Sep- The fleet 
tember the fleet entered the Humber.* The day of its HumLp.* 
appearance was exactly the third anniversary of the day f*^^^®*" 
when King Harold of England had been driven to disband 
the troops with which he was guarding the southern 
coast; ^ it must have been very near the third anniversary 
of the day when the Landwaster of Harold of Norway was 
first seen in the same waters.^ But now the Baven of 
Denmark came on an errand of deliverance, and men flocked 
from every side to welcome English exiles and Danish 

" See ToL iii pp. 459, 751. 

' Ord. Vit. 513 C. " "EgremoB Northguioi ad similem diBounionem 
JUdolfuB de Guader Invaait, et maltii ferro, multis aquA, vitnm ademit ; et 
reUqcoe tiirpiter navigium arripientes in pelagus abire compulit." 

' The acooimta in the ChxonioleB and in Florence give the aame general 
fftctB, bat Florenoo attends much more strictly to chronological order. 
That hie account is copied by Simeon with only a few additiona is the 
best proof of its trustworthiness. 

* " Betwyx Jnun twam Sea Marian messan,*' says the Peterboioagh 
Chronide (1069). ** Ante Natintatem S. Maris " in Florence. 

' See vol. iii. p. 358. 

' The battle of Fairord was fought on September ao. See vol. iii. 
p. 350. 

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0HAP.xinn. allies. All Northumberland rose to meet them, and men 

Mflh ^^ ^°^® ^^^^ ^^ distant shires to join the muster. As in 

the Danes. SO many other cases, the Norman Survey preserves to us 

the name of a single man, who was doubtless only one man 

Scalpinof among many. A former Housecarl of King Harold, 

attached to him doubtless in the early days of his Easi>- 

Anglian government, whose name in French ears sounded 

as Scalpin, left the lands in Essex which William had 

allowed him to keep and died at York as an outlaw.^ 

Men too of higher rank and fame pressed to join the host 

The fleet of the deliverers. While the Danish fleet was still in the 

joined by . . , . , 

Eadgar estuary, it was joined by a reinforcement of ships, sailing 
English ^^ doubt mainly from the havens of Scotland, which 
carried the exiles who had taken refuge at the court of 
Malcolm.^ They had been already joined by many of 
the chief men of the land, who eagerly threw off their 

^ In Domesday, ii. 59, among the lands of Geoflrey of Mandeville in 
Essex, we find the following entry ; *' Istud quoqne manerium T. R. £. dedit 
Esgarus Haroldo, et Heroldus itemm dedit cuidam suo huscarlo nomine 
Scalpino, et iste Scalpinus dedit uxori subb in dote, videntibus iibus homi- 
nibuB, scilicet Eogero Marescalco et qnodam Anglico. Et hoc testatur hon- 
dreda, quod andierunt recognoscere Scalpino, et poetqnam Rex venit in banc 
terram tenuit ipse, donee ivit nbi mortuns fait in £broic& in utlagarift/* 

" Ebroica " ought to mean Evreux, but the name is often confounded 
with " Eboracum," and Evreux would be a strange place of shelter for an 
English exile. One can hardly doubt that Scalpin, or whatever his real 
name was, fought and died in this Yorkshire campaign. But the entry 
has an interest of another kind ; the grant of lands by Esegar to Harold 
would seem to connect itself with the transfer of Tofig's Waltham estate 
to Harold. See yoL ii. p. 441. 

* That the English leaders came by sea is distinctly implied by Florence, 
1069 ; " Suani . . . filii ... in ostio Humbrse fluminis applicuerunt, ubi 
eis dito Eadgarus, comes Waltheofus et Marleswein, multique alii, cum 
classe quam congregaverant, occurremnt." The chronology of Orderie 
(513 D) is less clear, though he well describes the nature of the great 
estuary ; ** Jam Adelinus, Guallevus, Siguardus, alifque praepotentos 
Angli ad Danes contulerant se. Perventum est ad Humbrse lati 
flmninis ostium." Wherever Waltheof and some of the others got their 
ships, those which brought Eadgar and his companions must have come 
from Scotland. 

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allegianoe to William. A band of men of the noblest 0HAP.rvra. 
blood of England^ the descendants of ancient Kings and 
ancient Earls, were gathered together on board the fleet 
of confederated Denmark and Northumberland. Thither 
came the ^theling Eadgar^ once more to try the chances 
of the last representative of the House of Cerdic. Thither Goq«tric. 
came Gospatric with the forces of his Northern Earldom, 
the men of the still independent England beyond the Tees^ 
proud no doubt of the slaughter of their would be Norman 
Earl, prouder probably that the arm of Saint Cuthberht 
had been stretched forth to save them from the wrath of 
William himself.^ Thither came the exiled Maerleswegen MsBrle- 
to win back his own, and Archill, who thus jeoparded all AichiU. 
that he had gained by his former submission to the 
stranger.^ Thither came Siward the son of ^thelgar^ Siward the 
repenting of the homage which he had done to the newly jEthelgar. 
crowned Conqueror in his court at Barking.^ Thither The four 
came the four sons of Carl^ the treacherous slayer of Earl q^i 
Ealdred in the lawless days of the sons of Cnut.^ And Earl Wal- 
thither came the representative of the house most hostile 
to theirs, the grandson of the murdered Earl^ cloaking 
his deadly feud while they marched together on their 
common enterprise. Waltheof the son of Siward, the Earl 
of Northampton and Huntingdon^ came now to join the 

^ Ghron. Wig. 1069. ** And heom 00m fwer togenes Eadgar did and 
Wald)>eof eorl and Maerleswegen and Ooepatrio eorl mid Nof^ymbrum 
and ealle ^ landleoden.** On Gospatric, eee above, pp. 134, 195. 

I oonoeiye that ** Koi^ymhrum" is here to be taken in the narrower 
■ense, aa it seema to be opposed to the '* landleoden," that is doubtless the 
men of Yorkshire, and perhaps those of Lindesej. To the list already 
given by Orderic (note a on the last page) he afterwards adds, *' Gains 
Patritius [Gospatrio^ Marias Suevus [Masrleswegen], Elnooinas [whom I 
cannot identify], ArohiUus, et qnatnor filii Eaioli." 

* See above, p. 905. 

* See above, p. ai. I suppose he is the same as the Siward Beam of 
whom we shall hear presently. 

* See vol. i. p. 586. 

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cHAP.xvin. forces which were leagued to deliver the land of his 

Previous I have more than once incidentally noticed that a certain 
character obscurity hangs Over the actions of Waltheof up to this 
th^"^ moment. An obscurity of the like kind hangs over his 
Difficulties whole character. As the victim of the Norman King^ 
dictions*^*® the last Englishman who held a high secular oflSce 
inhkcha- under his government, as the one man whom, in the 
whole course of his reign, William sent to the scaffold 
on a political charge,^ he won the abiding love of Eng- 
lishmen. And that love took the usual form ; in accord- 
ance with the invariable feeling of the age, the patriot 
was enrolled^ by the popular voice at least, in the list of 
saints and martyrs. Yet^ when we look at the recorded 
acts of Waltheof, it is not very easy to see why he should 
have drawn to himself in so high a degree either the love 
of his own people or the fear or hatred of the Norman. 
His political conduct was lacking in steadfastness ; his 
reputation as a soldier rests wholly on a single display 
of personal strength and personal daring; his govern- 
ment of his Earldom was stained by at least one frightful 
crime, and the two or three acts of his private life which 
ooze out from incidental sources are^ if not specially 
criminal, at least not specially honourable. His libe* 
rality to the Church is undoubted,^ and the accounts 

^ It is worth notioe that the words of the Peterborough Chronicler, '< ^ 
ferde se eorl Wal)>eaf ut/' are the same as those that are applied in 1067 
to the going out of Eadgar and the others. Waltheof '* went out ; " he 
left William's court, allegiance and protection, and joined the outlaws 
and insurgents. It is essentially the same expression as '* being out in 
the •45." 

• See yol. ii, p. 266. 

' Orderic (536 B) thus describes his general character; " Erat idem 
vir corpore magnus et elegans, et largitate, et audaciA multis miUibus 
pnestans. Devotus Dei cultor saoerdotum, et omnium religiosorum, supplex 
auditor, Ecdesin pauperumque benignus amator, pro his et multis aliis cha- 
rismatibus quibus in ordine laicali spedaliter fruebatur a suis et ab ezteris 

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which we have of his later days seem to point to a ten- 0HAr.xTni. 
demess of conscience, to a feeling of more than formal 
relig^on^ which we should hardly have looked for in a 
man whose hands were undoubtedly stained with innocent 
blood. Yet on the other hand^ even with regard to eccle- Hu dispute 
siastical property, we find him engaged in one of those ^^iS»^ 
transactions of doubtful honestyj which were of no very Abbey, 
deep dye according to the practice of the time^ but which^ 
like some of the doings of Eadward himself,^ are not 
exactly what we should look for in a saint and martyr. 
The benefiictor of Crowland stands charged, on what 
seems to be trustworthy evidence^ of detaining lands to 
which Saint Peter of the Oolden Borough had a lawful 
olaim.^ Altogether we hardly see why, apart from his 

qui Deo pliunta diligere ndrunt multum diligebatur." Afberwardst in 
542 C, he tpeakB of Waltheof's gifte to the church of Crowland, and the 
help he gaye in rebuilding the minster. 

* See voL ii. p. 551. 

* This is the business referred to in vol. ii. p. 374. The gifts of Godgifu, 
the step-mother of Waltheof be it observed, not his own mother ^thelfled, 
to the Abbey of Peterborongh were detained by Siward after her death 
for his own life by consent of the convent ; " Deprecatos est SiwarduB Comes 
Abbatem Leofricum et fratres nt quamdiu viveret posset habere supradictas 
villas, et poet illius decessum reverterentur ad monasterium." On the 
death of Siward however the lands were still not made over to the 
Abbey. An agreement was made in the presence of Eadward (" facta est 
conventio ante Regem Eadwardum inter Wal9$eof filium supradicti Comitis 
et Leofiricum Abbatem"), by which Waltheof i^eceived five marks of gold, 
and was to keep one of the lordships for lif«B, while the other went at once 
to the Abbey. After the death of Eadward — the usual Domesday euphe- 
mism for '* during the reign of Harold" — ^this agreement was broken by 
Waltheof, seemingly by his taking possession of both lordships ; ** Hoc 
actum est apud Regem publico, sed post mortem Regis fracta est conventio 
ab ipso WalOeofo." Afterwards, moved by penitence, he himself came to 
the monastery and gave the lands to Saint Peter on the condition that he 
himself should keep them for life. It was especially provided that they 
should not be forfeited by any act of their temporary owner ; '* neo terras 
proprio reata perdere potest." The story is given in a deed printed in 
Cod. Dipl. iv. 265, which was evidently drawn up while Waltheof was 
still in poasewion, but the lands spoken of, Ryhall and Belmesthorp in 


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0HAF.xvin. death, he should have so specially commanded the love 
of his countrymen. We hardly see why William should 
first have raised him to a degree of rank and personal 
fiftvour high ahove all other Englishmen, and then have 
so heavily visited in him an offence far lighter than many 
offences which he had forgiven. 

ProUble But in the men of those days much inconsistency of 

qualities character must be looked for, and must be excused. 

I^ter*^ Waltheof was clearly not a deliberate and sjrstematic 
traitor, like Eadric or Eadwine. Neither was he a hero 
like Harold, whose very greatness leads us, whenever he 
goes astray, to judge him by a harsher rule than that 
by which we judge meaner men.^ We shall perhaps best 
understand the contradictions in the character of Waltheof, 
if we look on him as a man governed mainly by impulse, 
a man in whom noble and generous elements were but 
little strengthened by real stability of purpose. In such 
a man in such an age we need not wonder that particular 
acts of crime could go along with early good impressions 
which never wholly forsook him.^ In such a man we 
do not wonder at much political wavering and inconsist- 
ency ; we do not wonder at finding that the daring of the 
mere soldier did not rise into the higher courage either 
of the general or of the statesman. But, whatever judge- 
ment we pass upon Waltheof, it is at this stage that his 
historical life begins. His presence or absence at Senlac 
is, as we have seen, utterly doubtful.^ The only fiilly 
ascertained act of his former life is that he accompanied 
William on his first voyage to Normandy.* It is plain 

NorUuunptonahire, appear in Domesday (aiS) in poooeoaion of Waltheofs 
widow Judith without any aoooont of their fynaer history. 
^ See ToL ii. p. 319. 

* When in prison he daily repeated the Psalms of Da^id, <*quo8 in 
inianti& didioerat," so says Orderic, 536 B. 

' See above, p. ai, and vol. iii. p. 424. 

* See above^ p. 75. 

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that he had retained his Earldom, and the silence of all 0BAF.xTin. 
our aathorities seems to show that he had taken no share 
in any of the earlier movements against William. But 
now the son of Siward, the heir of Ealdred, brought the 
strengtii of his great name and the might of his strong 
arm, backed doubtless by the force of the two shires 
over which he ruled^ to join the men of his native Earldom 
in welcoming the deliverers of England. 

It is not plain at what stage of its voyage the tidings The newt 
of the approach of the Danish fleet was brought to King Hmim' 
William in the forests of Gloucestershire. The only his- «>«i1m: 

J brought to 

torian who tells us anything in detail about his movements William, 
makes him hear the news immediately after the unsuc* 
cessful attack on Norwich. But we can hardly doubt that 
earlier messengers must have told him of the appearance 
of the Danes off Dover, Sandwich, and Ipswich. But 
their repulse from Norwich, and no doubt other move- 
ments also> now made William see where the real danger 
from the invaders lay. The revolt of Waltheof^ whether Import- 
he set forth from William's own presence or from his revolt of 
own home at Northampton, was of itself the most marked ^*l*^^^- 
siirn of what was cominfir. It was York and all North- Northum- 

berland the 

humberland that was threatened. Still William did not part of the 
leave his quarters in the West; he was doubtless careftdly ]^u^°"* 
watching the movements which were soon to break out *^»'^*®'*^' 
on each side of him. But he sent a messenger to York, Williun's 
bidding his garrisons there stand firmly on their defence, t^ Yrak. 
and call at once for his own presence if it should be needed. 
As we hear no more of William Fitz-Osbern, he had 
doubtless left what could have been meant only as a 
temporary command.^ The Norman commanders in York 
were William Malet the Sheriff and the Fleming GUlbert 
of Ghent. They either overrated the strength of their 

' See above, p. ^41, 

S 2 

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oHAP.xvni. own walls and of their own troops^ or else they greatly 

ConEdenoe underrated the force which was coming: against them, 
of Williiun ^ ^* 

Malet and They sent word to William that they cotdd hold out for 
Ghent. ^ * whole year without calling on him for fiirther help.* 
This message^ it appears, was actually sent after Wal- 
theof, Eadgar^ and the rest had joined the Danish fleet 
in the Humber.^ York was seemingly about as well 
guarded now by its Norman oppressors against Scandi- 
navian deliverers as it had been guarded three years before 
by its chosen Earl against Scandinavian invaders. 

But the news which fell so lightly on the ears of the 
Norman commanders in York told a very different tale in 
the ears of the English Archbishop. Ealdred, the Primate 
who had crowned both Harold and William^ has appeared 
in our history as one who had done his best to keep his 
Stories of province in the obedience of the foreign King.^ But his 
Ealdred.^^ later days are surrounded by a crowd of stories, in some 
at least of which it is hard not to suspect the presence 
of a legendary element. One tale has already shown him, 
in his character of guardian of the church of Worcester, 
as withstanding the terrible Sheriff of that shire, Urse 
of Abetot.^ Another tale more directly concerns his later 
diocese, and, if it ever happened at all^ it could not have 
happened long before the time which we have now reached. 
In this story Ealdred appears clothed with a higher mission, 
as daring to rebuke^ not a subordinate officer, however high 
in rank^ but the mighty Conqueror himself. Ealdred, we 
are told, was present in his metropolitan city on one of 
the feasts of the Church, by which must be meant either 

* Ord. Vit. 513 C. "lUic [in Dan& silvft] Audito adventu Dacorum, 
statim nontimn direzit Eboracum ; monens eoe at sese cautius in eos pre- 
pararent, ipsumque, si forte neoeasitas posoeret, advocarent. Bemanda- 
yerunt oustodes prsBsidioruin non indigeri subventu ejus ad annum/* 

' Orderio adda, "Jam Adelinua &c. ad Danos contuUrant se." 

* See abo7e, p. 186. * See above, p. 175. 

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the Christmas of the last year, or the Easter or Pentecost chap.xvui. 
of the present.^ A large stock of all manner of good f^,!^** 
things was being brought into the city from the episcopal 
lands in its neighbourhood. It chanced that the Sheriff — Ealdred 
William Malet mnst be meant — was at that moment going ^y wuiiam 
out of York with a large company. At a short distance Malet. 
from the city he met the Archbishop's horses and waggons 
bringing in wheat and other meats for the feast. The 
Sheriff asked the drivers who they were, and for whom 
they were bringing those good things. They answered that 
they were the servants of the Archbishop^ and were bring- 
ing in the things which were needful for his service. The 
Sheriff, caring little for the Archbishop or his servants^ 
bade his own followers seize on the whole of the stores 
and carry them to the King's storehouse in the castle. 
When the news was brought to Ealdred^ he sent mes- 
sengers, clerks and citizens, to the Sheriff, and bade him 
restore the stolen property and make good the loss to 
Saint Peter and to himself as his Vicar. Otherwise he 
would at once go on to wield his spiritual weapons 
against him.^ As no satisfaction was to be had^ but as the William 
Archbishop's messengers were driven away with threats refJ^B 
and insults, the high-spirited Primate made up his mind '«»*i*'»*ion. 
to go at once and lay his complaints in person before the 
King. He went to London, where William then was. Ealdred 
His coming is said to have caused some stir in the city, i^don. 

* T. Stubbs, Act. Pont. Ebor. X Soriptt. 1703. "Morabatur in unA 
■oUennitatum Eboraci." If there be any trath at all in the story, the feast 
mnst be one of the three mentioned in the text, as they are the only three 
of the greatest festivals of the Church which oome between William's first 
occupation of York in 1068 and Ealdred's death in 1069. 

* lb. "Hie sine mor& legates cum dericis et civibus post vice- 
comitem dirigens, mandavit ei ut sua sibi redderet et Sancto Petro sibi- 
qae ejus vicario satisfaoeret, alioqnin sciret ipsum de tam oontumeliosA 
injuri& deincepe pontificaliter acturum.*' There is a certain satisfi&ction to 
English feeling in finding the Vicar of Saint Peter not at Eome but at 

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oBAP-xym. and the Norman Bishop William^ with a crowd of clergy 
and people, came to meet him with all due honour. They 
went first to pray in the episcopal church of Saint Paul^ 
and then to the Abbey of Saint Peter, hard by which 
William was dwelling in Eadward's palace of Westminster.* 
Ealdred entered the royal presence in his pontifical robes, 
and with his stafi* in his hand. William rose to greet him 
with the kiss of peace^ but the English Primate refused 
the greeting ; he stood still, and spoke to William in words 

He rebukes g^ch as the Conqueror was not wont to hear. " Hear me, 

and 0"—— * 

King Wil- King William. When thou wast a stranger^ and when God 
in his wrath against the sins of our nation granted to thee 
to win with much blood the Kingdom of all Britain,^ 
I hallowed thee to King^ I gave thee my blessings and set 
the crown upon thy head. Now, because thy deeds call 
for it, I give thee my curse instead of my blessing, as to 
a persecutor of the Church of God, an oppressor of her 
ministers, as one who hast broken the promises and oaths 
which thou didst swear to me before the altar of Saint 

Humilia- Peter." William, we are told, isrembled, as he had once 

tion and 

restitution before trembled in the presence of the man who now stood 
before him.'^ He fell — can we believe the tale?— at the 
feet of Ealdred and asked what he had done that such 
a sentence should pass upon him. The great men who 

' T. Stabbe, 1 703. " Moxque episoopaa iUius civitatis cum multitudine dari 
et populi ei, ut tanto debeat pontifid, obviam pergens orationis gratis, primo 
ad eodesiam Sanoti Pauli, deinde ad eodemam Sancti Petri Westmonasterii 
ubi Bex erat, eum honorifioe comitatus est." The King's presence at 
Westminster seems to point to Pentecost as the feast intended. If so, it 
must be the Pentecost of 1069. 

* lb. **Audi, inquit, Williehne Bex, quum esses alienigena, et Deo 
permittente nostneque gentis superbiam pnniente, regnum Britannis, 
quamyis multo cum sanguine, obtinuisses, ego te in Begem oonaecravi et 
ooronam capiti tuo cum benedictione imposui." 

* lb. 1704. "Ad base verba Bex tremefSftctus proddit ad pedes ejus, 
humiliterjefflagitans ut in quo tarn gravem seotentiam meruisset tapeitv^V^ 
Cf. vol ill. p. 560. 

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stood around began to assail the Primate with threats^ oHAF.xvm. 
and to cry oat that the man who offeied such an insult 
to the King shonld be at once banished from the reahn.^ 
Tbey bade him at onoe raise the King firom the ground ; 
hot Ealdred answered, ** Good men, let him lie there; he 
lies not at my feet, but at the feet of Saint Peter^ who 
has done wrong to Saint Peter^s Vicar." ^ He then raised 
William firom the ground, he told him his wrongs, and 
graciously accepted the royal prayer that his blessing 
might not be turned into a curse. Ealdred went home 
in safety and honour, and one of the highest nobles of 
Winiam's court was sent with letters by yirtue of which 
ererjrthing, eren to the cords which tied the sacks of 
com, was faithfully restored to the Archbishop^ and from 
that day no man dared to wrong him any more.^ 

Such is the tale of Ealdred's daring, as it stands in the Estimate of 
local records of the church of York. The tale hangs *^* **^*" 
lamely together^ but the scene in the King^s court is 
boldly conceived, and, though no doubt romantic in its 
details^ it at least bears witness to the abiding English 
spirit of those who loved to conceive the Norman Con* 
queror grovelling at the feet of a man of English birth. 
In what can hardly fail to be another version of the same 
tale, the conduct of Ealdred is clothed with a higher moral 

* T. Stabbe, 1704. "Ipsun merito de medio debere tolli, vel in exsilium 
extra regnnm ezpelli, qui tanto Regi tantam injuriam irrog&saet.'* ** De 
medio toUi" ie an idea fitter for the time of Stubbe than for the time of 
AOdred. He carries on his history only to 1373. Could he have liyed to 
Bee the fate of Archbiihop Scrope ? 

* lb. ** Sinite, inqnit, boni viri, rinite ilium jaoere; non enim jacet ad 
pedee Aldredi Bed ad pedes Petri apostoli. Debet enim ezperiri Petri 
potcntism, qui non est veritns Petri ▼icario irrogare injnriam." Is not 
this story fbnned alter the model of the legendary humiliation of Frederick 
Bsrbsrossa before Alexander the Third ? See Milman» Latin ChziBtianity> 

iU. 536. 

' lb. "Itsque ab illo die nullus potentium ausus ftdt alignam sibi vel 
sais injuriam infezre vel oontumeliam." 

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oHAFjLym. dignity, as he steps in to avenge not a private wrong of his 
own^ but the general oppression of his people. It is hard 
however to fit in the tale with the known chronology of 

In another WilUam's reign. As lonff, we are told, as the new King 


Ealdred ruled with any show of moderation, so long Ealdred showed 

the impo- towards him the reverence due to a King.^ But when he 

ntionofa \^i ^n unbearable tax on the people, then Ealdred sent 

messengers to remonstrate. We are not told whether this 

refers to any of the general exactions of which we have 

already heard^ but which could hardly have touched Eald* 

red's diocese, or whether we are to suppose some special 

local burthen levied after the conquest of York.^ In either 

case the messengers of the Archbishop were driven away 

with scorn. Ealdred then put forth a solemn curse 

Ealdred against the King and all his offspring. He had once, 

a cune on ^^ ^'^j blessed him wrongfully ; he would now curse 

luttddiee* ^^™ rightfully.^ The news of the anathema was brought 

before it is to William ; devotiou or policy moved him ; he sent mes- 
taken off, . . 

sengers to Ealdred, craving that the curse might be taken 
off. But before they could reach the presence of the 
English Primate, his soul had passed away from this world. 
There was no voice to speak the words of absolution, and 

^ WiU. Malm. Gest. Pont. X 25 a. After mentioning the oath which 
William had sworn to Ealdred at his coronation (see vol. iii. p. 560), 
including a promise "quod se modeste eiga subjectoe ageret, et aequo 
jure Anglos quo Francos tractaret/' he goes on, "itaque ilium quamdiu 
erga sues temperiem habuit, dilexit ut prolem, veneratus est ut Begem.*' 
One would like to know the number of months or weeks that this feeling 

* lb. '* Sed quum importabilis tributi pensum a provincialibus exigeret, 
oonvenit eum per legatum antistes." On William's early exactions, see 
above, pp. a a, 59, ia8. The word ** provinciales " looks as if it referred 
to Ealdred's own part of England, but it does not amount to absolute 

' lb. " Non moratus ille maledictionis telum in ilium in omnem ejus 
vibrayit progenlem, pnefatus posse se maledictionem dare merito qui bene- 
dictionem dedisset Immerito." 

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we are left to sappose that the curse of Ealdred took its obap.xviii. 
effect in the misfortunes which clouded the later days of 
William, and in the mysterious doom by which all the 
male descendants of his house were swept from the earth 
within seventy years after Ealdred had placed the Crown 
of England on his brow.^ 

Whatever may be the exact amount of truth and fdse- Value of 
hood in these tales, their real value lies in their showing „ wit- 
the strength of popular feeling, and not only the strength ^^^^ 
but the permanence of local popular feeling. All the feeling. 
&ults and doubtful actions of Ealdred were forgiven ; York 
and Worcester alike were ready then^ and ages after, to 
canonize the Prelate who had dared to defy the stranger 
in the cause of his Church and country. And such tales Probable 
could hardly have gained popular belief, unless there had work of 
been something in Ealdred's real conduct to form a^^*° 
groundwork for the story. We need not believe that 
William really crouched at the feet of Ealdred; we need 
not even believe that Ealdred put forth a formal curse 
against William. But we can hardly doubt that some 
remonstrance against wrong, some expression of sorrow 
for his own hasiy acknowledgement of the invader, was 
uttered by the English Primate in his last days. At all 
events, we know that his heart was smitten with fear 
and sorrow at the coming woes which the struggle 
which was about to begin was sure to bring upon his 
people. The man who had traversed well nigh the whole 
of the known world on errands of policy and devotion, 
the man who had stood before Pope and Csesar^ and who 

' In this vernon the death of Ealdred leeme to be attribated to grief 
oaiued by these dealings with William ; ** Veramtamen provenerat nnn- 
tios mors antistis, qui ez aegritudind aaimi, ut plemmque fit, oontracto 
morbo decubuerat et obierat." 

On the difficulties arising from a Bishop dying or resigning before he 
had withdrawn a malediotiony see the story of the Emperor Andronikos 
Palaiologos and the Patriarch Atbanasios, Finlay, Byz. Emp. ii. 471. 

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oHAP.xyin. had placed tiie Crown on the head alike of Harold and of 
William, could not bear np against the sorrows which were 

I)«*th of in store. His strength gave way, and he prayed to be 

September taken away from the evil to come. His prayer was heard. 

II, 1069. rpj^Q English and Danish fleets had already met in the 
Humber, but their banners had not yet been seen beneath 
the walls of York, when a tomb within the minster of Saint 
Peter closed on the body of the last Primate of North- 
humberland of the old stock. ^ 

Meanwhile the confederate fleets were in the Humber. 

Unlucky Th'e only recorded detail of what befel them there is a 

mdventure single anecdotc, telling how the iBtheling Eadgar left 

of Eadgar. ^j^^ jj^^j^ ^^ jy ^j^j^ ^ gmaU company, the crew of a single 

ship, to plunder on the coast of Lindesey. They were 

attacked by the Norman garrison at Lincoln ; the whole 

party, save the iBtheling and two comrades, were taken ; 

the ship, forsaken by those who were left to guard it^ was 

seized and destroyed.^ Such an adventure was an evil 

omen; but it was nothing more. The fleet sailed on ; we 

are not told at what point of the Ouse the troops dis- 

The Danes embarked,^ but it is plain that the most obvious approach 

Sh march ^ York from any convenient landing-place would lead 

upon York, them along the left bank of the river, over the former 

battle-ground of Fulford.* This road would bring them 

^ The Woroester Chronicle (1069) Beems to put the death of Ealdred 
before the Danish fleet entered the Humber, but it is plain, from the mora 
careful order of Florence, that it happened between their appearance in 
the Humber and their approach to York. 

' Ord. Vit. 513 D. ''Adelinus ibi [in ostlo Humbrs] seorsum ab 
8OCL& turbft cum quibosdam suorum pratdatum ierat. Quos insQiens &milia 
Begis e linoolniA oepit omnes, exoeptis duobus cum Adeline elapsis, et 
navim confregit quam custodia pavens deseruit.*' 

' I do not know that the words of Florence, ** Danica classis superrenit^" 
need imply that they actually sailed up to York, and the description in the 
Chronicles b that of an army marching by land. 

* See vol. ili. p. 350. 

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at once upon the elder of the two castles. It was indeed obat.zviu. 
guarded by the stream of the Foss, hut, even if the bridge 
did not akeady exist, the crossing of so small a stream 
was a hindrance which might easily be overcome. It is 
plain that the castles were the first object of attack, and, 
if the fleet or any part of it did sail up to York, it would 
be the castles which they would first come upon as barring 
their course. Before the Danes reached the city, the whole Genmral 
country poured forth to join their banners. Men went on people, 
with all joy, walking and riding. A host that could not 
be numbered, pressing on with one heart and one soul, 
came within sight of the warders of the Norman castles.^ 
Their captains had boasted that they could defend them- 
selves for a whole year without help from William ; but 
they soon found that such a boast was vain indeed. They 
looked for a siege, and their first thought was to hinder 
the besiegers from filling up the ditches of the castle and 
so finding a more ready approach to the walls. Lest the 
houses near the castle should be used for this purpose, 
the Normans had recourse to their favourite element. 

They set fire to the houses in their own immediate neigh- The dty 
, , , rm « , , n .^ fired by the 

bourhood. The flames spread, the greater part of theKonxuni. 

city was destroyed, and the fire even seized upon the^J*^^' 

metropolitan church in the opposite quarter.*^ Whether 

^ The deacription in the Woroeiter Chronicle (1069) is meet graphiu. The 
iEtheling and the Earli and Thegns have come, *' and ealle )» landleoden, 
lidende and gangende [oompare Bolfs Bumame of Oamger], mit un- 
Dustan here, 8wi0e fiegengende, and 8wa ealle annedlioe to Eoferwio 

' The Woroeeter Chronioler would seem to imply a wilful desecration of 
the minster ; ** And Rr>an >e >a soypmenn Hder oomon, haefdon >a Fren- 
cisean >a bnrh forfasemed, and eac |«Bt halie mynster Sons Petms eaU 
forhergod and forhcBmed." But Florence seems to make the burning of 
the minster accidental. ** Normanni qui castella cnstodiebant, timentes ne 
domns que prope castella erant adjumenta Danis ad implendas fbssas castel- 
Icrom easent, igne eas suooendere coBpemnt, qui nimis exorescens totam 
dTitatein invasit, monasteriamque Saneti Petri com ipsA oonsumpsit.'* 

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cHAP.xvin. this sacrilege was intentional or unwitting, it was speedily 

The Danes avenged. Two days later^ while it would seem that the 

l£h rea^ flames were still blazing, but while the city was not yet 

£irtembcr ^^^^7 destroyed, the host drew nigh which was to save it 

31. from its foreign masters.* The Earb Waltheof and G-os- 

patric, and the chief Thegns who had joined the army^ 

led the way; the whole force of Denmark and North- 

The gwri- humberland followed. The garrisons ventured on a sally, 

and are cut a^d a fight followed within the walls of the burning city.^ 

to pieocB. ^^ jj^^ j^ ^j^g that, for one moment, Waltheof the son 


ezploitB of of Siward and ^thelflsed stood forth as the hero of deeds 

^ ' which handed down his name in the warlike song^ of the 

tongues of both his parents. We hear again the old 

ring of the lays of Brunanburh, of Maldon, and of Stam- 

fordbridge,^ as we listen to the tale which speaks of 

the giant form of the Northumbrian Earl, his mighty 

arms, his sinewy breast; how he stood by the gate as 

the enemy pressed forth, and how, as each Norman drew 

nigh, a head rolled on the earth beneath the unerring 

sweep of the Danish battle-axe.^ Three thousand of the 

The Winchester Annaliat (a8) somewhat un&irly transfers the blame of the 
burning to the Danes ; ** Beornns Comes [see above, p. 348] . . . post 
alia qu8B regno intulit mala oepit, Eboraoom et interfecit yiros, et demos 

^ Flor. Wig. 1069. *' Sed hoc nltione divinft citissime in eis yindicatom 
est gravissime. Nam priusquam tota dvitas esset oombusta Danica daasis 
supervenit ferift ii." 

' Ord. Vit. 513 D. ** Castellani obviam eis inconsultius exeunt, et intra 
nrbis moenia infeliciter confligunt. Non valentes resistere multitudini 
omnee interimimtur aut capinntur." 

' Hie account in William of Malmesbuiy, iii. 353, which appears again 
in the Yita et Passio Waldevi Ck>mitis (Ghron. Angl. Norm. iiL 1 11), as 
plainly comes from a ballad as anything in Henry of Huntingdon. We 
have also the verses of Thorkill Skallason which I shall quote durecily. 

* WilL Malms, u. s. " Siquidem Weldeofus in Eboracensi pugnA plures 
Normannorum solus obtruncaverat, unoe et unos per portas egredientes 
decapitans, nervosus lacertis, torosus pectore* robustus et procerus toto 
corpore, filius Siwardi magniiicentissimi comitis, quern Digera Danico 
vocabulo, id est fortem, cognominabant." 

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strangers died that day J A hundred of the chiefest in oRAP.xyni. 

rank were said to have fallen among the flames by the 

hand of Waltheof himself^ and the scalds of the North 

sang how the son of Siward gave the corpses of the 

Frenchmen as a choice banquet for the wolves of North- 

humberland.* The tale stirs the blood like the tale of FmitleM- 

noM of the 
the last victory of Harold by the banks of Derwent. In Tiotory. 

either case we mourn that the strength, and valour, and 

victory of Englishmen brought no lasting safety to their 

ooantry. But Harold did all that mortal man could do, 

and yielded only to a destiny that was too strong for 

him. The men who smote the Normans in the gate at 

York threw away the victory that they had gained by 

the inveterate habits of plunder and lack of discipline. 

But for the moment all seemed triumphant. The 

Norman garrison of York was utterly cut off. Of the 

men who had held city and shire in dread a few only 

were saved alive as prisoners. Among these were the Oflbert of 

two commanders, Oilbert of Ohent and William Malet, vViUiun 

together with William's wife and two children.^ The two JJ]^ ^ 


^ Flor. Wig. 1069. "Plus triboB milibuB ex NomiiuuiiB traddatis." The 
two GhrooicleiB Bay only, '* feU bund manna FrenciBcra )wr ofalogon." 

' The Btory in the Saga of Harold Hardrada (Johnston, ai8 ; Laing, iii. 
95) abont Waltheof burning a hundred Frenohmen in a wood after the 
batUe of Senlao Beems to me to be simply moved to this fight among the 
burning ruins at York. Anyhow the verBes of Thorkill Skallason are 

*' Hundrat let i hettom Frett er at firdar kniltto 

Hirdmenn itifurs brenna Flagd viggs und kl<S liggia 

S<5knar yggr enn seggiom Imleitom fechx l(ta 
Syido kvelld var >at elldi. Ols black yid hrse Fraoka." 

This Imro/i^ork of Waltheof is more'easily to be believed than the two 
thousand men killed by William, see vol. iii. p. 509. 

' The Peterborough Chronicler says, "And )» heafodmen hefdon on 
beandon. " In Florence and Simeon (85, Hinde) we get the names ; " Willelmo 
Malet [qui tunc vicecomitatum gerebat, Sim.] cum su& oonjuge et duobuB 
liberis [et Qileberto de Gkmt, Sim.] aliisque per pauds vite reservatis." 
The captivity of William Malet \h also mentioned in Domesday (374). It 

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oHAP.xvm. castles were broken down.^ An enlightened poUcy might 
desti^^^ perhaps have bidden the victors to spare the fortresses, 
and to turn them to their own purposes against the enemy. 
But every passion of the moment pleaded the other way. 
Wherever a Norman castle had been reared, it was the 
object of the bitterest of all hatred^ as the living embodi-* 
ment of the foreign yoke. We now look on those massive 
square keeps^ wherever they are left to us, as among the 
most venerable and precious of the antiquities of our land. 
And venerable and precious they are, now that they stand 
in ruins as the memorials of a time which has for ever 
English passed away. But when those towers were still newly 
wards the built, when their square stones were still in their fresh- 
^**'^^ ness, when the arches of their doors and windows were still 
sharp and newly cut, they were to our fathers the olgects 
of a horror deeper even than that with which France 
in the moment of her uprising looked on the Bastille of 
her ancient Kings. They were the very homes of the 
Conquest; within their impregnable walls the foe was 
sheltered ; from their gates he came forth to spread fear 
and havoc through the streets of the city, or through such 
surrounding lands as stiU owned an Englishman for their 
master. In the eyes of the men of those days the castle was 
an accursed thing, to be swept away from the earth by the 
stroke of righteous vengeance, as when liberated Syracuse 
swept away the citadel from which her Tyrants had held 
her in thraldom.' On the very day on which the army 

IB BMd of certain lands in Holdemess that William held them ''usqne Dan! 
oeperunt illnm." 

^ Chron. Petrib. **And )» castelas gewunnan." Cbnm. Wig. <'And 
|H>ne castel tobneoon and towurpan." The distinction of the oastlss is 
mentioned several times in Domesday ; (S98), '* primo anno post destrdc- 
tionem casteUoram ; (373), ''antequam castelUim oaptnm fuisset," *'doneo 
invasom est oastellum," ** donee fraotum est oasteUam." 

' Plut. Timoleon, as. *' *Eic4fw{c riiif IvpoKOovimv t^ ficvkifiMvw inp*7nu 
fuerii ffMipw Mai ffv¥t^'rrw$tu KwrunuarrofUpmp rAr rvpamfuuMf 4fVfiArmf. 

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reached York the two castles were broken down.> We are oHAP.zvm. 
not to suppose that the whole of the massive walls of two 
Norman keeps ooold be razed to the ground in the after- 
noon of a day of battle. But they were doubtless dis- 
mantled, breached, and left in a ruined state, so that they 
could not, for some while at least, be again used as places 
of defence.' Thus, between Mends and enemies, York had 
become a mass of ruins. Churches and houses had fidlen 
before the flames kindled by the Normans; the Norman 
castles had fidlen before the hammers and crowbars of 
liberated Englishmen. No attempt seems to have been'^^^^^ 
made to occupy the city, or to defend the Boman walls lish leave 
which had not utterly perished. The work of the moment ^ ' 
had been done ; the enemy had been swept from the earth ; 
till another day of battle should come, there seemed to be 
no work on hand save to enjoy the plunder which had been 
won. The Danes went back to their ships with their Tlio !>«>«■ 

go to their 

booty ; the men of Northumberland, following the oonmion shipe, and 
instinct of irr^^lar troops after either a victory or a^|LJ^ 
defeat, went away every man to his own home.^ 

The news of the &11 of his castles at York, of the Various 


slaughter of their garrisons, and of the capture of their in the 


commanders, was presently brought to King William in 
the West. He had work on his hands there also. It 
is plain that the tidings of the coming of the Danish 

*Ot M mCrrcf i»4finiaaif, hp^9 iKtvBtpUu won^vdiiwoi fitfieuoTirtif 76 

r& /u^/iora rinf rvp&ifimw AWrpc^wr jkoI Kar4cKa^.** 

1 FW. Wig. Z069. " CaatelliB eodem die fraotis." 

* Ord. Tit 513 D. ««Ga8teUa desolata patent.*^ I do not know that 
the words of the Englidh writers need imply more than this. 

' The fullest account is in Simeon's expansion of Florence (85) ; " Nayes 
Dani cum innumeris manubiis suasque sedes repetierunt Northhymbri." 
On the custom of irregular annies dispersing after a battle, see vol. i. 
p. 426. 

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0HAP.xTni. fleet had led to risings in various parts of England, even 
in shires far away from the banks of the Humber and 
the shores of the German Ocean. While William was 
in the Forest of Dean, war agpain broke out north 
and south of him. Devonshire and Somerset rose once 
more, and there were hostile movements in Staffordshire 
and Shropshire, a district which must have remained very 
imperfectly subdued up to this time. The men of the 
West had castles to fight against as well as the men 

The castle of Yorkshire. I have already told how William's insati- 

^uteT* able brother, Robert of Mortain, now Earl of Cornwall 
and lord of vast estates in all the Western shires, had 
raised a fortress for the defence of his new possessions. 
He had raised it on the very height which had beheld the 
finding of the Holy Rood of Waltham.^ From the peak 
which had now taken the name of Montacute, the fortress 
of the stranger Earl looked down like a vulture's nest on 
the surrounding hills and on the rich valleys at its foot. Of 
the castle itself not a stone is left ; the present ornaments 
of the spot, the gracefol tower of the parish church, the 
rich gateway of the fallen priory, the mansion of the latest 
days of English art, are all things which as yet had no 
being. But the wooded height still covers the fosses 
which marked the spot which the men of Somerset 
and Dorset in those days looked on as, above all others. 

The cMtle the house of bondage. In the further West the fortress 
^® ^' which had grown up on the Red Mount of Exeter « held 

General the men of the once proud commonwealth iu fetters. 

in the ^1^6 men of all the Western shires rose by a common 

^^^ impulse. Their zeal now, after so many defeats and 
harryings of their country, shows how deeply the sons 
of Harold had erred in trusting to the help of foreign 
plunderers, instead of boldly throwing themselves on the 

* See above, p. 170. 'See above, p. 161. 

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patriotism of the people of the Wealieyn. No names of 0HAP.xTm. 
leaders are given us; the movement seems to have been 
a thoroughly popular one. We read how the West- The men 
Saxons of Somerset, Dorset, and the neighbouring dis-getand 
triets besieged the castle of Montacute.^ Meanwhile the ^^^ 
men of Devonshire^ strengthened by a large force of the Mo&to- 
Britons of Cornwall, the immediate victims of Bobert of ^be men 
Mortain, appeared in arms beneath the walls of Bouge* ^^"^^J' 
mont.' To the north, Staffordshire was in arms, and Cornwall 
though this is the only movement of which we get no Exeter, 
detail^ it must have been one specially to be dreaded, as it Movement 

In Stafiord* 

was the only one which it needed the presence of William ahire. 
himself to quell. On the Welsh border again, the men Movement 
of both races, British and English, had risen with a^elah 
common zeal against the common enemy. There the^'^^' 
Normans had to strive, not against revolters eager to 
shake off their dominion, but against men whose necks had 
never yet been bent to their yoke* The centre of defence Porition 

t\f fill jLUim, 

in that region was the town of Shrewsbury, once, under ),c„y. 
the name of Pengwem, the capital of the Welsh Kingdom 
of Powys, but which the victories of Offii had changed 
firom a bulwark of the Briton against the Englishman 
into a bulwark of the Englishman against the Briton.^ 
No site could be more important, none better fitted either 
for resistance or for dominion. The town stands on the 
rights the Welsh, bank of the Severn ; but a bold bend 
of the river makes it occupy a strong peninsular site, 
which may call to mind the more &mous peninsular sites 
of Bern and Besan9on. A narrow isthmus commands the 

^ Ord. Yit. 514 A. ''Eo tempore Sazonee Ooddentalei de BorsetA et 
SammenetA com niis oonfiniboB Montem Acntum aisilierunt." 

' lb. " Idem apnd Exoniam ExonienaiB oomitatfia habitatores feoere, et 
midique eoadonatft turb& ex Coma BritannisB. Nam supremi fines Anglo- 
ram ocddentem TersoB et Hibemiam Coma Britannitt, id est Comaallia, 

' See YoL L p. 39 ; Waiiams* History of Wales, ii, 116. 


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GHAP.xvin. whole country on both sides of the river, and this neck 
of land, rising steep above the stream, had doubtless been 
chosen in earlier, as well as in later, times as the site 
of the stronghold which was to keep the border land in 
The town awe. At what time this important post had fallen into 
by the the hands of the Normans we are not told; but it is 
NormanB. pj^ju fj^f^ Shrewsbury was now held by a Norman gar- 
rison, and a Norman garrison commonly implied at least 
the beginnings of a Norman castle. It may be then 
that Shrewsbury was already bridled by some hasty fore- 
runner of the fortress which was soon to become the 
centre of the power of the united house of Montgomery 
and Belesme. At all events, Shrewsbury was now in 
William's obedience^ and a motley host was gathered to 
ShiewB- assault this new outpost of the strangers. Besiegers 
sieged by gathered from all parts, and the English inhabitants of 
with"4e ^^^ town itself eagerly joined them in their attack on 

Welah and the Norman fortress. Thither came Eadric the Wild, 

men of 

Chester, who had never bowed to the Norman King, with the 

forces of his own still independent comer of Hereford- 
shire. Thither came the men of still unconquered Chester, 
where the widow of Harold was perhaps still dwelling 
with her child, after the treason of her brothers and the 
overthrow of her step-sons. And from within the Cam- 
brian frontier the subjects of Bleddyn, now the sole King 
of Gwynedd and Powys, flocked to the call of their old 
ally. The imited forces of so many districts and races 
now laid siege to the fortress which had arisen on the 
bank of the great bord^ stream.^ Meanwhile York was 
filling, or had already fallen, and the Danish fleet was 

^ Old. Vit. 514 A. "Gaalli et Gestrenses presidium Begis apod Scro- 
besburiam obsederunt, quibus ineols oivitatis oum Edrioo Gtiildft, potenti et 
belliooso viio, aliisque ferocibus An^Us auxilio fuenmt." Rhiwallon, it will 
be remembered, had died in the civil war (see above, p. 183), so that 
Bleddyn was now sole King. 

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still in the Northumbrian waters. The power of William 0HAr.zYm. 

was threatened on every side, and one might be tempted 

to think that it needed something like his star to g^ide 

him to victory when so many foes were leagued against 


We should be glad of fuUer details than we have ofTherevolto 

put down 
the steps by which all these movements were put down, pieofimaal. 

The account in our single narrative is given with a good 
deal of conAision.^ But we see that all were put down, 
and that they were put down without any great difficulty. 
The story of these campaigns is in many respects the 
story of the reign of JSthelred over again. There is far st»to of 
from being the same cowardice and treason. We meet f^eUng. 
with English leaders who are perhaps somewhat hasty in 
making their peace with the Norman, but we do not read Improye- 
either of armies forsaking their leaders or of leaders for- iEthelred'i 
saking their armies. The rule of Cnut, of Godwine, and ^^*' 
of Harold had clearly raised the moral and military tone 
of the nation. But there is the same local isolation, the Local iaola- 
same incapacity to form any combined plan of operations, EngliBh in- 
the same general helplessness in the absence of any one *^^'^°^' 
chief of the type of Eadmund and Harold. Whatever 
attachment men had to Waltheof, to Eadric, to the sons 
of Harold, was mainly local. Eadgar, the one man who 
might on sentimental grounds have become the centre 
of loyalty to the whole nation, was utterly unfit for com- 
mand. Add to this that, while the patriotic English had Their lack 
to struggle with enemies among whom the military science pUned ' 
of the age was carried to its highest pitchy their own mili- «>^di«"' 
tary resources must have fallen back even below what the 
resources of the country had been in the days of ^thelred. 

' Onr only account of these Western campaigns comes from Orderic 
(514), who doubtless follows William of Poitiers. The English writers 
mention only the march against York. 

T 2 

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0HAP.zTni. As in the days of ^thelred^ there was no national standing 

army. In his days the force of the Housecarls had not 

yet come into being, and now that force had been swept 

away from the earth. Earls like Waltheof and Gospatric 

no doubt kept a certain number of armed followers con- 

Destruo- stantly in their pay. But that noble army which had 

HovsecarlB been called into being by Cnut and brought to perfection 

at Senlac. j^^ iJaj.Qid^ the army which had overthrown Macbeth and 

Grufiydd and Hardrada, had died, man by man, around 

the fallen King on Senlac. There was no longer an 

English force of which men said in other lands that any 

one man therein was a match for any two elsewhere. In 

these later enterprises everything had to be trusted to 

such a force as the towns and shires could supply of 

Compari- themselves at a moment's call. There was also another 

tween the Wide difference between the two cases. The opposition 

J^^J^J**** to the Danes was the work of a regular government, which, 
Danes and weak and vicious as it was, was defending territory which 
ance to the was actually in its own possession. The opposition to 
°™*"** the Normans was driven to take the form of isolated 
revolts against an established government. It was at most 
the defence of isolated pieces of territory in which it 
could hardly be said that there was any regular govern- 
ment at all. The men of each district had to rise, how 
they could, against those who were in the actual possession 
of power in their own districts, and they had little means 
of communication with their brethren who were engaged 
All the in- in the same struggle in other parts of the country. They 
govern^ ^ had to strive against the forms of Law and against the 
mentand influence of property — Law which was now administered 
DOW on the by the officers of a foreign King, property which had 
aide. passed away into the hands of foreign owners. It was 

no longer as in the two great campaigns of Harold, 
when the tried and disciplined soldiers of England were 
matched against the tried and disciplined soldiers of other 

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lands. It was not even as when the levies of each district oHAPJcvm. 
were called out at the bidding of a power which could 
inflict summary penalties on all defaulters. The cowardly, 
the sluggish, the prudent, could hold aloof, and would 
be serving those actually in power by holding aloof. None 
would take part in these desperate enterprises but the 
brave and zealous, who were prepared to risk everything 
in the cause of freedom. And they had to make the risk, 
when the odds, if not of actual numbers, at least of 
discipline and regular command, were all on the other 
side. An united effort of the whole nation was now 
impossible ; the last chance of such an effort was lost wheB 
Eadwine and Morkere drew back and left the faithful men 
of London to their fate.^ There was now no room for any- 
thing beyond local, desultory, and in truth hopeless, efforts. 
The force of the strangers in each district was commonly 
strong enough to put dovm the insurgents in that district. 
And it was even possible, by means of those powers which The foroe 
every established government has at its disposal,' to use dlrtrict 
the native force of the obedient districts against the dis- ^^^ 
tricts which were at any moment in revolt. another. 

So it proved at this moment, when so many distant Isolation 
parts of England were in arms against William at the same several 

time. The forces of the West, of the North, and of the ^''JfSf ''*" 
' ' in 1009. 

shires on the Webh border, if they had only been brought 
together by a common effort under a competent leader, 
wotdd have formed a host which it would have cost 
William himself some pains to overthrow. As it was, 
the disjointed attempts of the insurgents were easily put 
down in detail. We do not even hear that the men of 
Dorset and Somerset thought of joining their forces with 
the men of Devonshire and Cornwall. The besiegers of 
Montacute and the besiegers of Exeter were crushed 

' See Tol. iii. p. 531. ' See above, p. 150. 

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, Bishop 

His force 



He dis- 
perses the 

ment by 

separately. And in both cases they were partly crushed 
by English hands. A force was brought to the relief of 
Montacute under the command of Bishop Geoffrey of 
Coutances^ whose vast grants of land in the West were 
directly threatened by the insurrection. Against the men 
of Somerset and Dorset he led the men of London, 
Winchester, and Salisbury.^ These words would doubt- 
less take in detachments from the Norman garrisons 
of those cities. But when we consider the nature of 
the force which Eadnoth led against the aons of Harold,^ 
and of that which William himself led to the first siege of 
Exeter,^ it can hardly fail but that Geof&ey also com- 
manded the fyrd^ the legal English levy^ of those towns 
and of the surrounding shires. The force thus raised 
was, we are told, especially under the Divine pro- 
tection/ whether because they had a Bishop to their 
captain is not more fully explained. We have no details of 
the march or of the operations of the warlike Prelate. We 
are only told that the force under Geoffirey attacked the 
English who were besieging Montacute; that they slew 
some, took others prisoners, and put the rest to flight. 
The prisoners, according to the martial law of the eleventh 
century, were punished by mutilation ; * in the more 
, polished days of Elizabeth or James the Second these 
forerunners of the followers of Monmouth would hardly 
have escaped the gibbet or the quartering-block. The 
suppression of the other revolts is recorded with equal 
lack of detail, and withal with a good deal of concision. 
Earl Brian, whom we have already heard of as defeating 

* Ord. Vit. 514 A. "Ouentani, Lundonii, Salesberii, Gaufredo Con- 
stantiensi prsosule ductore, superveneruDt." 

' See above, p. aa6. ' See above, p. 149. 

* Ord. Vit. u. s. " Divino nutu impediti sunt." 

' lb. "Quofldam peren^eruoth partim captos mntilaverunt, reliquoa 

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the second attempt of Harold's sons/ again appears onoHAF.xTixL 
the stage. Witii him is coupled an Earl William^ whether ^^^ ^i 
tiie same who had been his companion in the fonner WiUkun 
campaign or the more famons William Fitz-Osbern of oabem. 
Hereford is not so clear as we conld wish. Oar single 
account seems to send the same pair of commanders at 
once to the relief of Exeter and to the relief of Shrews- 
bury.' But we can at least see, what is perhaps the The 
most important fiict in the whole history of the campaign, Exeter 
that the citizais of Exeter were no longer on the patriotic ^j^|![_ 
side. With the Norman garrison of the Bed Mount 
within their walls, the actual pressure brought upon them 
Was not small ; in such a case they may well have been 
tired of enterprises which brought so little fruit, and they 
may have been well pleased to accept a season of peace 
even at the hands of the stranger. The spirit of the proud 
commonwealth was so changed that its burghers, so &r 
from giving any help or comfort to the insurgents, seem 
to have actively joined in driving them back. The de- Defeat of 
fenders of Exeter, a name which most likely takes in both giegen of 
the foreign garrison and the English citizens, made a®*®*®'- 
vigorous sally, and drove away the besiegers from the 
walls. The flying insurgents were met by the forces of 

' See above, p. 344. 

* Ord. Vit. 514 A, B. **ExoiiieB cives Regi favebant, non ixnmemores 
preesoraram quae olim pasei fderant. ProtiiiiiB ubi Rex h»c accepit, 
Comites, duos QaillelmTim et Biiennum, laborantibus Bubyenire prascepit. 
•Yenun priusqaam illi Scrobesburiam pervenisMnt, urbe combosti hostes 
ducewerant, defenaores quoque Exonise sabito eruperont et impetu in se 
obeidentee abegenint. FugientibuB obvii GuUlelmus et Briennns grand! 
eaade temeritatem punierant." From tbis account, taken literally, we 
ihould certainly think that the same two conunandera were sent both to 
Exeter and to Shrewsbury. But this is unlikely, and almost impossible. 
Brian however was very likely to be sent to relieve Exeter, and William, 
if William Fita-Osbem be meant, was very likely to be sent to relieve 
Shrewsbury. One is tempted to suspect that two distinct expeditions 
under William and Brian have been rolled by Orderic or by William of 
PoitlexB into a joint ezpeditkni under tho two -• 

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cBAP.xyni. the two Earis, and paid, we are told, the forfeit of their 

rashness by being smitten with a great slaughter. 

The hopes of the West were thus crushed onoe more. 

EftJrie The hopes of the shires on the Welsh border were crushed 

gJJ!^^ no less utterly, but it is not equally easy to follow the 

b«iy and march of events. The besieging force of Eadric, English 

tirai. and Welsh, disappeared from Shrewsbury, after, it would 

seem, burning the town.^ The movement at Stafford, that 

one of the three which William looked on as calling for 

his own presence, still remained to be put down. But as 

Wflliam yet he had not time to attend to it. The danger in the 

haateiiB to- . 

wards the North, where the Danes were actually in the land, where 

North. ^^ castles of York had been broken down, and the city 

itself was little more than a heap of blackened ruins, was 

the greatest danger of all. William knew when to pause, 

and he knew also when to act with speed and energy. 

The over confidence of his commanders in York had for 

once led him astray, and the fidl of the capital of the 

North had been the result. As soon as the news came, he 

was moved with grief and wrath,^ and he at once set forth 

to avenge the blow which he had not been able to hinder. 

The nature of the force which he took with him showed 

that speed was the main olgect. It is mentioned in an 

emphatic way that it was a force of cavalry .^ Before 

William could reach the North, the Danish fleet had with- 

^ See the Utft note. 

* Ord. Yit. 513 D. *'Seoiiro Regi caBos suorum nuntiatur, tenibilitas 
hominum major quam sit amplifioante &mk refertor, et quod cum ipso 
dimioaturi confidenter pnestolentur. Rex exgo tarn dolore quam ir& oontur* 
batur, ac ad hostes cum ezercitu properare oonatur." If we may trust the 
Winchester Annalist (Ann. Mon. ii. 38), William showed his wrath towards 
bis defeated senrants in the same way in which he had shown it to his 
defeated enemies at Alen9on ; '* Multi de castello latenter egressi rem 
in&ustam B^ nuntiftmnt, quare manus dextern et nasi sunt amputati, 
ad iofidelium terrorem, et in manifeetum judicium, quod commissum sibi 
oastellum infideliter onstodierant." 

' lb. 5x4 A. " Ipse iUuc cum equitatu contendit." 

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drawn into the Hnmber, and the ships had been drawn oHJiFJcvin. 
up on the coast of Lindesey.^ William and his horsemen He su^ 
followed them. The crews were evidently scattered over banes at 
the country, which William seems to have scoured with ^^^* 
his horse. Some were overtaken and slain in the marshes 
of the district ; others were driven out of various lurking- 
places, of which we have no distinct account, but which 
would seem to have been some kind of rough and hasty 
fortresses^ which William deemed it needful to level with 
the ground.^ But the mass of the invaders made their They re- 
way to their ships, and crossed over to the Yorkshire side Holder- 
of the estuary. There they were safe for the present. ^*"- 
William had no naval force in those waters; so the Danes 
were left for awhile to devise plans by which they might 
avaige both themselves and their comrades.^ 

William had thus done all that could be done with the 
means immediately at his disposal. If he had not crushed 
the invading host, he had at least made them feel the force 
of his hand, and he had shown with what speed he could 
appear even in those parts of his Kingdom where his 
presence was least looked for. As he had no immediate 
means of reaching the Danes in Holdemess, he himself 
went back to put down the insurgents who still held their 
ground at Stafford. In lindesey he left two trusiy William 
captains to guard that coast against any attacks from the ]^^ ^f 
Danes on the other side of the Humber. One of these ^^'Jf™ 

and Itoberfe 

was his brother Robert, Count of Mortain and now of of £u to 
Cornwall, who was thus soon called away from his newi),^eein^ 
estates in the West, and who must have been fighting I^d«"«y- 
in the flats of Lincolnshire at the very time that the 

^ Ord. Vit. 514 A. " lUi yero metn magni bellatoris in Humbram au- 
fbgiont, ei ripe qon LindiBsem attingit applicant." 

' lb. '* Ne&rios quoedam in palndibos pene inaooeedbilibus repperit, 
gladioqae pimiit^ et aliquot latibula diruit." 

* lb. "In ripam alteram eyadimt Dani, opperientea tempna quo se 
nodosque fluofl.poMent ulciaci." 

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oHAPjcvui. insargentfl were besieg^g his own castle on the peaked hill 
in Somerset. With him was joined in command another 
kinsman, Bobert Count of £a, the loyal son of William 
and Lescelina, now enriched with vast estates in the 
South-Saxon land, and who held one of the first fruits 
of the Conquest as guardian of the castle on the rocks 
of Hastings.^ William meanwhile made his way, no doubt 
with all speedy to put down the enemies to the south- 
west whom he had been obliged to bear with for a season. 
He appeared at Stafford, and there is none of his exploits 
of which we should be better pleased to have full details. 
William's Our one account, if vague and brief, is still emphatic. 
Stafford- By an easy success he wiped out many of the factious 
■*'*"• party.* But the effects of the blow were lasting ; many 
entries in the Survey show how deeply both the town and 
Severe the shire of Stafford suffisred, and how much lies hid under 
with the the few and pithy words of our story. The wasted houses 
Jhiw*^** of the town, the wasted lands of the shire, the vast 
scale on which the confiscation was carried out, show 
that Staffordshire must have been the scene of vigorous 
resistance, and that it was therefore marked out for special 

^ See Domeeday, i8. 

' Ord. Vit. 514 B. " Bex interim apud Estafort quam pluiimoB factio- 
Banun partium fadli proventu deleyit." Here Ordeiic^can it be William 
of Poitiers t — stops to comment on the general state of things ; ** In tot 
certaminibus sanguis utrimque mnltas effunditur, et tarn inermis quam 
armata plebe diversis infortuniis hinc inde miserabiliter ooncutitur. Lex 
Dei passim violatur et ecdesiasticus rigor pene ab omnibus dissolvitur. 
Gsedes miseromm multiplicantur, aninueque cupiditatis et irs stimnlis stimu- 
lantur ao saudantur, et catervatim hinc inde ad infema raptaatur, 
damnate Deo, cujus judicia esse justissima comprobantur." 

* Domesday, 246. " In burgo de Stadford habet Bex in suo dominio 
xyiii. burgenses et viii. vastas mansiones ; prsBter has habet Bex ibi xxii. 
mansiones de honore Gomitum ; harum v. sunt vastss, aliae inhabitantur." 
Of the houses belonging to other lords, all foreigners, ninety-five were in- 
habited and thirty-tix waste. The entry of *' wasta" often ooonrs in the 
shire, especially in a long list of Crown lands, in 946. There ace no laige 

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The western and central shires were thus subdued; Chester 0HAP.xvni. 
alone^ the north-western angle, so to speak, of Western 
England, still remained independent. But the more press- 
ing dangers of the North at least won for this untouched 
fortress of English freedom the gloomy privilege of being 
devoured the last For the present, William took up his William 

mATohes to 

quarters at Nottingham, a town which^ as we have seen, Notting- 
he had strongly fortified in his first Northern march.^ *™* 
This was an excellent central position from which to watch 
at once Idndesey, York, and Chester, as well as to guard 
against any movements which might even now arise in 
the newly conquered districts. While William was putting Action of 
down the movement at Stafford, his commanders had not against the 
been idle on the banks of the Humber. The people of the ^"JJJ^. 
land were doubly the friends of the invaders. They 
were bound to the subjects of Swend by the old tie of the 
common Danish blood which formed so large an element 
amongst the inhabitants of Lindesey ; they were bound too 
by their good wishes for the success of their helpers in the 
common cause. The joyful season of Christmas was draw- 
ing near, and the men of Lindesey called their Danish 
friends to join them in the feasts with which they en- 
livened the gloom of winter. The Danes landed, and 
shared in the entertainments of their English hosts. But 
the Norman Earls came upon them, when they were 
unprepared, in the moment of festivity. The hospitable 
board was stained with blood, and the Danes were driven 
back with much slaughter to their ships.^ But it was 

Eogliah landowners, but there is a list of Tbegns at the end, among whom 
we find the Northumbrian GameL See vol. ii. p. 483. 

* See above, p. 109. 

' Ord. Yit. 514 B, C. "Dani aUqnamdiu delituere. Verum postqnam 
tuta sunt, opinati oon-dviis provincialiom (qa« vnlgo firmam appellant) 
illecti ad terram egro^antnr. Ambo Comites ex improyiso eos inyadnnt, 
epnlas cmore confiindunt, instant trepidis, ad naves usque osBdendo fugi- 
entas persequuntur.'* 

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cHAP.xym. presently minoured thiit feasting on a grander scale and 

Denjnaof on a more important spot was thought of. The Danes, 

oxTTorkT ^^^ ^^ doubt their English friends also, were purposing 

to keep the Midwinter Feast at York.^ This, as well as 

what follows, shows either that some considerable part of 

the city must have escaped the flames, or else that, as 

so often happened in those days, the damage had already 

begun to be repaired by the rebuilding of houses which 

wuiiam ^^^^ mainly of wood.^ To hinder this enterprise, or again 

finraa Nbt- to Surprise his enemies in the moment of rejoicing, 

tingham, William set forth from Nottingham. He marched as far 

Mdreaches as the banks of the Aire. That stream flows from the high 

A<L7^^ lands which so long divided the Northumbrian Angles 

from the Northern Welsh, and finds its way into the 

Ouse below the hermitage which was perhaps already 

growing into the minster of Selby, hard by the spot which 

was in after times to become the site of the palace and 

Origin of minster of Howden. The spot itself where William reached 

^^^ the stream is marked out as lying in the neighbourhood 

its later of one of the most famous castles reared by those wh<»n the 

event of that campaign was to set as lords over Northern 

England. It was near the place where Ilbert of Lacy 

1333, raised that renowned fortress, the scene of the martyrdom 

of Thomas of Lancaster ^ and of the mysterious death of 

1400. the deposed Richard,^ which, most likely from the incident 

of this veiy march, received the Romance name of Ponte- 

fract. The fortress however, all whose remains seem to 

> Old. Vii. 514 C. *' DiYiilgatiir itenim eoadem latronealoe Eboracnm 
ad yenire, qua natalem Bamiiiicain celebrent, seseque ad proeliandnm pns- 
parent.*' ' See yoL i. pp. 380, 395. 

' On the execution of Thomas of Lancaster " extra villain de Ponte 
Fracto," see Walsinghain, i. 165, ed. Kley, and Rymer, ii. 495 ; and on 
the miracles wrought at his tomb, see the other writ in ii. 525. 

* I am not bound to detennine the manner of death of Richard the 
Second, but I suppose that we may safely use the words of WalmTigham 
(ii. 345), ''Olausit diem extremum apud castrum de Ponte JVacto^" 

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William's delay bt the aire. 285 

be of mach later date^ does not, like so many others, over- 0HAP.xTni. 

hang a river at its feet The actual spot of William's 

encampment is to be looked for among the mills and 

wharfs and &ctories of the modem town of Castleford. 

That name shows itself to be of a later date than the 

foundation of liberty while at the same time it marks the 

spot as having been used as a place for crossing the river 

in much earlier times. The stream is now spanned by 

a bridge, but, if that bridge had any predecessor in the 

days before William, it had been broken down by the 

enony.i The Aire at this point is now navigable, at 

all events for the keels of the country, but it is described WiUiani'i 

as being at the time of William's coming impassable OMtTeford. 

alike by boats and by fording.'^ We need not however 

take this as implying more than the incidental condition 

of the stream during the winter months. William^ we are He i 
told, rejected the counsels alike of those who proposed a ih«1>iiJge. 
retreat and of those who suggested the repair of the 
bridge. The bridge might supply a means of passage for 
the enany, or an attack might be made upon them while 
they were still engaged in the work.^ William preferred 
to remain idle for three whole weeks on the right bank 
of the Aire,^ while, as the stoiy implies, the left bank 

^ The name Pons Fractal, though it is not found in Domesday, must 
have been known to Otderio, probably to \^^IUam of Poitiers. It 
exists in English only in its Romance form. It is therefore ahnost 
certain that the name was givMi soon after the place was brought into 
notice by this incident in William^s mareh. It thereforo follows that a 
bridge was actually broken down at the time. The difficulty arising from 
the distance between the town and castle of Pontefract and the possible 
site of any resl pont/rocfus is equal in any case. 

' Ord. Yit. 514 C. '* Properans illo Bex e Snotingeham, prsepeditur ad 
Fracti-pontis aquam impatientem vadi, neo navigio usitatam." Fractm 
Pons, as ^stinguished from the mora usual Ptnu Frctetnt, shows the name 
in a state of transition from a description to a proper name. 

' lb. " Beditum suadentibus non aoquiescit, pontem fieri yolentibus 
id opportunum non esse respondet, ne hostis ropente super eoe irruerot, et 
inferends dadis oooanonem in ipso opero haberet.** 

* lb. "Tree hebdomades illic detinentur." 

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0HAP.xvm. was lined by at least a detachment of the insurgents and 
their allies. This is not exactly in the spirit of Brihtnoth;^ 
we may add that it is not in the spirit of William himself, 
lisoisfindfl The tale goes on to say that all this while a valiant man 
named Lisois ^ was carefolly seeking for a ford both above 
and below the camp.^ At last, after much search over 
difScult ground,' a ford was found. Lisois, at the head of 
sixty horsemen, crossed it in the teeth of a party of the 
enemy on the other side. The English tried to hinder 
the passage of Lisois and his men, but they were them- 
selves defeated and dispersed.^ On the next day Lisois 
William returned to the camp with the good news. The army 
anny man ii^^rched to the spot ; they forded the river at the point 
the river, ^hich he showed them, and thence made their way towards 
York, through woods, marshes, hills, and valleys, along a 
narrow track through which two could not go abreast.^ 
This description, as well as the evident distance of the ford 
from Ponte&act, seems to show that, if the tale is to be 
trusted, the ford must be looked for in the hilly country 
&r up the river, and that the march to York must have been 
made by a roundabout course indeed. It is perfectly easy 
to understand that fords which were available in smnmer 
would be useless when the stream was swollen by the 

> See Tol. L p. 300. 

' The only notice of this Liaoii which I can find in Domeeday is in ii. 
49 b, where he appeara in poeseBrion, but seemingly illegal po onoeri on, of 
a amaU holding in Eatex. Half a hide was held by *' ii. iranci homines," 
** quam oocupavit lisoisos, quia unus Ulorum utlagavit/' 

* Ord. Vit. 514 C. " Denique Lisois, audax milee, quern de Monasteriis 
agnominabant, flumen summopere attentabat, et vadum supra infraque 

* lb. " Per multam demum diffioultatem locum transmeabilem depre- 
hendit, et cum Ix. magnanimis equitibus pertransiTit, super quos hostium 
multitudo irruit, sed his acerrime repugnantibus non prevaluit." 

* lb. " Postero die Lisois reversus prodit vadum, neo mora, tradu- 
oitnr exercitus. Itur per silyas, paludes, montana; valles, arotissimo 
tramite qui binos lateraliter ire non patiebatur." 

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floods of winter, and that the means of crossing had to oEAP.xvni. 

be looked for at a great distance from the camp. Bat 

it most have been no small obstacle which caused William 

to lose so much time At such a moment^ and to reach 

the object of his march hj such a roundabout and difficult 

way, when the Roman road leading straight over the 

flat country fiom Pontefiact to York lay invitingly before 

his eyes. It is hard to avoid the suspicion that some part ProUUe 

of the seemingly wasted time was spent in those negotia- ^^ ^f 

tions with the Danish commander which afterwards led ^11!^ 

with the 

to the utter and shameful failure of his whole enter- Banes. 

At last William for the third time drew near to York, wmiam 
I wish we could believe the tale of a later writer, who tells y^klLid 
ns that he met with a valiant resistance, and that the city ^^^^^ 
was taken only by storm with the slaughter of thousands position. 
of men.' But it seems plain that he entered the city or 
its ruins, and found no man to withstand him. The 
Northumbrians had gone each man to his home after their 
first great success^' and we hear nothing which shows that 
their forces had been again brought together. Of the 
Danes we are expressly told that the news of their flight 
was brought to William before he had reached the city.'* 
His first object was once more to secure its possession. 
A force was left at York, with orders to begin at once with The cMtles 
the repair of the castles, which were once more to hold the repaired. 

' Has U the probable suggestion of Sir Francis Palgraye, iii. 455. 

' This seems to be the meaning of Matthew of Westminster (1069), if 
that is the right name ; '* Eboraoum, obi fUit Danorum reoeptaculom, 
potanter cnm ibi inventis ezpugnavit, et molta millia hominum ibidem 
interfeoit." This is wrought up by Thierry into a picture of a dearly 
bought victory on the part of the Normans after a long defence of which 
the " Boi Edgar*' seems to be the hero. 

' See aboye, p. 371. 

* Ord. Vit. 514 C. " Eboraoo appropinqoatum est, sed Danes aufugisse 
nnntiatum est." 

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oHAPJLYin. metropolis of the North in subjection.^ And now came 
The great that fearful deed, half of policy, half of vengeance, which 
Northum- has stamped the name of William with infamy, and which 
forms a clearly marked stage in the downward course of 
his moral being. He had embarked in a wrongftd under- 
taking; but hitherto we cannot say that he had aggravated 
the original wrong by reckless or wanton cruelties. But, 
as ever, wrong avenged itself by feading to deeper wrong. 
The age was a stem one, and hitherto William had 
. certainly not sinned against the public opinion of the age. 
Hitherto he had been on the whole a merciful conqueror. 
He had shown that he belonged to another type of beings 
from the men who had wasted his own Duchy in his child- 
hood, and from the men on whom Siward and Tostig had 
striven to put some check within the land which he had 
now won.^ Siward and Tostig were both of tliem men of 
blood, stained with the guilt of private murder, from 
which we may be sure that William would have shrunk 
at any time of his life. But we may be no less sure that 
Siward and Tostig, harsh as they were, would have shrunk 
from the horrors which William now proceeded deliberately 
Its delibe- to inflict ou Northern England. The harryings of which 
a^vtemAtic Sussex and Kent had seen something on his first landing ^ 
were now to be carried out, far more systematically, far 
more unflinchingly, through the whole of Yorkshire and 
several neighbouring shires.^ The King took the work 

* Old. Vit. 514 C. " Bex tribnnoB et pnesidefl cum armatomm manu, qui 
restauzareQt in urbe caatella, direxit, et iJios nihilominna in ripH Humbne, 
qui Danis resisterent, reliquit.'' 

' See YoL ii. p. 381. ' See yol. iii. pp. 411, 554. 

* The great harrying of the North is mentioned briefly but emphatically 
in the Chronioles, 1069 ; ** pa se kyng |>i8 geaxode, |>a fur he noztfward mid 
ealre hia fyrde >e he gegaderian mihte, and >a dcire mid ealle forfaetgode 
and aweste." So Florence; " Quod ubi Begi innotuit Willehno, exercitn 
mox congregate, in Northymbriam effisrato properavit animo, eamqne per 
totam hiemem devastare, hominesque truddare, et multa mala non ceasabat 


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of destmction as his personal share of the conquest of oRipjLTni. 
Northumberland. He left others to build his castles in WiliMn's 


York ; he left others to watch the Danish fleet in the ■hAre in 
Humber; but he himself went through the length andtation. 
breadth of the land, through its wildest and most difficult 
regions, alike to punish the past revolts of its people and 
to cripple tlieir power of engaging in such revolts for the 
time to come. That all who resisted were slain with the 
sword ^ was a matter of course ; Harold had done as much 
as that in his great campaign against Grufiydd.^ But 
now William went to and fro over points a hundred miles 
from one another/^ destroying, as fieur as in him lay, the life 
of the earth. It was not mere plunder, which may at 
least enrich the plunderer ; the work of William at this 
time was simple unmitimted havoc. Houses were every- Utter de- 
where burned with all that was in them ; stores of corn, property of 
goods and property of every kind, were brought together ^^ ™^- 
and destroyed in the like sort; even living animals seem to 
have been driven to perish in the universal burning.^ The 
authentic records of the Conquest give no hint of any ex- 
ceptions being made or favour being shown in any part of 
the doomed region. But local legends as usual supply their Legend of 
tale of wonder. Beverley was saved by the interposition of v^Uon of 
its heavenly patron, the canonized Archbishop John.* The ^^«^l«y- 

agere." Fuller details come from Ordario, the Eyesham History, and other 

> Ord. Vit. 514 D. ** Plerosque gladio vindice ferit, aliorum latebrae 
evertit, terras devastaty et domos oum rebus omnibus concremat/* 

' See vol. ii. p. 474. 

* Ord. Vit. u. 8. *' Spatio centum milliariorum castra ejus diiSbndun- 

* lb. '* Jussit iHt stimulante segetibus et peooribus oum vasis et omni 
genere alimentorum repleri, et igne injecto penitus omnia simul oomburi, 
et sic omnem alimoniam per tctam regionem Trans-humbranam pariter 

* On the history and legends of Saint John of Beverley (Bishop of 
Hexham 687-705. of York 705-718, died 721), see Bceda, v. 1-6. We 


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oHAPjLvni. King had pitched his camp seven miles from the town, 
when news was brought that the people of the whole neigh- 
bourhood had taken shelter with all their precious things 
in the inviolable sanctuary which was afforded by the 
frithstool of the saint. ^ On hearing this, some plunderers, 
seemingly without the royal orders,^ set forth to make a 
prey of the town and of those who had sought shelter in 
it. They entered Beverley without meeting with any 
resistance, and made their way to the churchyard, where 
Miraculous a vast crowd of people was gathered together.® The leader 
ture of of the band, Toustain by name * — not, let us hope, the son 
TouBtain. ^£ ^j£^ ^j^^ standard-bearer of Senlac • — marked out an old 
man in goodly apparel with a golden bracelet on his arm.^ 
This was doubtless the badge of his official rank, or the prize 
which Harold or Siward or some other bracelet-giver"^ had 
bestowed as the reward of good service against Scot or 
Briton or Northman. The Englishman fled within the 
walls of the minster. The sacrilegious Toustain, sword 

get another instance of his worship in the account of the Battle of the 
Standard in Richard of Hexham, X Scriptt. 331, where his banner is 
brought forth, along with those of Saint Peter of York and Saint Wilfrith 
of Ripon. 

^ The legend is told by .Mired of Beverley, 129, ed. Heame. Beverley 
was the " unicum asylum." The Normans hear ** onmem iUius region is 
populum illuc ad pacem Sancti venisse, et omnia pretiosa sua secum de 
tulisset.*' The sllusion is plainly to the fiunous FrUhstool. 

* lb. '* Quidam milites rapinis assueti Beverlacum armati petierunt.*' 

' lb. ** Ad septa coemiterii, quo tetrita totius populi multitude con- 
flnxerat, ausu temerario progrediuntur." 

* lb. " Primicemus Turstinus/* 
' See above, p. 39. 

* Al. Bev. u. s. " Quemdam veteranum pretiosius indutum, auream in 
brachio annillam ferentem.*' 

^ Compare iiv the Song of Brunanburh the description of .^helstan 
as " beoma beabgi&/' and agun in the Song of Maldon (Thorpe, Analecta, 

"Heton fi9 secgan, 
)>nt |>u most sendan raSe 
beagas wi9 gebeorge.** 

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in hand, spurred his horse within the consecrated doors.^ oHAPJLvnr. 
Bat the vengeance of Saint John of Beverley did not 
slnmher. The horse fell with its neck broken, and 
Toustain himself, smitten in his own person, his arms and 
1^8 all twisted behind his back, no longer seemed a man 
bnt a monster.^ His afiighted comrades hud aside all 
their schemes of plunder and slaughter, and humbly 
implored the mercy of the saint.^ They made their way 
back to William and told him the tale of wonder. The William 
King had already shown himself a friend to the church the rigfato 
of Saint John,^ and now, fearing the wrath of the saint, ^|^^ 
he summoned the chief members of the Chapter before him, 
and again confirmed all their possessions by charters under 
the royal seal.^ He added new grants of land and precious 
g^fts for the adornment of the minster,^ and, what was of 

^ AL fiev. 1 29. " Extracto quo erat prscmctuB glAdio, per medium plebia 
attonite, super emissarium furena senem persequitur . • intra valvas 
eodens jam pene fogiendo ezBtmctum inaequitur.*' 

* lb. ** Eooe equua in quo aederat fracto oollo oorruit, et ipae, facie jam 
deformi poet teigum yers& manibua pedibuaque retortia, Telut monatrum 
infonne omnium in ae mirantium ora oonvertit." It ia curioua to aee how 
Thierry (i. 319) waters down the miracle ; " aon cheval, gliaaant aur le 
paT^, a'abattit et le froiaaa dana aa chute." Of course this is likely enough 
to have been the kernel of truth in the legend, but no man has a right to tell 
the tale in thia ahape aa if it were undoubted fiMst. On atoriea of this kind, 
aee the profound remarka of Fxotemor Stubbs in hia Preface to De Inven- 
tUme, xxYii-x3dx. 

* lb. '* Stupeiacti et ezteiriti aodi ejua, projeotla arroia et depoaitft 
fenxatate, ad impetrandam Sancti Johannia miaericordiam conyertuntur." 

* See aboye, p. 205. 

'lb. " Rex, audita yirtute gloriod oonfeaaoria, yerenaque aimUem 
ultionem de ceteria, accereitia ad ae migoribua ecdeaue, quncumque 
prkmun Begum yel principum libertate eidem eccleai« fiierant collata, 
rogii anctoritate et aigilli aui munimine oonfirmayit." The chief of theae 
former benefibctois waa ^thelatan, the aeoond founder of the church in 
ita secular ahape. See the legend in Bromton, X Scriptt. 838. I aiiapeot 
that thia present confirmation ia a legendary yeraion of the earlier one in 
Ealdred'a time. 

* lb. " Ne ipae pnedeceaaorum auorum munificentila easet impar, 
prasfittam eodeeiam pretioaiB donia deourayit, et poMosaionibus ampli- 

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0RAP.xTin. more immediate value than all^ that there might be no 
^* "■ further danger of the peace of Saint John being broken, 
camp. he at once broke up his camp by sound of trumpet, and 
removed his head-quarters to a place far removed from 
the hallowed spot.^ 
General The lands of Saint John of Beverley were thus, according 

of the ^ ^^6 locsl legend, spared amid the general havoc, and re- 
oountry. mained tilled while all around was a wilderness.^ The long 
abiding traces of the destruction which was now wrought 
were its most fearful feature. The accounts of the imme- 
diate ravaging are graphic and terrible enough, but they 
are perhaps outdone in significance by the passionless 
Entries in witness of the great Survey, the entries of " Waste," 
Dome«i*y. ,, ^^^^ „ ,, ^^ste," attached through page after page 
to the Yorkshire lordships which, seventeen years after, 
had not recovered fit)m the blow.^ Indeed we may be 
inclined to ask whether Northern England ever fully re- 
covered from the blow till that great developement of modem 
times which has reversed the respective importance of the 
North and the South. For nine years at least no attempt 
was made at tilling the ground ; between York and Dur- 
ham every town stood uninhabited; their streets became 

^ AL Bey. lap. " Ne exerdtdfl sui yicinitate pax eoclesin ab eo firmata 
diflBolyeretur, sonantibus per exoroitum dasaicis statim a loco leoeasit, et 
yalde prooul inde tentoria figi pnBoepit.*' 

' Bromton, X Scriptt. 966. " Neo terra aliqua erat culta, ezcepto solo 
temtorio beati Jobannis Beverlad; nam ibi quidam Regis miles, oollo equi 
Bui fraoto et fiioie propri& retort&, Tindictam incunebat.** 

' I take at a venture pp. 305, 505 &. After a long string of places we 
read, '* omnia wasta pmter Engelbi." After another such list, '* omnes 
sunt waste ezcepto Wimeltun.'* The entry of *' wasta " occurs also in 
twenty-four other places in those two pages. These are on lands belonging 
to the two great Earls Robert and Hugh. The destruction howeyer was 
not spread quite equally oyer the whole land. In pp. 519, 319 h, the &tal 
word occurs only nine times. Among the places which escaped we find 
the names of " Bameburg*' and " Sproteburg." Sprotbuxgh has its 
fiithstool as weU as Beverley, and it is hard that it has not also its 

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lurking-places for robbers and wild beasts.^ Even aoHAP.xym. 
generation later the passing traveller beheld with sorrow ^.^^ 
the ruins of &mous towns, with their lofty towers rising traces of 
above the forsaken dwellings, the fields lying untilled and ravages, 
tenantless, the rivers flowing idly through the wilderness.^ 
At the time the scene was so fearful that the contemporary State of 
writers seem to lack words to set forth its full horrors. at*the^ 
Men^ women, and children died of hunger ; they laid them *™*" 
down and died in the roads and in the fields, and there 
was no man to buiy them.^ Those who survived kept up 
life on strange and unaccustomed food. The flesh of cats Utter 
and dogs was not disdained, and the teaching which put a nees of the 
ban on the flesh of the horse as the food of Christian men ■'"^^**"- 
was forgotten under the stress of hunger. Nay, there were 
those who did not shrink from keeping themselves alive on 
the flesh of their own kind.^ Others, in the emphatic Men eell 
words of our old records, bowed their necks for meat in the f^ sUves. 
evil days. They became slaves to any one who would feed 

> Sim. Dun. Gest. B^g. 1079, P* ^5' Hinde. ** Interea ita terr& oultore 
destitutft, lata ubique Bolitudo patebat per novem annoe. Inter Eboracnm 
et Dnnelmnm nusquam villa inhabitata, bestiarum tantam et latronum 
latibula magno itinerantibus fnere timori." 

* Win. Malm. iii. 249. " Itaque provincin quondam fertilis et tyran- 
norum nntrioulae incendio, prsedA, sanguine, nervi succisi ; humus per sex- 
aginta et eo amplius mUliaria omnifariam inoulta ; nudum onmium solum 
uBque ad hoc etiam tempui ; urbes olim prsBclaras, tuires proceritate axA 
in coelum minantes, agros IsBtos pascuis, irriguos fluyiis, si quis modo yidet 
per^pinns, ingemit, si quis superest vetus incola, non agnosoit." Are we 
to see in these heaven-reaching towers the tall slender unbuttressed steeples 
of our earliest Romanesque 1 

' Sim. Dun. u. s. '* Erat horror ad intuendum per domos, plateas, et 
itinera cadavera humana dissolvi, et tabescentia pntredine cum foetore 
horrendo scaturire vermibus. Neque enim snperat qui ea humo cooperiret, 
omnibus vel exstinctis gladio et &me, vel propter fieunem paternum solum 

* flor. Wig. 1069. *' Nonuannis Angliam vastantlbus, in Northymbrii 
et quibusdam aliis provinciis anno prsecedenti, sed prsesenti et subsequent! 
&re per totam Angliam, maxime per Northymbriam et per oontiguas iUi 
provincias, adeo fiunes pnevaluit, ut homines equinam, caninam, cattinam, 
et camem comederent humanam." 

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0HAP.xym. them, sometimes, when happier days had come, to be set 
free by the charity of their masters.^ Before the end of 
the year, Yorkshire was a wilderness. The bodies of 
its inhabitants were rotting in the streets, in the high- 
ways, or on their own hearthstones ; and those who had 
escaped from sword, fire, and hunger, had fled out of 
the land. 

Oontem- The harrying of Northern England was a deed which 

M^atoof was denounced by men not indisposed to make the best of 

^^dudkl'' WiUiam's deeds as a deed on which the wrath of God was 

sure to follow.'^ To his own conscience it was perhaps 

reconciled by the thought that, after all, he had shed no 

' There is a most remarkable document in Cod. Dipl. iv. 363, in which 
a lady named G^atlBsed sets free several persons, who are mentioned by 
name, with the striking addition, '* and eaUe )>a men >e heonon heora heafod 
for hyra mete on 0am yflum dagnm." Mr. Kemble (Saxons in England, 
i. 196), who mentions other examples of the practice, refers this deed to a 
time ** as late as the Norman Conquest." From the words which foUow, 
in which Gospatric is mentioned, the document would seem to belong to 
the year 1070. Geatfled sets free another party of slaves, who are 
described as " )» men pe heo ]iingede st Cw8espatrike." All the names are 
English or Danish. This example illustrates the general description of 
Simeon of Durham (85), '* Alii in servitutem perpetuam sese venderent, 
dummodo qualiteroumque miserabUem vitam sustentarent.'* 

' ChxL Yit. 514 D, 515 A. " Nusquam tantft crudelitate usus est 
GuUlelmus, hie turpiter vitio succubuit, dum iram suam regere contempeit ; 
et reos innocuosque pari animadversione peremit. ... In multis GuiUel- 
mum nostra libenter extulit relatio : sed in hoc quod una justum et in- 
justum rabids fiunis lanceA apque transfixit, laudare non audeo. Nam 
dum innocuoB infantes jnvenesque vemantes et floridos canitie senes £une 
periditari video; misericordift motus miserabilis populi moBForibus et 
anxietatibus magis condoleo, quam frivolis adidationibus inutiliter studeo. 
PrBBterea indubitanter affero quod impune non remittetur tam feralis 
oodsio. SummoB enim et imos intuetur omnipotens Judex, et eeque 
omnium &cta discutiet ac puniet districtlssimus vindex, ut palam onmibus 
enodat Dei perpetua lex.** This passage is valuable, even if it be simply 
the comment of Orderic, whose sense of right and wrong was keen enough. 
But it becomes of tenfold value, if we can believe that he copied it from 
William of Poitiers. It would show that there were bounds beyond 
which even that abandoned flatterer refused to follow his hero. 

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blood except in open fighting. He had spared the lives of oHAPx^in. 
rebels whom a less mercifol prince might have doomed to ^^'*^ f 
the slaoghter. His vengeance fell only on the lands and William 
goods which were his own hiwfiil forfeit, and if their former 
owners died of hunger through their loss, that was no guilt 
of his. All this, all that had gone before, all that was to 
come after, was to be done and suffered that William might 
win and wear the Crown which the choice of those whose 
gift it was had given to another. And, as if in mockeiy, He holdt 
William decreed to show himself in all the pomp of king- christnuui 
ship in the midst of the land which he had wasted. He ^( ^^ 
would remind men that all that he had done was not the 1069-1070. 
act of a lawless invader overcoming his foreign enemies, 
but the act of a lawful King subduing the rebels who had 
again and again risen against bim, who had slain his 
garrisons and broken down his castles. The Christmas 
Feasb was this year to be kept, not in the new minster of 
Eadward at Westminster or of Ealdred at Gloucester,^ but 
amid the ruins of the houses and churches of the wasted 
metropolis of the North. The Crown which Ealdred had 
placed on William's head was to be worn in lus own city^ 
when there was no Northumbrian Primate to do his duty 
to his King^ and only the blackened walls of the minster 
to be the scene of the ceremony. Still the form was gone 
through, doubtless with such diminished splendour as the 
circumstances allowed. The Crown and all the other 
badges of royalty were brought from Winchester; the 
army was left encamped without the city, and King 
William, not King Eadgar or KiDg Swend, held the 
Christmas Feast in York.' It was doubtless at this grim 

> See Tol. ii. p. 435. 

> Ord. Vit. 515 A, B. "Inter bella Gnillelmtts ex civitate GuenU 
jnbet adferri ooronam, aliftque omamenta regalia et van, et dimiaio 
ezercito in castria Eboracum pergit, ibiqne Katale Salvatoria noetri 
eonoelebrat." This is confirmed by the Worcester Cbroniole, 1069 ; " And 
ae kyng wcs )>one midwintres daig on Eoferwic." 

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cHAP.xYin. Midwinter Gem6t that the main settlement of Yorkshire 
Settlement took place. It must have been now that the Breton Alan 
■hire. received that vast graxit of land which placed him at the 
Grants to head of the nobles of the North.^ In one of the most 

Alan of 

Britanny. picturesque spots of that land of dales and streams, on 

^^^o»<* a height overlooking the rocky bed of the dark Swale, 

he reared the castle which, under its French name of 

Richmond, so long remained as a link between the 

English Earldom and the Breton Duchy .^ A hall, a 

keep, a chapel, either of this or of the next age, survive 

to tell of the proud state of its early lords, but how 

much of them is actually the work of the first founder 

may remain a problem for the architectural antiquary.^ 

Under the shadow of the castle a town, as usual, arose, 

and the borough of Richmond gained importance enough 

to give its name to new ecclesiastical and temporal divi- 

Eodesi- sions of the surrounding country.* The bounty of the 

founds Earls and their followers surrounded the castle with eccle- 

Ridlinond ^^^^ foundations. A stately parish church arose on the 

^ In Domesday, 309» Alan appears as third among the lay landowners in 
Yorkshire, after the Earls Hugh and Robert, but his estate is the laigest 
of the three. 

' The descent of Dachy and Earldom may be studied in Dagdale's 
Baronage, 46, and in the Art de Verifier les Dates, ii. 897 et seqq. 
See also Gale, Registrum Honoris de Richmond, the PreiiMse and the 
Genealogical Tree. It is enough to remember the regrant of the Earldom 
to Dnke John in 1 268, and the descent from him of the lamons Arthur, 
the Constable of Franoe, in the fifteenth century. 

' I cannot find any authentic dates for the different parts of the castle 
of Richmond, one of the finest Noiman buildings in the kingdom. Qtle 
attributes the building of the great tower to Gonan, the fi^urth Earl, 
1 1 45-1 171. It would seem to be of late Norman date, but retaining an 
earlier entrance. The hall overhanging the river struck me as possibly 
earlier than the keep. The original chapel is very small and plain. Both 
hall and chapel stand quite apart from the keep, showing how completely, 
at all events in castles of this palatial kind, the keep was merely an 
occasional place of defence. 

* The name of ** Richmondshire " is femiliar ; see Gale, and Whitaker's 
History patiim. Richmond also gives its name to an Arohdeaoonzy. 

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dope of the hill^ and a Benedictine Prioiy, a cell to Saint crap.xviu. 
Mary of York, crowned the opposite height beyond the 
river. At a short distance from the town^ among the 
woods by the river side, arose in the next age the Prse- 
monstratensian Abbey of Saint Agatha of Easby, and the 
tall slender tower of the still later Franciscan church might 
almost seem in its general proportions to recall the archi- 
tecture of an eariier day.* Another Yorkshire borough 
arose on the estate of another of William's followers. 
Ilbert of Lacy became lord of the lands where William's Lande of 
host had tarried on their Northern march^ and, on the Lacy ; 
nearest convenient spot to the presumptuous river, t^i© ^$j^fo[ct. 
incident of the campaign was commemorated in the name 
of his castle of Pontefract or the Broken Bridge.'^ Another 
grantee was William of Percy, the founder of a great 
name, whose genuine bearers soon passed away, but which 
has been, like that of the Csesars, artificially handed on to 
later times.*') The still more renowned name of Bobert of 
Bruce also appears in the Survey, but his lands were a later 

^ TIm Prioiy of Saint Martin waa founded about i lOO by Wymar, dapiftr 
to the second Alan, and a chief benefiustor was " Roaldus filius Roaldi, 
filii Alani, conttabularii RichmundisB/' Earl Conan hiniBelf was also a 
benefactor. Mon. Angl. iii. 6oi, 6o3. Boaldus [Rhiwallon] was also the 
first founder of the Abbey of Easby. Mon. Angl. rii. 921. The Fran- 
ciscan Friaiy was founded in 1458. Mon. Angl. Ytii. 1545. The tall slender 
tower of the fifteenth or sixteenth century is, as usual, inserted between the 
nave and choir of the elder church. Easby is well known for its noble 
refectory ; of the church but little is left. 

' See above, p. 384. 

' The Peroies, who seem to have a mythical genealogy before they 
landed in Normandy, most likely came firom Percy in the Cdtentin. The 
genuine line became extinct in the third generation with William, the son 
of William's second son Bichaid. See Dugdale's Baronage, 370, and 
Uartshome, Feudal and Military Antiquities of Northumberland, 385. 
His daughter Agnes, in Henxy the Second's time, married Joceline, son of 
Godfirey, Duke of Brabant or Lower Lotharingia, a descendant by female 
Bucoeoiion of Charles the Great, in whose line, and afterwards in those 
of Seymour and Smithson, the artificial house of Percy has been continued 
to our own time. 

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cHAP.xvni. gift from the Conqueror.^ These are names specially 

^®'' belonging to Northern history ; but William's immediate 

granteea. kinsfolk and friends did not fail to come in for their share. 

Earl Harold's lands at Coningsbargh passed to William of 

Warren.^ A vast estate, the reward doubtless of his 

services in Lindesey, fell to the insatiable Earl of Mortain 

and Cornwall.^ One Drogo of Bevrere, whose legendary 

history I shall discuss elsewhere, obtained a gprant of the 

Retention peninsula of Holdemess.'^ Still many English Thegus 

EngUith ^ i^ctained their lands under the Crewn^*^ while others had to 

tenants. j^qJ^ them of Norman lords. This is specially the case 

with the lands of Ilbert of Lacy, which were largely held 

by their former owners,® while on the lands of Earl Robert 

they seem to have been almost wholly dispossessed in 

Fall in the fevour of his foreign followers. But, after the frightful 

land. havoc of this winter, lands in Yorkshire could have been 

of little value to any man^ native or stranger. Through 

page after page of the Survey the same frightful entry of 

" Waste " constantly meets the eye, and a more attentive 

study will show many a lordship which had once kept up 

the hall of more than one English Thegn, but from which 

only the barest shadow of profit could now be wrung for 

ite Norman owner.'' 

^ Domesday, 33a 6. " Hie est feudum Rotberti de Bruis, quod fait datum 
postquam Liber de Wintonift scriptus fuit.** 

' Domesday, 321. Coningsbargh and its appurtenances seem to have 
been the only possessions of William of Warren in Yorkshire. 

» Domesday, 305-308 h. 

* See Appendix €K>. 

* Domesday, 330 6, 331 6. 

* In pp. 316 &, 317 &» will be found a long list of English tenants of 
Ilbert, many of them holding lands that had formerly been their own. To 
be sure, many of the lands are waste. 

^ Thierry quotes the passage in Domesday, 315, where we read of a 
Yorkshire estate, " Duo Taini tenuerunt per ii. maneria. Ibi sunt iL 
villani cum i. carudl. Yaluit xl. solidos, mode iiii. solidos.*' In the same 
page are other similar entries. Sacroft, which had been held by five 
English possessors, and was worth four pounds, was now held of Ilbert by 

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Yorkshire was thus conquered. William had made aoBAP.xTui. 
wilderness and he called it peace. Nor can we doubt ^^^^^ 
that order reigned in York while the King wore his campaign. 
Crown at the Midwinter Feast in his Northern capital. 1070. 
As soon as the holy season was over, more warfare, more 
havoc, was to begin. With WiUiam the time when Kings 
go forth to battle was not bounded by any limits of the 
seasons, and in the extreme North of England there were 
still foes to be overcome and lands to be wasted. In some English 
remote corner^ seemingly near the mouth of the Tees, in the mouth 
an inaccessible spot surrounded by marshes, a daring band o^**^«Tec». 
still defied his power. They held out in a Justness stored 
with rich plunder, and deemed that there at least they 
were safe from all attacks.^ The lands of the future 
Palatinate of Durham were also unsubdued. Since the 
overthrow of Robert of Comines, no Norman had appeared 
within the franchises of Saint Cuthberht. But the land 
of the saint was already a wilderness. Bishop ^thelwine Flight of 
and his priests had already fled. Frightened at the horrors ^q^ hjg 
which were going on south of the Tees, they determined ^^p 
to leave the church and city on the height above the Wear, ham. 
and to seek safety once more for themselves and for the n, 1069. 
body of their patron in his own holy isle of Lindisfarn. 
No one was more eager in recommending this course than C^atric 
the Earl Oospatric. Whether out of zeal for their pre- their flight, 
servation or from any less worthy motive, he himself under- 
took the keeping of the more precious part of the moveable 
ornaments of the church during their absence.^ The 

a oertain Bobert, was entered as waste and valued at twenty pence. The 
next place, Tomevre, held by four Englishmen, had been worth four 
pounds, and was now worth ten shillings. 

^ Ord. Vit 515 B. " Ruraum comperit hostile collegium in angulo quodam 
regionis latitare, mari vel paludibus undique munito." The position of this 
place of shelter is marked by the course of William's march, when he set 
forth to reduce it. 

' Sim. Dun. Hist. Dun. Eccl. iii. 16. " Hie enim Gospatricus hoc maxime 

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0HAP.xym. Bishop and his clerks then set forth. Foar days were 

taken up with the march^ the first of which led them to 

the mouth of the l^ne, at the point where its waters 

They reach are joined by those of the northern Don. There^ on 

suteof the banks of the inlet locally known as the Slake of 

the place. Jarrow, still stood the venerable church of the monastery 

where Bseda had dwelled^ and where we may still see the 

massive walls and narrow windows of the choir in which 

he worshipped.^ Since the first Danish invasions Jarrow 

seems to have no longer existed as a monastery, but the 

church was at least so fiEur preserved that it was able to 

give a night's shelter to ^thelwine and his companions.' 

The next day's march carried them to a place called Beth- 

Injuriea lington, in the land beyond the Tyne. In this district thia 

by'ou- venerable fugitives were exposed to the persecutions of a 

michael. powerful man of that country, whose name Gilmichael 

points to his Scottish birth or descent. He vexed them 

on their course in every way, hindering their passage, 

plundering the goods which they bore with them, and 

seemingly doing personal despite to the holy men them- 

They reach selves.^ Notwithstanding all these difficulties, on the 

^^; fourth day^ towards evening, they reached the coast of 

o?X^r ^^® mainland opposite to the Holy Island. A miracle 

eneang. enabled them to reach the goal of their journey more 

dederat consilium, ut fugientea ecclesiam relinquerent^ et ipse TnaTimain 
omamentorom ejus partem secum abduxerat." 

^ On the state of Jarrow and Monkwearmouth at this time, see 
Appendix HH. 

' Sim. Dun. Hist. Dun. EooL iii. 15. " Prim& quidem nocte in ecclesiA 
Sancti Pauli in Gyrvum, secundA in Bethlingtun, tertift in loco qui Tughala 
didtur, mansit.*' 

' lb. 16. "In fogft memoratft quft cum sancti patris corpore ad prse- 
dictam insulam fdgerant, quidam ultra amnem Tinam prsepotens Gillo- 
michael, per contrarium, id est puer Michaelis, appellatus, nam rectius 
puer diaboli nuncuparetur, multas fugientibus iijurias irrogavit, iter eorum 
impediendo, ipsos affligendo, prtedas ex eis agendo, et quodcunque mali 
poterat &ciendo.*' On these Gaelic names beginning with OUt see Miss 
Tonge's Histoiy of Christian Kamee, ii. 113. 

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speedily. The tide, which was fall when they reached oHAP.xvra. 
the coast, ebbed at once to allow them to cross, as the 
waters by Mount Klimaz made way for the passage of 
Alexander.^ As soon as they were safe on the island, 
the waters came back^ so that no pursuers might overtake 
them.^ A single aged clerk was sent back to Durham 
to see how matters fared in the church and city. On Legend of 
the way, in the visions of the nighty he beheld Saint andGU- 
Cuthberht and the holy King Oswald^ and he was warned "^<*»«^- 
by them that the judgements of another world had already 
overtaken the wicked GUlmichael, whom he had so lately 
seen flourishing and boasting that he could do mischief. 
He was warned too that woes would fall on Grospatric 
also for his timid, perhaps sacrilegious, counsel.^ The 
priest sought the Earl and told him of the divine threat- 
enings. Oospatric hastened with naked feet to the Holy 
Island, and craved pardon for that in which he had offended. 
Bat on him vengeance came in this world ; the loss of his 
Earldom and all the troubles which befel him were his 

^ See the story in Ariian, i. a6. a, 3 ; Pint. Alex. 17 ; and compare the 
oomments of JosephuB, Antiq. ii. 16. 5. 

' Sim. Dan. Gest. Begg. 86. ** Circa veeperam, qunm plenum nndique mare 
advenientibas prohiberet ingresgom, eoce, rabito sni reoeasu liberum pne- 
stitit introitom, ita at nee festinantes aliqaanto tardios aeqnerentur flootus 
marini, neo tardantes aliqaanto oitiaB pneoarrerent. Qaum aatem terram 
attigiflsent, ecoe, refluum mare, ricut ante, totaa arenas operuerat." The 
atoiy is told at greater length and more dramatically in the Durham 
History, iii. 15. 

' See the whole story in the Durham Histoiy, iii. 16. The words of 
Saint Cuthberht about Gospatric are, "Yse tlbi, Gospatrice, vs tibi, Goa- 
patrioe, ecolesiam meam suis rebus evacuAsti et in desertum oonvertisti." 

* Sim. Dun. Hist. Dun. Eocl. iii. 16. "Cujus [Gillomichaelis] tormenta 
intolerabilla Comiti Cospatrico, sed et ea qu» de iUo a preedicto sancto 
andieram dum referrem, pavens iUe intremuit ; moxque nudis pedibus ad 
insulam, ubi sanctum corpus fiierat, incedens, Teniam coram qun in cum 
deliquerat precibus et muneribus petivit. Verumtamen postea numquam 
ei fuerat idem qui prius status honoris ; ezpulsus enim de comitatu, multas 
quamdiu Tizit adversantium rerum importunitates et afilictionefl pertulit." 

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cHAP.xvni. The Earl and the Bishop had fled, and the mass of the 

ffiST^ people of the Northern diocese followed the example of their 

the people, chiefs. They sought shelter among hills and woods, and 

wherever shelter was likely to be found.^ None stayed 

in their dwellings save those who from any cause lacked 

the means of flight. The camp of refiige by the mouth 

of the Tees was well stocked with provisions, and was 

William fondly deemed to be impregnable.^ Against this strong- 

from York. ^^^^) at oncc the nearest and the most dangerous of the 

January, gpots held by thosc whom he called rebels and outlaws, 

William now set forth on his January march. 

His march His march led him through a rugged and difficult 

CleveUmd country, which, we are told, had never been crossed by 

to the Tees, an army, and where a road of twenty feet wide among 

the hills was the only means of approach.^ The geography 

shows that the country intended must be the hilly district 

of Cleveland, which lies on the direct road for one marching 

from York to any point at the mouth of the Tees.* William 

pressed on, and drew near to the head-quarters of the enemy, 

who took flight by night at his approach. He followed 

them to the banks of the river, by a road whose rugged- 

ness was such that the King himself had often to march 

on foot.^ On the banks of the river he made a halt of 

fifteen days,® during which space he received the sub- 

^ Sim. Dun. Gest. Begg. 86. " Regis ezercituB . . . TacuiB ubique domibua, 
flolam inyenit aolitudinem, indigenis fugie pTOddiam qiuerentibus, vel p«r 
ailvas et abrupta montium latitantibus." 

* Ord. Yit. 515 B. ** Pnedam abundantem contraxerant, securi agitabant, 
noUam sibi vim nooere putabaDt." 

' lb. " Unicus aditos per solidum intromittlt, latitudine tantom viginti 
pedom hitens." 

* On the geography of this march, see below, p. 306, note 2, and 
Appendix Y. On Cleyel&nd, see voL iii. p. 347. 

^ Ord. Vlt. u. s. " Bex ardens infestos sibi hostes ad flumen Tesiam in- 
sequitur, et avia prorumpit, qaorom aspeiitas interdum pedltem earn ire 

' lb. ** Super Tesiam sedens quindedm dies transegit.'* 

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mission of the two most powerful among his English cHAF.xvin. 
enemies. Waltheof came in person ; Gospatric appeared ^f ^^"Jf ^^ 
by proxy. They again swore oaths to him and became *li«>fMi^ 

A Grospfttno. 
his men^ William even^ consenting to receive the oath of 

Grospatric^ as he had received the oath of King Malcolm/ 

at the hands of his messengers.^ Both Earls were re- They are 

instated in their Earldoms, and no doubt in all their pos- ^ ^h^jj. 

sessions. Waltheof indeed was more than restored to his Earldoms. 

former place; he was admitted to the King's highest 

favour^ and was allowed to mingle his blood with the 

princely blood of Normandy and Ponthieu. A daughter 

of William had been only promised to Eadwine; a niece 

of William was actually ffiven to Waltheof. The elder Marriage 

^ ^ -of Waltheof 

Adelaide^ the whole sister of William, the daughter of and Judith. 
Robert and Herleva, the wife of Ingelram of Ponthieu, 
was by him, as we have seen, mother of two daughters, 
Adelaide and Judith.^ Both were provided for in Eng- 
land. Adelaide became the wife of Odo of Champagne, 
who in the end became possessed of the Earldom of 
Holdemess.^ The other sister became the bride of the 
English Earl of Northampton and Huntingdon.^ Of her 
later career, and of her children, we shall hear again. 
But the submission of the Earl of the Northumbrians 

^ See above, p. ao6. 

' Ord. Yit. 515 B. " Ibi recondliati sunt GuaQevuB prseaens et Gaius 
Patridus abeeiiB, sacramento per legates exhibito." So both the OhronideB 
under 1070. "Her se eorl Wal|>eof gritSede wiO |>one cyng." Mr. Hinde 
(Hist. North, i. 179) remarks that Gospatric " felt himself safer in his rocky 
citadel of Bamborough than at the court of a sovereign to whom he had 
given such frequent provocation." 

' See voL ii. pp. 587, 588. * See Appendix GG. 

* Waltheof is made by Orderio (534 D) to say at the bride-ale, «Guil- 
lelmus Rex fidem meam, ut major a minori, jure recepit ; ac ut ei semper 
fidelis exsisterem, in matrimonium mihi neptem suam oopulavit." In 522 
C we read more distinctly, " Bex Guillelmus Guallevo Comiti, fiUo Siwazdi 
potentissimo Anglorum, comitatimi Northantonin dedit, eique Judith 
neptem suam, ut firma inter eos amidtia perduraret, in matrimonio con- 
junxit, que duas filias speciosas marito buo peperit." 

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cHAP.xvin. was not allowed to insure safety or pardon for the land 
^^J^^'?^ over which he ruled. We must suppose that the sub- 
tle Bishop- mission of Gospatric was not accompanied by any general 

rick of , , , 

Durham, submission of the chiefs and people of his Earldom. What- 
ever may have been the case with the land beyond the 
Tyne, the land between the Tyne and the Tees, the special 
inheritance of Saint Cuthberht, was doomed to a harrying 
as remorseless as that which had fallen on Yorkshire 
itself. To take seizin, as it were^ of the conquered land, 
the host of William was spread over the whole country 
on its errand of destruction.^ The materials for slaughter 
were few, as the inhabitants had everywhere fled, but 
their houses and churches stood ready for the &vourite 
Burning of Norman means of destruction. We are specially told 
of Janow. that the church of Jarrow, which had so lately sheltered 
JSthelwine and his canons, was now destroyed by fire.^ 
But we shall soon find reason to see that, as in so many 
other cases, the destruction could not have gone beyond 

State of the burning of the roof and other woodwork. We are 

not told whether the minster of Durham received any 

damage in its fabric ; but the great church of Ealdhun, 

forsaken by its Bishop and his clergy, with the sound 

of divine worship hushed within its walls, became a 

place of shelter for the poor and weak and sickly, who 

lay there dying of disease and hunger.^ Thus at last 

William had possession of the city which had so long 

withstood the attacks of Scot and Norman alike. But 

he had possession only of a city without citizens, and of 

^ Sim. Dun. Gest. Regg. 86. *' Interea ngiB exeroituB etiam per loca 
quBsque inter Teaam et Tine difibsus." 

' lb. " Tunc et eodesia Sancti Pauli in Girvum flammis est oonsumpta.** 
See Appendix HH. 

' lb. " Dunelmenna ecoleda, omni oustodiA et ecclesiaatico servitio 
dettituta, spelunca erat pauperum et debilium et aegrotantium, qui, quum 
Aigere non poterant, illuc dedinantes fione ac morbo defidebant." 

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a land bo utterly wasted that it finds no place in the OHAP.xTm. 
great Survey. 

This last named fSftot, that the shires north of Yorkshire Durham 
are not entered in Domesday, makes it hard to com-^Qib^ 
plete our picture 'of the state of the most northern P^rts J^^*i„ 
of England after their conquest. It is possible that so the Survey, 
much had been done in the way of ravage that it 
was hardly needful to follow it up with so elaborate a 
system of confiscation as elsewhere. It is certain that, Retention 
both within the limits of our own histoiy and in later ^^^^j^ 
local annals, men bearing unmistakeable English &i^<l??™^?^ 
Danish names, but still holding high local position, appear 
in the Bishoprick of Durham in greater numbers than 
elsewhere.^ And it is clear that, along with the two 
Earls, some of the leading men of Yorkshire made their 
submission to the Conqueror and were received into some 
measure of favour. Among these we may probably reckon Submisnon 
Archill. He is said to have been sent into banishment 
at some stage of William's reign ;^ but it is clear from 
the Survey that he was pardoned at last. He must how- 
ever have been heavily mulcted, as he kept only a veiy 
small portion of his great estate.* We hear too incident- ^^ ^ 
ally of one Eglaf, a Housecarl, whose name speaks his 
Danish descent, but who is said to have risen high in 
William's favour.* Of Eadwine and Morkere, at this Position of 

stage of our story, we hear not a word. It is plain that and Mor- 


^ See Appendix II. 

' Sim. Don. de ObeesBione Dunelmi, 157, ed. Hinde. '*Po0tea Willehno 
Bege Teniente in Angliam ipse Arkillu fugiens ezsul hctuB est." I 
presume that the Archill of Domesday is the same as the **Arkil filins 
Eogfrith" of Simeon, the last of the three husbands of Sigrid the grand- 
daughter of Bishop Ealdhun. 

* He appears as a tenant in oapite in Domesday, 331, 331 6. AU 
his estates had been held by himself T. R. E., but the amount is but 

« Simeon in his History (89) speaks casually of "Eilaf husoarl apud 
regem prepoUens honore,*' whom he classes among *' principales viii." 

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0HAP.xvm. they took no part in the revolt, and the events of the 
following years show that they were still in William's 
court, though doubtless quite as much his prisoners as 
guests. Still we cannot suppose that their lands were 
confiscated as yet, while they were still in the King^s 
allegiance and in his apparent fiEbvour. Had Morkere to 
look on during the conquest and desolation of the Earl- 
dom of which he does not seem to have been formally 
deprived?' And where was Eadwine when William went 
forth to overcome the special home of his house, the last 
citadel of independent England ? 
William For we are now drawing near to the end. One more 
Yop™ march through the wilds of Northumberland put William 
in complete possession of the land whose native rulers 
Difficulties had again bowed to him. From the Tees he returned 
march by ^ York by way of Helmsley,^ and the chronicler of his 
Helmaiey. n^arch now becomes specially eloquent on the difficulties 
of the passage. Some change in the weather may have 
made those difficulties even more firightful than they were 
on his march northwards. We now read how his course 
led him through hills and valleys, where the snow often 
lay while neighbouring districts were rejoicing in the 
bloom of spring.^ Through that wild region William now 

' We shall see, two yean later, that Eadwioe and Morkere were then 
still courtiers of VfTilliam, and the Earldom of Crospatric took in only 
Northumberland in the narrower sense, the Earldom of Oswul£ 

> In the text of Orderic (515 C) William is now carried to Hexham, 
an impossible piece of geography. See Appendix Y. I thankfully 
accept the correction of Mr. Hinde (Hist. North, i. 178) ; " On this route 
he [Orderic] places Hexham (Hagustald), doubtless in mistake for Helmsley 
(Hamelac), which is on the direct line from the lower valley of the Tees to 
York, and reposes under the dreary summits of the Hambleton range, to 
which the above description unquestionably refJers.** I have for once been 
content to take Mr. Hinde*8 word for the character of the district. This 
Helmsley must be distinguished from Gate Helmsley, which figures hi the 
history of Stamfordbridge. See voL iii. p. 356. 

' Ord. Vit. 515 C. **MenBe Januario Rex Guillelmus Haugustaldam 
revertebatur a Tesi&, viA que hactenus exercitui erat intentata; quft 

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made bis waj amid the cold and ice of winter. It needed 0HAP.xTni. 
the* bidding and the example of a leader who waa ever fjJJJ^^Jf 
the foremost, and who shrank from no toil which he laid William, 
upon others^ to keep up the spirits of his followers.^ The 
march was toilsome and dangerous; the horses died in 
crowds ; each man pressed on as he could, thinking only 
of his own safety, and recking little of his lord or of 
his comrade.^ At one point William himself, with six 
horsemen only, lost his way, and had to spend a night 
in utter ignorance of the whereabouts of his main army.^ 
A chance attack from some band of wandering outlaws 
might possibly have delivered England. It might at 
least have undone the work of the Conquest, and thrown 
the conquerors into utter anarchy and confusion. But 
the fortune of William once more carried him safe 
through all dangers. He reached York, and there he Heretunui^ 
finally settled the afiairs of the city and shire.^ We ^Qd finally 
should be well pleased to know all that may possibly JJ^^^® 
lurk in so vague a phrase. Some confiscations, some the North, 
grants of land, are doubtless implied ; but we know that ^ oastieT 
he restored the castles, and he most likely took other **^^^- 
measures for the restoration of the city, a larg^ part of 
which must still have been a ruin. William's work north 
of the Humber was now done. The land was thoroughly Final con- 
conquered, but it was thoroughly conquered only because Northam- 
it was thoroughly wasted. The strength and the life of ' 

crebro aontiMima juga, et vaUium hnmiQimtB sedeB, quum vioinia seranitate 
▼eni& gandet, niTibus oompluuntur." 

' Ord. Yit. 515 C. "At ille in acerbiMinio hiemia gela trannvit, ani- 
moflqae militnm confirmaTit bu& alaoiitate." 

' lb. "Illud iter difficulter peraotum est, in qno sonipedum ingent 
roina teuBtA e«t. AnziaB pro su& qnisque salute exstitit, dominiqne parum 
ant amici meminit." 

'lb. ** In eA diffioultate Rex oom aenia tantnm eqnitibua abenraTit, et 
nootem integram ubinam eiaent qnoa dnctabat ignarua exegit" 

* lb. " Eboracum reverana oomplura illic castella restaurayit et nrbi ao 
regioni commoda ordinavit." 

X 2 

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GBAPJLvin. the whole district and its people had been broken bj his 
merciless policy. We shall still hear of one or two local 
outbreaks in Northumberland; we shall hear of inroads 
in which the Scot ate up the little that the Norman had 
Northern spared. But we shall hear of no more battles or sieges 
fi^y^ in which William had still to strive to vdn or to keep 
conquered, ^j^^ Northern portion of his Kingdom. William was now 
lord of Northumberland ; but, in being lord of Northumber- 
land, he was lord only of a wilderness. 

Chester One comer of England now alone remained to be con- 

^^ ^ " quered. Chester was still untouched, and it would seem that 

there were still movements throughout the north-western 

shires of Mercia which it needed William's own presence 

and all his energy to put down. He was now fully minded 

to finish the work which he had begun. He would not show 

himself again at Bouen or at Winchester in any character 

William's but that of the undisputed master of all England. He set 

February ?'/o^h therefore on yet another march, the last and most 

1070. fearful of the marches of this wonderftd winter campaign. 

Difficult Between York and Chester lay the wild region of south- 


oftheooun- western Yorkshire, a portion of that great hill range 
^een" which SO long sheltered the Briton of Strathclyde from 
York and the invading Angle, the range which, sometimes rising, 
sometimes sinking, unites the Peakland of Derbyshire 
with the mountains of Westmoreland and Cumberland. 
The Peakland is in winter preeminently a land of ice and 
snow, but it is hardly possible that William's line of 
march can have led him so far to the south. He must 
rather have passed through a land which in later times 
has been filled with some of the busiest seats of English 
industry, but which still retain many signs to show how 
lagged a land it must have been in a winter in William's day. 
Densely peopled settlements of man alternate with spots 
of rural beauty which here and there rise into somewhat 

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of the gprandear of the wildernesB. It is a land of hills 0HAP.xvin. 

and dales and streams, the hills here and there almost 

swelling into mountain-peaks.^ Through this land, then 

no doubt an utter waste, William's army, after all its 

earlier toils^ had to force its way amid the cold of February. 

As he was making ready for this last enterprise, he was Mutinous 

met by what we now hear of for the first time in his ^^"^.^ 

history, a mutinous temper on the part of his own troops. 

They had had enough of marchings to and Aro in the 

depth of winter, and now they were called on to set forth 

on another march which threatened dangers and difficulties 

yet greater than any of those which had gone before it. 

They feared the roughness of the country through which 

they had to pass, the cold and storms of the winter, the 

lack of provisions, the fierceness and daring of the enemy 

with whom they would have to strive.^ This last source 

of dread, at any rate, does no small honour to the men of 

North Wales and North-western Mercia. These feelings, 

it would seem, were felt most deeply and expressed most 

loudly by those parts of William's army which were 

neither Norman nor English. We hear of these com- Special dis- 

plaints mainly as the complaints of the Bretons, the the Bre- 

Angevins, and the men of Maine.^ Now it will be*?^^'*f*- 

o J YUM, ana 

remembered that in an earlier stage of the war, soon after GenomAn- 
his first expedition to the North, William had dismissed 
all his mercenary soldiers.^ If the Angevins had not 

> I un thinking mainly of the country between Huddersfield and 
Manchester, which lies pretty well in the direct line for a march from 
York to Chester. 

' Ord. Yit. 515 C. *' Deinde movit ezpeditionem contra Cestrenses et 
Goallos, qui, prster alias offensas, nnpenime Scrobesburiam obsederunt. 
Exerdtus autem, qui dura toleraverat, in hoc itinere multo duriora 
restare timebat. Yerebatur enim looorom asperitatem, hiemis intempe- 
riem, alimentorum inopiam, et hoetium tenibilem ferocitatem.** 

* lb. C, D. ** Andegavi, Britones, et Cenomanni serritiis, ut dicebant, 
intolerabilibus oppido gravabantur, undo pertinadter a Rege missionem 
petentes conquerebantur/' * See abore, p. 233. 

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0HAP.xyin. been mentioned^ we might have thought that the men of 
Maine, who were now William's own subjects, and the 
Bretons, who were in some sort his vassals, were not 
reckoned among the mercenaries. But it is hard to see 
how any troops from the rival land of Anjou could have 
been serving in William's army in any character but that 
of private adventurers.^ Still we can understand that 
mere geographical neighbourhood might keep together 
the forces of North-western Gaul, after those from more 
distant regions had sought their dismissal. On the other 
hand, it is easy to believe that new swarms of strangers 
had flocked to William's banners to take their chance 
ci a share in the spoils of England. At all events, it was 
the men of Anjou, Maine, and Britanny who took the lead 
in the mutiny. They demanded their dismissal; they 
complained of the hardship of following a lord who was ever 
aiming at some new enterprise of boundless ambition, and 
was ever laying on his subjects orders too hard to be carried 
William's out.^ William, we are told, kept the example of his model 
Jith 1^ Caesar before his eyes. He did not stoop to entreat the 
matmeen. mutineers or to win them over by promises.^ He set forth 
at once^ bidding the fiithful and valiant to follow him ; as 
for cowards and weaklings, he recked little whether they 
followed him or not.^ This kind of dealing told on the 
Difficult troops. They marched on^ making their way among high 
^J^^ hills and deep valleys, across rivers swollen by the 
winter's min, and bottoms which the same season had 

^ See voL xii. p. 314. 

' Ord. Vit. 515 D. '* Sui nimiram ad expurgationein depromebant non 
poese domino semper nova et immoderata audenti nimiaqne pnecipienti 

' lb. " Rex antem oonBtantiam Julii CseflariB in tali neceesitate sequntuB 
est, nee eos multo precatu sea novis promissiB retinere dignatus est/' 

* lb. ** Audacter inceptum iter iniit, fidasque sibi cohortes se sequi 
prsdoepit : desertores vero, velat inertes pavidoeque et invalidoe, si disce- 
dant, parvi pendit." 

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JrwmanJf Nomuuv Cinufuest, l^L JfT 

7h faM page *Vt 

For the J)elegates of the Clarendon Press. 

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changed into well nigh impenetrable marshes. Storms of oHAPJcvin. 
rain and hail troubled them on their march. Horsemen 
and footmen were brought to a level, as the horses of the 
knights were swallowed np or swept away by the 
treacherous swamps. ^ King William himself had often Penonal 
to lead the Tan on foot, and to give help with his own w niSL 
hands to those whose strength was fiiiling.^ But all 
dangers were at last overcome. To have led his army 
safely through so strange and wearisome a trial speaks 
more for William's gifts as a leader of men than to have 
won the prize on the stricken fields of Yal-^-dunes and 

At last the fearftd march was over. William and his wmiam 
host came down into the rich pastures of the land which cbeehire. 
in after days was known as the Vale Royal of England.^ 
Here was the one great city which had not yet bowed to CheBter 
his mighty the one still abiding home of English freedom, oonquest. 
All the other great seats of royal, ecclesiastical^ and 
municipal power were already his. William was King at 
Winchester and London, at Canterbury and York, at 

^ Ord. Vit. 515 D. ** IndefeBsiin itaque pergit viA equiti numquam 
ante ezpert&y in quA sunt montes ardui et profundiasinue valleSy rivi et 
anmefl peiicalosi, et yoraginosa vallium ima. In h&c viA gradientes 8»pe 
nimio vexabantnr imbre, mixt& interdum grandine. Aliquando pnesta- 
bant cnnctiB usum eqai in palndibus evecti." 

* lb. '* Ipee Bex multoties pedes cunotos agiliter pnecedebat, et labo- 
rantes manibus impigre adjovabat.** 

* lb. *' l^dem ezercdtum incolmnem usque Gestram perduxit." For 
Chester and Cheshire see the description given by William of Malmes- 
bnry, Gest. Pont. 308. ** Cestra Legionum Ciyitas didtur, quod ibi emeriti 
legionum Julianarum resedere. Collimitatur Aquilonalibus Britannia. 
Begio farris et mazime tritid, ut pleraque aquilonalium, jejuna et 
inops, pecorum et piscium ferax. Inoobe lac et butyrum delicias 
habent, qui ditiores sunt carnibus vivunt, panem hordeidum et siligi- 
nium pro magno complectuntur. Transmittitiir a Cestrll Hibemiam 
reyehuntuique dvitati neoessaria, nt quod minus natura soli habet labor 
negotiantium apportet.*' Henry of Huntingdon also (M. H. B. 693 D) 
speaks of ** Hibemis Ceetria propinquans." 

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tion of 

Ita local 

Lack of 
of the 

Glastonbury and Peterborough, at Exeter and Lincoln. 
But he was not yet King at Chester. The old City of 
the Legions, the river on which Eadgar had been rowed 
by vassal Kings, the minster where the English Basileus 
had knelt with his vassal Kings around him^ the walls 
from which men could look out on the land which Harold 
had added to the English realm ^ — all still were free^ 
standing untouched amid surrounding bondage^ like a 
single perfect column standing unhurt amid the shattered 
ruins of a forsaken temple. The twelve judges of the city 
had in old times sat in the name of the Kiog, the Bishop, 
and the Earl.^ They must now, in the utter break-up of 
all national authority, have wielded a power as little 
amenable to any jurisdiction beyond their own gates as 
the rulers of any Italian city which barely stooped to 
own a nominal lord in the Teutonic Csesar. By ancient 
right the men of the whole shire were bound to repair the 
walls and the bridge of the local capital,^ and we cannot 
doubt that, in the course of the three years during which 
Chester had maintained its independence of the invader, 
the labour of the surrounding lands had been willingly 
given to strengthen the last national stronghold. There 
is no point in William's history at which we should more 
gladly welcome the minutest details than in this, the last 
stage of the real Conquest of England. But not a detail, 
not an anecdote, is preserved ; we know only the results. 
The work which had begun at Fevensey was brought to an 

> See Note SS. in the second edition of vol. iL 

* Domesday, 262 h. ** T. B. E. ... erant zii. judices ciritatis, et hi erant 
de hominibns Regis et Episcopi et Omitis. Honun si qui de hundret 
remanebat die quo sedebant sine excusatione manifesto x. solidos emendabat 
inter Begem et Comitem.*' Various other rights of the Earl and the Bishop 
are mentioned, the latter being the more remarkable, as the see was not 
yet at Chester. 

* lb. ** Ad murum civitatis et pontem reedificandum de unftquique 
hidiL oomitatiis unum hominem yenire prsBpositus edicebat. Oujus homo 
non veniebat, dominus ejus zl. solidos emendabat Regi et Comiti.*' 

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end at Chester^ and we can see that it was not brought to 0HAP.xTin. 
an end without hard fighting. William had to put down 
hy force the hostile movements of what was now specially 
the Mercian land.^ We know not whether the city Sabmiaaion 
surrendered or was taken by storm ; we know not by what U^ dty." 
operations the shire and the adjoining lands were con- 
quered. But a siege of Chester would have put the Defences of 
military art of the time to as hard a trial as the siege of their ' 
Exeter. The Roman town, beneath whose walls the^**^- 
heathen iElthelfrith had unwittingly fulfilled the warnings Victory of 
of Augustine to the stubborn Britons,^ had been left by 605-613. 
him as ^Ue and Cissa had left Anderida.^ In the Danish DesolAtion 
wars of ^Ifiied the walls still stood, no longer surrounding 605-907. 
any dwelling-place of man, but still capable of being 
turned to a defensive purpose in the warfare of the time.^ 
By the watchful care of the Lady of the Mercians Chester Resiorft- 
had been again called into being as a city and fortress; ^ MthJ^ 
and it was probably by her that the circuit of the Boman ^* 
wall was extended to take in the mound on which the 
Norman castle was now to supplant her earlier stronghold.® 

^ Ord. Vit. 516 A. **In tot& Meroionim regione motuB hostiles regU vi 

* See the Chronicles, 605, 606 ; Florence, 603 ; Hen. Hunt. M. H. B. 
715 B, who calls .^helfrith*8 victoiy ** beUum bellorum xnaximum." 

' See Yol. iii. p. 403. 

* In 894 the Danish army pursued by the English took refuge within 
the ruined site of Chester. The way in which the place ia spoken of by 
ike Chronicler is remarkable ; *' pet hy gedydon on anre westre ceastre 
on Wirhealum ; seo is Ligeceaster haten.'* It is curious to find the future 
proper name of the city used as an appellataye, ** a waste Chester." Flo- 
rence is more distinct ; ** Civitatem Legionum, tunc temporis desertara, 
qufe Sazonice Legeceaster dicitur, priusquam Regis .^llfredi et ^theredi 
subregnli exercitus, qui illos insequutus est, assequi poterant, intrant." 
The fugitives were able to defend the *' geweorc," as the Boman walls are 
called, very suocessfblly. 

' Chron. 907. '* Her wbbs Ligceaster geedneowad." Florence (908) ia 
fuller; ** Ci vitas quae Karlegion Britannice, et Legeceaster didtur Siuconice, 
jussu ^theredi Duds et .^Igelfledae, restaurata est." 

* For this hint I have to thank the local antiquary Mr. Hughes. 

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oHAP.xvin. The medieval walls of Chester are more perfect than 

The walls those of any other English city, and traces of their 

Roman forerunners still remain, enough to show that, 

except at this point, the line of the Roman fortification 

The min- was strictly followed. Their circuit takes in the minster 

Saint^John ^^ Saint Werburh, then a secular, but soon to become 

W^ b^lu ^ ^oi^^ti<^ house, and which the changes of the sixteenth 

century have made the seat of the modem Bishoprick. 

The minster of Saint John, the church chosen for the 

devotions of Eadgar, also a house of secular canpns, soon 

to become one of the cathedral churches of the Mercian 

diocese, lies on the east side of the city, without the walls.^ 

The fortifications which William had to reduce were 

doubtless those of the old Csesars as strengthened by the 

Position Mercian Lady. They took in a space which in those 

sb^neth ^3^ must have been peninsular, as it is plain that the 

of the city, fl^t land which now lies between the river and the west 

wall of the city, known locally as the Booddee, was covered 

by water long after William's time.^ The bridge on the 

south side was commanded by the fortress of ^thelflsed, 

as it has since been by the later castle^ and the whole 

city must have stood as a compact square, well defended 

Fall of both by nature and art. How this our last national 

stronghold fell we know not, but we know that it did fiEiU, 

and that, as usual, a Norman keep soon rose on the old 

mound to act as a curb on the conquered city. And we 

know that the resistance which William met with in this 

* On Saint Werborh's church at Chester and its change to a Benedictine 
Abbey by Earl Hugh in 1093, see Mon. Angl. ii. 370, and the entries of 
the lands of its Warden (custos eoclesis) and Canons in Domesday, 163. 
The entries about Saint John's are in the same page, but are put among 
the lands of the Bbhoprick, though the Bishoprick is still spoken of as 
'* Sanctus Cedde/' from its ancient seat at Lichfield. See also Mon. Angl. 
viii. 1447. 

* This is dear from the local name of the Water-gate, which ia no longer 
deserved. I belieye howeyer that a geologist would not stand in need of 
this argument. 


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his last oonquest was enough to lead him to apply the 0HAP.xyni. 
same stem remedy which he had applied north of the 
Hmnber. A fearful harrying fell on city and shire Bavaging 
and on the lands round about.^ From Cheshire, Derby- ^a n^h^ 
shire, Staffordshire, Shropshire, men young and old, women ^«™>g 
and children, pressed southwards in search of a morsel of 
bread. It is pleasant to learn that many of them found 
some measure of food and shelter at the gates of the 
Abbey of Evesham. The prudence of Abbot -^thelwig, caiarity 
and the favour which he contrived to keep at the hands the suf- 
of three successive Kings, had at least not quenched his ^^^^^^ 
will to help the distressed, while the yet untouched wealth ^thelwig 
of his Abbey allowed him the means as well as the will. ham. 
The houses, the streets, the churchyard, of Evesham 
were crowded with homeless wretches who, well nigh 
dying of hnnger before they reached the hospitable spot, 
had barely strength to swallow the food which the bounti- 
ful Prelate offered them.^ Every day, five, six, or more M ortaiitv 
of the Aigitives died and were buried by the pious care SJ^tivea/ 
of the Prior ^Ifiric, to whose immediate guardianship the 
sufferers were entrusted.^ Nor was the bounty of ^thelwig 

^ Hut. Evesh. 90. " In piimk temporiboB Bui ngni Bex WOlielmas fecit 
deTaetari quaadam ooirafl istis in partibiiB, propter essales et latroneB 
qui in silvis latitabant ubique et maxima danma pluribas hominibos 
fiujiebant, videlioet EoYeranioMire, Geastreaoire, Scrobecire, Stafordecire, 

' lb. "Maxima mnltitudo aenom, juvennm, mulienim, cum paryulia 
suia, fiunla miaeriam fbgientea, dolentiaaime hue veniebat, quoa omnea ille 
Tir miaeratmi pro poaae aao alebat. Plurea namque diu abaorpti duriaaimA 
£une. dum dbam avidiua aunerent, moriebantur. Jaoebant miaeri hominea 
per totam yiUam, tarn in domiboa qnam deforia, necnon et in coemeterio 
iato langnidi, huo antequam yemrent fione oonamnpti, et idoiroo ut dbum 
oorporia aeotiebant pluriml yit& defidebant." 

* lb. 91. "Facta eat magna mortalitaa mnlto tempore de talibna 
hominibuB, ita ut quotidie fere quinque vel aex hominea, aliquando plurea, 
miaerabititer morientea a Priore bujua loci aepeliebantur.** The local 
faiatorian goea on to deaoribe at aome length the arrangementa made by 

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oHAP^viu. confined to those only who, in the very depth of the evil 
days, amid the cold and hunger of this fearful winter, craved 
for alms to sustain their lives. Many a man of higher 
rank, whom the confiscations of William had driven 
from the lands and home of his fathers, found shelter 
and help in the holy house of Saint Ecgwine.^ But 
little was the help which all the Prelates and Thegns of 
England, had every one been as openhanded as ^thelwig, 
could have given to relieve the distress of a whole people.' 
Alleged A hundred thousand human beings^ no small portion of 
tio^of^the ^^^ inhabitants of England in those days, are said to 
oountiy. jjnyg ^g^ Qf ^l^j im^j hunger in the winter which made 
Wilb'am full King over the whole land.^ The figures are 
probably a mere guess ; they can hardly rest on any trust- 
worthy statistics; we know not whether they are meant 
to apply to Northumberland only or to all the shires 
which William harried. Such was the price to be paid 
for William's conquest. As the painter of his portrait 
tells us, he was so stark that he recked not either of men's 

the Abbot and Prior .^Hfric for the relief of the Bnfieran, and eBpedally 
for the care of the children. 

1 Hist. Evesh. 9a. ** Et non solum talibus pauperibns. Bed etiam plnribns 
nobilibuB ad etun confugientibus, patemlL hasreditate omnique 8nbBtanti& 
miBerabiliter sublatft Bage WiUiebno jabente, finctuseet refuginm et adjutor 
piiflBimuB in mazimuB neceBsitatibiu." The writer goes on to mention 
other charitable acts of ^tfaelwig, eBpecinlly his caBtom when travelling of 
making his followers give up their cloaks — which however were restored two- 
fold— to any whom they met by the way in want of dothing. This reminds 
one of the stories told of Kim6n by Plutarch (Elim. 10)^ and of the story 
told by William Fitz-Stephen (Giles, 8.T. C. 191) of Henry and Thomas. 

' Compare Burke's description of the suffering caused by Hyder All's 
devastation of the Gamatic ; ** The alms of the settlement in this dreadful 
exigency were certainly liberal, and all was done by charity that private 
charity could do. But it was a people in beggary ; it was a nation that 
stretched forth its hands for food.*' 

* Ord. Vit. 514 D. ''Undo sequenti tempore tarn gravis in Angli& 
late saevit penuria, et inermem ac simplicem populum tanta famis in- 
vdvit miseria, ut ChristiansB gentis, ntriusque Bezils et omnis setatis, homines 
perirent plusquam centum millia." 

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sufferings or of their hatred.^ He had bat won his own ; 0HAP.xvin. 
and amidst all the woes of the wasted land^ he could still 
give his thanks and offer his gUts to GK)d and Saint 
Martin and to ikll the saints of Normandy and Gaul, who 
had blessed his holy work with success, and had girded 
him with strength to chastise the perjurer and the rebel. 

But, at whatever cost^ England was conquered. William England 

had yet to struggle against revolts both among the con- oonquered. 

quered English and among his own people. But the land 

was won; there was no longer any portion of English 

ground which could still refuse submission to an invader; 

future struggles were simply revolts against a government 

which was now in fiill possession. The fall of Chester 

was the last scene of the long battle the first blows of 

which had been struck when, well nigh four years back, 

Tostig had first harried English ground by William's 

licence.^ We ask, but we ask in vain, whether Ealdgyth Quefltion 

and her child were within the walls of the captured city, Ealdgyth 

and whether it was now that William gained possession of "^ ^^• 

the young heir of the House of Godwine, whose life, as long 

as William lived, was to be the life-in-death of a Norman 

prison.^ To questions like these no certain answer can be 

given. We know only that the land was won, and we know 

by what means the land which had been won was to be 

kept. The castle which was built to defend what was left The oaaUe 

of Chester was entrusted, with the rank of Earl, to the buUt 

King's own step-son the Fleming Gerbod.* William then ^^"^^^ 

marched again to Stafford, and took the same means as at Gerbod the 

^ Compare the fiunoos deBcription in the Peterborough Chronicle, 1087. 

* See ToL iiL p. 324. 

' See Flor. Wig. 1087, where he records the liberation of Ulf after 
William*8 death. Ct above, p. 143. 

* Ord. Vit. 5aa A. ** Cestram et oomitatnm ejus Gherbodo Flandrenai 
jamdudum Bex dederat." On Oerbod, see yol. iii p. 647. 

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0HAP.xvin. Chester, by the foundation of a castle, to keep that 

^J^^^® dangerous town and shire also in order. The later castle of 

Stafford. Stafford stands at some distance from the town, but the 

probability of the case may lead us to accept the local 

tradition which speaks of an earlier castle in the town 

itself, which from an entry in Domesday ^ would seem to 

have been built and destroyed before the end of William's 

reign. The castles both of Chester and Stafford were 

guarded by competent garrisons, and were well furnished 

William with provisions.* The King then marched across the con- 

marcheB to . 

SaliBbuiy. quered country to Salisbury. The royal head-quarters 

-^Maroh ! ^^'^ doubtless fixed within the mighty trenches of elder 

'®7o- days, on the hill fort where yet another Norman castle 

was no doubt already rising, and where the Norman 

He reviews minster was soon to rise. The great plain which is now 
hia army. 

covered by the modem city was well suited for a final 
gathering and review of the victorious army. On that 
55a. ground, more than five hundred years before, had Cynric the 
West-Saxon won one of those great fights, each of which 
marks a stage in the change of Britain into England.' 
And now William's host gathered on the same spot, to mark 
the last stage of the change by which England was not in- 
deed changed into Normandy, but was driven to accept the 
Norman as her master. The Conqueror now gave great 
gifts to the men who had shared his toils, gifts which, we 
are told, were reward enough even for all that they had 

* In DomeBday, 248 h, it is said of one of the lordships of Henry of 
Feiren, ** ad hoc manerium pertinait terra de Stadford, in quA Bex pns- 
oepit fieri oastellum, quod modo est destruotum." Local Staffordshire 
writers also speak of a castle in the town, distinct from that on the some- 
what distant height. An unavoidahle accident drives me to speak of 
Stafford from much older and vaguer recollections than those which I can 
bring to bear on most of the places mentioned in this Chapter. 

^ Ord. Vit. 516 A. "In reversione suft apud Estafort alteram [muni- 
tionem] locavit; milites et alimohias abunde utrobique [at Chester and 
Stafford] imposnit." 

* See vol. i. p. 349. 

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gone through. The conquerors of York and Stafford and cHAP.xvm. 
Chester^ the men who had laid waste English homes and His re- 
fields, and who had forced their way through the frozen puuJBh- 
hills and valleys of Cleyeland, received from the mouth "^®"*"- 
of their sovereign the praises due to their deeds. They 
were at once dismissed with all thanks and honour. And 
those who had forsaken William's banners, or who had 
quailed under the toils of his marches, received no heavier 
punishment than to lose their share in the rewards of their 
comrades, and to be themselves kept under arms for forty 
days longer.^ When William could thus send away the 
troops whom he could really trust, and could keep himself 
surrounded only by discontented mutineers^ it was plain 
that England was conquered. 

It remained only to get rid of the Danish allies who had TheDamsh 
promised so much, and had done so little, for the deliver- mains in 
ance of England. Osbeom and his fleet stayed during the ^^^^ 
whole winter in the Humber, beyond the reach of William's 1069-1070. 
arms/ bnt not beyond the reach of his arts. Osbeom was 
perhaps in his heart not over zealous on behalf of a land 
from which he had once been driven into banishment.^ 
At some stage of this memorable winter William contrived Osbeom 
to send a secret message to the Danish Earl, and to win wiiuanif 
him over by the promise of a large sum of money. He 
was to sail away when winter was over, and he was to be 
allowed in the meanwhile to plunder the English coast, on 
condition that he did not come to any actual engagement 

' Ord. Vit. 516 A. *' PenrenienB inde Salesburiam pnemia militibus 
ibi pro tantA toleranti& largissime distribuit, bene meritos coUaudavit, et 
cum gratift miilt& dimisit. Desertores autem ad dies zl. ultra disceasum 
oommilitonum per indignationem retinuit, e&que poonft delictum quod pejus 
meruit castigavit/' 

' Chron. Wig. 1069. ** And ]4Bt UO leig ealne winter innan Humbre, 
^r se kjng heom to cuman ne mibte." 

' See Tol. ii. p. 63. 

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0BAF.xvm. with the King's forces.^ These tenns, to his disgrace and 
He cheats final ruin, he agreed to. He seems however to have done 

both Nor- . 

nuuis and his best to cheat both sides^ Norman and English alike. 

"* We shall see in the course of the next year that William's 

licence to plunder was somewhat liberally construed^ and 

that the time during which the Danish fleet was to be 

allowed to tarry in English waters was prolonged &r 

beyond the time on which William might &irly reckon. 

Character In the course of the next two years we shall still hear of 

of the next 

two years, the doiugs alike of English revolters and of their Danish 

1070-1071. gjjj^^ g^^ somewhat later, we shall hear of the doings of 

The Con- Breton^ Cenomannian, and even Norman revolters. Still 

practically the Conquest was now really over. After the &11 of 

pSbhed. (^h^ster no integral part of the English Kingdom remained 

unsubdued. William was full King over all England. 

wmiam'a What remained still to be done^ as fiur as the whole island 


woric. was concerned, was for the new King of the English to 
establish somewhat more than the external over-lordship of 
his predecessors over all the lands which had formed part 
of their island Empire. Within England itself, what was 
still to be done was for the priest to follow in the track of 
the warrior, for the wiles of Lanfranc and Hildebrand to 
build up a power against which William himself could 
hold his own, but before which his weaker descendants had 
for a while to bend. 

^ Flor. Wig. 1069. '* Tnterea nuntiis ad Danicum comitem Edbemnm 
miMiB Bpopondit se danculo datnram illi non modicse summam pecunie, 
•t permisaaram licenter exeroitui sno rictum sib! circa lipas maris rapere, 
eft tamen interporitA oonditione, ut sine pugnA discederet peractft hieme. 
Hie autem, anri argentique nimis avidus, non sine xnagno dedeoore sui 
petitis concessit." Orderic (515 B) gives us only a rhetorical account of 
the sufibrings of the Danes and of thmr return to Denmark ; not a word 
about the dealings between VTiUiam and Osbeom. Here at least Orderic 
is following William of Poitiers. 

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A. D. 1070—1089. 

ENGLAND was now fuHy conquered; the authority State of 
of William was now acknowledged in every comer in fo;©. 
of the realm. We shall hear almost immediately of fresh 
resistance against William's authority ; but resistance now 
takes the form of the revolts of a subdued people ; it is no 
longer the defensive warfare of a people whose independence 
was attacked but was not yet overthrown. William hadWffliamin 
done his work of conquest^ and his reign over the land of^"^^" 
which he had won was now to begin. Things had greatly ^*^^^ 
changed since his crowning on the g^reat Midwinter-Day. 
The realm of which he had then taken a formal possession 
was now truly his, but it had become his only by the sword. 
The dream of a peaceful reign, under which England 
might flourish as Normandy had done^ had passed away 

^ For the eoolesiastical history of WOUam's reign, which I haye endea- 
voured to deal with as a whole in the present Chapter, seyeral souroes 
become of importance besides those to which we have trusted all along. 
The various local histories, being mainly the histories of monasteries, are 
of course of special value for this purpose. The Lives and Letters of 
Lanfranc are now of increaied importance, and not least among them the 
short Latin Annals of his life which are attached to the Winchester 
Chronicle. Eadmer in his two Histories, Historia Novorum and Vita 
Anselmi, is now of primary importance, and William of Malmesbury's 
Gesta Pontificum, which I can now quote in the new edition of Mr. 
Hamilton, becomes a book of great value. 


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0H4P. XIX. for ever. William had been driven to make his reign 
thus far a reign of terror, a reign of slaughter, exile, 
confiscation, and ravage. A large part of the lands of 
England had been laid waste; a larger part still had 
Compara- been portioned out among foreign owners. Yet for a 
from^^T moment there was peace; comparative peace indeed, if 
*"^®* only the peace of utter subjection, set in from this time 
Later re- for the rest of William's reign. Revolts indeed were to 
local. go on, but they were all purely local revolts. There was 
never again a moment when any large portion of the 
land was in arms at once, when, as during the last year, 
war&re was going on at once at Exeter^ at Chester, 
at Durham, and at Norwich. For a moment the sword 
was sheathed; no element of disturbance seemed to be 
left in the land except the Danish fleet in the Humber. 
The conquerors and the conquered alike had a moment's 
Penonal But in dealing with the acts of such a man as William, 
^K^ ^ the personal position, the personal intentions, of the man 
himself are of hardly less moment than the condition 
Gradual and the temper of armies and nations. We can hardly 
^^^^ doubt that William had changed for the worse since the 
'h^Lte ^y ^^ ^® crowning. Everything since that time had 
tended to draw out the worse features of his character 
and to throw the better ones into the shade. He had 
become harder, more unscrupulous, more reckless of human 
sufiering. But the harshness of William's rule never sank 
into mere purposeless tyranny, into mere delight in oppres- 
sion. He never wholly lost the feeling that he owed a duty 
He Btill towards God and man. Even now he was capable of honest 

wishes to J - . 

rule well, cndcavours to do his duty towards the realm which he had 

won at the cost of so much of crime and sorrow. It was 

about this time that he gave one most conspicuous instance 

of his wish, even now, to rule in England as an English 

King. It was his business as King to hearken to the 

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complaints of his subjects, to do right and justice among obap. xix. 
them according to the laws of the Kings who had gone 
before him. It was his duty to go, like Alfred and 
Cnut, through the shires and cities of his Kingdom, and 
to see with his own eyes that those who ruled in his 
name refused, sold, or delayed justice to no man.^ But 
this duty could not be thoroughly done by a King who 
knew not the tongue of his people, who had to hear 
their complaints and to pronounce his own judgements 
through the mouth of an interpreter. William then, at He tries 
the age of forty-three^ in all the pomp of kingship and j^iiih. 
the renown of victory, again bowed his neck to the yoke 
of the schoolmaster. As Charles the Oreat had striven 
in his later years to learn the art of writing,* so now 
William the Oreat strove, we cannot doubt with all honesty 
of purpose^ to master the tongue of his English subjects.^ 
In neither case were the efforts of the royal student 
crowned with any ^reat measure of success. The va^e Probable 

. . . extent of 

rhetoric of our informant leaves us with no very clear notion his stttdies. 
as to the real extent of William's English scholarship. We 
are told that he found his age an hindrance^ and that, 
as we might have expected, other affairs called him away 
from his studies.^ We may feel sure that the Conqueror 
never learned to address an English Assembly like God- 
wine ; but we may be allowed to believe that he learned 
English enough to understand the simple formulsB of his 

^ I need hardly quote the 29th chapter of the Great Charter; "Nnlli 
yendemiu, nulli negabiiDTU, aut differemuB justioiam vel rectum." 

• The deecription given by Eginhard (Vita K. 25) of Charles's attempts 
to write is weU known ; " Panim successit labor pnepostems ao sero 
inchoatns." But I doubt whether it is always remembered that his attempts 
to write prove that he oould read. 

' Old. Vit. 530 D. " Anglicam locutaonem plerumque sategit ediscere, 
ut sine inteiprete querelam subjectae legis posset intelligere, et sdta recti- 
tudinis unicuique, prout ratio diotaret, alTectuose depromere." 

* lb. " Ast a peroeptione hujusmodi durior letas ilium compescebat, et 
tumultus multimodarum ocoupationimi ad alia necessario adtrahebat.*' 

Y 2 

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CHAP. zix. own charters. And the fact that he made even an attempt 
in his own person to acquire the English tongue wholly 
¥ripes away the legendary notion of his striving to abolish 
its use/ and makes it all but certain that English formed 
part of the education of his English-bom son.^ 

It is certain that this year, the fourth year of William, 
left behind it a special and a favourable memory in popular 
Stoxyof belief. The traditions of a later age told how King 
lishing the WUliam, in his fourth year, summoned the Witan of the 
^J2^j^ land to declare what the ancient laws of England were. 
He had already, we are told, remembering his own Scan- 
dinavian descent and that of his Norman followers, decreed 
that the customs of the Denalagu should be observed 
throughout his realm. But the people of England cried 
with one voice for the Laws of good King Eadward and 
for none other. Twelve men therefore were, by the writ of 
King William, chosen in each shire, who declared on oath 
before the King what the Laws of King Eadward were. 
Those Laws were then put into the shape of a code^ and 
were published by the order of King Wilh'am as the only 
Law of his Elingdom. 

No one who fully takes in the history and the legal 
formulffi of this age can accept this story as it stands. 
Bemjunsof No one can believe that the large extant codes which bear 
legislation. ^^^ names of Eadward and William were really put forth 
in their actual shape by either of those Kings.^ On the 
other hand, there is little doubt that we have some genuine 
pieces of William's legislation surviving, though it would 
seem that ordinances put forth at various times and places 
have been put together as if they formed a continuous 
statute.^ And among these there are some enactments 
which we may, almost with certainty, refer to this par- 

^ See the Mae Ingulf 71, Gale. * See Appendix EE. 

' On the alleged Laws of William and Eadward, see Appendix KK. 
* The seemingly genuine Laws of William have been last printed by 
Professor Stubbs, Select Charters, 80. See Appendix KK. 

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ticular period of William's reign. It followed almost as ohap. xjx, 
a matter of course that, in this passing moment of peace, ^econcOia- 
when William was for the first time undisputed master EngliBh 
of England, he should mark his new position by some mans, ^ 
formal act of reconciliation between his old and his new ^^^^^ 
subjects. To " renew the Law " of some revered prince La^- 
after a time of war or disturbance was a process familiar 
both in England and in Normandy. Harold Blaatand 
had renewed the Law of Eolf in Normandy,^ and Harold 
the son of Godwine had renewed the Law of Cnut in 
Northumberland.' But a still closer parallel is supplied 
by that great Gemot of Cnufs early reign in which 
Danes and Englishmen formally made up their differences, 
and united in the renewal of the Law of Eadgar.^ So it 
was quite in the order of things that William should, 
especially at this particular moment, ordain the formal 
reconciliation of his Norman and his English subjects, 
and decree the renewal of what was doubtless already 
beginning to be spoken of as the Law of Eadward. There Language 
is little doubt that we have the actual text of these j^^p^. 
two ordinances, ordinances most probably passed in the 
Easter Qemdt of this year, and which not xmlikely pre- 
serve to us, with the needftd changes, the words of the borrowed 
earlier ordinances of Cnut. In the same language as^f^^^^ 
the first among the laws of the Danish conqueror, William 
now bids his subjects throughout his Kingdom to worship 
one God and to keep one true Christian faith; and if he 
does not venture, like his predecessor^ to bid them love 
William King with right truthfulness, he ordains that 
there shall be peace and mutual security between English- 
men and Normans.^ The Laws of Eadward are renewed 

' See voL i. p. 944. * See vol. ii p. 499. 

' See vol. i. p. 461. 

* Select Charten, 80. " In primis quod super omnia unum vellet Deum 

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for the 
safety of 

and Eng- 
lish now 




as touching the holding of lands and all other matters 
whatsoever^ but a reservation is made for such changes 
as the reigning Eing had made for the good of the 
people of the English.^ This reservation was indeed a 
dangerous one. But once granting the position of William 
in England, some changes in, or additions to, the ancient 
laws could hardly be avoided. We cannot blame him 
for providing for the defence of his Norman followers 
against any irregular violence on the part of the dis- 
contented English.^ This provision, the germ which after- 
wards grew into the &mous law of Ungliskry? can hardly 
fail to belong to this early stage of William's legislation* 
Other provisions which regulate the relations between men 
of the two races within the Kingdom more probably belong 
to a later date. 

It was quite in the spirit of this legislation that William 
at this moment did what he could to encourage harmony 
and good feeling, intermarriage and intercourse of all 
kinds, among all his subjects, French and English. And 
now that actual warfare had for a while ceased, the land 
began to feel the benefit of that stem police which, in 

per totum regnam suum venerari, nnam fidem Ghiisti semper inviolatam 
costodiri, pacem et securitatem inter Anglos et Normannos servari." It 
is impossible to doubt that this is borrowed from the opening of the Laws 
of Cnut quoted in vol. i. p. 481. 

' Select Charters, 81. ** Hoc quoque precipio et volo, ut omnes habeant 
et teneant legem Edward! Regis in terris et in omnibus rebus, adauotis iis 
quae constitui ad utilitatem populi Anglorum." This reservation is made 
again in the renewal of the Laws of Eadward by Henry the First. See 
Fbtrence, iioo; ** Legem Regis Eadwaidi omnibus in oommune reddidit, 
cum illis emendationibus quibus pater suus illam emendavit." 

' lb. 80. " Volo ut omnes homines quos mecum adduxi, aut post 
me yenerunt, sint in pace me& et quiete. Et si quis de illis ocdsus iuerit» 
dominas ejus habeat infra quinque dies homlddam ejus, si potuerit ; sin 
autem, indpiat persolvere mihi zlvi. maroas argenti quamdiu substantia 
illius domini perduraverit. XJbi vero substantia defecerit, totus hundredus 
in quo occisio fiicta est oommuniter persolvat quod remanet.*' 

■ See v<J. i. p. 493. 

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WiDiam's hands^ dealt ont speedy justice on the robber^ ohap. xiz. 
the murderer, and the ravielier.^ In the towns especiallj ®P^^J^ 
the two races began to dwell peaceably together ; French of mow 
merchantB were seen with their wares in the streets of {^^|^ 
English boroughs, and French burghers began to form 
a part of their permanent inhabitants. Their English 
neighbours b^;an in some degree to adopt their dress 
aud manner of life, and we may be sure that each found 
it needfid to gain some knowledge of the others' language.^ 
The process had b^un through which, a hundred years 
later, it had become impossible, except in the highest and 
lowest ranks, to distinguish Englishmen from Normans.^ 
This process^ busily at work among the smaller Thegnhood, 
was still more busily at work in the towns^ and it bore 
its noblest fruit when the marriage of Gilbert of Bouen 
and Bohesia of Caen gave birth to Thomas of London.^ 
This year then of comparative peace, as it was certainly 

* Ord. Vit. 5ao C, D. " His temporibus, opitolante gratis Dei, pax in AngliA 
regnsbat, et tecoritas aUqiumta, proctil repulsis latronibus, liabitatores teme 
raforebat . . . nemo pnadari andebat, sad nnniqaiflque soa mia tato oolebat 
Bnoqne oompari (sed non per longom tempuB) hilariter applaudebat.*' We 
most not foi^get that " latrones" meet likely meanB, to some extent at least, 
EogUsh patriots. Still there is no doubt as to the real efficacy of William's 
police. See above, p. 50, and toL ii. p. 17a. 

' lb. D. ^'Civiliter Angli cam Nonnannis oohabitabant in buzjg^s, 
castris, et nrbibns, connnbiis alteri alteros mntuo sibi oonjnngentes/ Yicos 
aUqnos ant font nibana GaUicis merdbiis et mangonibos referta oon- 
spioeres, et nUqne Anglos, qui pridem smictu patrio oompti videbantor 
Frsncis taipes, nunc peregrine ooltn alteratoe idderee." " Hangones" is 
here doubtless to be taken in the widest sense, but it is not to be foigotten 
that it would still be applicable in the nonower meaning. 

' Bialogas de Scaocario, i. 10. "Jam oohabitantibus Anglicis et Nor- 
mannis, et alterutrom uzoree duoentibus Tel nubentibus, sic permiztn 
sunt nationes, ut tIx discenii possit hodie, de liberis loquor, quis Anglicus, 
quis Nonnannus sit genera, ezoeptis duntazat adscriptitiis qui TiUaoi 

* See the Lambeth Life of Thomas (Giles, iL 73). " Gilbertus oognomento 
Becchet, patrilk Botomagensis . . . habnit uzorem Boesam, natione Gado- 
meosem.*' Yet Thomas himself (Epp. iii. a86) speaks of his parents as 
"dyes Londonienses" without a hint of their foreign orig^. 

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OHAP. XIX. not wholly bare of militaiy events, was probably not bare 

^^|Jj^_ of important political events. Still it is in its ecclesi- 

portanoeofastical aspect that it stands out most clearly in our 

1070. annals; it was itself a year of special moment in our 

ecclesiastical history, and it is still more important as 

witnessing the beginning of the systematic policy of 

William and Lan&anc in ecclesiastical matters. 

§ 1. I7ie Councils of the Tear 1070. 

This specially ecclesiastical year, in which William was 
to show himself to the world mainly in the character of 
a reformer of the Church, began^ strangely yet character- 
istically, with an act which, in a less pious prince than 
William, might have been set down as a gross breach 
English- of all ecclesiastical privilege. Many wealthy Englishmen, 
trust their mainly^ we may suppose, those who had suffered outlawry 
^T!^ms- ^^ confiscation of lands, had sought to save at least their 
teries. moveable wealth by placing large sums of money in the 
safe-keeping of various monastic bodies. But the thresh- 
olds of the English saints proved no safe-guard against 
WiUism the Norman Eang. Early in the year, in the course of 
ttt monas- Lent, while he was still at Salisbury or before he reached 
*^"^ *Sff Salisbury, William caused all the monasteries of England 
the money, to be searched, and all dieposits of this kind to be carried 
Marc^^ to the royal treasury. It always has a grotesque sound 

"^°* when the deeds of William the Great, like those of smaller 

design at- men, are either excused or aggravated by throwing the 

WilHam hlame on evil counsellors; but we are told that of this 

^^ particular deed the Earl of Hereford, William Pitz-Osbem, 

was the chief adviser.^ It may have been deemed that 

' Both Chronicles (1071 Wig., 1070 Petrib.) record this search and spoU- 
ation, but they give no hint as to its special motive ; " Ajid |>8eB on Lengten 
se C3mg let heigian ealle ]>a mynstra ^ on Englalande wseron." Florence 
(1070) adds the cause, and mentions William Fitz-Osbom as the adviser ; 
" WiUelmi Herefordensis Comitis et quorumdam aliorum oonsilio, tempore 
Quadragesimall, Bex Willelmus monasteria totius Anglie perscrutari, et 

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the holy places were rather purified than profaned by ohap. zix. 
easing them of the worldly wealth of rebels and traitors. 
The season of penitence having been spent in this 
charitable work, William could better give his mind to 
the great schemes of ecclesiastical reform whose carrying 
ont was to begin on the Easter festival. 

At that festival the usual Gemot was held at Win- Easter 
Chester, and the King wore his Crown with the usual winohei- 
pomp. This public wearing of the Crown was in some sort ^'^ 
a religious ceremony, a continuation, as it were, of the io7o« 
original rite of consecration, and the Crown itself was 
placed on the royal head by one of the chief Prelates of 
the land.^ In this case the rite received a special dignity 
and significance from the position of those by whom it 
was performed. Pope Alexander had sent three Legates Preeenoe 
to the court of his obedient and victorious son. Ermenfrid, p^^pij 
Bishop of Sitten, a man already well known both in Eng- ^^^*«»- 
land and in Normandy, whom we have already seen as the of Sitten. 

pecTmiAin, quam ditiores Angli, propter iUius aiuteritatem et depopula* 
tionem, in eis depoBuerant, aufeni et in eerarium Buumjiudt deferri." 
William Thorn, the historian of Saint Augustine's, asserts that, not only 
money, but the charters to which William had sworn, and which he had 
now broken, were carried off (X Scriptt. 1787) ; " Willielmus . . . videna 
se in snblimi positum et in regni solio confirmatum, subito ad alium 
virom mutatus,- de Rege factus est tyrannus . . . Willielmus ConquaBstor 
dictus in multis promissa violayit, monasteria totius Angliie perscrutari 
fedt, et peconiam simul et chartas, in quamm Ubertatibus nobiles Angliso 
oonfidebant et quas Bex in aicto positus obserTaturum se juraverat, ab 
eodesiis ubi insecure jacuerant auferri prseoepit, et in aerarium suum deferri." 
It must not be forgotten that this writer had his head full of the legendary 
confirmation of the franchises of Kent. 

^ As the Winchester Annalist remarks under the year 1073, " Sciendum 
est quod quolibet anno dum quietus fuerat ter coronari oonsueverat Bex ; 
WigomioB ad Natale, Wintoniae ad Pascha, Londoniae ad Pentecosten." 
This of course comes from the Peterborough Ghronide, 1087 ; " |>riwa he bnr 
his cynehelm selce gears." But we see that the ceremony was a sort of 
repeated coronation. So it is called by Benolt (39141), when describing 
ihe Christmas Feast at York (see above, p. 295), 
**A Everwic fu ooron^, 
A U sainte Nativity." 

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by the 

of ecdesi- 

Papal representative at the oourts both of William and of 
Eadward,^ now came a third time, accompanied by two 
other Legates, the Cardinal Priests John and Peter,^ at 
once to congratulate the Conqueror on the temporal success 
of his holy enterprise, and to help him in carrying out his 
ecclesiastical schemes for the subjugation and reformation 
of the benighted islanders.^ They came at William's own 
prayer,^ and one at least of them tarried with him a whole 
year. They were honoured by him, we are told, as the 
Angels of God, and they helped him with their advice 
and authority in many matters in many placea^ Their 
first function was the ceremonial one of placing the Crown 
on William's head at the Easter Feast, a sort of confir- 
mation by Papal authority of the consecration which had 
been long ago performed by Ealdred in the West Minster.^ 
This ceremony done, a ceremony far from lacking signi- 
ficance or importance. King and Legates turned themselves 
to the more serious business which lay before them. 

This was no other than the beginning of William's 
great scheme for gradually remodelling the Church of 
England, as he had already gone far to remodel the State 
of England. It was the policy of which we have already 
seen the first-fruits in the appointment of Bemigius of 

^ See voL iL p. 461 ; iii. p. 96. 

' Orderic, 516 A, mentionB Ermenfrid only by name, adding, "et duos 
canonicos cardinales." Florence adds their names, ** presby teros Johannem 
et Petmm, cardinales sedis apostolice." ' See vol. iii. p. 384. 

* Ord. Vit. 516 A. " Ez petitione ipeius Alexander Papa tree idoneos ei 
ut clariflBimo [carissimo ?] filio legaverat vicarios." 

' lb. *' Apud se ferme azmuo ferme spatio retinuit, audiens et honorans 
eos tamquam angelos Dei. In divenia locis, in plnrimis negotiis, sic egere, 
sicnt indigas canonicse ezaminationis et ordinationis regiones illasilinovere." 
From Florence we learn that only Ermenfrid could have stayed so long 
as a year. John and Peter went back before Pentecost. 

* lb. '^GoillelmuB Bex Dominicam Resmrectionis in nrbe GuentA 
eelebravit, ubi CardinaleB Romanae Ecclesisd ooronam ei sollenniter im- 
poBuenmt." Vita Lanf. (Giles, i. 2^1), **Enm in paschft, coronam regni 
capiti ejus imponentee, in Regem Anglicum confirmavemut." 

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F&samp to the see of Dorchester.^ The great places of ohap. til. 
the Church of England were to be filled by Normans or ^°f]^^ 
other strangers whom William could trust. Englishmen to be 
were to be whoUy shut out from the rank of Bishop and stnDgen. 
but sparingly admitted to that of Abbot.^ But William 
was no more inclined to act hastily in this matter than in 
any other. As ever^ he was disposed to walk warily and was 
careful to have the letter of the law on his side. It would Theohwige 
not have suited his purpose to make a wholesale depri- dually, 
vation of the English Prelates. But as Bishopricks and 
Abbeys became vacant^ fitting occupants of foreign birth 
were to be found for them^^ and there was no objection 
to quicken the succession by depriving, one by one^ those 
English Bishops or Abbots against whom any plausible 
accusation could be brought. These two processes were to The two 
be first of all applied to the two highest ecclesiastical posts bishop- 
in England. The metropolitan chair of York was regularly "^^' 
vacant by the death of Ealdred ; that of Canterbury was 
to be made vacant by the deprivation of Stigand. 

We have already seen that the ecclesiastical position of Ecde- 
the Archbishop had been looked on as doubtful from the ^tion of 
time of his nomination to the primacy by the voice of ®**8w»d. 
liberated England in that Mickle Oemot which drove his 
foreign predecessor from his ill-gotten throne.^ Ermenfiid, 

^ See above, p. 133. 

* Fl. Wig. 1070. " Operam daDte Rege ut quamplnres ex Anglis suo 
honore privarentar, in quorum locum bus geotis persoiiM subrogavit, ad 
oonfirmatioiiem sdlioet sui quod noviter adquiderat regni** We eball 
find however that a distinction, and not an unnatural one, was made 
between the case of Bishops and that of Abbots. An Abbot was not 
clothed with the same high temporal powers as a IKshop. From this time 
we shall see that no Englishman was appointed to a Bishopriok, and that 
the English Bishops, with the exception of Wulfrtan, were gradually de- 
prived. In the case of Abbots the deprivations of Englishmen were many 
and appointments were few, but the rule was not absolutely inflexible. 

' See above, p. 131. 

* See voL ii. pp. 331, 335, 341 ; and on the ecclesiastical position of 
Stigand, p. 605. 

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April II, 




the present Legate, had, on his former visit to England, 
been the bearer of a Papal missive against him.^ Yet 
William had hitherto treated him with studied honour ; ^ 
he had consecrated the only Bishop who had been ap- 
pointed since his accession,^ and, if he had not been 
allowed to pour the consecrating oil on William's own 
head, he had filled the second place in the ceremony of 
his coronation.^ But his hour was now come; he could 
now be deposed^ not by the mere arbitrary will of the 
King or by the sentence of a purely English or Norman 
Assembly, but by the full authority of the Head of 
Western Christendom. As usual, all kinds of vague and 
improbable charge were brought against him;^ but the 
canonical g^rounds on which he was formally condenmed 
were three. He had held the see of Winchester along 
with the Archbishoprick. ^ He had taken the Arch- 
bishoprick during the life-time of Robert, and he had 
used at the mass the pallium which Robert had left 
behind.*^ He had obtained his own pallium from the 
usurping Pontiff Benedict the Tenth.® Stigand was heard 
in his own defence ; but his defence seems to have con- 
sisted of arguments which would have more weight in the 
minds of Englishmen than in those of William and Ermen- 
frid. He appealed to the fiiith of the King who had so 
long treated him as a friend; he protested against the 
iniquity of his sentence, and apparently against the autho- 

* See vol. ii. p. 466. • See above, p. 78. 

* See above, p. 133. * See voL iii. p. 558. 

^ Ord. Vit. 516 B. ^* Stigandum pridem reprobatum anathemate depo- 
suerunt. Perjimis enim et homicidiis inquinatus erat, nee per ostium in 
arohipnesnlatum introierat." 

* See the cbarges in full in vol. ii. p. 605. 

' That Robert left his pallium b^nd is a point insisted on with glee 
by the Peterborough Chronider. See vol. ii. p. 331. The consequenoee 
were not then foreseen. 

* See vol. ii. p. 433. 

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rify of his judges.^ Such a defence was of course in vain ; obaf. zix. 
he was deprived of both his Bishopricks^ and, if not abso- ^^T 
lutely imprisoned, he was at least kept under some measure and 
of restraint under the King's eye at Winchester.* It mei^^' 
seems however that he retained some of his private pro- 
perty,^ enough at least to give him the means of better 
fare and clothing than those of an ordinary prisoner. 
Legend was of course busy with the end of such a career 

i Will. Malm. Qest Pont. 37. ** Qui [Ennenfridus] ad volnntatem 
Regis ooacio condlio, Stigandum deposuit fidem Willelmi appellantem, et 
▼iolentiam redamaniem." 

' Florence simply layB of the deposed Prelates in general, " Nonnullos, 
tam episcopos quam abbateSj quos nulla eyidenti [sic] causa neo concilia 
nee leges seculi damnabant, suis honoribus priyayit, et usque ad 6nem yit» 
cufltodis mancipatoe detinidt^ suspidone, ut diximus, tantum inductus 
noyi regni." The language of William of Malmesbuiy (u. s.), speaking of 
Stigand onlj, is only one degree less strong as to the injustice of the 
depriyation ; " Et quamvis ille se blande ezousans proceptum Papse ob- 
jectaret, non tamen opinionem affectatw depositionis exdusit, quod eum 
toto avo in yinonlis Wintonisa habuerit." The " vincula " of WlUiam, who 
is copied by several later writers, are more distinct than the " custodia " of 
Florence. Gervase (Act. Pont. Cant. X Scriptt. 1653) speaks of him as 
*' in caroere trusus,** and adds, " in ergastulo regio apud Wintoniam mor- 
tuus est." The Winchester Annalist (39) has a more curious story. He 
records his deprivation under 1070 and under 1073, adding, " Hoc anno 
Stigandus, qui dudum Arohiepiscopus, jussu Begis captus et in Wintoni» 
oppido positus est, ubi, etsi invitus, luit quidquid in archiepiscopatu de- 
liquit" This seemingly refers to the tale of Stigand*s escape to Ely. 

* 1>omesday, 38. *'Ipae Bex tenet Menes; Stigandus Archiepiscopus 
tenuit T. R E. ad opus monachorum, et post quamdiu vixit habuit." This 
in some sort confirms the account of Stigand's position given by the 
Winchester historian, Thomas Rudbome, following his " Auctor de Con- 
cordantiis sub litterft S.*' (AngL Sacr. L 350); " Habuit Willdmus eum in 
salT& custodift,yiz. in castro Wyntonise, infra quam custodiam diverteret 
quovellet, sed eitra limites ei non liceret. Honestisdme enim cum eo trac- 
tavit, dimittens ei in pace omnes thesauroe auri et argenti et aliarum 
remm quos ante depodtionem suam habebat, et nihil ex omnibus acoepit 
Bex quamdiu Stigandus viveret. Attamen Stigandus ne minimum nummum 
ex omnibus divitus super semetipsum expendere vduit. £0 rero defuncto, 
assignavit Bex WOldmus corpus ejus sepeliri in eooled& cathedrali Wyn- 
toniaB, et crucem magnam ex argento cum duabus imaginibus in thesauro 
ipdus Stigandi inyentam, ex omnibus pretiosissimis diritlis quam Rex in- 
yenerat ecdesue Wyntoniend pro animft Stigandi solummodo transmisit.*' 

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OHAP. XIX. as his. He lived in his prison the life of an ascetic. His 
hi?i^ °' friends, especially his neighbour the Lady Eadgyth, prayed 
days. him to indulge himself somewhat more both in food and in 

clothing. He answered with the most solemn oaths that he 
had not a penny or a penny's worth to supply his wants. 
Whether either the Old Lady or any other friend did any- 
thing to help him in his need we are not told. But the 
tale goes on to say that, after Stigand's death, a mass of 
treasure was found hidden underground, and that round the 
deposed Primate's neck was a key, which was found to open 
a private writing-case, in which were papers wherein the 
tale and weight of the whole hoard were accurately entered.^ 
Deprija- The fell of the Primate carried with it that of his 
^thelmaer brother ^thelmser, whom he had promoted to the Bishop- 
[1047- ' ^<^^ of ^ho East-Angles,^ a Bishoprick which he had 
1070.] once held himself.^ We are not told what crimes were 
laid to his charge besides those of being an Englishman 
and a brother of Stigand. One probable ground of 
accusation may however be inferred firom an entry in 

> This tale appears in WiUiain of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont 37); ** Ibi 
Stigandus tenui viotn vitam toleravit, quod ei parum de fisco inftre- 
batur, et ipse ingenitft mentis dTiriti& nihil de suo infenri pateretnr. 
Quin et hortantibus amicis, et pnecipue Kegin& £dgith&, Edwardi 
Regis relioti, nt se delicatins yestiret et pasceret, per omne sanctum 
pejerabat non se habere nummum neo valens. Huic Sacramento solidi- 
tatem veri abfuisse probavit ingens Tis opum post mortem ejus in snb- 
terraneis specubus inventarom. Ad quarom indictum ut vemretor aazilio 
fuit clayicula collo examinati dependens, quae fiuniliaris scrinii esset 
castes. Ea sens fanmissa manifestant per cartas inventas et qualitatem 
metaUorum et quantitatem ponderum.'* This became the- stock passage 
for later writers to copy. Gervase however (Gest Pont. Oant. X Soriptt. 
1653) tells it in a form which seems to be original; "Siquidem eodem 
mortuo, clavis parvula in secretis reperta est, quae serft cubicularis scrinii, 
apposite innumerabilum thesaurorom dedit indicium. Carte quidem in- 
ventse sunt in qoibus notata erat et metallorum qualitas et ponderum 
quantitas que per onmia prsedia sua compilata defoderat." 

' Will. Malm. Gest Pont 150. " Stigandus evaluit, ut sibi Australium 
Saxonum episoopatum restitueret, et Orientalium An^orum fiatri Ethel- 
mero adquireret" ' See yoL ii. pp. 64, 65. 

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the Survey, hj which it appears that the East- Anglian ouap. xn. 
Prelate had a wife.^ We are told also that several Depriva- 
Abbots were deposed;^ but it is hard to identify niore^^^^ 
than one who was deposed at this particular Gem6t. 
It is probable that our informant had in his mind 
the general Gystem of deprivation of both Abbots and 
Bishops which went on from this time, rather than any 
special acts of this Easter Assembly. It is certain 
however that one great Abbey was at this moment 
vacant by death and another by forfeiture, and it would 
appear that the Norman successors of the English Prelates 
were appointed in this Council. Brand of Peterborough, Death of 
the Abbot who had been confirmed by the iEtheling p^. ^ 
Eadgar,^ died while William was engaged on his North- J?"^^^^ 
humbrian campaign.^ The vaca^t post was given to one 37, 1069. 
Turold, of whose exploits, military rather than ecclesias- v^^**?? 
tical, we shall presently hear.^ William's vengeance fell 
also on an inmate of the Oolden Borough, who might have 
seemed likely to be perfectly harmless. This was ^thelric, Seuure of 
who had once been Bishop of Durham, but who hadj^Bjgj^Qp 
long ago given up his see and had retired to spend the ^^ ^^'^^*'"- 
remnant of his days in the monastery.^ About this time, 1056.] 

^ Domesday, ii 195. " Hoc manerlxim accepH Almaros cum axore bu& 
antequam eeset Episcopus, et postea tenuit in eplscopatn." .^helmsr, like 
most other people, French and English, Is charged in Domesday with 
something in the way of invarionet. In the same page where his wife is 
mentioned we read, ** Hemeebi tennlt Algarus Comes T. R. E. et Alwius 
emit. Stigandos abstulit et dedit Almaro fratri suo, sed hundred nescit 
qnomodo ex illo ftdt in episoopatu." Another entry in p. 200 is more 
carious. After the account of the outlawry and flight of Eadric the naval 
captain (see above, p. iii), it is added, ** Episcopus Alroarus invasit terram." 
But if ^thelmser was Eadric's next heir, or, as he veiy likely was, his lord, 
his occupation of the forfeited land of an outlaw would be an inwuio in 
the Domesday sense. 

■ See above, p. 333, note 3. • See vol. iii. p. 530. 

* Ghron. Petrib. 1069. '*And on Jdsum ilcan geare forOferde Brand 
Abbot of Burh on v. Kal. Decembr." This is one of the earliest instances 
of the modem idiom ** Abbot of Burh." 

' See the next Chapter. * See vol. li. p. 407. 

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OHAF. zix. and seemingly by a decree of tiiis Easter Assembly, he was 

seized and led to Westminster ; what was his &te there we 

are not told. His offence, whatever it was, had doubtless 

some connexion with the career of his more active brother 

Outilawrv iEthelwine, his successor in his Bishoprick. It seems, as 

wine of far as we can make anything out of our chronology, that 

this Prelate was outlawed by another decree of this Council.^ 

His aUeged The charge would seem to have been a charge of sacrilege, 

at saci^** or of complicity with sacrilege. During the flight of the 

^^^' Bishop and his Canons from Durham the great crucifix of 

the church had been left behind^ as being too heavy to 

carry away. Soon after their flight, when the Normans 

reached the city, it was thrown down by some of the 

invaders^ and robbed of the ornaments with which it had 

been enriched by Tostig and Judith. William^ on reaching 

Durham, whether moved by piety or by covetousness, 

expressed no small indignation. He found out the offenders, 

and sent them to the Bishop and Chapter, seemingly in their 

retreat at Lindisfam, calling on them to sit in judgement 

on the sinners, and to visit them with ecclesiastical censures. 

No censure however followed; ^thelwine may have 

doubted whether it would in the end be safe to excom- 

The municate the soldiers of the Conqueror. In the course of 

Darham^ Lent the Bishop and his Canons returned to Durham, and, 

«o^<^ed. at the veiy time when the Council was sitting at Winchester, 

1070. the church of Durham was solemnly reconciled after its 

desecration, and the body of Saint Cuthberht was set back 

again in his shrine with all honour.^ It must have been 

^ On the dealings with these two brother Bishops, see Appendix PP. 

' The story is told in the Durham History, iii. 15. *' Instante sutem 
Qaadrageshn&» tranquiUitate reddit&, sacrum corpus Dunelmum reportave- 
runt, atque recondliatft solenniter ecdesiSl Tii. Idus Aprilis, cum laudibus 
intrantes ecclesiam suo in loco illud reposuerunt. Invenerunt autem 
imaginem Crucifixi in solum dejectam, et a suo omatu quo a Comite supra- 
dicto, yidelicet Tosti, et ejus conjuge fuerat vestita, omnino spoliatam. 
Hanc enim solam ex omamentis post se in ecclesift reliquerant, ob hoc 

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just at this time that the sentence of outlawry was pro- chap. xix. 
nounced against ^thelwine, and there is no other visible 
motive for it except his disobedience to the Toyal order. 
No charge could better fell in with William's policy; the 
English Prelate had feiled to show that zeal on behalf of 
his own church and its possessions which he, the Con- 
queror, had not forgotten, even in the midst of his North- 
humbrian war&re. If sacrilege was the crime of iBthel- 
wine^ he soon added to it^ at least in the eyes of William. 
He saw that England was no longer a place for him ; he iBthelwine 
took a large part of the moveable treasures of his church xoln, but 
and set sail for Koln. Stress of weather however drove J^^ 
him back to Scotland^ where he passed the winter.* He Scotland, 
was thus enabled to have a share in the exploits and 

videlicet quod difficile in fugft portari poterat, nmnl eperantee quod propter 
illam majorem looo reverentiam hoetes exhibere vellent. Vemm quidam 
iUorum supervementea, quidquid in eft auri et aigenti yel gemmarum inve- 
nerant, penitus abatrahentes abienmt. Quo fibcto Rex graviter indignatus 
juadt eos perquintos oomprehendi, et comprehensoe ad epiaoopum et preeby- 
teroa, eoram judioio puniendoa, perdud. At illi, nihil triate eia iaoientea, 
penniaerunt ilkesoa abire." The aame atoiy ia told by Boger of Howden 
(i. lao), aome of whoae expreaaiona aound aa if he had got the tale from 
iome other quarter than Simeon ; *' Imago Grucifixi, qun aola de omamentiB 
eccle d a remanaerat^ quoniam non fiBudle, pro aui magnitudine, a featinantibua 
poterat aaportari, auro auo et aigento eat apoliata, detrahentibna Normannia. 
Bex autem quum non longe eaaet, agnoacena eocleaiae aolitudinem et Grucifixi 
exapoliationem, graviter aatia tulit, ipeoaque qui hoc fiscerant perquiri pne* 
oepit, neo multo poet eoadem ipaoe aorte aibi obvioe habuit, quoa, quum pub- 
Ucam viam dedinare conapicerat, illico inteUexit hominea mali alioujua eaae 
oonadioa ; qui protinua comprehenai aurum et argentum, quod de Crucifixo 
tulerant, oatenderunt. Quoa atatim ad judicium episcopi et eorum qui 
cum illo erant, jam de fiigft regredientium, tranamiait, aed illi a reatu 
abaolutoB impune dimittunt." 

^ Sim. Dun. Hiat. Dun. iii. 17. ** Beportato in Dunelmum, aiout jam 
dictum eat, beatiaaimi confeaaoria corpore, Egelwinua xv. aui epiaoopatfia 
anno, partem theaaurorum eocleaiae aecum aaportana, Angliam] relicturtts 
navem aecendit. Sed quum jam oupito itinere veraua Coloniam navigaret, 
vento repulaua in Scotiam ibidem hiemavit." Thia flight waa evidently 
the oonaequence of the outlawry recorded in the Chroniclea. Simeon 
recorda the eventa which happened in the North ; the Chronicler recordSf 
though imperfectly, the acta of the Council. 

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CHAP. zix. sufferings of the next year. Another Prelate who took 
nearly the same course was in worldly fortune more 
Flight of prosperous. It was now in all probability that iBthelsige, 
MOkebage. ^^^ pluralist Abbot of Ramsey and Saint Augnstiue's^ who 
had been William's own ambassador at the court of Swend,^ 
left England and again sought the shores of Denmark, this 
time in the character of an exile.^ His Kentish office at 
least was dealt with as forfeited^ being the other Abbey 
which was filled about this time, and most probably in this 
Council. A Norman monk of the name of Scotland was 

Sidnt Aa- foroed on the unwilling brotherhood of Saint Augustine's.^ 

io7^o8» He did something however to retrieve the scandal of his 

appointment by great works in the way of building, and 

by recovering many of the lost estates of the church, some 

of them of William's own seizing.^ 

It must have been a striking episode among the acts 

^ See aboTe, p. 135. * See Appendix P. 

* W. Thorn. X Scriptt. 1787. " Aimo Domini qno eupra, compeito 
quod Egelsinns no in Daoiam ftigerat, soamque eoclesuun absque licentilk 
Begifl petit4 ant obtentft dereliquerat, pnedictuA Bex monasterinm Sanoti 
Augnettni cnm omnibus intemis et extemis appendioiis oonfiscavit, et eidem 
monastorio quemdam monadhnm nomine Sootlandum, natione Nonn annum, 
in abbatem pnefedt^ monachis Aug^tiniensibus, turn propter B^gis ^raa- 
nicam potentiam, turn propter sui monasterii ex omni parte depressionem 
mnltiplicem, licet non sine mentis amaritudine,ad tempus hoc tolerantibus." 

* lb. 1787, 1788. " Sootlandus multa et magna laude digna tern- 
poribus tnis feoiaBe soribitur. Terras et possessiones a monasterio injuste 
ablatasy regie fultus aaxilio, multas, licet non onmes, recuperavit. 
Quasdam de novo perquisivit, quasdam absque consensu conventlis 
alienavit." He had just before said that in the time of JSthelsige some 
Normans had seized (" violenter oocupaverunf*) lands belonging to the 
monasteiy, while JSthelsige had granted away others through fear 
(**timore oompulsus, invitis suis fratribus, concessit'*). Plumstede and 
Fordwieh are specially spoken of as places reooyered from Bishop Odo, who 
claimed them as having belonged to Godwine, his predeoessor in the 
Kentish Earldom. Both places appear in Domesday (is) as pos se s s ions of 
the abbey; and of Fordwich we read, "Hujus burgi dnas partes dedit 
Bex E. Sancto Augustano» terfciam vero partem, qu» fuerat Godwini Comitis^ 
Bpiwopus Baiooensis concessit eidem sancto annuente Bege W." But in 
6 h among the possessions of Odo we find, " Abbas Sancti Augustim 
tenet de Epiacopo Baiocensi Plumestede." 

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of this Assembly, in which so many English Prelates ohap. xiz. 
were deprived of their dignities, when one of their number g^J^*^^' 
boldly stood forth to assert the rights of his see. While mands th« 

° lands taken 

others saw the King's purpose and trembled lest the by Ealdred 
stroke might fell upon them, the holy Bishop of Worcester church of 
arose and demanded the restitution of the estates of which Woroerter. 
Ealdred^ on his translation from Worcester to York, had 
defrauded the church which he had left.^ The lands were 
now, during the vacancy of the see of York, in the King's 
hands, and Wulfstan called both on the King and on the 
other members of the Assembly to do justice to his church.' 
We may feel certain that, in this and in every other action 
of his life, Wulfstan acted with perfect single-mindedness. « 
But the man whom Harold had chosen as his fellow- 
worker when Northumberland was to be won over by 
persuasion ^ could not have been absolutely wanting in 
worldly wisdom. He could not have been the mere model 
of childish innocence and simplicity which his monastic 
admirers are inclined to make of him. Wulfttan was no His pon- 
doubt conscious that, even from William's point of view, regard to 
no charge could be brought against him. He was also no ]^^^ 
doubt equally ready to run any risk in maintaining a right menfrid. 
whose maintenance was really the discharge of a trust.^ 

^ See vol. H. p. 467. 

' Flor. Wig. 1070. " In hoc itaque oondlio, dum caeteri trepidi, utpote 
Regis agnoBcenies anixnum, ne suis honoiibus piiyarentnr timerent, vener- 
andns vir Wnlstanns, Wigomensis episcopus, poesessiones quamplures stii 
episcopatts ab Aldredo Arohiepiscopo, dum a V^igomensi eodesift ab Ebor- 
aoensem transferretur, soft potentii reteniaa, qum eo tunc deftincto in legiam 
potestatem deyenerant^ oonstanter proclamabaty expetebat, justitilamqae 
inde fieri, tarn ab ipsis qui condlio pneerant quam a Bege flagitabat." 

• See vol. iii. p. C2. 

* We are often unpleasantly staruek, in reading the history of eoolesias- 
tical bodies, with the eagerness, almost greediness, shown by tk«n in the 
assertion and retention of every kind of temporal right. B«t it mast in 
fitimees be remembered that the right of the members who Ibrm the oor- 
poration at any given time Is not abeolnte ; they are trustees for their 
successors and the corporation itself. We may be sure that this was the 

z a 

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CHAP. XIX. But he probably knew also that a claim of right on 
behalf of an ecclesiastical foundation was exactly the kind 
of cause in which both conscience and policy would lead 
William to do justice. Nor would he forget that the 
chief of the Papal Legates was an old friend of his own. 
1062. Eight years back Ermenfrid had been his guest at Wor- 
cester^ and had raised his Yoice on his behalf in the 

The de- Gemot at Gloucester.^ The claim was made and listened 

ciBion put 

off tm the to; but the answer of William and Ermenfrid was dis- 
of York erect. They could not judge without hearing both sides ; 
Aouidbe ^ij3y h^ heard the claim of Worcester; they had not 
heard the defence of York ; the church of York was 
dumb, having no shepherd to speak for her; when the 
Northern Archbishoprick should again be fall, both sides 
should be heard and the case decided.^ 

The appointments to the two metropolitan sees were 
not formally made at the Easter Council. We cannot 
doubt that William had long ago settled in his own mind 
who should be the successor of Stigand.^ Still it was 
seemly to wait, to take time for deliberation, and not to 
let it go forth to the world that Stigand had been con- 
demned, and his successor fixed upon, before he had been 

WhitBun called on for his defence. The appointments to the vacant 
Gemdt at . 

Windsor, sccs Were therefore delayed till the next great Festival and 

^^70?^"^^' the next regular Gemot. This was the Feast of Pente- 
cost ; but the meeting usual at that season was held, not, 

feeling of Wnlfirtan in his pertinadouB assertion of his right to temporal 
possessions. Personal greediness could have no place in such a mind 
as his. 

^ See YoL ii. pp. 464, 465. 

' Flor. Wig. 1070. " Quia Eboracensis ecclesia, non habens pastorem 
qui pro e& loqueretur, muta erat, judicatum est ut ipsa querela sic remaneret 
quousque, archiepisoopo ibi oonstituto qui ecclesuim def enderet, dnm esset 
qui ejus querelee responderet, ex objectis et responsis posset evidentius 
ao justius judicium fieri. Sicque tunc ea querela ad tempus remansit." 

' See aboTe, p. 84. 

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according to rule, at Westminster, but at the royal seat ohap. xix. 
of Windsor.^ This is a place of which we begin first to hear 
in the days of Eadward,^ and which became of increased 
importance under William. Either now or later in hisWindBor 
reign, a castle, the germ of the present royal dwelling, " ** 
arose there, and its defence seems to have been a special 
burthen laid upon the landowners of Berkshire.^ There, 
instead of close under the walls of London^ the Assembly 
was held in which the thrones of Augustine and Paullinus 
were again filled by men of foreign blood and Roman 
speech. On the Pentecostal day itself. King William, William 
doubtless by his writ and seal like his predecessor King sees of 
Eadward, granted two of the vacant sees to Norman ^^^heBter 
priests.* York, regularly void by the death of Ealdred, ^ Thomas 
was granted to Thomas, Treasurer of the church ofkeUn. 
Bayeux and chaplain to the King. Winchester, void by *^ ^^' 
the deprivation of Stigand, was granted to Walkelin, 
another royal chaplain, who is also said, like so many 

^ Ord. Yit. 516 A, R " Maxima vera ao utillima synodua WindresnoriB 
celebrata est anno mlzx. ab incamatione Domini." He however confounds 
the acts of this Coundl with those of the Easter Council at Winchester. 
Florence carefully distmguishes them. 

' Eadward's grant of Windsor to the church of Westminster is men- 
tioned in his writ^ Cod. DipL iy. 237, and in the spurious charter, iv. 
178 ; he also dates a charter there in !▼. 209. 

' In Domesday, 56 h, Windsor appears as held by the Crown both 
T.B.E. and T. R. W. without any mention of the rights of the church of 
Westminster. The place is also mentioned in 62, 62 6. The Buckingham- 
shire Thegn, Leofwine of Newham, had also (151 5) to find **u. loricatos in 
custodiam de Windessores ;" and in the Abingdon History, ii. 3, we read 
how the same duty was laid upon that monastery ; " Tunc Walingaforde 
et Oxenforde et Wildesore, cseterisque locis castella pro r^gno servando 
compacta. Unde huic abbatise militum excubias apud ipsum Wildesore 
oppidum habendas regie imperio jussum." 

^ Orderic, 5x6 B, says only "constituti sunt nominandi prssules Nor- 
manni duo regii capellani. Guaschelinus [Gualchelinus t] Guentanorum 
et Thomas Eboraoorum, unus in loco depositi, alter defnnoti." But 
Florence brings in the royal grant more distinctly ; '* Die Pentecostes Bex 
apud Windesoram yenerando Baiocensi canonioo Thoms Eboracensis 
eoclesitt arohiepiBcopatum, et Walcelino suo capellano Wintoniensis ecdesiflB 
dedit pnesnlatum." 

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0H4P. SIX. other people, to have been a kinsman of the King.^ Both 
appointments^ like most of William's ecclesiastical appoint- 
ments^ did him honour, and that of Thomas may even 
have been prompted by a wish to make some slight amends 
to a part of the Kingdom which had been so deeply 
Character wTonged. Thomas^ a native of Bayeux, as well as a 
dT ThomM^ caDon of its churchy had sought for learning beyond the 
^^" . bounds of Gkiul and even beyond the bounds of Christen- 
Tork. dom. Like his Metropolitan Maurilius,^ he had studied 
1070-1100. j^ ^^^ schools of Saxony and other Teutonic lands, and 
there he may possibly have learned enough of the kindred 
tongues to make him not wholly incapable of communi- 
cating with his English flock.^ But his love of know- 
ledge had carried him into the South as well as the 
North ; he had crossed the Pyrenees, and had come back 
to Bayeux full of all the learning of the Spanish Saracens^ 
His diocesan Odo, who made up somewhat for his own 
misdeeds by generous promotion of merit in others^^ placed 
Thomas in the Treasurer's stall in the church of his native 
city.® This was an office for which one who had studied in 
the land of the goldsmith's craft "^ might be supposed to 

^ I do not find the kindred of Walkelin to William anywhere except in 
Thomas Rndbome, Ang. Sac. i. 355 ; '* WaloelinuB, vir magnn litteratnne, 
doctor in theologift egr^us, in studio Parisiacensi cathedram asoendit 
magistralem, oonsangnineuB enim [the logic is not very clear] erat Wil- 
helmi ConquBBstoris et natione Nonnannns." 

' See vol. ill. p. 99. 

* T. Stnbbs, X. Scriptt. 1705. "Thomas senior, qui Baiocis oriandusy in 
Galliis eruditus, ardore disoendi in Germaniam profectus, omnem Sazonnm 
et Teutonnm scholam est perscratatns." 

* lb. *' Inde per Frandam reyersiis Normanniam, perrexit ad Hispanias. 
>^^^ Ibiqae multa alia qnie alibi non potait addisoens, pectus snam Hispanicanim 

fedt armarium scientiarum." 

' See vol. ii. p. an. 

' T. Stubbs, u. s. ** Tandem ad natale solem reyersus, magnifioi iriii 
Odonis Baiooensis episoopi familiaritatem naotus, turn propter monim 
elegantiam, turn propter multimodam scientiam, Baiocenns ecdesiaB ab 
eodem episcopo assecutus est thesaurariam." 

^ See aboye, p. 41. 

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be specially fit. The cfaaneter of Thomas stood high in ohap. zzs. 
eveiy way, and he has left a special name behind him in the 
history of his own ehnrch as the restorer alike of its fiibric 
and of its discipline.^ The name of Walkelin of Winchester Walkelin 
is of less renown, bnt he too bears a good report in local win- 
history, and his work may still be seen in the solemn ^f^^g 
transepts of Saint Swithhun's, and even in some sort in 
the mighiy nave of Edington and Wykeham.^ 

William had thus on the Pentecostal Sunday exercised 
the ancient right of an English King to bestow the great 
benefices of the English Chnrch. On the morrow anErmenfrid 
ecclesiastical Synod — such bodies are now beginning tOg^^^f 
be distingtushed firom the general Gtem6ts of our fore- ^^y **• 
fiftthers — ^was held by Ermenfrid^ who was now the only 
Legate in England, his two coUeagaes having already 
gone back to Bome.^ Here we are told that several iBthelrio 

of Sdlflev 

Abbots were deposed^ and also one Bishop^ ^thelric of depooed. 
Selsey. We are not told what his ofience was, but our 
English informant commits himself in thie^ as in other 
cases, to the assertion that the sentence was uncanonical.^ 
Of ^thelric personally we know nothing, except that at 
a later time both William and Lanfiranc did not scruple 
to make use of his knowledge of the ancient laws of 

^ See the aooount of his worlu in T. Stubbs, 1708. I shall have to 
mention them again. 

' On the episcopate of Walkelin, see below, p. 375. 

' Flor. Wig. 1070. ** On jus [Begis] jnssa moz in crastino pnedictus Sedan- 
ensis eplscopus Aimenfridus synodum tenoit, Jc^ianne et Petro pnefatis 
cardinalibus Romam revends." 

'lb. "In qui synodo Agelricns Stithsaxonnm pontiiex non oanonice 
d^gradator .... abbates etiam quampluressunt degradati." It is worth 
noting that the deposition of .^helrio seems not to have been satisCsotoiy 
to Pope Alexander. In one of his letters to William (Giles, i. 31) he 
says, *' CSanssa Ebrici [Ethrici f], qui, olim Cicestrensis eodesis prmnl diotns, 
a snppositis legatonon nostrorum depositus est, non ad plenum nobis trao* 
tata Tidetnr." The cause was entrusted to the further hearing of LanfraBc 
(see Will. Malm. Gest. Begg. iiL 393, where the name stands as " Alridus"), 
but it does not appear that ^thelric was ever restored. 

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Biahop of 
of Ohi- 
1070-108 7. 


Bishop of 





ted by 
May 30, 

England.^ For the present however the deposed Bishop 
of the Soath-Saxons was kept in ward at Marlborough.^ 
His see was granted to one Stigand, whom it was 
hardly needfiil for any writer to distinguish from the 
deposed Primate.^ The name is Norman as well as Eng- 
lish^ and it is just possible that the Bishop of Selsey, 
soon to be of Chichester^ is the same person as the 
gfuardian of Margaret of Maine.^ The East -Anglian 
Bishoprick, vacant by the deprivation of ^thelmser, was 
given to HerBEist, the royal chaplain whose lack of learning 
had been long before exposed by Lanfranc in his cell at 
Bee* One at least of the new Bishops, Walkelin of 
Winchester, was at once consecrated by the Legate.^ The 
consecration of the Northumbrian Primate was delayed. 
The chronicler of his own church tells us that it was 
because, owing to the flight of -^thelwine, there was no 
Bishop of his own province to perform the ceremony.7 
But it is hard to see how an Archbishop of York, whose 
nominal jurisdiction reached to the Orkneys,* but who 

^ In the fiunouB cause on Penenden Heath, of which more in the next 

' Flor. Wig. 1070. "Qnem [Agehricum] Rex sine culp& mox apnd 
Mearlesbeorge in custodia poBuit.'* 

' lb. " Qiubus degradatis. Rex suis capellanis, Arfasto East-Anglorum 
et Stigando Suth-Saxonum, dedit episoopatum." William of Malmesbuiy 
(Gest. Pont. 205) thinks it needful to add, " Stigandus, non iUe qui postea 
fuit episoopns Wintoniensis et archiepiscopus Cantuariensis." 

* See vol. iii. p. 213. ^ See yol. iii. p. 104. 

* Flor. Wig. 1070. " Quia Dorubemise archiprsBsul depositus, et Ebor- 
acensis erat defunctus, juasu Regis, in octavis Pentecostes ab eodem Armen- 
fxido, Sedunensi episcopo, ordinatus est Waloelinus." 

^ T. Stubbs (1 706) reoords the flight of iSthelwine, and adds, " Sic &ctum 
est, ordinatio ipsius per tres fere menses delata est, eo quod Eboracensis 
ecdesia illo tempore sufifraganeos a quibus ordinari posdt non habebat." 
The position of the Scottish Bishops as supposed suffragans of the see of 
York comes out more distinctly in the Appendix to the Winchester 
Gbronlcle under the year 1080. Archbishop lliomas consecrates William 
Bishop of Durham with the help of suffiagans of the see of Canterbury; 
" Jubente Rege et Lanfranco oonsentiente . . . eo quod a Soottorum epi- 
scopis, qui sibi subjecti sunt, habere adjutorium non potuit." 

" See Appendix LL. 

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had practically only a single saffragan at Durham^ could chap. xix. 
ever have been canonically consecrated by Bishops of his 
own province. We cannot doubt that the real reason for 
the delay was that it suited William's policy that the new 
Primate of York should be admitted to his office by no 
hands but those of the new Primate of Canterbury, 

The purpose which William had doubtless formed long Luiftmnc 
before was now carried into effect. It was formally decreed t^ cimter- 
by the King and the whole Assembly^ that the vacant ^^^' 
metropolitan throne should be filled by the Abbot of Saint 
Stephen's. But Laniranc was not at hand either to receive 
the Archbishoprick at the Sling's hands or to receive the 
ecclesiastical sacrament at the hands of the Bishops of his 
intended province. The Legate Ermenfrid, with another The Le- 
Legate named Hubert^ of whom we have not before heard, ^ invito 
but who henceforth takes a leading port in all the ecde- ^"^' 
siastical doings of William's reign, was commissioned to 
bear the news to the Primate-elect and to obtain his con- 
sent to his promotion.^ A Synod of the Norman Church Synod 
was held on the occasion, in which the Bishops, Abbots, and ^onnan 
nobles of the Duchy were gathered together.^ All pressed Church. 
on Lan&anc the duiy of accepting the office to which he 
was called; the Legates demanded his obedience in the 

^ Vita Lftnfr. (Giles, L 293). *' Cogitanti Regi de hac re et prooeres regni 
oonsalenti, oonyementi»imo fine, in Lanfranoo quievit, quatenas nberri- 
mmn Inminare in hao aroe elatam, nebulas undique pravitatum et 
caligines dilueret, saluberrimo fulgore cuncta honestanB.** 

' So Lanfrano says in his letter to Alexander (Giles, i. 19), " Legati tui, 
Hennenfredus videlioet Sedunensis EpiBcopus atque Hubertus Sanctn 
Romans Eodesie cardinalis, in Kormanniam yenenmt.** He appears else- 
where (WiU. Mabn. iii. 298) as **sanctB Romans EodesisB subdiaconus" 
and " lector/' and under Hildebrand he becomes the chief means of com- 
munication between Rome and Nonnandy and England. 

' lb. "Episoopos, abbates, ejusdemque patriie nobiles conyenire fece- 
runt." 80 in the life (i. 293), " Quum igitur Sedunensis episoopus inyitaret 
eum ad regimen pontificale, denuntiansin oonsilio episcoporum et abbatum 
Nomumnie petitionem regis simulque yoluntatem saam, et reliquorum sedis 
apost^kv legatorum." It must haye been in this Synod, if oyer at aU, 
that the Norman Prelates pronounced censures on the Norman soldiers who 
had fought at Senlao or taken any share in the war. See Appendix MM. 

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CHAF. xn. name of the Apogtolie See.^ Lanfhuic of course set forth^ 

^"^'*"9^ in the style usual on such occasions, his own general 

offer. unfitness for so great a post, and he added other objections 

which were a good deal more to the purpose, his ignorance 

of the English tongue and of the manners and customs of 

the barbarous islanders;^ Still to this it would have been 

easy to answer that the scholar of Pavia had once been 

as great a stranger in Normandy as he would be in 

England, and that, if he were out of place on an English 

archiepiscopal throne, he must be equally out of place 

in the chief stall of a Norman abbey. But all objections 

were overruled. Queen Matilda and her son Robert urged 

his acceptance of the post; their urgings however took 

the form of prayers ; what Lanfranc seems to have been 

specially moved by was the interposition of one in whom 

Hb he still acknowledged a right to command. Herlwin, the 

^over- Abbot of Bcc, who had first received him to the monastic 

Herlwin ^^®' ^*^® ^™» ^^ virtue of his old authority as a spiritual 

father, not to shrink from the sphere of duty to which he 

was called.^ Lanfranc yielded to the combined prayers 

and commands of all Normandy. With a heavy heart, as 

he himself tells us, he forsook the monastic life which he 

> £p. Lanfr. (Giles, i. 19). '* In eonim pnesentift, ut CantuarieDBom Eode- 
siam regendam suaciperem ex apostolicsa sediB anctoritate pneoepenmt." 

* lb. *' Adveraus hoc iznbecillitaB mearum yirium, mommque indignitas 
pTolata in medium nihil profuit : excusatio inoognits linguae gentiumque 
barbararum nullum apud eoe locum invenire pnevaluit." The biographer 
(i. 393) gives another reason ; ** Perapectum namque vel indubitatum tenebat^ 
simul ire non posse negotium archiprssulis et otium monachi. Ad hoc sui 
provectum solito despidebat, atque eztimesoebat onerosissimum guber- 
naculum." This comes partly from Orderic, 520 A. 

' Ord. Vit. 520 A. "Abbas Herlwinus imperat, cui obseoundare yelut 
Christo solebat. Begina cum filio prindpe precaiur, majores quoque ideo 
collecti studiose hortantur." The word "prinoepe" applied to Robert, 
whidi the biographer leaves out, is remarkable. I know no instance of its 
use at this time in the vulgar sense ; it is therefore probably applied to 
him as being joined with his mother in the government of the Buohy. See 
above, p. 1 2$. 

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lored above all other liyes ; ^ he crossed the sea ; on the ohap. xix. 
Feast of the Assomption he received the Arehbishoprick ^EMbad. 
at the King's hands ; ^ on the Feast of the DeooUation of i^anfruic 
Saint John Baptist he was consecrated to what his conti- |^^^. 
nental admirers looked on as the post of Chief Pontiffi bishoprick. 
Patriarch, and Pope of the nations beyond the sea.^ 1070. 

The ceremony was performed at Canterbory/ in the H'u oonse- 
metropolitan church. That church had been burned cantor-^ 
nearly three years before.^ It had doubtless been patched ^J^' 
up so as to aUow the monks to keep up their regfular 
services, but it could hardly have been in a fitting state 
for so great a rite as the consecration of a Metropolitan, 
and that a Metropolitan who was^ ia some sort^ the 
beginner of a new line. But in point of attendance of 
the higher ecclesiastics of the realm there was no lack* 
The Archbishop-elect was received with all honour by Reception 
both the convents of the city, by the monks of his own franc at 
church, and by those of the rival house of Saint Augustine.* ^*«^- 


' £p. Lanfr. (Giles, i. 20). He prays Alexander to release him from his 
Aichbishoprick ; '* Abrupto per eamdem auctoritatem hnjua necessitatis 
vinculo absolvatb, vitamque comobialem, quam prse omnibus rebus diligo, 
repetendi licentiam ooncedatis." 

' Flor. Wig. 1070. ** Rex . . . archiepiscopum constituit Cantwari- 
ensis ecdesiae." The Appendix to the Winchester Chronicle is remarkable 
for the Old-English constitutional language; "Lanfrancus Cadomensis 
abbas, compellente Rege Willelmo et jubente Papa Alexandra, Angliam 
yenit ; et primatum regni Anglorum in ecdesift Cantuarieusi susoepit, 
elegentibus eum senioribns ejusdem eoclesiae cum episoopis et principibus, 
dero etpopulo Anglice, in curi& Regis." 

' See vol. i. p. 6a6, and the still stronger expression of Pope Urban 
(Will. Malm. Oest. Pont. 100); "Indudamns hunc [Anselmum] in orbe 
nostro quasi alterius orbis papam," and of the Worcester Annalist (Jioi), 
^'Anselmus Papa." 

* Chron. Wint. (1070). " He wsbs gehaded iiii. Kal. Septembris on his 
agenum bi^psetle.'* This explains the words of Florence, *' et in festi- 
yitate Sanoti Johannis Baptists die Dominic&^ archiepiscopum oonseorari 
fedt Cantwaria.** The Feast of Saint John intended is that of the Decolla- 
tion, not of the Natiyity. See also Yit. Lanfr. (Giles, I 300) ; and Will. 
Malm. Gest Pont. 39. " See aboye, p. 115. 

* Chron. Wint. App. 1070. "Quum autem Cantuariam yenisset, obyiam 

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oHAP. XIX. For the actual rite of consecration eight ^ Bishops of his 
HiB oonao- province were assembled. Four were absent, among whom 

crators. , , 

the absence of the sainted Bishop of Worcester is the 
most remarkable. But all who did not appear in person 
signified their assent hy messengers and letters^ and gave 
Variety of reasons which excused their absence.* The eight who 
fj^ ^ joined in the rite presented a singular variety, alike in 
spiritual their birth and origin and in the sources of their episcopal 
commission. William of London, the actual celebrant, 
was a man of Norman birth, consecrated by the Norman 
Robert, but who had received his see &om Eadward and 
had been restored to it by the good will of Godwine or 
Harold.^ His countryman, Walkelin of Winchester, had 
just been consecrated by the Papal Legate Ermenfrid, and 
so, it is to be supposed, had Herfast, the new Bishop of 
the East-Angles, and Stigand, the new Bishop of the 
South-Saxons. Gisa of Wells and Hermann of Sher- 
borne were, like William, members of the Old-English 
hierarchy, though of foreign birth. But Gisa had been 
consecrated at Rome by Pope Nicolas ; Hermann alone 
had received his consecration from a Primate at once of 
English birth and of undoubted canonical position.^ Nor 

d prooesnt bononbiliter oonventuB ecclesife Christi, conjoncto sibi toto 
conventu Sanoti Augastini, com electo ejusdem eodesis Abbate ScoUando." 

^ Chron. Wint. 1070. ** He wsbs gehaded .... fram eabte bisoopum 
hiB undei^ioddum.'* So the liats in Yit. lAnfr. (Giles, i. 300) ; Will. Malm. 
Gest. Pont. 39 ; Gerraae, Act. Pont. X Scriptt. 1653, reckon eight bishops. 
Florence does not give a full list, but says, ** Gonsecratus est ab episoopis 

Gisone Wyllensi, et a Waltero Herefordensi, Herimannus etiam 

episoopus . . . cum quibusdam alils ejus interfuit consecrationi.** Walter's 
name is not found elsewhere. 

' Chron. Wint. 1070. *' pa o)>re >8er nseron )>urh serendrakean and >urh 
gewrite atiwdon hwi hi fS«r beon ne mihton." This is translated in the Life 
of Lanfranc (Giles, i. 300) and William of Malmesbuiy (Gest. Pont. 39)1 
** Csteri qui absentes fuerunt caussas suae absentia, tarn legatis quam 
litteris, ostenderunt." * See vol. ii. pp. 161, 345. 

* Hermann, appointed in T045 (see vol. ii. p. 79), must have been conse- 
crated by Eadsige, or by some other English Bishop acting in his name. 

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was the line of the deprived Stigand left unrepresented ohap. xix. 
in the admission of the man who supplanted him. Two 
of the ministering Prelates had received the episcopal 
order at his hands, Siward of Rochester in the days of 
King Eadward^ and Bemigius of Dorchester since King 
William came into England.^ By the hands of these 
eight Lanfranc, the scholar of Pavia, the teacher of 
Avranches, the monk of Bec^ the Abbot of Caen, was 
received into the episcopal order and placed in the 
patriarchal see of Britain. 

§ 2. Tie Primacy of Lanfrane. 
A.D. 1070— 1089. 

Another stage of the Conquest was thus accomplished. Position of 
The Crown of England had been won by the greatest of and Lmi- 
living warriors and statesmen, and now the highest place ' 
in the English Church was filled by the most renowned of 
living scholars, the ablest — ^though not the most renowned 
— of living ecclesiastical rulers. But at that moment the 
fame of Abbot Lanfrane was most likely equal to that of 
Archdeacon Hildebrand^ and we may doubt whether the 
Primate who lived and died honoured by all men and 
successful in all his undertakings did not show a higher 
power of adapting means to ends than the Pope who loved 
righteousness and hated iniquity and for his reward died 
in exile.^ At that moment it might well seem that the 
two foremost men of the mainland of Western Christendom 
had crossed over together to rule as Pope and Ceesar in 

^ See vol. ii. p. 433. ' See above, p. 13a. 

' Paul. Bernfiied. ap. Marat, iii. 348. "Ubi in extremo poritus erat» 
ultima yerbft ejus hseo fiierunt, ' Dilexi jastitiam et odivi iniqnitatem ; 
propterea morior in ezBilio.* Quod oontra quidam venerabilis Epiaoopus 
respondiaae narratur, *Non potet, Domine, mori in exsilio, qui in vice 
ChriBti et Apoetolorum ejus diTinitua aooepisti gentea hsreditatem et 
poesearionem terminoa teme.' " 

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ofHAP. XIX. the island which men looked on as another world. And 

Their bar- ^jp^iy William and Lanfranc roled tog^tiier in their island 

govern- Empire as no Pope and CsBsar ever ruled together in the 

England. Imperial city itself.^ It is certainly to the honour of 

William^ it is perhaps not altogether to the hononr of 

Lanfranc, that no serious difference seems ever to have 

arisen between the two illustrious colleagues. Lanfranc 

does not stand charged with direct complicity in any of 

William's particular acts of oppression,- but we never hear 

of his protesting against -them, and he may fairiy be looked 

on as sharing the responsibility of William's general system 

of policy. Each had to keep down the conquered nation 

by his own special arms, and the hardness of the priest 

was ready to go hand in hand with the hardness of the 


ConsoHda- The great object of William was to bring the whole land 

^^^ \d ^^^ direct submission to his own power, a process in which 

^'^^ he thoroughly succeeded, and which first made England 
ihat consolidated and indivisible Kingdom which it has 
Eoclem- ever since remained. The ecclesiastical shape of this pro- 
sTdeofthe ^^^ ^^^ ^ seciure the more complete submission of the 
process. Northern metropolis to the Southern. The position of the 
Position of Archbishops of York was an anomalous one. There is no 
bishops of doubt that, in the original scheme of Gregory the Great, 
y°^^" , the two Metropolitans of Britain were meant to hold an 

Intended ^ 

extent of cqusl rank and to have ecclesiastical jurisdiction over 

provinoes. * territory of nearly equal extent.* The Province of 

York is smaller than th e Province of Canterbury simply 

because political causes kept the Northumbrian Primate 

from exercising any effective authority north of the Tweed 

> Brevis Relatio (Giles, lo). " De Bege vero Willelmo et Lanfranoo 
Archiepisoopo dicebant multi qui tunc erant, quod tales duo simul in unft 
tezT& non invenirentur, quales essent Rex Willelmus et Laairancus suu 

' See Appendix LL. 

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and the Solway. Scotland was meant to form part of ohap. xix. 
the sheepfeld whose centre was at York, just as Wales ^*^*^ 
was meant to form part of the sheepfold whose centre to be under 
was at Canterbury. Wales was in the end ecclesiastically 
subdued ; Scotland never was subdued to any practical 
purpose, uid the result was that the Archbishops of York 
were left with a vast region under their diocesan care, 
and with the single sufiragan see of Durham xwdet 
their metropolitan jurisdiction. But the diocese and Political 
province of York was, as events had shown, exactly the the York 
part of England where the authority of William and P"^^*'''- 
the unity of the monarchy were most likely to be 
threatened. It was always possible that some insurrec- 
tion of the inhabitants, or some invasion from Denmark, 
might set up an opposition King in the Northumbrian 
capital. It was a point of some moment to cut o£F such 
a pretender from the means of obtaining any ecclesiastical 
sanction for his claims. An Archbishop of York who Danger of 
retained any claim to be independent of the see of p^^^,^ 
Canterbury might consecrate a King of the Northum- Metro- 
brians, and the King of the Northumbrians might grow Northum- 
into a King of all England.^ An Archbishop of York 
who had professed canonical obedience to the Church of 
Canterbury could not venture on such an act without 
drawing on himself the charge of ecclesiastical as well Thnmas 
as civil rebellion. It was needful then for the joint p^Jf^i^n 

schemes of William and Lanfianc that the first ecclesi- ®^ °^^' 

enoe to 

astical act of the new epoch should be the full submis- Lanfranc. 
sion of the new Primate of York to the new Primate of 

^ T. Stubbfly X Scriptt. 1706. '* Poiro utile ease ad regni integritaiem et 
finnitatem ut Brittania uoi quasi Primati subderetur, alioquin contingore 
pone ut de exteria gentibus, quie Eboracum navigio ▼enienteB regnum 
infi90tare aolebant, unu« ab EboraceDM Archiepisoopo et ab illius provinoie 
indigenis Bex crearetur, et sio regnum turbatum aobideretur." This is one 
of the things which, aocording to the York writer, the wily Lanfranc " per- 
suasit noYo et credulo Regi." 

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seeks con- 
from Lan- 

his pro- 


and departs 



Canterbury. Thomas of Bayeux was to receive his conse- 
cration at the hands of Lanfranc and to make profession 
of canonical obedience to him. 

It was no doubt with this object that, when the other 
newly appointed Bishops were consecrated by the Legate 
Ermen&id, the elect of York remained without conse- 
cration.^ Thomas now came to Canterbury and sought 
consecration at the hands of Lanfranc. All things were 
ready for the ceremony ; the Archbishop and the assistant 
Bishops were in their places before the altar of Christ 
Church ; but^ before the actual performance of the sacra- 
mental rite, Lanfranc demanded a profession of canonical 
obedience. In the eyes of writers in the interest of Can- 
terbury the Southern Primate was only asserting the 
undoubted right of his church; our solitary Northern 
informant looks on him as the subtle deviser of new 
and unheard of pretensions.^ Thomas refused the demand. 
The writers on the rival side are charitable enough to say 
that the refusal was not prompted by pride or perverseness. 
The elect of York was a stranger in England and knew 
not the customs of the realm. He had also listeBodtoo 
much to the words of flatterers — ^possibly of Northumbrian 
patriots.^ Lanfranc was inexorable ; he bade the assembled 
Bishops and monks take off their vestments ; the assembly 
broke up^ and Thomas went away unconsecrated.^ Little 

* See above, p. 344. 

* T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1 706. ** Iste est Lanfranous qui primus omnium 
ab Ebdraoensi Archiepiscopo professionem exegit, suisque suocessoribus hoc 
idem ezigendum exemplimi dedit." 

' Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 39. "Hoc autem ignorantift magis quam 
spiritfts elati pertioanti& faoiebat. Novus enim homo et AnglicsB oonsue- 
tudinis penitus ezpers, verbis adulatorum plus sequo et bono fidem 

* I follow the zealous Canterbury writer, who tells the tale in our own 
tongue (Chron. Wint. 1070) ; '* On )>am geare Thomas, se waes gecoran 
biscop to Eferwic, oom to Cantwareberig )>iet man hine 9ier gehadede efter 
>an ealdan gewunan. Da )>a Lanfranc crafede fsestnunge his geheimunnesse 
mid a'Sswerunge, >a forsoc he and siede >«et he hit nahte so donne. Da 

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however as Thomas might have learned of English Law^ ohap. xau 
he had learned enough to know who was the Supreme 
Oovemor of the Church of England. His first appeal He appeals 
was to the King.^ William, it is said, was at first in- ^ J^ 
dignant at the refusal of Lanfranc. He deemed that the Wflliam's 
claim of Canterbury was one not founded on plain truth pi^£^ 
and reason, but was something devised by the subtle ^|^^* 
learning of Lanfranc.^ But within a few days the Arch- demaiuL 
bishop of Canterbury came to the King's Court and set ^'•*"J^. 
forth his own case. His hearers from beyond sea were right, 
convinced by his arguments ; those of English birth bore 
witness that all that he claimed was in accordance with 
the ancient laws of the land.^ The whole controversy 
illustrates William's position; it marks his strong spirit 
of technical legality, his freedom from any design of 
formal innovation on the laws and customs of England. 
William heard the disputants and gave judgement. The WiUiam 
abstract question he deemed too weighty to be decided ^^^ 
all at once. Still it was absolutely necessary to come at ^ompro- 

gewza0ed» hipe ae aroebisoeop Lanfranc, and bebead >axn biaoopan 9e >a^ 
oamene wsBian be fSna aroebiaoeop L. bnee >a serfiw to donde, and eallan 
>an inunecan >flBt hi aooldan hi tuwcrjrdan, and hi be his haeae awa didan. 
Swa Thomas to )>am timan agean ferde baton Uetaanga.** 

^ Chion. Wint. App. 1070. "Thomas non sacratus abaceesit, Regem 
adiit, et de Lanfranco querimoniam fecit.'' 

* Will. Malm. Qeat. Pont 40. ** Bex audiens graWter aooepit, exis- 
timans Lanfranomn injusta petere et 8oienti& magia litterarum quam 
ratione et veiitate confidere." The York writer (X Scriptt 1706) goes 
a step farther ; *' Thomaa . . . ezactionem Begi rettalit, qui primo moleate 
aodpiena mandavit archiepisoopo ut absqoe profeaaione eum oonaecraret." 
Thia is a perfectly natural Northumbrian "view, but it aeema quite incon- 
aiatent with the general relations between William and Lanfiranc, and it ia 
atrange to find it in one who, like William of Malmeebuiy, wrote within 
the Province of CSonterbury. 

' Will. Malm. u. a. " Pauoorum diemm apatio eyoluto, Lanfrancua ad 
curiam venlt, a Bege andientiam poatulayit, redditia rationibua ejus 
anunum mitigavit, tranamarinia qui aderant 8U» parti justitiam adesae 
auaait et perauasit. Angli enim qui rem noverant aaaertlonibua ejua per 
omnia conatantiaaime teatimonium perhibebant." 

VOL. IV. A a 

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to make 
to Lan- 

tion of 

the pro- 

once to a settlement of some kind, and not to leave 
the Church of York, at such a time, any longer with- 
out a pastor. The practical mind of William decreed a 
temporary compromise. Thomas should make a written 
profession to Lanfranc personally, pledging himself to full 
canonical obedience. But he should not be bound to do 
the like to any successor of Lanfranc, unless in the mean- 
while the matter had been thoroughly sifted, and the 
respective rights of the two metropolitan churches for- 
mally defined by a competent tribunal.^ Thus far Thomas 
was content to yield. With some unwillingness, he re- 
turned to Canterbury, made the required profession, and 
went away a consecrated Bishop.^ 

Soon after, seemingly before the year was out, Lanfranc 
received professions of canonical obedience from those 

^ Vita Lanfr. (Giles, i. 301) ; WilL Malm. Oest. Pont 40. " Itaque regio 
edicto, oommunique omnium deoreto, statutum est ad prsosens deberi 
Thomam ad matrem totius reg^i eodesiam redire, professionem scribere, 
scriptam legere, lectam inter examinandum in pnesentift episooponim 
Lanfranco porrigere; in qu& preeoeptis quidem ejus in omnibus qu» ad 
ChristianiB religionis cultum pertinent se obtemperaturum absolute, null& 
interpositA conditions^ promitteret, suooessoribus vero ejus non ita, nisi 
prius vel coram vel in episcopali condlio competens d ratio redderetur, 
qa& anteoessores snos Dorobemensis eodesiBB primatibns id fedsse et hoesre 
debuisse evidentissime comprobaretur." This would seem to be the right 
Tersion, as coming between the two extreme statements on each side. The 
Continuator of the Winchester Chronide misplaces the event by putting 
the consecration after the joumej to Bome, and adds that Thomas yidded 
all that Lanfranc asked (" eal fmt se arcebisceop set him crafede eadmedlioe 
gefylde"). So Grervase (X Scriptt. 1653); " Decretum est tandem nt 
Thomas Cantuariam rediret, et inter sacrandum debitam ecclesiaB Gan- 
tuariend et Lanfranco faceret profesnonem." T. Stubbs, on the other 
hand (X Scriptt. 1706), makes William threaten Thomas with banishment 
both from England and Normandy if he does not make at least a personal 
profession, (*' si non saltem personalem Lanfranco flEKseret profissmonem "). 
fie yielded to the unreasonable wrath (" irrationabilis ira") of the King, 
but he took spedal care not to make a written profesnon (" cartam pro- 
fesdonis neque ipse soripsit, neque scribi fedt, nee a Cantuariis scriptam 
legit yd Lanfranco tradidit"). 

' Will. Malm. Grest. Pont. 40. ** Igitur rediit, que jussa sunt implevit, 
sacratus abscessit." 

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Bishops of his proyince who, in the days of the usurpation ohap. ux. 
of Stigand, had received consecration from various other *?^ 
Archbishops or fiom the Pope.^ Our informant, in men- Buffiagang. 
tioning these two classes, forgets to add a third, namely 
those, including the Norman Bishop of Dorchester^ who 
had been consecrated by Stigand himself.' It was now 
that Aemigius made that remarkable profession which I 
referred to at an earlier stage,^ and Wulfstan that no 
less remarkable one which I referred to at an earlier 
stage still.'* 

The next year both tlie newly consecrated Archbishops LuLfnao 
went to Borne for their pallia. Lanfiraoc was received by ^ g^ ^ 
Alexander with special honour. Contrary to all custom^ SX wSffia. 
the Pope rose to meet him^ and bestowed on him, not 1071. 
one pallium only, but two, the second, it would seem, M*'^^®* 
being a special badge of personal &vonr.'^ Yet somesbownto 
mcidents m the story might make us think that we by Pope 
were reading over again the stories of earlier days. '^^*****<l«'- 
Alexander dealt with Thomas of York pretty much as Alexander 
Nicolas the Second had dealt with Ealdred when Earla^!^ 
Tostig went on pilgrimage.^ He dealt with Bemigius J^^^ 
pretty much as Leo the Ninth had dealt with an earlier migius of 


Nonnan Bishop of Dorchester, the unbishoply Ulf.^ The 

' duron. Wint App. 1070. ** Nee multo post LuifEmnoiiB »b omnibus 
Anglici regni epiaoopis professionem qiussivit et iu»epit." William of 
Malmeebniy (Oest. Pont. 40) adds, *' Qui diveniB temporibus, divetsis in 
lode, ab aliis arobiepisoopis vel a Pap& tempore Stigaadi sacrata sunt.'* 

■ See above, p. 13a. • lb. * See voL iL p. 607. 

* Chron. Wint. App. 1071. " Secundo anno ordinationis suae Bomam 
ivit, quern Pktpa Alexander in tantum honoravit ut ei oontra morem 
asBurgeret^ et duo pallia ob signum prsMsipui amoris tribuit, quorum unum 
Bomano more ab altare aooepit, alterum vero ipse Papa, unde missas oelebrare 
c(msueYerat, 8U& manu poirexit.** So Will. Malm. Gest Pont. 40. The 
life (Giles, L 30a) puts a special reason into the Pope's mouth; *«Non 
ideo assuirexi ei quia arcbiepisoopus Cantuaris est, sed quia Beod ad seholam 
ejus ftti, et ad pedes ejus cum aliis auditor consedi." For a list of his 
schoolfellows, see Cbarma, Lanlranc, p. 17, and the notes, p. 43 et seqq. 

• See Tol. ii. p. 456. * lb. p. 117. 

A a 2 

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OHAP. XIX. Pope, or his great adviser, was minded to deprive botb 
Thomas and Remigius of their Bishopricks. Thomas 
stood charged with no offence of simony or plurality; 
bat he was the son of a priest. This was nothing won- 
derful or disgraceful either in English or in Norman eyes ; 
but in a court where Hildebrand was the presiding spirit, 
it would doubtless be held that the son of a priest came 
within the scope of those canons which forbade ecclesi- 
astical dignities to those who were not bom in lawful 
Charge of wedlock. The appointment of Remigius lay open to cavil 
against on stronger grounds. The gifts which the loyalty of the 
Remigius. almoner of F&»mp had made to the Duke, when he was 
about to set forth on his great enterprise, were affirmed to 
have amounted to a simoniacal bargain of which the see of 
Dorchester was the price.^ The policy of these charges 
is plain. It was expedient to show that the acts even 
(^ so loyal a son of the CSiurch as William were liable 
to be called in question, and that breaches of ecclesiastical 
rule were not to be overlooked even in him. But it was no 
less expedient to deal tenderly with one who was at once 
so dutiful and so powerful. In William's case the Church 
was satisfied with asserting principles without rigorously 
The matter carrying them into practice. Alexander showed himself 
LftnfituMv ^^ more inflexible than Nicolas and Leo. The matter 
^^' was referred to the judgement of Lanfranc, and by his 
them. decision both Thomas and Remigius were allowed to keep 
their Bishopricks.^ The rings and staves of which they 

' Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 6^. "Denique ambos itineris sui comiteA, 
Thomam Archiepiacopum Eboraoensem et Remigium Episoopum Linooli- 
ensem, bacolis et aanuliB exspoliatos, quod primus esset filius presbyteri, 
aecunduB pro auxilik Willelmo venienti Augliam pnebitis &ctuB easet 
epiBcopuB, divinum munus beUicoeds laboribuB nundinatos, predbus buIb 
leBtituit offido." On the gifts of BemigiuB to William, see above, p. 90, 
and ToL iii. p. 380. 

' lb. " Papa enim, ponduB facti a Be rejidenB, in eum oonsiderationem 
transfudit, bene an secuB fieret. Bedderet ipse inyeetituias si veUet, sin 

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had been deprived — rings and staves which they had ohap. zix. 
received from the King of the English in an Assembly 
of his Witan — ^were restored to them again by the hands 
of the Primate. We know not whether it was before ThomM 
or after this intercession on the part of his rival that^gj^^^f ^ 
Thomas craved for a decision by Papal authority of the ^ ■^» 
point in dispute between the Churches of York and Can- 
terbury. He pleaded that, by the ordinance of Oregory 
the Great, the two Primates were to be of equal authority, 
and that a simple personal precedence was to belong to 
him whose consecration was of older date.^ But Thomas and olaimB 
claimed more than this. He asserted that three Bishop- ]^y^ ^]^ 
ricks of the province of Canterbury, Dorchester, Lichfield, g^^^^g*" 
and Worcester, belonged of right to his own metropolitan Canter- 
jurisdiction.' Alexander declined to decide either question ; 
both should be heard and decided in England by a Council 
of the Bishops and Abbots of the realm.^ With affairs 
in this state the three Prelates returned to England. 

The cause was heard and decided in the course of the 
next year. It appears to have been twiee heard, in the 
regular Paschal and Pentecostal Oemots. The former was The Buter 
held^ according to ancient use, at Winchester, while the winchM- 
latter was held, like one of the meetings two years before,* Aprils 
in the now favourite royal dwelling-place of Windsor. 1073. 
The two meetings are evidently confiised in our several 

minus, hcent quod commodum aciret. Ita iUi de mana Lanfranci baculoa 
et annulos redpientes, IsBtum ad patriam cum eodem moliti sunt reditum." 
It is almost needless to say that notliing of this sort is to he found in the 
loyal Yorkist Thomas Stubbs. ^ See Appendix LL. 

' WiU. Malm. Gest. Pont. 40. ** In oujus [Alezandri Pap»] presently 
Thomas calumniam movit de primatu DorobemensiB ecclesie et de sub- 
jeotione trium episcoporum, Dorcensis sive Lincoliensis, Wigomiensu^ 
Lidtfeldensis, qui nunc est Cestrensis." So Vita Lanfr. 30a. 

* lb. 41. ** De quA re et de tribus Episcopis multis hinc inde verbis pro- 
latis, decreyit Alexander Papa oportere banc caussam in AnglicA tank audiil, 
et illic totius regni episooporum et abbatum testimonlA et judicio diffiniri*" 

* See abovoi p. 540. 

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OBAP. XIX. accounts ; but it would seem that the matter was first 
heard at Winchester before a purely ecclesiastical assembly, 
but that the final decision was given at Windsor in a 
general Gem6t of the whole realm.^ The Bishops and 
Abbots and the great men of the laity were all 
assembled^^ the Papal Legate Hubert was present,^ 
and the King himself, presiding, like his predecessors 
among his Witan, adjured all present to hear and de- 
termine accordiDg to right between the two illustrious 

Trml of the disputants.* The cause was argued. From the side of 

cftUBO bo* . -. 

tweenLan- Canterbury we have a minute account of the pleadings, 

$J^^ as detailed by Lanfianc himself to the Pope. On the side 

of York no record is preserved of the pleadings, except so 

* Besides the aooount in the Gesta Pontificum, we have Lanfranc's own 
letter to Pope Alexander (Giles, i. 93), and the formal decree of the As- 
sembly with the signatures (Vit. Lanfr. Giles, i. 303 ; Will. Malm. Gest. 
Regg. ill. 998). In this document the two hearings are distinotlj brought 
oat, while Lanfranc's letter might have implied only a single hearing 
at Winchester ; ** Ventilata est hsec causa prius apud Yentanam dvitatem 
in Pasdiali aolemnitate, in capell& r^& qose sita est in castello, poetea in 
▼ill& regiA quae vocatur Windlesor, ubi et finem accepit in pnesentU Regis, 
episooporum, abbatum, diversorum ordinum, qui congregati erant apud 
curiam in festivitate Penteooetes." 

' Lanfranc himself, in his letter to the Pope (23), plainly sets forth the 
mixed character of the Assembly ; ** Quibus de rebus> vos, sicut sanctum 
prudentemque pastorem deeuit et oportuit, per scriptum sententiam promul- 
g&stis, quatenus conventus Anglicse terre, episcoporum, abbatum, cstera- 
rumque religiosi ordinis personarum, utriusque partes rationes audiret, 
disouteret, definiret ; fiictumque est ita. Convenerunt enim ad regalem 
curiam apud Wentanam dvitatem in Paschali sollemnitate epiaoopi, ab- 
bates, cflBterique ex sacro ao UdcaU ordine quos se de actione morumque 
probitate par ftierat convenisse inprimis adunati sunt a nobis ex vestrft 
auotoritate per sanctam obedientiam." Mark the mention of the laity, 
of whom there is no mention in the words attributed to Alexander. The 
Pope wished the matter to be judged by a Convocation, but it was judged 
by a Parliament. 

* On Hubert, see above, p. 345. 

* Ep. Lanfr. 24. ^ Delude regia potestas per semetipeam oontestata est 
eas per fidem et saaramentum quibuB sibi colligati erant quatenus banc 
caussam intentissune andirent, auditam ad oertum rectumque finem sine 
partium favore perducerent. Utrumque omnes concorditer susoeperunt, seee 
ita fiusturos sub pmfat& obligatione spoponderunt." 

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far as they may be guessed from the points insisted on by ohaf. zix. 
Thomas at the Soman Court. The History of Bttda was Pleadings 
put in as eyidence ; so were a long series of letters from of Canto-^ 
iwrioQs Popes ;^ and the decision of the Assembly was^^\ 
given wholly in favour of the Kentish metropolis. Thef»yourof 
Humber was to be the boundary of the two provinces,* bu^^^ 
a boundary clear enough as between Holdemess and Idn- 
desey, less dear if we go up to the higher course of the 
Trent or the Ouse. This sentence of course confirmed the 
right of Canterbury to archiepiscopal authority over the 
three disputed dioceses ; but the claim of York over them 
was even now not quite silenced.^ As to the church of 
York itself, the inherent precedence of Canterbury was 
acknowledged ; Thomas and his successors were to make pro- 
fession, not only to Lanfranc personally, but to him and his 
successors. A zealous Canterbury writer adds, in a some- One suffira- 
what mocking strain, that, lest the Primate of York should ^]^ 
be left altogether without suffragans, he was allowed to 
receive the profession of the Bishop of Durham.* He was 
doubtless allowed to receive the profession of the Scottish 
Bishops also, if it were to be had. 

The undisputed ecclesiastical reign of Lanfranc now Eooledagti- 
began. His actions as the second man in the realm, as of Lan. 


^ See Ep. Lanfr. 24-26, and more fiiUy Will. Malm. Geat. Pont. 44-65, 
and Appendix LL. 

' Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 65. '* Suocubuit tantiB rationlbus Thomas, 
et placitnm ad moderationem transfeireos, libenter conditioni concessit 
animnm, ut ulterior ripa Humbrse flmninis esset prindpium suee dioecesis, 
dterior esset limes parochise Cantnariensis." 

■ See below, p. 37a, 

* Gtervase, Act. Pont. Cant. X Scriptt. 1653. " Attamen pro bono pads 
Lanfrancus sponte concessit Thom»ut Dunelmensis episoopos de ceterodbi 
profiteretur et nt safiraganeus obediret, nt vel sic, uno saltern decoratus 
episcopo, nomen archiepisoopi obtineret.*' He adds malidonsly ; " Legimus 
tamen episcopos Eboracenses nonnallos sine pallio toto vitae bus tempore 
predictam Eboracensem rezisse ecclesiam." 

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0HAP. xnt. William's viceroy when he was out of England, will be 
recorded at other stages of this volume. The general 
effects of his administration, the closer connexion with 
the Papacy^ the reform or revival of monasticism^ the 
impulse given to learnings results all of them in which the 
personal agency of Lanfranc had no small share^ will be 
better discussed when we come to a final survey of the 
restdts of the Norman Conquest. At present I purpose 
to go on with a sketch of the acts of his primacy, 
and of the great, though gradual, revolution wrought by 
him in the Church of England alongside of the revolution 
GnduAl re- which William was working in the State. William was 
"®2ih distributing lands and granting out Earldoms, in such sort 
»*«• that, without any one moment of violent change, the native 
nobility of the land was gradually supplanted by strangers. 
Lanfranc meanwhile was doing the same work among the 
William's Bishops and Abbots of England. We may be sure that 
no act of such moment as the appointment or removal 
of a Prelate—Sunless possibly in the small dependent .see 
of Bochester — was ever made without William's personal 
PenoiuJ authority and approval. Still Lanfranc appears throughout 
^^[j^ as the immediate actor in all these matters. Meanwhile 
the series of ecclesiastical Councils held by him get more 
and more clearly distinguished from those common As- 
semblies of the whole realm which men of old had looked 
on as failing in their duty if they did not take order in 
all causes and over all persons, ecclesiastical and civil, 
within the English realm.^ 

^ See vol. i. p. 405. We begin to see the diTinon between the two 
dftsses of assemblieB in snch an expression as that (see above, p. 343) of 
the Legate holding a synod on the morrow of the assembly held by the 
King. So in 1085 (Ohron. Petrib. in anno) we find the King holding his 
court for five days» and then the Archbishop holding his synod for three 
days more. Here are the beginnings of the anomalous position of the 
two Oonvooations in England, half eoclesiastical synods, half estates of the 
realm, each character hindering the effectual working of the other. 

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But besides his general care oyer the whole Church and ohap. xix. 

reahn, Laniranc was a diligent Bishop over his own city ][j^J^^ 

and diocese. His most pressing local cares were the re-*'?no^^» 

building of the metropolitan minster, and the restoration ^^ ^ 

of its monks to their full number and the re-establishment ^^^ *^f 


of canonical discipline among them. As for the material tan church. 
&bricy whatever the fire had spared of the church which *®?^"'®75- 
Oda had repaired and raised^ was now swept away to 
make room for the last improvements which the building- 
art had received beyond the sea. Lanfranc took as his 
model the church which he had left at Caen/ and which 
still lacked somewhat of completion.^ Prudent, like his 
master, Lanfranc took care not to lay himself open to the 
reproach which lights on those who begin to build and are 
not able to finish. The church of Canterbury, as designed ChanM in 
and carried out by him, was not one of those vast piles the new ^ 
whose building was necessarily spread over several genera- <*™^- 
tions. His whole work was done in the space of seven 
years, a space whose shortness amazed his own generation.^ 
The ancient church, with its two apsidal ends and its 
basilican ranges of piUars, now gave way to a minster 
of the received Norman type, with two towers, one 
of which was standing within the present generation, 
flai^lriTig its western front, and with the central lantern 
rising, as usual, over the choir with its supporting 

* See above, p. 125. See all the evidence in Willis's Canterbury, 15, 14. 
' See the comparison between the two churches in Willis, 65. 

» See vol. iii. pp. 108, 38a. 

* Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 8 (Selden). '* .^Bdificavit . . . eodesiam, quam spatio 
septem annonim a ftindamentis ferme totam perfectam reddidit." William 
of Malmesbuxy also (Geet. Pont. 69) remarks on the speed with which 
Lanfiranc's work was done ; '* iBdificia eccleei» cui sedebat voraz flamma 
ante non multum consumpserat, cumulabantque ruinam aggeres parietum, 
disjecta teotorum. Sle, deturbatis veteribus fnndamentis, susdtavit la 
ampUorem statum omnia, ignores majoie poleritudine an velocitate.** So 
Eadmer also (7) says of the monastic buildings, " domes ad opus mona- 
chorum neoessariaa citato opere oonsummavit." 

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CHAP. ziT. transepts.^ The building thus raised was enriched with 

every ornament known to the age ; the vaulting of large 

spaces with stone had not yet been ventured on^ but ail the 

skill of the goldsmith and the painter was lavished on the 

adornment of the rich ceilings of Lan&anc's minster.^ And^ 

if the Primate was earefiil for the material temple^ he was 

no less careful for the welfare and discipline of its ministers. 

Herefonns The monks of Christ Church, Earls rather than monks in 

and in- ihe stateliuess of their following^ lived, we are told, the life 

SSJ^mn- ^^ ^7^^T^ i^ all things, except that the vow of chastity was 

t»r. still observed.^ Dice, banquets, raiment softer than the 

rule of Saint Benedict allowed, the joys of torture and 

slaughter so dear to the saiint upon the throne, formed, 

so Norman reformers gave out, the delights of the English 

brotherhood in the days of Stigand.^ All this was 

^ The deecription of Gervase (De CombuBtione, X Scriptt. 1293) clearly 
points out the position of the choir under the tower ; " Tunis in medio 
eoclesitt maximis sabnixa pilariis pofdta est, sicat in medio circam- 
ferentise centrom . . . ab hac yersiis ooddentem navis Yel aula est eoclesiae 
subnixa utrimque pilariis octo ; banc navem vel aulam finiimt duse 
turres sublimes . . . pulpitam vero turrem prsedictam a navi quodammodo 
separabat . . . pnedicta magna turns cruoem habebat ex utroque latere, 
anstralem scilicet et aqoilonalem." This " pulpitum/* it is plain ftom his 
description, was the rood-screen across the western arch of the lantern, 
but, when the choir was rebuilt by Prior Conrad, it would seem that the 
stalls were placed in the eastern limb, for Gervase says (1394), ** Be turre 
in Chorum per gradus plurimos asoenditur." 

' WilL Malm. Gest. Pont. 69. "Jam vero ex abundanti est dicere, 
quantum ibi omamentonim oongesserit, vel in palliis et sacratis vestibus, 
in quibus, cedente materift, manus aurificum vincebat expensarom pretium, 
vel in diversicoloribuB picturis, ,ubi lenocinante splendore fdoorum ars 
spectabilis rapiebat animos, et pulcritudinis gratia sollicitabat oculos ad 

' lb. 70. " Monachi Gantuarienses, sicut omnes tunc tempoxis in Anglil^ 
secnlaribus baud absimiles eraut, nisi quod pudidtiam non &cile pro- 

* lb. " Canum cursibus avoc&ri, avium predam raptu aliarum volucrum 
per inane sequi, spumantis equi tergum premere, tesseras quatere, potibus 
indulgere, delicatiori victu et accuratiori cultu; frugalitatem nesdre, 
parsimoniam abnuere, et cetera id genus, ut magis illos oonsulee quam 
monachos pro frequentift famulantium diceres." 

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changed, bat not suddenly. Lanfranc knew better than ohap. xix. 
at onoe to put new wine into old bottles, and the sinners 
were gradually led by his mild rebukes to forsake the 
error of their ways.^ He also largely increased the num- 
bers of the society. The monks of Christ Church were 
raised by him to a body of not less than a hundi^ and 
fifty^ and they were placed under the more regular govern- 
ment of a Prior.^ He rebuilt the archiepiscopal palace 
in the city^ besides building houses on many of his rural 
lordships.^ He built hospitals for the poor and sick of both His build- 
sexes^ and founded the church of Saint Oreg^iy the Apostle ^^table 
of the English, served by a body of regular canons — ^the [?^^g^ 
first, it would seem, of that order who had been seen in Snint 
England — ^whoee duty it was to minister to the souls and atCMter- 
bodies of the brethren and sisters.* In all these good^^'y. , 


^ Will. Malm. G^st. Pont. i. 70. '* Sdebat enim. aitis artium, id est 
r^riminig animarom, peiitiflaimuB, oonsuetudinem a natiirft esse eeoimdam, 
a repentinA momm oonversione teneriores exaoerbari animos. Quapropter 
blandis monitionibus per intervalla tampons, nunc illa» nunc ista sub- 
trahens, oote virtutnm rudee exacuebat ad bonum mentes, elimabatqne ab 
eis vitionmi rubigmem.*' 

' Qervnae, Act. Pont. Cant. X Scrippt 1654. " Processa temporis cen- 
tum monaohoB apposuit, sic pmdenter institueuB ut in ecdedft Christi 
monachi esBont septies zx. vel centum et 1., quibus ordinem Bcripnt, 
Priorem institait." 

' Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 8. ** iEdiBcavit et curiam ribi.*' Gervaae, Act. 
Pont. Cant. 1655. " In maneriis ad archiepiaoopum pertinentibuB eccleeias 
et domoB honestaB sdificavit." Of one of these buildings we find a somewhat 
suspicious notice in Domesday, 36;" Ad hoc manerium [Estursete] per- 
tinuerunt T. R. £. in dvltate lii. masursB, et modo non sunt nisi zxv., quia 
•lite sunt destruotn in novA faospitatione archlepiscopi." 

* WilL Malm. Gest. Pont. 7a. ** Extra urbera Cantuariam in aquilo- 
nali parte lapideas domes omnibus egenis, in oocidentali parte regiA vale- 
tndine fluentibus ligneas looavit, canonicis etiam apud Sanctum Gregorium 
reguUuribus institutis, qai eis diyina faoerent o€5cia ; divisis pro varietate 
sezuum habitaculis, sumptibus proTisis, ministris delegatis.'* The dis- 
tinction of the two classes of buildings in wood and in stone should be noted. 
Compare the buildings of Bishop Avesgaud of Le Mans, vol. ii. p. 607, 
and ed. ; Gervase, Act Pont. Cant. 1655. ** Ecclesiam Sancti Nicolai 
ad occidentem civitatis et bospitale fecit leprosorum, in quibus eccle- 
siis dericoe instituit, ut prndictis sgrotis vivis et defunctis spiritualia 

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OHAP. xiz. works the King helped and favoured him^ as also in his 
efforts for the spread and reform of monasticism in the 
His private country generally.^ And besides these public acts, we 
wwkB. ^^^ muck also of his private alms^^ alms in which his 
abundant bounty did not always wait till it was called 
upon. Lanfiranc freely offered help wherever it was 
needed^ and he strove that his left hand should not know 
what his right hand did.^ 
He re- But if Lanfranc was bountiful in spending^ he was no 

estates of ^^^ careful in recovering the property in regard to which 
his see. j^^ ^j^g trustee for his church and his successors. One 
fisunous case of his zeal in the recoveiy of the lost posses- 
sions of his see has become familiar as an example of the 
Encroach- jurisprudence of the age.* The King's brother. Bishop 
Odo. Odo, had, in his temporal character of Earl of Kent, 

usurped divers possessions and rights belonging to the 
Archbishop.^ To these Lanfranc made his claim, and the 

ministrarent, victualia quoque eisdem segrotis et redditus assignavit." The 
word '* clerici " as applied to refftdar canons should be noted. 

^ Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 73. " Hujusmodi tempore Willelmi majoris 
insistebat operibus, non multas de his quae ab eo petenda put&sset repulsas 
passos. Nam ad ceteros minus civilis, illi erat affeotuosus et dulcis." 

* The writer of the Breyis Helatio (Giles, 9) records a not very happy 
play upon Lanfranc's name ; ** Propter largitatem itaque animi ejus 
dicebant quidam merito eum vocatum esse Lanfranoum, id est ferentem 
cor largum, eo quod largus et bonus erga omnee homines fuitw" 

' Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 71. ** Ultroneus juvenibns oBesne denarios, 
quibus neoeesitudinum propriarum inopise ocourrerent. 8i datum fortuitu 
exoideret, geminare, idque clam aliis esse prsocipere." 

* The fionous scene on Penenden Heathy "congregatio ilia fiimosa 
nobilium Anglin et seniorum [)« yldestan )>egnas], qun ez pnecepto Regis 
facta est apud Pinnindene/' as Gervase (Act. Pont. Cant. 1655) calls it, 
is also recorded in the Appendix to the Winchester Chronicle as ** magnum 
pladtum in loco qui didtur Pinenden.*' But the fullest account is found in 
Bishop Emulf s Rochester History, Anglia Sacra^ L 334. 

■ The pompous opening in which Emulf records this fiust is worth 
noticing ; ** Tempore magni Regis Willelini, qui Anglicum regnum armis 
oonquisivit et suis ditionibus subjugavit, contigit Odonem Baiocensem 
Episcopum et ejusdem Regis fratrem multo citius quam Lanfirancum 
Archiepiscopum in Angliam venire, atque in comitatu de Cant, cum magnA 

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King commanded the matter to be heard^ in ancient ohap.xiz« 
English form, before the Scirgemot of Kent. He forther J^^^'* 
bade that Encrlishmen known to be well versed in the Laws Penenden 
of EngUndThould be specially summoned.i Such a pro- fo^^^-- 
vision was not needless. When the King's men, French 
and English, were gathered together, the result might be 
different in a shire like Kent, which had been utterly given 
over as a prey to the spoiler,^ and in a shire like Lincoln, 
where English Thegns and Lawmen still held their own 
in considerable numbers.^ The Assembly met in the 
ancient meeting-place of the shire on Penenden Heath,^ 
and the pleadings on the two sides occupied the whole 
shire for three days.^ In this case the natural presidents 
of the Assembly, the Bishop and the Earl,* were themselves 
the litigants ; the court was therefore held by Geoffrey of 
Mowbray, Bishop of Coutances, who appears on more than 

poientift residere, ibique potestatem non modioam exercere. Et quin flliB 
diebuB in comitata illo qoisquam non erat qni tantsB fortitudinis viro 
resistere posset, propter magnam quam habnit potestatem, terras oomplures 
de archiepiscopatu Cantuarberis et oonsuetadines nonnallas sibi anipuit, 
atqne usnrpans sum domination! adscripsit." 

1 Anglia Sacra, i. 335. '* Pnecepit ergo Rex oomitatum totum absque 
morft conridere, et homines oomitatt^s omnes Francigenas, et prsecipue 
Anglos in antiquis legibus et consuetudinibus peritos in unom convenire.'* 

* See abo^e, p. 34. ' See above, p. 314. 

* Domesday, i . "Si fueiint praemoniti nt oonveniant ad sdram, ibnnt 
Qsqne ad Pinnedennam, non longius." See Furley's V^eald of Kent» 
187, 937, 368. Compare the meetings of the Berkshire Scirgemot at 
Owichelmeshlsew, w>l. i. p. 360. 

' Anglia Sacra, i. 335. '* Et qnoniam molta placita de diiatiocina- 
tionibns terrarom et verba de consuetudinibus legum inter Archiepisoo- 
pum et pKBdictimi Baiocensem Episcopum ibi suirexerunt, et etiam inter 
consuetudines regales et archiepisoopales quae prim& die expedJri non 
potuemnt, eft oaussA totus comitatus per tres dies ibi fuit detentus." 

* We find Lanfranc and Odo acting together in this character in Domes- 
day, a. A reeve named Bruman had levied T. B. E. certain dues belonging 
to the Abbey of Saint Augustine, " qui poetea T. R. W. ante Archiepisco- 
pum Lanfrancum et Episcopum Baiocensem recognovit se injuste aocepisse, 
et Sacramento facto juravit quod ipse eodesise suas consuetudines quietas 
habuemnt B. £. tempore, et ex inde utrseque ecdesia in su& terrft habue- 
runt consuetudines suas, judicio baronnm Regis qui plaoitum tenuerunt/* 

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oHAP.xix. one other occasion in the character of Justiciary.* A crowd 

Nature of men of rank and authority, French and English, ap- 

Afisembly. peared in that mixed character^ at once judges and wit'- 

nesses, which marks the jurisprudence of the age. But 

Witnees of special weight was attached to the witness of ^thelric, 

.^thelric, the deposed Bishop of the South-Saxons, an aged man, 

specially learned in the laws of the land. He was, by the 

King^s special order, brought — perhaps from his prison at 

Marlborough — ^in a car or waggon like a Merowing^n 

Sang, to declare to the Assembly what the ancient customs 

Judgement of England were.* The Assembly heard and determined, 

Lanfrano. on grounds, we are told, so strong and clear that from that 

day no man ever dared to call in question one jot or one 

tittle of its decision.^ Divers lands of the see were re- 

The covered from Odo and his followers and from other unjust 

Hugh of ' occupants. Among them we specially mark Hugh of Mont- 

Montfort, ^^^^ already known at Senlac and at Dover,-* and Turold of 

C^^J^^^ Rochester, whose dwarfish form still lives in the Tapestry 

spine. of Bayeux.*^ A third was BAlph, described, possibly from 

some physical defect of the same kind, as Curva-gpina or 

Ourbespine^ who appears in the Survey as a special despoiler 

* Ang. Sac. i. 335. " Hulc placito interfaerunt Goisfridus Episoopus 
Constantiensis, qui in loco Regis fuit et justitiam illam tenuit.*' 

' lb. ** .^SgelricuB Episoopus de Cice8tr&, Tir antiquissimus et legum 
terra sapientissimus, qui ex prsdcepto Begis advectus fiiit ad ipsas anti- 
quas legum oonsuetudines discutiendas et edocendas in un& qnadrigft.'* 
No one would have guessed from this description that iEthehic had 
ceased to be Bishop of any see, and that, while he was Bishop, his see 
was at Selsey and not at Chichester. He is spoken of again in nearly the 
same way when his cause, of which we have already heard (see above, 
P* 343)> was finally settled in the Council of 1076 ; '* Fratris nostri Ailrid, 
Cicestrensis quondam Episoopi, caussa canonice definita et ad finera per* 
ductaest." Wilkins' ConoiUa, L 367. 

' Ang. Sac. u. s. ** In ill& die quft ipsum placitum finitum fait non 
remansit homo in toto regno Angliae qui aliquid inde calumniaretur neque 
super ipsas terras etiam pannim quidquid damaret." 

* See above, p. 73. 

' *'TuroIdas de Hrovecestri&/' as he appears in Emulf. See vol. ill. p. 
568. So in Domesday, 6 h, 7, we find " Badulfus filius Tunddi de 
Bovecestre " as a tenant of Bishop Odo in Kent. 

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TRIAL IN THE SG1RQ£m6t. 367 

of women.^ The Archbishop moreover eucoeeded in de- ohap. xix. 
fining the King's rights over his own lands, which were ^|^^„®^ 
narrowed to certain cases touching the safety and good and the 
maintenance of the King's highway.^ He established in bishop, 
return divers rights of his own over the lands of the King 
and the Earl, such especially as touched the good morals 
and the souls' health of his flock.^ The decree of the local 
Gemot was laid before the Eang, by whom it was approved 
and confirmed, and it was seemingly sanctioned with all 
solemnity by a general Council of the whole realm.^ 

^ '* BadulfiiB de Curva^spinft" in Emulf. We find him in Domeaday (a) as 
holding the houses in Canterbury which had belonged to Harold's mistress, 
whether Eadgyth Swanneshals or any other (see vol. iii. pp. 763, 764) ; 
" Radulfiis de Curbespine habet iy. mansnras in oivitate quas tenuit quaodam 
concubina Heraldi." He appears again in 9 & ; " Radulfiis de Curbespine 
tenet de Episcopo [Odone] unum jugum in Berfrestone. Ibi una paupercula 
mulier reddit iii. denarios et unum obolum.*' The name Curbespine may 
be hereditary, as in Orderic (550 D) we find a " Bobertus de Curvft-spinA, 
strenuus miles,** father of Gilbert Maminot, Bishop of Lisieuz, and perhaps 
of this Ralph. 

* The royal rights are thus defined in the Winchester Appendix ; 
" Lanfranous diratiodnavit, se suamque eodesiam onmes terras et oonsue- 
tudines suas ita liberas terrft marique habere, sicut Rex habet suas, exoeptis 
tribus, videlicet, si regalis via fuerit effosa ; si arbor indsa juxta super eam 
oeciderit ; si homiddixun fiu^m vel sanguis in e& ftisus fuerit ; in iis qui 
deprehensus, et ab eo pignus aoceptum faerit ; Regi enim dabit ; alioquin 
liber a Regis exactoribus erit" They are given more fully by Emulf, 335, 
but to the same effect. Compare also the customs of Canterbury in Domes- 
day, 2; "Si quis infra has publioas vias intus dvitatem vel extra foderit 
vel palmu fixerit sequitur ilium preepositus Regis ubicumque abierit et 
emendam accipiet ad opus Regis." 

' Emulf; Ang. Sacr. i. 336. ** Etenim ab illo die quo dauditur Allelujah 
usque ad octavas PaschsB, si quis sanguinem fuderit, Archiepiscopo emenda- 
bit. Et in omni tempore tam extra Quadragesimam quam infra qui- 
cumque illam culpam fecerit qus Cilduuite vocatur, Archiepiscopus aut 
totam aut dimidiam emendationis partem habebit; infra Quadragesimam 
quidem totam et extra aut totam aut dimidiam emendationem. Habet 
etiam in eisdem terris omnibus qusecumque ad curam et salutem animarum 
videntnr pertinere." Cildtrite is the fine paid by the fiither of an illegitimate 
child. On other penalties of this kind see above, p. 51. 

* lb. ** Hujus placiti multis testibus multisque rationibus determinatum 
finem postquam Rex audivit, laudavit, laudans cum consensu onmiuir 
prindpum suorum oonflrmavit, et ut deinceps incormptus perseveraret 
firmiter pr»cepit." 

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CHAP. xn. This is one of the moments in his histoiy which set 
Iilufltra- before ns the mixed character of William on its brififhtest 

tion of , ^ 

Wil]iAm*8 Side. He coold at all times play the tyrant when so 
^„d it suited his policy. In course of time he even learned to 

poBition. pig^y ^ijg tyrant at the mere bidding of his own pleasure. 
But when no such motive led him astray, no prince was 
more ready than William to reign as a just King over his 
people. In this present matter Alfred or Cnut could 
have done no more than William did. He appears as not 
only willing, but anxious, that justice should be done, even 
against his own brother. He steps in, not as a partizan 
of either disputant, but as a supreme power, carefiil to 
provide that the lawAil judges shotdd have the means of 
Retention judging fairly between both disputants. Above all, the 
Law°^ stoiy shows that nothing was further from his thoughts 
than to root out the Laws of England and to bring in 
some foreigfn code of his own devising in their stead. 
The matter is judged by the lawful English Court, as- 
sembled in its ancient place of meeting. It is judged 
according to the ancient Laws of England, as set forth 
by the mouths of those who knew them best, those whose 
memories could go Airthest back into the days of the holy 
Eadward and the righteous Cnut. If men of foreigpi birth 
were present, if they even presided in the Assembly, it 
was not as men of foreign birth that they were there. 
Geofirey of Mowbray and his companions were present 
in the Oem6t at Penenden as men who held English lands 
according to English Law. They wei*e present as the 
oflScers of a King of the English who, on that day at least, 
AiUy carried out the oath which he had sworn, to rule 
his Kingdom as well as it had ever been ruled by any 
of the Kings of the English that were before him.* 

Having thus sketched the state of the metropolitan 
^ See vol. Hi. p. 560. 

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church, I will ran briefly through the history of the chief chap, xix, 
Bishopricks and Abbeys of England, as they were aflPected ^^®^^. ^^ 
by this memorable primacy. A few events which had churches of 
a direct bearing on general history will be kept for their ^er 
proper place in chronological order. Lanfranc. 

Next to his own church of Canterbury, the chief object Rochester, 
of Lanfranc's care was the little dependent Bishoprick of 
Rochester. The nomination to this see lay in his own hands.^ 
The English Prelate Siward, who had a share in the conse- 'OemiAk of 

, , Bishop 

oration of Lanfranc, was allowed to keep his see for life.^ Siward. 

He was followed in quick succession by two monks of Caen, '®^^* 

^ "^ Emost 

Ernost and Gundulf,^ the latter of whom has left a great Bishop. 

name behind him in the history of military architecture. He !^^ * 

was the architect of the great work of the Conqueror, the Bishop. 

mighty Tower of London;^ he built also his own tower *®7^"'" ' 

^ All our authoritieB emphatically point to this peculiar position of the 
Rochester Bishoprick. Thus in the Appendix to the Winchester Chronicle 
we read, *' Sexto anno dedit Hemosto monacho, in capitulo eoolestB 

Christi, ecolewiam Rofensem regendam, quern et Lundonis sacravit 

Hernostas hoo ipso anno ab bfto viik migrayitl Septimo anno, Gundulfo 
modo ecolesiam Rofensem tradidit, quern etiam Cantuarin saoravit.** 
See also Gervase, Act. Pont Cant. 1654. Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 136; 
" Has miaerias corrigere volens, sapientissimus Lanfrancus Archiepiscopus 
Amostom quemdam monaebnm pontificem looo dedit. Bed eo yeloci morte 
pnerepto, Gundulfum seque monachnm induzit." But the other side may 
be seen in the ** Libellus ** of the Rochester monks, Ang. Sao. i. 384. 

' Ann. Boff . Ang. Sac. L 341. *' Anno MLXXV. Sywardus Roffends 
Episcopus obiit, cui suocessit Amostus, Beccensis monachus." Florence 
inadvertently puts this under 1070, seemingly wishing to clear off the his- 
tories of several Bishops at once. 

' There is a special Life of Gundulf in Anglia Sacra, ii. 373. He was a 
natiye of the Vezin, first a canon of Bouen, then a monk of Bee, who 
moYed to Saint Stephen's with Lanfranc. 

* On the building of the Tower of London see Mr. G. T. Clark in Old 
London, 97, 98. As a direct authority for Gundulf's share in the work he 
refers to the *' Conventio inter Oundulium Episcopnm et Eadmerum An- 
hande bnrgensem LondoniA," in Heame's Textus Roffensis, au ; "Bum 
idem Gundulfiis, ex pnecepto Regis Willielmi Magni, pneesset open magon 
turris Londonin, et hospitatus fuisset apud ^um .£dmerum." The 
name Tower, and not Cagtle, belonged to GundulTs fortress from the first. 
See the Peterborough Chronicle, 1097, iioo, 11 01. 

VOL. IV. B b 

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of the 


CHAP. XIX. at Mailing/ and in the days of William Bofiis he built 

Architeo- ^ royal castle in his own city, which in the next age gave 

of GKindiilf. way to one of greater enrichment, which now forms one 

of the noblest ruins of Romanesque defensive work.^ But 

Herebuilds he also, no doubt in partnership with his patron, rebuilt 

Sv^^^ his cathedral church « and reformed the discipline of its 

•?i!"^ ministers. At the death of Siward, we are told, it was 

monks for in a wretched state. It was still served by secular canons, 

of whom only four were left, and those living in the same 

poverty in which we are told that their brethren at Wells 

Hamage were found at the coming of Gtisa.^ We gather firom another 

source that they were commonly married, that their wives 

and children were legally recognized, and that moreover both 

husbands and wives remained on good terms with the monks 

who supplanted them.^ These, under the care of Lanfranc 

* See Old London, 97. 

* A dispute between the Bishop and William BuAia about the manor 
of Hedenham in Buckinghamshire was oompromised by the Bishop, as a 
skilful arohitect, undertaking to build the King a castle ; " qnatenus pro 
pecuniA, quam pro conoessione manerii exigebat, Episcopus Gundulfus^quia 
in opere csmentarii plurimum sciens et efficax erai^ castrum sibi Hrofense 
lapideum de suo oonstrueret.'* (Ang. Sac. i. 338.) So presently we read, 
" Jgitur hoc pacto coram Bege inito, fecit castrum Gundulfus Episoopus de 
suo ex integro totum, costamine, ut reor, Ix. Ubramm.** The whole story 
is curious. 

* Emnlf (Ang. Sac. i. 337) q>eaks only of Qunduirs share in the 
work ; " xxxi. annis inibi superstes exsistens, eodesiam S. Ajidree, pene 
vetustate dinitam, noyam ex integro, ut hodie apparet, flddificavit, officinas 
quoque monachis neoessarias, prout lod necessitas pati potuit, omnes 
oonstruxit." But Gtorvase, Act. Pont. Cant. 1665, distinctly attributes the 
work to Lanfranc ; " Eoclesiam Sancti Andrese Bo£Pensis, quam Bex olim 
fnndaverat Ethelbertus, renovavit, consummavit, quam etiam precioeis 
omamentis et monachis ditavit." 

* Ang. Sac. i. 339. '^ Et quum non amplius in introitu episoopatds sui 
quam quinque invenisset in ecdesiA S. Andresd canonicos, die quA saecnlo 
pnesenti decessit plusquam sexaginta monaohos, bene legentes et optime 
caatantes, in servitio Dei et apoetoli sui Beum timentee et super omnia 
amantes, reliquit." William of Malmesbuiy (Qest. Pont. 73) speaks of 
the canons of Boohester, just like those of Wells, as " ipsi quotidiani panis 

* This appears from a curious set of entries in Ang. Sao. i. 340, from 

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and Ghindulf, grew to the namber of fifty, and the rule ohap. xix. 
of Saint Benedict flourished in the church of Saint Andrew 
of BocheBter. Lanfranc also won back for his vassal Lftnfrano 
church a lordship in the distant shire of Cambridge, a the estates 
lordship which had belonged to Earl Harold^ and whose 2f ^?* 
grant is recorded in a writ of William in the English bridge, 
tongue.^ The story illustrates the state of things in 
the days when English Law had to be administered 
by foreign ofBcers. The Bishop of Rochester claims the 
land of King William; the King refers the matter to 
the lawftd tribunal, the Scirgemot.' But through fearUnjiut 
of the Norman Sheriff Kcot, of whom we have already the sSriff 
bearded the English witnesses gave a fidse verdict that^^^*'^ 
the land belonged to the Crown. Complaint was made The wrong 
to Bishop Odo, who had been present at the first hear- by odo. 
ing, and who, like his brother, was not disinclined to do 
justice when his own interest was not concerned. The 
venve was changed ; the case was heard again in London 

which it is pUun that neither the English nor the Konnan dergy had any 
SGniple about manying, and moreover that the monks did not think them 
▼ery wicked for so doing. 

* The writ given by Emulf (Ang. Sac. i. 336) is addressed to Er&st 
Bishop and Baldwin Abbot (see vol. ii p. 585, and ed.), Pioot Sheriff, 
Robert Malet, '* and eaUe ])a )>egenas ^xet his gewilt to cym^.'* It grants 
to Lanfranc the land at Fraeenham, " swa full and swa for^ swa Harold 
hit fyrmest hefde )«s deges |>e ic fyrmest ham. ofer s» com [it is curious 
to see this fiuniliar Domesday formulary in the English tongue and in the 
first person] and swa swa purbeam and Goti of Harolde heolden." The 
land which Emalf (339) describes as " terra quoB erat de Fraeenham et 
jacebat in Giselham " appears in Domesday (190 6) under the latter name. 
It is held by the Bishop of Rochester " sub Archiepiscopo Lanfranco." 
There is no mention of Harold or of Goti, but besides *' Wulwinus venator 
Regis E./' we read that '*xii. sod habnerunt 1. hidam sub Turberto 
[doubtless the Thurbeam of the writ], qui omnes dare et vendere po- 

* Emulf, Ang. Sao. i 339. ** Rex pnsoepit ut omnes illius oomitatds 
homines congregarentur, et eorum judido cujus terra deberet rectius esse 

' See above, p. 333. 

B b 2 

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«HAP. XIX. before a general Assembly of the realm, and the land was 

adjudged to the Bishoprick.^ 
Thomas In the metropolitan see of York Thomas of Bayeux 

bishop of sat with all honour for thirty years, outliving Lanfranc 
]^7iiioo.^^ William and William's successor. The old dispute 
between the two metropolitan sees was not fully healed. 
Heconse- It fell to the lot of Thomas to consecrate the successor 
*^^, of Lanfranc, the holy Anselm. It was held at York 
1093. that the profession which Thomas had made to Lan- 
Revival of fj^j^Q personally was now utterly cancelled as regarded 
tion as to his successor,^ and it would seem that the southern pro- 
proession, ^^^ yielded SO fiuT as that Anselm should be con- 
secrated, not as Primate of all Britain, a title which would 
have reduced York to a mere suflfiragan rank, but with 

^ The Rioiy is told at large by Ernulf, and it is a good illustration of 
the way in which English Law was carried out by the Norman rulers. 
The ScbgeuKSt first, for fear of the Sheriff, declares the Lmd to belong to 
the King ( " illi autem coDgregati terrain iUam Regis esse potius quam 
B. AndresB timore Vioecomitis affirmaverunt "). But Odo has his doubts ; 
he therefore requires that twelve members of the assembly should be chosen 
to confirm the sentence on oath. Twelve men» six of whose uames are 
given, being again threatened by the Sheriff, take the oath ( ** illi autem 
quum ad oonciliimi seoeesissent, et inibi a Yieecomite per intemuntium con- 
territi fuissent, revertentes verum esse quod dixerant juraverunt"), and 
the land remains in the King*s hands. The Bishop of Bochester, hearing of 
this dedsion, complained to Odo, and two of the jurors on being examined 
confessed the perjury. The story then goes on ; ** Denique mandavit Yice- 
oomiti, ut reliquos obviam sibi Londoniam mitteret, et alios duodecim de 
melioribus ejusdem comitat^is, qui quod illi juraverant verum esse confir- 
maverant. lUuc quoque fecit venire multos ex melioribus totius Angliae 
baronibus, quibus omnibus Londoniie congregatis, judicatum est, tam a 
Francis quam ab Anglis, illos omnes perjuros esse ; quandoquidem iUe, post 
quern alii juraverant, se perjurum esse ffttebatur. Quibus tali judicio 
condemnatis, Episcopus Hrofensis terram suam, ut justum erat, habuit." 
The rest of the story shoidd be read as an illustration of the custom of 

* T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1707. Thomas is made to say, "Quum duo 
tantum sint metropolitee in Britannia, alter super alteram esse non potest. 
Si timore vel amore et juveniU consilio personaliter et indebite alicul 
me subjed, Uberatus sum ; in Primatem neminem oonsecrabo." 

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tbe Yag^er title of Metropolitan.^ The question too about ohap. xzx. 
the diocese of Dorchester or Lincoln also rose again. On and as to 
the death of Bemigius, Thomas objected to the consecra- diction of 
lion of his successor Robert Bloet as Bishop of Lincoln. ^^*^^y- 
He might be Bishop of Dorchester, like his predecessors ; 
but Lindesey, part of the spiritual conquest of PauUinus,^ 
was of ancient right subject to the metropolitan authority 
of York.^ This claim came to nothing, and Thomas Works of 
found better scope for his energies in the reform of his at York. 
own church. The minster of Saint Peter, like that of Restora- 
the southern metropolis^ was found by Thomas a blackened m^gj^* * 
min.^ Yet it would seem that the ancient church was 
not utterly destroyed^ and that the work of Thomas was 
rather to repair than actually to rebuild.^ But of the 
works either of Thomas or of his predecessors nothing 
remains beyond a few fragments embedded in the crypts 
which support the vaster and more q)lendid fabric of 
later days. With regard to the constitution of his church. His re- 
his career was a memorable one in local and even ii^the^nsti- 
general history. It forms a good illustration of the habits ^*^^t?^ 
and feelings of Englishmen with regard to the position ter. 
of the secular clergy. The church of York had been 

* T. Stabbs, X Scriptt. 1707. We read first, " Scripts petitione et leotA 
Qt enm in Primatem totius Britanni» oonsecraret, et Thomas disoessit, et 
Be pontificalibuB exuit.*' This was evident retaliation for the behavionr 
of Laafrano towards Thomas himself, see above, p. 35 J. But Thomas is 
presently pacified by Ana«1m and Walkelin of Winchester, and it is agreed 
that '* quod soriptum erat, * in Primatem,' minime lecto et ex toto abraso, 
petitione oorreptft ut in metropolitanun Cantuariensem consecraretur.** 
The Worcester Annals under 1093 remark, ** Tunc prime vocati sunt 
Cantoarienses archiepisoopi, qui prius totius Angli« metropolitan! voca- 

" See T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1707. 

• See above, p. 357. * See above, p. 367. 

» See Willis, Architectural History of York, 13-16. This seems to be 
borne out by the words of T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1708; **Eocle8is re- 
coopertn et juxta possibilitatem suam restructe." On the other hand, he 
•ays afterwards (1709), ** Ecclesiam quae nunc est a fundamentis fecit.'' 

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OHAF. XIX. served by seven canons only, and, after tiie desolation 
of Northumberland, but three were found at their post.^ 
Thomas recalled those who had fled, and increased the 
He first number of the body. He at first followed the example 
t^SotiSkT- o^ Gfisa at Wells * and Leofric at Exeter,^ in introducing 
^ESd^line- ^^ Lotharingian discipline. He built a dormitory and 
refectory, and made his canons live in common under the 
superintendence of a Provost.* He probably lived to find 
that this system did not suit the habits of Englishmen at 
York any more than it did at Exeter. Wiser advisers 
bat after- afberwards led him to introduce the system which was 
withdraws gradually introduced into the secular cathedrals of England. 
^^' He divided the estates of his church into prebends, thus 

allotting to each canon his separate maintenance. He 
He founds also founded the dignities of Dean, Precentor, and Trea^ 
nitiMMMid s^i^cr- The office of Chancellor or Master of the Schools 
prebends, h^ h^^ already introduced while the church was under 
the Lotharingian discipline.^ The work of Thomae in 
this respect still lives. The constitution of the church 
of York, as l^d down by him, still remains nearly un- 
altered, and in no church in England have the original 
rights of the whole capitular body been so little encroached 
on by the growth of a residentiary oligarchy. 
wuiiMn In the church of London no change was needed. Bishop 
London. William lived on, honoured by men of both races, and 
'^^'®^^* leaving behind him a memory which was long cherished 

* T. Stubbs, X Soriptt. 1708. "De septem canonicis, non enim plnres 
fuerant, tres tantam repperit, oeteri vel mortni erant, vel metu yel desola- 
tione patriae exsulabant." 

* See vol. ii. p. 84. » See vol. li p. 45 a. 

* T. Stabbs, u. s. ** Canonioos quos invenit, restituit, disperses revocavit, 
et aliquoe addidit, refectorium et dormitorium refecit, pnepositam oonstitait, 
qui ceteris prsesset, et eos procoraret." 

' lb. 1709. "Annis plurimis canonicis communiter veeoentibns, qao' 
rutudam consilio plaouit arobiepiscopo de terrH Sancti Petri, qon adhnc 
mtdtum vastata erat, singulas praebendas partlri. Tunc quidem statuit deca- 
num, tbesaurarium, cantorem, nam magistmm scbolarum ante statuerat." 

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among the buTghers of his city.^ Two Bishops succeeded ohap. xdl 
him in the dajrs of Lan&anc and King William. Hugh of ^«^®^ 
Orival is an obscure name enough/ but his successor Bishop. 
Maurice was memorable for beginning the mighty pile of ^^~ 
old Saint Paul's. But^ unlike his Metropolitan, he began it Budiop. 
on a scale which made it in the end the yastest of the ' 
minsters of England^ but which also put it utterly out of 
the power of its first founder to finish it.^ 

At Winchester Bishop Walkelin survived his metro- Walkelin 
poHtan and his sovereign. He too began a church perhaps ^f w^- 
hardly second in size to that of London, that great minster ^?**J^ 
where his transepts still remain well nigh untouched, and 
where eyen his gigantic nave cannot be said to have utterly 
vanished.^. He was less fortunate in his attempt to recon- 
struct the constitution of his diurch, than in renewing its 
material &bric. While several other Bishops were dis- 
placing their secular canons to make room for monks^ 
Walkelin became the leader of a counter party among the Scheme for 
Prelates^ whose object was to displace the monks of cathe- monkifrom 
dral churches in general^ and even to make this change in ^^j^oiiQg, 
the metropolitan church itself.^ They argued that the 

* See his epitaph, set up by the " Senfttiu populnsque Londinenflns/' in 
Godwin's Catalogne of Bishops. 

* Win. Msfan. Gkst. Pont. 145. He anderwent the &te of Origen, bat 
for the health of his body and not of his soid. 

' lb. " Magnanjmitatis oerte ipsias est indioinm basilica beati Panli 
quam inchoaTit Londonitt .... quia igitur Mauritius erat mentis 
immodieus, laboriosi opens impensam transmisit ad poeteros.'* 

* Ann. Wint. 1079. ** Walkelinus Episoopus a fundament Wintonis 
ooBpit re-8Bdifioaire eodesiam." The monks remoyed from the old church 
to the new in 1093 ; ** Sequent! Tero die, jussu domini Walkelini Episcopi, 
ccspenmt homines primum Tetus frangere monasterium, et fraotum est 
totom in illo anno, exoepto portico uno et magno altari." See Willis, 
Winchester. 17, 33. 35. 

* Eadmer, Hist. Not. 10. ** Super hsec suis quoque et eisdem fenne 
diebus, omnes circiter qui ex clericali ordine per Begem WiUielmam in 
AngliA constitoti Pontifioes erant, monachos qui in nonnullis episcopatibus 
Anglis ab antique vitam agebant, inde eliminare moliU sunt ; et Begem 
ipsum in hoc sibi consentaneum effocerunt. . . . Namque pari voto. 

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OHAF. ziz« metropolitan Chapter, above all^ had duties laid upon it 
which were quite inconsistent with the monastic profession, 
and which could be better discharged hj the more worldly 
experience of the secular clergy.^ Modem readers will pro- 
bably be convinced by their arguments, arguments whose 
weight was admitted by the clear and sagacious mind of 
William himself.* The party which followed Walkelin's 
lead is said to have numbered in its ranks all the Bishops 
who weiB not themselves members of the monastic order. 
Walkelin himself was so sure of the success of his schemes 
that he had, with the King's good likings forty canons 
ready in the garb of their office to take possession of 
The the stalls of Saint Swithhun's.^ Nothing was needed 

hindered but the conscut of the Archbishop,^ and Walkelin and his 
^^^^" party seem to have thought that what the King approved 
Lanfranc would not venture to gainsay.^ Sut &om Lan- 

simili conamine, imo conseium, concordi animo» Pontifices quoB religionis 
ordo non sibi astrinxerat eniti oceperont quatenxis saltern de primatu 
CantuarieiuBi monachos eradicarent, intendentoB se hoc facto faoillime alioa 
aliunde ezclxisuros." 

* Eadmer, Hist. Nov. lo. *' De illis etenim, potioribuB, stent eis Tide- 
batur, rationibuB ad id agendum fuldebantnr, partim ob sublimitatem 
PrimatiB sedis, qus dispositioni et correctioni ecdesiamm per snas per- 
Bonas qu&que, per Angliam invigilare habet, partim ob alias multiplioes 
causas quarum ezsecutio, juxta quod ipsi confingebant, magis clerioorum 
quam monachorum officinm spectat." 

* lb. ** Deductus est in sententiam istam Rex et alii principes regni." 

' lb. " In q^o tamen se effectu potituros certi exstiterant, nt Wal- 
chelinus Episoopus adonatos pene quadraginta dericos, canoniooram more 
tonsurit ac veate redimitos, habereti quos, ejectis monachis, Wentann 
ecdesise cui pr»sidebat mox intromitteret." So WiU. Halm. Gest. 
Pont. 71. ** Jam enim episcoponim livor increyerat, volentium ab episco- 
paUbuB sedibuB monachos, clericiB immissiB, extrudere. Auctor hi^us 
fiftctionis fuit Walkelinus Wentanus, ad csetera bonus, sed in hoc ad 
pravum consiliis Busurronum flexus, plus xl<« canonicos ci^pis et super- 
pelliciis omaTerat." 

* Eadmer, u. s. '* Sola mora h»c peragendi, nondum requisita ab Archi- 
epiflcopo liaafranoo lioentia fuit." 

' lb. " Ut autem earn dicto quoque dtius impetraret, nulla menti 
ejuB [Walketini] dubitatio inerat, Bed aliter ac sibi mens sua Bpoponderat 
ezituB rei provenit." 

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franc, the father and lover of monks, no consent to any ohap. xix. 
such scheme was to be had.^ The Primate appealed to Pope 
Alexander. He obtained from him a bull censuring in 
the strongest terms the scheme for the humiliation of the 
monastic order,^ and decreeing that the church of Canter- 
bury should remain served by monks, as the blessed 
Augustine had founded it.^ The desig^n for the like change 
in the church of Winchester was equally brought to nought. 
There also all innovation was forbidden by Papal decree.'^ 
The canons whom Walkelin had gathered together had to 
go back to their homes without taking possession of their 
expected prebends,'' and the discipline which had been 

^ " Se arwur0a muneca feder and frouer Landfranc arcebisoeop," says 
the Peterborough Chronicler in recording his death in 1089. 

' The bun is giTen in Eadmer, 10, and lianiranc's Letters, Giles, i. 27. 
Its language shows that the Papal gift of scolding was as vigorous then as 
it is now ; " Aocepimus a quibusdam yenientibus de partibus vestris ad 
limina sanctorum Apostolomm Petri et Pauli, quod quidam clerici, aasociato 
sibi terrense potestatis, laicomm videlicet, auxilio, diabolico spiritu repleti, 
moliuntur de eoclesift S. Salvatoris in Dorobemilk, quae est metropolis 
totius BritanniR, monachos expellere et dericos inibi statuere; cui 
ne£euio operi molitionis suae hoc adjicere conantur, ut in omni sede episoo- 
pali ordo monachomm eztirpetur, quasi in eis non vigeat auctoritas 

' The buU of Alexander professes simply to confirm an earlier one of 
Boniface the Fifth, which orders, '* ut yestra benignitas in monasterio 
Dorobemensi ciyitate constituto, quod sanctus doctor noster Augustinus, 
beats memoriae Grregorii disdpulus, Sancti Salvatoris nomini consecra- 
yit . . . licenter per omnia monachorum regulariter yiventium habitationem 
statuat, apostolic& auctoritate decementes, ut ipsi vestne salutis pne- 
dioatores- monachi monachorum gregem sibi associent, et eorum vitam 
sanctitatum moribus ezoment." 

* WilL Malm. Gest. Pont. 71. ** Begem in sententiam traxerat 
[Walkelinus], et tantum mone in medio ut archiepisoopi consensum 
eliceret;. is quominus haberetur, nihil dubitandum. At file auditum 
fadnus ezhomiit, et tot potentum exoogitatas machinas, ut casses aranea. 
rum, solo intuitu dissolvit, quinetiam, ne idem auderent posteri^ egit ut 
Alexander Papa scriptis inhiberet." 

' Eadmer, 10. " Ergo et clerici qui succedero monachis fiierant per 
Walchelinum oollecti, et in sua dimissi sunt, et monachi qui cedere deri- 
corum praejudicio qnodam damnati erant, gratiA Dei et instantU boni 
Lanfranci, pristinsB conyersationis in suft eocle8i& compotes effeoti sunt.'* 

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OHAP. 3UX. brought into the Old Minster by the zeal of Eadgar and 
iEthelwold remained untoached till the general dissolution 
of monastic bodies.^ 
Leofric Leofric^ the first Bishop of Exeter, the Prelate who had 

Exeter.^ brought in the Lotharingian discipline,^ kept his Bishoprick 
1046-1072. f^,. jifg^ ^ Briton or Englishman whose feelings were 
mainly foreign, he was followed by a stranger who had 
Osbein learned to feel as an Englishman. Osbem, a son of the 
io7a-no3. fi^^^^^^l guardian of William,* a brother of the &mous 
Earl of Hereford, had, like others of his nation, crossed the 
sea to enjoy the favours and bounty of the good King 
Eadward.^ But, unlike most of those who came on that 
errand, he adopted the manners and feelings of English- 
men. Amongst other signs of this tendency, he forbore to 
destroy the works of his predecessors to make room for 
buildings in the now prevailing style.^ The beginnings of 
the Norman cathedral of Exeter, with the two massive 
William of towers which still remain, are due to his successor William 
Biahop. ^^ Warelwast in the days of Henry the First. 
1107-1136. ffijjg g^g ^f Hereford remained in possession of its Lothar- 

^ Will. Mahn. Geei. Pont. 73. ** Magnum id et laudandum, ut quod 
aedula aanctorom benignitaa tempore Regia Edgari inchoaYerit ista 
labefaotam non penmserit.*' Notwithstanding bis offmoe against his order, 
William of Malmesbury elsewhere (Gest. Regg. iii. 369) gives Walkelin 
a splendid panegyric ; ** Cujns bona opera, famam vincentia, vetustatem 
oblivionis a se repellent quamdin ibi sedes episoopalis dnrabit.** 

* See vol. ii. p. 54. 

' Win. Malm. Gest. Pont. loi. " Snooeesit Lefrico Osbemns Regis 
Willelmi tempore, natione NormaDnas, frater Willelmi preoeUentiasLini 
Comitis.'* His consecration in London is recorded in the Appendix to the 
Winchester Chronicle. 

* lb. ** In AngliA sab Ednardo Rege liberaliter et domestioe oon- 
▼ersatus, quippe qui cognationem regiam vicino attingeret g^radu.*' 

* lb. " Unde in victnalibus et ceteris rebus ad Anglioos mores 
pronior, parum Normannorum pompam suspiciebat, oonsuetudines domini 
sui Regis Eduardi efierens, et quum per alios ezhiberentor cum assi- 
dentibus manu et gestu aggaudens. Ita pro more antiquorum pre- 
sulum, veteribus oontentus sodifidis, liberalis animo et castas habebatur 

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ingian Bishop Walter. Thirteen years after William's ohap. xiz. 
coming it became vacant hj his death, a death which^ if the ^^^^ 
scandal of the time spoke tmlj^ was a strange and shameful Bii^ of 
one. Walter died by the hand of a woman in the defence of 1079. 
her chastity.^ His sncoessor, another Lotharingian, Robert Bobort 
by name, was the chosen fiiend of Saint Wnl&tan^ and, like HenXd. 
most other Norman Bishops, the rebnilder of his cathedral.' *®^^'®95- 
The sainted Bishop pf Worcester himself survived both |2^^ ^^ 
King and Metropolitan, and remained for many years the Wulfrtan. 
only Bishop of English birth in England.^ We are told 
that, in one of the early Councils of William's reign, the 
two Archbishops conspired together against the English- 
man, or at least attacked him at once from their several 
points of view. Thomas^ as we have already seen,^ claimed 
him as a suffingan; Lanfranc despised him as a simple 

1 Vnniam of Mabnesbuiy (Gert. Font. 300) teUs the stoiy donbtingly 
(** nln fiuns tnentHur *^, And addi that the King did all that might be to 
hinder the tcaiidid from getting wind {" rumor orimimi et nltioniB totam 
pervagatna Angliam Regis qnoqne anrea attigit. Hie dignitate regi& 
eredolitatem diarimiilana, ne ▼«! ceteri diflseminarent gravinmo ooerooit 
edicto." The way in which lliieRy deals with this Prelate is amusing. 
In n. 91 the Lotharingian Bishop appointed by Eadwaid in 1062 beoomes 
one of " une nnte d'aventuriers partis de la Graule " imder William. Of 
these adTonturers he teUs us *' la plupart affich^rent dans leur nouyel ^tat 
rimmoraUtd la plus dehont^ ** — an utter ealumny as regards the Prektes 
appointed by tiie Ckmqueror — then oomes 'M'un d'eux fut tu^ par une 
femme i qui il youlait fiure violenoe," with a reference to the story of 
Walter, of aU places in the world, in Knighton, X Scriptt. 3347. A few 
pages on (28) Walter oomes to life again as an English patriot; ** Flamand 
de naisnnoe, le seul panni lee strangers, ev^ues avant la oonqudte, qui se 
soit montr^ fidUe k k cause de sa patrie adoptire." See toL ii p. 81. 

s Win. Mahn. Gest. Pont. u. s. '* Kobertus Lotharingus ibi ecolesiam 
tereti ndifioayit schemate, Aqnensem baHilicam pro modo Imitatus suo." 
If so, all traces of his boUding hare perished. The present Bomanesque 
work at Hereford follows the common ^pe of English and Norman 
minsters, and has not the fidntest likeness to the church of the Great 

' Wulfetan died in 1095, twenty years after the death of Siward of 
Bochester (see aboTe, p. 369), sixteen after that of Walter, Biwaid being 
the last surriving Bishop of English birth and Walter the last of English 
appomtment. * See above, p. 357. 

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his deposi- 

His ac- 
quittal and 
with the 
two Arch- 

of his 
appeal to 

and ignorant man, unable^ it would seem^ to speak any 
language but his own.^ His deposition seemed hardly 
to be avoided ; but he went forth in his simple faith, 
taking no thought what he should speak when he was 
brought before Kings and rulers.^ His faith had its 
reward; he came forth triumphant over all his enemies. 
He not only kept his see, but Thomas was glad of his 
help as a native in administering his vast and desolate 
diocese ; ^ Lanfranc too was glad to send him to visit the 
newly-conquered diocese of Lichfield, the Bishoprick of 
which was vacant^ and in whose half-subdued districts no 
Norman Prelate as yet ventured to risk himself,* 

In after days legendary writers drew a striking picture 
of the King and his Council assembled in. the West Minster 
before the tomb of the holy Eadward.^ The foreign King 

^ Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 384. "Sub seniore Willelmo indamatum 
est in eum a Lanfranco de litteraram insdentifty a Thom& Eboraoensi 
arohiepiscopo qnod ei snbjici deberet ex antiquo jure." In the aooount in 
the Life of Wul&tan (Ang. Sac. ii 355) Lanfranc does not appear as an 
enemj of Wulfttan. 

' Vita wist. 256. ** Tandem jussns ezire nt strictiori consilio responsnm 
poliret, cum paucis seomn ^gressis horam nonam iaocBpit et percantavit. 
Iliis porro referentibus ut aUa magis quam psalmos curaret, et id propter 
qnod yenerat expediret, respondit ; ' Stulti nescitis quod Domin>is dixit, 
Dmn steteritis ante Beges et prsesides, nolite oogitare quomodo ant quid 
loquamini. Pabitur enim vobis in ill& hor& qaid loquamini.' " 

' Will. Halm. Gest. Pont. 385. *< Ita data benedictiose monacho, 
minimte facondias viro, sed Normannicse Ungate sciolo, rem obtinuit, ut qui 
sun dioeoesis ante putabatur indignus regimine ab Archiepiscopo Eboraci 
suppliciter rogaretur ut suas [sic] dignaretur lustrare, quo ipse pro timore 
hostium vel seimonis ignoranti& cavebat acoedere." The epithet "nunimsD 
facundie vir" sounds odd, when we think of Wulfetan's journey to York 
in company with Harold, described by the same writer in his Life of 

* Vita Wist. 956. "In eodem condlio apud Pedridan habito ^isco- 
patiis ei Gestrensis a Lanfranco Archiepiscopo vicdtatio commissa est. Ea 
enim provincia, quae tres habet pagon, Gestrensem, Grobemensem, Teforden- 
sem [I presume that Shropshire and Staffordshire lurk under these two 
strange names], erat adhuc propter longinquitatem Normannis inacoessa, et 
propter barbariem impacata.** 

^ The story first appears in ^thelred of Rievaulx (X Scriptt. 406}, who 

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and Primate called on the English Bishop to gfive up his chap. xix> 

staff and ring. He was, they said, a simple and unlearned ^i^^^^^ 

man who knew not the French tongue, and who could deliver- 

be of no use in the counsels of the King.^ Wulfstan 

arose, staff in hand. He knew his own un worthiness ; he 

would willingly give up his staff, but he would not give 

it up to Lanfranc, &om whom he had not received it; 

he would give it up to the holy Eadward who had given 

it to him. Wulfstan walked to the tomb of Eadward 

and spoke to his dead master; "Thou knowest, most 

holy King, how unwillingly I took this burthen upon me, 

and how it was thou who didst constrain me thereto. 

The choice of the monks was not wanting, nor the petition 

of the people, nor the consent of the Bishops and nobles, 

but it was thy will which stood forth chief above all.^ Lo, 

now there is a new King, a new Law, a new Primate, who 

puts forth new decrees. They charge thee with error, who 

didst make me a Bishop ; ^ they charge me with presumption 

is followed by Boger of Wendover (ii. 53) and Matthew Paris (20 Wats). 
In the Historia Anglonun (i. 53) it is given in a much shorter form, and 
also in Bromton (X Scriptt. 976), who gives one or two touches of his 
own. The story is partly designed in honour of Eadward, but there is 
also a dear intention to make out the English Prelates to have been bolder 
aasertors of the national freedom than they really were. It oomes in short 
from the same mint as the stories of Archbishop Ealdred (see above, p. 260) 
and Abbot Frithric (see Appendix NN). The strong assertion of the royal 
supremacy which breathes throughout the story shows that its beginnings 
at least must have been of early date. The Council is said to have been 
ihat of 1075, in which the removal of the Bishopricks from small towns 
was ordered. 

^ B. Wend. ii. 53. ** Apud hunc archiepisoopum beatus Wlstanus sim- 
plicitatis et illiteratune aocusatus, et quasi homo idiota, qui lingnam 
Gallicanam non noverat neo regiis consiliis interesse poterat, ipso Bege con- 
sentiente et hoc dictante, deoemitur deponendus." Bromton, whose word- 
ing is difiSsrent, adds, '*Ut sic aliquem Normannicnm loco ejus subro- 

' lb. 53. '' Licet fi«trum non deesset electio, plebis petitio, voluntas 
episcoporum et gratia procerum, his tamen omnibus tua prseponderabat 
auctoritas, tua magis voluntas. ** 

' lb. ** Te erroijs arguunt qui me pontificem fecisti." 

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oBAP. zn. in that I obeyed thee« Yet will I not resign my staff 
to them^ but I will give back to thee the charge which 
thoa didst give me."^ He raised his hand, he stmck 
the staff on the tomb, and spake again ; '' Take it^ my 
Lord O King, and give it to him whom it shall please 
thee." He went back and took his seat, no longer among 
the Bidiops^ bat as a simple monk among the monks. 
Bat at the tonch of Wnlfstan's staff the solid marble had 
yielded^ and the badge of nde which Eadward had given 
remained safe in Eadward's keeping. The unbelieving 
Primate^ like his English predecessor by the dying bed 
of Eadward,^ put no fSedth in the wonder done before his 
eyes. He bade his chaplain and creature, Gundulf of 
Rochester, take the staff from the tomb. The staff yielded 
not, and in one version of the story Wulfstan turned to 
the King himself; ** A better than thou gave it me, take it 
away if thou canst."' The Primate tried ;' the King himself 
tried ; but the staff remained fixed in the tomb till Wulf- 
stan was fully confirmed in his see, till King and Primate 
had craved his forgiveness. Then, at Wul&tan's prayer, 
the holy Eadward loosened his hold, and the staff which 
would yield to no other hand at once gave way to the 
touch of its lawful owner. 
Witaev Whatever we make of this legend, whatever we make 
legokL to ^^ ^^ whole story of the intended deposition of Wulfstan, 
the royal ^^ ^j^ ^^ jg^^g^ shows from whom, alike in the days of 
Eadward and of William, an English Bishop was held to 
receive his episcopal ofiSce. Wulfstan does not appeal to 

' R. Wend. ii. 53. *' Non illia, qui ezigunt quod non dederant, aed 
tibi baculnm remgno qai dedisti, tibi ctinin eonun dimitto qnoe mihi oom- 
mendlati." The regtde oould haidly lie more strongly aet forth. 

* See ToL iii. p. la. 

* Bromton (X Soriptt. 976) alone givee thia speech, and he pots it 
doubtingly at the end of the stoiy ; " Dizerat Begi, at qoidam aiont, dnm 
baculnm figeret, *Helior te hunc mihi dedit, cni et retmdo, arelle si 

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Pope or Council, to any ecclesiastical laws and canons, obaf. 3ux. 
His appeal is from the Norman King to his English 
predecessor. But what, if more prosaic, is far more certain^ 
is, that in an Assembly of the realm under the King's own 
presidency,^ Wulfstan won back from Archbishop Thomas 
the twelve lordships of which Ealdred had robbed the 
see of Worcester. Lanfranc zealously abetted Wulfstan's 
cause, and the malicious rumours of the time said that 
he abetted it out of his grudge against his brother Metro- 

This storm over, the saintly Bishop was left to rule his Wulfrton't 
diocese in as much peace as the presence of the Sheriff ^^'^ig 
Urse^ and men of his stamp would allow. Many tales, ^o**^- 
whether historical or legendary^ bear witness to his £Etith 
and piety^ his zeal in the discharge of his official duty^ 
his severity against evil-doers, the reverence in which he 
was held by men of both races alike. The cathedral FlowrUh- 
monastery of Worcester especially flourished under his^poester 
care, and grew both in its revenues and in the number ^JJJJ^^ 
of its monks.^ At no great distance from the city, atPoandi^ 
the foot of the range of hills which bound the shire and h^^ 
diocese to the west, the priory of Malvern, the work of ^^T- 
the holy Ealdwine, arose under his patronage.^ But 

^ The York venion in T. StublM, 1 708, 1 709, ranB thus ; " Ipae ▼ero dono 
Regis aliquamdia xii. yillae hAbnit quae Aldredus de Wygomenii epteco- 
pata retinaerst ; ted eas molimlne Lftofranoi ei Bex abstulit." The Wor- 
oeetor rerrion appesn in Floreiioe, 1070, who is careful to mark that Yock 
bad now (see above, p. 340) a pastor to speak for her (** episoopo jam con- 
seorato ThomA, qtd pro Eboiaoensi loqaeretur eodesift **). The restitution 
was made (" Deo donaote ao B^ge oonoedente"), and the authority by which 
H was done was the highest possible ; ** Querela . . . coram Bege ac Doni- 
bemi« Arohiepiscopo Landfranoo et episcopis, abbatibus, oomitibus, et 
primatibas totius AngUe, Dei gratiA adminiculantey est tenninata.'* 

* Will. Malm. Gest. Pont. 385. " Quum Lanfiranous Archiepisoc^Nis 
constanter assisteret caussK, uigens Tidelioet mnulum primatfis et po- 
tentic." * See above, p. 174. 

^ See the entiy in Domesday, 1 73 6, ** Crescents congregatione T. R. W." 

" Ann. Wig. 1085. "MJyor BCalvemia fundata est per Alwinm 

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weepB at 
the de- 
of the old 
church. . 

Wulfstan's greatest work was in his own city. Unlike 
the Norman-bom but English-minded Bishop of Exeter,* 
he yielded to the fsishion of the day, and destroyed the 
church of his holy predecessor Oswald to make room for 
a building on a greater scale, and more in accordance 
with the prevalent taste of the times.^ Of the work of 
Wulfstan in the minster of Worcester some portions still 
abide above gpround, and his crypt remains untouched, 
showing that the style of the day could assume forms 
of lightness and elegance which seem strange to one 
used to the massive undercrofts of York and Gloucester. 
But when the work was done, when the monks had 
taken possession of the new church, when the work of 
the blessed Oswald began to be unroofed and pulled 
down, the holy "Wulfstan stood and wept.* The by- 
standers asked him why he did not rather rejoice at 
being the means of carrying so great and holy a work 
to its completion.* The Bishop forthwith made answer; 
"Our predecessors, whose monuments we deface, rather 
(I doubt) to set up the banners of our vain glory than to 
glorify God, they indeed (quoth he) were not acquainted 

monachum," A somewhat fuller accoant is given by William of Malmes- 
bury, Gest. Pont, 2S6, 996. Ealdwine had a companion named Gay, 
another instance of Norman and Englishman working together. 

* See above, p. 378. 

' Ann. Wig. 1084. "Inceptio operis Wigomientis monasterii per 
sanctum Wulstanum." Vita Wist 263. "Tunc autem et novam eodesiam 
perfecit ; nee fiidle invenias omamentum, quod eam non decoraverit. Ita 
erat in BingaHs mirabilis et in omnibus singularis.** 

' The story is told by William of Malmesbury in the Life of Wulfttan, 
a6a, and in Gest. Pont. 983. The words in the latter place are, " Qnum 
ecdesiffi majoris opus, quod ipse a fiindamentis inceperat, ad hoc increment! 
processisset ut jam monachi migrarent in illam, jussum est veterem eode- 
siam, quam beatus Oswaldus fecerat, detegi et subrui. Ad hoc spectaculum 
stans sub divo Wlstanus lacrimas tenere nequivit." 

* WilL Malm. (Grest. Pont. 283. *' Modesto a fiuniliaribns redargutus, 
qui gaudere potius deberet, quod se superstite tantus ecdesiae honor acoes- 
sisset ut ampliatns monadiorum numerus ampliora ezigeret habitacula." 

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with Bucli stately buildings, but eveiy place was a church ohap. xix. 
sufficient for them to offer themselves a reasonable, holy, 
and lively sacrifice unto Ood. We contrariwise are donble 
diligent in laying heaps of stone, so to frame a material 
temple, bnt are too negligent in setting forward the 
building of that lively temple the Church of Gk>d." ^ 

Yet there was no Prelate of his own or of any other day 
who had less need than Wulfstan to charge himself with 
neglecting the spiritual temple of God in order to build up 
heaps of stones. I pass by his zeal against the married 
clergy and other matters of purely ecclesiastical concern.' 
I will raflier dwell" on one side of his charact-er which sets 
him before us as an unflinching assertor of the eternal 
principles of right. One act of Wulfstan's life, to which I He 
have abeady incidentally referred in an earlier volume,^ ^inst "the 
places him high among the apostles of humanity. Not- ^^^^ 
withstanding the repeated legislation of the days of 
^thelred and Cnut, the Bristol slave-trade still went 
on. Indeed we may believe that, in the first years of the 

^ I hare given the speech of Wulfstan in the vigorous though somewhat 
free translation of Bishop Godwin in his Catalogue of Bishops. It is 
curious to see how, while he preserves the g^eral sense, he translates 
some of the ideas as well as the words into those of ^he sixteenth century. 
But William of Malmesbnxy does not put exactly the same words into 
Wul&tan's mouth in his two works. In G^t. Pont. 383 they stand thus ; 
" Ego longe alitor intelligo, quod nos miseri sanctorum opera destruimus, 
nt nobis laudem oomparemus. Non noverat ilia felioium virorum setas 
pompaticas ledes oonstruere, sed sub qualioumque tecto seipsos Deo immolare 
snbjectosque ad exemplum attrahere. Nos e contra nitimur ut animarum 
negligentes aocumulemus lapidea." 

' Vita wist. 963. " Uxoratos presbyteros omnes uno convenit edicto, 
aut libidini aut ecclesiis renuntiandum pronuntians." Wharton remarks 
on this that marriage was not forbidden. to the parochial clergy till ma, 
so that Wulistan*s severity in this respect must have applied to the canons 
only. But as both the cathedral and the other great churches of the diocese 
were in the hands of the regulars, Wulfttan would have found no great 
scope for his energies in dealing with the canond only. 

' See vol. i. p. 365 ; voL ii. p. 1 53. The stoiy is told by William of 
Mahnesbuiy both in the Life of Wulfstan, 258, and lass fully in the Gesta 
Begum, iii. 269. 


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oHAP. ziz. Conquest^ when men bowed their necks for meat in the evil 
days,^ the wicked traffic in human flesh became more rife 
than ever. Men, we are told^ went the length of uniting 
lust^ cruelty, and greed ; they sold their female slaves when 
they were with child by themselves.^ Such a state of 
things could in no way give strength to William's throne 
or help in any way to cany out the schemes of his policy. 
William therefore was as zealous against the evil practice as 
his predecessors. But the evil practice was too deeply rooted 
even for William's power.* The saint of Worcester there- 
fore devoted himself to the good work of reclaiming the 
men of the merchant borough which then formed the 
furthest point of his diocese. He went repeatedly to 
Bristol ; he stayed there two or three months at a time, and 
preached every Sunday against the g^eat sin of the place.^ 
The habit which had been too strong for Cnut and William 
gave way — at least for a season — ^to the exhortations of 
Befonnap Wulfstan. The burghers of Bristol became convinced of 
buighen. ^^^T^ Bin ; they forsook their unlawful gains and became an 
example in such matters to the other trading-towns of 
England.^ So &r indeed did their newly-born zeal carry 

' See above, p. 393. 

' Vita Wkt. 358. " Homines enim ex omni Anglii ooemptos majoiu 
spe qiuastttB in Hibendam distrahebant, ancillasqne prius ludibrio leoti 
habltas jamqne pnegnantes vennm proponebant. Videree et gemeree con- 
catenatoe ftinibiu miserorom ordines et utriuaqne eextm adolescentee, qui 
liberal! fonni, state integrft, barbaiiB miserationi essent, qnotidie piostitui, 
quotidie venditari.** 

'lb. ** Ab his WolstanuB morem yetusiiBramnm sustnlity qui sic animia 
eorum oocallnerat, ut nee Dei amor neo Regis Willelml hactenns enm 
abolere potnissent." It sbotdd be remembered that one of tbe alleged 
LawB of William, which I shall have to mention afterwards, which is pro- 
bably quite genuine in its substance, is as strong against the slave-trade 
as those of any of the older Kings. See Stubbs, Select Charters, 81. 

* lb. *' Sdens enim oervicositatem eorum non faciie flecti, saepe circa 
eo duobus mensibus, sepe tribus, mansitabat, omni DominlcA eo veniens 
et divins prsedicationis semina spaigens." 

* lb. "Qua adeo per intervalla temporum apud eos convaluere, ut 
non solum renuntiarent vitio, sed ad idem faciendum ceteris per Angliam 
essent exemplo.'* 

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them, that one stiff-necked sinner^ who refased to hearken ohap. xix. 
to the repeated entreatieB and arguments of the Bishop, was 
driven from the town by his fellow-bui^hers with the loss 
of hisejes.^ 

With r^ard to Saint Wulfstan, there is a doemnent in Spiritual 
which he is concerned which throws a good deal of light ^J^j^ 
on the relations between Enfirlish and Norman church- Wulfeun 

° ^ and other 

men just at this time. It is a sort of bond of spiritual Prelates. 

confederation between the Bishop of Worcester and his 

monks and the monks of six other monasteries, some of 

them in his own diocese and. some in other parts of 

England.' The members of the league, after Wulfstan 

himself, are the &mous Abbot ^thelwig of Evesham, 

Wulf^old of Chertsey, jElfsige of Bath, Eadmund of Per- 

shore, Balph of Winchcombe, and Serlo of Gloucester. Of 

these Prelates two only, Balph and Serlo, were foreigners, 

and all the English Abbots mentioned kept their Abbeys 

for life, ^thelwig lived on in all honour, continuing his Death of 

career of wisdom and munificence, tUl the eleventh year ^^^^^ ^^* 

after the Conquest. His architectural works were less 

splendid than those of some contemporary Prelates ; but he 

bestowed much on his church in many ways, and he gave up 

part of his paternal estate in the vain attempt to recover 

^ Vita Wkt. 958. " Benique Qnum ex suo numero, qui peiiiiiaciiiB obvia- 
ret pisBceptiB Epiioopi, yioo ejectum, mox luminibiu orbarere. In qoA re 
dflTotionem laudo, sed fiftctnm improbo ; qoamvifl semel ^itiatis agresUum 
animiB nulla qneat obaUtere vis rationis." 

' Hie document is printed by Mr. Hart in the Preface to the Gloucester 
History, iii. xriii. He however confounds Saint Wul&tan with the elder 
Prelate of that name, who brought in the monks at Gloucester (see vol. ii. 
p. 435). Yet one would have thought that no man could have fancied 
that a document in which men plight their fidth to William and Matilda 
could belong to the days of Gnut. The date must come between 107a, 
when Serio became Abbot of Gloucester, and 1077, when ^thelwig died. 
The document ia in English, and begins thus; "On Drihtnes naman 
Hwlendis Cristes, is >»i WnUtan biscop on Drihtnes naman hiefS genedd 
wi0 his leoikn gebro6ra J)e him getreowe synd, for Gode and for worulde." 
Then follow the names of the Abbots, with the addition of "Mlbttm 
Decanus on Wigraceastre." 

C 2 

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CHAP. XIX. part of the lands of the Abbey from the rapacious Urse.^ 
On his death, the Abbey was granted to a Norman chap- 
iter lain of Lanfranc, Walter, a monk of Duke Robert's house 
Evesham, at Cerisy,^ who carried on great buildings with the money 
1077-1084.^1^^^1^ ^thelwig had gathered together,* but who lost a 
large part of the estates of his church in a contention 
with the all-powerful Bishop of Bayeux.* It helps to bring 
more folly home to us the nature of the times with which 
we are dealing when we find the signature of j£thelwig 
lUiph followed by that of his guest or captive Godric, the deposed 
Winch- Abbot of Winchcombe,* and at a little distance by that of 
^77^^095. ^'P^' *^® *^*^ Norman Abbot of that Church. His 
Eadmund English neighbour, Eadmund of Fershore, kept his office 
Penhore, till his death late in William's reign. He was succeeded 

died 1085. jjy ^^ Norman Toustain or Thurstan, a monk of Gloucester, 


1685-1087. and was buried with all honour by the reigning Norman 

^vl?*x ^ Abbot of that house.^ This was Serlo, who succeeded to 
Abbot of ' 

Glouoester. the Abbey on the death of his predecessor Wulfstan, who 
died on that distant pilgrimage to Jerusalem in which he 

followed the example of his benefactor Archbishop Ealdied. 


^ Hist. Eyes. 95. Of Acton in Worcestersbire ; "Hsec fmi terra patris 
8ui, has dnas villas dedit Ursoni pro Beningurthe quam injuste oocupavit, 
sknit medietatem iterum postea fecit, et omnes tres injuste detinet.** 

' lb. 96 . He was " Uteris tarn liberalibus quam granunaticis undeoum- 
que emditissimus." On the Abbey of Cerisy, see vol. i. p. 529. 

' lb. 97. "Mazime de pecuniH quam Agduuius abbas ad hoc opus 
reliquerat." * lb. 

• See above, p. 177. 

* Flor. Wig. 1085. "A venerabili Glawomensi abbate Serlone sepultus est 

^ Hist. Mod. Glouc. i. 9. " Wilstanus Jerosolimam profectus, obiit pere- 
grinus anno Domini millesimo septuagesimo secundo, pnolationis suss 
decimo quarto, et anno regni Begis Edwardi filii Regis Egelredi, decimo 
septimo." This is a curious oonfusion of chronology. There can be no 
doubt that 107a is the right date, giving Wulfiitan an incumbency of 
fourteen years firom his i4>pointment in 1058, but the chronicler heedlessly 
added a regnal year which belongs to the pilgrimage of Ealdred in 1058- 
1059. See vol. U. pp. 436, 437. Serlo was at first a secular priest, a 
canon of Avranches ; he then became a monk of Saint Michael's Mount 

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Serlo fills a great place in the annals of his house, alike as cfHAP. xiz. 
the reformer of its discipline and as the man who began His 
the great minster which still remains. In the former ^™'' 
point, notwithstanding all the zeal of Ealdred and the three 
Walfstans^^ Gloucester had sunk so slow that Serlo found 
in his monastery only two monks of full age and eight 
young novices.^ He is also described as recovering to his 
church some of the possessions of which it had been de- 
frauded by Ealdred^ and the local writer records with 
triumph the deep contrition with which Archbishop Thomas 
gave back the ill-gotten gains of his predecessor to their 
lawful owners.^ His architectural works rest on surer Hb build- 
evidence. After eleven years from its beginning, the Qi^o^gter. 
minster of Gloucester, or at least its eastern portions, the '089-1 '<»• 
massive piers and arches now so strangely hidden by the 
net-work of a later age, stoed ready for consecration 
in the last year of the eleventh century.^ Of the Abbots Death of 
beyond "Wulfetan's diocese who signed the document, Abbot of 
Wulfwold of Chertsey is remarkable only for lus ^^^^' 
death being thought worthy of a record in the national 

("monachus in eodefliA Sanoti Michaelis Monte TumbA;" eee ICaz HiUler, 
Ghipe, iii. 351) ; then " qninto anno oonTenioniB bubo" he became Abbot of 

' On the three Wnlfgtans who figure in plouoester histoiy daring this- 
centniy, see vol. ii. p. 669, ^nd ed. 

* Hist. Mon. Glonc. i. 10. " Ibi dnoe tantum periectsD etatia mona<^ea 
et oirdter octavoe juvenes parvoe inveniens." 

* lb. II, I a. *'Hso acta sunt in pnesentiA domlni Serlonis Abbatis 
in oapitulo monachorum, multis pmsentibus et gaudentibos." We hear 
how Thomas came, " se ipsnm graTiter incolpando, pectus tundendo, genu 
flectendo, qui injuste eas [yillas] tamdiu tenuerat." This is placed in 
1095. It is not wonderful that we hear nothing of this in the historian of 
Tork, bat it is hard to reconcile the stoiy with the statement of the 
Gloucester historian himself that some of the disputed lands were not* 
recovered till the time of Abbot Hamelin, who succeeded in 1 1 48, wheo we 
hear of another restitution. 

* The first stone was laid on Saint Peter's Day, 1089. It was conseonited 
by Samson Bishop of Worcester and other prelates, July 15, 1106. Hist. 
Mon. Glouc. i. 11, 12: 

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oHAF. xiz. Chronicles,^ which however leave us to find fix>m other 
sources that he too had a Norman successor, Odo by name.^ 
The remaining Prelate, ^Ifsige of Bath, is known only as 
the last independent Abbot of that church before its union 
with the Bishoprick of Somerset.^ 

The document to which the names of these Prelates are 
subscribed is chiefly interesting as showing the friendly 
relations which existed at the time between churchmen of 
Norman and of English birth. Wulfstan himself had won 
the special regaxd of his Norman neighbours/ and he 
lived on terms of greater intimacy than we might have 
looked for with the worldly Bishop 6eoffi:ey of Coutances.' 
So we here find the heads of these great monasteries, some 
Norman, some English, but presiding over brotherhoods 
almost wholly of English birth/ binding themselves to- 
gether, without respect of birth or birth-place, in the 
dosest spiritual fellowship. They bind themselves to be 

of Eng- 
lish and 

^ Cbron. Petrib. T084. " Her on tiram geare forSfinde Wolfduold abbod 
on Ceortesege on yam dsge El. Mai." 

' Ann. Wint. 1084. "Wlnuodus Abbas CertesisB dimisit^ morte praa- 
ventus, abbatiam Odoni." Does this mean a death-bed nomination in 
Odo's &Your ! 

' His death is recorded by Florenoe, 1087 ; ** Abbas Batboniensis 
Alsius deoessit." Hu name is found in some of the deeds of manumission 
in God. Dipl. vi. 209. 

* Fl. Wig. 1088. "Normanni . . . diligebant enm [Wlstanum] valde.'* 

* It was to this Prelate, who reproved the saint for the meanness of his 
attire, that Wulfstan made the fiunous answer, which to our ears does not 
sound either spedaUy witty or specially reverent, *' Crede mihi, stapius 
oantatur Agnus Dei quam cattus Dei." Yit Wist. Ang. Sac. ii. 359. 
Geoffiney recommended that '* pelles sabelinas vel castorinas vel vulpinas . . 
yel saltem cattos indueret.** Wul&tan, in his lamb-like innocence, clave 
to his lambskins. " Crede mihi," it should be noticed, was the holy man's 
substitute for an oath, ** nam hie mos junmdi episcopo inoleverat^*' says 
William in his other account in Gest. Pont. 283. 

' The lists of the subscribing brethren at Evesham, Chertsey, and Bath 
are added to the list. Most of the names must be English ; all of them 
may be. The possible exceptiims are Godef nth, Begnold, Ulf, Benedict, 
and HsBrlewine. The names for the most part go in pairs, Godefrith and 
Theodred, Begnold and Eadric. 

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obedient to God, Saint Maiy^ and Saint Benedict/ and ohap. xix. 
to their own Bishop,' as well as to be loyal to their world- ^J^^, 
lord King William and to Matilda the Lady.' Among mrat. 
thonselyes the seven monasteries were to be as though 
they were but one monasteiy ; their inmates are to have 
one heart and one soul;^ and they bind themselves to 
certain special acts of devotion and charity.^ The whole 
document breathes that spirit of simple piety, of earnest 
love towards 6od and man, which breathes in most of the 
ancient records of the native English Chnrch. And it 
is not onpleasing to find Prelates of foreign birth so 
readily taking their places alongside of the men of the 
conquered nation with whom they were brought into 
spiritual alliance. 

One chief feature of this memorable primacy wasCoanoiis 
the number of Councils held by the Archbishop yearLanfimo. 
after year,^ Councils which, as has been already said, were 

1 Hist. Mon. Glonc. iii. zTiii. ** Dnt is >iet we willa5 gehyrBume beon 
Code and Sc& Marian and See Banediote." 

* lb. six. ** And nn is >ara abboda cwydnedene ^ait big wiUaff beon 
Gode gebynnune and beora bisceope, to beora gemienelicum >erfi9." How 
does tbis apply to Gbertsey t Or does it mean to tbe Bisbop of tbe 
diocese, whoever be may be! Tbe passage seems to point to a time 
wben monasteries were just beginning to seek exemptions from episcopal 

* lb. "And we willat$ orom worald-blafoide Willehne dninoge and 
Mahtbilde ^nre hlieldian bolde beon, for Gode and for worulde.** 

* lb. " p»t is, we willaO beon on annesse, swylce ealle ^ vii. mynstras 
syn an mynster, and beon swa bit ber beforan awriten is ; quasi cor nnum 
et anima una.*' 

B lb. Besides singing masses, each Abbot was to wash, feed, and shoe 
one hundred poor men ; "And an C. jMsrfendra manna gebalSige, and >a 
fedan, and ealle )« gesoygean." Clothes are not spoken of; but shoes are, 
a point to be noticed. 

* A list of these Councils is given in the Latin Life of Lanfrano at- 
tached to the Winchester (now Canterbury) Chronicle. They were held 
in the years 1071, 1074, 1075, 1076, 1078, io8i, 1086, at diffarent places, 
Winchester, Gloucester, and London. That is to say, they were held at 
the same time as one of the regular Gemots of the year. 

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OHAP. ziz. beginning more and more to assume a purely ecclesiastical 
character, unknown to earlier English usage.^ In earlier 
days ecclesiastical and temporal causes had been heard, 
and ecclesiastical and temporal decrees had been passed, 
in the same assemblies, local and national. The practice 
of separating ecclesiastical and temporal afiairs had even 
been solemnly oondenmed by a formal decree of a national 
QemSt.^ But this state of things was altogether opposed 
to the theories of ecclesiastical propriety which were held 
both by Lanfi-anc and by William. The episcopal laws which 
had been hitherto in force in England were now declared 
. by King William and his Witan to be bad and contrary 
to the sacred canons.^ The Bishops were now forbidden to 
bring any cause which involved questions of Canon Law, 
or questions concerning the cure of souls^ before the 
ancient courts of the shire and the hundred. Hitherto the 
Bishop had presided alongside of the Ealdorman, and the 
men of the shire had given judgement in matters alike eccle- 
siastical and temporal.^ The Bishops were now to hold 
courts of their own, in which alone matters of ecclesiastical 
concern were to be judged^ and in which every man was 
bound to appear when summoned^ no less than in the 
court of the civil magistrate.' Here we have the be- 

* See abore, p. 360. » See voL L p. 405. 

' The writ is given in Selden's Eadmer, p. 167 ; Thorpe's Laws and 
Institutes, i. 495 ^ Stnbbs, Select Charters, Si. The oensnie on Old- 
English Law rons thus; "Soiatis tos omnes et cseteri mei fideles qui 
in AngUA manent, quod episoopalee leges, quae non bene neo Heonndum 
sanctorum canonum pneoepta usque ad mea tempora in regoo Anglo- 
nun fiiecunt, coniinuni concilio, et consilio Archiepisooporum meorum et 
onterorum Episooporum et Abbatom, et omnium principum regni mei, 
emendandas judicaTi." 

* The enacting part of the writ goes on ; " Propterea maado et regi& 
auotoritate prodpio, ut nuUus Episoopus Tel Arohidiaoonus de legibus 
episoopalibus amplius in hundret placita teneant; nee caussam qujs ad 
regimen animarum pertinet ad judicium ssecularium hominum adducant.**< 

* The writ ends, " quioumque secundum episoopales leges, de quacnnque 
caussA vel oulpA interpellatua fuerit, ad locum quern ad hoc Episoopus 

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ginniDg^ of those specially eodesiastioal tribunals which, obap, xix. 
with lessened powers, have survived to our own day. The 
best that can be said for them is that^ in the dark days of 
oppression^ their claim to judge the causes^ not only of 
ordained persons, but of all who bore any ecclesiastical 
character^ and even of the poor, the &therle8S, and the 
widow^ did something to place the most helpless part of 
the population under the rule of a milder jurisprudence 
than that of the courts of the Norman Kings and their 

The ecclesiastical courts were thus one fruit of the policy 
of WUliam and Lanfranc. Another fruit was, not the Dutinotioa 
absolute beginning but the confirmation of the usage astioal and 
occasional in earlier times, of holding a Convocation as ^^^^[ei. 
a distinct body from the Parliament. In one case we are GlonoMter, 
distinctly told that, after the King and his Witan had sat ^^7^*"' 
for five days, the Archbishop and his .clergy sat for three 
days more.^ And it seems that, in this instance at least. Election of 
Bishops were chosen in the purely ecclesiastical assembly, eooie^ti- 
though, as the choice in every case fell on the King's ?jf •"®°»" 
clerks, the King's will could not have been without its in- 
fluence. In several of these Councils one chief matter taken Depodtion 
in hand was the deposition of English Abbots. In the very ^i^,,]^^ 

first of these synods which is recorded, "Wulfric, the newly <>' ^«w 

chosen Abbot of the New Minster, was deposed to make 107 1 or 

room for a successor whose name of Bhiwallon witnesses to '^^^' 

his birth in the lesser Britain. This assembly was held at 

Winchester. In another, held in London five years later,^ 

elegerit et noininaverit> veniat, ibiqne de caussA mA respondeat; et non 
gecnndum hundret, aed eecanduiQ canones et epiBcopalee leges reotum Deo 
et Episoopo suo fiunat." 

* Chron. Petrib. 1085. 

' App. Chron. Wint. " Octavo anno condlinm Londonie oelebravit, in 
qno Ailnodum, Glastingensis ocBnobii Abbatem, deposnit.'* But the dis- 
cord' between Thnrstan and the monks is placed in the Peterborough 
Chronicle under 1083, and William of Malmesbury in his Glastonbuiy 

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CHAP. XIX. ^ihelnoih of OlastonbuTy^ William's Gompanion on his 

^G^^ first voyage to Normandy,^ was set aside for a Norman 

bury. successor. In this choice at least William and Lanfranc 

did not display their usual discretion. The new Abbot, 

Appoint- Thurstan by name, made himself memorable by giving 

Thmtan ^x^CBsion to a local disturbance, a minute account of which 

io8a. hag been thought worthy of a place in the national 

Chronicles. His doings illustrate the worst side^ as the 

League of the Worcester Abbots illustrates the best side^ 

of the strangers who were now set to rule^ over the 

His dis- churches of England. The monks^ we are told, were in 

the mc^. every way well disposed towards him, and prayed him 

'^^' oft that he would deal gently with them, as they were 

loyal and obedient to him.^ But the new Prelate, a monk 

of Lanfiranc's own house at Caen,^ despised the English 

brethren^ and insisted on innovations in the service of the 

Church according to the newest &shion8 of Normandy. 

The monks of Glastonbury were called on to cast aside 

the immemorial Or^^rian chants, and to adopt a new 

way of singing which had been lately devised by one 

William of F^camp.^ One day the monks were gathered 

Histoiy (^o) places the aooession of Thimtan in 1 08 a, without any men- 
tion of the deposition of .^Sthelnoth. It is haidly like the policy of 
Lanfranc to leave the Abbey vacant for five years. 
^ See above, p. 78. 

* Gbron. Petrib. 1083. ^ ^^rest hit com of \>9b abbotes unwisdome, )>«t 
he misbead his mnnecan on feU )nngan, and ^ munecas hit mcndon 
lufelioe to him, and beadon hine ytet he soeolde healdan hi rihtlioe and 
lufian hi, and hi woldon him beon holde and gehyrsume. Ac se abbot 
nolde ])fB8 naht, ac dyde heom yfele and beheot heom wyrs.*' 

* WilL Malm. Ant. Glast. 330. << Tnrstiniis . . . quern Willelmus, 
ex Duce Normannie factus Rex AnglisB, ex monacho Chadomensi Ab- 
batem oonstituit" So Florence, 1083. 

* lb. 331. <* Inter C8Btera etiam Qregorianum cantum aspematus, mo- 
nachos oompellere ooepit ut, illo relicto, ocgusdam WiUelmi Fisoanensis 
cantum discerent et cantarent. Hoc segre aodpientes, quippe qui jam tarn 
in hoc quam in alio ecdesiastico officio secundo [secundum?], Boman» 
eodesisB morem insenuerant, insuper mores ejusdem, tamquam alienigen» 

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together in the chapter-hoose, rather, it would seem, to obaf. zn. 
reeeive their Abbot's orders on this and other matters than 
for any purpose of free debate. The monks were stubborn ; 
the Abbot was fierce and threatening. At last he called 
for his Norman archers, who presently entered the chapter- 
house all harnessed as if for battle.^ What followed cannot The monkB 

killed and 

be so well told as in the words of the Chronicler ; *^ Then wounded 
were the monks sore afeared of them, and wist not what ^^^^ 
to do, and fled hither and thither. And some went into 
the church, and locked the door after them, and they 
went after them into the minster, and would drag them 
out, for that they durst not go out. And a rueful thing 
there happened that day ; ^ for the Frenchmen brake into 
the choir, and shot towards the altar, where the monks were, 
and some of the knights ' went up to the up-floor,^ and 

neo de gremio eooleais cftnonice inttituti, molestinsforritan tolerabant.'* 
Hie Chronicle does not mention thiB particalar grievanoe about the change 
in the manner of singing, but it appears in Florence, whose words are 
partly followed, partly not, in the fuller aooount in the Glastonbury HIs- 
tory. So Orderie, 523. 

^ Chron. Petrib. 1083. '* Anee dsBges se abbot code into capitnlan, and 
BprsBo uppon >a munecaB, and wolde hi mlstukian, and sonde efter lewede 
mannum, and hi oomon into capitulan on uppon >a munecas full gewepnede." 
This stoiy shows that they were archers, but in William of Malmeebury 
(Hist. Glast. 33a) they become " milites et satellites sui phalerati.'* These 
are evidently the same persons of whom William speaks in his very 
rhetorical account in Gteet. Pont. 197, how the Abbot *' terras et pecuniae 
in lecatartim suorum abusus consumpsit." ** Locator "sleeA^r, is plainly 
used as a mere vague tenn of abuse, but it misled the writer of Bromton's 
Chronide (973) into saying that Thurstan *' res ecclesiae Unocinando con- 

Florence's description of Thurstan as himself armed, and as doing much 
of the mischief with his own hands, is doubtless to be taken only in the 
sense that " qui fiunt per alium facit per se.** 

' Chron. Petrib. 1083. " Ac reowUc )>ing )>er gelamp on daog.*' Com- 
pare the words in 1087 about the death of William; "reowlio ]nng he 
dyde, and reowlicor him gelamp." 

* lb. " Sume of >am onihtan.*' Not hmghU in the sense of ehevaUars, 
which, as we see under 1086, would be ** rideras,^' but most likely the younger 
men of the party, as Mr. Thorpe takes it. 

* lb. ** Uppon l^one uppflore," a most speaking description of a great 

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CHAP. zix. shot downwards with arrows towards the halidom,^ so that 

on the rood that stood ahove the altar stuck on many 

arrows. And the wretched monks lay about the altar^ and 

some crept under it^ and cried with yearning to Ood, craving 

his mildness/ for that they could get no mildness from 

men. What may we say, but that they shot sorely, and 

that others brake down the doors there, and went in, and 

slew some of the monks to death, and many wounded 

therein, so that the blood came fix>m the altar upon the 

grees and from the grees upon the floor.^ Three were 

slain to death and eighteen were womided."^ 

Iilnstrft- It is needless to say that scenes of blood and sacrilege 

suteofthelike this formed no part of the schemes of ecclesiastical 

SSd bf ^ reformation designed by "William and Lanfranc. But the 

this Btoiy. story shows how easily, in such a state of things, a man 

of ungoverned temper placed in a position of authority 

Bomanesque triforium. William of Malmeebury has " solaria inter coliun- 
nas erecia," which would weU describe the triibria at Bomsey and Saint 
Frithswyth's, and in the fur older church of Saint Martin at Angers. 

^ Chron. Petrib. 1083. " Toweard >am haligdome ; " the sacrarium or 

' lb. ** Gyme cleopedon to Code, his miltse biddende, ^a >a hi ne mihton 
nane miltse Kt mannum begytan.*' Surely the English tongue was now 
at the ftdl height of its power. 

' lb. ** Swa )wt ^t blod com of )Mun weofode uppon )>am gradan, and 
of >am gradan on )>am flore." For '* gradan" I use the later form ** grees," 
which so oddly survives in the **Oreeian Stairs" at Lincoln. 

* William of Malmesbury (in the Glastonbury History) adds some mar- 
veUous details. One of the monks seized on the great rood as a defence, and 
the blood, which in the Chronicle simply flows from the wounded monks, now 
flows miraculously from the rood itself ("sed providente Deo, sagitta 
imaginem Dominicam in cruoe defixam subtus genua vulnerans, sanguinis 
rivulum ex eadem produxit, qui de altari usque ad giadus de gradibus 
usque ad terram descendens, ultionis divinn terrorem in&ustis viris incutie- 
bat "). The actual sinner of course dies at once, and various degrees of pun- 
ishment light on his comrades. None of these wonders are to be found in 
the Chronicles, or Florence, whom William to some extent copies, nor yet 
in William's own shorter accounts in the Gesta Regum and Gesta Pon- 
tificum. Neither are they in the T^^oheeter Annals, nor in Bromton« 
who follows Florence with some verbal changes, and who had the account 
in the Gesta Pontifioum before him. 

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could give occasion to horrors which he himself perhaps ohaf. xix. 
as little really wished for as his superiors. A foreign 
Prelate, with foreign soldiers at his command, might easily 
be hurried into deeds which could not have happened either 
in the England of Eadward or in the Normandy of William. 
And if such measure was dealt out by churchmen to one 
another, we may guess what deeds were done in many 
a new-built donjon towards men who had not the same 
means as the monks of Glastonbury of handing down their 
wail to posterity. As in most wars and revolutions^ the 
greatest evils of the Norman Conquest were not those 
which were done by the regular authority of the Con- 
queror himself. The cruellest blows were those which 
were dealt by the more violent and base-minded among 
his followers, to whom a state of things for which he 
was responsible had given the power of working deeds 
of evil which even his mighty arm could not always 

The upshot of this story is remarkable, as showing the 
difiTerence between the Conqueror and his immediate suc- 
cessor. William heard the cause between the Abbot of 
Glastonbury and his monks. Neither side was pro- The Abbot 
nounced to be wholly guiltless, but the greater blame ^^ 

was declared to rest with the Abbot. Thurstan wa8|!j5^*>y 

removed from his office, and sent back in disgrace to 

bis cell at Caen. Of the monks, several were sent to 
other monasteries, to be kept under some degree of re- 
straint, the exact nature of which we are left to guess.^ 

^ Wm. Malm. Ant. Glast. 33a (partly following Florence). *<Regi 
demum Wlllelmo prtmo querela super hoc delatA, dum maxima fiiiase 
patuit AbbatiB culpa, ab eodem Bege in Normanniam ad monasterium 
unde yenerat redire oompulauB est inglorius ; de monachis vero quamplures 
per episcopatuB et abbaiias jussu Regis cuttodiendi disperguntur." The 
Winchester Annalist (1083) uses very strong language; "Abbas autem, 
quasi in testimonium innooentiae excusso caputio, quum dignus eeset vel 
igne cremari vel suspendi patibulo, ad olaustri sui oolunmam Oadomi unde 
yenerat, jussu Regis reversus est." 

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He bujB 

his resto- 





Abbot of 


hifl biitoiy. 



Abbot by 

But as soon as the great King was dead^ Thorstan, by 
the help of his kinsfolk, and of the more prevailing 
eloquence of a bribe of five hundred pounds of silver, 
obtained from William Rufus his restoration to the office 
of which he had shown himself so unworthy.^ 

Another great monastic house was also supplied by 
Lanfranc with a ruler in the year of the deposition of 
^thelnoth. Frithric, who held the Abbey of Saint Alban 
at the time when King William came into England, is a 
man whose histoiy has become almost wholly mythical^ 
and the details of his stoiy I shall therefore examine else- 
where.' It is certain that he stiQ held his Abbey at the 
time of the settlement of the dispute between the two 
Archbishops.^ But five years later the Abbey had become 
vacant^ and the way in which it was bestowed is every- 
where spoken of as the Primate's own personal act. The 
great foundation of Ofia was put under the rule of a 
Norman monk from Saint Stephen's, Paul by name^ a near 
kinsman of his patron^ and whom the scandal of the time 

^ Will. Malm. Ant. GlasFt. 332. " Rege tamen moxtno, idem Tontinns, 
auxilio parentum Buonim, abbatiam Olastonis a filio boo Willielmo dicto 
Rufo quingentiB libria ai^genti didtnr redemiaie, et monasterium aliquot 
annis occupans et per ejuadem poaseaBiones pervagatuB, longe ab ipso, ut 
dlgnuB erat, miBere vitam finiyit.'* This is partly copied firam florence^ 
who however says nothing about the ** anxilia parentmn." In the Oeata 
Pontificum (197) William adds the comment^ " ImpudenB et infamis, qui, 
tanti saczilegii conBcins, ansuB sit iterum loco qnem violaYerat intmdi.** 
Notwithstanding all this, in the GlaBtonbniy History he winds up his ac- 
count by speaking of Thuistan's ** fervor rdigionia, nonnulla pietas in Deo, 
multa providentia in bsbcuIo." 

The restoration of Thurstan must have been one of the first acts of 
William Bufus, as his name is added to the (manuscript) grant of the town 
of Bath to Bishop John de YiUuU in 1090. 

There is a letter from Lanfranc to Thuistan (Giles, L 77}. It is short 
and pithy, and chiefly consists of advice to make his peace as &st as he 
can both with God and with the King. 

* See Appendix NN. 

9 *« Ego Fridericus Abbas Sancti Albani oonsensi," occurs among the 
signatures. Will. Malm. iii. S98. 

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affirmed to be his son.^ He ruled as a great and mag- ohap. xiz. 
nifioent Prelate^ reforming the discipline and i^^^^^^^^i^mg ^^^^^ 
the reTennes of his house/ and raising that gig^tic minster bufldingg. 
which, for size at least, if not for beauiy, has remained the i<>77-ioS8- 
wonder of all succeeding ages. The ruins of Boman 
Verulam had long formed a quany for the works of the 
neighbouring Abbey ; ' and it was mainly out of bricks 
taken from that inexhaustible source that Faul^ aided by 
the purse of Lanfranc, reared the vastest and sternest 
temple of his age/ His gifts to his house were bountiful,^ 

^ G«0t Abb. 8. Alb. i. 51. ** Paolus Abbas, natione KeoBter, oonsaii- 
goiiiitate Archiepisoopo LaofrsDoo propinqniu (et, at quidam autumant, 
tmduB), monaohiiB fait Oadomensis eodens. Hio eodenam Beati Albani 
saaoefnt r^gendam, procaraote dicto Archiepisoopo Lanfranoo, qai eomdem 
Faolam filial! dilexit amore." Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 8. ** Qaid referam de 
abbatiA Saocti Albani, qoam intas et extra ad nthilam fere devolatam ipse, 
at Boam, institato ei bonsB memorue Paolo Abbate, a ftmdamentii reedi- 
lioavit, et intos magnA religione^ foris maltaram reram donatione aaxit, 
honestavit, ditavit.** Oervaae, Act. Pont. Cant. 1655. " Eoclesiam etiam 
Saaoti Albani qaam Bex Ine [Ofia]