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H >
;) i
instorp
of
Jf^ortfj Carolina
BY
SAMUEL A'COURT ASHE
in too Volume*
Volume i
FROM 1584 TO 1783
GREENSBORO. N. C :
Charles L. Van Noppen, Publisher
1908
COPYRIGHT, „>)S
BY CHARUCS I,. VAN NOI»PEN
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
115624
DEDICATION
To Thomas Jordan Jarvis:
In taking a retrospect of past events I recall that you and the
lamented William Laurence Saunders and myself were fellow soldiers
in the long war; that we shared in the anxieties of the Reconstruc-
tion period ; that we were together in the important work of 1870-72,
when you, as Speaker of the House, held the most commanding
position among our friends; that from that time onward we were
co-laborers in every effort that promised to promote the welfare
of the people; that we suffered together in disappointments and
enjoyed together many glorious victories; that during the six years
of your useful and brilliant administration we were in constant
co-operation, and in complete sympathy in all matters of public
concern ; and that since then, our cordial friendship has continued
without interruption, save that Saunders has rested from his labors.
Recalling those long years of association, when we were animated
by common hopes and subject to the same anxieties — in remembrance
of that eventful period —
I dedicate this volume to you and to the memory of our departed
friend, it being an early fruitage of his important state publications,
the preparation of which was made possible by your own cordial
concurrence; and I inscribe your names on this page in recognition
of your great services to the people of North Carolina and in token
of my friendship.
S. A. Ashe.
PREFACE
At different times in the past the public were led to hope
that Judge Murphey, Governor Graham or Governor Swain
would prepare a History of North Carolina, but these dis-
tinguished investigators into historical subjects had not the
leisure, or they were deterred by the labor that such a work
would entail. Fortunate would it have been had the litera-
ture of the State been enriched by such a contribution from
any one of those illustrious citizens.
And yet it is to be observed that it is only in more recent
years that the great mass of original documents bearing on
our history has been collected and made accessible to
students. The publication by the State of twenty-six vol-
umes of a thousand pages each of this material has thrown
such light on matters formerly obscure that the story of our
people can now be much more accurately written than ever
before.
It was the fortune of the writer to have been familiar
with these documents before they were made public by the
State, and to have carefully considered those of any par-
ticular import. An investigator into original sources of
North Carolina history for many years, he was naturally the
co-laborer of Colonel Saunders in his great work, and he
was also somewkat concerned in preparing the Prefatory
Notes of the State Records. It is then with some confi-
dence that he offers the result of his protracted labors to the
public.
As this work is based almost exclusively on the State
publications, nearly every statement relating to North Caro-
lina has for its support a contemporaneous document.
Every one owes something to the community of which he
is a member, and the author in performing the self-imposed
task of preparing this History of North Carolina feels that
he is only paying a small part of the natural obligations
resting on him as a citizen of the State. In the execution
of his design he has sought to present the past with unswerv-
ing fidelity. Animated by an ambition to do his work so
vi PREFACE
thoroughly that posterity will value it, he has closely investi-
gated all subjects, and, as far as practicable, has brought
together the circumstances bearing on transactions concern-
ing which there have been differences of opinion.
The history of North Carolina abounds with incidents
that illustrate the high patriotism of our people, their man-
hood, their constancy and their endurance. It has been with
pride that the author has sought to perpetuate the record of
those events and to enforce on posterity the lessons they
inculcate, while preserving the memory of those useful
citizens who have contributed to the public welfare.
The author makes acknowledgment to Dr. Stephen B.
Weeks for valuable suggestions, for his assistance in read-
ing proof and for his indefatigable labor in verifying refer-
ences. It is largely due to his critical acumen, to his
scholarly taste and to his unsparing labor that this volume
will be found so free from defects.
Acknowledgment should also be made to Mr. Charles L.
Van Noppen, the publisher, for his zealous interest. He
has not considered the cost but has been animated by a
patriotic purpose to be instrumental in the production of a
work which he hopes will gratify the people of the State.
The Author.
Raleigh, N. C, June i, 1908.
CONTENTS
THE FIRST EPOCH— 1584-91
RALEIGH'S EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIES
CHAPTER I
Contemporaneous Documents
Extracts from contemporaneous writings relative to the discovery
of Virginia. — Explorations. — Localities. — Attempted settlements at
Roanoke, and the fate of the Lost Colony. — The Croatans.
CHAPTER II
Explorations, 1584
England claims rights in America. — Sir Humphrey Gilbert. —
Walter Raleigh's charter. — The landing of Amadas and Barlow. —
The spot uncertain. — The savages kindly. — Explorations. — Fortunate
return. — The new land named Virginia. — Conditions in America. 22
CHAPTER III
Lanl's Colony, 1585-86
Lane's colony. — Arrival atWokokon. — Secotan visited. — Aquasco-
goc burned by Grcnvillc. — Disembarkation at Hattora^k. — Settle-
ment at Roanoke. — Fort Raleigh. — Explorations. — Manteo friendly.
— Wanchesc hostile — The peril of famine. — Lane penetrates the
Chowanoak ; seizes Skyco : ascends the Moratoc. — Food exhausted. —
The Indian conspiracy. — The ho^tiles gather at Dasamonqucpcuc. —
Lane strikes a blow and secures safet\.— The arrival of Drake. — The
departure of the colonic. — Arrival of Grenville's fleet. — Fifteen
men left to hold possesion 29
viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER IV
White's Colony, 1587-91
Raleigh's embarrassments. — Conveys an interest in Virginia to
Thomas Smith John White, and associates. — The citie of Raleigh in
Virginia. — White's colony departs. — Howe murdered. — White de-
spoils the fields of the hostiles. — Baptism of Manteo. — Birth and
christening of Virginia Dare. — White returns to England. — The
Armada. — White's first attempt to return to Virginia. — Raleigh makes
further conveyance of his interest. — White sails in February, 1591. —
Finds colony removed. — Nface's voyage. — Elizabeth dies. — Raleigh
arrested for treason. — The settlement at Jamestown. — Fate of the
Lost Colony 39
/ SECOND EPOCH— 1629-63
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
CHAPTER V
Charters and Colonial Officers
The charters. — The concessions. — The Lords Proprietors and
their successors. — The Palatines. — The governor, speakers of the
Assembly, and chief justices 50
CHAPTER VI
Beginnings of Permanent Settlement in Albemarle
Conditions in America. — Virginia under the treaty with Parlia-
ment.— Roger Green's explorations. — The king of Roanoke Island.
— Permanent settlement on the Carolina Sound. — The Restoration.
— The Cape Fear explored. — Berkeley receives instructions as to
Carolina. — The name Albemarle. — The Quakers. — The grant of the
Lords Proprietors. — William Drummond, governor of Albemarle. —
The second grant 55
CHAPTER VII
Settlement on the Cape Fear
The settlement on the Cape Fear. — Hilton's explorations. — The
New England Association. — The first settlement. — Sir John Yeamans,
governor. — Conditions at Charlestovvn. — Yeamans sails from Barba-
does. — An Assembly at Cape Fear. — An Indian war. — Dissatisfaction.
— The Cape Fear River abandoned. — A new Charlestown on Ashley
River. — Slavery in the colonies. — The Indian inhabitants. 72
CONTENTS ix
THIRD EPOCH— 1663-1 729
PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT
CHAPTER VIII
Administrations of Drummond and Stephens, 1664-69
The settlement of Albemarle. — Governor Drummond. — The first
Assembly. — Conditions at Albemarle. — The concessions. — Cessation
of tobacco planting. — An Indian war. — Changes in the Proprietors.
— Stephens governor. — The great deed. — Act of Assembly. — The
marriage act 88
CHAPTER IX
Carteret's Administration, 1670-73
The Fundamental Constitutions. — Changes introduced by them. —
The first meeting under the Grand Model. — Carteret governor. —
The Grand Model in practice; The precincts. — The nobility. — The
Palatine's Court. — The Quakers. — First dissatisfaction. — Carteret
sails for England. — John Jenkins deputy-governor. — Visits from
Edmundson and Fox 98
CHAPTER X
Administrations of Jenkins and Millerv 1673-78
The navigation acts. — The Board of Trade. — The people murmur.
— Other causes of dissatisfaction. — An Indian war. — The tobacco
duty resisted. — The administration compromises. — Miller arrested. —
Eastchurch goes to England. — Governor Jenkins deposed. — East-
church appointed governor. — Bacon's rebellion in Virginia. — A gov-
ernment by the people. — Eastchurch deputizes Miller. — Opposition
to the navigation acts. — Durant resolves to revolt. — Miller acts
resolutely. — Durant returns to Albemarle. — The crisis arrives. —
The revolt proceeds 112
CHAPTER XI
Administrations of Harvey, Jenkins, Wilkinson and
Sotiiel, 1679-89
The revolt successful. — A government by the people. — Victory
brings moderation. — Quiet succeeds the storm. — The revolt against
arbitrary power and the navigation acts. — The Proprietors dila-
CONTENTS
tory. — The increase of Albemarle. — The Proprietors acquiesce.
— Seth Sothel sent to govern. — John Harvey governor. — Miller
flees. — Durant dominant. — Biggs retires to Virginia. — The Quakers
appeal to the Proprietors for protection. — Harvey dies; suc-
ceeded by Jenkins. — Culpepper tried, but acquitted. — Shaftesbury
in exile. — Albemarle to observe the law. — Wilkinson governor. —
Sothel arrives. — John Archdale visits Albemarle. — A view of the
situation. — Sothel becomes a tyrant. — He is expelled. . .126
CHAPTER XII
Administrations of Ludwell, Jarvis, Archdale, Harvey
and Walker, 1689-1704
Philip Ludwell, governor of North Carolina. — Gibbs's claim. —
Thomas Jarvis appointed deputy. — Ludwell governor of all Caro-
lina.— His instructions. — Changes in the system. — Conditions in Al-
bemarle.— Proprietors prepare rent roll. — Ludwell gives effect to the
Great Deed. — Thomas Harvey deputy-governor. — John Archdale
governor of Carolina. — The arrival of the Huguenots. — Erection of
Bath County. — The line between Carolina and Virginia in dispute. —
Pirates harbor in all the colonies. — Parliament directs that gov-
ernors should be approved by the king. — Henderson Walker gov-
ernor.— Changes in Albemarle 141
CHAPTER XIII
The Exclusion of the Quakers.
Albemarle at the opening of the new century. — Religious affilia-
tions.— The Quakers. — Nathaniel Johnson governor of Carolina. —
The Church Party in South Carolina. — Major Daniel succeeds Hen-
derson Walker. — The Quakers excluded from office. — The Constitu-
tion ignored. — A new church law. — Daniel removed. — Succeeded by
Cary. — The colony grows. — Virginia disputes the boundary. — John
Porter's voyage to England. — He obtains redress. — New elements
in the controversy. — Porter breaks with Glover. — Two govern-
ments contending. — Both call the Assembly. — Glover departs to Vir-
ginia.— Cary in possession. — The government orderly 154
CHAPTER XIV
The Cary Rebellion
The Patat'nes. — Their sufferings at sea. — They march through
the forest. — Do GrafTenricd's Swiss. — New Bern founded. —
Hyde arrives in Virginia. — Invited to Carolina. -Glover's influence. —
The Quakers excluded. — His authority denied. — The new Assembly.
CONTENTS xi
— Hyde succeeds. — The Cary administration declared a usurpation.
— Partisan legislation. — Hyde embodies men. — Cary prepared. —
Roach aids Cary. — The people divide. — Governor Spot^wood seeks to
mediate. — His agent threatens Cary. — Cary prepares to engage, but
fails. — Hyde's moderation. — Cary and Porter sent to England. . 169
CHAPTER XV
The Tuscarora War
The Indians disquieted. — Lawson's activities. — Law son executed.
— The cause of the Indian war. — The massacre. — Preparations for
defence. — Active war. — Gale's mission successful. — Barnwell acts
vigorously. — War measures. — Barnwell makes a truce. — Barnwell's
Indians return to South Carolina. — Hostilities renewed. — The death
of Hyde. — Pollock's truce with King Blount. — James Moore arrives.
— He takes Fort Nohoroco. — Many Tuscaroras depart for New York.
— Major Maurice Moore arrives. — Effects on the settlers. — Harmony
in the colony. — Governor Eden. — South Carolina imperilled. — Aid
sent. — The Cores renew hostilities 179
CHAPTER XVI
Eden's Administration, 1714-22
The Assembly of 1715. — The Church of England established in
the colony. — Other laws. — The precincts. — Partisan disagreements. —
"Blackbeard" harbors in Pamlico Sound. — Complicity of Knight. —
Moscley and Moore search the records. — Knight exonerated, resigns
and dies. — Moscley punished. — Revolution in South Carolina. — The
dividing line. — Colonel Pollock president. — William Reed succeeds
him. — Edenton. — Carteret Precinct. — A blow at nepotism. . . 196
CHAPTER XVII
Administrations of IVrkincton and Evkrard, 1724-31
Governor Btirrington explores the Cape Fear. — Opposition to him.
— Burrington displaced. — Sir Richard Everard. — Antagonism be-
tween Assembly and governor. — Altercations of Burrington and the
governor. — The ministers. — The settlement of the Cape Fear. — The
Assembly sustains Burrington. — He appeals to the Proprietors. —
Personal controversies. — The dividing line with Virginia. — Purchase
by the Crown. — Carteret retains his share. — Everard breaks with
Gale. — The lords of trade. — The currency act. — The end of the
Proprietary- government.— Conditions in North Carolina. — No public
*chooN. — Few ministers. — The Baptists. — Industries. — Population. —
Social conditions 208
xii CONTENTS
FOURTH EPOCH— 1729-65
NORTH CAROLINA AS A ROYAL PROVINCE
CHAPTER XVIII
Burrington's Second Administration, 1731-34
The Board of Trade. — The seal. — Everard's enemies. — Burrington
appointed governor. — The province during the interim. — Burrington
arrives. — Opposition to the royal instructions. — The first royal
Assembly. — Matters of controversy. — Currency act declared void. —
The quit rents. — Fees of officers. — The Assembly affronted. — The
basis of political action. — Burrington's instructions. — He dispenses
with the Assembly. — Appoints new councillors. — Schoolmasters. —
The general court. — The governor erects new precincts. — His
action disregarded. — New conflicts. — Burrington's arbitrary conduct.
— He is removed. — The second Assembly. — Chief Justice Little
arraigned. — The governor addresses the house. — The third
Assembly. — Burrington attempts to vindicate himself. — He rules
without council or Assembly. — The difficulties of the situation. —
Altered patents. — His opinion of the people. — Controversial docu-
ments.— His progressive action. — Dividing line between the Caro-
linas. — Landgrave Smith's grant. — Questions settled and unsettled. —
The province grows. — Religious conditions. — The last Assembly to
meet Burrington. — No act passed during his administration. . 224
CHAPTER XIX
Johnston's Administration, 1734-52
Governor Johnston arrives. — Burrington's enemies in the ascend-
ant.— Johnston cordially received. — The Assembly and the governor.
— Disagreements. — Wilmington incorporated. — Immigrants. — McCul-
loh's grants. — Swiss, Irish and Scotch. — The South Carolina
dividing line. — Clashing between the governor and the people. — The
new Assembly. — The governor appeals for instructions. — Precincts
converted into counties. — The compromise. — Progress in the colony.
— The chief justice impeached. — He dies. — Edward Moseley chief
justice. — The Spanish War. — Expedition to Cartagena. — The decision
of the Board of Trade. — The quit rents. — Body of laws. — Blank
patents. — The currency. — Governor's salary unpaid. — Matters in dis-
pute settled. — Granville, Johnston, and Duplin counties. — The Scotch
migration. — Anson County. — Granville's territory. — The unarmed re-
bellion.— The two repudiated acts. — The Assembly of 1747. — Northern
counties not represented. — They refuse obedience. — Spanish invasion. -
— Beaufort and Brunswick attacked. — New currency act. — Efforts to
displace Johnston. — Local differences. — First printing press. — Yellow
Jacket. — The Palatines. — 'Wreck of Spanish fleet.— -The contest be-
tween the new and the old counties. — The cessation of courts in
Albemarle. — The end of Johnston's administration. — Two treasurers.
CONTENTS xiii
—Growth at the west.— The Germans and Scotch-Irish. — Orange
County.— Explorations by Spangenberg 247
CHAPTER XX
Dobbs's Administration, 1754-65
Dobbs's visit to Point Lookout. — President Rowan. — County of
Rowan. — Old style abolished. — The French claim. — Christopher Gist.
— The French invasion. — Innes's regiment. — Innes commander-in-
chief. — Decision of vexed questions. — Dobbs appointed governor. —
Instructions to Governor Dobbs. — The constitution reformed. —
Dobbs reaches New Bern. — The growth, of the province.— The Indian
inhabitants. — The Croatans. — The old counties elect their five mem-
bers.— The new Assembly. — Tower Hill. — The French and Indian
War. — The frontier settlements. — Fort Dobbs. — The first news-
paper.— North Carolina troops in the war. — Major Hugh Waddell.
— Fort Duquesne taken. — McCulloh's grant. — Internal matters. —
Dobbs County. — The governor arbitrary. — The king's bounty. —
Causes of difference. — The house outwitted. — The Enfield riots. —
The Assembly protests. — The governor not sustained. — The court law
annulled. — No courts held. — A new Assembly. — The Assembly reso-
lute.— The secret session. — The governor makes terms. — Courts re-
established.— The Cherokee war. — The western counties desolated. —
Fort Dobbs attacked. — Bethabara threatened. — Walnut Cove sur-
rounded.— Conditions more peaceful. — King George III. — Some
differences reconciled. — At the end of the war. — The council declares
its patriotism. — Population. — The Indians. — Abortive efforts for free
schools. — The courts. — Religious conditions. — Republicanism rife. —
British views with reference to America. — The right to tax claimed.
— The Assembly of 1764. — The Weekly Post Boy at Wilmington. —
Tryon appointed to relieve Dobbs.— The public agitated. — The firm
stand of the Assembly. — Claims exclusive privilege of imposing
taxes. — The Assembly concurs with Massachusetts. . . . 280
FIFTH EPOCH— 1765-75
CONTROVERSIES WITH THE MOTHER
COUNTRY
CHAPTER XXI
Tryon's Administration, 1765-71: The Stamp Act
Governor Tryon's administration. — Unrest in Mecklenburg. —
The cause of complaint in Orange. — The Assembly of May, 1765,
— The vestry act. — The stamp act passed. — Desire for inde-
pendence imputed to the colonists. — Popular ferment. — Speaker
Ashe declares the people will resist to blood. — The Assembly pro-
rogued.— Patrick Henry in Virginia. — Barre's speech in Parliament.
xiv CONTENTS
— Sons of Liberty. — An American congress called. — Dr. Houston
stamp-master. — North Carolina not represented. — Famine and dis-
ease in the province. — The people set up looms. — Action at Wilming-
ton.— Liberty not dead. — Dr. Houston resigns. — Governor Tryon
feels the people. — Deprecates independence. — The reply.— Desire for
independence disclaimed. — The act not observed. — Non-importation.
— The people united. — Conditions in England. — British merchants
and manufacturers clamor for repeal. — Pitt. — Camden. — Conditions
in America. — No business transacted. — The West settled. — In Gran-
ville's territory. — Judge Berry commits suicide. — The rising on the
Cape Fear. — The people form an association. — They choose directors.
— Fort Johnston seized. — Tryon's house invaded. — The act annulled.
— Business resumed. — The Assembly prorogued. — The stamps stored.
— The act repealed. — London rejoices. — America grateful. — Mayor
DeRosset's manly sentiments. — Judge Moore suspended. . . . 310
CHAPTER XXII
Tryon's Administration, 1765-71 : The Regulation
Murmurs from the west. — The governor's proclamation. — The
reform movement. — The general polity of the province. — Tryon's
action. — Purpose of the reformers. — Removal of the Tuscaroras. —
The Assembly meets. — November, 1766. — The burden too heavy to
bear. — The address to the king. — The southern treasurer. — No
provincial agent. — The governor's palace. — The seat of government.
— Presbyterian ministers to perform marriage ceremony. — The
Cherokee line. — The Watauga settlement. — The need of currency. —
New legislation. — The speakers to be gowned. — Tryon joins in ask-
ing for currency. — New custom duties proposed. — The Assembly
prorogued. — The Regulators associate. — The meetings. — Oath-bound.
— Hillsboro raided. — Consternation of the officers. — Rev. George
Micklejohn the peacemaker. — The governor advises an appeal to
the Assembly. — Fanning seizes Hu>band. — The people aroused. — A
petition to the Assembly. — Presented to the governor. — His reply.
— He reaches Hillsboro. — Sends Harris to collect taxes. — Harris s
report. — Hillsboro threatened. — Disturbing rumors. — The agreement.
— The voice of Anson. — Trouble in Johnston. — The governor's de-
mands.— The army of 1768. — The Presbyterian ministers support the
governor. — The march to Hill<boro. — The Regulators embody. —
The governor's terms. — The malcontents disperse. — The court held.
— Tryon desires to leave. — Regulators' address. — Resolve of Assem-
bly.— Remedial legislation proposed. — Hillsboro riots. — Riot act. —
Alamance. — The battle. — The trials and executions. . . . 326
CHAPTER XXIII
Social Life at the Opening of the Revolution
In the homes of the people. — Social conditions. — The state
church. — The Protestant dissenters. — The Baptist churches. —
Pioneers of Methodism. — Education and schools. — Taxation. — The
lawyers. — The Quakers and the militia. — Servants and slaves. 377
CONTENTS xv
CHAPTER XXIV
Martin's Administration, 1771-75
Martin's administration. — The Regulator chieftains. — Pardon
asked. — The Assembly meets. — Act of oblivion recommended. — The
line between the Carol inas. — The quarrel with the governor. — The
Assembly dissolved. — Sarah Wilson. — Purchase of Granville's terri-
tory proposed. — Governor Martin proposes reforms. — He confers
with the Regulators. — The province tranquil. — Martin's view of the
commotion. — The house objects to the South Carolina line. — Dis-
agreement of the houses over James Hunter. — Fanning's losses. —
Changes at the west. — The court bill. — The attachment clause. —
The house resolute. — It is dissolved. — Courts by prerogative. —
Quincy's visit. — Martin to become Granville's agent. — Colonial af-
fairs.— Committee of Correspondence. — The act of oblivion again
fails. — The house affronts the governor. — The courts cease. — The
governor seeks conciliation. — Temporary courts of oyer. — The one
shilling tax. — Harvey urges a convention. — Continental affairs. — Tea
destroyed at Boston. — Parliament closes the port of Boston. — The
McDonalds come to the Cape Fear 396
CHAPTER XXV
Martin's Administration, 1771-75 — Continued
Organized resistance. — The Committee of Correspondence. —
William Hooper. — The Wilmington meeting. — The cause of Boston
the cause of all. — Parker Quince. — The first convention. — The
counties organize. — Governor Martin's proclamation. — The conven-
tion held. — The resolution. — Non-importations. — Tea not to be used.
— The revolutionary government. — Committees of Safety. — In-
structions to delegates. — Governor Martin's attitude. — Goes to
New York. — The Continental Congress. — The revolution pro-
presses. — Cornelius Harnett. — The Edenton tea party. — Governor
Martin returns. — The Transylvania colony. — The second convention
called. — Proceedings on the Cape Fear. — John Ashe. — Robert Howe.
— The Regulators disaffected. — The Highlanders — Enrolled Loyal-
ists.— The Assembly and the Convention. — John Harvey presides. —
The American Association signed. — The governor's address. — The
house replies resolutely. — The Assembly dissolved. — The last appear-
ance of Harvey. — North Carolina at court. — Thomas Barker. —
Governor Tryon. — North Carolina favored. — The battle of Lexing-
ton.— Martial spirit aroused. — The governor questioned by Nash.
— He is alarmed. — The negro insurrection. — He seeks refuge at
Fort Johnston 417
CHAPTER XXVI
The Mecklenburg Resolves, May 31, 1775
Tin- Mecklenburg declaration. — Historical statement. — Documents
and observations. — Conditions in May. — Mecklenburg aroused. — The
xvi CONTENTS
great meeting at Charlotte. — Colonel Polk proclaims the resolves. —
Independence declared. — The old government annulled. — The leaders
in Mecklenburg. — The effect elsewhere. — At Salisbury. — At New
Bern. — Bethania. — Reconciliation still desired. — Apprehensions. —
Thomas Jefferson. — The Regulators. — The patriots in the interior. —
The clashing in Anson. — New Hanover acts. — Governor Martin's
plans. — McDonald arrives. — New Hanover impatient. — Fort Johnston
burned. — The Revolution progresses. — Dunn and Boote confined. 437
CHAPTER XXVII
The Provincial Council, 1775-76
The spirit of resistance.— Martin's proclamation. — The Congress.
— The leaders. — The conditions. — The people divided. — Efforts to
gain the Regulators. — Proceedings of Congress. — Franklin's confed-
eration.— Independence not the object. — The first battalions. — The
minute men. — County courts. — The test. — The money of the Revolu-
tion.— To provide necessaries. — Congress adjourns. — Enlistment of
troops. — The safety of Wilmington. — The plan of subjugation. —
Arrival of Highlanders. — Provincial council. — Tories and Whigs. —
The Indians placated. — The Scovellites. — The Snow campaign. —
Howe marches against Dunmore. — Norfolk destroyed. — Armed ves-
sels built. — The ministerial troops. — In England 472
CHAPTER XXVIII
The Provincial Council, 1775-76 — Continued
Martin prepares to act. — He sends commissions.— -The rising. —
The Western patriots. — Caswell marches. — At Wilmington. — At
Cross Creek. — The Tories embody. — Moore at Rockfish. — McDonald
marches. — Moore's Creek. — The battle. — Death of Grady. — The
spoils. — Trouble in Currituck. — The effects of the victory. — In Vir-
ginia.— In North Carolina. — Mary Slocumb's ride. — Reports of
Caswell and Moore 496
SIXTH EPOCH— 1775-83
THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE
CHAPTER XXIX
The Provincial Council, 1775-76 — Continued
The Provincial Congress. — The spirit of independence. — In the
Continental Congress. — At Halifax. — The committee.— The un-
daunted spirit to declare independence. — The delegates instructed.
— North Carolina leads the way. — The captured Tories. — The
CONTENTS xvii
drums and colors. — War measures. — On the water. — The Tories. —
Four new battalions. — For defence of Cape Fear. — Militia drafts. —
Civil affairs. — The members of the congress 513
CHAPTER XXX
The Council of Safety, 1776
Attempt to frame the Constitution. — Fundamental principles. —
The problems involved. — The temporary government. — Congress ad-
journs.— The first invasion. — General Lee. — Clinton's disappointment.
— The fleet arrives. — The ardor of the Whigs. — Clinton offers par-
don.— No hostile movement. — The descent on Brunswick. — The
regiments land. — The Meet sails. — The Council of Safety. — The at-
tack on Fort Moultrie. — North Carolina's gallant troops. — Affairs at
home. — The Continentals 527
CHAPTER XXXI
Independence
Independence declared. — Lee's resolution. — The declaration.- -
The North Carolina deputies. — The declaration proclaimed. — The
address of the council. — Religious teachings in Anson. — James Hun-
ter a patriot. — The Indians hostile. — Rutherford crosses the moun-
tains.— Washington district annexed. — The movement against the
Indians. — Rutherford successful. — The Surry regiment. — Moore's
expedition. — The Tories active. — Salt-making. — The British abandon
Cape Fear. — A winter campaign threatened 540
CHAPTER XXXII
The Constitution of 1776
Making the constitution. — Divergencies. — The conservatives. —
The results of the election. — Johnston burned in effigv. — The con-
gress meets. — The committee moves slowly. — Proceedings in the
convention. — Citizenship established. — The principles of government.
— Sovereignty of the people. — The Orange instructions. — Those of
Mecklenburg. — Hooper urges the Delaware plan. — In the committee
room. — The draught reported. — The bill of rights. — The religious
te^t. — Thoroughlv considered. — The Virginia constitution. — A rep-
resentative republic. — Public schools. — The religious test adopted.
— The instrument conservative. — A new administration installed. 550
CHAPTER XXXITI
Caswell's Administration, t 776-80
Caswell's administration. — Military movements. — Political power.
— The first Assembly. — Tories banished. — Sheppard's regiment. —
Conditions within the State. — The task of the patriots. — Johnston
xviii CONTENTS
dissatisfied. — Loyalists depart. — Arrival of Lafayette. — Trade
through Ocracoke inlet. — The Continental Line join the Grand Army.
— Brandywinc. — Germantown. — Death of Nash. — New battalions. 570
CHAPTER XXXIV
Caswell's Administration, 1776-80 — Continued
The second session of the Assembly. — Articles of confederation. —
Valley Forge. — Supplies from North Carolina. — The North Carolina
line destitute. — Feeling in England. — Treaty with France. — The sec-
ond Assembly. — Dr. Burke in congress. — The battalions consoli-
dated.— Nine months' Continentals. — Defection prevalent. — The
North Carolina brigade. — The judges appeal to the people. — At the
adjourned session. — For the southern campaign. — Importations con-
tinued.— The fall of Savannah. — Militia for the South. — Ashe sur-
prised at Briar Creek. — Boyd's defeat. — Light horse at the North.
— Sumner and Hogun brigadiers. — The hardships of the officers. —
Prices and taxes. — Internal perils. — Movements of troops. — Battle
of Stony Point. — The second Assembly. — Efforts to increase the
Continental force. — Tory movements. — Battle of Stono. — Davie
wounded. — Battle at Savannah. — Hogun ordered South. . . 584
CHAPTER XXXV
Nash's Administration, 1780-81
The confiscation act. — Lillington's brigade. — The fall of Charles-
ton.— The prisoners suffer. — Death of Hogun. — The delayed re-en-
forcements.— Tarlcton's quarters. — Invasion apprehended. — Caswell
major-general. — De Kalb's re-enforcements arrive. — Gates to com-
mand.— Activity of Rutherford. — Ramseur's Mill. — Rutherford pur-
sues Bryan. — Plans of Cornwallis. — De Kalb encamps on Deep
River. — Davie's enterprise. — Gates advances. — Battle of Camden. —
Death of De Kalb. — Gallantry of Gregory and Dixon. — Gates's ride.
— The disaster. — At Charlotte. — Sumter's negligence. — Davie in ad-
vance.— The spirit of the people. — New supplies. — Preparations for
defence. — The Assembly acts. — The Board of War. — Smallwood
supersedes Caswell 607
CHAPTER XXXVI
Nash's Administration, 1780-81 — Continued
Cornwallis moves to Charlotte. — Davie's gallant defence. — The
activity of the Mccklenburgers. — Governor Martin's proclamation. —
Movement on Augusta. — Ferguson marches westward. — The fron-
tiersmen assemble. — Battle of King's Mountain. — Death of Chronicle.
— The victory gives great joy. — Its effects. — Cornwallis retires. — His
gloomy outlook. — Leslie in Virginia. — Moves to Camden. — Gates
moves forward. — Cornwallis's disappointment. — Arrival of Greene. —
His activity. — His forward movement. — The new year. — The Coun-
CONTENTS xix
cil Extraordinary. — Caswell reinstated. — Four new continental bat-
talions.— No party divisions. — During Caswell's administration. —
Nash's administration. — Dr. Burke's zeal to correct abuses. — Sam
Johnston declines the presidency of congress 629
CHAPTER XXXVI I
Nash's Administration, 1780-81 — Continued
The battle of Cowpens. — Cornwallis pursues Morgan. — The death
of Davidson. — Invasion of the State. — Greene crosses the Dan. —
The endurance of the troops. — Cornwallis at Hillsboro. — On the
Cape Fear. — The movements of the armies. — Pyle's massacre. —
Greene at Troublesome Creek. — Battle of Guilford Court House.
— Cornwallis moves east and Greene pursues. — Cornwallis reaches
Wilmington, Greene goes to South Carolina. — Craig occupies Wil-
mington.— Death of Harnett. — Cornwallis's plans. — Cornwallis
marches to Virginia. — The inhabitants distressed. — At Edenton. —
The Whigs rally.— Greene in South Carolina. — Death of Major
Eaton. — Cartel of exchange agreed on. — Atrocities lead to threats
of retaliation. — Gregory defends the Albemarle region. . . . 648
CHAPTER XXXVIII
Burke's Administration, 1781-82
Conditions in North Carolina. — Major Craig at Wilmington. —
The Assembly meets. — Burke governor. — Action of Assembly. —
Governor Burke's zeal. — Fanning embodies the Tories. — Pittsboro
taken. — Conditions in Bladen. — Wade's victory. — Cornwallis's plans.
— South Quay captured. — New continental battalions. — Craig in-
vades the eastern counties. — Lillington forbidden to fight. — New
Bern taken. — Tory atrocities. — Battle of Elizabcthtown. — Governor
Burke's plans. — Fanning defeats Wade. — The governor captured. —
The battle of Cane Creek. — Butler surprised at Brown Marsh. — The
battle of Eutaw Springs. — The gallantry of the North Carolinians. 675
CHAPTER XXXIX
Martin's Administration, 1781-83
Rutherford marches to Wilmington. — Cornwallis surrenders. —
Wilmington evacuated. — Rutherford disbands his army. — Fanning
not suppressed. — The Assembly at Salem. — The Tories active. — Gov-
ernor Martin's action. — The return of Burke. — He assumes the ad-
ministration.— Fanning' s brutality. — Progress of cvcnts.-^Burke
socks a re-election. — Alexander Martin chosen. — New legislation. —
The Moravians. — Depreciation of the currency. — The Continental
Line. — Indian hostilities renewed. — Leslie remains at Charleston. —
The deplorable condition of the army. — Charleston evacuated. — The
number of troops furnished by North Carolina. — The capture of
Lord Montague. — The condition in 1783. — Governor Martin's ad-
dress.— The sovereign State 699
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS, VOL. I
First map of the North Carolina Coast 3
From DeBry's engraving from John White's drawing, now
preserved in the British Museum.
The Lost Colony 43
Redrawn from an original Indian map first published in
Brown's "Genesis of the United States."
A New Map of Carolina, by Philip Lea (1695) 145
From the "Charleston Year Book for 1883/' from an original
in the library of Captain William A. Courtenay.
Lawson's map of North Carolina 169
Reduced and redrawn from the original in Lawson's "New
Voyage to Carolina," London, 1709.
Map showing the Evolution of Settlement and Location of
Races 377
Drawn by Samuel A. Ashe and Stephen B. Weeks.
Theatre of Operations in the Southern Campaign, 1780-83 . . 619
Reprinted by special permission from "General Greene," by
Francis Vinton Greene, copyright 1893, by D. Appleton and
Company.
Map of North Carolina in 1783, showing the Evolution of the
Counties, Revolutionary Battlefields, and Lord Gran-
ville's Line, 1743-76 725
Drawn by Samuel A. Ashe and Stephen B. Weeks.
Captain Samuel A'Court Ashe Frontispiece
From the Williams engraving from a photo published by
Van Noppen in the "Biographical History of North
Carolina."
Sir Walter Raleigh I
From Knight's "Gallery of Portraits" (1836), from engrav-
ing by Posselvvhite after a portrait in the Collection of the
Duchess of Dorset.
Indian Village 27
From DeBry's engraving from White's original painting
now in the British Museum.
Cooking Fish, Indian Method 34
From DeBry's engraving from White's original painting
now in the British Museum.
Great Seal of the Lords Proprietors of Carolina 51
From the copy published by Capt. William A. Courtenay
in the "Charleston Year Book for 1883" from the original
in the British Public Record Office.
xxii MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
Great Seal of the Colony of Albemarle 88
From an original found in the court house in Edenton, now
preserved in the Hall of History in Raleigh.
Philip Ludwell, first governor of North Carolina, 1689 . . . 192
From an original portrait now in the possession of his de-
scendant, Mrs. Bennehan Cameron.
Christopher Gale, Chief Justice 192
From the engraving by E. Witzler from the original.
Book-plate and Autograph of Edward Moseley 192
From the originals in the Weeks Collection of Caroliniana.
Bath Church, Beaufort County, built 1734 192
From a recent photograph.
Title Page of the First Printed Revisal of the North Carolina
Laws 273
From the oldest known copy of the first book printed by the
first printer on the first press in North Carolina; from the
original in the Weeks Collection.
Arthur Dobbs, governor of North Carolina, 1754-65 . . . 284
From a mezzotint in the Weeks Collection by MacArdell,
from the portrait by William Hoare.
Hugh Waddell, officer in the old French War and General in
the Regulation . 284
From an etching by Albert Rosenthal from an original
miniature painted by Gainsborough, now owned by Col.
A. M. Waddell, Wilmington, N. C.
St. Paul's Church, Edenton, built about 1735 284
From a recent photograph.
The Court House, Edenton, built about 1750 284
From a recent photograph.
The North Carolina Gazette, printed by James Davis, New Bern,
October 18, 1759 291
A facsimile reproduction, exact size, of the oldest known
issue of the first newspaper printed in North Carolina ; from
the original in the American Antiquarian Society Library,
Worcester. Mass.
Edmund Fanning, prominent in the Regulation troubles . . 326
From an etching by Albert Rosenthal.
Monument to the Regulators, located on the Battlefield near
Burlington, N. C 326
From a photograph.
North Carolina Currency, 4</., under the act of April 4, 1748 326
From an original in the Hall of History, Raleigh.
North Carolina Currency, $12^, under act of April 2, 1776 . 326
From an original in the Weeks Collection.
Governor's Palace, New Bern; built 1767-70: first occupied June,
1770 33*
From an old print.
William Hooper, signer of the Declaration of Independence . 540
From the engraving by Williams, published by Van Noppcn
in the "Biographical History of North Carolina" after a
copy by Lambdin of the original by Trumbull. The Lamb-
din copy is in Independence Hall.
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS xxiii
Joseph Hewes, signer of the Declaration of Independence . . 540
From the drawing by J. B. Longacre from an original por-
trait published in Sanderson's "Lives of the Signers."
John Penn, signer of the Declaration of Independence . . . 540
From the engraving by H. B. Hall from a drawing in the
collection of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmett, now in New York
Public Library.
Samuel Johnston, president of the Halifax Congress of April,
1776 540
From an original portrait by James Peele, owned by the
State of North Carolina.
Robert Howe, major-general in the Revolutionary War . . 571
From a half-tone in Davis's "History of the Cincinnati in
North Carolina," from a very old and faded picture found in
New York by Mr. Marshall De Lancey Haywood and
marked "Gen. Howe, American."
Maurice Moore, Colonial lawyer, politician and judge . . . 571
From the Rosenthal etching from an original miniature in
the Hall of History.
Abner Nash, Governor, 1780-81 571
From the Rosenthal etching from an original in the Hall
of History.
Alexander Martin, Governor of North Carolina, 1781-85 . . 571
From the Rosenthal etching from a portrait in oil owned by
the estate of the late Colonel James Martin of Winston-
Salem, N. C.
General Joseph Graham, Revolutionary patriot 629
From a copy of an oil painting from life by Sully, the copy
now owned by Hon. A. W. Graham, Oxford, N. C.
Colonel William Polk, Revolutionary patriot 629
From an engraving on steel by William Sartain, published
in Polk's "Leonidas Polk."
Colonel Joseph McDowell, Quaker Meadows, Revolutionary
patriot 629
From an engraving by Hollycr, published in Draper's
"King's Mountain."
Colonel Joseph Winston, Revolutionary patriot 629
From an etching on copper by J. R. Stuart, from an original
etching in gold on glass, published in Draper's "King's
Mountain."
Horatio Gates, American officer defeated at Camden .... 648
From a mezzotint in the Weeks Collection, published by
John Morris, London, 1778.
Charles, First Marquis Cornwallis, victor at Camden .... 648
From the engraving by lloll after the painting by Hoppner
which appears in his "Correspondence," edited by Ross,
London, 1859.
Bana<tre Tarlcton, British ofliccr defeated at Cowpens . . . 648
From an etching by Max Rosenthal from a print by Blackberd
in the Collection of Charles R. Jiildeburn.
Daniel Morgan, victor at Cowpens 648
From the engraving by Prud'homme after Herring's draw-
ing from Trumbull's sketch.
xxiv MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
Natbanael Greene. Major-General in the American army, victor
at Guilford C H 658
From the portrait engraved by Naegle and published in
Caldwell's "Greene," Philadelphia. 1819.
Battlefield of Guilford Court House, March 15, 1781 . . . . 658
From a photograph of the field as it now appears, showing
memorial arch to Davidson and monument to Pcnn in fore-
ground and memorial arch to Nash in background — looking
east toward the American position.
*»nfc
Sir Walter Raleigh
HISTORY OF NORTH CAROLINA
THE FIRST EPOCH— 1584-91
RALEIGH'S EXPLORATIONS AND COLONIES
CHAPTER I
Contemporaneous Documents
Extracts from contemporaneous writings relative to the discovery
of Virginia. — Explorations. — Localities. — Attempted settlements at
Roanoke, and the fate of the Lost Colony. — The Croatans.
[Richard Hakluyt, a lecturer on geography at Oxford, began 1584
about the year 1580 to devote himself particularly to a <tudy of the "*""*
geography of America, collecting all manuscript accounts of voyages
to that unknown country, translating and publishing them. In 1598
he gave to the world his greatest work, "The Principal Navigations,
Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation" (London,
15^8-1600, three volumes). In the third volume of this valuable
collection are found the reports and narratives of those concerned in
Sir Walter Raleigh's explorations and colonies in Virginia. The
author has made such extracts from them as are of particular interest
in connection with this work.]
THE FIRST VOYAGE
Made to the Coasts of America, with Two Barks, Wherein Were
Captains
M. PHILIP AMADAS
and
M. ARTHUR BARLOW,
Who Discovered Part of the Country now Called
VIRGINIA,
Anno 1584.
Written by One of the Said Captains and Sent to Sir Walter
Ralegh. Knight, at Whose Charge and Direction the
Said Voyage Was Set Forth.
2 CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
'584 [This account was written by Barlow, and as it is addressed to
""*"" Sir Walter Raleigh, its preparation was completed after Raleigh was
knighted, which was subsequent to the return of the expedition.]
Extracts
Barlow's
Narrative,
Halcluyt,
HI,30i
See alsoa
Goldsmid's
edition of
Hakluyt,
Early
English
Voyages,
II, 169
it stq.
The 27th day of April in the Year of our Redemption 1584,
we departed from the west coast of England with two barks well
furnished with men and victuals.
The second of July we found shoal water . . . and keeping good
watch and bearing but slack sail, the fourth of the same month
we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent
and firm land, and we sailed along the same a hundred and twenty
English miles before we could find any entrance or river issuing
into the Sea.
The first that appeared to us we entered, though not without
some difficulty, and cast anchor about three harquebus-shot within
the haven's mouth, on the left hand of the same; and after thanks
given to God for our safe arrival thither, we manned our boats
and went to view the land next adjoining and to take possession
of the same, in the right of the Queen's most excellent Majesty, as
rightful Queen and Princess of the same, and after delivered the
same over to your use according to her Majesty's grant and letters
patent under Her Highness' great seal. Which being performed
according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we first landed,
very sandy and low towards the water side, but full of grapes," etc
We passed from the seaside towards the tops of those hills next
adjoining, but being of mean height, and from thence we beheld
the sea on both sides to the North and to the South, finding no end
any of both ways. This land lay stretching itself to the West,
which after we found to be but an island twenty miles long and
not above six miles broad.
We remained by the side of this island two whole days before
we saw any people of the country : the third day we espied one
small boat rowing towards us, having in it three persons. This
boat came to the island side, four harquebus-shot from our ships :
and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the
shore side towards us, and we being then all within board, he walked
up and down the point of the land next to us. . . . They are of
colour yellowish, and their hair black for the most part: and yet
we saw children that had very fine auburn and chestnut coloured
hair.
The next day there came unto us divers boats, and in one of
them the King's brother accompanied by forty or fifty men. . . .
...*•
First Mai
(From th<
tOU«A
VOYAGE OF AM/WAS AND BARLOW 3
His name was Granganimeo, and the King is called Wingina, the ^sJU
country Wingandacoa.
After they had been divers times aboard the ships, myself and
seven more went twenty miles into the river that runs towards
the city Skicoak, which river they call Occam; and the following
evening we came to an island which they call Roanoak, distant
from the harbor by which we entered seven leagues:* and at the
north end thereof, there was a village of nine houses built of
cedar and fortified round about with sharp trees to keep out their
enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turnpike; when we
came towards it, standing near into the water's side, the wife of
Granganimeo, the King's brother, came running to meet us very
cheerfully and friendly. . . .
Beyond this island is the mainland ; and over against this island,
falls into this spacious water, the great river called Occam by the
inhabitants, on which stands a town called Pomeiock, and six days'
journey from the same is situated their greatest city called Skicoak.
Into this river falls another great river, called Cipo. . . . Like-
wise there descendeth into this Occam, another river called Nomo-
pana ; on the same side thereof stands a great town called Choanook,
and the lord of that town and country is called Pooneno. This
Pooncno is not subject to the King of Wingandacoa.
Beyond this country is there another king whom they call Mena-
tonon. Towards the Southwest, four days' journey, is situated a
town called Sequotan. which is the Southernmost town of Wingan-
dacoa, near unto which six and twenty years past there was a
ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, and those
were white people, whom the country people preserved. And after
ten days remaining in an out island, uninhabited, called Wocokon,
with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two
boats of the country together and made masts unto them and
sails of their shirts and departed. . . . Adjoining to this country
aforesaid, called Secotan, begins a country called Pomouik, belonging
to another king whom they called Piamacum; and this king is in
league with the next king adjoining towards the setting of the sun,
and the country Newsiok, situate upon a river called Neus; and
these kings have mortal war with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa.
When we first had sight of this country, some thought the first
land we saw to be the continent, but after we entered into the haven
we saw before us another mighty long sea; for there licth along
the coast a tract of islands, two hundred miles in length, adjoining
to the sea, and between the islands, two or three entrances. When
you entered between them (these islands being very narrow for
♦Twenty-one miles.
CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
"584 the most part, as in most places six miles broad, in some places, less ;
in few, more,) then there appeared another great sea, containing
in breadth in some places forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty
over, before you come unto the continent ; and in this enclosed sea
are above a hundred islands of different bignesses, whereof one is
sixteen miles long. . . .
[After remaining in this new country about six weeks making
discoveries, and establishing friendship with the natives, these ex-
plorers, highly delighted, set sail for England accompanied by two
Indians, Wanchcse and Mantco, and arrived at home about the
middle of September.]
THE VOYAGE
made by
SIR RICHARD GREENVILLE
for
SIR WALTER RALEGH
to
VIRGINIA
in the year 1585
1585*
Granville's
Narrative,
Hakluyt,
HI,307
12 men at
Toatoau
70 days
Extracts
The ninth day of April 1585. we departed from Plymouth, our
fleet consisting of the number of seven sails; the Tiger, the Roe-
buck, etc.
The 23d of June we were in great danger of a wreck on a breach
called the Cape of Fear. The 24th we came to anchor in a harbor;
the 26th we came to anchor at Wocokon. The 29th we weighed
anchor to bring the Tiger into harbor, where through the unskill-
fullness of the master whose name was Fernando, the Admiral
struck on ground and sunk. The 3d day of July we sent word of
our arrival at Wocokon to Wingina at Roanoak.
The 6th, Master John Arundall was sent to the main and Manteo
with him; and Captain Autry and Captain Boniton the same day
were sent to Croatoan, where they found two of our men left there
with thirty others by Captain Raymond twenty days before. The
8th Captain Autry and Captain Boniton returned with two of our
men, found by them, to us at Wocokon.
The nth day, the General accompanied by clivers gentlemen in
G RENVILLE'S VOYAGE
his tilt boat; Master Lane with twenty others in the new pinnace; 1585
Captain Amadas with ten others in a ship-boat, and Francis Brook
and John White in another ship boat, passed over the water from
Wocokon to the mainland, victualled for eight days ; in which voyage
we first discovered the towns Pomeiok, Aquascogok and Secotan;
and also the great lake called by the savages Paquique.
On the 12th, we came to Pomeiok: the 13th we passed by water
to Aquascogok: the 15th wc came to Secotan: the 16th we returned
thence, and one of our boats with the Admiral was sent to Aquas-
cogok to demand a silver cup, which one of the savages had stolen
from us, and not receiving it according to his promise, we burned
and spoiled their corn, all the people being fled.
The 1 8th, we returned from the discovery of Secotan, and the
same day came aboard our fleet riding at Wocokon.
The 21 st, our fleet anchoring at Wocokon, we weighed anchor
for Hatorask.
The 27th, our fleet anchored at Hatorask and there we rested.
The 29th, Granganimeo, brother to Wingina, came aboard the
Admiral and Manteo with him.
The 2d of August the Admiral was sent to Weapomeiok.
The 5th Master Arundell was sent for England.
The 25th our General weighed anchor and set sail for England,
leaving one hundred and seven men under the government of
Master Ralph Lane.
AN ACCOUNT
Of The Particulars Of The Employments Of
THE ENGLISHMEN
Left in Virginia by
RICHARD GRANVILLE,
Under the Charge of
MASTER RALPH LANE,
General of the Same ;
From the 17th of August, 1585, until the 18th of June, 1586,
At Which Time They Departed the Country.
Sent and Directed to
SIR WALTER RALEGH.
CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
*&* First, therefore, touching the peculiarities of the country, you shall
understand that our discovery of the same has been extended from
I5g5< Roanoak (the same having been the place of our settlement or
Lane's^ inhabitation) into the South, into the North, into the Northwest
Hakiuyt, and into the West.
' 3" The uttermost place to the southward of any, Secotan, being
from estimation four score miles distant from Roanoak. The pas-
sage from thence was through a broad sound within the main, the
same being without kenning land and yet full of flats and shoals.
To the Northward our fartherest discovery was to the Chcsipeans,
distant from the "Roanoak about one hundred and thirty miles; the
passage to it was very shallow and most dangerous. . . .
There be sundry Kings whom they call Weroances, and countries
of great fertility, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks and Opossians, which
all came to visit the Colony of the Engli-h, which I had for a time
appointed to be residents there.
To the Northwest, the fartherest place of our discovery, was to
Chawanook. distant from Roanoak of about one hundred and thirty
miles. Our passage thither lay through a broad sound, but all fresh
water ; and the channel of great depth. The towns about the water's
side, situated by the way, are the following: Passaquenoke. "the
woman's town," Chepanoc, Weapomciok, Muscamunge, and Mctack-
wem. all those being under the jurisdiction of the King of Wea-
pomciok, called Okisco. From Muscamunge, we entered into the
river and the jurisdiction of Chowanook ; there the river begins
to straighten until it conies to Chowanook and then groweth to be
as narrow as the Thames between Westminster and Lambeth.
Between Muscamunge and Chowanook, upon the left hand as we
pass thither, is a goodly highland, and there is a town which we
call the blind town, but the Savages call it Ohanoak. It has a
very goodly cornfield belonging to it. It is subject to Chowanook.
Chowanook itself is the greatest province and seignory lying upon
that river, and the very town itself is able to put seven hundred
fighting men into the field, besides the forces of the province itself.
i586 The King of the said province is called Mcnatonon. In March 1586,
amongst other things he told me that going a three days' journey
in a canoe, and then descending to the land, you are within four
days' journey to pass over land Northeast to a certain King's country
whose province lays upon the Sea. . . . Very near (Chowanook)
directly from the West runs a most notable river, and in all these
parts most famous, called the river Moratoc. This river opens
into the broad sound of Weapomciok: and whereas the river
Chowanook. and ail the other sounds and bays, salt and fresh, show
no current in the world in calm weather, but are moved alto-
LANE'S ACCOUNT
gether with the wind, this river of Moratoc has so violent a current
from the West and Southwest, that it made one almost of opinion
that with oars it would scarcely be navigable.
On the 8th day of June came advertisement to me from Captain
Stafford, lying at my Lord Admiral's Island, that he had discovered
a great fleet of three and twenty sails, but whether they were
friends or foes, he could not yet discern. He advised me to stand
upon as good guard as I could. The 9th of the same month he
himself came unto me, having that night before and that same
day travelled by land twenty miles. He brought me a letter from
the General. Sir Francis Drake. The tenth day he arrived in the
road of our bad harbor ; and coming there to anchor on the eleventh
day, I came to him.
1586
[The above account was written by Lane. On the 19th of June,
1586, the whole colony embarked in the fleet of Sir Francis Drake
and arrived in Portsmouth on the 27th of July. Among the col-
onists was Thomas Hariot, who wrote and published an extended
account of the natural productions of Virginia, and of the nature
and manners of the people inhabiting there. Philip Amadas was
deputy governor and admiral of the country. Thomas Cavendish
was also one of the colonists. Extracts from Drake's narrative
fo low.]
Drake's narrative, 1586
The 9th of June, upon sight of one special great fire (which are f g6
very ordinary all along this Coast even from the Cape of Florida Drake's
hither) the General sent his skiff to the shore where they found H*wk*,v '
some of our English countrymen, (that had been sent thither the J}"rth°f
year before by Sir Walter Raleigh) and brought one aboard, by Carolina, I,
whose direction we proceeded along to the place which they make 3Q
their port. But some of our shipps being of great draught, unable
to enter, we anchored all without the harbor in a wild road at Sea,
about two miles from the shore. From whence the General wrote
letters to Master Ralph Lane, being Governor of those English in
Virginia and then at his fort, about six leagues from the road,
in an island which they call Roanoak : wherein especially he showed
how ready he was to supply his necessities and wants which he
understood of. by those he had first talked withall.
The morrow after, Master Lane himself and some of his Com-
pany coming unto him, with the consent of his Captains, he gave
tlum the choice of two offers, that is to say: either he would leave
a ^hip, pinnace and certain boats, with sufficient masters and
mariners, together furnished with a month's victual, to stay and make
8 CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
«5«o further discovery of ilie country and coasts, and so much victual
likewise that might be sufficient for the bringing of them all (being
one hundred and three persons) into England, if they thought good
after such time, with any other thing they would desire, or that
he might be able to spare; or else, if they had made sufficient
discovery already, and did desire to return unto England, he would
give them passage. But they, as it seemed, being desirous to stay,
accepted very thankfully and with great gladness, that which was
offered first. Whereupon the ship being appointed and received into
charge by some of their own company sent into her by Master Lane,
before they had received from the rest of the fleet the provision
appointed them, there arose a great storm (which they said was
extraordinary and very strange) that lasted three days together,
and put all our fleet in great danger to be driven from their anchor-
ing upon the coast. For we broke many cables and lost many
anchors: and some of our ileet which had lost all (of which num-
ber was the ship appointed for Master Lane and his Company) was
driven to put to Sea in great danger, in avoiding the coast and
could never see us again until we met in England. Many also of our
small p:nnaces and boats were lost in this storm. Notwithstanding
all this, the Gencrall offered them (with consent of his Captains)
another ship, with some provisions, although not such a one for
their turns as might have been spared before, this being unable
to be brought into their harbor.
Or else, if they would, to give them passage into England,
although he knew he should perform it with greater difficulty than
he might have done before.
[A few days after their departure Sir Richard Grcnville with his
relief ships arrived, but finding the colony gone, left fifteen men in
the fort to hold possession.]
THE FOURTH VOYAGE
Made to
VIRGINIA,
With Three Ships. In The Year
1587.
Wherein was Transported the Second Colony.
WHITE'S NARRATIVE
Extracts from White's narrative 1587
[This is an account of the arrival in Virginia of the Lost Colony.]
In the year of Our Lord 1587, Sir Walter Raleigh, intending to 1587, t
persevere in the planting of his country of Virginia, prepared a new Narrative,
Colony of one hundred and fifty men to be sent thither, under the JJakiuyt,
charge of John White, whom he appointed Governor, and also
appointed under him twelve Assistants, unto whom he gave a charter,
and incorporated them by the name of Governor and Assistants of
the "Citie of Raleigh in Virginia."
Our fleet being in number three sails, namely, the Admiral (the
Lion), a ship of one hundred and twenty tons, a fly-boat, and a
pinnace, departed the six and twentieth of April from Portsmouth.
The eighth of May, we weighed anchor at Plymouth and departed
for Virginia. The sixteenth, Simon Ferdinando, Master of our
Admiral, lewdly forsook our fly-boat, leaving her distressed in the
bay of Portugal. . . . About the sixteenth of July we fell in with
the main of Virginia, which Simon Ferdinando took to be the Island
of Croatoan, where we came to anchor, and rode there two or three
days; but finding himself to be deceived, he weighed and
bare along the coast, where in the night, had not Captain Stafford*
been more careful in looking out than our Simon Ferdinando, we
had been all cast away upon the breach, called the Cape of Fear;
for we were come within two cables length upon it; such was the
carelessness and ignorance of our Master. The two and twentieth
of July we arrived safe at Hatorask, where our ship and pinnace
anchored ; the Governor went aboard the pinnace, accompanied with
forty of his best men, intending to pass up to Roanoke forthwith,
hoping there to find those fifteen Englishmen, whom Richard Green-
ville had left there the year before, with whom he meant to have
some conference concerning the state of the country and savages,
meaning after he had done so to return again to the fleet, and pass
along the coast to the bay of Chesepiok, where we intended to
make our seat and fort, according to the charge given us, among
other directions in writing, under the hand of Sir Walter Raleigh ;
but as soon as we were put with our pinnace from the ship, a
gentleman by the means of Ferdinando, who was appointed to return
for England, called to the sailors in the pinnace, charging them not
to bring any of the planters back again, but to leave them in the
island, except the Governor and two or three others as he approved ;
«aying that the Summer was far spent, wherefore he would land
all the planters in no other place. Unto this were all the sailors
*In the pinnace.
10
CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
1587
Manteo
christened
Aug. 13,
1587
Virginia
Dare, born
August
18, 1587
both in the pinnace and ship persuaded by the Master, wherefore
it booted not the Governor to contend with them, but passed to
Roanoke, and the same night at sunset went aland on the island,
in the place where our fifteen men were left, but we found none
of them nor any sign that they had been there, saving only we found
the bones of one of those fifteen, which the savages had slain long
before. . . . The same day order was given that every man should
be employed for the repairing of those houses which we found
standing, and also to make other new cottages for such as should
need.
The 25th, our fly-boat and the rest of our planters arrived all safe
at Hatorask. to the great joy and comfort of the whole company.
. . . The eighth and twentieth George Howe, one of our twelve
Assistants, was slain by divers savages, which were come over to
Roanoak, either of purpose to espy our company, and what number
we were, or else to hunt deer, whereof were many in the island. . . .
On the thirtieth of July, Master Stafford and twenty of our men
passed by water to the Island of Croatoan with Manteo, who had
his mother and many of his kindred dwelling in that island, of whom
we hoped to understand some news of our fifteen men, but especially
to learn the disposition of the people of the country towards us, and
to renew our old friendship with them. . . . We also understood of
the men of Croatoan that our man, Master Howe, was slain by the
remnant of Wingina's men, dwelling then at Dasamonquepeuc, with
whom Wanchese kept company ; and also we understood by them
of Croatoan, how that the fifteen Englishmen left at Roanoak the
year before, by Sir Richard Greenville, were suddenly set upon by
thirty of the men of Secota, Aquoscogoc, and Dasamonquepeuc. . . .
The 13th of August, our savage Manteo, by the commandment of
Sir Walter Raleigh, was christened in Roanoak. and called Lord
thereof and of Dasamonquepeuc, in reward of his faithful service.
The 18th [of August] Eleanor, daughter to the Governor, and
wife to Ananias Dare, one of the Assistants, was delivered of a
daughter in Roanoak, and the same was christened there the Sunday
following, and because this child was the first Christian born in
Virginia, she was named Virginia. By this time our ships ha(t
unladened the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take
in wood and fresh water, and to new caulk and trim them for
England ; the planters also prepared their letters and tokens to send
back into England. ... At this time some controversies arose
between the Governor and Assistants about choosing two out of the
twelve Assistants, which should go back as factors of the company
into England ; the next day, the 22d of August, the whole company,
both of the Assistants and planters, came to the Governor, and with
WHITE'S NARRATIVE
ii
one voice requested him to return himself into England for the '587
better and sooner of obtaining supplies and other necessaries for
them; but he refused it, and alledged many sufficient causes why
he would not. . . . Also he alledged, that seeing they intended to T
remove fifty miles further up into the main presently, he being then fifty miles
absent, his stuff and goods might be both spoiled, and most of them iHterior
pilfered away in the carriage. . . .
[Eventually White was persuaded to return to England. On *7AunM
the seventh and twentieth of August the admiral and the fly-boat *s87
weighed anchor and set sail for England, where they arrived in
November. The pinnace remained in the sound.]
The names of all the men, women and children which safely
arrived in Virginia and remained to inhabit there 1587.
John White
John Bright
Hugh Patten son
White's
Narrative
Roger Bailey
William Dutton
Martin Sutton
Ananias Dare
Maurice Allen
John Farre
Chrystopher Cooper
William Waters
John Bridger
Thomas Stevens
Richard Arthur
Griffin Jones
John Sampson
John Chapman
Richard Shabedge
Clement Taylor
William Clement
James Lasie
William Sole
Robert Little
John Cheven
John Cotsmur
Hugh Tayler
Thomas Hewet
Humphrey Newton
Hugh Wildye
William Berde
Thomas Col man
Lewes Wotton
Henry Brown
Thomas Gramme
Michael Bishop
Richard Tompkins
Thomas Butler
Henry Rufoote
Charles Florrie
Edward Powell
Henry Dorrell
Henry Payne
John Btirdon
Henry Mylton
William Nichols
Names of
James Hinde
Thomas Harris
John Borden
colonists
Thomas Ellis
Thomas Phevens
Michael Myllet
William Browne
Mark Bennett
Thomas Smith
Dionys. Harvie
John Gibbes
Richard Kemme
Roger Pratt
John Stillman
Thomas Harris
George Howe
Robert Wilkinson
Richard Taverner
Simon Fernando
John Tydway
John Earnest
Nicholas Johnson
Ambrose Viccars
Henry Johnson
Thomas Warner
Edmund English
John Starte
Anthony Cage
Thomas Topan
Richard Darige
John Jones
Henry Berry
William Lucas
William Willes
Richard Berry
Arnold Archand
John Brooke
John Spendlove
John Wright
Cuthbert White
John Hemington
Thomas Scott
12
CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
'587 John Wyles
George Martyn
Peter Little
Bryan Wyles
Women
Eleanor Dare
Margery Harvie
Agnes Wood
Winifred Powell
Joyce Archard
Jane Jones
Elizabeth Glane
Jane Pierce
Audry Tappan
Alice Chapman
Emma Merimoth
Col man
Margaret Lawrence
Joan Warren
Jane Mannering
Rose Payne
Elizabeth Viccars
Boys and Children
John Sampson
Robert Ellis
Ambrose Viccars
Robert Archard
Thomas Humphrey
Thomas Smart
George Howe
John Pratt
William Wythers
Children born in Vir-
ginia
Virginia Dare
Harvie
Savages that were in
England, and re-
turned home to
Virginia with them
Manteo Towaye
[Although this list purports to embrace the names of those who
remained in Virginia, yet John White and Simon Ferdinando re-
turned to England, and George Howe was murdered before White's
departure. Neither physician nor minister is mentioned as such,
yet doubtless this colony was accompanied by a minister, as Manteo
and Virginia Dare were "christened."]
THE FIFTH VOYAGE
of
M. JOHN WHITE
into the
WEST INDIES
and parts of America called
VIRGINIA
in the Year 1591
[This narrative was communicated to Hakluyt in February, 150J1
and printed by him in 1598.]
On the 20th of March, the three ships, Hopewell, the John
Evangelist and the Little John put to Sea from Plymouth with two
small shallops. . . .
The third of August, we stood again in for the shore, and at
midday we took the height of the same. The height of that place
WHITE'S VOYAGE OF 1591 13
we found to be 34 degrees of latitude. Towards night we were '»»
within three leagues of the low sandy islands of Wokokon.
On Monday, the 9th of August, the storm ceased and we had
very great likelihood of fair weather. Therefore we stood in again
for the shore, and came to anchor at eleven fathoms in 35 degrees
of latitude, within a mile of the shore, when we went on land on Aug., 1591.
the narrow sandy island, being one of the islands west of Wokokon. JJ~£ive
Between the main, as we supposed, and that island, it was but a Hakluyt,'
mile over, and three or four feet deep in most places. On the * 3S°
12th in the morning we departed from thence, and towards night
we came to anchor at the Northeast end of the island of Croatoan,
by reason of a breach which we perceived to be out two or three
leagues into the Sea: here we rode all that night. This breach
is in 3554* degrees and it lays at the very Northeast point of Croa-
toan where goes a part out of the main Sea into the inner waters,
which part the island from the main land.
The 15th of August, towards evening we came to an anchor at
Hattorask in z&/z degrees, in five fathoms of water, three leagues^
from the shore. At our first coming to anchor on this shore we
saw a great smoke rise in the Isle Roanoak, near the place where
I left our Colony in the year 1587, which smoke put me in good hopes
that some of the Colony were there expecting my return out of
England.
The 16th and next morning, our two boats went ashore and
Captain Cooke and Captain Spicer and their Company with me, with
intent to pass to the place at Roanoak, where our countrymen
were left. . . . But before we were half way between our ship
and the shore, we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of
Kindrick's Mounts : we therefore thought good to go to that second
smoke first. But that which grieved me more, was that when we
came to that smoke, we found no man, nor sign that any had been
there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drink.
Being thus wearied with this journey, we returned to the harbor
where we left our boats, who in our absence had brought their
casks ashore for fresh water. So we deferred our journey to Roa-
noak till next morning, and caused some of those Sailors to dig in
the sand hills for fresh water, whereof we found very sufficient.
That night we returned aboard with our boats and our whole
Company in safety. The next morning it was 10 o'clock aforenoon
before we put from our ships, which were then come to an anchor
within two miles of the shore. The Admiral's boat first passed
the breach but not without some danger of sinking. For at this
♦Really about 350. tNine miles.
14 CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
l*9* time the wind blew at Northeast and direct into the harbor so
great a gale that the Sea broke extremely on the bar and the tide
went very forcibly at the entrance. Captain Spicer came to the
entrance of the breach with his mast standing up and was half
passed over, but by the rash and indiscreet steerage of Ralph Skinner,
his master's mate, a very dangerous sea broke into their boat and
overset them quite. There were eleven in all ; seven of the chiefest
were drowned ; among them, Captain Spicer and Ralph Skirmer. . . .
Our boats and all things filled again, we put off from Hattorask,
being the number of nineteen persons in both boats. But before we
could get to the place where our planters were left, it was so
exceedingly dark that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile,
where we espied towards the North end of the island, the light of
a great fire through the woods, to the which we presently rowed.
When we came right over against it, we let fall our grapnel near
the shore, and sounded with a trumpet a call, and afterwards many
familiar English tunes of songs, and called to them friendly; but we
had no answer. We therefore landed at daybreak, and coming to the
fire, we found the grass and sundry rotten trees burning about the
place. From thence, we went through the woods to that part of the
island directly over against Dasamonquepeuc ; and from thence we
returned by the water side, round about the North point of the island
until we came to the place where I left our Colony in the year 1586.
In all this way, we saw in the sand the print of the Savages' feet
of two or three sorts trodden in the night ; and as we entered
upon the sandy banks, upon a tree, in the very brow thereof, were
letters curiously carved these fair Roman letters, "C. R. O." which letters
"C. R. o." presently we knew to signify the place where I should find the
planters seated, according to a secret token agreed upon between
them and me at my last departure from them; which was that in
any way they should not fail to write or carve on a tree or posts
of the doors the name of the place where they should be seated;
for at my coming away, they were prepared to remove from Roanoak
fifty miles into the main.
Therefore at my departure from them in Anno 1587, I willed them
that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places,
that then they should carve over the letters or name a -\- in this form.
But we found no such sign of distress. And having well considered
of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry
houses ; but we found the houses taken down and the place very
strongly enclosed, with a high palisade of great trees, with curtains
and flankers very fort-like; and one of the chief trees or posts at
the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off and five feet
"Croatoan" £rom ^ groun<j jn fajr capital letters was graven "Croatoan,"
WHITE'S VOYAGE OF 1591 15
without any cross or sign of distress. This done, we entered into w
the palisade, wrhere we found many bars of iron, two pigs of iron;
four iron fowlers; iron locker shot, and such like heavy things,
thrown here and there, almost overgrown with grass and weeds.
From thence, we went along the water side, towards the point of
the Creek, to see if we could find any of their boats or pinnaces,
but we could perceive no sign of them nor any of the last falcon9
or small ordnance which were left with them at my departure
from them.
At our return from the Creek, some of our sailors meeting us,
told us that they had found where divers chests had been hidden,
and long sithence digged up again and broken up, and much of
the goods spoiled and scattered about, but nothing left of such
things as the Savages knew any use of undefaced. Presently
Captain Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the end of
our old trench made two years past by Captain Amadas — where we
found five chests that had been carefully hidden of the planters,
and of the same chests three were my own: and about the place
many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books torn from
the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and maps rotten and
spoiled with rain, and my armour almost eaten through with rust
This could be no other than the deed of the Savages, our enemies
at Desamonquepeuc, who had watched the departure of our men
to Croatoan, and as soon as they were departed, digged by every
place where they suspected anything to be buried, but although it
much grieved me to see such sport of my goods, yet on the other
side, I greatly joyed that I had surely found a certain token of
their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was
born and the Savages of the island our friends.
When we had seen so much of this place as we could, we returned
to our boats, and departed from the shore towards our ships with
as much speed as we could, for the weather began to be overcast
and very likely that a foul and stormy night would ensue. There-
fore, the same evening, with much danger and labor, we got our-
selves aboard. . . .
The next morning it was agreed by the Captain and myself with
the master and others, to weigh anchor and go for the place at
Croatoan where our planters were, for that then the wind was
good for that plan, and also to leave that cask with fresh water on
shore on the island until our return. So then they brought the
cable to the capstan, but when the anchor was almost apeak the
cable broke, by means whereof we lost another anchor, wherewith
we drove so fast unto the shore that we were forced to let fall a
third anchor, which came so fast home that the ship was almost
i6 CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
1609 aground by Kenrick's Mounts; so that we were forced to let slip
the cable end for end. And if it had not chanced that we had
fallen into a channel of deeper water close by the shore than we
accounted of, we could never have gone clear of the point that
lies to the Southward of Kenrick's Mounts.
Colonist* It was therefore determined that all should go for St. John or
abandoned somc other jsian(j to tne Southward for fresh water. And it was
further proposed that if we could any ways supply our wants of
victuals and other necessaries either at Hispaniola, St. John or
Trinidad, that then we should continue in the Indies all winter
following, with hope to make two rich voyages of one, and at our
return, to visit our Countrymen at Virginia.
The Captain and the whole Company in the Admiral (with my
earnest petitions) thereunto agreed, so it rested only to know what
the master of the Moonlight, our consort, would do therein. But
when we demanded them if they would accompany us in that new
determination, they alledged that their weak and leaky ship was
not able to continue it, wherefore the same night we parted, leaving
the Moonlight to go directly to England, and the Admiral set his
course for Trinidad, which course we kept for two days.
[Later they changed their course and went after the Spaniards,
and after many adventures finally reached Plymouth October 24th.]
References to the colony, 1591-1709
Letter of Sir Whereas as I wrote unto yow in my last that I was goun to
Wall.er. Weymouth to speak with a pinnes of mine arrived from Virginia,
Sir Robert I found this bearer, Captayne Gilbert, ther also, who went on the
Cecl1 same voyage. But myne fell 40 leaugs to the west of it, and this
bearer as much to the east; so as neither of them spake with the
peopell. But I do sende both the barks away agayne, having saved
the charg in sarsephraze woode; but this bearer bringing sume
2200 waight to Hampton, his adventurers have taken away their
Aug.ai,x6oa parts and brought it to London. I do therefore humblie pray yow
Life of1*' t0 ^ea^ w^tne mv Lord Admirale for a letter to make seasure of
Raleigh, all that which is come to London, either by his Lordship's octoretye
or by the Judge : because I have a patent that all shipps and goods
are confiscate that shall trade their without my leve. And whereas
Sassaphraze was worth tos., 12s. and 20s. per pound before Gilbert
returned, his cloying of the market, will overthrow all myne and
his own also. He is contented to have all stayde: not only for
this present ; but being to go agayne. others will also go and destroy
the trade, which otherwise would yield 8 or 10 for one, in certainty
and a return in XX weeks. . . .
II, 231
STRACHEY'S TRAVAILE INTO VIRGINIA
17
I bcseich yow, favor our right : and vow shall see what a prety,
honorabell and sauf trade wee will make.
Yours ever to serve yow,
W. Ralegh.
[William Strachey was secretary of the colony of Virginia, and
his "Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia" was apparently
written after the colony had been seated at Jamestown six years —
in 1613.]
1613
Strachcy'i
Travaile
Into
Virginia, 85
Strachey. 26
The men, women and children of the first plantation at Roanoke l6l.
were by practize and commandment of Powhatan (he him- w»l»lan>
self persuaded thereunto by his priests) miserably slaughtered, with-
out any offense given him, either by the first planted (who twenty
and od years had peaceably lyved intermyxed with those Savages
and were out of his territory) or by those who nowe are come to
inhabit some parte of his desarte lands.
Southward they [Newport's exploring party] went to some parts
of Chowanook and the Mangoangs, to search there those left by
Sir Walter Raleigh, which parts — to the towne of Chesepeak — hath
formerly been discovered by Mr. Harriott and Sir Ralph Lane.
The high land is in all likelihoodes, a pleasant tract, and the
mould fruitful, especially what may lye to the Southward, where
at Peccarecamek and Ochanahoen by the relation of Machumps,* the
people have houses built with stone walls, and one story above
another, so taught them by the English who escaped the slaughter at
Roanoke, at which time this our Colony, under the conduct of
Captain Newport, landed within the Chesepeake Bay, where the
people breed up tame turkeys about their houses, and take apes
in the mountains, and where at Ritanoc the Weroance Eyanoco
pcrserved seven of the English alive, four men, and two boys and
one younge mayde (who escaped and fled up the river of Choanook)
to beat his copper, etc.
[Powhatan] seems to command south and north from the Mango-
angs and Chowanoaks, bordering upon Roanoke and the old Vir-
ginia, a town pallisadode standing at the north end of the bay.
He doth often send unto us to temporize with us. awaiting per-
haps a fit opportunity (inflamed by his furious and bloody priests)
to offer us a taste of the same cup which he made our poor country-
men drink of at Roanoke.
[In "The True and Sincere Declaration" made by the governor »6°9-
and councillors of the Jamestown settlement in December, 1609 — and Sincere
they speak of having] intelligence of some of our nation planted Declarat,on
by Sir Walter Raleigh, yet alive, within fifty miles of our fort, who
•An Indian of Powhatan's tribe who had been to England.
Strachey, 48
i8
CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
1608
Brown's
Genesis,
I* 349
can open the womb and bowels of this country; as is testified by
two of our Colony sent out to seek them, who (though denied by
the savages speech with them) found Crosses and Letters, the Char-
acters and assured Testimonies of Christians, newly cut in the barks
of trees.
[The discovery of these characters recently cut in the barks of
trees at that time locates some of Raleigh's colony within fifty miles
of Jamestown in 1608. The narrative continues:]
What he knew of the Dominions, he spared not to acquaint me
with, as of certain men cloathed at a place called Ochanahonan,
cloathed like me.
[And again:] We had agreed with the King of Paspehegh to con-
duct two of our men to a place called Panawicke, beyond Roanoke
where he reported many men to be apparelled. We landed him at
Warraskoyack, where playing the villain and deluding us for rewarde,
returned within three or four days after, without going further.
Smith's
True
Relation.
Brown's
Genesis,
1,184
February,
1608
December,
1608
[Smith sent from Warraskoyack, Master Scitlemore and two
guides to seek for the Lost Colony of Sir Walter Raleigh.
Alexander Brown has found and embodied in his work a rude
drawing sent by Francis Nelson from Virginia in 1608 to illustrate
Smith's "True Relation," and the same year sent to Spain from
London.
On this map, on the Chowan, or on the Nottoway, falling into
the Chowan River. Ochanahonan is placed : and on the Tar, or upper
Pamlico River, "Pakrakanick" is located : and near it is a legend :
"Here rcmayneth 4 men clothed that came from Roanoak to
Ochanahonan." Between the Chowan and the Moratoc (Roanoke
River) on this map is a legend: "Here the King of Paspehegh
reported our men to be, and wants to go." And that region is
marked "Pananiock."
On the map, the point Warraskoyack, from which Master Scitle-
more and two guides started, and where Smith landed "the King
of Paspehegh to conduct two of our men to a place called Pana-
wicke, beyond Roanoke," is on a stream that probably is intended
to represent Nansemond River.
This map was drawn on the relation of some Indian. The In-
dians of the James River had no connection with those farther
south. Powhatan's jurisdiction did not extend over the Chowan-
ists or the Mongoaks. The Indian who gave the information on
which the drawing was based probably had but little familiarity with
the localities, knowing about the rivers but nothing of the coast.
He knew that the first river was the Chowan and its tributaries; that
the next was the Moratoc, and that farther on there was a third —
the Tar. He probably knew nothing of the sounds. He placed the
chief town of the Chowan Indians on the northeast side of the
Chowan River, and Ochanahonan on the other side. It seems to the
author of this work that Ochanahonan is probably the town called by
Lane Ohanoak. On DeBry's map this town is placed above the town
of Chowanoak, but in Lane's narrative it is located below that town.
LAW SON'S SUGGESTIONS 19
The Indian account places Pananiock, where White's colony set- *&*
tied, between the Moratoc and the Chowan rivers, but as the Indian ~*~
was probably not acquainted with the waters of the sound, and only
knew that the Moratoc discharged itself some distance below the
Chowan, he inaccurately indicates that both emptied into the ocean.
In that he was mistaken ; but he probably was correct in locating
the settlement north of the Moratoc River. It was between the
mouth of the Moratoc and the Chowan that Lane observed the
"goodly highlands," and that location being substantially "fifty miles
in the interior" from Roanoke Island, it is there we would expect to
find the place of permanent settlement. And it is there that the
Indian relation places it.
After the massacre, "four men and two boys and one young
mayde" escaped and fled up the river of Chowanoak, and were
preserved by the Weroance at Ritanoe. This flight could have been
readily made from a point north of the Moratoc River. It is also
stated that four men came to Ochanahonan. If there were still other
fugitives than those preserved at Ritanoe. their journey through
the woods would also indicate that Pananiock was on the north of
the Moratoc.]
Lawson's suggestions
The first discovery and settlement of this country was by the HUtoryof
procurement of Sir Walter Raleigh, in conjunction with some public North Caro
spirited gentlemen of that age, under the protection of Queen
Elizabeth; for which reason it was then named Virginia, which
begun on that part called Roanoke Island, where the ruins of a
fort are to be seen at this day as well as some old English coins
which have been lately found, and a brass gun. a powder horn and
one small quarter-deck gun made of iron staves, which method
of making guns might very probably be made use of in those days
for the convenience of infant colonies.
A further confirmation of this we have from the Hatteras Indians
who either then lived on Roanoke Island or much frequented it.
These tell us that several of their ancestors were white people and
could talk in a book as we do: the truth of which is confirmed by
gray eyes being found frequently amongst these Indians and no
others.
They value themselves extremely for their affinity to the English
and are ready to do them all friendly offices. It is probable that this
settlement miscarried for want of timely supplies from England,
or through the treachery of the natives: for we may reasonably
suppose that the English were forced to cohabit with them for relief
and conversation : and that in process of time, they conformed
themselves to the manners of their Indian relations ; and thus we
see how apt human nature is to degenerate.
1709
20 CONTEMPORANEOUS DOCUMENTS
1585
~*~ The Hatteras Indians
[The Hatteras Indians in 1585 were not under the same govern-
ment as the savages on the mainland. They were a different tribe;
and they were so few in numbers and so poor that when Lane was
making a counterplot against Pemisapan and pretended that he was
going to make a journey to Croatoan, he asked to be furnished
with men to hunt for him while there, and with four days' pro-
l7og visions to last during his stay. No subsistence could be gotten
from the Croatoans. A century later, in Lawson's time, that tribe
had but sixteen fighting men, and even if all of these had a strain of
English blood in them, their white ancestors might have been but
a very small fraction of the English colonists. The tribe was still
further reduced during the Indian War of 1711-15, when it
adhered to the English. It lingered about its old home, suffering
the fate of other small tribes, gradually becoming extinct. In 1763
some of the Hatteras and Mattamuskeet Indians were still living on
the coast of Hyde, where a reservation had been set apart for them.
Because names borne by some of the colonists have been found
JLR',VI' among a mixed race in Robeson County, now called Croatans, an
inference has been drawn that there was some connection between
them. It is highly improbable that English names would have been
preserved among a tribe of savages beyond the second generation,
there being no communication except with other savages. If Eng-
lish names had existed among the Hatteras Indians in Lawson's
time, he probably would have mentioned it as additional evidence
corroborating his suggestion deduced from some of them having
The gray eyes, and from their valuing themselves on their affinity to the
English. It is also to be observed that nowhere among the Indians
were found houses or tilled lands or other evidences of improve-
ment on the customs and manners of the aborigines. When this
mixed race was first observed by the early settlers of the upper
Cape Fear, about 1735, it is said that they spoke English, cultivated
land, lived in substantial houses, and otherwise practised the arts
of civilized life, being in these respects different from any Indian
tribe. In 1754 they were described as being on "Drowning Creek,
on the head of Little Peedee, fifty families, a mixed crew, a lawless
people, possessed the lands without patent or paying quit rents;
t(J»"%M " shot a surveyor for coming to view vacant lands, being enclosed in
great swamps." From that time to the present these people have
remained in their settlement on Drowning Creek. It is worthy of
remark that in 1754 they were not considered Indians, for the
military officers of Bladen County particularly reported that there
were no Indians in that county. Whatever may have been their
origin and the origin of their English names, neither their names
Croatans
C. RM V,
REFERENCES TO LOST COLONY 21
nor their English manners and customs could have been perpetuated 1585
from the time of the Lost Colony without exciting some remark ~*~
on the part of explorers, or historians. Apparently that com-
munity came into being at a later date. Yet it is to be observed
that many persons believe them to be the descendants of the Lost
Colony; and the Legislature has officially designated them as
*'Croatans," and has treated them as Indians.*]
♦The subject of the connection of these Croatans with the colonists
has been ably discussed by Mr. Hamilton McMillan and by Dr.
Stephen B. Weeks, who maintain that view with much plausibility.
CHAPTER II
Explorations, 1584
England claims rights in America. — Sir Humphrey Gilbert. —
Walter Raleigh's charter. — The landing of Amadas and Barlow. —
The spot uncertain. — The savages kindly. — Explorations. — Fortu-
nate return. — The new land named Virginia. — Conditions in America.
England claims rights in America
i486
Six years before the discovery of America the Portu-
guese, the most adventurous sailors of that age, had already
explored the coast of Africa and had turned the Cape of
Good Hope in their search for a route to the Indies. The
fortunate issue of the expedition undertaken by Columbus
under the patronage of Ferdinand and Isabella gave to Spain
a claim to the New World and opened a door for a serious
clashing of interest between those two faithful supporters of
the Catholic religion ; and to settle their differences and to
establish their respective rights of dominion, Pope Alex-
Bieifan<Ur* ander VI in 1493 issued a papal bull dividing the undiscov-
ered regions of the earth between them. Drawing an
arbitrary line on the map of the world running a hundred
leagues west of the Azore Islands, he apportioned to Portugal
all to the east of it and, depriving Spain of any interest in
Africa, allotted to that country the whole of the New World
"west and south of Spain." And by a treaty, the next year,
this line was fixed three hundred and seventy leagues west
of the Cape Verde Islands.
England, however, did not recognize that arbitration as
binding upon her and claimed the Atlantic coast of America,
Cabot by virtue of the discoveries of the Cabots, who, in 1497, had
coasted along it from Labrador to Florida. From that time
onward there were occasional movements made by English
navigators for exploration, trade, and even colonization, that,
however, had no practical result. Although among the
great fleet of vessels that were employed in the Newfound-
GILBERTS PATENT 23
land fisheries there were generally to be found fifty or more ^Jj
bearing the English flag, it was not until Elizabeth's time
that an attempt was made at English colonization. During
her reign England made a marvellous advance in wealth, in
manufactures and in population ; and a spirit of enterprise
was manifested by her merchants no less than among those
bold soldiers and seamen who sought fame and fortune in
battling against the Catholic Spaniards on land, and despoil-
ing their richly laden vessels on the sea.
One of the most notable of the enterprising heroes who
made her reign illustrious was Sir Humphrey Gilbert, whose Gilbert
great capacity and services had been rewarded by his ap-
pointment as lord lieutenant of Ireland.
But he had other claims to royal favor. Her lustful father
having beheaded her mother, and having cast her off in
infancy as illegitimate, Elizabeth, the queen, while having
slight regard for her father's kin, stood loyally to her
mother's. In her girlhood days she had fallen to the care
of Mrs. Catherine Ashley, a connection on her mother's side,
to whom she declared that she owed more for kindness and
preservation than she could have done to her own mother.
And this woman, for whom the queen cherished such warm
gratitude, was the aunt of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. So be-
yond his undoubted ability and merit there was an influence
favorable to him at court. In June, 1578, Sir Humphrey ,S78
sought and obtained from the queen a patent to explore and
settle any part of the New World not already occupied by a
Christian prince, and to possess it for himself and his heirs,
with power and dominion over the same — a right royal
grant to any subject of the realm. He associated with him-
self in this enterprise his younger half brother, Walter
Raleigh, and in June. 1583, sailed from England with five 1583
vessels and landed in Newfoundland. Raleigh, however,
did not accompany him, but wrote to him just previous to
his departure expressing the queen's great interest in the
enterprise. "I have sent you," he wrote, "a token from her
Majesty, an ancor guided by a lady, as you see ; and farther,
her Highness willed me to sende you worde that she wished
you as great good-hap and safety to your ship, as if herself
were ther in parson, desiring you to have care of your sealf,
24 EXPLORATIONS, 1584
l&* as that which she tendereth ; and therefore for her sake, you
must provide for it accordingly. Farther, she commandeth
that you leve your picture with me."
Surely Gilbert stood well with the woman his aunt had
reared, she "desiring him to have care of himself, as of
that which she tendereth." But Elizabeth's fears were
prophecies. That barren, frozen, inhospitable shore was not
favorable for colonization, and the vessel that bore the in-
trepid navigator, overwhelmed in a fearful tempest, went
down at sea, and the brave Sir Humphrey perished.
Raleigh But even that great misfortune did not dismay the enter-
prising spirit of Raleigh. As a young man, a volunteer
soldier of fortune, he had fought in the ranks of Protestan-
tism against the French and Spanish legions of intolerant
Catholicism. For some years he had served in the Irish
War, where he had displayed heroism and bravery, and had
also led his band and had put to the sword six hundred
Spanish and Italian troops, after surrender, in Smerwick
Bay; a bloody butchery. Appearing at court as bearer of
despatches, his pronounced yiews as to the thoroughness
with which a war of extermination should be waged ac-
corded so well with Elizabeth's own policy that she called
him her "Oracle." A month later the command of a band
of footmen in Ireland becafne vacant, and the queen, in
Lffeof18' April, 1582, issued her command to the general-in-chief :
Raleigh "But chiefly that Our Pleasure is to have Our servant,
Walter Rawley, trained sometime longer in that Our realm
for his better experience in martial affairs, and for the
especial care that We have to do him good, in respect of his
kindred, that has served Us, some of them (as you know)
near about Our person, these are to require you that the
leading of the said band may be committed to the said
Rawley; and for that he is for some considerations by Us
excused to stay here, Our pleasure is that the said band be,
in the meantime, until he repair into that Our realm, de-
livered to some such as he shall depute to be his Lieutenant
there." That was the year before Sir Humphrey lost his
life, Raleigh being kept at court under the eye of the queen,
"for the especial care she had to do him good." But inter-
ested in this matter of colonization, he did not let it slumber.
EXPEDITION OF AMADAS AND BARLOW 25
The disastrous ending of his brother's attempt did not deter jsjj
him. Although the queen made no such princely grant to
any other than Kate Ashley's kin, Raleigh speedily obtained
a new patent for himself; and at great expense he fitted out
at London two barks to transport, as his guests, a goodly
number of merchants, nobles and notable sailors, to discover
an eligible location for a colony in the warmer latitudes
bordering on Florida.* Having sailed from the Thames,
his vessels took their final departure from the west coast
of England on April 27, 1584, and sought the shores of
America by the southern route. Reaching the Canaries by
May 10th, a month later they arrived at the West Indies,
where they lingered a few days, and then entered the Gulf
Stream on their northward course. On July 2d they found
shoal water off Cape Fear; and then shortening sail, the
captains, Amadas and Barlow, proceeded cautiously until,
July 4th,f they arrived upon the coast.J Watching for a JJj
harbor and an entrance, they coasted along one hundred My 4*1384,
and twenty miles before they discovered one, but finally
north of Cape Hatteras they discerned a breach and came
to anchor at its mouth. With grateful hearts, the company
assembled and piously returned solemn thanks for their safe
arrival ; and then they eagerly manned their boats and made
their landing on the south side of the inlet. This first land-
ing place of the English on the coast of Virginia was ap-
parently at the mouth of Trinity Harbor, as depicted on
the maps of the explorers, about twenty miles north of
Roanoke Island, and well within what has since been known
a^ Currituck Sound. It was forty miles north of Hattorask
Inlet, which afterward became the roadstead of the colonists.
♦Jean Ribault had published in London his account of "Terra
Florida" in May, 1563. and on the dispersal of his colony later,
the survivors having put to sea in a small boat were picked up by
an English vessel and brought to England. (Brown's "Genesis.")
fBy the reckoning then in use the longest day in the year fell
on Julv 3d. This arrival on the coast was one day after the longest
day of the year.
JJohn Vcrazzani. a Florentine, sixty vears before having sailed
from Madeira, on January 17, 1524. "through the assistance of
Heaven and the goodness of his ship, discovered a new land never
before seen by any man. either ancient or modern." The point he
reached was this immediate locality where Raleigh's captains first
saw the land.
26 EXPLORATIONS, 1584
**?* On reaching the solid ground, amid great rejoicing and with
ceremonial pomp, according to the custom of the times, they
took possession of the land in right of their sovereign, the
Queen of England, and formally delivered it over to the use
of Walter Raleigh.
The ceremony of taking possession Amadas and Barlow
deemed of such high importance that they made a record of
the particular gentlemen and men of account who were
present as witnesses of it, so that no question might be made
of their queen's rightful title to the country. Being now
in possession, and having the English flag waving over the
soil of this new dominion, they proceeded to look about
them and view the land. With wonder they noted the
abundance of grapes that grew even on the sands of the
beach, where the surge of the sea overflowed them; and in
all places else ; on the hills and in the plains, on every little
shrub and climbing even up the branches of the high cedars.
Then with hurried footsteps they passed from the seaside
to the tops of the adjacent hills, and with amazement beheld
the broad sea stretching away on both sides as far as the
eye could reach. They found later that where they were
was an island some six miles wide and about twenty long,
a part of the sand banks that separated the sound from the
sea. "After we had entered into the haven," wrote Barlow
in his narrative of the exploration, "we saw before us
another mighty long sea; for there lies along the coast a
tract of island two hundred miles in length ; and between
these islands two or three entrances; these islands being
very narrow, for the most part only six miles broad; then
entering, there appeared another great sea, in breadth in
some places forty and fifty miles and in some twenty miles
before you come to the continent; and in this enclosed sea
near a hundred islands, whereof one is sixteen miles long.''
As yet all was solitude. The face of nature was unbroken
by the hand of man. For two days they saw no evidences of
human life; but on the third day after their arrival they
discovered a boat in the sound containing three savages,
who cautiously approached and held communication with
them. These being favorably received, and delighted with
the little presents given them, the next day forty or fifty
An Indian Village
(From the John White Drawings)
BARLOW'S REPORT, 1584
others visited the ships and exchanged commodities. It may ^sju
be observed in passing that the aborigines of America were
not generally called Indians by English writers until about
the year 1600; at that time they were spoken of only as
savages. But although so called, the natives were found to
be gentle in their disposition and not unfriendly, and them-
selves copper-colored, their admiration was unbounded at
the white skins of the strangers, their apparel and their great
ships, while the thunder and lightning from their muskets
filled them with awe.
A few days later Barlow proceeded in his boat to Roa-
noke Island, the distance being seven leagues, or about
twenty miles, and visited Granganimeo, brother to the King
Wingina, who lived with his wife in great state on that
island. The country was called by the natives Wingandacoa ;
and on the mainland were Secotan, Newsiok, and other
territories. For six weeks the explorers remained, making
excursions in all directions. July and August are delight-
ful months in those landlocked sounds, and all were charmed
by the natural advantages of that region as a place for
settlement. The beautiful flowers, the magnificent forests,
the noble watercourses, the abundance of game, the new and
valuable plants, possessing medicinal properties, all com-
bined to make this summer land appear to be a glorious
home for the proposed colony. And it must be remembered
that the company on board the ships had been especially
selected as men of experience for the purpose of ascertain-
ing a desirable location for the English settlement.
At length, taking specimens of the natural products, the
prized sassafras and the fragrant tobacco, and accompanied
by two young Indian men, Manteo and Wanchese, Amadas
and Barlow spread their sail and turned their prows home-
ward, reaching England safely- about the middle of Septem-
ber. The happy return of the explorers caused much en-
thusiasm in England. Manteo and Wanchese excited wide-
spread interest among all classes, while the accounts given
by Amadas and Barlow and their companions of the new
land they had found led many to look with longing eyes
toward such an alluring country. Elizabeth, pleased at being
mistress of so fair a realm, and gratified at Raleigh's success,
28 EXPLORATIONS, 1584
ljf* conferred knighthood on him as a mark of her favor, and
at his solicitation named his possessions in America Virginia,
as a memorial of herself, who had remained through life a
virgin queen, and Parliament manifested its applause and
its hope of important commercial benefits by confirming and
ratifying the queen's patent with all of its high powers and
exclusive privileges.
Conditions in America
Many years before, the Spaniards had explored and
claimed Florida; and when, in 1564, a French settlement
had been made on the river May by some Huguenots under
CoUmUi 6 Ribault, at Fort Carolina, the Catholic Spaniards asserted
dominion and put them to the sword. In Canada, at the far
north, the French had made explorations and claimed the
possession, but between Florida and Canada the wilderness
was unbroken ; and when Amadas and Barlow landed on
the sandy shore near Cape Hatteras and raised there the
meteor flag of England and took possession of the country
for the English-speaking race, it was the first step in a series
of events of the utmost consequence to mankind. The limits
of Virginia were the undefined bounds of Canada at the
north, and of Florida at the south ; the Atlantic on the one
hand and the South Sea on the other ; and that vast expanse,
so long a solitude, was in the course of time to become the
home of the greatest of all the nations of the earth.
Fortunate, indeed, was it for America and for humanity
that this first lodgment on our stormy coast was by a race
devoted to the Protestant faith, ardently attached to freedom
and personal liberty, and trained to the usages and customs
of the realm of England. Different certainly the world's
history would have been had Raleigh not blazed the way
in English colonization, and had the dominion of the Span-
iards under the papal bull of Alexander been permanently
established throughout the Atlantic slope of America.
CHAPTER III
Lane's Colony, 1585-86'
Lane's colony. — Arrival at Wokokon. — Secotan visited. — Aquasco-
goc burned by Grenville. — Disembarkation at Hattorask. — Settle-
ment at Roanoke. — Fort Raleigh. — Explorations. — Manteo friendly. —
Wanchese hostile. — The peril of famine. — Lane penetrates the
Chowanoak ; seizes Skyco ; ascends the Moratoc. — Food exhausted. —
The Indian conspiracy. — The hostiles gather at Dasamonquepeuc. —
Lane strikes a blow and secures safety. — The arrival of Drake. — The
departure of the colonists. — Arrival of Grenville's fleet. — Fifteen
men left to hold possession.
The first colony
Hastening to lay the foundations of a regal domain and 1585
with an eager anticipation of rich returns from his com-
mercial dealings, Sir Walter now prepared a second expe-
dition, which was to transport a hundred colonists for settle-
ment in Virginia. Provisions were collected for a year's
subsistence, by which time a new supply was to be furnished.
The colonists were to be under the authority of Ralph Lane,
as governor, who was chosen for this important post because
he had already given the world assurance of his bravery,
capacity, and resourcefulness. Among the enterprising men
of that day he ranked high for energy, courage and versatile
powers. Barlow, who, years before, had served with
Raleigh in Flanders, was again to be with the party, and was
to remain in Virginia as admiral ; while Cavendish, after-
ward famous as a bold and skilful navigator, Thomas
Hariot, highly distinguished as a mathematician and scien-
tist, and John White, whose maps and admirable sketches,
made in Virginia, are still extant, and who was deeply inter-
ested in the work of colonization, were likewise members of
the company. At length, the preparations being completed,
a fleet of seven vessels, all small, however, and capable of
entering the inlets of the Virginia sounds, under the com-
mand of Sir Richard Grenville, a kinsman of Sir Walter
Raleigh, and famous for his skill and bravery, set sail from
Plymouth on April 9, 1585. After various adventures that
30 LANE'S COLONY, 1585-86
lJg2 caused delay, the fleet passed the Cape Fear on June 23d,
and two days later came to anchor at Wokokon, now known
The arrival, as Ocracoke, southwest of Cape Hatteras. One of the
vessels, under Captain Raymond, had, however, preceded the
others, and having reached the vicinity twenty days earlier,
had disembarked thirty-two men at Croatoan, a part of the
sandbanks nearer the cape, that island also being called the
"Admiral's Island, " and Cape Hatteras itself was known as
Cape Amadas.
Exploration on the mainland
Some ten days were spent in examining the vicinity, and
then, on July nth, a considerable party embarked in four
large boats, and taking provisions for eight days, passed
over to the mainland, bordering on Pamlico Sound. They
visited the Indian town of Pomeiok, and the great lake,
Paquipe, and the town of Aquascogoc, and then Secotan,
and explored the rivers of that region. During the expedi-
tion an Indian at Aquascogoc stole a silver cup from Sir
Richard Grenville, and not restoring it, according to prom-
ise, Sir Richard went back from Secotan to that town for the
purpose of regaining it; but the Indians had fled. So Sir
Richard, to punish the theft, burned and spoiled their corn,
which set those savages at enmity with the English.
Having gained some familiarity with those southern parts,
the admiral weighed anchor, and turning the cape, reached
Hattorask Inlet, having previously advised King Wingina
at Roanoke Island of their coming. The colonists were ac-
companied by Manteo and Wanchese. The former had been
strengthened in his friendship for the English, but the latter,
whether because of apprehensions of their great power,
which he had beheld in England, or because he belonged to
that tribe on the Pamlico whose corn Sir Richard had de-
stroyed, displayed an unfriendly disposition toward them,
bndi Arriving at Hattorask, the settlers disembarked on
Aug. i7;i58S August 17th, and landed on Roanoke Island. Who now can
enter fully into the feelings of those first adventurers, who
in that summer time made their lodgment in the New
World! The unknown country, the placid waters of the
great sound, the delightful atmosphere and brilliant sunshine,
LANE SETTLES ON ROANOKE ISLAND 31
and their difficult intercourse with the untutored savages %&s
who 'gathered around them — with their strange color, man-
ners, and customs — and themselves so far removed from
their distant homes — must have been constant subjects of
reflection, mingling pleasure and apprehension, gratifying
their spirit of adventure, and fostering hopes of personal
reward, but ever startling them with the extreme novelty
of their situation. A week after the landing Grenville took
his departure, leaving the colonists established on Roanoke
Island.
Fort Raleigh on Roanoke Island
Lane at once began the erection of dwelling houses at a
convenient point on the northern end of the island, and con-
structed a fort there, which he called Fort Raleigh; and
from there excursions were made in every direction to get a
better acquaintance with the country and its products. To
the southward they went eighty miles to Secotan, that lay
near the mouth of the Neuse ; to the north they reached the
Chesipeans, some fifteen miles inland from the head of
Currituck Sound, and temporarily a small number of the
English established themselves in that region. From those
Indians, as well as from information derived from those
on the Chowan, Lane learned that there was a larger and
better harbor not far distant to the northward. On the Lane
west they penetrated to Chowanoak, a large Indian town cxplorc*
on the Chowan River, and in that region they found an
Indian sovereign, or Weroance, who ruled about eight hun-
dred warriors, having subject to him eighteen towns. These
towns, however, never consisted of more than thirty houses,
and generally of only ten or twelve. The houses were made
with small poles fastened at the top, the sides being covered
with bark, and usually about twenty feet long, although some
were forty and fifty feet, and were divided into separate
rooms.
In these explorations the colonists ascended the various
rivers emptying into the sound, and became familiar with the
adjacent country. Hariot devoted himself to the study of
the natural history of the region and wrote a valuable ac-
count of the animals, the vegetables, the plants, and the trees
32
LANE'S COLONY, 1585-86
1586
The spring
of 1586
Lane's
expedition
up the
Mora toe
found there, and White made many sketches that are still
preserved in the British Museum.
Famine threatens the colonists
Among the savages, Ensinore, the old father of Wingina
and Granganimeo, and Manteo were friendly with the white
strangers ; but the other chieftains were not favorable to them,
although their bearing was not openly hostile. Granganimeo
unfortunately died shortly after the arrival of the colonists,
and upon that event Wingina, the king, according to some
usage, took the name of Pemisapan, and as time passed he be-
gan to intrigue against the English, in which he was joined
by Wanchese, Terraquine, Osacan, and other head men of the
Indians. Relying on an additional supply of provisions by
Easter, the colonists had been improvident, and by spring
had exhausted their stock, and the planting time of vege-
tables and corn had hardly come when they found them-
selves without food. Their reliance now, temporarily at
least, was on the corn of the Indians, and that was difficult to
obtain. Their situation had become one of peril, especially
as the Indians were reluctant to supply them. Pemisapan,
understanding their difficulties, and at heart their enemy,
now warily devised a plan for their destruction. He instilled
into the Chowanists and into the Mangoaks, a strong and
warlike tribe inhabiting the region on the Moratoc, or Roa-
noke River, that the English were their enemies; and then
he informed Lane that the Mangoaks had much corn and
that there were rich mines of gold and copper and other
minerals in their country, and that they possessed stores
of pearls and precious stones. This appealed strongly to
Lane's cupidity, and he eventually determined to visit them,
and applied to Pemisapan for guides, and three Indians
besides Manteo were assigned to accompany him. So in
March Lane set out on his expedition, taking the pinnace and
two smaller boats, with some fifty or sixty men. He visited
all the towns on the water's edge, and was especially pleased
with some high land seen before reaching Chowanoak, sub-
ject to that king. wrhere there was a goodly cornfield and a
town called Ohanoak. Arriving at Chowanoak, he found a
considerable assemblage there, the King Menatonon and his
LANE EXPLORES ROANOKE RIVER 33
people being under apprehension that the English were Jjjf
enemies to them. Although Lane as a precautionary
measure seized the person of the king and his young son,
Skyco, he, nevertheless, was able to disarm their fears, and
during a sojourn of two days with them obtained consider-
able information concerning the Mongoaks and their coun-
try, and also learned that by ascending the Chowan two days
in a boat he would be within a four days' journey, by land,
of a king's country that lay upon the sea. Obtaining some
corn from Menatonon, and keeping Skyco as a hostage for
further kindness, he sent the young Indian prince in the
pinnace to the fort, and with the remaining boats and forty
men pushed on up the Moratoc. His progress was slow,
and he observed the difference between the strong current
of that river and the sluggish waters of the great estuaries
of the broad sound of Weapomeiok, as the country north
of Albemarle Sound was then called.
The Mongoaks proved hostile, and when he had ascended
the river two days, having progressed about thirty miles,
they made an attack that was, however, easily repulsed.
Then penetrating into the country, Lane found that the JfnxJ>lo^atio,l
savages withdrew before him, removing all their corn and •urvalion
leaving nothing on which his men could subsist. His pro-
visions being nearly out, he left it to the men to determine
whether they should return or proceed; but they had two
large mastiffs with them, and the men, declaring that the
dogs prepared with sassafras would be good for two days'
food, would not then abandon the expedition ; and so they
pushed on farther, but without any favorable result. At
length, in danger of starvation, and their strength failing,
they turned clown stream, and in one day reached an island
at the month of the river.
Their provisions now were entirely exhausted ; but here,
because of a heavy wind raising great billows in the sound,
they were constrained to remain the whole of the next day.
It was Easter eve: and Lane says they truly kept the fast.
But Easter morn brought them new hope, and the storm
ceasing, they entered the sound, and by four o'clock reached
the Indian town of Chepanum (apparently on Durant's
Neck, between Little and Perquimans rivers), which they
34 LANE'S COLONY, 1585-86
lJ*i found deserted ; but fortunately there were fish in the weirs
that furnished timely food ; "for some of our company of the
light-horsemen were far spent," those sailors who managed
the canoes or light boats since called gigs being facetiously
designated as "light-horsemen."
The next morning, refreshed and strengthened, they re-
sumed their journey and returned to Roanoke in safety.
The Indians become hostile
In their absence, Pemisapan had stirred up the neighbor-
ing Indians to enmity against the remaining colonists, and
hoping that his devices for the destruction of Lane's party
had succeeded, he sought to strengthen the resolution of his
followers by declaring that Lane and his party had either
died of starvation or had been cut off by the Mongoaks.
Ensinore, who had urged more friendly counsels, had un-
fortunately died toward the end of March, and there was
now no influence to counteract Pemisapan's hostility; and
urged by him, the Indians would no longer render any assist-
ance in the way of obtaining either fish or other food, and
the situation of the colony was becoming extremely critical.
The protracted absence of Lane's party added to their de-
spondency, while it gave color to the report of their destruc-
„ . tion. Such was the deplorable condition on the island when
Pemisapan l . f .
piott Lane s reappearance, contrary to the prophecies of his
enemies, together with the accounts given by the Indians
who had accompanied him of the ease with which he had
overcome those Mongoaks who had fought him, caused a
reaction in favor of the whites, and the Indians once more
began to set weirs for them and aided them in planting corn,
the planting season having now arrived. Still, until relief
should come from England, or the crops just planted should
mature, the colonists had to rely on such supplies as they
could gather for themselves. In this extremity resort was
had to the oyster beds found in the sound; and the better
to subsist, the men were divided into small companies, and
located at different points. Captain Stafford and twenty
others were sent to Croatoan, where, while getting oysters,
they could watch for the approach of the expected vessels
s!
o Q
5 s
g £
si
• • •
THE CONSPIRACY OF PEMISAPAN 35
bearing relief ; at Hattorask a dozen more were stationed for jJJ
the same purpose, while every week companies of fifteen
or twenty were sent to the mainland to hunt for food. Thus
they managed to exist through the month of May, waiting
and watching in vain for the promised supplies from
home.
In the meantime, Pemisapan, while preserving a friendly
guise, began to plot anew against them, and instigated the
hostile Indians to take the whites at a disadvantage, falling
upon them while scattered and cutting them off in detail.
To carry out this scheme he proposed to hold a great
assembly of Indians, to last a month, by way of solemnizing
the death of his father, Ensinore. This meeting was to be
held on the mainland, at Desamonquepeuc, opposite Roanoke
Island ; and besides seven hundred neighboring warriors, it
was to be attended by an equal number of the Mangoaks
and Chesipeans, who were to come and lie secretly in the
woods until the signal fires should give them the order to
rise. As a part of the same plan, it was arranged that
Terraquine, one of Pemisapan's chieftains, with twenty men,
should set fire to the thatched roof of Lane's house, and when
he should come out, they were to murder him. Another
leader and squad were to deal with Hariot the same way;
and, similarly, all of the principal men of the colony were
to be surprised and overcome. Toward the end of May
the neighboring Indians began to assemble on Roanoke
Island, the night of June ioth being the time appointed for
the others to meet and carry into effect the murderous
plot.
Skyco, being the son of a king, on reaching the island
had been taken by Pemisapan to reside with his own family,
and as the young prince was held a prisoner and was deemed
hostile to the English, the plot became known to him ; but imSi
Lane had treated him with kindness and consideration, and lhc plot
the young boy in gratitude revealed to him all the details of
the conspiracy. Confronted with such an emergency,
Lane's strength of character and resolution promptly dis-
played itself. Had he been a weaker man, not so resource-
ful, the colonists would probably have fallen victims to
Indian strategy.
Lane strikes
36 LANE'S COLONY, 1585-86
Lane's strategy
1586 Pemisapan had gone over to the mainland, ostensibly to
see about his growing corn crops, but really to attend to
collecting the hostile Indians. Lane, realizing that safety
could only be secured by the death of this wily foe and of
his coadjutors, resolved on an immediate stroke. He sent
him word to return to the island, for having heard of the
arrival of his fleet at Croatoan, he himself proposed to go
there ; and he wished Pemisapan to detail some of his men
to fish and hunt for him at Croatoan, and he also wanted
to purchase four days' supply of corn to take with him.
Pemisapan, however, did not fall into the trap; but while
promising to come, postponed doing so from day to day,
waiting for the assembling of the hostile Indians. At length,
on the last of May, all of Pemisapan's own people having be-
gun to congregate on the island, Lane determined to wait
no longer. So that night he ordered "the master of the
light-horsemen," as he termed his chief boatman, with a few
others to gather up at sunset all the canoes in the island, so
as to prevent any information being conveyed to the main-
land. As the "light-horsemen" were performing this duty,
they saw a canoe departing from the island, and in seizing it
two of the savages were killed. This aroused the Indians
who were present, and they at once took themselves to their
bows and the Englishmen to their muskets. Some few of
the savages were killed in the encounter and the others fled
down the island. At dawn the next morning, with the "light-
horsemen" and a canoe carrying twenty-five others, with the
"colonel of the Chesipeans," and "the sergeant major," Lane
hastened to the mainland, and sent word to Pemisapan that
he was coming to visit him, as he wras about to depart
for Croatoan, and wished to complain of the conduct of
Osacan, who the night before had tried to convey away the
prisoner Skyco, whom he had there handcuffed. The Indian
king, ignorant of what had happened on the island, and not
suspecting any hostile purpose, received Lane and his at-
tendants, who, coming up, found him surrounded by seven
or eight of his principal Weroances, together with many
other warriors.
COLONISTS RETURN TO ENGLAND 37
As soon as they met, Lane gave the agreed signal, "Christ, 2jf
our Victory," and immediately the colonel of the Chesipeans,
the sergeant major, and their company opened fire, and
Pemisapan and his chief men were slain and the others dis-
persed. A blow so sudden and terrible paralyzed the
Indians ; the plot was abandoned and the danger averted.
Drake arrives and the colonists return to England
A week later, on June 8th, the colony was thrown into an
ecstasy of excitement by the hasty arrival of a messenger
from Stafford, who reported seeing off Croatoan a fleet con-
sisting of more than twenty vessels ; but war had the year
before broken out between Spain and England, and it was
not at first known whether the ships belonged to friends
or foes. The next day, however, Stafford himself came,
having walked twenty miles by land, bringing a letter, prof-
fering food and assistance, from Sir Francis Drake, then
at Hattorask, who had just returned from sacking Santo Do-
mingo, Cartagena and St. Augustine. With a joyful heart,
Lane hastened to the fleet "riding at his bad harbor" ; and
Drake proposed to leave him a sufficient supply of provisions
and a small vessel that could pass the inlet and lie within
the sound. But before the necessary arrangements were
completed a terrific storm came up that lasted three days,
and the vessel which was to have been left was blown to
sea and did not return ; and much damage was done to the
other ships of the fleet, and many pinnaces and smaller boats
were entirely lost. After the storm had abated, Drake
offered to leave another vessel, but he then had none that
could enter the harbor; so the ship, if left, would have had
to remain on the perilous coast. As an alternative propo-
sition Drake offered to take the colonists aboard and trans-
port them to England. After consideration, it was deemed
best to accept this last offer, and the different companies
into which the colony had been broken being again collected,
they embarked on June 19th and safely reached Portsmouth
on July 27th. Thus, after a nine months' residence, ended first c°oiony
the first attempt to plant a colony on Roanoke Island.
In the meantime, a bark bearing advice that a new fleet
was coming had been despatched from England, and some-
38 LANE'S COLONY, 1585-86
«sj6 what later Sir Richard Grenville sailed with three vessels
freighted with supplies and bringing other colonists. The
first bark arrived immediately after the departure of Lane,
and finding the settlement abandoned, returned to England ;
but when Sir Richard came, a fortnight later, he remained
three weeks searching for the settlers and making explora-
tions ; and then putting fifteen men in the fort, with an ample
supply of provisions, he sailed away on a cruise against the
Spaniards.
CHAPTER IV
White's Colony, 1587-91
Raleigh's embarrassments.— Conveys an interest in Virginia to
Thomas Smith, John White, and associates. — The Citie of Raleigh in
Virginia. — White's colony departs. — Howe murdered. — White de-
spoils the fields of the hostiles. — Baptism of Manteo. — Birth and
christening of Virginia Dare. — White returns to England. — The
Armada.— White's first attempt to return to Virginia.— -Raleigh
makes further conveyance of his interest. — White sails in Feb-
ruary, 1591. — Finds colony removed. — Mace's voyage. — Elizabeth
dies. — Raleigh arrested for treason.— The settlement at Jamestown. —
Fate of the Lost Colony.
Raleigh's Embarrassments
The unexpected return of Lane's colonists greatly disap- I586
pointed Raleigh. His efforts at exploration and colonization ~^~
had involved great expenditures. He had already disbursed
forty thousand pounds in the enterprise, a sum approximat-
ing in this age half a million dollars, and that at a period
when there was no great accumulation of wealth in England.
He had now been at court some years and was a member
of Parliament; and his fine powers and accomplishments,
his versatility of genius and varied learning, commended him
to the high favor of the queen, who gave substantial evi-
dence of her inclination to push his fortunes. In 1584 she
had bestowed on him a grant of twelve thousand acres of
forfeited land in Munster, Ireland, which he attempted to
colonize with English tenants and where he employed a
large force in cutting timber for market, which, however,
did not turn out a profitable enterprise. Also, beginning
in the same year, he received annually for five years profit-
able grants allowing him to export quantities of broadcloth
from England — a sort of monopoly ; and he likewise obtained
a lucrative monopoly in the grant of the "farm of wines,"
vesting in him the power of selling licenses for the vending
of wine and, in some measure, of regulating the price of
that commodity throughout the kingdom. Some months
after Lane's return, on the attainder of Anthony Babbington,
4o
WHITE'S COLONY, 1587-91
1585
Edwards'
Life of
Raleigh
1586
The
corporation
the queen was also pleased to bestow on Raleigh all of the
estates that had come to the Crown by the attainder, which
gave him rich manors and broad acres in five counties of
England. In July, 1585, when the war broke out with Spain,
he was created Lord Warden of the Stannaries (Cornwall
and Devon) and Vice- Admiral of Cornwall and Devon ; and
two years later he was appointed captain of the Queen's
Guard, the office of a courtier, to succeed Hatton, who was
to become Lord Chancellor. But neither his outlays in Ire-
land nor his expenditures for Virginia had yielded him any
return, while his living at court, where he indulged in mag-
nificent display, involved large expenses.
The Citie of Raleigh in Virginia
Such were his circumstances when Lane's colony returned
to England in the fall of 1586. But unwilling to abandon
the enterprise and still hoping for profit from establishing
a trade in Virginia, he now determined to associate mer-
chants with him who would share the profits and the ex-
penses. At that time some of the wealthy merchants of
London were looking with eager eyes for new avenues of
trade and commerce. Chief among these was Thomas
Smith, whose subsequent enterprises led to his receiving
knighthood at the hands of his appreciative sovereign ; and
of their number was Richard Hakluyt, to whom posterity is
indebted for the collection and publication of many narra-
tives of exploration and discovery in that interesting period.
To Smith and eighteen other merchants who risked their
money in the enterprise Raleigh granted free trade forever
with his colony in Virginia, and to thirteen others he
assigned the right of governing the colony. Of these John
White, who had been in all the previous expeditions to Vir-
ginia, was constituted the governor, and the other twelve,
who also were to accompany the colony, were nominated
his assistants; among them Ananias Dare and Dionysius
Harvie, who carried their wives with them, and the former
of whom was White's son-in-law. These thirteen Raleigh,
by patent, under the powers contained in his own charter,
on January 7, 1587, erected into a corporation under the
name of "The Governor and Assistants of the Citie of
RALEIGH ASSIGNS TQ A CORPORATION 41
Raleigh in Virginia" ; and the nineteen merchants were made ffi
members, "free of the corporation."
A permanent settlement attempted
These preliminaries being arranged, a new colony was col-
lected, consisting of one hundred and twenty-one persons, of
whom seventeen were women, twelve apparently being wives
accompanying their husbands, and nine being children. On A „ x 8
April 26, 1587, three vessels bearing the colonists left Ports-
mouth for Plymouth ; and on May 8th finally took their de-
parture from that port for Hattorask, where, after many
adventures, two of them arrived on July 22d, and a few days
later the other. Raleigh had given written directions that
after taking in the fifteen men left by Grenville the vessels
were to proceed to Chesapeake Bay, where a new settlement
was to be made, and such was the purpose of Governor
White. But when White with a part of his men had left
the ship to visit Roanoke Island for the purpose of taking
off the fifteen men, Ferdinando, the admiral, influenced the
sailors to say that they could not be received back into the
ship, thus constraining all the colonists to disembark. At The colony
sunset White's boat reached the island, but the only trace
he could find of the men left by Grenville was the bones
of one that lay unburied where he had been slain. The fort
had been razed down, but the cottages were still standing,
some of the outer planks, however, being torn off. Forced
to remain there, White set the men at once to work to repair
the buildings and to construct others. The colonists had
hardly gotten established in their new homes, when George
Howe, one of the assistants, having strayed off two miles
from the fort catching crabs on the shore opposite the main-
land, was set upon by some savages, receiving sixteen
wounds from arrows, and was slain. This was an evidence
of hostility that White at once sought to allay. He sent
Stafford with twenty men, accompanied by Manteo, who
along with another Indian, Towaye, had gone to England
and had now returned, to Croatoan, where Manteo's mother
and kindred were; and from these friendly Indians it was
learned that some savages from the mainland had taken the
men left by Grenville unawares, had killed some of them,
settled
42 WHITE'S COLONY, 1587-91
1587 set fire to the house where they had taken refuge, and driven
them from the island ; they taking their boat and going to
an island near Hattorask, after which they had never been
seen. They also said that it was a remnant of Wingina's
men dwelling at Dasamonquepeuc who had slain Howe. To
establish more amicable relations with these hostile Indians,
the Croatoans were requested to go over to their towns and
proffer them the friendship of the English, who promised
to forgive and forget all past offences; and it was agreed
that this embassy was to return with the answer within seven
days. At the end of the time, no answers being received,
White deemed it best to strike a blow to show that the
colonists were to be dreaded. At night, accompanied by
Stafford and twenty-four men and Manteo, he crossed over
to Dasamonquepeuc and secreted his force near the Indian
town; and early in the morning he opened fire on some
Indians discovered there. Unfortunately, these were not
the hostiles, who, fearing punishment for the murder of
Howe, had fled, leaving their corn standing in the fields; but
they were some of the Croatoans who had gone there to
gather the corn. White, disappointed in his revenge, de-
spoiled the fields and returned home. The colony being now
settled, on August 13th a ceremony was performed at Roa-
noke that gave expression to the gratitude of Raleigh and the
_. . . colony for the faithful and friendlv services of Manteo.
The baptism J .'-, . , .
of Manteo By command of Sir Walter, the rite of baptism was admin-
Dare k istered to Manteo, and there was conferred on him the order
of Knighthood ; and he was created Lord of Roanoke and
Dasamonquepeuc. And five days later another interesting
event occurred, the birth of the first English child born in
America. On August 18, 1587, Eleanor Dare, wife of
Ananias Dare and a daughter of the governor, gave birth to
a daughter, who the next Sunday was christened Virginia,
because she was the first Christian born in the new country.
A few days later, also, was born to Dionysius Harvie and
his wife, Margery, a child, whose name, however, has not
been preserved.
The colonists to remove into the interior
It was now discovered that certain other particular sup-
HfcR* THE. KINO OF PAS PAH EG M REPORTED^
OUR WtN TO Bl, AND V/ANT TO GO. /^
MACHOMONCMOCOK
HIRE. REMAINETHC<4
FOUR MEN CLOTHED
THAT CAME FROM
ROOMOCK TO
OCAM AMO NAN -^ ^ _.
The Lost Colony
WHITE RETURNS TO ENGLAND A3
plies were needed, as this was intended to be a permanent **7
settlement; and there was consultation as to who should
return with the fleet to obtain them. It was finally deter-
mined that White himself would answer the purpose best,
and he agreed to go with the vessels back to England. But
before his departure it was resolved that the colony should
remove to some point about fifty miles in the interior ; and
it was agreed that they would, on departing from the island,
leave some sign indicating their location ; and if in distress,
a cross would be the sign. It is probable that this point,
fifty miles in the interior, where the colony was to locate,
was the highland near Ohanoak, where there were goodly
cornfields and pleasant surroundings.
At length, the fleet being ready to sail, on August 27th,
after a month's sojourn with the colony, White embarked
and departed for England. On the return voyage he met
with many perilous adventures, but finally, about the middle
of October, made land at Smerwick, on the west coast of
Ireland, and in November reached Hampton. With him Doyie,
came to England still another Indian, who, accepting Chris- America!0
tianity, was baptized at Bideford Church ; but a year later '• 72
died, and was interred there. When the colonists receded
from White's view, as he left the shores of Virginia, they
passed from the domain of history, and all we know is that
misfortune and distress overtook them ; and that they mis-
erably perished, their sad fate being one of those deplorable
sacrifices that have always attended the accomplishment of
£reat human purposes.
Conditions in England on White's arrival
On White's arrival, in November, 1587, seeking aid for
the colony, doubtless the merchants and others who had
ventured their means with Raleigh in this last attempt at
colonization and trade in Virginia, were willing to respond ;
but there were rumors of the preparation in Spain of a great
Armada to invade England, and an order had been issued
forbidding the departure of any vessel from any English
port. In that period of excitement and alarm, the necessi-
ties of the distant colonists were of less moment than the
pressing matters at home. Still Raleigh, exerting his per-
44
WHITE'S COLONY, 1587-91
1588
The
Inrindble
Armada,
July ai-29,
1588
Doyle,
English
in America,
I,7«;
Edwards'
Life of
Raleigh,
1.9*
sonal influence, obtained a license for two small vessels to
sail, and on April 25, 1588, White departed with them from
Bideford for Virginia. The captains, however, were more
intent on a gainful voyage than on the relief of the colonists,
and betook themselves to the hazardous business of making
prizes. At length one of them, meeting with two ships of
war, was after a bloody fight overcome and rifled, despoiled
and disabled, and she returned to England within a month ;
and three weeks later, the other, equally badly served, came
home without having completed the voyage. Soon after-
ward, the great Armada appeared, and Raleigh was among
those who made havoc of the Spanish galleons in the "morris
dance of death," that, beginning in the straits, lasted around
the north of Scotland and on the coast of Ireland. Im-
mediately on his return he was challenged to mortal combat
by the queen's favorite, the handsome boy, Essex, and for a
time retired to Ireland in seclusion. But soon all his powers
and resources were employed in distressing Spanish com-
merce and in taking rich prizes, while England was again
and again threatened with Spanish invasion. In the follow-
ing March, 1589, because, perhaps, both of his public em-
ployments and of the greater facilities of the merchants to
care for the colonists, he transferred his rights in Virginia
by an assignment or lease to Thomas Smith, White and
others, and relinquished his interest in the colony. What
particular efforts these merchants made to relieve the
planters are not recorded ; but White afterward men-
tioned "having at sundry times been chargeable and trouble-
some to Sir Walter for the supplies and relief of the planters
in Virginia." Because of the inhibition of the sailing of
merchant ships from England, no opportunity presented for
White to return to Virginia until early in 1591. He then
ascertained that John Watts of London, merchant, was about
to send three vessels to the West Indies ; but when they were
ready to depart, a general stay was again commanded of all
ships throughout England. Taking advantage of this cir-
cumstance, White applied to Sir Walter to obtain a special
license for these vessels to sail, on condition that they would
transport a convenient number of passengers with their fur-
niture and necessaries to Virginia. The license was obtained
THE HISTORICAL RESULT 45
by Raleigh, but the condition was not observed ; and the only w
passenger they would take was White himself, and no pro-
visions for the relief of the colonists.
White sails for Roanoke
Leaving Plymouth on March 20, 1591, they sailed for the
West Indies and sought to make prizes, and had some des-
perate encounters. Eventually, on August 3d, they reached
Wokokon, but were driven off by a storm. On Monday,
the 9th, however, the weather being fair, they returned and
anchored and went on shore, obtaining a supply of fresh
water and catching great stores of fish. On the morning of
the 1 2th they departed, and toward night dropped anchor at
the north end of Croatoan. The next morning they sounded
the inlet there, and then, on August 15th, came to anchor
at Hattorask, seeing a great smoke on Roanoke Island. The
next morning, after directing signal guns to be fired, to warn
the colonists of their presence, they entered the inlet; but
observing a great smoke toward the southwest, they landed
and proceeded to it, only to meet with disappointment. Re-
turning to their vessels, the morning following they set off
again ; but on passing the bar one of the boats was upset,
and seven of the crew, including the captain, the mate and
the surgeon, were drowned, and the remaining men pro-
tested against proceeding further. Distressing, indeed, was
the situation of White and ttnpropitious the outlook of a
journey begun with such a calamity. But at length the men
reluctantly yielded and the boats proceeded to the island,
arriving after night, anchoring off the shore and sounding
a trumpet call and familiar tunes to evoke a response. But
all in vain. No answer came, although in the distance a
firelight was seen. At break of day they landed and hastened
to the fire, finding no sign of the English. Then pressing
across the island, they skirted along its western shore until
they came to the north point near where the settlement had
been. There on the shore they found a tree on which had
been cut the Roman letters C. R. O. With despondent CRO-
hearts they proceeded to the place of settlement, and saw
that the houses had been taken down and the place strongly
enclosed with a high palisade of great trees, very like a
Croatoan
46 WHITE'S COLONY, 1587-91
!ff fort ; and on a tree was cut the word "Croatoan," but with-
out the cross or sign of distress. The boats were gone ; the
pieces of light ordnance had been taken away, only some
of the heavier pieces remaining, and the fort was all grown
up with grass and weeds, as if long since deserted. A trench
in which White had buried his boxes had been opened and
his maps and property scattered, and his armor lay on the
ground, almost eaten through with rust. It was a scene of
desolation. There was still a hope, yet it must have been
but faint, that the colonists could be found at Croatoan.
White had just sailed along that island and had anchored
at its northern end and had beheld no sign of the presence
of any English there. Returning to the inlet, it was, how-
ever, determined to go again to that island. But after they
had weighed anchor, the design was relinquished; and one
vessel returned to England and the other steered for the
West Indies. From that time onward the English who
settled in Virginia were known as Raleigh's Lost Colony.
They were not forgotten, but were never discovered.
Raleigh's efforts to relieve the colony
Edwards' Greater enterprises now absorbed Raleigh, who had be-
Rakigh come one of the most heroic of that splendid company of
heroes who brought lustre to the Elizabethan Age ; but still,
between 1587 and 1602, it is said that he sent out no less
than five expeditions to seek his unfortunate company in
Virginia. In 1602 he bought a ship, hired a crew, placed
Mac« it under the command of Samuel Mace, who had twice be-
fore sailed for Virginia, and in March sent it forth to search
for the colonists. Mace struck Virginia forty leagues south-
west of Hatteras, and spent a month trading with the
Indians as he scoured along the coast; but without going
to Croatoan or Hattorask, he returned to Weymouth in
August. Raleigh hastened there to meet him, and found in .
the same harbor another vessel likewise just arrived from
Virginia, but which had missed Roanoke also, by forty
leagues to the northward. He, however, proposed to send
them both away again, having saved the cost in the sassa-
fras they brought, which he claimed because of his owner-
ship of the land under his patent, no one having the right,
JAMESTOWN INSTEAD OF ROANOKE 47
he asserted, to trade in Virginia except by his license. The Jj*
next year Richard Hakluyt, one of the grantees in the charter
of the City of Raleigh, formally applied to Sir Walter for
permission to sail to northern Virginia; but in the spring
of that year, 1603, Elizabeth died, and before the summer
had passed Raleigh was arrested for treason.
Jamestown settled— The Roanoke colony disappears
In the meantime the spirit of enterprise which had been
stimulated by Raleigh's efforts at colonization had grown,
and Thomas Smith and a few other London merchants, in
1599, had laid the foundations of the East India Company,
whose great success led, in 1606, to the formation of another virjrfnU
corporation, called the Virginia Company, with two divi- ^pany'
sions, at the head of one division being Thomas Smith, now
knighted, and other London merchants and gentlemen who
had been associated with Raleigh in his enterprise; and
on December 19, 1606, Christopher Newport set sail with
one hundred and forty-three immigrants and, on May 13th, 1607
settled Jamestown. The next year Newport was directed
to make an expedition to find Raleigh's Lost Colony.
The fate of White's colonists
The colonists, warned by previous mishaps, certainly
brought with them sufficient supplies to last until a crop
would mature in the fall of 1588, and they did not neglect
to begin their planting operations.
On his return White found no sign of any planting on
Roanoke Island; nor was there evidence of any conflict
with the savages — no graves, no butchery. The dwellings
had been taken down and removed, and the light ordnance
had been carried away. The growth of weeds indicated that
two seasons had passed since the removal, and apparently the
spot had not been revisited by the colonists in many months.
On his departure for England, the avowed intention was
for the colonists to settle fifty miles in the interior ; and when
he coasted along Croatoan leisurely he observed no sign of
their presence on the shore. Instead of establishing them-
selves on that barren sandbank, exposed to the attacks of the
Spaniards, with no inviting streams, nor fertile fields, nor
shady forests, they looked westward for a secure and agreea-
48 WHITE'S COLONY, 1587-91
Ijf ble location for their permanent settlement. Fifty miles
would have brought them to the "goodly highlands, on the
left hand between Muscamunge and Chowanoak," where the
Indians already had fertile cornfields ; and there, according to
Indian statements of different sources, they appear to have
seated themselves on what are now the pleasant bluffs of
Bertie County.
Several vessels were at different times despatched to search
for them ; but none of these entered the great sounds. At
length, after Jamestown was settled, Newport in 1608 was
specially directed to make an exploration to discover them.
An expedition by water did not proceed far and was without
result. A searching party by land penetrated to the territory
of the Chowanists and Mangoaks, but did not find the
colonists.
Smith in his "True Relation" (1608) repeats information
derived from the king of the Paspehegh Indians, who re-
sided above Jamestown, to the effect that there were men ap-
parelled like himself at Ochanahonan, which seems to have
been on the Nottoway; and that there were many at Pana-
wicke, a region apparently between the Chowan and Roanoke
rivers. Five years later, William Strachey, the secretary of
the Jamestown colony, gave some account of the missing colo-
nists derived from Machumps, a friendly Indian of con-
siderable intelligence, who had been to England and who
came freely and often to Jamestown. At Peccarecamek and
Ochanahonan, the Indians had houses built with stone walls,
one story above another, having been taught by the English
who escaped the slaughter at the time of the landing at
Jamestown. And at Ritanoe there were preserved seven of
the colonists, four men, two boys and a young maid, who
having escaped, fled up the Chowan.
For more than twenty years the colonists were reported
to have lived peaceably with the Indians and to have inter-
mixed with them in their locality, beyond the territory of
Powhatan ; and then on the arrival of the colonists at James-
town, Powhatan, persuaded by his bloody priests, procured
their slaughter, he being present on the occasion. Some
escaped ; but none ever had communication with the James-
town settlers.
FATE OF THE COLONY 49
Peccarecamek was apparently on the upper Pamlico, or lJ^
Tar River; and perhaps a trace of English blood might be
found in the aggressiveness and fierceness of the Indians of
that region a century later.
Traces of the colonists
If others were preserved on the sandbanks, as they might
well have been, escaping in their pinnace through the waters
of the sound, a trace of them possibly came down to posterity
through their intermixture with the Hatteras Indians. That
small tribe had always been friendly with the whites: and
as late as 1709, grey eyes were found among them and they
cherished a friendship with the English because of their
affinity, according to their own traditions. Yet there were
other opportunities for an admixture of the races. Thirty-
two men of Captain Raymond's company were among them
twenty days before the arrival of Lane's colony, and the
following summer Captain Stafford and twenty men were
with them until Drake came in June, and doubtless others
were stationed there the next year to keep watch for the
expected return of White, until all hope had expired. Other
than these possible traces no memorial has ever been dis-
covered of the existence of the Lost Colony, whose mournful
fate, involved in mystery, has ever been a fruitful theme of
song and story.
C.R.,I,5
THE SECOND EPOCH— 1629-63
PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
CHAPTER V
Charters and Colonial Officers
The charters. — The concessions. — The Lords Proprietors and
their successors. — The Palatines. — The governors, speakers of the
Assembly, and chief justices.
Carolana
l%* Sir Robert Heath's Patent— 30th of October, 1629.
By this grant Charles I conveyed to his Attorney-General, Sir
Robert Heath, Knight, his heirs and assigns forever so much of the
Continent of America as lay between 31 and 36 degrees of North
latitude, — "to have, exercise, use and enjoy in like manner as any
Bishop of Durham within the Bishopric or County Palatine of
Durham in our Kingdom of England ever heretofore had, held, used,
or enjoyed, or of right, ought or could have, hold, use, or enjoy.
And by these presents we make, create and constitute the same
Sir Robert Heath, his heirs and assigns, true and absolute Lords and
Proprietors of the region and territory aforesaid."
"Know that we ... do erect and incorporate them into a
Province, and name the same Carolana, or the Province of Caro-
lana." "Furthermore know ye that we do give power to the said
Sir Robert ... to form, make and enact and publish what laws
may concern the public state of said Province or the private profit
of all according to the wholesome directions of, and with the
counsel, assent and approbation of the Freeholders of the same
Province."
"Furthermore lest the way to honours and dignityes may seem
to be shutt, etc. do for ourselves, our heirs and successors give
full and free power to the aforesaid Sir Robert Heath, Knight,
his heirs and assigns to confer favours, graces and honours upon
those well-deserving citizens that inhabit the aforesaid Province,
and the same with whatever titles and dignityes (provided they be
not the same as are now used in England) to adorne at his pleasure."
THE CHARTERS OF 1663 AND 1665 5*
The charter to the Lords Proprietors ^3
By the first charter, King Charles II on the 20th day of March, 1663, JSnd
granted to the grantees, the same territory conveyed to Sir Robert c^de? n
Heath in 1629, and in large measure granted the same powers ; such, 1663, 1665
for instance, as that the grantees, with the consent of the freemen,
should make laws, etc., and that they might bestow titles of nobility,
not being the same as those in use in England ; and also authorizing
freedom in religion. The second grant made the 30th of June, 1665,
extended the territory conveyed so as to embrace "as far as the
north end of Currituck River, or Inlet, upon a straight, westerly line
to Weyanoke Creek, which lies within or about the degrees of 36 and
30 minutes northern latitude; and so west, in a direct line, as far
as the south seas ; and south and westward as far as the degrees 29,
inclusive." In other respects the charters were the same; except
the provision establishing religious freedom is somewhat fuller
in the second.
The original Lords Proprietors
Edward Hyde. Anthony Lord Ashley.
George Monk. Sir George Carteret.
William Lord Craven. Sir William Berkeley.
John Lord Berkeley. Sir John Colleton.
After Clarendon's death, his share was bought in 1679 by Seth Thedevolu-
Sothel, on whose death in 1694, it was assigned to Thomas Amy, {{j^^^,
a London merchant, who had been very active in promoting coloni-
zation. Eventually this share passed to Honorable James Bertie,
after whom the county of Bertie was named.
The share of the Duke of Albemarle was acquired by John Gran-
ville, Earl of Bath, who dying in 1701, was succeeded by his son,
John Lord Granville. In 1709 the Duke of Beaufort acquired this
share and devised it to James Bertie in trust for his sons. Henry
and Charles Somerset. His name appears in a county and in the
seaport town called in his honor, when he was Palatine.
The Earl of Craven's share, he having no descendants, passed to
his grand-nephew, William Lord Craven, whose son William, Lord
Craven, succeeded him. That name is also perpetuated in a county.
The share of John Lord Berkeley came to his son. John, an
admiral of great merit ; but it had been forfeited, and in April, 1608,
was sold to Joseph Blake, on whose death it descended to his son
of the same name.
On the death of Shaftesbury, his share passed to his son. Lord
Ashley.
52 CHARTERS AND COLONIAL OFFICERS
1663- 1776 George Carteret dying in 1679, was succeeded by his infant son,
who was represented by the Earl of Bath. This second George
Carteret dying about 1695, was succeeded by his son, George Car-
teret, who at the time of the purchase by the Crown in 1729, was
lieutenant-governor of Ireland, and in 1742 overthrew Walpole's
administration and became prime-minister. About that time, on
the death of his mother, the Countess of Granville, he became Lord
Granville. He would not sell his share to the Crown, and in 1744
it was set apart to him in the northern half of North Carolina.
After the Revolution it was held by the State, although his heirs
brought suit to recover it, but failed in the courts.
On the death of Sir William Berkeley, 1677, his share was sold
by his widow to John Archdale for his son Thomas. Afterward in
1684 she and her husband, Philip Ludwell, sold it again to Sir
Peter Colleton for 300 pounds. Sir Peter purchased it for himself
and three other Proprietors and the title was conveyed to Thomas
Amy in trust for them.
In 1705 this share was acquired by John Archdale, who in 1709
conveyed it to John Dawson, his son-in-law. Later it was sold by
decree of the Court of Chancery and purchased by Hugh Watson
as trustee for Henry and James Bertie.
Sir John Colleton's share on his death in 1666 descended to his
son, Sir Peter, who held it until 1694, and who was succeeded by
his son, Sir John Colleton. All of the shares were bought by the
Crown in 1729, except that of Sir George Carteret.
Palatines
McCrady's *• Duke of Albemarle, October 16, 1669.
f?ut^. . 2. John Lord Berkeley, January 20, 1070.
Carolina, I, J V. t ^
716 3. Sir George Carteret. February 5, 1679.
4. William Earl of Craven, November 20, 1680.
5. John Earl of Bath, April, 1697.
6. John Lord Granville, January 10, 1702.
7. William Lord Craven, 1708.
8. Henry Duke of Beaufort, November 8, 171 1.
9. John Lord Carteret, August 10, 1714, and he so continued
until the sale to the Crown in 1729.
John Lord Berkeley did not attend the meetings of the Proprietors
after 1671, Shaftesbury being then the particular manager.
Governors of Albemarle under the Proprietary Government
William Drummond, appointed October, 1664 — October, 1667.
Samuel Stephens, appointed October, 1667. Died December, 1669.
Peter Carteret, appointed October, 1670. Left colony May, 1673.
GOVERNORS, SPEAKERS AND CHIEF JUSTICES 53
John Jenkins, president of council, appointed May, 1673. 1663-1776
Thomas Eastchurch, appointed November, 1676. Never qualified.
Thomas Miller, appointed 1677. Deposed by Culpepper.
John Culpepper, in power, 1677-78.
Seth Sothel, appointed 1678. Captured by Algerines.
John Harvey, appointed February 5, 1679. Died August, 1679.
John Jenkins, president of council, appointed November, 1679.
Henry Wilkinson, appointed February 16, 1681.
Seth Sothel, arrived 1682. Deposed fall of 1689.
Governors of North Carolina under the Proprietors
Philip Ludwell, appointed December 5, 1689.
Thomas Jarvis, deputy, 1691-94.
Thomas Harvey, deputy, July, 1694— July, 1699.
John Archdale, governor, 1695.
Henderson Walker, president of council, 1699- 1704.
Robert Daniel, deputy governor, 1704-05.
Thomas Cary, deputy governor, 1705-06.
William Glover, president of council, 1706-08.
Thomas Cary, president of council, 1708 — January, 171 1.
Edward Hyde, governor, January, 171 1 — September, 1712.
Thomas Pollock, president of council, September, 1712-14.
Charles Eden, governor, 1714-22.
Thomas Pollock, president of council, 1722. ^
William Reed, president of council, 1722-23.
George Burrington, governor, 1724-25.
Sir Richard Everard, governor, 1725-31.
Governors of North Carolina under the Crown
George Burrington, February 25, 1731 — November, 1734.
Gabriel Johnston, November, 1734 — July, 1752.
Nathaniel Rice, president, July, 1752 — January, 1753.
Matthew Rowan, president, January, 1753— November, 1754.
Arthur Dobbs, November, 1754 — March 28, 1765.
William Tryon, March, 1765 — June 30, 1771.
James Hasell, president of council, July 1, 1771 — August, 1771.
Josiah Martin, August, 1771. Expelled 1775.
Speakers of the Assembly
George Catchmaid, 1666. William Swann, 171 1.
Thomas Eastchurch, 1675. Edward Moseley, 171 5.
Thomas Cullen, 1676. Edward Moseley, 1722.
John Porter, 1697. Maurice Moore, 1726.
Edward Moseley, 1708. John Baptista Ashe, 1727.
54
CHARTERS AND COLONIAL OFFICERS
1661-1776 Thomas Swann, 1729.
Edward Moseley, 1731.
William Downing, 1734.
John Hodgson, 1739.
Sam Swann, 1743.
John Campbell, 1755.
Chief justices of North
Christopher Gale, 17 12.
Tobias Knight, 1717.
Frederick Jones, 17 18.
Christopher Gale, 1722.
Thomas Pollock, 1724.
Christopher Gale, 1724.
William Smith, 1731.
John Palin, 1732.
William Little, 1732.
Daniel Hanmer, 1733.
Sam Swann, 1756.
John Ashe, 1762.
John Harvey, 1766.
Richard Caswell, 1770.
John Harvey, 1772-75.
Carolina
William Smith, 1734.
John Montgomery, 1743.
Edward Moseley, 1744.
Eleazar Allen, 1749.
Enoch Hall, 1749.
James Hasell, 1750.
Peter Henley, December 5, 1755.
Charles Berry, 1758.
James Hasell, 1765.
Martin Howard, 1766-76.
CHAPTER VI
Beginnings of Permanent Settlement in Albemarle
Conditions in America. — Virginia under the treaty with Parlia-
ment.— Roger Green's explorations. — The king of Roanoke Island.
— Permanent settlement on the Carolina Sound. — The Restoration.
— The Cape Fear explored. — Berkeley receives instructions as to
Carolina. — The name Albemarle. — The Quakers. — The grant of the
Lords Proprietors. — William Drummond, governor of Albemarle. —
The second grant.
Conditions in America
The disturbed condition of England prior to her civil «Jfc
war led to an immense emigration to the New England
plantations, and at the close of that period of unrest, marked
by the execution of the king in 1649, settlements had ex-
tended into Rhode Island, Connecticut and New Hampshire.
Maryland also had prospered, and Virginia's population,
which in the first years after settlement increased but slowly,
numbered twenty thousand souls, and extended far into
the interior and well along the sluggish waters of the
Nansemond.
The region south of the thirty-sixth parallel, which under
the name of Carolana had, in 1629, been granted by King
Charles I to his attorney-general. Sir Robert Heath, had
not been settled; and the wilds of Carolana remained un-
occupied save by the copper-colored aborigines.
While the civil war was raging at home, the Puritans of
New England adhered to Parliament, but Virginia remained
faithful to the Crown, winning by her loyalty the name of
the Old Dominion; and upon the death of his father,
Charles II, then in exile, transmitted to Sir William Berke-
ley, who had been the royal governor for a decade, a new
commission confirming his authority.
Virginia under the treaty
Parliament, however, was not indifferent to the attitude
of those colonies that continued to sustain the monarchy,
and its power being fully established at home, in convenient
/
/
/
56 BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
** season took measures to assert its supremacy in Virginia.
On one hand, it threatened war; in the other it held out
the olive branch of peace, offering terms that could hardly
be refused. The Old Dominion preferred peace, and a
formal treaty was agreed to in 1652 that secured to Virginia
almost complete independence. The Assembly obtained the
right of choosing all the officers of the colony, including the
governor, who had formerly been appointed by the Crown,
and of defining their duties and privileges. It also secured
the high power of regulating commerce, and, without regard
to the British navigation acts, it declared that trade should
be absolutely free with all nations at peace with England.
The right of suffrage was extended to all freemen, and
"Dissenters" had full religious liberty ; but under one clause
of the treaty the prayer-book was not to be used in the
churches. Of churches, there were none except in the very
heart of the colony, and ministers were so few that a bounty
was offered for their importation.*
Bancroft, Thus between the treaty of peace,- in 1652, and the
Restoration, in 1660, the Old Dominion enjoyed a republi-
can government, and local independence. Indeed, Virginia
has the distinction of having been the first community in the
world whose government was organized on the principle of
manhood suffrage, where all freemen, without exception,
had an equal voice in the government, and their representa-
tives chose the administrative officers and controlled public
affairs. It was near the close of a decade of growth under
the favorable influences of virtual independence, that the in-
creasing population led to an overflow of the inhabitants
into the territory north of the Albemarle Sound, and per-
haps the movement was quickened by some apprehensions
that the downfall of the Commonwealth, then imminent,
would usher in a new era of religious intolerance.
Roger Green's exploration
1 The Nansemond penetrates near to the head waters of
the Chowan, and before 1653 Roger Greenf had explored
♦In 1658, while the Dissenters still held sway, Quakers were
banished.
tRoper Green is mentioned as "Clarke," by which he is understood
to have been a clergyman, and it may be, if he was a member of the
EXPLORATION EXTENDED
57
that fertile region, and some of the inhabitants of Nanse- ;*■»
mond were considering a removal to that attractive country.
Green obtained from the General Assembly of Virginia a
grant of ten thousand acres for the one hundred persons who
should first seat on the Roanoke and on the lands on the
south side of the Chowan; and "as a reward for his own
first discovery and for his encouraging the settlement/'
he was granted a thousand acres for himself. But while his
enterprise may have led to the subsequent settlement, no
memorial of his being concerned in it has come down to pos-
terity. The waters of the great sound had been explored
and were well known to Virginians, and about the year Dm?nGw*
1646 two expeditions had been made from Virginia against ° * l6*6
the Indians on the sound : one by land, under General Ben-
nett, and the other by water, under Colonel Drew. Drew's
vessels entered Currituck Sound and proceeded as far as
the Chowan River. At the mouth of Weyanoke Creek he
had an encounter with the Indians, with whom, however, he
soon established a peace; and shortly afterward Henry
Plumpton, who had been on that expedition, together with
Thomas Tuke and several others, purchased from the c R f ^
Indians all the land from the mouth of Roanoke River to
Weyanoke Creek. But they did not take possession, and
no settlement was made at that time.
In 1654, Francis Yardley, then governor of Virginia, ExPiora-
mentioned in a letter that small sloops were employed in lion*»l6s4
visiting the sounds of Carolina, and in hunting and trading
for beavers. In that year such a vessel, having left a couple
of her crew near Lynnhaven, where Yardley resided, he sent
his son and some other men to hunt for the sloop. These
visited the ruins of "Sir Walter Raleigh's fort" on Roanoke
Island, then in a good state of preservation, and had
friendly intercourse with the king of the Roanoke Indians,
whom they induced to visit the governor at his home. Thekingof
When the king of Roanoke came to Lynnhaven, he brought fh°™%Vc
with him his wife and one son, and during their sojourn
Church of England, he was seeking to lead his flock to new homes,
where they could use the prayer book without restraint.
58 BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
*** there they all accepted Christianity and were baptized.
Yardley sent six carpenters to Roanoke Island to build an
English house for the king, whose son remained at Lynn-
haven to be taught to "read out of a book." With the co-
operation of this king, an extensive exploration was then
made throughout the eastern portion of Carolina, where a
Spaniard was found living among the Tuscarora Indians,
and a purchase was made from the Indians of the territory
drained by three rivers, covering a large scope of country,
which probably lay north of Albemarle Sound. There were
further explorations, and in 1656 the General Assembly of
Virginia commissioned Colonel Thomas Drew and Captain
"t'titw* Thomas Francis to make discoveries between Cape Hatteras
and Cape Fear.
Permanent settlement on the Carolina Sound
But whatever settlement was then in contemplation, it was
probably arrested by an outbreak of the Indians, who now
began active hostilities on the northern confines of Vir-
1656
The Recha- giiiia. In 1656, several fierce tribes, known as the Rechahec-
rians, several hundred strong in warriors, established them-
selves near the falls of the James, and in a great battle
defeated the forces sent against them. But while this dis-
aster and the Indian depredations to the northward for a
time checked any movement to establish distant plantations
in the wilderness, yet when peace was restored and the de-
sire to seek new locations again began to be felt, the favor-
able situation of the region bordering on the Carolina Sound
speedily attracted the attention of the adventurous pioneer.
On the south it was protected by the wide sound; on the
north and east the Indians were but few and had much
intercourse with the whites; on the west were the Tus-
caroras, who although a strong and brave nation, were not
unfriendly in their disposition. Their hunting grounds that
lay southward toward the Neuse had not been encroached
upon, while many traders, trafficking in their furs, supplied
them freely with those commodities they desired. Distant
from the vicinity of the fierce and troublesome tribes of the
upper James, the mild climate and fertile soil of the region
THE FIRST PIONEERS 59
bordering on the landlocked sounds near Nansemond **&
offered many inducements to settlers, and so it came about
that in 1659, or thereabouts, the permanent settlement of Moment!
Carolina began. It was a movement so natural that the l6s9
particulars are not recorded in the local annals of the time.
A few active spirits, perhaps more adventurous than their
neighbors, resolved to make new homes in a more attrac-
tive locality. It was no great company, perhaps a dozen or
twenty men, who may have come from Nansemond through
the wilderness, or may have brought their supplies and
implements for house building by water from some con-
venient point in Virginia. The roll of these companions in
the enterprise of establishing "new plantations" to the south-
ward has not been preserved, and only incidentally have
the names of some of them been recorded. All we know is
that they came not as conquerors, writing their names in
blood on the scroll of Fame, nor yet were they exiles from
the habitations of mankind for conscience' sake. It was a
time of peace in Virginia, when the freemen still governed
themselves, chose their own officers and made their own
la-ws. It was not oppression that drove these first settlers
itito the wilderness. They were not discontented with the
democratic-republican institutions under which they were
living. They were not fleeing from the ills of life, nor JtSSSen?1,
plunging into the primeval forest to escape the tyranny of
their fellow-men. But they were bold, enterprising, hardy
Virginians, nurtured in freedom's ways, who were wooed to
this summer land by the advantages of its situation. The
movement involved no great change. It was merely a
removal of a few miles beyond the outlying districts of
Nansemond, with water communication to the marts of trade
on the Chesapeake. Nor did they come without the sanction
of the Indians, who were to be their neighbors in these "new
plantations." They bought their land from the king of the
Yeopims with the consent of his people, and their doorsills
were not stained with blood, nor were their spirits tortured
with apprehensions of butchery. They came in peace and
were received as friends by the native inhabitants who sur-
rounded them. Among the earliest who were seated were
6o BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
*Jfl John Battle, Dr. Thomas Relfe, Roger Williams and Thomas
\ttont% Jarvis; and with the first who came was George Durant,
who, however, did not select a plantation at once, but spent
two years in exploring, and bestowed much labor and cost
in finding out the country, with its rivers, channels, passages,
and conveniences, and then he bought from Kilcocanen,
king of Yeopim, with the consent of his people, a tract on
Roanoke Sound, upon a point then known as Wikacome,
but ever since called Durant's Neck. This conveyance bears
date March I, 1661, but as the English year then began on
March 25th, that date may answer to March, 1662. In this
deed, Kilcocanen mentions that similar purchases had previ-
ously been made by other settlers; and a few months later
Durant purchased a second tract from the friendly king
of the Yeopims.*
Durant at once began his clearing, and as the location of
any previous settlement has not been ascertained, Durant's
Neck is the oldest known clearing in Albemarle.
Quickly after the arrival of these first pioneers others were
attracted to the "new plantations." Lawson, writing about
fifty years later, mentions that "the first settlement was by
several substantial planters from Virginia and other planta-
tions ; and the fame of this newly discovered country spread
through the neighboring colonies and in a few years drew a
considerable number of families to join them." Among those
who followed, buying Indian titles, were George Catchmaid,
of Treslick, Gentleman; John Harvey and Captain John
Jenkins.
Thomas Woodward, the surveyor-general and a member of
the council when the government was first established in
Albemarle, writing to the Proprietors on June 2, 1665, refers
to the quitrent exacted by them, and says that the people
will not "remove from Virginia upon harder conditions than
they can live there ... it being land only that they
come for." Woodward also mentions that he had been many
years endeavoring and encouraging the people to seat Albe-
♦Recorded in Book A, Perquimans County Records.
1665
REASONS FOR SETTLEMENT 61
marie, and that "those that live upon a place are best able *j*
to judge of the place, therefore the petition of the General CR»i. »<»
Assembly that was here convened will deserve your Honor's
serious consideration/'
It appears that the people were drawn to Albemarle because
of the land, but protested against paying a higher quitrent
than was exacted of them in Virginia, and they gave expres-
sion to their wishes in a petition of the Assembly at the
first session held in Albemarle.
These early purchases were made on the supposition that
the lands were beyond the limits of Virginia, and the first
settlers probably thought they would be free from the pay-
ment of quitrents and other public charges. They believed
themselves outside the bounds of the Old Dominion and
within the wilds of Carolina. Of Carolina the Common-
wealth had taken no notice, but now the Commonwealth itself
had passed away, and the change in the mother country
inaugurated changed conditions in the forests of the
Roanoke.
The House of Commons, that half a century before had
emphasized, by the Petition of Right, its unswerving and
resolute purpose to maintain constitutional liberty, was the
wealthiest body that had ever assembled in England. It
fully represented in the purses of its members the property
of the kingdom. After varying developments, active hos-
tilities subsequently began between the Long Parliament
and the king, and in the course of the struggle the army
under the control of the Independents came to be the ruling
element, Oliver Cromwell, as its general, attaining supreme
power. By excluding a large number of the House of
Commons ; by abolishing the House of Lords ; by parcelling
out England into satrapies governed absolutely by his major-
generals, who systematically levied forced contributions from
the inhabitants, and by controlling parliaments at will,
Cromwell laid the foundation for a widespread sentiment in
favor of a return to the old constitution. In deference to
The Res-
toration
62 BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
lj^ this public demand, he contrived a simulation of the three
estates, and he himself became Protector, representing the
sovereign ; and in semblance he established a House of Lords,
appointing to it nobles of his own creation. But the military
influence controlled by the Independents dominated, and the
discontent continued to grow in volume and intensity.
Property that had opened the struggle with Charles I now
cast about for some hope of security, and the Presbyterians
equally with the Churchmen were ready to try the Stuarts
once more as an escape from the domination of the Inde-
pendents. Such were the conditions on Cromwell's death,
when his son Richard succeeded to his office, but could not
wield his power. The army, recognizing Richard's feeble-
ness, fell away from him, and Cromwell's system, losing its
military support, tottered to its fall. The end of the pro-
tectorate had come. At a call from the army the "bloody
rump," which Cromwell had disbanded and suppressed, again
met, while cries for a free Parliament rang throughout the
kingdom. General Monk, in command of the forces in Scot-
land, maintaining an impenetrable silence, twice purged his
army of Independent zealots, and marched rapidly to
London, where he arrived in February. Under the lead of
Ashley Cooper, a man of great wealth and of superior
talents, who had espoused the cause of constitutional liberty
but had separated himself from Cromweirs government, the
majority of the Long Parliament who had been ejected by
Pride's Purge, after many years of exclusion, in March, 1660,
forced their way back to their seats, and after calling for the
election of a new Parliament, adjourned sine die that body
which had survived through so many years of turmoil and
revolution. The new Parliament, known as the "Convention
Parliament," met on the 25th of April. Ashley Cooper
hastened with a delegation to Holland to invite Charles to
occupy his throne. Monk, still sphinxlike, controlled his
fifty thousand red coats — the uniform of Cromwell's Iron-
sides— who, appalled, in gloomy silence submitted to the
complete and final overthrow, by their own general, of the
EXPLORATION OF THE CAPE FEAR 63
power they had so long wielded in governing the Common- *£
wealth. Within a month Charles had landed, largely owing
his restoration to Ashley Cooper's management and to
Monk's resolute control of the hostile army ; to Clarendon's
counsel, and to the fidelity of loyal friends, who never for-
sook his cause.
The Cape Pear explored
While these events were stirring England to its very foun- 1661
datum, and, by the overthrow of the Independents, the sup-
pression of the Republicans and the restoration of the
monarchy, had prepared the way for a new exodus from the
mother country, perhaps because of the favorable reports
spread abroad concerning the summer land of the "new
plantations," attention was drawn to Carolina as a desirable
location for a new colony. From the north and the south
alike now came explorers. Massachusetts had at different
times projected colonies to the southward, and her vessels
traded along the coast and up the Chesapeake, and after
an exploration of the Cape Fear River, perhaps as early
as 1 661, an association was formed in Massachusetts to
establish a plantation there, and the assistance of some Lon-
don merchants was invoked with the expectation that they
would supply the needed capital. But if New England was
looking to a more temperate climate with a view to coloniza-
tion, there were adventurers at Barbadoes who were likewise
casting longing eyes to the shores of Florida, as they then
usually called Carolina. Barbadoes had been settled by the
English in 1625, and during the civil war many Royalists
found refuge there, and a considerable number of prisoners
taken in battle were transported thither, so that the popula-
tion had become numerous, and some of the more active
spirits were intent on bettering their fortunes in a new settle-
ment. Captain William Hilton, with his vessel, the Adven-
ture, was despatched by John Vassall and others from
Barbadoes to explore the Carolina coast, and he had ascended
New
64 BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
^3 the Cape Fear and had made a favorable report of it.
p'coikftoo Shortly afterward the first of the proposed settlers from
August la, ' New England came to the Cape Fear, but perhaps because
c. R.,1,19 Hilton had made his exploration and their title would be
disputed, without locating permanently they turned loose
their cattle on the cape, and having deposited in a box a
onn<cij2efS PaPer writing in which they sought to disparage that region,
Fear they returned home and spread evil reports of both the
soil and the harbor. Some other vessels had followed them
from New England, but these also returned without making
a settlement.
Berkeley receives instructions about Carolina
c.rmi, While these movements looking to a settlement in Carolina
were in progress, Sir William Berkeley was again governor
of Virginia. That devoted loyalist had been removed from
office when the Old Dominion yielded to the authority of
Parliament in 1652, but after the abdication of Richard
Cromwell and before the Restoration, he had been elected
governor by the General Assembly, and was holding his
office at the will of the Virginians when Charles regained
his throne. The following year he visited England to pay
his court to the restored monarch, returning to Virginia in
November, 1662.
While in England he represented the situation of the
settlers on Carolina, or Roanoke Sound, as it was sometimes
called, who had purchased their lands and received deeds
from Kilcocanen, and regarded themselves as beyond the
borders of Virginia, and he received particular directions to
ignore the Indian titles and to require the inhabitants who
had settled there to take out patents from him under the
Virginia laws. Pursuant to this authority, immediately on
his return, in the autumn of 1662, Sir William announced
that the inhabitants on Roanoke Sound should no longer
hold under Indian titles, and he required all who had seated
land in the "new plantations" to take out patents from him
PATENTS TO THE PIONEERS 65
and pay the usual quitrent. Patents were at once taken lJ£
out by Thomas Relfe for lands on the south side of Pasquo-
tank River adjoining Thomas Keele's land ; and by Robert
Peele for land on Pasquotank River; by John Harvey fo^SettZn
land on Chowan River, and another patent for two hundre'^K
and fifty acres by John Harvey on the River Carolina adjoin
ing Roger Williams's land, Harvey having brought seve
teen persons into the colony ; by Captain John Jenkins, wh
had brought in fourteen persons, for seven hundred acres,
being a neck bounded on the south by the River Carolina and
on the north by Perquimans River and on the west by the
great swamp that divides it from Thomas Jarvis's land ; and
by George Catchmaid for fifteen hundred acres adjoining
Captain Jenkins, who brought in thirty persons. Dr. Relfe
had brought with him fifteen persons, and the others a
greater or a less number.
Another patent was issued to George Catchmaid for
Durant's Neck, including George Durant's land. Durant had
induced Catchmaid to come and seat adjoining his premises, c.r.,1,59
and when Berkeley's instructions were made known, Catch- ******
maid undertook to obtain a patent for Durant as well as
for himself, but instead of doing so, he took out one patent
covering both premises. He thereafter executed an agree- sl^if s5»
ment to make a conveyance to Durant, which led to a law-
suit, the record of which is full of historical interest.
Doubtless there were many other such patents issued to
those who had purchased Indian titles; but these serve to
preserve the names of some of the earlier settlers, and they
show that they did not come empty-handed, but, as
Lawson says, they were men of substance, each attended
by a considerable retinue of servants. George Durant
came to be one of the most influential inhabitants of
Albemarle.
George Catchmaid, Gent., of Treslick, became the first
speaker of the Assembly and his widow married Timothy
Biggs, who afterward became one of the early Quakers and
66 BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
l^l was the first surveyor of customs. John Jenkins became gov-
ernor, as did John Harvey; Dr. Thomas Relfe attained
the age of ninety, and has descendants still living in Albe-
marle, and Thomas Jarvis was deputy governor, 1691-94,
and there are Peeles also in that section, and many Battles
in the State. A little later Roger Williams's executrix
married Edward Haswell. There are two grants on record
for land embraced in two of the above patents, one to Thomas
Relfe, the other to John Harvey, adjoining the lands of
Roger Williams, for which a grant was issued sixteen years
later to John Varnham, being near Skinner's Point, formerly
known as Moseley's Point.
Local names it wiH be observed that in these patents issued before
the end of September, 1663, by Governor Berkeley, the sound
itself, once called Roanoke Sound, was designated as the
Carolina River, its mouth being at the inlet. In London
the Proprietors named it the Albemarle, saying that it had
been the Chowan River, and Colleton Island was near its
Colleton mouth ; while the Roanoke, the Chowan, Pasquotank and
slrjohn Perquimans rivers were already known by those names.
c?R!loin' ^ne onty in^ mentioned at that time was Roanoke, in the
8k£5ranudto vicinity of Colleton Island ; but Ocracoke Inlet was then
oth™y and known to exist, and it was thought to be a bolder one than
59 *t**q. Roanoke. By that time the old Hatteras and Croatan inlets
had closed ; and a new breach had broken through the banks
opposite the upper portion of Roanoke Island.
The Quakers
So far as the records show, the actual settlement began
about 1659, about the time when New England and Virginia
were frowning at the new sect, the Friends, then attracting
attention because of their stubborn opposition to some of
the established usages of society and government. But that
was a coincidence rather than cause and effect. At that time
the number of Quakers in Virginia must have been very
small. The Society of Friends was introduced into that
colony by Elizabeth Harris, who arrived in 1656, and,
REASONS FOR SETTLEMENT 67
remaining but a few months, returned to England the next J*!
year. In March, 1660, the General Assembly prohibited any
Quaker from coming into the province, and that adverse
legislation extended to the Albemarle region equally with
the other portions of Virginia. Nor, indeed, did any
Quakers come to Albemarle seeking refuge and a haven.
Ten years after the settlement, Edmundson came from Vir-
ginia to Carolina and reached the place he intended, Henry
Phillips's house, by the Albemarle. "He and his wife," wrote
Edmundson in his journal, "had been convinced of the truth
in New England, and came here to live, and, not having seen
a Friend for seven years before, wept for joy to see us." 2S?w.
Up to 1672 Phillips and his wife were the only Quakers in n^*t^1
Albemarle. On the other hand, it affirmatively appears that
the settlement was brought about by the ordinary induce-
ments of a favorable location, as Lawson expressly states;
and it may be that the Albemarle country offered some
inducements in the way of security against the hostility of
the Indians, whose depredations had checked the expansion
of the colony on the James. The savages beyond Nansemond
were not so numerous and were more gentle, and the great
sounds afforded protection from the southward ; while Fort
Christiana, on the upper Meherrin, gave security from that
quarter. There was, however, a breadth of some thirty
miles intervening between the inhabited parts of Virginia
and the Albemarle settlement where the Indians roamed at
will.
The grant to the Lords Proprietors
Seeing that the time was ripe for colonizing Carolina,
Governor Berkeley doubtless conceived the idea of secur-
ing some advantage from it for himself and others who had
suffered because of their loyalty to their sovereign. Appli-
cation was made to the king for a grant of Carolina to
Sir William, his brother, John Lord Berkeley, Sir John
Colleton, then at the Barbadoes, who had spent £140,000
in the king's cause, and a number of other gentle-
68 BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
1663
The m
Proprietors
Their
powers
men whose valuable services the king might well have
rewarded by such a princely gift; and on March 24,
1663, the grant was secured. The grantees were per-
sons of the highest consequence. Edward Hyde, Earl of
Clarendon, the most illustrious of the king's friends, whose
daughter had married the king's brother ; General Monk,
who, having restored the monarchy and placed Charles on
the throne, had been created Duke of Albemarle; William
Earl of Craven, a military officer of great merit, who had
advanced large sums to Charles; Ashley Cooper, after-
ward created Earl of Shaftesbury, who had led the Parlia-
ment, as Monk had controlled the army; and Sir George
Carteret, esteemed the best seaman of his day, who, like
Colleton and the two Berkeleys, had ever been devoted to
the fortunes of the Stuarts.*
These grantees were constituted absolute Lords Pro-
prietors of Carolina, with full powers of government such as
appertained to the Palatine County of Durham, and to create
dignities, the grant being similar to that of Sir Robert Heath,
the only limitation being that the laws should not be repug-
nant to the laws of England. Six weeks after the grant
was issued the Lords Proprietors held their first meeting
and formed a joint-stock company, and provided by general
contribution for transporting colonists and for the payment
of their expenses. But as soon as publicity was given to the
issuing of this grant, its validity was questioned because
the same territory had formerly been bestowed on Sir Robert
Heath ; and Samuel Vassall claimed that he had an assign-
ment from Sir Robert for the southern half of Carolina for
a term of years not then expired, and Sir Robert Green-
field's heirs claimed the other half; while the heirs of the
Duke of Norfolk declared that Sir Robert took his grant
originally in trust for their ancestor; and Maltravers, Earl
of Arundell and Surrey, likewise set up an interest. There
is some reason to believe that in 1639 a permanent settlement
♦Lord John Berkeley and Sir George Carteret also became the
owners of New Jersey in -1664.
PATENT FOR CAROLANA ANNULLED 69
was attempted. William Hawley appeared in Virginia as ffi
governor of Carolina, and leave was granted by the Vir-
ginia legislature that he might colonize it by carrying a
hundred persons from Virginia, freemen, being single and
disengaged from debt, and it was said that Arundell was at
considerable expense in planting several parts of the country,
but was prevented from accomplishing his design by the J^olt,
civil war breaking out in England. The assertion of a title
older than the grant to the Lords Proprietors interfered with
their contemplated arrangements, and at their instance the
grant to Sir Robert Heath was annulled by the- Privy Coun-
cil ; but notwithstanding this proceeding, the title to Carolina
years afterward was claimed by Dr. Coxe, who in a
memorial to King William III traced his right through
different conveyances, and who declared that he had explored
and surveyed a large portion of the country, and his son,
Daniel Coxe, published an account and map of the territory,
which he still called Carolana.
William Drummond governor of Albemarle
As soon, however, as the title of the Proprietors was
assured, in September following, they vested in Sir William
Berkeley the power to appoint a governor for all that part
of their province which lay on the northeast side of the
River Chowan, now named by them the Albemarle River,
the Proprietors being aware that settlements had been made
in that territory. This, then, is the date of the first use of the
name Albemarle in connection with Carolina. The Pro- nimed"1*
prietors, in September, 1663, changed the name of "Chowan Septm% ,66*
River," by which they meant "the waters of the sound as far
as Roanoke Inlet," to Albemarle River, while the same
expansive waters had also been called the Carolina River;
and earlier, the Roanoke River. The date when Governor
Berkeley discontinued issuing patents for land in Albemarle
in the name of the king under his instructions as governor
of Virginia was apparently December 25, 1663; after that
the patents for land there were issued under the direction
7o BEGINNINGS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT
*£* of the Lords Proprietors as being in Carolina. The first
patents, being under the Virginia law, reserved a rent of
one farthing per acre, according to the Virginia custom;
those issued after December 25, 1663, under the instructions
of the Lords Proprietors, were at the greater rate of half
penny per acre. But although Governor Berkeley had been
c.r.,1. 938 jssu;ng patents for the land on the Albemarle as subject to
his authority as governor of Virginia, and as not being
within the limits of Carolina, yet after the grant to himself
and associates he seems to have refrained from asserting
the claim of Virginia to the plantations on the Chowan and
Pasquotank and to have allowed the Lords Proprietors to
proceed as if that territory were within their domain. He
visited the new settlement the following summer, and con-
formably to their direction, appointed necessary officers and
organized the government, and he either appointed William
Drummond, a Scotchman, then a resident of Virginia, to be
the governor, or recommended him for that post. The Lords
Proprietors having speedily considered plans for the gov-
ernment of their province, determined to form counties forty
miles square, each of which was to have its own governor ;
and they proposed to lay off such a county on the Chowan
j^enSr and to call it Albemarle. It is probable that in October, 1664,
*M ' 4 they gave effect to this purpose, and at that time made out
and transmitted to Drummond his commission as governor
of the county of Albemarle, for on January 7, 1665, they
mentioned in a letter to him that they had previously sent
him by Peter Carteret his commission as governor of Albe-
marle County, but had by mistake stated that it was to con-
tain forty square miles instead of being forty miles square ;
and their plans seem to have contemplated that the term
of office for the governor should be three years; and in
c.R.(i,9s October, 1667, a successor was appointed to Drummond.
Later, one Nathaniel Batts was mentioned as having been
governor of Roanoke, and he may have been appointed to
that office by Governor Berkeley under the instructions of
the Lords Proprietors, Roanoke Island not being within
CAROLINA ENLARGED * 7*
Albemarle County as originally laid off, and authority hav- £**
ing been given to Berkeley to establish two separate gov-
ernments, one for each division of territory.
The second grant
Probably it was in connection with the organization of the
new government that attention was sharply drawn to the
fact that the Albemarle settlement was not in Carolina, but
was really within the boundaries of Virginia. The Lords
Proprietors, becoming aware that the limits of Carolina
just touched the northern shore of the sound and did not
embrace the plantations that had been settled, hastened to
apply to the king for an extension of their grant some
thirty miles further northward, and on June 30, 1665, the
king was pleased to make this addition to their possessions,
and issued a second grant or charter, extending Carolina to
36 degrees 30 minutes north latitude, which has ever
since been the dividing line between the two territories ; and
also extending it two degrees further to the southward.
CHAPTER VII
Settlement on the Cape Fear
The settlement on the Cape Fear. — Hilton's explorations. — The
New England Association. — The first settlement. — Sir John Ycamans,
governor. — Conditions at Charlestown. — Yeamans sails from Barba-
does. — An Assembly at Cape Fear. — An Indian war. — Dissatisfaction.
— The Cape Fear River abandoned. — A new Charlestown on Ashley
River. — Slavery in the colonies. — The Indian inhabitants
x66a
Hilton
makes a
second
expedition
October,
1663
C.R.,1,71
The settlement of the Cape Fear
The evil reports set afoot in 1662 by the New Englanders
in regard to the Cape Fear soon reached Barbadoes, and the
persons there who had in contemplation a settlement on
that river thought it expedient, before proceeding further,
to cause a more particular investigation to be made of that
locality. Colonel Modyford and John Vassall, the chief
promoters, again engaged the services of Hilton, who
with Anthony Long and Peter Fabian, as representatives of
the association, in August, 1663, set sail on the Adventure
upon a new mission of discovery and particular exploration.
They skirted the coast from September 29th to October 2d
without finding an entrance, and when they were in the
vicinity of Cape Fear a violent storm came up, and they
were carried by the strong current of the Gulf Stream
nearly up to Hatteras. Returning, they reached the outer
roads of Cape Fear on October 12th, and then visited the
cape, expecting to find the cattle left there by the New
Englanders. But the cattle could not be found. Doubtless
the Indians had feasted upon them. A fortnight later they
entered the harbor, and finally came to anchor at the junction
of what they called the Main River and Green River, where
the town of Wilmington now is. They ascended in their
boats the northeast branch, naming certain localities Turkey
Quarter, Rocky Point, and Stag Park; and likewise the
northwest branch, and Clarendon River, which they called
HILTON EXPLORES THE CAPE FEAR 73
Hilton; and while they found much poor land and many . *fr
pine barrens, and along the streams extensive marshes, on
the whole they were pleased with the locality as being suit-
able for a settlement. Indeed, no region is more attractive
than the Cape Fear in autumn. The soft, moderate climate,
the fine vegetation, the numerous flowers, the towering pines,
were all calculated to impress the explorers most favorably.
After a delightful experience of six weeks spent in explora-
tion, they turned their backs and dropped down to Crane
Island, about four leagues from the entrance of the harbor,
where they purchased the river and the adjacent land from
Wat Coosa, the king of the neighboring Indians, and his
chief men, and established friendly relations with them. On
December 4th they weighed anchor and turned their prow
southward for Barbadoes, where they arrived after a perilous
voyage of sixty days. In their report they strongly
denounced the disparaging statement made by the New Eng-
enders concerning the Cape Fear lands, and they gave a
renewed impetus to the projected enterprise.
But while these steps were being taken at Barbadoes, the
New England Association had not remained inactive. Still
purposing to establish a colony on the Cape Fear, they
sought the aid of London merchants to furnish means and
supplies, and to secure settlers from England, and were
taking measures to make the enterprise a success. Such was
the situation when it became known that Carolina had been
granted to the Lords Proprietors, and that terms of settle-
ment and title must be obtained from them.
When this information was received, the London adven- c.r., 1, 36
turers who were associated with the New Englanders
hastened to apply to the Lords Proprietors for the terms on
which a settlement could be made, and obtained assurances
of liberal treatment. The Proprietors, however, claimed the
privilege of appointing the governor, and this was not satis-
factory to the New Englanders, who had always enjoyed
the right of choosing their own governors, and objected
to any other mode of appointment. But this difference it
74 SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
1^2 was hoped might be reconciled. Indeed, the Proprietors \.
were eager to promote the settlement of their possessions,
and were active and energetic in doing so, considering the
pressing demands upon them of their high public em-
ployment.
Hardly had they entered upon their negotiations with the
New Englanders, however, when on August 12th they
received a communication from Barbadoes, signed by
Colonel Thomas Modyford and Peter Colleton, who were
cousins of the Duke of Albemarle, detailing the designs of
the Barbadoes adventurers and applying for terms of settle-
c R-, 1, 39 ment. With these two applications pending, the Proprietors,
buoyant with the prospects, hastened to respond, and on
The August 25th they published their first declarations and pro-
a!Slarations Posa^s t0 a^ that will plant in Carolina. They authorized
proposals fatf tne first settlement should be on Charles River, as Cape
Fear River was then named; and announced that the col-
onists were to make their own laws by their assembly-
men, by and with the advice and consent of the governor
and council. Freedom and liberty of conscience in all re-
ligious and spiritual things were absolutely granted. They
sought particularly to satisfy the New Englanders, who,
being Independents, demanded the right of electing their
governor and all other officers, by agreeing that the settlers,
before embarking, should present to them the names of
thirteen of the actual settlers, of whom one would be selected
for governor, and six more for the council ; and at the end
of every three years the inhabitants should in like manner
present thirteen persons from whom the governor and
council should be selected.
But even this was not satisfactory to the London agents
of the New Englanders, who insisted that the governor
must be elected by the people. The Proprietors, however,
disregarded this demand, and, hopeful of final acquiescence,
sought to consolidate the different interests, and to have the
adventurers or promoters at Barbadoes associate with them
those in New England and such persons in London, the
C.RnI,43
CHARLESTOWN ON THE CAPE FEAR 75
Bermudas and other islands in the Caribbean Sea as could 2*J
be induced to engage in the enterprise.
These efforts were in some measure successful. The con-
flicting claims of New England and Barbadoes were recon-
ciled, and an association, of which Henry Vassall was the
London agent, was formed to make the settlement Vassall
with much persistency continued negotiations for better
terms, and finally secured concessions which he thought
would be acceded to, and transmitted them to Barbadoes.
The promoters at Barbadoes now applied themselves with
such diligence to the work of preparation that on May 29, h**"*1***
1664, the first instalment of colonists disembarked on the fi°*1"rir
banks of the Cape Fear and established themselves at the 2^7
mouth of the creek since known as Old Town Creek, and
thither soon came accessions from New England, and the
settlement was apparently on a permanent and solid basis. c.R*i,ift
The river as early as August, 1663, was called the Charles
River, in honor of King Charles, and the new town was
named Charlestown. Five months after this settlement, in
October, 1664, at the time when the county of Albemarle
was laid off, the county of Clarendon was established on the
Cape Fear, and John Vassall was appointed surveyor and q^^^^
Robert Sanford register of that county. chwdo«
But among the Barbadoes adventurers were some who
were not favorable to the location on the Cape Fear, and
preferred a settlement further to the southward. The Pro-
prietors themselves entertained similar views, and dwelt
upon the necessity of establishing a colony at Port Royal.
While willing to foster all projects, they regarded with par-
ticular favor this new movement. Chief among the pro-
moters of it were Colonel John Yeamans, his son, Major
William Yeamans, Colonel Edward Reade and Captain
William Merrick, and these and their associates were sup- c.r.,i,js
posed to have the greatest influence at Barbadoes. Sir John
Colleton, one of the Proprietors who had resided in that
island, was a staunch friend of Colonel Yeamans, and recom-
mended that he should be selected to manage the details of
76
SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
1664
C.R.,1,94
Yeamans
governor
of
Clarendon
County
C.R.,1,78
C.R., 1,79
"The Con-
cessions"
organizing the colony. Resolved on this course, the Pro-
prietors ignored the negotiations they had had with Henry
Vassall as the agent of the association for the settlement
of Cape Fear and determined to treat with Major William
Yeamans, who, in the name of his father and eighty other
adventurers, made proposals for the exploration of the coast
and for establishing a colony further to the southward.
The negotiations being concluded, the Proprietors, in
order to strengthen the probabilities of success, sought and
obtained knighthood for Colonel Yeamans, who at their
instance was created baronet, and on January 11, 1665, they
appointed him governor of Clarendon County and of all
of Carolina to the southward and commissioned him lieuten-
ant-general, and invested him with full powers of control.
Contemporaneously with this appointment, the Yeamans
association, including some who had been interested in the
colony already settled on Cape Fear and other associates in
England, New England, the Leeward Islands and the Ber-
mudas, agreed on their part that before the last day of
September, 1665, they would provide two ships with
ordnance and munitions and provisions to make a settle-
ment south of Cape Romania, there to settle and erect
a fort. These measures being taken looking to colonization,
the Lords Proprietors now promulgated their ''concessions"
and agreement with all who should settle at Albemarle, at
Clarendon, and at a county to be established ^further south,
which was to be called Craven.
C.R.,I,
154-156
Conditions at Charlestown on Cape Fear
The Vassall colony at Cape Fear had now been seated a
year and a half, and the additions had been so considerable
that a publication intended to promote it claimed that the
population was already eight hundred. It is said they
brought with them from the Barbadoes cotton seed, which,
with corn and pulse, they planted ; and that in their clearings
they felled much timber, which was profitably shipped to Bar-
badoes; and they erected their houses and built forts, and
THE ARRIVAL OF YEAMANS 77
made much progress toward establishing permanent plan- x^j
tations. But despite the influx of population, they were still
dependent on others for provisions, clothing, and necessaries. c?r*?T, "7
Besides, they had early incurred the enmity of the Indians
by sending away some of the Indian children under pre-
tence of instructing them in learning and in the principles
of the Christian religion; and although the Indians had
no guns, only bows and arrows, they annoyed the settlers
and killed their cattle. The fall of 1665 thus found them
in a bad case, in want of provisions, clothing and munitions,
but they were hopeful of speedy relief and were anxiously
expecting the arrival of the governor with needed succors.
Yeamans sails from Barbadoes
The king's
For some time great preparations had been making at
Barbadoes to carry into effect the agreement with the Lords
Proprietors. Sir John Yeamans had secured a frigate of *»**
his own, the associated adventurers purchased a sloop, and
the Lords Proprietors bought a fly-boat, the Sir John, of
one hundred and fifty tons, which were to be used in the
expedition. On the fly-boat were stored the munitions and
the provisions and the armament for the fort, a part being
twelve cannon, a present from the king. By October, all
being in readiness, the governor and his little fleet set sail
for Cape Fear. On the way the vessels were separated 1665
by a great storm, in which the frigate lost her mast and
came near foundering. But eventually, early in November,
they all came to anchor before the mouth of Charles River.
Suddenly, however, a fresh gale swept them from their
insecure anchorage and drove them to sea; and upon their
return the Sir John stranded upon the outer shoals of the
bar, where she was soon broken to pieces by the violence of
the waves. Those on board fortunately were saved; but
the provisions and clothing, the magazines of arms, the
powder and the king's cannon were all lost.
Undismayed by his misfortunes, Yeamans began at once
to repair his frigate, which with the sloop had gotten safely
November,
1665
C. K., I, IIQ
78 SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
,665 into the river, and proposed to send her back to Barbadoes
for recruits, while he awaited the result of an exploration
to the southward by Robert Sanford in the sloop. But the
necessities of the colonists, heightened by the loss of the
provisions on the fly-boat, led to a great clamoring that the
sloop might be sent to Virginia for their immediate relief.
To this Sir John assented, and having arranged for the
exploration to be made later by Sanford, he himself returned
to Barbadoes in his disabled frigate. The sloop reached
Virginia and obtained a supply of provisions, but on the
return voyage it was driven on shore at Cape Lookout by a
violent storm and was cast away. All of the crew except
two, however, escaped in their boat, and after many perils
contrived to reach the plantations on the Chowan.
An Assembly at Cape Fear
While Sir John was still at Charlestown, probably in De-
cember, 1665, an Assembly was held for Clarendon County,
he and his council participating; and an address was pre-
pared to be sent to the Lords Proprietors detailing the
grievances of the colony and asking for redress. Although
?66^or\^ Sir John at first agreed to join in this petition, at the last
he withheld his signature. In it the Assembly, of which
John Vassall seems to have been speaker, and the council
complained of the terms set out in "the concessions"; that
the rent was too high ; that the method of laying off the land
was not satisfactory ; and that the penalty of forfeiture if a
man were not kept on every hundred acres was unreasonable.
They rehearsed that they had come to Cape Fear notwith-
standing the obloquy resting upon it, and were promised
large holdings of land by those acting for the Lords Pro-
prietors; that after they had embarked upon the enterprise
the negotiations with their agent for terms had been inter-
rupted by the agreement made with Major William Yea-
mans, and now that misfortune had overtaken those acting
under that agreement they had lost all interest in sustaining
the colony. They therefore prayed that the negotiations
ADDRESS FROM CHARLESTOWN 79
which had been interrupted might be again taken up "with ££
us and with the adventurers of Old and New England" ; and
they promised, "when supported by freedom, to trample on
all difficulties." And they warned the Proprietors that,
being deserted by all, only ruin awaited them, and that they
were utterly unable either to proceed or retire without aid,
and this they could hope to receive only upon obtaining the
terms originally asked.
From this address and other circumstances it appears ...
that the settlement had been chiefly made from New Eng-
land, and that when the Proprietors declined to allow them
to elect their own governor the New England association
refused to proceed; while the adventurers at Barbadoes
chiefly looked to the proposed settlement further to the
southward. Such was the situation of the colonists in the
winter of 1665, eighteen months after the first landing, when
Sir John Yeamans was for a short time at Charlestown : the
Indians hostile, their cattle being destroyed, constantly GMw
menaced by danger, provisions scarce, clothing needed, and
influences preventing supplies being furnished them, while
they themselves were dissatisfied with the terms of settle-
ment offered by the Lords Proprietors. Still, there was
some trade, the colonists having lumber to send out, and an
occasional vessel visited Charlestown; and one evening in
June, Robert Sanford together with some seventeen other
inhabitants sailed southward, exploring the coast as far as
Port Royal, finding many places that were favorable for
settlement, uniting good lands and an excellent harbor with
security against attack by the Indians. And, indeed, he
reported that he observed an emulation among the Indians
to secure the friendship of the English, and this notwith-
standing they knew that the colonists at Qarendon were in
actual war with the Cape Fear Indians and had sent
away many of them. On their return, after a month spent
in exploration, their accounts seemed to have increased the
dissatisfaction among the inhabitants at Charlestown, who
in sending their address to England insisted that "because
80 SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
x™ they had settled in the worst locality, the heaviest terms
should not be exacted from them."
c. r., i, 144 John Vassall seems to have been in charge of the colony,
and in August, 1666, his cousin, Henry Vassall, their agent
in London, again sought a hearing by the Lords Proprietors.
He remonstrated with them that after agreeing with him on
terms of settlement, they ignored those negotiations and
entered into a different agreement with Major Yeamans,
Vassall and that the colonists were dissatisfied. He renewed his
solicitations for the terms originally agreed on, and declared
that many in England, in New England, the Barbadoes and
those actually at Cape Fear now awaited the issue of his
last appeal in their behalf. If his demands should be
assented to, he said, a good ship was ready to sail with men
and provisions, with the likelihood of other ships following
in the spring. But otherwise the whole design would be
abandoned and those on the place, he asserted, would give
up the settlement.
The Cape Fear River abandoned
Vassall's warning seems to have been unheeded. Sir John
Colleton, one of the most active of the Proprietors, lay dead.
Albemarle was off the coast of Holland fighting the greatest
sea battle of that era. The other Proprietors were too
closely engaged to give much attention to Carolina. As
time passed the situation at Clarendon grew steadily worse.
c. r„ i, 160 In November, John Vassall sent an agent, Whitaker, to give
an account of the condition of the colonists, but he was taken
prisoner either by the French or the Dutch, and his mission
failed. Vassall wrote that he "had not heard a word from
any of the Proprietors since he received his commission by
Mr. Sanford," in November, 1664. But the settlers still
had friends in Massachusetts. The General Court of Massa-
c.R.,1, 161 chusetts, touched by their distress, imposed a general tax
for their benefit throughout that colony, and for a season the
necessities of Charlestown were relieved. Such measures,
October,
1667
C. R., 1, 159
CHARLESTOWN ON CAPE FEAR ABANDONED 81
however, were only palliatives and not remedies. The causes ^
of discontent continued without abatement.
Vassall, who had spent much of his means in the enter-
prise, was greatly interested that it should not fail.
He sought to keep the colonists together, and for a time
succeeded. But at length they found a way by land to
Albemarle, and neither his arguments nor his authority
could longer prevail to quiet them. He therefore detained
the first vessel that came in until he could collect others to
take them all away together. Some went to Virginia, but
the larger part returned to Boston ; so, in September, 1667,
three years after the landing of the colony, Charlestown was .
deserted and Clarendon County again became a solitude.
Vassall himself stopped in Nansemond, Virginia, and from
there, on October 6, 1667, ne wrote to Sir John Colleton, of
whose death he had not heard, a touching letter : "I presume
you have heard of the unhappy loss of our plantation on
Charles River, the reason of which I could have never so
well understood had I not come hither to hear — how that all
who came from us made it their business to exclaim against
the country as they had rendered it unfit for a Christian habi-
tation ; which hindered the coming of the people and sup-
plies to us, so as the rude rabble of our inhabitants were
daily ready to mutiny against me for keeping them there so
long. . . . And, indeed, we were as a poor company of
deserted people, little regarded by any others and no way able
to supply ourselves with clothing and necessaries, nor any
considerable number to defend ourselves from the Indians;
all of which was occasioned by the hard terms of your con-
cessions, which made our friends that set us out from Bar-
badoes to forsake us; so as they would neither supply us
with necessaries nor find shipping to fetch us away. Yet
had we had but £200 sent us in clothing, we had made a
comfortable shift for another year. And I offered to stay
there, if but twenty men would stay with me, till we had
heard from your Lordships; for we had corn enough for
two years for a far greater number, and though the Indians
82 SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
l^l had killed our cattle, yet we might have defended ourselves.
But I could not find six men that would be true to me to
stay, so was constrained to leave it, to my great loss and
ruin."
Thus the fair beginning of a settlement was defeated by
some unreasonable quibbling over a few acres of land in
a vast wilderness, and over the mode of appointing a
governor for a distant colony hedged in by the perils of
Indian warfare; while the troubles of the colonists them-
selves were intensified by their selling into slavery Indian
children and also such Indian captives as fell into their hands
during the war that followed that act of heartless tyranny
and treachery.
A new Charlestown on the Ashley
However, the Lords Proprietors were not entirely inactive.
Indeed, their prospects were now improved, for Spain by
a treaty executed in 1667 abandoned her claim to Carolina
and conceded to England her colonial possessions and the
right to trade in those waters. So contemporaneously with
the abandonment of Cape Fear the Proprietors fitted out a
vessel under the command of Captain William Sayle, and
sent him to make another exploration of the coast. After
his return with a favorable report of Port Royal, the Pro-
prietors, having formed themselves into a stock company,
made a great effort and raised twelve thousand pounds, with
which they prepared two vessels amply stored with pro-
visions and arms, and bearing a considerable number of
emigrants. They appointed Sayle governor, and the expedi-
p70 r **on' departing ^om England, arrived at Port Royal in 1670.
But after a year spent in that locality, the settlers were led
to remove to the west bank of the Ashley River, some miles
from its mouth, where they began a new Charlestown.
Within a year, however, Sayle succumbed to disease. West,
who was the mercantile agent of the Proprietors, hoped to
succeed him, but Yeamans, being a landgrave, was entitled
to be governor, and taking up his residence in Carolina, as-
THE SOUTHERN COLONY PLANTED 83
sumed the reins of government, and continued to be governor jj£
for five years, when, because of dissatisfaction with him, he
was retired and West was made a landgrave and appointed
governor. In 1679 the present city of Charleston* was laid «•*• /
off at the junction of the Ashley and Cooper rivers, and the
colony removed thither ; the government offices were estab-
lished there, and it soon became a thriving and prosperous
community.
Slavery in the colonies
When in 1494 Pope Alexander VI, at the request of Portu-
gal and Spain, apportioned the New World between them,
Spain was forbidden any possessions east of the one hun-
dredth meridian, and could have no foothold in Africa. So
after the trade in negroes was begun, Spain looked to English
enterprise to supply her colonies with negro laborers, and a
considerable traffic in negroes sprung up. Later, when Eng-
land established colonies of her own, white labor was
obtained either by contract, the men engaging for a limited
period of bondage, or by the purchase of those who had been
condemned to servitude for some infraction of the law.
Every rising against the government, either in England,
Ireland, or Scotland, was followed by the transportation of
large numbers of the unfortunate malcontents to the colonies,
where they were either sold or bestowed as a gift upon some
favored planter. In Virginia, the whites held in bondage
were chiefly indented servants, under contract for a term
of years, although from time to time those condemned to
penal servitude, in some instances at their own request, were
sent there. The demand for labor in the "new plantations"
being great, a thriving trade was done in indented servants,
kidnapped children and condemned persons; and since in
the course of this horrid business many outrages occurred, the
subject received the attention of the Board of Trade, of
Parliament, and of the courts. In 1620, an English vessel,
having captured some negroes on board of a Spanish ship,
♦For nearly a century it was called Charlestown.
84
SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
1639
Slaves in
New
England
Royal
African
Company
C.R.,111,
"5
The
Asiento,i7i3
1659
fell in with a Dutch man-of-war, which took possession of
the negroes, twenty in number, and stopping at Jamestown
the Dutch commander traded them for needed provisions.
In 1638 the first importation of negroes was made into New
England at Boston, and contemporaneously with this, at the
end of the Pequod War, Massachusetts and the other New
England colonies enslaved their Indian prisoners, selling the
men to the islands in the Caribbean Sea, but keeping the
women and maids among themselves. From that period
both Indians and negroes were used as slaves among the
English colonists. In 163 1 the African Company was
chartered to transport negro slaves from Africa to the
Spanish colonies, and soon after the Restoration, 1662, the
second African Company was chartered, with exclusive
rights to carry on the slave trade, the Duke of York and
other nobles being at the head of it. Twelve years later this
company was supplanted by the Royal African Company,
composed of the king, his brother the Duke of York, and other
notables, among them four of the Proprietors of Carolina.
When Queen Anne came to the throne she specially directed
that the Royal African Company should take care that a
sufficient supply of merchantable negroes should be fur-
nished at moderate rates, and the slave trade grew to enor-
mous proportions. In 171 3 England entered into a contract
with Spain, known as the "Asiento," for the exclusive right
of supplying the Spanish colonies with negroes for thirty
years; and the stock. in the company holding this franchise
was taken, one-fourth by the King of Spain, one-fourth by
Queen Anne, and the other half by her favored friends. To
maintain this exclusive right of carrying on the slave trade
England engaged in sundry wars, and at the Peace of
Utrecht she required that it should be solemnly engrafted
into the treaty.
As early as the settlement of Albemarle the institution of
slavery had been well established, and there were whites,
Indians, and negroes held to bondage. The Indian tribes
themselves sold their prisoners taken in their neighborhood
SLAVERY IN ALBEMARLE 85
wars to the colonists. And as in Africa wars were con- !$»
tinually carried on to secure slaves for the slave marts, so
in America wars were fomented to obtain Indian* prisoners
to be sold into slavery. Beginning in Massachusetts, this
practice of capturing and enslaving Indians led to the de-
struction of the first settlement on the Cape Fear and to
many of the wars in South Carolina, and it stimulated the
South Carolina Indians to come to the aid of North Caro-
lina in 1712, the captives taken at that time being sold in the
West Indies and in New England. Indeed, so mariy were
sent to Connecticut that the governor and council forbade
the importation of any more Tuscaroras for fear that in iu^'v^
connection with the neighboring tribes they would be a
source of danger to that colony. At the time of the settle-
ment of Albemarle there were two thousand negro slaves
in Virginia, while the white indented servants were four
times that many. In 1683 the white servants were sixteen
thousand, while the negroes were but three thousand.
The Indian inhabitants
The aborigines of North Carolina at the time of the settle-
ment consisted of many different tribes of Indians, each
having its own language. Near the great lakes of the
North were the Algonquins and the Iroquois. Some of
these moved southward and became inhabitants of North
Carolina. The Indians of the South are supposed to have
come from across the Mississippi River, and they extended
into North Carolina. Not only did these differ from the
northern Indians in language, but they were not so bar-
barous and they had made more progress from the savage
state. One of the tests now applied to determine whether a lv*\*n .
rtr m civilization
tribe was of southern or northern origin is its pottery and
its ornamentation. It is said that the northern Indians
had made such a slight advance that none of their pottery
was decorated by a curved line. Pottery bearing curved
ornamentation has been found in western North Carolina
and also in eastern Carolina, and in a general way it has
86 SETTLEMENT ON THE CAPE FEAR
I$2 been said that a line drawn from Hatteras marked the boun-
daries of the southern and northern Indians. There is
Etef.',xx, reason to believe that the southern Indians occupied North
147. 159 Carolina and were measurably expelled by fierce tribes from
the north, except along the coast.
The Indians on the Cape Fear were Congarees. The
Hatteras and Coranines were southern Indians, and per-
haps also the Chowanoaks, who afterward became known
as Meherrins. The Mongoaks, later the Tuscaroras, the
Woccoons, and perhaps the Pamlicos, were northern
Jri^S Indians. The Catawbas were southern. In 1656 the
Rechahecrians came from the north, fought with the Vir-
ginians, and passed southward into the mountains. It is
supposed they became the Cherokees, who have been ascer-
tained to be of northern origin.* Tradition assigns several
points in the Haw and Deep River country as scenes of
great battles between the northern and southern Indians.
Brickell in 1729 went on a mission to the Indians in that
part of the province, and in December, 1752, when Bishop
Spangenberg explored the lands on the upper Catawba, he
found the remains of an Indian fort, as also "tame grass,
c. R.,v(9 which is still growing about the old residences on the north-
east branch of Middle Little River."
There was always antagonism between the northern and
southern Indians, and the Catawbas were at constant war
with the Tuscaroras. Not only were the tribes destroyed
by their continual wars, but they were exterminated by
disease. The Pamlicos, that had been very numerous, about
1694 were swept away by an epidemic, and later the
Catawbas were destroyed by the smallpox. Other tribes
met with a similar fate.
The Indians have left many memorials of their former
existence in North Carolina, which, however, have not been
carefully preserved. One intelligent investigator, Dr. Dil-
lard, says : "One of the largest and most remarkable Indian
mounds in eastern North Carolina is located at Bandon, on
♦Now classed as Iroquois.
THE CAROLINA INDIANS 87
the Chowan, evidently the site of the ancient town of the Ij;
Chowanokes, which Grenville's party visited in 1585, and
was called Mavaton. The map of James Wimble, made in
1738, also locates it at about this point. The mound extends
along the river bank five hundred or six hundred yards, is
sixty yards wide and five feet deep, covered with about one
foot of sand and soil. It is composed almost exclusively of
mussel shells taken from the river, pieces of pottery, ashes,
arrow-heads and human bones. . . . Certain decorations
on their pottery occur sufficiently often among the Indian
tribes of the different sections to be almost characteristic of
them. A sort of corncob impression is found on a great deal
of Chowan pottery and also in Bertie. There are also pieces
with parallel striations, oblique patterns, small diamond pat-
terns formed by transverse lines, evidently made by a sharp
stick. Some are decorated with horizontal lines, while a
few are perfectly plain. In the deposits on the Chowan
River, at the site of the ancient Chowanoke town of Mava-
ton, the decorations on the pottery are both varied and
artistic. ... I have never seen so many distinct pat-
terns occurring in the same mound as at Avoca, left there by
the Tuscaroras. The ancient Tuscarora town of Metackwem
was located in Bertie County just above Black Walnut Point,
and most probably at Avoca, from the extensive deposits
there."
THE THIRD EPOCH— 1663-1 729
PROPRIETARY GOVERNMENT
166s
CHAPTER VIII
Administrations of Drummond and Stephens
The settlement of Albemarle. — Governor Drummond. — The first
Assembly. — Conditions at Albemarle. — The concessions. — Cessation
of tobacco planting. — An Indian war. — Changes -in the Proprietors.
— Stephens governor. — The great deed. — Act of Assembly. — The
marriage act.
The settlement of Albemarle
The excellence of the location, the salubrity of the climate,
and the fertility of the soil soon drew to Albemarle consider-
able accessions of population. Lawson says that the first
who came found the winters mild and the soil fertile beyond
expectation, producing everything that was planted to a
prodigious increase ; that the cattle, horses, sheep, and swine,
breeding very fast, passed the winter without any assistance
from the planter; so that everything seemed to come by
nature, the husbandman living almost void of care and free
from those fatigues which are absolutely necessary in winter
countries for providing necessaries; ahd the fame of this
new-discovered country spread through the neighboring
colonies and speedily drew other families to it.
Indeed, it was a location abounding in attractions for the
hardy pioneer. The great Albemarle River, as they called
the sound, its mouth being Roanoke Inlet, while furnishing
in its wide expanse a protection from the southern Indians,
offered an unfailing supply of fish and game. The broad
Chowan was likewise a protection from the Tuscaroras,
whose hunting grounds lay on the west and down to the
waters of the Neuse. On the east and north were only two
small tribes, one of which gave some trouble in 1666, but was
Seal of the County of Albemarle, 1669-1689, and
continued in use as the seal of the province
of North Carolina until the purchase
by the Crown in 1799. This repro-
duction is slightly larger
than the original;
reverse is blank
CONDITIONS OF SETTLEMENT 89
so speedily conquered that the war left no mark on the ***
infant settlement. The pioneers on their separated planta-
tions felt no alarm, and were quite free from Indian depreda-
tions. In natural advantages Albemarle was incomparable.
"Most of the plantations," says Lawson, "enjoy a noble hKJJJ^
prospect of large and spacious rivers, pleasant savannahs, cSJSina,
and fine meadows, with their green liveries interwoven with "°
beautiful flowers of most glorious colors, hedged in with
pleasant groves of the famous tulip-tree, stately laurels and
bays, myrtle, jessamine, woodbine and honeysuckle, and other
fragrant vines and evergreens, whose aspiring branches
shadow and interweave themselves with the loftiest timbers,
yielding a pleasant prospect, shade and smell ; proper habi-
tations for the sweet singing birds that melodiously entertain
such as travel through the woods of Carolina."
Drummond governor
Sir William Berkeley in the fall of 1663 received from
the other Proprietors instructions to organize a government
at Albemarle, and was authorized to appoint a governor for
the settlers on the northern and another for the southern
shore of the sound* if he should deem it expedient. The
following summer he visited the settlement, then confined
chiefly to the waters of the Chowan, and appointed William
Drummond governor, and later the Lords Proprietors sent ^J^1,;5?
a commission and instructions to Drummond, whose term £am>irs
Coll., II, 283
would seem to have begun in October, 1664. Berkeley was
also instructed to appoint six councillors to act with the Oct.,1664
governor, and all other necessary officers ; and the governor
and councillors together with the freemen or their deputies
were to make all laws, which were to be transmitted to the
Lords Proprietors within a year for their approval or dis-
approval. These laws as enacted were to be in force until
they should be disapproved by the Proprietors.
♦George Fox, in his Journal, 1672, speaks of Nathaniel Batts, who
had been "governor of Roanoak." He had probably been appointed
governor under this authority for the southern division. He was
buried at Batts's Island, near Durant's Neck.
9° DRUMMOND AND STEPHENS, 1664-69
.y The governor was to issue all grants for lands, and the
secretary was to record them, and these grants, like those in
c. R.,1,5* Virginia, were to be void if the land should not be seated
in three years. A rent of half a penny an acre was to be
paid each year, but rent was not to be exacted for a period
of five years. The governor for his compensation was to
have the sole trade of furs until some other means of pay-
ment should be arranged. Governor Drummond was a
Scotchman who had been long settled in Virginia, and was
well acquainted with the vicissitudes of pioneer life. He was
a man of education, of integrity, and well fitted for his office.
Although sparsely settled, Albemarle was now not an un-
broken wilderness.
Population had flowed in, some of the planters being men
of large means, bringing with them from ten to thirty per-
sons ; and shortly after the government was organized, not
later than the spring of 1665, the first Assembly was held,
and the little settlement became a self-governing community,
Spring of a pure democracy, the entire body of the inhabitants acting
5 for themselves, and not through the instrumentality of
representatives.
Such was the beginning of the organized government of
Albemarle. At that first session a petition was drawn up to
c.r., 1,101 be forwarded to the Lords Proprietors, the subject-matter
being that the settlers should continue to hold their lands
as they had done under the Virginia law, paying only a
farthing an acre rent, and that not in cash, but in commod-
ities, as was the practice in Virginia. The quantity of land
one could take up was dependent on the number of persons
he brought into the settlement, and the patents issued show
that some of the early settlers were accompanied by a
numerous retinue.
c. r.,i, a5» As an illustration of the early influx of population, a
remonstrance drawn up fourteen years after the settlement
was signed by twenty-one persons, who stated that most
of them had been inhabitants since 1663 and 1664. These
had become Quakers, while there was only one family of that
A PURE DEMOCRACY 91
faith in the settlement in 1672. In 1666 quite a number of **
settlers came from the Bermuda Islands, and, establishing
themselves on Pasquotank River, found employment in ship-
building. Trading vessels also began to frequent the waters
of Albemarle, the first large ship of which we have a record fSlGing
coming in during the winter of 1664. It was Captain l6e6
Whittly's vessel, which appears to have been employed by
the Proprietors in connection with their colonization. She
entered the sound through Roanoke Inlet, and when she
came in found fifteen feet of water, but on going out had
but eleven feet, and notwithstanding the channel had been
marked out, she grounded several times. "So uncertain
are all these inlets," remarks Thomas Woodward, who was
then the surveyor of the colony.
The concessions
The system of government at Albemarle was soon after- CR.,1,79
ward still further perfected by the provisions specified in the
concessions, bearing date January, 1665, which formulated
a general plan, covering all the counties established in the
province. All acts of the Proprietors were to be authenti-
cated by the great seal of the province, kept at London,
while each county was to have its own proper seal, and that
designed and adopted for Albemarle continued in use as the
seal of North Carolina until after the purchase by the king,
in 1729. All grants and deeds for land were to be acknowl-
edged or proved by the oath of two witnesses and recorded,
and the conveyance first recorded was to be effectual, not-
withstanding any prior unrecorded conveyance. This pro-
vision, now so common, was then unknown to the English
law. It had its origin in Holland, and had been adopted
by the settlers in Massachusetts. It was a marked' improve-
ment on the English system of ascertaining and perpetuating
titles. In those first days of settlement, the population being
inconsiderable, the freemen were either themselves to meet
in General Assembly or were to come together and elect
twelve deputies to represent them.
92 DRUMMOND AND STEPHENS, 1664-69
'^ All officers were to swear to bear true allegiance to the
king, and to perform their duties faithfully, or were to
subscribe a declaration to that effect in a book. There was
full liberty of conscience, but the General Assembly was to
have power to appoint as many ministers or preachers as
they should see fit, giving, however, to all persons the right
to have and to support any other ministers or preachers they
might please.
Each person coming in during the first year should be
entitled to have eighty acres of land for himself, and the
same quantity for his wife and every dependent capable of
bearing arms, and forty acres for each servant. And ser-
vants, after their term of servitude, should have an equal
right for themselves. But after the first year only sixty
acres were to be allowed instead of eighty. These grants
of land, while in fee, were subject to a yearly quitrent pay-
able to the Proprietors. The rent, half a penny an acre, was
to be paid in money. As an inducement to settlers, however,
the first payment of rent was postponed until the year 1671.
Thus, with full liberty of conscience guaranteed, with an
agreement that those who did not feel disposed to take an
oath of allegiance might merely subscribe a declaration of
their fealty, with a stipulation that no tax should be levied
or collected except by act of their General Assembly, and
that the Assembly, in the absence of the governor or his
deputy, might choose a president in his stead, and with an
Assembly elected by themselves vested with full power to
ordain laws and establish courts and appoint officers to
enforce them, the freemen of Albemarle enjoyed every liberty
they desired, and being blessed with bountiful harvests, led
easy, quiet lives in their sylvan homes.
The development of the "new plantations" progressed
rapidly. In addition to their corn and wheat, supplies and
1666 provisions necessary for their subsistence and comfort in the
wilderness, the planters also raised tobacco ; and so consider-
able was the production of this commodity that when Mary-
c. r.,i, n7 land, in June, 1666, proposed a cessation from planting
CESSATION OF TOBACCO PLANTING 93
tobacco for one year, the agreement was made dependent *J^
not merely on the acceptance of Virginia, but by "the new
plantations" at Albemarle as well.
An Indian war
Agreeably to that invitation, Governor Drummond and
Thomas Woodward, who had been appointed a commissioner
to represent the General Assembly, met the other commis-
sioners at James City on July 12th and agreed on a plan,
which in order to be effective was to be ratified by their
respective legislatures, and the ratifications were to be ex-
changed by the last of September. The General Assembly
of Albemarle met, George Catchmaid, Gent., being the
speaker, and passed the desired act; but about that time
there was an Indian outbreak and the colony was in peril,
and because of the Indian invasion the act ratifying the
agreement could not be transmitted within the period lim-
ited. However, the delay was only for a few days, and the
failure to send the act forward by the day fixed was held
immaterial. So by act of Assembly no tobacco was planted
during the year 1667.
In October of that year Drummond's term of three years Drummond
came to its close, and after an admirable administration that B^lliey*
capable governor, whose name is perpetuated in that of the
beautiful lake in the great Dismal Swamp, gave place to his
successor. Drummond retired to Virginia, where ten years
later, having engaged in Bacon's rebellion, in January, 1677,
he fell into the hands of Governor Berkeley and was sum-
marily executed by that insensate and exasperated tyrant.
Changes in the Proprietors
In the meantime notable changes had occurred among the
Lords Proprietors. Clarendon, who, being Lord Chancellor,
was held responsible by the people of England for all the
improper measures of the court since the restoration, had
become very unpopular; while his severe virtue, no less than
his opposition to all schemes looking to the toleration of the
x677
94
DRUMMOND AND STEPHENS, 1664-69
1667
Clarendon
banished,
1667
Colleton
dies, 1666
Albemarle
dies
Catholics, had rendered him disagreeable to Charles. In 1667
he became an object of the king's bitter hatred because he
ventured to thwart the passionate purpose of that lascivious
monarch. On August 30th of that year his seals of office
were demanded by Charles, and a month later, out of
common hatred, articles of impeachment were presented by
the popular leaders against him, and he was charged by the
Commons at the bar of the House of Lords with high
treason generally, without any allegations being specified.
On such a general charge the Lords refused to proceed ; but
Clarendon saw that his friends had fallen away, and that
both the opposing factions were bent on his destruction, and
so, seeking safety in flight, he retired to the continent. A
bill of perpetual banishment was passed against him, and
he sojourned in Europe until his death, in 1674, his last
years being employed in literary work. Such was the closing
of the honorable career of this devoted adherent of the
Stuarts, but a true Protestant and an honest Englishman.
Sir John Colleton had died in 1666, and Sir Peter Colleton
succeeded to his place among the Proprietors. Albemarle,
the skilful general and brave admiral, who, when London
was deserted by all during the great plague of 1665, had
given the world an additional illustration of his intrepidity
by remaining at his post in charge of the stricken city, had,
in 1666 and 1667, won famous victories at sea, and then,
falling ill with dropsy, lingered until December, 1669, when
his son, Christopher, Duke of Albemarle, succeeded him.
Sir George Carteret was vice-chamberlain to his Majesty's
household, and Sir John Berkeley was at his post as lord
lieutenant of Ireland, while his brother, Sir William, re-
mained governor of Virginia.
Stephens governor
In October, 1667, the Lords Proprietors appointed Cap-
tain Samuel Stephens governor, and sent him for instructions
a copy of the concessions published in 1664. So far as the
government of Albemarle had conformed to the concessions
STEPHENS SUCCEEDS \DRUMMOND 95
there were no changes in the administration. Up to 1667 !£*
Albemarle had not been laid off into precincts, but the free-
men of the settlement chose twelve deputies, called in the
legislation of 1666 "committee," to represent them ; and the
General Assembly, composed of the governor, his council,
appointed by himself, and the representatives of the people,
sat together as one body and enacted laws and had the power
to establish courts and define their jurisdiction.
Of Stephens we know but little. His relations with the
Proprietors and people seem to have been pleasant. He
became the owner of Roanoke Island, and otherwise identi-
fied his interests with the growth of the colony. The *$$£*
governor and council held a court for the county, which
exercised chancery powers, and had jurisdiction over estates.
They sat without pay, but it is probable that considerable
gain was made by way of compensation for public service by
a monopoly of trade with the Indians.
That Stephens was a gentleman of culture and standing character of
may well be surmised from what is known of his wife ; and
in like manner it appears that Harvey and some of the other
settlers in Albemarle were the equals in social condition of
the best of the Virginia planters of that time. Such was the
real character of the original settlement, made, as Lawson
asserts, by men of substance.
The Great Deed
It was during Stephens's administration that the Lords The
Proprietors were pleased to answer favorably the petition Assembly
of the Grand Assembly of 1665, so termed, perhaps, because
when the petition was prepared the people had not elected
delegates, but themselves assembled under the instructions
to Governor Berkeley; and for many years the legislative
body of Albemarle continued to call itself "the Grand
Assembly."
On May 1, 1668, under the seal of the province, the Lords
Proprietors, in response to this request, granted that the
inhabitants of Albemarle should hold their lands upon the
96
DRUMMOND AND STEPHENS, 1664-69
1668
The Great
Deed
Legislation
of 1669
The
Virginia
debtor law
same terms and conditions as the people of Virginia, by
which the rent became only a farthing an acre and was pay-
able in commodities at a fixed price and not in money. This
concession was regarded so highly that the instrument con-
taining it was called "The Great Deed," and in after years
it played an important part in North Carolina matters, and
for many years the General Assembly required that it should
be securely kept in the personal possession of the speaker of
the house.
At the session of the Assembly held in 1669 there were
passed seven acts that have come down to us. One of these
recites that no provision had been made for defraying the
expenses of the governor and council in time of the courts,
and "as the General Assembly thinks it unreasonable that
they should spend their time in the service of the county
and not have their charges borne, therefore every one who
brings a suit in court and is cast shall pay thirty pounds
of tobacco" as a sort of tax fee to pay the expenses of the
governor and council. Prior to that the governor and
council composed the only court held, for as no precincts
had been laid off, there were no precinct courts.
In order that Albemarle should not be behind Virginia in
offering inducements to settlers, an act was copied from the
Virginia statutes prohibiting the institution of any suit for
any debt against a person who should come into Albemarle
until after five years had elapsed from his arrival.
In 1642 Virginia had passed a similar law, which was
formally re-enacted by the Virginia Assembly in 1663, and
the settlers in Albemarle coming from Virginia brought with
them the remembrance of this legislation as a Virginia insti-
tution; and, indeed, similar laws were adopted in other
colonies. There were no ministers in the colony, and but
few in Virginia; so an act was then passed that legalized
marriage as a civil institution, and provided that a marriage
solemnized by the governor or any of his council in the
presence of three or four of the neighbors, the certificate
thereof being registered by the secretary, should be a valid
THE EARLIEST KNOWN LEGISLATION 97
marriage, and any person violating such a marriage should JJJJj
be punishable as if it had been performed by a minister.
This marriage law was born of the necessity of the case ; and
as it was founded in reason, the civil marriage thus insti-
tuted at Albemarle has since been adopted by all of the
enlightened states of the American Republic. These acts
were transmitted to England for the approval of the Lords
Proprietors, and meeting with their approbation, received
their sanction and became the law in the colony.
CHAPTER IX
Carteret's Administration, 1670-73
The Fundamental Constitutions. — Changes introduced by them. —
The first meeting under the Grand Model. — Carteret governor. —
The Grand Model in practice; The precincts. — The nobility. — The
Palatine's Court. — The Quakers. — First dissatisfaction. — Carteret
sails for England. — John Jenkins deputy-governor. — Visits from
Edmundson and Fox.
The Fundamental Constitutions
1669 The banishment of Clarendon and the long illness of
~v~ Albemarle made an opening at court for the higher rise
of Lord Ashley, a man of superior mental powers and
capabilities. He had inherited great wealth, had been studi-
ous in the law and in the sciences, and, possessing a strong
influence with the people, soon attained the highest position
and power among the statesmen of England. A Presby-
terian and somewhat of a free thinker, among his intimates
was John Locke, the scholar and philosopher, with whom he
contracted a friendship based on their common sympathy
with civil and philosophical freedom. In 1667 Locke became
his secretary, and took up his abode in Ashley's residence.
Sha'tcJbury The Lords Proprietors had requested Ashley to prepare a
permanent constitution for Carolina, and in the summer of
1669 a rough draught was submitted to them of that famous
instrument which has come down to posterity as Locke's
Fundamental Constitutions or the Grand Model of Gov-
ernment. This instrument was adopted and signed by the
Lords Proprietors on July 21, 1669.
The purposes avowed in it were to provide for the better
settlement of the government, to establish the interests of
the Proprietors with equality and without confusion, to
conform the government agreeably to the English monarchy,
and to avoid erecting a numerous democracy in their
province.
THE FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS 99
England had just passed through the experiment of the ^
Commonwealth, the course of which was marked by many
deplorable excesses. The Proprietors had seen stalwart
republicans, seeking an escape from evils of their own crea-
tion, unite in offering a crown to Cromwell, and had wit-
nessed the establishment of a monarchy clothed with
arbitrary power under the specious title of Protector; and
most of them had suffered severely in their fortunes and in
their persons during those convulsions; and now that the
ancient constitution of the kingdom had been restored, largely
through their own instrumentality, they wished to avoid
erecting an unsteady and unrestrained democracy in their
possessions. They were themselves of the nobility, and
possessed in Carolina under the grant of the king even the
regal powers that were enjoyed by the owners of the Pala-
tine County of Durham. Not unnaturally, they sought to
guard their individual rights and privileges. As there were
eight Proprietors, to establish equality among them was a
chief care. Eight great offices were created : one, the Pala- I^^et
tine, was assigned to the oldest Proprietor, and upon his
death the next in seniority succeeded him. The Palatine
was the executive, and the other Proprietors were to be
the admiral, chamberlain, chancellor, constable, chief justice,
high steward, and treasurer of the province. Carolina was
to be divided into counties, and there was to be an hereditary
nobility established in each county consisting of one land-
grave and two caciques. The other inhabitants were freemen
and leetmen, as the landholders were called in the county
of Durham ; and the institution of negro slavery was recog-
nized. An alien by subscribing the Fundamental Constitu-
tions thereby became naturalized, but no person over seven-
teen years of age could have any benefit or protection of
the law who was not enrolled as a member of some religious
profession acknowledging the Deity.
Each county was to be laid off into eight seignories, eight
baronies, and four precincts, and every precinct was to be
subdivided into six colonies. One of the seignories was to
ioo CARTERET'S ADMINISTRATION, 1670-73
l%* be the property of each Proprietor. It was to contain
12,000 acres, and was to descend to his heirs male, with
some provision in case of failure of heirs. Four of the
baronies, 12,000 acres each, were for the landgraves, and
each cacique was to have two baronies. Each precinct was
Division* of to embrace 72,000 acres, and each of its six colonies was
to contain 12,000 acres. The land in the precincts could be
bought and sold at pleasure by the owners, but whoever
purchased it had to pay a yearly quitrent of a penny an acre
to the Lords Proprietors. Within the precincts, by special
grant, a holding of 3000 acres might be erected into a manor,
with certain powers and privileges vesting in the lord of the
manor, and in that case, being once erected into a manor, it
could be sold in fee only in its entirety, and no parcel of it
could be conveyed for a longer period than twenty-one years.
Provision was made for leetmen within the manors, baronies,
Lectmen and seignories. A person became a leetman by voluntarily
entering himself as such in the proper court. On the
marriage of a leetman the lord was required to give him
ten acres of land for his life, subject to a rent of not more
than the eighth part of the yearly produce of the ten acres.
The children of leetmen were to remain forever as their
parents were ; and they were not to live off of the land of their
particular lord without license obtained from him. Being
subjects of their lord, all their controversies were to be tried
in the leet courts of their lord, who had a feudal jurisdiction
over them. Thus, besides negro slaves the inhabitants were
to be leetmen attached to the land, freemen, and nobles.
That the nobles should be properly maintained, they were
to have no power to alienate their property and dignity,
which must forever descend undivided to their heirs male, .
but this provision was not to go into effect until the
year 1700.
The system of government was cumbersome and complex.
The Palatine and the other seven Proprietors, being the
great officers, formed what was designated the Palatine's
Court. This body was, however, executive rather than
Freemen
Nobles
THE FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS 101
judicial. It had power to call parliaments, to pardon all ^
offences, to elect all officers, to negative the acts of Parlia-
ment, and generally was vested with all the powers granted
to the Proprietors, except as was otherwise limited in the ThePro.
Fundamental Constitutions. In this court, any Proprietor jj^'
being absent, he could be represented by his deputy.
Each of the other great officers also had a court com-
posed of himself, six councillors, and twelve assistants
chosen from among the landgraves, caciques, and such com-
moners or freemen as were designated ; and to each of these
courts a particular jurisdiction was allotted.
Superior to these courts, however, was the Grand Council, The
composed of the Palatine, the seven other great officers, and cSndi
the forty-two councillors. To this council was assigned the
power to determine controversies between the courts, and
to make peace and war, leagues and treaties with the Indians,
and to raise forces for war. It also had authority to prepare
matters to be adopted in Parliament, and no act could be
proposed in Parliament unless it had first passed the Grand
Council.
The Parliament was to consist of the Proprietors or their
deputies, the landgraves and the caciques, and one free-
holder from each precinct chosen by the freeholders. These
were to sit in one room, each member having one vote.
Parliament was to meet on the first Monday of November
every second year in the town it last sat in, without any
summons. And in order to elect members the freeholders
of each precinct were to meet on the first Monday of Sep-
tember every two years and choose their representatives.
Under the concessions the people had a right to elect
assemblymen on the first day of each January, and this new
provision investing them with the constitutional right to
elect a parliament every other September, to convene in
November without any call from the governor, was founded
in the severe experiences of the English people during the
troubles of the recent past, and was a change from English
methods largely favorable to the liberties of the people. In
102 CARTERET'S ADMINISTRATION, 1670- 7 3
'if? after years it became the foundation of a famous enactment
known as the Biennial Act of 171 5, which, however, merely
continued in force the former practice.
The In every county there was to be a general court, held by
court ihe sheriff and one justice from each precinct. Appeals lay
from this court in important civil cases and in criminal cases
to the Proprietors' court; and in every precinct there was
to be a court consisting of a steward and four justices, who
should judge all criminal cases except treason, murder, and
other offences where the punishment was death, and excepl
criminal cases against the nobility; and also all civil causes
whatsoever, but with appeal to the county court in important
cases. To try treason, murder, and other offences punishable
with death, a commission for itinerant judges was to issue
twice a year, who were to hold assizes in each county with
the sheriff and four justices, with appeal to the Proprietors'
court. There were grand juries for the criminal courts, and
in all courts causes were determined by a jury of twelve
men, but a majority verdict was sufficient, unanimity not
being required.
While the nobles had great places provided for them,
there were thus open to the freemen avenues to distinction
in a judicial career, as members of Parliament, as assistants
in the great courts, and as councillors. But lawyers were
dUcoun^ discountenanced, and it was declared a vile thing to plead
a cause for money. The purpose of this provision was, pos-
sibly, to build up a clientage for the great lords and add to
their importance. While appeals were allowed, a new trial
in the same court was forbidden, and all manner of comments
and of expositions on any part of the law was absolutely
prohibited. But at the end of a hundred years every law
was to be void. There were one hundred and twenty sections
of the Grand Model, or Constitutions as Locke called them,
and every part of them was to remain sacred and unalterable
forever, and every inhabitant was to take an oath to support
them.
Among the provisions of the Fundamental Constitutions
tenanced
THE FUNDAMENTAL CONSTITUTIONS 103
were some innovations on English customs that were not lJ*
without merit. There was to be in each precinct an officer
called the register, in whose records should be enrolled all
deeds, judgments, and conveyances which concerned any ^£"5*^3
land in the precinct, and until registered such conveyances °^£jj£
had no force. And in every seignory, barony, and colony
there was to be a registry for recording all births, marriages,
and deaths; and no marriage was to be lawful, no matter
what contract or ceremony was used, until both parties
mutually owned it before the register, and he had recorded
it, together with the names of the parents.
In regard to religion, while freedom of conscience was Religion
allowed, yet it was enacted that no man should become a
freeman of Carolina or have any estate or habitation within
it "that doth not acknowledge a god, and that god is to be
publicly and solemnly worshipped" ; and while no person of
the age of seventeen years could have any protection of
the law unless a member of a church, yet any seven persons
agreeing in any religion could constitute a church or pro-
fession on which they should bestow some name to dis-
tinguish it from others.
The changes introduced by the Constitutions
Some of the administrative provisions of the Grand Model
were not unlike those that had been in use in Albemarle from
the first. Others were easy to introduce. But the establish-
ment of new orders of nobility with the powers and privileges
accorded them and the subdivision of the counties as pro-
posed were utterly impracticable.
The details of what the philosopher Locke and his coadju-
tor, a sagacious man of business and practical statesman,
deemed a perfect plan of government were worked out with
great care and particularity. But political institutions to fit
the needs of a community must be the reasonable outgrowth
of actual conditions, developed through the natural opera-
tion of influences that affect the thoughts, habits, aspira-
tions, and life of the people. Although the Grand Model
104 CARTERET'S ADMINISTRATION, 1670-73
ffi won high applause upon its publication in Europe, it did not
excite enthusiasm in Carolina. As a theoretical adjustment
of forces in government, establishing on a secure basis a
conservative aristocracy and perpetuating a monarchical
system along with guarantees of popular freedom, it was
doubtless superior to any European government of that era.
don» Hrlhe ^ut ** was no* suited for freemen inhabiting a wilderness.
dowtilu For the chief aim in view, the establishment of a practical
government in Carolina, it was a strange admixture of un-
mitigated folly and theoretical wisdom. The provision
ordaining a nobility was probably not offensive to the inhab-
itants of Albemarle. The people of every nationality were
at that period accustomed to class distinctions, which entered
largely into the social life of their country, and an order
of nobility could not have been disagreeable to Englishmen in
any colony. But the plan was too elaborate to be put into
successful operation, and, except in some unimportant par-
ticulars, it was not attempted in Albemarle. A century later,
when a constitution was to be framed by practical statesmen
for a continent, the outline of a system, a few general grants
of power, a few denials of authority by way of limitation,
sufficed to establish a government that has evoked the
admiration of mankind.
The first meeting under the Grand Model
c. r., 1, 179 The principal features of the Grand Model having been
agreed on, a rough draft of it was, in July, 1669, trans-
mitted to Albemarle. The first meeting of the Proprietors
after its adoption was held in October, 1669, at the Cockpit,
a government office near Whitehall, where Lord Ashley's
public business was commonly transacted, where the Board
of Trade held its sessions, and where later Princess Anne
resided until called to the throne. There were present all
of the Proprietors except Clarendon and Sir William
Berkeley. Albemarle, being the oldest of the Proprietors,
became the first Palatine. At a second meeting two months
later, January, 1670, it was resolved that instructions should
-*
CARTERET SUCCEEDS STEPHENS 105
be sent to Carolina to put the new model into operation. '**
Before that, however, Albemarle had, in December, passed
away, and Lord John Berkeley succeeded to the office of
Palatine. At this meeting the acts of the General Assembly
of 1669, that had been transmitted to the Lords Proprietors c- R- '• sS*
for their confirmation, were approved, and they were re-
drafted to conform to the requirements of the Grand Model,
and were then returned to Albemarle, where they were
passed for the second time on October 15, 1670.
Carteret governor
At this meeting, too, John Locke and Sir John Yeamans
were appointed landgraves ; and Lord Berkeley, exercising
his prerogative as Palatine, deputized Samuel Stephens, the
former governor, to be his deputy and to continue in as
governor. But about December of the year 1669 dl2!hen*
Stephens died, and the council in Albemarle Raving, in Dec»l669
such an emergency, the power and right to fill the vacancy,
chose as governor Peter Carteret, a kinsman of Sir George
Carteret, who had settled in Albemarle in 1664; and
Carteret entered actively on the duties, and as governor held
with the council a called session of the county court, being
the general court for the county, in July, 1670, at which time
administration was granted on the estate of Stephens to
John Culpepper, as attorney for Sir William Berkeley, whose
marriage with the widow may already have been solemnized.
That council, previously appointed by Governor Stephens
under his commission and instructions, was composed of
Colonel John Jenkins, John Harvey, Major Richard Foster,
and Captain Thomas Cullen, some of the other councillors
not being in attendance.*
*At a called court held July 15, 1670, at the house of Samuel
Davis, for the county of Albemarle, there were present the Hon.
Peter Carteret, governor and commander-in-chief; Colonel John
Jenkins, John Harvey, Major Richard Foster. Captain Thomas
Cullen. councillors; and the following was adopted: Whereas.
Mr. John Culpepper, Gent., attorney for Sir William Berkeley,
governor, and captain-general of Virginia, petitioned to this court
for letters of administration on the estate of Captain Samuel
Stephens, deceased, he putting in security to save the court harmless,
io6
CARTERET'S ADMINISTRATION, 1670-73
1670
C. R., 1, 181
Grand
Model vs.
the existing
system
MSS.
Records
at Eden ton
The news of the death of Stephens apparently reached
England before the instructions prepared for him at the
January meeting of the Proprietors had been sent, and so
later in the year Carteret was appointed governor and his
instructions were sent him, together with a copy of the Grand
Model, which had been completed and fully perfected on
March i, 1670.
On September 27th of that year a general court was held
for the county of Albemarle, there being present the same
councillors, together with Francis Godfrey and John
Willoughby.
The Grand Model in practice: The precincts
In the instructions directed to Carteret as governor the
Proprietors said they were not able to put the Grand Model
fully into practice, "but intending to come as nigh to it as
we can," Carteret was directed to observe it as far as prac-
ticable. These instructions, therefore, varied from the Grand
Model and also varied from the existing system at Albe-
marle in several particulars. Among the directions given
to Carteret was one that a writ should be issued to the four
precincts of Albemarle for the election in each of five repre-
sentatives for a general assembly, the division into four
precincts having been made conformably to the rough draft
of the Grand Model sent over in July, 1669.* Under the
concessions, and under Stephens's instructions in 1667, the
inhabitants were to choose twelve deputies, until "distric-
tions of the county should be made," and then each "dis-
triction" should choose two representatives. That would
it is ordered that the said Culpepper have orders of administration
granted him. Whereas, Andrew Woodward was summoned to this
court of chancery, and being required to give his oath upon inquiry
of what he knew to be the estate of Samuel Stephens, deceased, he
wilfully denied and refused to give his oath, wherefore the court
ordered that he remain a close prisoner. On September 27, 1670, a
general court was held at the same place, which seems to have been
at that time the convenient point of meeting.
♦The names of three of these precincts were Carteret, Berkeley
and Shaftesbury; the name of the fourth is now not positively
known.
THE GRAND MODEL IN PRACTICE 107
indicate that at least six subdivisions were then in con- gfe
templation ; now the county was divided into four precincts,
as required by the Grand Model, each electing five repre-
sentatives. Such was the origin of the right of the Albe- £;i8£p°£he
marie precincts to have five representatives, which they *«nlat,ve»
continued to enjoy, despite all antagonism, until the adoption
of the state constitution in 1776.*
The nobility
Five persons appointed by the Lords Proprietors, who c.r., 1,181
theoretically were to represent the nobility, were to sit with
the twenty representatives chosen by the people to form
an Assembly. After the Assembly had chosen a speaker, it
was to elect five persons, who were to join the five deputies
appointed by the Lords Proprietors to form the governor's
council, the governor himself being the deputy of the Pala-
tine. And this council of ten was to have the power of the
Grand Council in the Grand Model. The governor and the
five deputies were to form the Palatine's Court, and were
vested with the jurisdiction and powers conferred on that
court. Particular authority was conferred on the governor
and council to establish courts for the administration of
justice; and all the inhabitants were to take an oath of
allegiance and of submission to the form of government.
Such were the instructions to Governor Carteret, in 1670,
to put the Grand Model into operation "as nigh as may be,"
and in several particulars to alter the existing government
in order to do so, and to require the submission of the
people to it under the sanction of an oath. Carteret, who
early settled in Albemarle, and was so esteemed that he
had been speaker of the Assembly, and whose qualifications
were such that he had served as secretary of the general
court, sought to give effect to his instructions and put into
operation the changes indicated. The county had already
*In 1665, the freemen themselves met in Grand Assembly; in 1666,
they assembled and appointed members to represent them ; and this
was continued until the precincts were established, when the election
was by precincts.
io8 CARTERET'S ADMINISTRATION, 1670-73
lJjZ been laid off into four precincts, which were now per-
manently established. The governor and deputies held their
Palatine's Court, the council was increased by five common-
ers chosen by the Assembly, and in other respects attempts
were made to follow the instructions of the Proprietors.
The Grand Model in its complex entirety was not at all
adapted to a few scattered planters in a new settlement ; nor
were its provisions that erected a class of landed aristocracy
in harmony with the spirit of liberty and of equality which
Grand°fthe would naturally be fostered in a remote wilderness. But it
Modcl contained some important principles of liberty which thus
became engrafted in the fundamental constitution of the
colony, and whose maintenance was in after years of great
interest to the people. Although it did not go into operation
in all its parts, yet in some respects the frame and system of
government conformed to it. The governor was the repre-
sentative of the Palatine, the deputies were appointed from
among the people, and the Assembly elected five persons to
sit with them; the precinct courts, the general courts and
courts of chancery were now held conformably to the funda-
mentals; and every second year, in September, the people
elected their deputies to sit in the legislature without any
writ ; and the Assembly met in November.
The Quakers: Edmundson and Fox
167. It was during Carteret's administration, in 1672, that
William Edmundson, a preacher of the new sect, the Friends,
visited Albemarle, and the first religious meeting was held in
the forests of Carolina. Accompanied by two woodsmen to
guide him through the wilderness, Edmundson passed on
horseback beyond the confines of the Nansemond settlements,
and on the third day reached the house of Henry Phillips,
the only Quaker then in Albemarle. Phillips and his wife
had been convinced in New England, and coming to Carolina
about 1665 had not seen a Friend for seven years. When
Edmundson made himself known, they wept for joy. Word
was speedily sent to the neighbors to come at noon to hear
THE FIRST RELIGIOUS MEETINGS 109
the preacher, and many came. For a dozen years those ^
who had first seated in that remote locality had been without
church privileges, had not assembled in prayer, nor heard a
preacher of the Word. Edmundson, accustomed to the preachM**
observance of the proprieties, was shocked that they brought
their pipes and sat smoking during the religious service.
But while their forest breeding impressed him that they
were not religious, yet he found the way to their hearts, and
several at once received the "Truth with gladness." Truly,
those were glad hearts that were converted and brought into
communion with this apostle of repentance preaching that
the inner light was a revelation of the Holy Spirit. On the
third day Edmundson, well pleased with Carolina, returned C-R«ii.«7
to Virginia. But a few months later he was followed by the
very head and founder of the faith, George Fox. Fox Foxvisiu
reached Bennett's Creek toward the last of November, and CaroUn»
taking a canoe, proceeded to the Chowan and then to Eden-
ton Bay; and there, obtaining a larger boat, went on to
Governor Carteret's. The governor and his wife "received
them lovingly," and Carteret courteously accompanied him
two miles through the wilderness. Thirty miles more
brought Fox to the residence of Joseph Scot, one of the
assemblymen, where they had a precious meeting; and a
few miles further they reached the home of the secretary
of the colony, who had previously accepted the Quaker faith.
For three weeks Fox lingered among these people of the
forest, whom he described as tender and loving and recep-
tive of the truth, holding meetings to which they flocked.
The seed fell on good ground. The faith of the zealous and
earnest evangelist, who appealed so effectively to the con-
sciences of his hearers, took firm root in Albemarle. No
other religious meetings were held calling the people into
communion and at once ministering to their human needs
and satisfying their spiritual longings. It was in sympathy
with the solitude of their surroundings and the quietude of
their daily life. There had been naught to disturb the rest-
fulness of the people or to inflame their passions. Content-
no
CARTERET'S ADMINISTRATION, 1670-73
1679
ment prevailed. The administration of their government had
been of the people and for the people. Their assemblies met
regularly, and the laws were of their own making.
C. R., I, aiQ
The
Assembly
of 167s
The Great
Deed
appealed to
The first dissatisfaction
At the session of 1672 at least fifty- four acts were passed,
which may, however, have embraced all former laws then
re-enacted. The fifty-fourth prohibited the sale of rum at a
greater price than twenty-five pounds of tobacco per gallon ;
for the unit of value was the pound of tobacco, and taxes,
rents, and debts were all payable in that commodity. This
attempt to regulate prices, interfering with the freedom of
trade, was soon found to be inexpedient, because if the
traders could not make a greater profit on the rum, they
would not bring in other commodities that were more neces-
sary to the inhabitants. The next year, therefore, the act
was repealed.
Notwithstanding those features of the Grand Model that
were inimical to freedom, there was probably no opposition
to the introduction of the administrative changes which
Carteret, under his instructions, put into operation. The
people, few in number, somewhat scattered, occupied with
their industries, probably did not at first greatly concern them-
selves with those provisions of the new constitution that
were not to be carried into effect at once among them; but
when they were required to take an oath to support it and
to abide by it, and when one of its unalterable provisions
was that their rent per acre, instead of one farthing per
acre, payable in commodities, should be as much silver as is
contained in a penny, they exhibited signs of dissatisfaction.
They had just secured by the Great Deed the concession for
which they had petitioned years before, that their rent should
be like that in Virginia, and the proposed change must have
aroused indignation. In the records of Perquimans is an
entry showing that Francis Toms, Christopher Nicholson,
and William Wyatt, being Quakers, did subscribe the
Fundamental Constitutions, but they added a protest, how-
DISCONTENT IN THE COLONY in
ever, that by accepting the Grand Model they should not Jj2
be disannulled of the gracious grant given by the Lords
Proprietors in their Great Deed to hold their lands according
to the tenure of Virginia. Doubtless this protest but ex-
pressed the common sentiment of all the inhabitants.
Besides, just at this time there were other causes of dis-
content arising from the navigation laws and customs duties,
which if enforced would seriously interfere with the trade of
the colony. But whatever was the occasion, dissatisfaction
pervaded the settlement — a dissatisfaction so pronounced that
Carteret could not stem it. The new element introduced into
the council by the admission of five inhabitants appointed by
the Assembly now changed the attitude of that body toward
public measures and virtually brought it under the rule of
the people themselves. The council was no longer in har-
mony with the governor.
Carteret's efforts to compose differences were fruitless ; he ££2?
wearied of the attempt, and finally laid down his office and
abandoned the colony. Before May, 1673, he sailed for
England, leaving the administration, it is said, in ill order
and worse hands.
On May 25th, at a council held at the house of Thomas
Godfrey, Carteret was absent and Colonel John Jenkins
presided as deputy governor.
CHAPTER X
Administrations of Jenkins and Miller, 1673-78
The navigation acts. — The Board of Trade.— The people mur-
mur.— Other causes of dissatisfaction. — An Indian war. — The to-
bacco duty resisted. — The administration compromises. — Miller ar-
rested.— Eastchurch goes to England. — Governor Jenkins deposed. —
Eastchurch appointed governor. — Bacon's rebellion in Virginia. —
A government by the people. — Eastchurch deputizes Miller. — Op-
position to the navigation acts. — Durant resolves to revolt. — Miller
acts resolutely. — Durant returns to Albemarle. — The crisis arrives. —
The revolt proceeds.
The navigation acts
l66o Since the opening of the century there had been rapid
"**"" progress in the art of manufacturing and in the develop-
ment of the commercial interests of England. Fierce wars
had been waged for the expansion of trade and for the
establishment of commercial supremacy. The early navi-
gation acts, strengthened by Crom weirs legislation, were
initial movements in a system intended to secure the mer-
cantile prosperity of England. And as the enterprising
Dutch were now proving successful competitors in the
colonial trade, there was in 1660 a further enactment, aimed
at Holland, that all importations into the plantations should
be in English ships. Because of that prohibition, Dutch
vessels were no longer seen in American harbors, and the
carrying trade was secured. But still there was direct inter-
course between the colonies and European ports, and the
London merchants did not reap all the advantage of the
«^3 colonial trade. So three years later English statesmanship
took a further step. The importation of European com-
modities into the colonies was prohibited unless shipped from
England. In the interest of the London merchants, it was
THE NAVIGATION ACTS BURDENSOME 113
virtually enacted that the colonies could obtain foreign goods Jj;
only from them. Still there was unrestrained trade between
the colonies themselves. The Englishmen in New England
could freely barter with their fellow-subjects of Albemarle,
and that, indeed, was the chief source of supply for that
colony. And it may be that the New England merchants
evaded the navigation acts, and that a part of the European
commodities brought to Albemarle had not come by way of
London. At any rate, the growing mercantile importance of
New England attracted attention, and in 1672 a blow was
aimed to cripple it. An act was passed abridging the free-
dom of inter-colonial traffic.
A duty was imposed on tobacco and certain other enu- Tobacco
merated articles when exported from one colony to another. New1* to
And tobacco was the staple in which payments were made, taxed
It was the basis of bills of credit. The duty imposed was a
penny a pound, and to that extent the tax lessened the value
of tobacco as a debt-paying commodity in the inter-colonial
trade. Indeed, tobacco from the first had been the subject
of particular regulation. Its culture in England was for-
bidden, and Charles I had taken to himself the entire pro-
duction of the English colonies, at a price fixed by himself,
and it paid a duty on being brought into England. If any
obtained at Albemarle by the New England merchants was
shipped to the continent, the king lost his taxes and New
England obtained funds from abroad to pay for European
commodities to be clandestinely brought into the colonies.
To stifle this trade and to secure more funds for the deplen-
ished purse of a needy sovereign this export tax was im-
posed, and it was to be collected by officers of the Crown.
Indeed, the entire regulation of colonial affairs, being claimed
as a royal prerogative, had on the Restoration been com-
mitted to the king's Privy Council. When Ashley became
chancellor of the exchequer, in 1668, ever active in pro-
moting national advancement, he procured the appointment
of a Council of Commerce, to whom was assigned special
charge of the colonies. In 1672 Ashley became lord high
ii4 JENKINS AND MILLER, 1673-78
'fr? chancellor and was created Earl of Shaftesbury, and in the
same year this export tax was laid on tobacco.
The Board of Trade
But the Council of Commerce was inefficient, and later it
was dissolved and its functions were transferred to a new
board appointed to take charge of all matters relative to
trade and the foreign plantations ; and the immediate care of
these affairs was committed to a few selected members,
ngm among them being Shaftesbury, Craven, Berkeley, and Col-
leton, four of the Proprietors of Carolina, while Landgrave
Locke was their secretary. Such was the origin of this
board that continued until the Revolution to manage the
affairs of the American colonies. At the time of its creation
the colonies were free to export their products, except
tobacco and some other ertumerated articles, in English ships,
to the West Indies and elsewhere, and to import rum and
salt and produce in return ; and European commodities im-
ported by one colony from England could be reshipped to
another; tobacco could be exported from one colony to
another on the payment of the export tax, and upon its
importation into England an import duty was to be paid.
But while these were the regulations, they had not been
enforced. No customs officers had been appointed for
Albemarle, and there had been no interference with the trade
that enterprising New Englanders had established with
Albemarle. Now there was to be a change ; but Shaftesbury
was no longer on the board.
1673 His zealous efforts to arrest the advance of Catholic influ-
ences had, in 1673, separated him from the other great
officers of state, and in September of that year, having been
dismissed from the office of lord chancellor, he became the
popular leader and the central figure in the contest against
Shaftesbury the measures of the court. Having carried through Par-
liament a bill forbidding Catholics to come within ten miles
of London, the king, who was largely under Catholic influ-
THE NAVIGATION ACTS ENFORCED 115
ences, dismissed him from the Privy Council and ordered ^
him to leave London.
The people murmur
It was fifteen years after the axe of the first settlers had
rung in the clearings of Albemarle before any order "by the
king's command" was heard in Carolina. Then came com-
missions for one Copeley and one Birch to be the king's
collector of customs and his surveyor of customs; and in c. r., i,**
case these appointees should not be in the colony, the gov-
ernor was directed to fill the offices by his own appointment.
Copeley and Birch did not appear and claim their commis-
sions, so the duty of appointment devolved on John Jenkins,
then president of the council and acting governor. Oppo-
sition was at once manifested to this first step toward
putting in force the navigation acts and trade regulations
that had not been previously observed in Albemarle. But
Jenkins and the other deputies managed to reconcile the
people to it, and the appointments were made. Timothy c.r., 1,29a
Biggs, the deputy of Earl Craven, who had married the
widow of Speaker Catchmaid, was appointed surveyor of
customs, and Valentine Byrd, the collector. Byrd was a man
of consequence and of wealth, and lived in style, as the
inventory of his estate filed on his death a few years later
indicates.* He entered on his duties, but probably was not
exacting or thorough in their performance. It was said that
many hogsheads of tobacco went out tax free marked as
"bait for the New England fishermen," and European com-
*In 1680 we have the inventory of Captain Valentine Byrd, who
was one of the grandees of the time, and here we come upon "fine
Holland sheets," and "diaper napkins." and "table cloaths," and
"silver tankards and spoons," "dressing boxes," "mirrors," "books,"
"a coach," and "lignum-vitae punch bowl," with a rich account of
household articles in the shape of "warming pans," "beds and bed- „
ding," "chairs and tables," clearly demonstrating that Captain Valen- Jl| '
tine Byrd was a man well-to-do in this world; and if not very
comfortable, had no one to blame but himself, for he had men
servants and maid servants, negroes. Indians, and white convicts, and
lands well stocked and good tenements thereon, all of which he left
to his wife, who afterward gave both it and herself to the first
leader of rebellion, and became Madame Culpepper.
n6 JENKINS AND MILLER, 1673-78
lJjl modities were allowed to be landed that did not come under
a London manifest. Still ostensibly the law was observed in
Albemarle, but it was a constant cause of irritation.
In the meantime other circumstances led to discontent
and apprehension among the inhabitants. There were
rumors that the rents were to be raised, and also that the
province was to be divided among the Proprietors, and that
Albemarle was to be allotted to Sir William Berkeley. It
would have been repugnant to the freemen of Albemarle to
be cast under the dominion of any single Proprietor; but
when their ruler was to be Berkeley, whose tyranny in Vir-
ginia was drawing the inhabitants into revolt, the suggestion
was abhorrent to them, and the Assembly in November, 1675,
mon$trlnce adopted a remonstrance to the Lords Proprietors on the
subject.
An Indian In addition to these troubles an Indian war now set in.
c. R.,1,658 Some of the savages who had been waging a murderous
warfare on the northern borders of Virginia fled to the
Meherrins and stirred them up to hostilities, and they began
to roam in the wilderness between Albemarle and Nanse-
mond, and committed several murders that aroused the
people. Fortunately, just when needed, Captain Zack
Gilliam came into port from London with his armed ship,
the Carolina, bringing a cargo among which was a supply
of arms and ammunition, and a force was organized to
suppress the Indians. In the prosecution of this war, which
lasted for more than a year, as the council said later, "by
God's assistance, though not without the loss of many men,"
Meherrins the Meherrins were wholly subdued, and were removed from
1676-77 * their territory on the south side of the Meherrin River, which
they had occupied under a treaty made by commissioners
appointed by King Charles II, to a reservation at the mouth
of the Meherrin River, and on the north side, although after
that some of them planted corn and built cabins on old fields
of the Chowanoak Indians on the south side of the river.
duhtytobaCC° On the return of the force from this campaign against the
resisted Meherrins the people, with arms in their hands, demanded
NAVIGATION ACTS RESISTED 117
that the export tax on tobacco shipped to another colony ,'fe
should not be collected. Here was incipient rebellion. The
grievance to be redressed was not because of the Proprietary
government, but it arose under the laws of England. The
purpose of the English statesmen was to build up England's
greatness by constraining the colonies to trade at London
and by preventing inter-colonial trade in tobacco. The New
England traders, it was alleged, were adept in evading these
regulations. Vessels leaving England would stop at Ire-
land and obtain a quantity of linen; others would call by
the Canary Islands and take in wine. There was nothing
immoral in the act itself. It had always been proper and
lawful, but now it was sinful because prohibited in the inter-
est of the London merchant. And so with tobacco. It was Tobacco
entirely proper to export it from Albemarle direct to London export aw*
without any export duty, but if used to pay a debt in New
England it was burdened with an export tax. Its value
as a debt-paying medium, if used in the New England trade,
was lessened a penny a pound in the interest of the London
merchant. The coast trade was natural, but it was not
helpful to London, therefore it must be stifled. Such was the
argument of the English statesmen. The men of Albemarle
were not of that mind. They preferred to consult the advan-
tage of Albemarle. The law they objected to was not of
their making. It was not for their benefit. It was disad-
vantageous to their community. It was imposed on them
without their consent by men across the Atlantic to pro-
mote their own selfish interests. It was not submitted to with
complacency. Oppressive and unjust legislation bears the
same fruit in every age. There are evasions by artifice and
then revolt. Hogsheads of tobacco were clandestinely ex- f^^on
ported, and then the people with arms in their hands took
an open stand against the enforcement of the law. Chief
among those who led the opposition was George Durant,
who had become one of the most influential men in Albe-
marle, and who had a considerable quantity of tobacco for
shipment to New England; and in alliance with him were
n8
JENKINS AND MILLER, 1673-78
«*£ Richard Foster, one of the council ; Patrick White, William
Crawford, and Valentine Byrd himself.
CH,l,n»
Tht Uw
tviidcd
MllUr
•rrtittd
C.R.,I,s6g,
H4
The administration compromises
The few councillors and officials who felt constrained to
support the law were unable to cope with a determined com-
munity. They therefore effected a compromise. Without
authority, they offered to reduce the export tax to a farthing
the pound. That was assented to, and Byrd was allowed
thereafter to peacefully discharge his duties, but even then
probably he used no great vigilance as the king's officer.
And, indeed, it was afterward alleged against him that he
allowed much tobacco to be exported without the payment
of any duty, and even winked at the importation of European
manufactures that had not come by way of England.
And now came some episodes that in the uncertain and
unsteady light thrown upon them and the shifting relations
of the actors cannot be certainly accounted for, and the causes
can only be surmised.
Thomas Miller, an apothecary, but a person of some con-
sideration, was often in drink. There seems to have been
bad blood between him and Jenkins, the president of the
council. It is said a conspiracy was formed by Jenkins and
John Culpepper, who had once been the surveyor-general
of Carolina, to charge him with uttering treasonable words
against the king's person and the monarchy, as well as blas-
phemy. Early in 1676 he was arrested by Jenkins and the
council and held under a guard of soldiers, put in irons
and thrown into prison. Then, doubtless on their application
to Berkeley, that rank Royalist issued a mandate for Miller's
removal to Virginia to be tried before him and his council.
The Albemarle Assembly, however, was no party to this
proceeding, and it heard evidence in opposition to the
charges. Miller, on being carried to Virginia, was acquitted
by Berkeley and his council, and he caused his attorney,
Henry Hudson, to institute an action for damages against
Culpepper, and then in May Miller took shipping for London,
CONFLICT WITH GOVERNOR JENKINS 119
bearing with him a remonstrance to the Proprietors adopted I$f
by the Assembly in the preceding November, and also a
subsequent address adopted in March, relative to the depo-
sition of Jenkins, and assuring the Proprietors of their
fidelity to them.
About the same time Thomas Eastchurch, speaker of the Eartchwch
Assembly, also sailed for London. He had had a case in KgU
one of the courts, of which Captain John Willoughby
was a member, in which the court decided adversely to him,
and on his proposing to appeal to the Lords Proprietors
Willoughby denied the appeal, declaring that his "court was
the court of courts and the jury of juries." Willoughby is
alleged to have been a great tyrant. For his tyrannical
conduct and oppression he wa6 cited before the Palatine's
Court, but he beat the officer of that court and refused to
attend; thereupon he was declared in contempt and out-
lawed, and the succeeding General Assembly put a price on
his head, and he fled to Virginia and remained there until the
government of Albemarle subsequently became unsettled.
It would seem that Jenkins's course toward Miller, and
perhaps his willingness to have the custom duty on tobacco cteSowjL
collected, led to charges of misdemeanor against him, and *1%t*f*
the General Assembly deposed him from his office as presi-
dent of the council and imprisoned him and sent by Miller
to the Proprietors for instructions. There was a conflict be-
tween the Assembly and Governor Jenkins, who was never-
theless sustained by a majority of the council. Nor were
the Proprietors satisfied with the conduct of their own
deputies, who in several particulars had disregarded their
wishes and in some instances had thwarted them. The Pro-
prietors had directed that towns should be laid off and built
at Roanoke Island and elsewhere, so that trade could be
centred at certain points instead of being carried on in a
desultory way at the landing places of the planters. They
had also directed that a way by land should be opened to the
settlement on the Ashley ; and they had particularly enjoined
that plantations should be settled on the south side of the
120 JENKINS AND MILLER, 1673-78
Ijf sound. None of these instructions had been obeyed, and
the councillors had prevented any settlement on the south
side of the sound, because that would have interfered with
their individual trade with the Indians in that direction,
which they had engrossed. Indeed, Thomas Cullen, one of
the deputies, was accused of furnishing the Indians with
pistols and with arms and ammunition, and because of that
charge he fled from the colony.
Eastchurch appointed governor
aa'Ja'331' In tne faN °f ^76 Eastchurch and Miller arrived in
London, and the Proprietors at once took their matters into
consideration. Eastchurch was not merely a gentleman of
good fame, but was related to Lord Treasurer Clifford, one
of the Board of Trade, who had solicited his appointment as
governor. The Proprietors finding that he was a very dis-
creet and worthy man, was speaker of the Assembly and
much interested in the prosperity of the colony, Novem-
ber 21, 1676, appointed him governor. They also, in a letter
to the Assembly, approved its action in regard to Jenkins,
and expressed their appreciation of the respect shown for
themselves by the Assembly.
Difficult indeed was the situation of those Proprietors who
were members of the Board of Trade and in duty bound to
see his Majesty's customs collected, and were yet interested in
JfhMi7^ov- preserving quiet in their province, where the people were evad-
ing the payment of that tax in defiance of the royal authority,
and, emboldened by the progress of Bacon's revolution in
Virginia, were likewise manifesting a purpose to govern
themselves.*
*In May, 1676, because of Berkeley's supineness in not checking
Indian hostilities, many of the Virginians embodied under the leader-
ship of Nathaniel Bacon and marched against the Indians; this pro-
ceeding being in defiance of Governor Berkeley's wishes, on the
29th of the month he proclaimed them rebels. The next month an
Assembly met, and Berkeley having promised to issue a commission
to Bacon as commander of the forces against the Indians, all differ-
ences were quieted. But later the governor refused to abide by the
agreement, and withheld the promised commission. Bacon hurriedly
marched his troops to Jamestown, surrounded Berkeley and de-
ernment
\
EFFORTS FOR COMPROMISE
I2T
If any one could reconcile the conflicting elements in Albe-
marle, Shaftesbury wisely surmised that he must be found
among those who were in favor with the Assembly. So
having appointed Speaker Eastchurch governor, he procured
Miller's appointment as collector of customs, for Miller's
cause had been espoused by the Assembly, and he had borne
their letters to the Proprietors, and on his account they had
imprisoned and deposed John Jenkins, the president of the
council.
A year had elapsed since the Assembly had by the deposi- ^Jrcr
tion of Jenkins taken the administration into its own hands, p*0^
and still the Proprietors did not hasten to interfere. Shaftes-
bury, now grown to be the greatest of all subjects, had
persistently declined the overtures of the king, and had
resolutely agitated to secure safeguards for Protestantism
and liberty. In 1677 a mismove led to his arrest and im-
prisonment in the Tower, and all his applications for a
habeas corpus being denied, he was only released by the
king's order the following year.
1677
Government
Eastchurch deputizes Miller
The new governor dallied in England, and it was not until
toward June, 1677, that Eastchurch and Miller departed for
Albemarle. And even then, instead of sailing direct for
Virginia, they embarked in a vessel bound for the island
of Nevis, in the Caribbean Sea. There Eastchurch fell in
with a lady of attractive person and with a considerable
manded the fulfilment of the promise. The governor complied; but
shortly afterward revoked the commission as being obtained under
compulsion, and raised an army to take Bacon, who was again pro-
claimed a rebel. In September the contending forces met at James-
town, and Berkeley was routed and fled. Bacon thereupon called a
new Assembly. But on the first day of October he fell a victim to
fever contracted in the trenches of Jamestown. After his death
Berkeley soon re-established his authority and terrorized the Vir-
ginians by his unsparing cruelties and excessive executions. On
January 29th, however, Herbert Jeffreys arrived from England,
bringing a commission as lieutenant-governor, and accompanied by
a regiment of soldiers. Berkeley sailed for England in April, and
smarting under the king's disapprobation, soon after his arrival died
of a broken heart.
Eastchurch
stops at
Nevis
077
122
JENKINS AND MILLER, 1673-78
1677
C. R., I,
978, 293 .
Miller
arrives
July, 1677
Opposition
to the
navigation
laws
fortune, and, remaining to pay his addresses, commissioned
Miller, who had been appointed deputy, to be president of
the council, and despatched him in advance to settle affairs
by the time of his own arrival.
In July Miller reached Albemarle, and having exhibited
his commissions, was quietly admitted into his various offices
and assumed the reins of government. All the inhabitants
again took the oath, or, being Quakers, subscribed it, of
allegiance to the king, fidelity to the Proprietors and sub-
mission to the established government. The Indians being
still hostile, Miller during the summer carried on a cam-
paign against them, and eventually they were overcome.
As collector of customs Miller appointed deputies in every
precinct, among them Timothy Biggs, who were very active
in collecting the export tax on tobacco and in seizing any
European commodities that had not come from England;
and, indeed, the ship Patience was seized for unlawfully
bringing in such goods.
This zealous enforcement of these odious laws again
occasioned discontent among the inhabitants, who had acqui-
esced in Valentine Byrd's easier administration. And then
it began to be rumored that Byrd was to be held accountable
for great sums and much tobacco that he ought to have had
in possession, as well because of what he had collected as
because of what he had failed to collect. Such demands
interested not merely Byrd, but all exporters of tobacco
who had profited by the reduction of the tax to a farthing
the pound.
c. r., 1,
358, 286
Durant resolves to revolt
Perhaps it was because of this probable demand that the
idea of revolt had suggested itself to Durant, whose interest
lay in not disturbing the existing situation. He being in
London subsequent to the appointment of Eastchurch and
Miller, had plainly told the Proprietors that Eastchurch
should never be governor, and rather than that he would
revolt. Bold, self-reliant, and masterful must have been that
DURANT BEGINS THE REVOLT 123
untitled woodsman when standing face to face with the ^3
great earl and the other powerful noblemen who owned
Carolina he had warned them that Eastchurch should never
be governor, but that he would keep him out by force and
arms. Whatever principle had been settled in England by
the Restoration, in Albemarle Durant still held that govern-
ment should be by consent of the governed. And his purpose
to revolt against Eastchurch's administration was openly
declared in Albemarle.
Of this Miller doubtless had timely information, and his U^SiSJ*
arbitrary measures while acting as governor may have been c. rm i,
taken because of it. He made limitations on the choice of t49♦■87
assemblymen, and succeeded in having himself invested with
the power of imposing fines at his own pleasure. Armed
with this authority, he issued warrants to have some of the
most considerable men in the colony brought before him
dead or alive, setting a price upon their heads, and for his
own protection he surrounded himself with a guard of
soldiers. Such desperate measures indicate apprehension
of trouble; and, indeed, as they were reasonably calculated
to excite a conflict, Miller must have considered that revolt
was imminent and that the better way to meet it was by
resolution and a show of force rather than by temporizing.
Forewarned, he doubtless thought to overawe those who had
not already attached themselves to the leaders of the opposite
faction by a show of determined conduct.
On December 1, 1677, the Carolina came into port from Durant
London with George Durant on board, who found Gilliam AibemaJfe
a willing ally in his plans. Gilliam himself had a grievance c-R-*l'*>*
against some of the Proprietors, who had turned him out of
a considerable employment in Hudson's Bay, and wished
them evil. His son also seems to have had a vessel plying
from Albemarle to New England, and while the Carolina
and her consorts took in cargoes for London, there may have
been illicit traffic to which all the shipmasters were parties. DcCm i677
A person described as the New England ambassador had
been in Albemarle, and rumors were set afloat to inflame the
rebellion
124 * JENKINS AND MILLER, 1673-78
lJ?Z people. It does not appear that there was harbored a design
to throw off allegiance to the king or to deny the authority
of the Lords Proprietors, but rather to impede the enforce-
ment of the navigation acts and the collection of the tax
TniEe*6 on tobacco shipped to New England. The laws relating to
trade bore hard upon them, and the Revolutionists proposed
to prevent their operation. If necessary to that end, they
would subvert the administration and set up a government
of their own, and thus at least for a time escape from the
rule of those who would enforce the regulations that bore
so heavily upon their trade. Such appears to have been
the purpose of the confederates, who drew into their meas-
ures nearly all the leading inhabitants, except alone the
deputies and those holding employment under Miller. The
occasion for the outbreak followed swift upon the arrival
of the Carolina. That ship was well armed, "a pretty vessel,"
carrying several cannon, and could defy any force Miller
could bring against her. She now brought in a cargo com-
posed in part, as the year before, of arms and ammunition,
swords and pistols for sale to the farmers of Albemarle.
The crisis arrives
c. R., 1, 297 Coming to anchor off Captain Crawford's landing, no
sooner had Gilliam gone ashore than Miller charged him
with having carried off his last cargo of tobacco without
paying the tax, and demanded the payment now of a thou-
sand pounds. Gilliam refused to make this payment,
alleging that the tobacco had been carried to London and the
tax was paid there. He was at once arrested and his papers
seized; and Miller having thus begun his proceedings,
hastened that night aboard the Carolina, and with cocked
pistols sought to arrest George Durant, charging him with
treason. This step precipitated the crisis. It led at once to
a resolute purpose to overthrow the administration. The
men of Albemarle, trained in their sequestered homes to
prompt action, now boldly took an open stand. The leader-
ship was conferred on John Culpepper, a man of energy
CULPEPPER LEADS THE MOVEMENT 125
and enterprise, and the movement has been known to history jjj
as the "Culpepper Rebellion." A report was quickly spread
abroad that Gilliam was about to depart and carry all his
cargo away, and the inhabitants would lose the chance of
trading with him. Such a misfortune, it was declared, con-
cerned all the people, and to prevent it a revolution was
necessary.
C R I 901
Valentine Byrd, with Culpepper and other coadjutors, im- ' " '
mediately embodied a force and seized the person of Timothy
Biggs, deputy collector of customs, and arrested him on the
charge of murder. The next day a force of forty armed men Rim and
seized Miller and two other deputies and put them in irons, arrested
charging them with treason. Culpepper, who is said to have
had considerable experience in insurrection in several of the
colonies, now despatched instructions to Richard Foster,
who, although one of the council and a deputy, was in
alliance with the confederates to arrest Hudson, the deputy
collector in Currituck, and to seize his papers and bring
him to George Durant's house. And a proclamation, called TheR«non-
the Remonstrance of the Inhabitants of Pasquotank, was Pasquotank
on the same day, December 3d, prepared and sent to the
other precincts, setting forth their justification for the revolt.
In it the confederates averred that the occasion of securing
the records and imprisoning the president was that thereby
the country might have a free Parliament, by whom their
grievances might be sent home to the Lords Proprietors.
Miller they charged with having denied a free election and £•£• xpl 8
with cheating the country out of one hundred and thirty
thousand pounds of tobacco, besides the expense of "near
twenty thousand pounds of tobacco he had brought upon us
by his piping guard," and they recited his conduct toward
Captain Gilliam and Durant, "and many other injuries, mis-
chiefs and grievances he hath brought upon us, that thereby c-R-*l'W
an inevitable ruin is coming upon us (unless prevented),
which we are now about to do ; and hope and expect that
you will join with us therein and subscribe this."
CHAPTER XI
Administrations of Harvey, Jenkins, Wilkinson and
Sothel, 1679-89
The revolt successful. — A government by the people. — Victory
brings moderation. — Quiet succeeds the storm. — The revolt against
arbitrary power and the navigation acts. — The Proprietors
dilatory. — The increase of Albemarle. — The Proprietors acquiesce.
— Seth Sothel sent to govern. — John Harvey governor. — Miller
flees. — Durant dominant. — Biggs retires to Virginia. — The Quakers
appeal to the Proprietors for protection. — Harvey dies; suc-
ceeded by Jenkins. — Culpepper tried, but acquitted. — Shaftesbury
in exile. — Albemarle to observe the law. — Wilkinson governor. —
Sothel arrives. — John Archdale visits Albemarle. — A view of the
situation. — Sothel becomes a tyrant. — He is expelled.
The revolt successful
,677 The Revolutionists, having appealed to the country for
cr.,1, support, lost no time in dallying. A supply of arms was
Ma' 3°3 obtained from the Carolina, and Culpepper conducted a force
to Chowan, where he seized the marshal and all the records in
his possession.
c. r., i,agg After keeping Miller and the other prisoners about a fort-
night at Crawford's house, the Revolutionists proceeded by
water to George Durant's, being accompanied by several
boats filled with armed men. As they passed the Carolina
she, with all her flags and pennons flying, saluted them by
firing three of her great guns. At Durante some seventy
men had assembled, and Foster, with an additional party,
soon arrived with their prisoner from Currituck. A search
was now made for the seal of the colony, which was found,
together with Miller's commission and other public docu-
ments, concealed in a hogshead of tobacco. Being in pos-
session of the great seal and of the public records, and the
old officers deposed and in prison, Durant, Culpepper and
their associates proceeded to establish a government and to
order matters their own way.
Dec., 1677
EASTCHURCH IN VIRGINIA 127
1677
A government by the people ~*~
An Assembly of eighteen members was elected, which
deputed five of its members (John Jenkins and Valentine
Byrd being among the number) to sit with Foster, one of
the Proprietors' deputies, and form a court for the trial of
the prisoners, who were charged with treason. A grand
jury was formed and a petit jury was being summoned when c R x
the proceedings were interrupted by the receipt of a procla- ■»* ■w
mation issued by Governor Eastchurch, warning them to
desist and return to their homes. Eastchurch had reached
Virginia eight days before, and on learning of the revolt,
hastened to demand that the Revolutionists should disperse
and be obedient to lawful authority. The trials were ad- * •»I»a«8
journed and a force was despatched to prevent Eastchurch
from coming into Albemarle ; and, as Durant had threatened,
they kept him out by force of arms. Disappointed and
baffled, Eastchurch invoked the aid of the governor of Vir-
ginia, there being in that province the troops sent from
England to suppress Bacon's Rebellion, and permission was
given him to enlist volunteers. To meet this new danger that
threatened them the Revolutionists organized a larger force,
and to obtain the necessary funds seized the customs money
which Miller had collected, and deposed him as collector and
elected Culpepper in his stead, following a precedent that
had just been set in Virginia, where the Assembly elected a
collector to fill a vacancy. But while collecting recruits and
organizing his forces Eastchurch fell ill with fever, and
within a month died in Virginia. With his death all appre- c. r., i, ao*
hension of immediate interference with their plans passed
away. Durant and his coadjutors were masters of Albe-
marle. All of the deputies but Foster being arrested, and
all opposition overcome, the Revolutionists now proceeded
more slowly and with greater caution.
Their success had been obtained by boldness and resolu- victory
J brings
tion, and it was complete ; but looking to the future, they moderation
realized that their situation called for the exercise of wisdom
128 HARVEY TO SOTHEL, 1679-89
2? and discretion. The interrupted trials were not resumed.
Miller was conveyed to William Jennings's plantation at the
upper end of Pasquotank River, where a log house ten feet
c. r., 1, 300 SqUare was built for his prison, and there he was confined,
not being allowed either writing material or intercourse with
any friend. Similar prisons were constructed for each of
the other prisoners, and precautions were taken to prevent
any of them communicating with England. But Biggs con-
trived to escape, and, succeeding in his efforts to reach Vir-
ginia, hastened to England. To counteract his representa-
tions to the Proprietors, the Assembly was convened and
two commissioners were despatched to explain their pro-
sioircrt^cnt ceedings and to conciliate the Proprietors by promising all
ng an manner 0f obedience to their authority, but they were to
enlarge on the tyranny of Miller and to insist strongly for
right against him. Chalmers says that these agents were
Culpepper and Holden, but apparently he is in error. Some-
what later Holden, who had been in England, returning to
Virginia stopped in Boston, and while there wrote to the com-
missioners of customs about what had taken place in Albe-
marle, and mentioned that he had never seen and did not
know Culpepper. It is said that one of these commissioners
was quickly despatched, Gilliam providing the funds, and
that the other, George Durant, was to sail in the Carolina
after measures to insure safety were perfected. Shortly after-
ward they were both together in London.
a f^1*283 *n ^e meanwhMe there was established in Albemarle what
government Culpepper called "the government of the country by their
own authority and according to their own model." The
people had at last a free Parliament. Thomas Cullen was
speaker, and among the members were John Jenkins, Alex-
ander Lillington, Thomas Jarvis, Henry Bonner, William
Jennings, Anthony Slocumb, John Varnham, William Craw-
ford, Richard Sanders, Patrick White, and Valentine Byrd,
and other substantial men. Byrd's career was, however,
fast drawing to a close, and within a year the troubles of
Albemarle had ceased for him.
REASONS FOR CULPEPPER'S REVOLT 129
Foster, one of the deputies, and the assistants chosen by ^7
the Assembly to act with the deputies in forming the grand
council, were co-operating with the Revolutionists, and these,
under the direction of Durant and Culpepper, managed the
public business. While Harvey and many others may have
been inactive, yet it does not appear that there was any
substantial opposition to the revolt. LVa'SSlw
As neither the king's authority nor that of the Proprietors ^l?Ud
was denied, the Revolutionists did not regard themselves as Ik'nlai**"
being in rebellion. Indeed, at one time, when some of the
people set up a cry that they would have no lords nor land-
graves nor caciques, the leaders quickly hushed them and told
them that that would not do. They justified their action
on the claim of right to protect themselves from the arbi-
trary exercise of power by Miller; and as to that, the
Proprietors found that they had cause for their action.
But before Miller came as deputy-governor Durant had
declared his purpose to keep Eastchurch out, and he took
measures in preparation for the revolt. From the attending
circumstances it reasonably appears that the original purpose pu
was to escape from a too rigid enforcement of the navigation the revolt
laws and custom duties, and to this end Culpepper was
chosen collector. The annual tax on tobacco was £3,000, and
that was the stake at issue. Indeed, just at that time strenu-
ous efforts had been made to obtain from the king a repeal
of this export duty. And while Charles, to show his favor
to Carolina, did at his own charge send two vessels to con-
vey some foreign Protestants to the province, and remitted
some of the duties and restraints of trade, and might have
granted this particular request, he was persuaded not to do
so by his commissioners of customs, who strongly recom-
mended against it because they foretold the exemption asked
for would occasion abuses more easy to prevent than to
abolish.
Thus the outbreak in Albemarle in 1677 was of the same Forerunner
' ' of the
color and similar in origin to the outbreak on the continent Revolution
130
HARVEY TO SOT H EL, 1679-89
1678
Biggs
The
increase of
Albemarle
Extent
in 1677
a century later, which in the course of its progress developed
into a struggle for separation and independence.
Therefore, while the Revolutionists established courts and
held parliaments and maintained order and otherwise carried
on the functions of government, his Majesty's customs were
not collected with vigilance and exactness.
Timothy Biggs, although a Quaker, was by no means
submissive to his opponents. Indeed, the Quaker faith in
its early days did not have the exact cast that it subsequently
assumed. On reaching London, he sought to persuade the
Proprietors to put down the Revolution by force. In par-
ticular he urged that a ten-gun vessel could not be resisted,
and that sufficient volunteers could be obtained in Virginia
to rout the rebels. But the Proprietors were not of his mind.
They did not choose to engage in such a conflict. Indeed,
at that time it would have been difficult for them to have
subjugated the people of Albemarle united in determined
resistance.
The colony had grown. The tithables, being the working
hands between sixteen and sixty years of age, numbered
fourteen hundred, of whom, however, one-third were women
and negro and Indian slaves. Although the Proprietors had
bestowed but little attention on Albemarle, but had devoted
their efforts to promote the growth of their new town on
the Ashley, the neglected settlement was more populous and
more prosperous than the southern colony. The planters
were spread out from the Chowan to Currituck Sound ; and
besides a superfluity of provisions, of grain and cattle, their
annual crop of tobacco was 800,000 pounds, which sufficed
to secure the needed European commodities. And the dis-
content was general. Perhaps it was heightened because at
this time, tobacco being very low, Virginia by act of
Assembly undertook to prevent the Albemarle crop from
being marketed through her ports, and prohibited any of it
from being brought into that province. A measure so
unfriendly was exasperating. Efforts had been made to
establish local markets at different points on the Albemarle
PEACE FOLLOWS STORM 131
shores, where the tobacco could be taken on board the vessels JJj;
for shipment, and the Proprietors had given directions to
lay off towns at Roanoke Island and elsewhere, but all such
endeavors to establish centres of trade had proved futile.
The tobacco was loaded at the farms of the producers. There
were no villages in the settlement. The public business was
transacted at private houses, and while George Durant's
house was a place of meeting, yet other points were equally
convenient. There was no locality where an attack by an
armed force could have availed to subdue the inhabitants.
The prudence of Durant now bore its fruits. The Pro-
prietors rejected the proposal of the warlike Biggs, and
listening to the commissioners of the people, took the other
alternative. They sought to co-operate with the inhabitants ;
and accepting the assurance of the envoys that they had
no purpose to antagonize legitimate authority, made efforts
to establish order and government at Albemarle on a firmer
footing.
While remonstrating and threatening that they would
maintain their government with force, if need be, and would -^^
punish to the extent of the law any new outbreak, they acquiesce
declined to antagonize the revolutionary leaders, and pur-
sued the wiser and better way of preserving friendly relations
with their colony. Clarendon was now dead, and his share
in Carolina had been purchased by Seth Sothel, who at that
time stood well in the esteem of the other Proprietors. It
was thought that the presence of a Proprietor would invest
the administration with greater dignity and tend to allay the
factional strife and dissensions that had been involved in the
course of the Revolution. The commissioners representing
Durant and his associates, perhaps glad to embrace such an
easy solution of their difficulties, promised on the part of
the people the utmost submission to Sothel if he should
come as governor.
And so it was arranged that he should be the new gov-
ernor; and, the more certainly to remove former difficulties,
the Proprietors had Miller's commission as collector of cus-
132 HARVEY TO SOTHEL, 1679-89
l%2 toms revoked, and Sothel was appointed to succeed him.
He early sailed for his new government, but misfortune
oKptwLd befell him during the voyage. The Algerines, whose pirati-
cal crafts were then scouring the seas near the Mediterranean,
overhauled his vessel and took him prisoner. Efforts were
at once made to secure his release by ransom, but for a time
they were in vain.
John Harvey governor
x6*9 The Proprietors, to establish a temporary government, in
February, 1679, appointed John Harvey governor until
Sothel should be released, and obtained for Robert Holden
the appointment of collector, at the same time appointing
him a deputy and conferring on him a commission to make
an extensive exploration of Carolina to the mountains.
Holden had been a follower of Bacon in the Virginia rebel-
lion, but was pardoned and was then in England. In June
he reached Boston, bearing the commissions for Harvey and
for the other deputies. There he remained ten days exam-
ining into the methods of the New England traders, and he
reported that a half dozen traders controlled all the tobacco (
raised at Albemarle, brought it to Boston, whence it was
shipped as bait and illegally conveyed to Europe, and the
king's customs were defrauded. A few weeks later he
arrived at Albemarle, followed fast by Timothy Biggs, who
resumed his functions as surveyor of the customs.
Miller flees In August Harvey was acting as governor, and at a Pala-
tine's Court held by him, on affidavits covering the charges
against Miller by Jenkins in 1675, the deposed collector was
again arrested, but broke jail and made good his escape to
England. The old deputies had been reappointed, and the
council and courts were substantially composed of the same
members as under Miller's administration. Associated with
the council to form the general court, Crawford, Blount, and
Varnham were assistants chosen by the Assembly, being the
same assistants elected before the outbreak in 1676. And
these were members of the Revolutionary Assembly chosen
DURANT IN THE ASCENDANT 133
at Durant's house when Miller was deposed. Harvey, the lj£
governor, had not been an active participant on either side ;
but that he was not unfriendly with the Revolutionists is indi-
cated by his appointment of George Durant and Alexander
Lillington as justices for the precinct of Berkeley, with
authority to hold the precinct court, which, besides a civil,
had a criminal jurisdiction attached to it.
George Durant was now the attorney-general, and con- Durant
tinued to be the most influential person in the colony; and cTrUT!^
as the Proprietors had condoned the excesses of the Revo-
lutionists, he felt his power, and his enemies dreaded it.
Biggs, as Miller's deputy collector and zealous supporter,
had been an object of especial malevolence ; and, moreover,
there was probably some personal ill-will between him and
Durant, growing out of Catchmaid's taking a patent in 1662
for Durant's premises ; for although Catchmaid had entered
into an agreement to convey to Durant, he had never done so,
but the legal title had under his will vested in the widow,
and on her marriage to Biggs, although he and Durant had
come to an accounting, the matter was not cloced.
Biggs was tenacious of his rights, a man of stubborn Biggs
obstinacy, who realized his own importance as a king's Virginia
officer, and he was fully satisfied with the honesty of his own
purposes and of the dishonest purposes of the leaders of
the Revolution. Smarting under a sense of the injuries and
wrong he had suffered, for which the Proprietors had pro-
vided no redress, he declined to be complacent toward the
new administration. Harvey having shown favor to Durant
and his coadjutors, whose influence was still dominant in
Albemarle, Biggs persuaded some of the other deputies to
join him in withdrawing from the council, sought to inter-
fere with the orderly collection of the customs by Holden
and prevailed on a number of his Quaker adherents to leave
the colony and seek refuge in Virginia.
In the early days of the Revolution the Quakers had sided Q»^n .
J J **~ appeal tothe
with Biggs and James Hill, who were deputies and the most Proprietors
considerable men of their faith. Being called on to join the p^^um
134 HARVEY TO SOTHEL, 1679-89
'J5? people in revolt, they had refused. Thereupon they were
c. r., i, a5a required to surrender their guns ; and when they held their
religious meetings it was alleged that they were plotting
against the revolutionary government. Their numbers had
increased considerably, not merely by conversion in Albe-
marle, but probably by accessions from abroad. In 1676
Edmundson, who had again visited the colony in that year,
wrote in his journal concerning them: "The people were
tender and loving; and there was no room for the priests,
for Friends were finely settled, and I left things well among
them/' When Harvey's administration began, and the gov-
ernment, instead of being under the influence of Biggs, as
they had hoped, was seen to be controlled by the popular
faction, their disappointment was great, and entertaining
apprehensions for their personal safety, they were led to
«mo?-uaker abandon their homes. In September, 1679, a number of
»trancefx679 them joined in a remonstrance to the Lords Proprietors,
setting forth their innocence of any turmoil and trouble and
vindicating themselves from aspersion. They declared that
"these persons by whom we have suffered are still breathing
forth their threats against us ; they having received an act of
grace and indemnity, as they call it. And now that the heads
of that sedition are elected to sit in Parliament, and some
of them are of the court, and so consequently to become our
judges, we shall be the objects for them to execute their
vengeance upon ;" and they appealed to the Proprietors for
protection.
John Jenkins succeeds Harvey as governor
The Proprietors sought to compose these differences
among the inhabitants of their province, and while allowing
to the dominant faction the powers of government, required
that the minority should be protected from ill-usage. In the
appointment of Harvey they seem to have chosen wisely,
and after the first ebullition of dissatisfaction by the adherents
of Biggs and Miller had subsided the administration seems
to have been guided into calmer waters ; but Harvey was not
CULPEPPER TRIED FOR TREASON 135
destined to see the full fruition of his efforts to adjust differ- ^2
ences. After a term of six months he died in office, and the
council elected John Jenkins to be governor in his stead, Harveyd»«
Jenkins being in office in February. But the change in
administration produced no alteration in policy, and quiet
continued to prevail while Jenkins was governor.
Miller having made good his escape, on reaching England Cuip*pp€r
laid his case before the commissioners of customs, and pro-
ceedings were had that resulted in the arrest, in February,
1680, of Culpepper, who at that time was in England, on
the charge of rebellion and of embezzling the customs. Cul-
pepper admitted the facts alleged against him, but prayed
for a pardon ; and if not pardoned, he desired to be tried in
Carolina. His requests were not granted, and he was
arraigned and was on trial for treason when Shaftesbury
appeared as a witness and declared that at the time of the
Revolution there was no legal government in Albemarle;
that neither the governor nor the government was legal
according to the Constitutions of Carolina ; and that taking
arms against them could not be treason ; and that the Par-
liament elected by the people was legal, the people having
a right to choose a Parliament every two years of their own
motion and without any writ ; and that the disorder in Albe-
marle was not treason, but a mere riot. And so on Shaftes- c R- '.33*
bury's testimony that Miller had obtained possession of the
government without legal authority, and that it was not
rebellion in the people to dispossess him, Culpepper was
acquitted by the jury.
1680
Shaftesbury in exile
This was about the last appearance of Shaftesbury in con-
nection with the affairs of Carolina. In 1679 he had attained
the zenith of his great career. His unswerving purpose had
been to obtain security for Protestantism and constitutional
liberty, and he became the head of a strong party devoted
to those objects. In order to check the growth of Catholic
influences, he had made strenuous endeavors to have the
136 HARVEY TO SOTHEL, 1679-89
Jj%Z queen removed from court, and to have James, Duke of
York, the king's brother, dismissed from the council and
excluded from the succession, and the Duke of Monmouth,
a Protestant, declared legitimate so that he would succeed
to the throne. In these efforts he failed ; but he succeeded in
forcing through Parliament the Habeas Corpus Act, which
required immediate action on the part of any judge to whom
an application for the writ might be made — since become the
very palladium of Anglo-Saxon freedom. An election for
Parliament occurring in 1 681, he prepared instructions to be
handed by the constituencies to their representatives, insist-
ing on the exclusion of James, the limitation of prerogative,
and security against popery and arbitrary power; and he
again appealed to the king to legitimatize Monmouth. But
the king instead seized him and committed him to the Tower.
In October he offered to retire to Carolina if released.
Charles, however, was relentless, and had him indicted for
high treason ; but the grand jury ignored the bill. Charles,
still bent on his destruction, managed to secure the appoint-
ment of men of his own selection as sheriffs of London,
and these picked the jurymen. Shaftesbury at length realized
that he could not escape the vengeance of his enemies and
fled in disguise to Holland, where he died in January, 1683.
Henry Wilkinson governor
to observe Although Albemarle was now in repose, the Crown con-
tinued to complain of the seizure of the customs funds and
the non-observance of the navigation acts. So the Pro-
prietors agreed that steps should be taken to ascertain how
much Miller's estate had been damaged and also promised
that there should be an efficient government maintained in
Albemarle; and particularly that the customs laws should
not be evaded.
In February, 1681, the Proprietors appointed Captain
Henry Wilkinson, then in London, governor of Albemarle/
and gave him instructions to choose, with the consent of
the council, four able, judicious men who had not been
the laws
THE PROPRIETORS CONCILIATE 137
concerned in the late disorders, who with him should be ^
a court to try all disputes growing out of these troubles;
and he was also directed to ascertain the damages suffered
by the king's officers ; and in his instructions there was power
conferred on the council to elect a governor should he die
in office. Sir William Berkeley having died, the Proprietors
directed Governor Wilkinson not to admit any deputies for
that share, they claiming that as Berkeley had not conveyed
it in his lifetime, it devolved to his associates, and they
asserted that Sir William had never paid a penny toward
the settlement of Carolina. Later, however, four of them — ™" o'thi""
Albemarle, Craven, Carteret, and Colleton — purchased the sharc8
right of Sir William's widow, then the wife of Colonel
Philip Ludwell, paying him £300 for it, and had it conveyed
to Thomas Amy in trust for them. In 1686 it appears that
Thomas Archdale, a minor son of John Archdale, had the
title to Lord John Berkeley's share ; Amy to Sir William's,
and Sothel to Clarendon's; and Sir Peter Colleton was the
Palatine. Wilkinson had been selected as governor because
of his reputation for prudence, which led to a hope that he
would be able to reconcile conflicting interests in Albemarle.*
The Proprietors, who were men of affairs, realized that the The
* ' moderate
inhabitants of Albemarle had the purpose to manage their gj|jc)fi°tflhe
own concerns, and although they recognized the duty of
protecting their officers and deputies who had striven to
maintain their authority and to enforce the king's mandates, C2,8R,,21,
yet they considered it was best to pursue a conciliatory course
rather than one of exasperation. Efforts were made to heal
existing dissensions. An act of oblivion was passed, but
with a saving clause in regard to the payment of the money
that ought to have been collected for the king and to make
satisfaction for the injuries sustained by Miller, whose prop-
erty had been seized and destroyed ; and the Assembly levied
a tax to repay the customs money they had seized and used
to carry on the Revolution. On the governor and council
♦Wilkinson on his appointment was created a cacique.
138 HARVEY TO SOTHEL, 1679-89
l*l the Proprietors urged moderation. "We hope," they said,
"your own interest, as well as our injunction, will induce you
to use your utmost endeavors to settle order among your-
selves, without which you can never expect an increase of
C.R., i,«83 trade or strength. And these considerations ought so far
to prevail that we shall not be constrained to use force to
reduce the seditious to reason, since it is the good of the
inhabitants we most desire and not the taking away of any
man's life and estate/'
Sothcl arrives
But little, however, had been done toward redressing the
injuries of those who suffered in their estates during the
Revolution when Wilkinson's administration suddenly closed.
Seth Sothel, after a long detention by the Turks, had been
. r., il346 ransomed, an(j after a sojourn in England, in 1683 he sailed
for Albemarle and assumed the government. Blank depu-
tations had been signed to be filled out by him with the
names of persons unconcerned in former differences; and
he was instructed, with the consent of the council, to appoint
three discreet persons not concerned in the disorders to form
a court to try all actions growing out of those disturbances.
But instead, he appointed, according to the complaint of
Timothy Biggs, the very persons who had injured that
unpopular official, and Biggs alleged that he could obtain
no redress.
Archdaie John Archdale, one of the Proprietors, perhaps in right
Albemarle 0f his son, a man of education and of fine character, who,
like Penn and other men of capacity, wealth; and social stand-
ing, had accepted the faith of George Fox, wras then in
Albemarle, and Sothel was instructed to confer with him
3SCV35I1, about making these appointments. He was also directed to
establish a county court for Albemarle, and to appoint a
sheriff who should hold the court as under the Fundamental
Constitutions, a court of criminal jurisdiction. At that time,
also, a receiver was appointed to collect the rents for the
Proprietors, the governor himself having before that been
NAMES OF PRECINCTS CHANGED 139
charged with the duty of collecting them. And among other ^Jj
changes that occurred about this time, 1684, the names Jf;^,,
of the precincts were changed to Currituck, Pasquotank, state8*0*
Perquimans, and Chowan.* Even at that early date some
complaint was made against Sothel that he engrossed to
himself the perquisites of the secretary and other inferior
officers; and Colonel Ludwell, who owned a plantation in c. r.,i,
Albemarle, complained that it was withheld from him by
Sothel on the pretence that it was forfeited.
In 1686 Sothel was out of Albemarle, and John Archdale a view
seems to have been conducting the administration. One situation
of Archdale's letters gives a slight view of the colony at
that time. "For the present," he writes, "we have not imme- Hawk* 11,
diate opportunities to send to England, by reason there is no
settled trade thither. . . . The country produces plenti-
fully all things necessary for the life of man. . . . We
at present have peace with all nations of the Indians." The
Tuscarora king was very desirous to cut off a nation of
Indians called the Matchapungoes, which Archdale pre-
vented, and he hoped that he would have the country at
peace with all the Indians and with one another; but the
people were very fearful of falling into some troubles again
should he leave them before the return of Sothel, and there-
fore he was remaining beyond his intention.
It was about this time also that the Coranines, a bloody
and barbarous tribe, were cut off by a neighboring nation,
and that the Pamlico Indians fell victims to some dreadful
plague, which opened the way for a settlement south of
Albemarle Sound.
On the death of Charles II, in 1685, his successor, King Jhhaertcr$
James, at first made promises of protecting the charters of threatened
the colonists, but soon steps were taken to bring them more
immediately under the control of the Crown. Proceedings
were begun to annul most of the Proprietary grants. The
Proprietors of Carolina wisely avoided any controversy, and
♦The precincts bore their old names in 1680.
i4o HARVEY TO SOT H EL, 1679-89
ljf* their charter was not disturbed. Sothel seems to have gov-
erned acceptably to the people, although not observing his
instructions, until after Archdale left for England. Then
he entered on a career that has been described as infamous.
b££mes a Being a Proprietor, he assumed to be above the law. He
tyrant seized upon the estates of some of the inhabitants without
any process from the courts, and arbitrarily imprisoned some
of the people. He used his authority to fill his purse,
imprisoning men illegally and releasing them on the pay-
ment of money.
c. r., 1, 169 Thomas Pollock and George Durant became victims.
Durant was charged with speaking words reflecting on him,
was seized and thrown into prison, and as the price of his
release Sothel exacted a bond for the payment of a sum
of money, which not being paid, he seized on Durant's estate
?pw** him without process of law. That was more than Durant would
stand. The point of endurance was passed. The revolution
of 1688, by which the people of England had driven King
James from the throne, doubtless had its influence in deter-
mining the action in Albemarle. Durant and Pollock
rose to right their wrongs. They seized the governor and
confined him in a log prison ten feet square, 'intending to
send him to England for trial. But Sothel sought to avoid
that. He entreated them instead to submit his case to the
General Assembly. This assented to, an Assembly was con-
vened in 1689, and he was tried and convicted of many mean
and despicable crimes, and of oppression, tyranny, extor-
tion, and taking bribes. The solemn judgment passed on
him was that he should abjure the country for twelve months
impeached and his government forever. On receiving information of
1689 these proceedings, the Proprietors, in December, 1689, sus-
pended him from the office of governor and appointed
Ludweii Colonel Philip Ludwell to succeed him. On leaving: Albe-
go vera or of * &
North marie Sothel went to Charleston and assumed the reins of
Carolina,
1689 government as a Proprietor, but fell into such courses there
that he was deposed by the Proprietors and instructed to
return to London.
CHAPTER XII
Administrations of Ludwell, Jarvis, Archdale, Harvey
and Walker, 1689-1704
Philip Ludwell, governor of North Carolina. — Gibbs's claim. —
Thomas Jarvis appointed deputy. — Ludwell governor of all Caro-
lina.— His instructions. — Changes in the system. — Conditions in Al-
bemarle.— Proprietors prepare rent roll. — Ludwell gives effect to the
Great Deed. — Thomas Harvey deputy-governor. — John Archdale
governor of Carolina. — The arrival of the Huguenots. — Erection of
Bath County. — The line between Carolina and Virginia in dispute. —
Pirates harbor in all the colonies. — Parliament directs that gov-
ernors should be approved by the king. — Henderson Walker gov-
ernor.— Changes in Albemarle.
North Carolina: Ludwell governor
The inhabitants of Albemarle were now extending the ^2
settlement to the west and south. The limits of the county
had been defined by the sound and five miles beyond, and
the time had come for an extension. The two settlements c- Rm t» 357
at Charleston* and at Albemarle were spoken of as South
Carolina and North Carolina. Albemarle was called North
Carolina by the Virginia council in 1688, and in commission-
ing Governor Ludwell, December 5, 1689, the Proprietors c. r., 1,360
appointed him "governor of that part of the province lying
north and east of the Cape Fear." No longer was there to Aibcmarie
1 ... nivcs place
be a governor of Albemarle ; but the province was divided £ No.rth
into two governments, the one north and east of the Cape
Fear and the other south and west of that river. Ludwell
was the first governor of North Carolina. In his instructions
he was authorized to appoint a deputy-governor, and he
appointed Thomas Jarvis, who had been one of the first
seaters, about 1659, to act as his deputy. c r 1 6
But the administration was disturbed bv the claim of Cap- .....
tain John Gibbs, of Currituck, who on June 2, 1600, issued claims the
J ' J ' government
a proclamation declaring Ludwell to be an impostor, and
*Charlestown on the Ashley was incorporated as Charleston in 1783.
142
LUDWELL TO WALKER, 1689-1704
!*f challenging any one who would maintain Ludwell's title to
meet him in single combat, and promising to "fight him in
c. r.,i, 3*3 thjs cause as iong as my eyelids shall wag." He also with a
body of armed men invaded Albemarle, and broke up the
courts and seized two of the magistrates and carried them
off. His claim to be governor perhaps grew out of an
election by the council after the removal of Sothel by the
Assembly, for he invited the new deputies appointed by the
Proprietors to meet with him along with the other council-
men chosen by the Assembly. His position was so strong that
Governor Ludwell, who was in Virginia, represented to Gov-
ernor Nicholson of that province the desirability of his inter-
vention, and a month later Nicholson reported to the Crown
officers at home that he had quieted the stirs in Carolina for
the present, but that the people were mutinous, and how long
they would remain quiet was uncertain. In the meantime,
both Ludwell and Gibbs repaired to London to have the
Proprietors determine their claims, and Gibbs lost his cause.
MSS.
Records
Office
Sec. State
C. R., I,
373-38o» 381
Changes in
the system
Thomas Jarvis deputy governor
In the interim, between November, 1690, and Novem-
ber, 1691, Thomas Jarvis was acting as governor by appoint-
ment of Ludwell. In November, 1691, Craven, as Palatine,
appointed Colonel Ludwell governor of all Carolina, with
power to appoint a deputy-governor for North Carolina, and
instructions were sent him not based on the Fundamental
Constitutions, but 'suitable to our charter from the Crown."
The Fundamental Constitutions were largely abandoned. It
was contemplated to have but a single parliament for the en-
tire province, the representatives from Albemarle County
meeting with those of the southern counties, such being the
wording of the charter; but that being impracticable, the
system of government in Albemarle was not thus altered.
Theretofore a governor had been appointed by the Pro-
prietors for the northern colony; now, however, the gov-
ernor of Carolina was authorized to appoint a deputy-gov-
ernor for the northern as well as for the southern colony.
THE TWO CAROLINAS 143
Another change made under his instructions was that the ^
Assembly no longer elected five commoners to sit in the coun-
cil, but the council was to be composed merely of the gover-
nor and deputies. The governor and council were to establish
courts and appoint the judges to hold them, the council itself
being a court of appeals and of chancery, and also a Pala-
tine's Court. The former title had been the grand council,
held by "the governor and lords deputies and the rest of the
members of the council of state." A new court system was New court
J system
under these instructions established, and two of the council
and some particular assistants were appointed to hold a gen-
eral court ; while the precinct courts continued to be held by
the justices and the sheriff of the precincts. Somewhat later
a change was made in the general court, and justices were
appointed and commissioned to hold that court, being sworn
in by the governor.
In their public instructions the Proprietors preserved the c- R- 1. 381
appearance of adhering to the Grand Model, but by private Influencc of
directions they allowed Governor Ludwell to ignore it in JtScSilS*1
many particulars. In Albemarle the changes introduced in JJSSii
attempting to conform to it had been neither disagreeable
to the people nor oppressive in their consequences. While
in some measure the framework of the administration was
based on the system, its more peculiar features were entirely
ignored. It mattered little thjat the governor and council
should be called the Palatine's Court ; that the grants should
be issued in the name of the Palatine and the other Lords
Proprietors, an innocent innovation that continued until the
purchase by the Crown in 1729, and generally the people
of Albemarle were content. In South Carolina the situation
was different. There the Proprietors had spent a large
amount of money in fostering the settlement, had, pursuant
to their chartered powers, created landgraves and caciques,
and efforts had been made to enforce some of the particular Influence of
provisions of the Fundamental Constitutions that were seri- MfeK£nnd
ously objected to by the inhabitants, whose dissensions and Carolina
violent proceedings caused the Proprietors more trouble and
144 LUDWELL TO WALKER, 1689-1704
'foa anxiety by far than the alleged turbulence of Albemarle;
and to smooth over matters, Ludwell was directed to con-
sult the wishes of the inhabitants in conducting the govern-
ment at Charleston.
Harvey, Having authority to appoint a deputy for Albemarle,
gweroor Ludwell at first continued Thomas Jarvis, and then ap-
pointed Thomas Harvey. He was, however, much in Albe-
marle himself, and while there acted as governor.*
Conditions in North Carolina
With Ludwell's administration a new era began in the
Little dash- North Carolina settlement. For more than a dozen years
Proprietors it now enjoyed undisturbed repose. Indeed, there had never
been much clashing between the people and the Proprietors.
In great measure the inhabitants governed themselves, the
Proprietors being represented by some of the planters, whose
interests were identified with those of the colony, while the
governors were frequently selected from among the people.
If there were any turbulent spirits, with the exception of
Captain Gibbs, who asserted a claim to be governor and who
Characterof nved vei7 near tne Virginia line, they minifested turbulence
the people on]v on provocation. If occasionally a governor was
deposed and imprisoned, it was because of offences and in
vindication of freedom : and truly in tracing their story one
finds remarkable illustrations of the sufficiency of their man-
hood to solve the problems of government. Even in the most
trying times government was never dissolved ; and while
the will of the people was enforced, anarchy did not supplant
MSS.
Records
Off. *Dr. Hawks, II, 495, mentions Alexander Lillington as acting
Sec. State as governor or president of the council. The author has not found
that record. Jarvis was governor in November, 1690, and in
November, 1691. Ludwell was present and acting as governor
in November, 1693, and in April. 1694; Thomas Harvey in July,
1694; Ludwell in August; Harvey in September; John Archdale in
July, 1695 ; and Thomas Harvey in April, 1696. In 1693 Alexander
Lillington was "High Sheriff" of Albemarle County, and as such
Governor Ludwell ordered him in November, 1693. to make proc-
lamation, that all persons in Albemarle could have their bind under
the Great Deed of 1668, which led to Ludwell's removal from office.
Lea's New Map of Carolina, 1695
CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE 145
law. If in 1677 the Revolutionists ran into excesses and, *J**
not content with seizing their enemies, destroyed their prop-
erty, it was in a moment of exasperation. Order was quickly
restored. Courts were organized and the machinery of gov-
ernment at once established on a new basis. For the most
part the inhabitants had no quarrels with the Proprietors;
but they did seek in every way to escape from the oppression
incident to the enforcement of the trade regulations and
custom laws.
The collection of the quit rents had from time to time been
postponed, and the rent charged under the Great Deed was
not onerous. But now perhaps the Proprietors were more
intent on reimbursing themselves for their outlay, and the
payment of quit rents became of interest. A rent roll of
Albemarle prepared apparently about 1694 showed 146 «,s.srd
planters, some of them with several plantations, the average ™ Edenton
holding being about 275 acres ; altogether, about 40,000 acres
in farms, and probably a population of 4000.
Ludwell recognizes Great Deed
In November, 1693, Ludwell issued a proclamation to the
effect that under the Great Deed lands in Albemarle were
to be granted at the same rate as in Virginia, subject to
quit rents of only a farthing an acre ; and he directed Alex-
ander Lillington, the high sheriff of Albemarle County, to
give notice thereof to the people of Perquimans. Fault was sec. state
found with him for reserving that low rent, and for assent-
ing to a new form of deed, that was considered to be in
derogation of the rights of the Proprietors. He justified
his action by declaring that it was in conformity with the
Great Deed ; but the Proprietors questioned the authenticity
of that document, no copy of it having been retained in
Fngland, and they quickly revoked his commission. Still
Ludwell continued to exercise the functions of governor in
North Carolina during the years 1693 and 1694; and when
he was not present Thomas Harvey was the deputy governor.
To succeed Ludwell as governor of Carolina, Thomas
146
LUDWELL TO WALKER, 1689-1704
1693
C. R., I
Huguenots,
1691
C. R.. I, 47a
Archdale
County
Smith,* a planter in South Carolina, was, in 1693, created a
landgrave and appointed governor. He seems to have con-
tinued Harvey in office, for the latter conducted the adminis-
tration when no governor was present until his death, on
July 3, 1699.
But Smith was hardly established in his government
before he represented to the Proprietors that the dissensions
in South Carolina were so great that no one could heal them
except one of the Proprietors; and in August, 1694, John
Archdale was prevailed on to come over as governor.
John Archdale governor
In the following June Archdale reached Albemarle, where
a daughter, the wife of Emanuel Lowe, resided. While there
he exercised the functions of governor. But after a short
sojourn he passed on to Charleston, leaving Harvey in the
administration. Because of the concessions made to Albe-
marle in the Great Deed, Archdale was directed to limit that
391 county strictly to the territory north of the sound and east
of the Chowan, and a higher rent was to be exacted for
land beyond those boundaries.
Already settlements had been made elsewhere, and the
western shores of the Chowan were well occupied. In 1691
some of the Huguenots who had originally settled on the
James River, being attracted by the warmer climate, came
to Carolina and located on the Pamlico, where they pros-
pered so satisfactorily that constant accessions were made
to their numbers. Indeed, population was now extending
itself rapidly to the southward.
After Archdale became governor, the Pamlico region was
called by the council Archdale County in his honor; but at
a Palatine's Court held on December 9, 1696, he being then in
North Carolina, and presiding, an order was passed that
inasmuch as several persons had seated themselves on Pam-
*It was about this time that a grant of 40,000 acres of land was
issued to Smith, and located on the Cape Fear River, and perhaps
it was then in contemplation to make a settlement on that river; but
it any were made, no evidence of it has been preserved.
k
ARCHDALE'S ADMINISTRATION 147
lico River, a writ of election was to issue to them as Pamlico ffi
Precinct, in Bath County, to choose two assemblymen. The gjjj^
change of name was made in compliment to John Lord Gran- }^w%on'%
ville, Earl of Bath, a Proprietor, who possessed the share c R x
originally belonging to the Duke of Albemarle, and who on
the death of Craven, in 1699, became the Palatine. The pre-
cinct of Pamlico was thus organized in 1696. Later Wick-
ham Precinct was established on the south of Albemarle
Sound, and before 1708 a third precinct was established
south of Pamlico Sound, called Archdale.
From North Carolina Archdale returned to England, leav- Harrey
deputy
ing Harvey his deputy in North Carolina, and appointing governor
Joseph Blake his deputy for South Carolina. Blake was a
nephew of the great admiral, and had once before been
deputy-governor at Charleston. His father, being a dissenter
and fearful of persecution in England, had years before
removed to South Carolina. A few years earlier the South
Carolina Assembly had made a strong remonstrance against
some of the provisions of the Fundamental Constitutions, and c. r., ii,
in 1691 and 1693 they had been annulled ; but in 1698 the
Proprietors, after consultation with Major Daniel, reformed
the Constitutions, reducing them to forty-one articles, elim- TheComti-
inating the provisions about leet men and leet courts, and revised
making other changes, particularly with regard to courts, and
they sent a copy of the amended Constitutions to Governor
Blake by Colonel Daniel.
These Constitutions had been operative in North Carolina
only in some particulars, and the changes now made in them
were not of much interest to the inhabitants; but this
amended copy seems to have been considered in the colony as
taking the place of that originally sent over. The admin- J5"RMlIIf
istration in North Carolina was, however, in conformity with
the instructions to the governors rather than in close adher-
ence to the Fundamental Constitutions ; and the court system
was modified under Archdale's government, and apparently
other changes were made about the time this new copy of the
Constitutions came over. Earlier, the general court had been
148 LUDWELL TO WALKER, 1689-1704
[$? held by the governor and the council, with some assistants.
c™" Now a commission was issued to two of the council, one
modified 0f whom was to be present at the court, and to some assist-
ants. The first commission of this sort was to Samuel
Swann and William Glover, and one of them was to hold
the court, there being in attendance one or more of the other
Court judges or justices. The title of chief justice was not specifi-
Kecord* cally bestowed on either at that time, and its earliest use
suie8*6" appears to have been in 171 3.
The line between Carolina and Virginia disputed
About the year 1680 the uncertain location of the dividing
line between Albemarle and Virginia began to attract atten-
tion. Some of the inhabitants of lower Norfolk and Curri-
tuck had taken out their grants from the Virginia authorities
and had paid their annual dues to Virginia ; but now Albe-
marle claimed payment from them, and on their application
86 *^at the line should be established, the Virginia officials
pleaded ignorance of the second grant to the Proprietors,
which extended their territory thirty miles to the northward.
But proof being furnished, in 1692 the surveyor of Virginia
ascertained substantially where the line 360 30' would run,
c. r., 1, 54a and as the Old Dominion would lose considerable population
and property, her authorities stubbornly resisted every
attempt to have the question settled, and urged that the king
should buy Albemarle and attach it to Virginia, saying that
£2,000 would be a fair price.
Pirates infest the coast
Indeed, there was always some ground for apprehension
that the grant to the Proprietors would be annulled and their
province be taken from them. Complaints were made that
pirates found ready access to Carolina, and that the gover-
nors for bribes issued illegal commissions to sea rovers ; and
the evasion of the navigation acts was a continual source of
trouble. These allegations, however, applied to South Caro-
lina rather than to Albemarle, while there was yet greater
cause for scandal at Philadelphia and in all the northern
PIRATES INFEST THE COAST 149
governments. Still, there was one particular charge made jJJ
against North Carolina. "Thomas Harvey," said Randolph, c ^ ,
"put masters to great charges because of their vessels not S4«.S4*
being registered, though the time limited for registering
them was not expired." This, however, would seem to indi-
cate that Harvey was too exacting in demanding a com-
pliance with the law. Another complaint Randolph makes
against Albemarle is : "The tobacco made in that province is
generally carried to Boston or to the islands near to Con-
necticut colony, where it is carried to Scotland, etc., which
fraud ought speedily to be prevented." In this it would JjS£a,ll,
seem that the Albemarle authorities were entirely within the **b€,n*r,e
law, as it was clearly their right to ship their tobacco to
Boston and Connecticut, and if the traders of those northern
marts afterward smuggled the tobacco into Scotland,
Holland, and Ireland against the law, the offence ought not
to be laid at the doors of North Carolinians. Mr. Randolph
continues: "During Governor Harvey's government his
Majesty's ship, the Hady, was driven ashore upon the sands
between the inlets of Roanoke and Currituck. The inhab- c.R*,i,s4f
itants robbed her and got some of her guns ashore and shot
into her sides and disabled her from getting off. The actors
were tried, and one of the chief was banished. Henderson
Walker, the present governor, in no sort fit for the office."
The conclusion does not appear to be well drawn from the
premise. The affair happened in Harvey's time, and the
government was active. That the bankers were thrifty is
undeniable, as the name "Nag's Head"* would indicate.
Still so notorious were the evasions of the revenue laws in
all the Proprietary governments that in 1689 it was proposed
in Parliament to take cognizance of the colonies in America
and bring them more directly under the control of the king.
*The name "Nag's Head" is said to have been derived from a
practice of the bankers fastening a lantern to the head of a horse,
which as the horse walked at night would have the appearance of
a light on a ship gently moved by the waves, thus alluring vessels
to the shore. There was also a "Nag's Head" on the southern
coast of England, so named from the same practice.
150 LUDWELL TO WALKER, 1689-1704
l%* For the proper enforcement of the trade regulations it
was deemed necessary that the governor and other chief
officers should be appointed with the king's concurrence;
but this direction at the time was not observed by the
Proprietors. At length, in 1697, Parliament enacted that
not only should the governors of the colony be approved
CR.,i, 506 kv t|ie k\ngf but they should take certain oaths of office
before qualifying. So when, in March, 1699, Governor
Harvey appointed Daniel Akehurst and Henderson Walker
commissioners to arrange with the Virginia authorities for
establishing the dividing line, Governor Nicholson refused
to recognize Harvey's authority because he had not taken
the required oaths of office.
Henderson Walker governor
It was during this correspondence that the governor of
Virginia alleged that runaways escaping from Virginia were
harbored in North Carolina, which brought out an indignant
denial by Henderson Walker, who in July succeeded Harvey
as governor. In his reply Governor Walker said : "I assure
you that neither our laws nor our practice deserves such an
imputation of evil neighborhood. Neither are there any
runaways harbored here that we can discover by diligent
c. R.,i, 5x4 inquiry; nor shall any such thing be suffered so far as it
is in our power to prevent it." Governor Walker, whose
skill as a letter writer suffers nothing by comparison with
that of the governor of Virginia, then recited the laws in
force in Albemarle, and specified some particular runaways
who had come into the settlement, but had perished in the
uninhabited parts of the country; and he expressed the
belief that the same fate had befallen others seeking to
escape into South Carolina. He did not rest easy under this
suggestion of his Virginia neighbors.
Changes in Albemarle
In the course of time Colonel Jenkins, Valentine Byrd, the
Harveys and many of the old leaders in Albemarle had passed
1699
SOCIAL LIFE IN THE COLONY 151
away and other men had risen to prominence. Durant died 2J2
in 1691, at the age of sixty-nine, while Sothel, after an
unsettled life still marked by devious ways, made his exit
in 1693, leaving a widow in Albemarle. Thomas Jarvis, one
of the first seaters, and deputy-governor in 1691 and subse-
quently, passed away in the spring of 1694. Alexander
Lillington, who had figured largely in the Culpepper Rebel-
lion, and whose family connection came to be the most
influential in the settlement, after marrying a third wife
in 1695, succumbed to disease two years later, at the age
of fifty-three, Governor Thomas Harvey soon following him. l6"
But Thomas Relfe, also one of the first seaters, was still
living, and survived until 1707, being then ninety-three years
of age. He was one of those who made the first clearings
before the name Albemarle was ever heard of on the shores
of the river Carolina.
Major Sam Swann was now a resident of Perquimans, a
member of the council, judge of the general court, and col-
lector of customs, and Colonel Thomas Pollock, Henderson
Walker, William Glover, and John Porter (speaker of the
Assembly) were at the close of the century among the most
influential inhabitants.
Life in the colony
A letter written about the close of the century by William s.r.,xxii,
Gale from Perquimans gives some insight into the affairs in
Albemarle at that time. Mr. Gale was just setting out on a
four months' voyage to the Cape Fear, whither he had sent a
shallop's load of goods to trade with the Indians. Appar-
ently he intended to pass up that river and go as far west-
ward as the mountains to establish an Indian trade there. A
well-qualified Indian trader, he says, "secures for himself a
comfortable living in this world/' "All sorts of English
goods are here very valuable, especially nails, carpenter's
tools, hoes, axes, all sorts of linings, powder and shot, hats,
stockings, and what else is requisite to make a sortable store."
The most direct route of communication from England was
739
Social life
152 LUDWELL TO WALKER, 1689-1704
'**> by London ships bound for York River. Of the Indians he
said, "they live in small towns and bark cabins, palisadoed in
with two or three rows of stakes. Every town or nation has
its particular king and different language. They have some
notion of the flood, but very obscure. They offer the first
fruits of everything they eat to the devil, by whom they cure
diseases, and act several strange things, as laying the wind."
He mentioned some thirteen different tribes, with whom he
was well acquainted and had very free commerce. "If
Henry Ramsbottom was here and would work, he might live
a companion for the best. His trade would bring him in
£300 per annum. Others might do very well. Our greatest
grievance is want of books and pleasing conversation. The
Quakers are here very numerous, but as for Independents,
Anabaptists, Presbyterians, and other sectaries, they have
little or no place here. Most who profess themselves doctors
and attorneys are scandals to their profession. The decay
of Christian piety is in such large characters that he who runs
may read. The second of January last it pleased God to
make me happy in a son, who bears the name of his grand-
father, but he has still the unhappiness to be unchristened, to
my great grief, the only minister we have had of the Church
of England having left us before my son was born, but it
was no loss to religion, for he was ye monster of ye age."
The inventories of deceased persons filed in court afford
some information of the style of life and the value of house-
Prices ^qJj goods. Pewter dishes were in common use. A dozen
pewter plates were valued at about £1. Holland sheets
at fifty shillings a pair for fine ones, and thirty shillings for
coarser ones, while Osnaburg sheets were five shillings a
pair. A feather bed and bolster at £6. Fifteen yards of
kersey at something less than £2. Plain shoes at three
shillings per pair. A fowling piece at £1 \os. Iron pots
were valued at four shillings a pound. A hand mill for
grinding meal was £6 ; a broad axe four shillings and a hand-
saw two shillings. Sheep were valued at ten shillings;
cows at thirty shillings, and shoats at five shillings. Negro
VALUES IN THE COLONY 153
men were valued at £35 sterling; negro women at £30, and lJ£
children at £10. Mary, an Indian, was thought to be worth
£20 ; and a white woman servant, probably indentured, at £2
per year for the time she had to serve. At that time cotton
appears to have been cultivated. Lawson says : "The women Law,on» s«"
make a good deal of cloth of their own cotton, wool and
flax: some of them keeping their families, though large,
very decently apparelled, both with linens and woollens,
so that they have no occasion to lay their money out for
clothing." But trading vessels came in often, bringing
merchandise, which was paid for in produce, rather than
money. There were hatters, and others skilled in different
trades in the colony. Tar, pitch, corn, tobacco, etc., had a
debt-paying value fixed by law. While most of the houses
were of wood, there were some of brick ; the lime being made
from oyster shells. The women, says Lawson, are well
featured and "have very brisk, charming eyes. They marry
very young, some at thirteen or fourteen ; and are very fruit-
ful, most houses being full of little ones. The girls are not
bred up to the wheel and sewing only, but the dairy and the
affairs of the house they are very well acquainted withal."
CHAPTER XIII
The Exclusion of the Quakers
Albemarle at the opening of the new century. — Religious affilia-
tions.— The Quakers. — Nathaniel Johnson governor of Carolina. —
The Church party in South Carolina. — Major Daniel succeeds Hen-
derson Walker. — The Quakers excluded from office. — The Constitu-
tion ignored. — A new church law. — Daniel removed. — Succeeded by
Cary. — The colony grows. — Virginia disputes the boundary. — John
Porter's voyage to England. — He obtains redress. — New elements
in the controversy. — Porter breaks with Glover. — Two govern-
ments contending. — Both call the Assembly. — Glover departs to Vir-
ginia.— Cary in possession. — The government orderly. . . .
Albemarle at the opening of the new century
«7oi In a decade of entire repose, undisturbed by any dis-
sensions, the administration being by the people and for the
people, and quiet and orderly government prevailing, the
settlement had grown in population and in importance. The
more influential families were attracted to Chowan, while in
Pasquotank and Perquimans the Quakers had considerably
increased. Their numbers may have been swollen by some
few additions from abroad, but Governor Walker in 1703
attributed their growth entirely to the preachers who yearly
came to Albemarle to encourage and exhort to Quaker prin-
Jja*''1, ciples. And there were none to dispute with or to oppose
them, for there were no churches in Albemarle and no preach-
May24,x689 ers jn Engian(^ before the Toleration Act was passed, in
William and Mary's reign, there was some persecution of
non-conformists and dissenters, to whom the freedom of
conscience guaranteed by the charter and laws was an in-
ducement to remove to Carolina, but they located near
Charleston. There was no great influx of population to
Albemarle from beyond the seas. Accessions had come from
Virginia and the neighboring colonies; and even if they
RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 15S
were originally adherents of the Church of England, in the ^
absence of religious ministrations their affiliations became
weakened; and, indeed, those born in Albemarle, who had
never attended any religious services, could have had but
slight attachment to any church. There were no missionary
societies then in the world, and other than the travelling
Quaker preachers, there were no missionaries. But about
the close of the century the Bishop of London, to whose
jurisdiction the colonies had been assigned, sent Dr. Bray
to Maryland to settle some differences, and he becoming
interested in the religious condition of the colonists, estab-
lished the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in For-
eign Parts, and sought to have ministers sent to America.
By correspondence he inspired zeal among some of the
churchmen in Albemarle, which doubtless was heightened by
the general religious revival incident to the Pope's having
proclaimed the year 1700 as a year of jubilee.
In that year the first minister of the Church of England BreuVi1^7"
was sent to Albemarle, Mr. Daniel Brett, who on his arrival
conducted himself satisfactorily, but soon began such a course
as brought trouble and grief to the churchmen and strength-
ened the antagonism of those opposed to that communion.
With the opening of the new century Governor Walker and
other churchmen, in order to procure some religious services
in the colony, made strenuous efforts to elect an Assembly
that would establish parishes and provide for the erection of
church buildings and the maintenance of ministers. And
the Assembly of 1701 passed such an act. By it vestrymen
were appointed in every precinct, who were, besides other
duties, to erect church buildings and collect the assessments
for church purposes. In Chowan, where the adherents of
the Church of England predominated, the vestry met that
fall and made provision for a "reader" and for erecting a
chapel, which was completed the next year. Later other
chapels were erected.
In April, 1703, Mr. Blair was ordained to go to Albemarle, ^R- *•
and the next January reached the settlement. By that time
156 THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
1701 a "reader" had been established in three of the precincts;
but there were a great many children to be baptized, "whose
parents would not condescend to have them baptized with
Blair, 1704 godfathers and godmothers." Besides the Quakers, Mr. Blair
found many who would be Quakers, but were deterred by
the moral life the Quakers enjoined ; others were in faith
like Presbyterians, and had preachers who baptized among
them, without, however, having any manner of orders ; and
lastly the Church of England people, who were the fewest
cr^i, jn nnmber. The four old precincts were divided by rivers
along whose banks for a distance of some twenty miles lay
the plantations ; and between Pamlico and Albemarle there
were fifty miles of desert without any inhabitants. The
Indians were numerous, and on visiting their towns he found
many who could speak English and seemed to be fond of
their white neighbors. Mr. Blair would have remained in
the settlement, but no adequate provision being made for
his maintenance, he soon returned to England, suffering the
mishap of being taken prisoner by the French on his way.
c"R-.i, A few years later Mr. Gordon gave a more extended
account of the inhabitants. Chowan, as it was the largest
Gordon,i7o8 Qf the old precincts, was the thinnest peopled. It contained
no Quakers or other dissenters ; but the people were very
ignorant, there being few who could read and write.
The Quakers
The Quakers in Perquimans were numerous, extremely
ignorant, proud and ambitious, and consequently ungovern-
able. Many persons had accepted that faith, being willing
to embrace any religion rather than have none at all. Pas-
quotank also was largely peopled by Quakers. The roads,
bad enough everywhere, were worst there, but it was closer
seated than the other precincts and relatively more populous.
In their way of living, the people of Pasquotank had much
the advantage of the other inhabitants, being more industri-
ous, careful, and cleanly; but above all, says Mr. Gordon,
"I was surprised to see with what order, decency, and seri-
RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS 157
ousness they performed the public worship, considering how w
ignorant the people are in the other parishes." One of the
distinctive principles of the Quaker faith was that preaching
should be but the outpouring of the spirit ; that one should
preach only as the spirit moves him ; and on principle they
were opposed to a paid ministry, and also to paying tithes
to support ministers. The Quakers in Albemarle were there-
fore violently opposed to the new church law, that imposed ,7°f
on them the duty of contributing to the support of paid
pastors, and as the next election for assemblymen after the
adoption of that law drew nigh, they made the repeal of that Sfr^fiillr57"
act an issue. But about that time the act was returned by
the Lords Proprietors, annulled and disapproved by them,
because the provision made for the maintenance of the
ministers was inadequate; and so it ceased to have effect C-1^1**"
without the necessity of repeal by the Assembly.
Nathaniel Johnson governor of Carolina
In South Carolina Governor Moore had led an expedition
against Florida, but on his return a faction arose violently
opposed to his administration, so in June, 1702, Lord Gran-
ville, the Palatine, appointed Sir Nathaniel Johnson, who
was then residing in South Carolina, to be governor.
Under a recent act of Parliament, because of the trade ,6w
regulations, a bond was required of the new governor, and
he offered as his bondsman Thomas Gary, a merchant of
that province, who later was to figure largely in North Caro-
lina affairs.
In their instructions to Governor Johnson the Proprietors
required him to observe the Fundamental Constitutions as
modified in 1698. There was, however, no change made in
administrative methods in Albermarle.
But while the direction to enforce the Constitutions brought J!aJtyCinUrch
no trouble in Albemarle, a period of great unrest and dis- c^ina
order now began, based on religious opinions. The same
differences among Churchmen that marked that period in
England had found their way to the forests of Carolina.
158
THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
There were those who cried out for conformity, while others
advocated toleration. Johnson's appointment was the signal
for a great show of zeal by the High Church party in South
Carolina, whose leaders were closely associated with Moore
and sustained his administration while the opposing faction
demanded a rigorous examination into the matters con-
nected with the Florida expedition. By great activity,
Moore's friends secured a majority in the Assembly, and by
one vote carried through a bill rigidly excluding all dis-
senters from the Assembly ; and when this act came before
the Proprietors for ratification, although violently opposed
by some, it was approved by Colleton and by Granville,
whose intolerance and arbitrary spirit were in full sympathy
with its provisions, and notwithstanding Archdale strenu-
ously objected, Granville also signed for Carteret and
Craven, and it went into operation.
Church
unifoimity
in South
Carolina
Robert
Daniel
deputy -
governor
The
Quakers
excluded
from office
C. R.,1,
TO
Major Daniel succeeds Walker
In April, 1704, Governor Walker died, and Governor
Johnson sent Major Daniel, who was a landgrave, from
South Carolina to be deputy-governor. Major Daniel had
established for himself an enviable reputation for bravery
and experience in business. He had won laurels during the
war with the Indians and Spaniards at the south, and was
highly esteemed. Some of the neighboring tribes now giv-
ing trouble, he called a council of their chiefs and agreed
with them for a firm peace, one of the articles being that
the English were not to furnish rum to the Indians.
Up to that time the Quakers had not been required to take
oaths in Carolina, being excused by the original concessions
and by the Fundamental Constitutions; but soon after
Daniel's arrival in the colony the act of Parliament imposing
the oaths of allegiance to Queen Anne, who had just come
to the throne, was transmitted to him, and he tendered them
to the members of the council and other officers of the
government. They were such oaths as most dissenters could
take; but the Quakers would take no oath whatsoever, and
QUAKERS REFUSE THE OATHS 159
insisted on their constitutional right to sign a declaration 2JJ
of like tenor in a book. This privilege was now denied them,
and they were excluded from their places under government.
And when the Assembly met the same proceedings were had,
and the house was thus purged of Quakers. A large part
of the population was denied the right to hold office. It was
in effect a revolution, changing without legal sanction the
constitution of Albemarle.
It was inconsistent with the Grand Model, subversive of
the fundamental constitution of the colony and utterly repug-
nant to those practices and customs which had their origin
in the earliest lodgment in the wilderness and had grown
with the growth of the settlements as the woof and warp of
the rights of the people. The whole foundation on which S^don'.
the political structure of the colony rested was wiped away ^RMir1'
by this requirement of an oath of office to be taken after 7°8"7*5
the prevailing English fashion ; for it is to be observed that
it was not until the eighth year of George I, twenty years
later, that the affirmation of Quakers was received in Eng-
land in lieu of the customary oath. But on this new require-
ment Governor Daniel insisted, and, carrying his design into
execution, he drove the Quakers from the house and thus
secured a pliant majority, who followed his leadership.
A new law for establishing the Church was enacted, and, Anew
to secure it against the possibility of repeal, he determined 1704'
to exclude Quakers from future assemblies, and to this end
he caused an act to be passed prescribing an oath of office
to be taken by way of qualification for membership. And
so the church act was passed beyond the power of repeal.
But the violence of this course resulted in commotion, c. rm 1,709
The Quakers were not disposed to be deprived by this
parliamentary proceeding of the political rights they had
hitherto enjoyed in the colony. They were numerous in Q^en
Pasquotank and Perquimans, and by uniting with the Pres- re$lst
byterians and other dissenters in Bath, they were superior
in power to the Church party, who were in the majority only
in Chowan and Currituck. Such an alliance seems to have
160 THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
V^5 been formed, and an effort was. made to secure the removal
of Governor Daniel, and they soon had the satisfaction of
obtaining an order for his suspension.
Thomas Cary governor
Again was Governor Johnson called on to appoint a dep-
wi^eds uty-governor, and this time he selected Thomas Cary, a
,4J,e ' merchant doing business in South Carolina, who came to his
new charge in 1705.
When the legislature assembled to meet Cary, the law
passed the year before requiring an oath of office to be taken
by the members was still on the statute-book, but it seems
to have been expected that Cary would either ignore that law
altogether, or, not enforcing it strictly so far as the Quakers
were concerned, would admit them to scats on their making
affirmation after the custom of that sect. Cary, however,
followed the same course that had led to Daniel's downfall.
He disappointed all the favorable expectations that had
been raised by the change of governors, and augmented the
inquietude of the colony by proceeding still further in the
line of the new departure.
The Assembly met him in November, but the members
refusing to take the oaths, he dissolved it and called a new
election. When the new Assembly met, applying the law
which required an oath of office with rigorous exactness, he
excluded the Quaker members and obtained a majority that
would sustain his measures. He then caused an act to be
passed imposing a fine on any person who should enter into
an office before taking an oath of qualification and another
declaring void the election of any person who should promote
his own candidacy.
With these provisions in force, not only were the Quakers
debarred from entering into an office, but the election of
any Presbyterian or other dissenter who was objectionable
might be declared void on the slight pretext that he had
promoted his own election.
Step after step had been successfully taken to bind the
c. r., 1
709
DISSENTERS RESIST CARY 161
Assembly hand and foot. Inflamed by Cary's proceedings, ;*£
the opponents of these measures hastened to send John Porter
to England to seek a redress of grievances.
The colony grows
In the meantime the growth of the colony, especially to
the southward, had continued. The town of Bath was laid
off in 1704. The precinct of Pamlico, established ten years JV*-1*
earlier, was in 1705 limited from Moline's Creek five miles
west of the mouth of Pungo to the westward up the Pam-
lico ; and from Moline's Creek north and east was Wickham
Precinct; while all south of Pamlico River, including the * 4S3
settlers on the Neuse, was Archdale Precinct. It was in
Archdale Precinct on the Trent that the Huguenots had
located. Lawson says: "Most of the French who lived at hZ^'*
that town on James River (Mannakin Town) are removed n-c-m«
to Trent River, where the rest were daily expected, in
August, 1708." There they made very good linen cloth and
thread and raised considerable quantities of hemp and flax,
being well established. They were accompanied by their
pastor, Richebourg.
These precincts were each allowed two representatives in
the Assembly. The influx of population was chiefly from
Virginia, and so great was the movement that the com-
missioners of trade and plantations at London directed an
inquiry into its causes and how it might be prevented.
Among the new accessions was John Lawson, an English- fjjjjl^
man, who landed at Charleston in 1700 and journeyed
through the interior near the sites of Salisbury and Hills- CR,» lt7°*
boro, then eastward to Pamlico, and he remained in the
colony studying its natural history. He returned to England
in 1707 and published "A New Voyage to Carolina" in 1709
(later reprinted as the "History of North Carolina"), with a
map of the province at that time. He returned to Albermarle
as surveyor -general in 1711.
Another important accession was Edward Moseley, Gent., ££212
probably an Englishman, perhaps from the Barbadoes, who
162 THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
I£? came into the province about 1704 and soon began to play a
prominent part in public affairs, being surveyor-general, and
in 1705 a member of the council.*
Hawks, 11, Governor Daniel, who was a landgrave, located near Bath
Town, a region which was now attracting many of the new
settlers ; but others pushed up the Chowan, where they came
in contact with the Meherrin Indians, who were forcibly
dispossessed of their lands and moved farther to the north-
ward, a proceeding which again involved a dispute with
Virginia about the dividing line.
The Chowan Indians had formerly, by grant from the
Yeopims, occupied the land on the south of Meherrin River,
and after the Indian war of 1675, in which they were sub-
C R I
658 " ' dued, they were required to locate farther eastward. The
Meherrin Indians settled on the north side of that river
and then roamed on the south side, where they eventually
had plantations. In 1706 they were ordered to abandon
redScIeddlans these plantations and move to the north side. Not obey-
ing these directions, Colonel Pollock, who had possessions
on the west side of the Chowan, with a force of forty-six men
seized many of them and brought them to terms. The
government of Virginia complained of this proceeding, de-
claring that the land along the Meherrin was in its terri-
tory, and that the Carolinians had no right to locate the
Indians upon it; but being doubtful of its claim, the Vir-
ginia surveyor was directed to secretly run a line 360 30'
to see where it really was. He probably discovered enough
to remain quiet, for when the dividing line was established
later the Virginia claim was shown to be erroneous.
John Porter's voyage to England
The prime objects Porter had in view appear to have been
the restoration of the rights of the Quakers to hold office,
Oct., 2706 the setting aside of the laws requiring the assemblymen to
♦On May 7, 1703, the treasurer of South Carolina paid Edward
Moseley £5 155. for transcribing the catalogue of the library books
at Charlestown. On August 4, 1705, Edward Moseley married the
widow of Governor Walker.
PORTER'S MISSION TO ENGLAND 163
take an oath of office, and the restoration of the privilege of ^f
the colony to choose its own governor from among the
council. He had hardly reached England before Cary left r^u
Albemarle and returned to South Carolina, where he re- siaieSec*
mained for more than a year, not coming back to his govern-
ment until after Porter himself had returned, and during his C-R-»LM
absence William Glover, a member of the council, admin-
istered the affairs of the colony.
Porter's visit to England was well timed. He found pub-
lic attention largely addressed to Carolina affairs. The £>lrcdr°n,,
"Representation of the case of the Dissenters in South Caro- ^ob*';,'
Una," made by John Ashe, had been supplemented by
DeFoe\s "Party Tyranny in Carolina," and public inter-
est had been awakened in the grievances of the distant col- c.r„ii,89i
onists. Boone, from South Carolina, had secured the
co-operation of merchants dealing with the province, and
their petition to the House of Lords had led that body to C-R» 1.634
address the queen, setting forth the illegality of the pro-
ceedings at Charleston, and the queen in council had there-
upon declared the church legislation of Governor Johnson
null and void, and had directed steps to be taken to declare c.R.t 1,643
the charter forfeited ; and besides, the church dignitaries had
expressed their strong disapproval of the measures by which
the Church party in South Carolina had sought to carry out
their political purposes.
Under these circumstances John Porter's mission could
hardly fail of success. He obtained substantial redress, and
after lingering a year in England, returned, in October, 1707,
bearing an instrument of writing, or commission, for the
settling of the government, by which the laws imposing oaths
were suspended; and he also brought an order suspending QctRx* T0' 709
Colonel Cary as governor, and vesting the powers of that
officer in the president of the council, to be chosen by that
body, according to the custom before Daniel's time.
He also obtained new deputations from the Lords Pro-
prietors appointing other deputies, a majority of whom it
164 THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
w is stated were Quakers. Thus equipped, his aim seemed
accomplished ; but difficulties, however, apparently arose in
the performance of his programme,
dement On his return, in the fall of 1707, Porter found Governor
ioniiov Cary still absent and William Glover conducting the admin-
rSo* istration as president of the council. This arrangement he
siaie^' ^ not disturb. Indeed, it appears that Glover was then
c. r., 1, 7x0 chosen president of the council, and for some time remained
May, 1708 at the head of the government with the sanction of all parties.
But later Glover refused to admit the Quaker deputies unless
they would take the oaths. Discontent at once was mani-
fested by many of the people, and it became so prevalent
Hawks, 11, tnat on ^av !3» l7°&> Cary, who had then returned, Porter,
381 Foster, and Pollock, representing the various factions, united
c. r., 1, 7a7 in a proclamation commanding the people's obedience to the
existing government.
But hardly had this proclamation been issued before a
new element entered to breed further disturbance.
68*73*' Mr. Adams and Mr. Gordon, two ministers sent out by
Hawks, 11, tjle Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, arrived in the colony about that time, and their com-
ing set the Quakers and Presbyterians and all opposed to
the church law in violent commotion. Glover writes to the
c. R.,1,689 Bishop of London, September 25, 1708, that "time had
slipped away while I was engaged in the unhappy troubles
which the enemy, alarmed at the coming over of these worthy
gentlemen, has raised against me."
Mr. Adams wrote in October, 1709, that when Gordon and
himself came over (April, 1708) "we found the government
c. r.,i, 7ao jn the han(js of such persons as were promoted for God's
service and good order and from whom we met with all
reasonable encouragement. But now the case is sadly altered,
for the Quakers, alarmed at our arrival," etc. And Glover
himself two years later wrote to the Society : "Although the
c. r.,i, 732 trouble and confusion this unhappy country has labored
under ever since the arrival of your Lordship's missionaries
has compelled me to retire from all public employment," etc.
GORDON AND ADAMS ARRIVE 165
It was evidently the arrival of the two ministers that I£f
changed the aspect of affairs.
Porter breaks with Glover
While these commotions were agitating the colony, some iniya^tToB
time between May 13th and July 24th, it would seem that ' * ,W3
Porter found it expedient to break with Glover, and confess-
ing the disappointment he had experienced at his hands,
to establish the authority of the new council without waiting
for the Assembly. To this end the new council was called ^R;J%
together, and on July 24th it chose as president Colonel Cary,
who doubtless agreed to conform his actions to the expressed
will of the Lords Proprietors and to carry out the letter and
spirit of the commission for settling the colony, which he
perhaps found less hesitation in doing now that Granville
was dead and the motive for siding with the Church party
was no longer so apparent.
What took place during that long, hot summer is not Diftwb-
recorded, save only in a general way that the colony was
the scene, of great disturbances and that the Church party
lost ground and fell into a pitiable minority.
On September 18, 1708, Mr. Adams, who remained in the
colony after his coadjutor, Mr. Gordon, had withdrawn from
the commotion, writes concerning the troubles: "Besides,
we shall be engaged in perpetual broils as we now are at
present, for our old worthy patriots who have for many
years borne rule in the government with great applause C.R., 1,687
cannot without concern and indignation think of their being
turned out of the council and places of trust for no other
reason but because they are members of the Church of
England, and that shoemakers and other mechanics should
be appointed in their room merely because they are Quaker
preachers," etc.
Two governments contending
But Glover was not content to be displaced in that manner,
and still claimed the power and authority of the gov-
i66
THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
1708
Both call the
Assembly
October,
1708
Pollock's
Letter Book
Hawks, II,
380
C. R., I,
696-608
Oct. xi, 1708
ernor's office. And so there were two governments, each
claiming to be regular and lawful, each with its adherents,
who loudly proclaimed their opponents to be rebels and
traitors.
The whole colony became involved, and both sides being
determined, the drift was to open rupture. Colonel Jennings,
of Virginia, wrote to the Lords Proprietors on Septem-
ber 20th that the Quakers had the cunning to set all the
country in a flame and all but themselves in arms against
one another, and there had already been one man killed in
the fray. There was no hope of peace save by submitting
the matter to the legislature. Under these circumstances
Colonel Pollock, on behalf of Glover, made an agreement
with Cary to submit the claims of the two rival presidents
to an assembly to be elected, and so Cary and Glover each
issued separate writs for an election of an assembly to be
held on October 3, 1708.
This election was quietly held in six precincts, but the
result in Chowan was contested. The assembly consisted
of twenty-six members, five from each of the four precincts
of Albemarle and two from each of the three precincts in
Bath County.
The Cary party carried Bath County and Perquimans and
Pasquotank. In Chowan there was a contested election.
Currituck alone stood faithful to the losing cause of Presi-
dent Glover.
Eight days later the Assembly met. The outlook was
gloomy indeed for Glover. Moseley and the other Cary
contestants from Chowan were seated without delay, and
Moseley himself was elected speaker of the Assembly.
C.R., 1,698
Glover departs to Virginia
The commission to settle the government brought over by
Porter was read and the Assembly determined that by that
instrument the Lords Proprietors had suspended the laws
made both in Governor Daniel's time and in Governor Cary's
CARTS ASSEMBLY 167
time relative to qualifying by taking oaths of office. Colonel lj£
Pollock insisted, however, that the former law was not so [^^Book
much as mentioned in the writing — but such was the decision
of the Assembly. Glover protested that he would not be
bound by the action of the body, although elected under his
own writ, along with the writ of Cary. He insisted that
they should be sworn — or, in other words, purged of the
Quaker members — before he would abide by his agreement.
His protest was treated with scant courtesy. He had
appealed to the people. He had agreed to abide by the
popular verdict ; and now that the people had spoken, now
that a large majority of the legislature was against him, he
sought to reverse that judgment, and to that end invoked the
same method of suppression that had been lately practised —
at variance with the fundamental constitution of the colony
as well as repugnant to the particular commission of the
Lords Proprietors. But his efforts were without avail.
Withdrawing from his agreement to submit his claims to the
decision of the Assembly, he left the colony and took refuge
in Virginia. In this voluntary exile Colonel Pollock accom-
panied him, and Gale, the presiding judge of the general
court, went to England, and it was not until two years after-
ward, when Hyde entered upon the administration as presi-
dent of the council, that they returned.
The Cary government was thus left in undisturbed pos- TheCary
session. The council consisted of Cary, the president;
Foster, Porter and the Quakers. One of the first measures
of the new administration was to declare void all acts done
by the Glover government during the preceding nine months,
thus stigmatizing the retention of power by the old council
through the exclusion of the new deputies as in the nature
of rebellion.
But although all the machinery of government was in
Cary's hands, there remained a large faction disappointed,
sullen and antagonistic — and it was this faction that con-
tained the men who had been trained in the management
of public concerns. Changes were made in the local officers.
C. R., I, 684
168 THE EXCLUSION OF THE QUAKERS
lj£ The old set gave place to the adherents of the new adminis-
tration.
Emanuel Lowe, Archdale's Quaker son-in-law, was ap-
pointed to the land office, and other Quakers, Presbyterians
and Independents were given public employment. The
courts were open ; suits were begun and prosecuted to judg-
ment and execution; wills probated and administration
granted. The public lands were opened to entry and
patents granted, and all the branches of government appear
to have been administered in due form; and particularly
is it noteworthy that the vestry act was maintained in opera-
c. r., 1, 690 tion; and further that the Virginia government complained
of the large emigration of Virginians into North Carolina.
In December, 1708, the Proprietors appointed Edward
Tynte governor of Carolina, and expected him to appoint
Edward Hyde deputy-governor of North Carolina ; but until
Hyde should arrive Cary was left unmolested in the admin-
istration of affairs. In March, 1709, the Proprietors ap-
pointed Lawson and Moseley, the speaker of Cary's house,
to settle the disputed line between Virginia and North Caro-
lina; and in September, 1709, they appointed Christopher
Gale receiver-general in the colony and Lawson surveyor-
general, both of these being then in London. The Propri-
etors signified no particular displeasure at the situation of
affairs in North Carolina, but in after years the period of
Cary's administration was known as "Cary's usurpation."
Lawson s Map of North Carolina, 1709
CHAPTER XIV
The Cary Rebellion
The Palatines.— Their sufferings at sea.— They march through
the forest — De Graff enried's Swiss. — New Bern founded. —
Hyde arrives in Virginia. — Invited to Carolina. — Glover's influence. —
The Quakers excluded. — His authority denied. — The new Assembly.
— Hyde succeeds. — The Cary administration declared a usurpation.
— Partisan legislation. — Hyde embodies men. — Cary prepared. —
Roach aids Cary.— The people divide. — Governor Spotswood seeks
to mediate. — His agent threatens Cary. — Cary prepares to engage,
but fails. — Hyde's moderation. — Cary and Porter sent to England.
The Palatines
It was during the time while Lawson was in England w
and was preparing his History for publication that arrange-
ments were made for the settlement of a considerable num-
ber of colonists on the Trent, in Archdale Precinct, near
where the French had settled and where Lawson had a
large tract of land. Great numbers of Protestants had been German
expelled from the Palatinate, a fertile and populous country
on the Rhine, now embraced in Baden and Bavaria, and
many thousands, utterly impoverished and destitute, sought
refuge in England. Their support had become a heavy tax
on the public, the English people being at that time them-
selves in great distress, and efforts were made to disperse
them throughout the kingdom and the American colonies.
Baron De Graffenried, a Swiss nobleman, being in negotia-
tion with the Lords Proprietors for land in Carolina for a
Swiss colony, was induced to take charge of a number of
these poor Palatines. The queen assumed the expense of
their transportation and made a donation of £4,000 for their
benefit, while a committee of lords supervised the agreement
with the Proprietors and inspected the vessels before the
final embarkation. Six hundred and fifty of the most robust
of the Palatines were selected by De Graffenried, who placed
them under the direction of Christopher Gale, John Lawson
and a third associate; and ample provision being made for
170
THE CARY REBELLION
The
Palatines
sail
April, 17x0
their sustenance, at length, in January, 1710, after religious
services by their pastor and other demonstrations of inter-
est, the two transports sailed from Gravesend, accompanied
for protection by a squadron of naval vessels commanded
by an admiral.
Hardly had the voyage begun, however, before storms
arose and impeded the progress of the vessels, and the
voyage was protracted to more than three months. Un-
happy, indeed, was the fate of these poor exiles driven from
their prosperous homes by cruel religious persecution. Dur-
ing their long voyage more than one-half succumbed to
disease on shipboard, while the sufferings of the others
impaired their strength and vitality. Finally, in April, they
reached the Chesapeake, but as they were entering that
friendly harbor a French vessel captured one of the trans-
ports and plundered it of everything valuable, depriving
the miserable immigrants of even their clothing.
After landing, their numbers were still further diminished
by fever and disease before they were able to set out
c.R.,1,718 through the forests for their march to the Chowan. Even-
tually the remnant reached the plantation of Colonel Pollock,
who provided for their necessities and transported them in
boats to the Trent, where they finally arrived in horrible
plight, finding no preparations made to receive them,
although Lawson was engaged until August in locating
them. Gale, the receiver-general, had been a member of
the general court in North Carolina from 1703 until the
overthrow of Glover's administration, when he went to
England. He now returned with Lawson, and was, as chief
justice, destined to play an important part in the affairs of
the colony. He had brought instructions from the Pro-
prietors to use such of the public revenues as could be
spared for the support of the Palatines; but Cary having
received the public funds, withheld them from Gale, and
inadequate provision was made for the colonists, who found
themselves driven to the necessity of selling even their
clothes to the neighboring settlers for meat and bread.
Six months after the departure of the Palatines, De Graf-
fenricd, who had been created a landgrave by the Lords Pro-
prietors, followed with his colony of Swiss. Their voyage
Lawson
locates the
Palatines
The Swiss
June, 1 710
THE PALATINES AND SWISS
171
was more fortunate, and after a few weeks they landed ^
in excellent spirits on the banks of the James and likewise
came by land to Colonel Pollock's, reaching the Trent in
September, where they found the unhappy Palatines in
miserable plight.
Being a landgrave, De Graffenried had official prominence New Bern
in the province, and he used every effort to ameliorate the l^ld^
condition of his colonists, and addressed himself to the
work of building a town, which he named New Bern. Many
planters now occupied the lands on the Pamlico ; the French
colony had been increased by accessions from Virginia;
lands along the shore, even between North River and Core
River (near the present town of Beaufort), were taken up
in 1709, and the settlements were extending southward
along the coast. So it happened that the period of Cary's TheCary
administration was marked by a considerable expansion and don""* **"
development of the province, but yet the administration was
not efficient. The new men appointed to office were not cSSSt
trained in official duties, grave complaints were rife, and Countv
the government lost some of the prestige it had acquired on
the withdrawal of Glover and his adherents to Virginia.
Hyde arrives in Virginia
Such was the condition when Colonel Edward Hyde, who
had been selected by the Proprietors as deputy-governor of
North Carolina, reached Virginia, in August, 1710, where,
however, he failed to receive his commission as he had August,^!©
expected, for Edward Tynte, the governor of Carolina,
who was to have sent it to him from Charleston, died with-
out doing so. Hyde's coming had been anxiously expected
by the Glover faction, who hastened to make their court to
him ; but being without a commission, he prudently remained
in Virginia and awaited developments. Being the first
cousin of the queen, the "awful respect" due to his family J^,*^1,
drew public sentiment toward him ; and there being no ques-
tion that the Proprietors had designated him for appoint-
ment as deputy-governor, Cary was persuaded to join in an
invitation that Hyde should come to Carolina and enter upon
the administration as president of the council.
In January, 171 1, this invitation was accepted, and Hyde Jan" ,7"
172 THE CARY REBELLION
%7xl coming to Carolina, settled himself in Chowan, near Colonel
Pollock's, who, as well as Glover, had returned about that
2fd.e> time *° his Carolina home. But although the new presi-
tion dent came in by common consent, he was met at the outset
with the same practical question that had so largely entered
into the politics of the colony during the preceding decade.
T^Mii1,' 784 Should Quakers be admitted to office? Should they be
allowed to enter into office without qualifying themselves
by taking an oath ? This question could not be avoided. It
met the new administration face to face and demanded an
t unequivocal answer.
influent Hyde might perhaps have determined the matter in ac-
cordance with the practice of the preceding administration
and agreeably to the fundamental constitution of the colony
had it not been for the influence exerted by the adherents
of Glover, who had suffered no little because of their fidelity
to the cause they represented. They prided themselves that
it was the cause of the legitimate, lawful and regular gov-
ernment no less than the cause of the Church and of true
religion, and they sought, not without avail, to impress the
new governor with the correctness of their views, and doubt-
less he espoused them the more readily since they were in
conformity with the prevailing notions in England in regard
to the Quakers.
Urmstone, who had succeeded Mr. Adams as the solitary
clergyman in the colony, wrote that "after long debates
Hyde persists in Mr. Glover's opinion of not suffering
the Quakers, who had deputations, either forged or granted
by those who were not Proprietors, to be of the council, or
have anything to do in the administration," which meant that
the Quakers were excluded from the council, as in Glover's
time. And again Pollock wrote to the Lords Proprietors, in
September, 1712, that "the Quakers are not permitted to sit
in the Assembly."
Oopotidon This decision on the part of Hyde opened afresh all the
** 8 old sores, and threw into the opposition a strong party, who,
having lately enjoyed the powers of government, were easily
led to make another stand for the principles they had so
ardently maintained. The leaders of that party coming to
understand that Hyde's administration would be in the
THE CHURCH PARTY TRIUMPHS 173
nature of a return of the Glover faction, whose temper was y
very bitter and hostile, sought to weaken it by withdrawing
their adherence and declaring that Hyde, having no com-
mission, was not a legal governor.
The new Assembly
The Cary officers, it is said, falling in with these sug-
gestions, retained their records, seals and other muniments
of office and would not surrender them to Hyde's appointees.
Such was the situation when, in March, 171 1, the Assembly, March, xyti
called by Hyde, met at Colonel Pollock's residence in
Chowan. Of that Assembly Urmstone writes : "With much
difficulty we had the majority. . . . The Assembly was made
up of a strange mixture of men of various opinions and c.R*i,»«i
inclinations: a few Churchmen, many Presbyterians, Inde-
pendents, but most anythingarians — some out of principle,
others out of hopes of power and authority in the govern-
ment to the end that they might lord it over their neighbors,
all conspired to act answerably to the desire of the president
and council." The Quakers being excluded, the Assembly
was sufficiently manageable.
The rising sun was too strong for those who were deemed 2*£Lu
to be on the wane. Hyde triumphed over the opposition.
The "awful respect" of his great name was heavy weight
in his favor, and "the Presbyterians, Independents and any-
thingarians" of the Assembly were drawn to his side in hopes
of favors to come, and also because three months before he
had been brought in as governor by common consent ; while Partisan
Cary's administration had fallen into disrepute because of Ie*l,,ati011
inefficiency, and he himself had either squandered or had
not collected the quit rents due the Lords Proprietors.
Whatever were the influences working the change, the caryand
Assembly was quite as severe against the Cary party as the !£££ched
former Assembly had, in October, 1708, been against its
Glover opponents. It declared that Cary and Porter had
failed to attend with Hyde as members of his council, that
they had been guilty of sedition and had sought to overturn
Hyde's government, and they impeached them for high
crimes and misdemeanors and committed them to the cus-
tody of the provost marshal.
174 THE CARY REBELLION
%2*l It petitioned the Lords Proprietors to remove Cary,
Pmeedin8f P°rter and Moseley from any share in the government ; and
in thecmms as Cary's government had declared void all proceedings had
annulled . i . r • • i • * i i i i •
nine months before it came in, so this Assembly declared
void all proceeding, save certain exceptions, that had been
in Cary's courts, land offices, etc., during the space of two
entire years.
785^86* I* furtner re-enacted the former law in regard to the
qualification of all officers by oaths according to the strict-
ness of the English laws, and enacted that all laws made
for the establishment of the Church in England should be
in force in the colony.
c. r.,1,780 ^n(j varjolls sundry other enactments were made in the
first flush of victory by those who had been under the ban
for three years, of such a character as to draw even from
^^ation Spotswood, "that they added some other clauses perhaps too
severe to be justified, wherein it must be confessed they
showed more their resentment of their ill-usage during Mr.
Cary's usurpation (as they call it) than their prudence to
reconcile the distractions of the country."
c. r., 1, 79x Particularly was an act passed directing Cary to account
with Hyde for all funds that he had collected for the Lords
Proprietors, and upon his failing to do so within two months,
Hyde was authorized to issue execution against his prop-
erty. Truly, Cary had fallen from his high estate, and the
Glover party, animated by a fierce resentment of their in-
juries, were pursuing him with a strong hand. Having
disrobed him of power, they sought to press him to the
wall. But as Spotswood wrote, their measures were beyond
their power to enforce them. By their want of moderation
they threw the whole opposition into violent antagonism.
eddies Both Cary and Porter escaped from the custody of the
men provost marshal and regained their liberty, and two months
having elapsed without the former having accounted for
the money of the Lords Proprietors, Hyde embodied a force
May,i7« t0 g0 and take njm On Sunday, May 26th, Hyde, with
some secrecy, collected about eighty men at his own house
in Chowan, and on Monday crossed the sound and went
twelve miles up the river, where his force was increased to
one hundred and fifty men. Hastening through the wilder-
CARY TAKES UP ARMS 175
ness, on the 28th they reached Cary's house at Pamlico, but 2JJ
he having received notice of their approach, made his escape Smldre,
to Governor Daniel's house, a few miles farther down the C.R., 1,803
river.
The next day Hyde pursued, but found that his delay
had been disastrous. Cary had called around him some
forty followers and had so fortified himself that it was
hazardous to attack him.
On June 1st the forces of the disappointed governor with-
drew, having only their trouble for their pains, and having
by an accident lost one of their own men, a kinsman of the
governor, who unfortunately was killed during the expedi-
tion. So ended Hyde's fiasco, and well indeed had it ter-
minated there! Whatever else may have been the disposi-
tion of Cary, he was not a man to shun danger, no matter
in what form it came. He was as resolute as he was violent,
and as audacious as implacable.
He at once infused into the people of Pamlico that the As-
sembly was not called by proper authority, that it was not
duly elected, that Hyde was not governor, having no com-
mission sent him, and therefore that he could not comply
with this demand to account with Hyde for money belonging
to the Lords Proprietors. Nor did his efforts end in words.
He erected his standard and gathered his forces.
And just then Captain Roach, an agent of Dawson, one of Roach aids
the Lords Proprietors, brought his vessel into Pamlico, there cf?M 1,804
being among his cargo several cannon and a quantity of
small arms and ammunition. Roach vigorously espoused
the side of Cary, and strengthened his cause as well by de-
claring that the Proprietors did not intend that Hyde should
be governor, as by furnishing the munitions and sinews of
war. A brigantine belonging to Emanuel Lowe was armed
with cannon and a barco-longo was also equipped for active
service.
All was activity among the Presbyterians and Indepen-
dents of Bath. And so with Hyde and his supporters in
Chowan.
Pasquotank and Perquimans and Currituck seem not to
have been involved, the Quakers remaining quiet and the
176
THE CARY REBELLION
Spots wood
seeks to
mediate
June, 1711
other citizens of those counties responding but slowly to the
call of the governor for active support. Indeed so slowly
did they respond that Hyde early realized the superior
strength of his adversary, and at once applied for aid to the
governor of Virginia.
On June 13th Spots wood, in response to the demand, de-
termined to send a mediator to seek a suspension of military
operations until the differences of the contestants could be
laid before the Lords Proprietors. To that end, on June
20th he wrote letters to each, Hyde and Cary, which he sent
by Mr. Clayton, saying to Cary that he had ever advised
Hyde to moderation and to endeavor to reconcile and unite
both parties, and that it was on this basis that he now pro-
posed mediation.
On June 25th Clayton reached Pollock's residence, which
was situated somewhat west of the site of Edenton, and on
the next day delivered the letter to Cary, whose well-manned
brigantine and barco-longo were then sailing off some
twelve miles from Pollock's in the sound.
Cary agreed to the proposition to meet Hyde the next day
at an appointed place, and that in the meantime the forces
should remain where they were. But Hyde, upon considera-
tion, found the appointed place too inconvenient, and sug-
gested two other points for a conference to be held on the
28th. But this proposition, says Hyde himself, did not
reach Cary in time, because of bad weather, and negotia-
tions thereupon were broken off.
Clayton again visited Cary and delivered a second letter
from Spotswood, withheld at first, threatening Cary with
his own armed interference if he should not come to terms.
Cary now declared he would make no terms, but that he
would seize Hyde and his council, and that Hyde might ex-
pect the same fate that Colonel Parke had at Antigua.
This threat produced a great commotion among the
friends of Governor Hyde, for two years before Colonel
Parke, the governor of the island of Antigua, one of the
British Isles in the Caribbean Sea, had after three years of
tyranny and despotic oppression been seized by the outraged
people, and had been torn limb from limb ; a tragic fate, well
known in Virginia, where one of Governor Parke's daugh-
C. R.,Il76o
C.R.,1,795
Can'
threatens
Hyde with
Parke's fate
HYDE IS VICTORIOUS
177
C. R , I%
7*»f 795
ters had married Colonel Custis, and was thus allied to some lJH
of the first people in that colony.
But Cary's threats were impotent. His men were not
equal to the occasion. On the morning of June 30th, he de-
termined to make the attempt to seize Hyde, and approach- June 30
ing Pollock's house that lay near the water, he fired two can-
non from his brig and, throwing a force into two boats,
made a dash for the land.
But Hyde was prepared, and returning shot for shot,
struck the mast of the brig, and deployed his men along the
shore ready for the .assault. Such an unexpected show of pe c.raffen-
force struck terror into the hearts of Cary's men, who quickly Ke,*c.a,iLi
returned to their vessel and sought to draw off.* Hyde in !' 9*8
turn manned some boats and gave pursuit. And now Cary's
force thought only of escape. The brig was hastily run
ashore, and the men fled into the woods. When Hyde's
boats approached, the brig, armed with six cannon, fell into
their hands, along with her owner, Emanuel Lowe, and three
sailors, who composed her crew.
Being favored by this good fortune, Hyde issued a procla- H»££^.
mation pardoning all who had been led into acts of violence,
except the chief movers, which, together with the loss of
prestige incident to the miscarriage of the attempt to seize
Hyde, tended to draw the people away from Cary, whose
forces rapidly dispersed. Roach, however, fortified himself
at Pamlico, and it was said that John Porter went among the
Indians and endeavored to persuade them to fall upon the
people on the western shores of Chowan, the inhabitants
there having espoused the cause of Hyde. The Indians, how-
ever, declined the invitation, if any were indeed made to them.
In the meantime, Hyde, flushed with his success in capturing
the armed brigantine, hastily threw on board of the vessel
a force of his own and sailed off to Pamlico to make an end c- R» !» 795
of the matter by capturing Cary at Roach's house, the place
where he had fortified ; but again did the governor find dis-
cretion the better part of valor. Cary was too strongly en-
♦This sudden flight was probably due to the appearance among
Hyde's followers of Baron De Graflfenried's servant, in his yellow
coat, which led to the impression that some of the queen's troops
were present, it being treason to make war on them.
178 THE CARY REBELLION
XJ£ trenched ; no attack was made, and the expedition returned
without result. But Spotswood having on the application
of Hyde sent some marines to his assistance, the appearance
of these on Pamlico, about July ioth, being troops of the
queen, accomplished the final dispersion of the Cary
forces,
fwr^nt Colonel Cary and several of his most active supporters
^England hastily proceeded to Virginia to take shipping for England,
but were there seized by Spotswood, and, on July 31st, were
sent to England on board a man-of-war under charges of
rebellion and sedition. They arrived in London on Septem-
ber 25th, but there being no evidence produced against them,
they were discharged.
"offrts£.wi11 On November 20th, within a month after his arrival, we
State find Cary before the Lords Proprietors obtaining copies of
the charges made against him by Hyde. A year later he had
returned to Carolina, Hyde having been instructed by the
Lords Proprietors not to proceed to the punishment of any
of the parties engaged against him. John Porter remained
in England and died at Bridgewater during the spring or
summer of 171 3.
On the death of Governor Tynte, the Lords Proprietors
c.r.,1,750 appointed Hyde governor of North Carolina in his own
right, and a recent act of Parliament requiring the approval
of the Crown, the royal assent was given, and on May 9,
1712, he received his appointment, bearing date Jan-
Finai uary 24th. Taking the oaths, he became Governor of North
ofPNoarthn Carolina, being the first appointed by the Lords Proprietors
ciro^iuah since Ludwell's time, and this appointment was the begin-
ning of the entire separation of the government of North
Carolina from that of the southern colony.
CHAPTER XV
The Tuscarora War
The Indians disquieted. — Lawson's activities.— Lawson executed. —
The cause of the Indian war. — The massacre. — Preparations for
defence. — Active war. — Gale's mission successful. — Barnwell acts
vigorously. — War measures. — Barnwell makes a truce. — Barnwell's
Indians return to South Carolina. — Hostilities renewed. — The death
of Hyde. — Pollock's truce with King Blount. — James Moore arrives.
— He takes Fort Nohoroco. — Many Tuscaroras depart for New York.
— Major Maurice Moore arrives. — Effects on the settlers. — Harmony
in the colony. — Governor Eden. — South Carolina imperilled. — Aid
sent. — The Cores renew hostilities.
The Indians disquieted
In the dissensions of the colony, the Pamlico section ad- U^l
hered to Cary, and the Indians of that region were led by the
execrations of the neighboring whites to regard the new gov-
ernor as a person to be detested by them, while the rapid
extension of the settlements to the southward and along the
waters of the Pamlico and Neuse raised apprehensions lest
they should be forced back and utterly expelled from their
old hunting grounds. At this time the tribes at the north SePt., x7n
had dwindled into insignificance; they were the Meherrins,
the Nottoways, and the Chowans on Bennett's Creek and
the Pasquotank, some of whom had already fillen into the
habits of the whites, wore clothes and had cattle, making
butter for sale. On the western frontier, beginning in Vir-
ginia and extending nearly to the Neuse, were the Tusca-
roras, a warlike tribe of northern origin. They occupied
fifteen towns and numbered altogether 1200 fighting men.
Adjoining them were the Woccoons, about one-tenth their
number ; and a few miles distant were the Pamlicos, once an
important tribe, who had, however, been swept away by a
fearful epidemic some fifteen years before, and now could
boast only fifty braves. The Neuse and the Chautauquas,
who occupied the region allotted to De Graffcnried's colony,
180 THE TUSCARORA WAR
xj£ were likewise weak ; but the tribes farther to the eastward,
on Bear River and Core Sound, were more populous. Near
Bath was a small tribe of Pungos, and on the sounds to the
south were found the Coranines; while at Hatteras lived
the remnant of a tribe now reduced to sixteen braves, who
claimed that some of their ancestors were white, and valued
themselves extremely on their kinship to the English, and
were very friendly. In confirmation of this claim, in effect
that they were descended from Raleigh's Lost Colony, Law-
son declares that some of them had grey eyes, a circum-
stance not observed among any other Indians.
In the distant interior, on the Eno, had been the Oc-
coneechees, and nearby the Schoccories and the Keiauwees,
and farther south the Saponas and the Toteros ; but these a
few years earlier had consolidated and had removed from
Carolina into Virginia, settling at Christianna, ten miles
Byrd's Div. north of the Roanoke. After remaining there some twenty-
lnc' 9 five years, however, they returned to Carolina and dwelt with
the Catawbas. In all, there were some 1500 braves bor-
dering on the south and west of the settlements; but the
Indians to the northward, nearer the Virginia line, did not
sympathize in the apprehensions felt by the lower towns
concerning the encroachments made on the Pamlico and
Neuse and were not inclined to be inimical to the whites.
Lawson's Lawson had projected an interior road from the southern
settlement to Virginia, and with a view to locating it he had
made a progress through the region inhabited by the
Indians ; he had also as surveyor been conspicuous in estab-
lishing the Palatines and the Swiss, and in laying off planta-
tions, and indeed himself had a large grant located on the
Neuse; and thus he became an object of particular resent-
ment among the discontented Indians.
sept. 8, x7xi Such was the feeling early in September, some two
months after the dispersion of Cary's forces and the flight of
his principal adherents from the colony, when Lawson and
Christopher Gale and Baron De Graffenried arranged for an
expedition up the Neuse and to make a progress through the
Indian towns with a view of locating the proposed road.
Gale was fortunately detained, but the baron and Lawson,
accompanied by two negroes, on September 8th, set out from
LAWSON'S FATAL EXPEDITION 181
New Bern by boat on the exploration, taking fifteen days' %j£
provision with them. On the evening of the second day, IJ»*k*II»
the Indians, discovering them, became alarmed, and mistak- De'Graffcnp
ing the baron for Governor Hyde, seized them and hurried dvcCR.,1,
them in great haste to their king's town, on Cotechney, where Spt.f i7»
a council of Indian chiefs was speedily assembled, by whom
both the baron and Lawson were condemned to instant
death.
De Graffenried, however, with great address, saved him- J^JJ^
self by asserting that he was not an Englishman, but a king
and a friend of the queen of England, who would certainly
punish them for any violence done to him. Reprieving
him, on Lawson they reaped their vengeance by a sum-
mary execution; an unhappy fate, in strange contrast with
the humane and friendly sentiments he had expressed in
his History in regard to the proper treatment and the wel-
fare and happiness of these original inhabitants of the Caro-
lina territory. The day following the trial and execution of
Lawson, the Indian chieftains informed De Graffenried that
they had determined to make war on the English, and that
the particular objects of their enmity were the people on the
Neuse, Pamlico and Trent rivers and on Core Sound, for set-
tlers had established themselves even in that locality.
Governor Pollock, writing to Governor Spotswood some The cam.
nine months after the outbreak, gives this account of the iidbnwar
origin of the war : "Our own divisions, chiefly occasioned by
the Quakers and some few other evil-disposed persons, hath
been the cause of all our trouble. For the Indians being
informed by some of the traders that the people that lived
here were only a few vagabond persons that had run away
out of other governments and had settled here of their own
head, without any authority, so if they were cut off there
would be none to help them ; this, with the seeing our own Hawks, n,
differences rise to such a height that we, consisting of only
two counties, were in arms against each other, encouraged
them to fall on the county of Bath, not expecting that they
would have any assistance from this county or any other
English plantation. This is the chief cause that moved the
Indians to rise against us so far as I can understand."
This internecine strife and bitterness doubtless led the
434
\%2
THE TUSCARORA WAR
adherent*
th-
»uHerer%
Indians to consider that a favorable time and opportunity;
but the cause, the reason of their enmity, was quite another
thing. If some of Hyde's adherents are to be believed, they
had during the Can* troubles declined to attack the whites,
although invited to do so: and it was only after quiet had
been restored and Cary and Porter had been absent two
months that hostilities began. In July some of Hyde's ad-
herents alleged that at the time of the dispersal of Cary's
forces, John Porter had gone among the Tuscaroras and
sought to incite them to cut off the inhabitants on the
Chowan who were adherents of Hyde, but they had refused
to be drawn into such an enterprise. In the massacre now
resolved on, the upper towns of the Tuscaroras again de-
clined to participate ; but the Cotechneys, the YVoccoons, the
Pamlicos, the Cores and the Xeuse Indians were the chief
promoters of the murderous work, and the victims were the
settlers who had located on the frontier and who had been
Cary's supporters. The outbreak was evidently an effort of
the southern tribes to preserve their hunting grounds, which
the settlers were now fast occupying.
Five hundred warriors, consisting of Indians from every
tribe on the southern frontier, having congregated at Han-
cock's town on the Cotechney, formed into small bands and
dispersed themselves as if in a friendly way throughout the
Sept. 33,1711 ncw settlements. On the morning of September 22d, about
sunrise, they fell upon the unsuspecting planters in their
isolated homes and began a fearful massacre. In two hours
one hundred and thirty persons fell beneath their bloody
HecrlrNarra- blows. On some plantations all, men, women and children
tivc.c.R.,!, aiii<C) wcre ruthlessly and barbarously murdered; at others,
the men only were slain, and the women and children were
spared to be held, however, as slaves. In savage wrath, they
slew and burned and pillaged, and the entire region south of
the Albemarle was a horrid scene of brutal murder and deso-
lation. The French settlers on the Pamlico suffered heav-
ily, eighty of De Graffenried's colonists fell victims, and the
outlying districts were depopulated.
In those hours of fearful calamity, those who fortunately
escaped the first fury of the savages fled in dismay to con-
venient points of refuge. They collected at Bath and at ten
The
mauacre
^
THE MASSACRE 183
other places, where they hurriedly fortified themselves ?"
against attack.
Many incidents of the butchery were heart-rending, and
some of the escapes heroic. At the house of John Porter,
Jr., his wife, Sarah Lillington, seeing an Indian in the act of
dashing her infant's brains out against a tree, rushed upon
him and rescued her child from his clutches. Captain Maule
being present, he and Colonel Porter seized their guns and
covering the flight of the females, successfully beat off the
savages until they had reached the landing, where taking a
boat they pushed out into the broad river and escaped, be-
holding in the distance their home enveloped in flames.
For two days the murderous bands glutted themselves c.iL,itfa6
with blood and revelled in spoil, but on the third day, the
plantations being deserted, laden with booty and carrying
eighty women and children preserved as captives, they re-
turned to their fort on the Cotechney. The dead lay un-
buried in that hot September sun, food for the vultures,
the dogs and wolves. Many bodies were shockingly muti-
lated, and others fancifully arranged by the savages in their
wild and merry glee. Mr. Nevill, an old gentleman, was laid
on his floor with a clean pillow beneath his head, which was
ornamented with his wife's head-dress, and his body de-
cently covered with new linen; while Mrs. Nevill was set
upon her knees in the chimney corner, her hands lifted up as
if in prayer ; and a son was laid out in the yard with a pillow
under his head and a bunch of rosemary at his nose.
Fugitives -from their homes, with their butchered friends
unburied, the air polluted from their decomposing remains,
the survivors of Bath County kept watch and ward at the
asylums they had gained, in momentary dread of the reap-
pearance of the foe, while the other settlements were paral-
yzed with fear lest the whole colony should be destroyed.
Although a blow so sudden and unexpected, so terrible Effects
and shocking, at first staggered even the most resolute, Gov-
ernor Hyde and the leaders in Albemarle speedily took such
measures of safety as were open to them. Since the Quakers
would not bear arms, but little aid could be expected from
them, while the inhabitants west of the Chowan being them-
selves apprehensive of attack, assembled in strongholds for
of the
massacre
184 THE TUSCARORA WAR
U£ their own protection. But factions were hushed and former
opponents vied with each other in patriotic efforts for the
common weal. Information was hurriedly despatched to
Governor Spotswood, who caused some of the Virginia
militia to collect near the Tuscarora towns bordering on the
Virginia line, and sought to enlist the upper Tuscaroras in
c.r., i,8i5 the SUppression Qf the hostile Indians. As an inducement
to engage their assistance, he offered six blankets for the
head of every enemy they would bring him and "the usual
price for the women and children as slaves." These towns,
Oct. 15, i7« however, asked for a month to consider the proposal, and
then determined to remain neutral ; but fearful of their defec-
tion, the hostile tribes sent their women and children toward
the Cape Fear, leaving only the warriors in their own terri-
tory ; and then they again began to roam throughout the
Pamlico region, and collisions between their bands and the
inhabitants were of frequent occurrence.
cr^mU Indeed, with the opening of October, companies having
been organized and equipped, active warfare was inaugu-
rated ; and scouting parties sent out from the forts were am-
bushed and often sustained heavy losses. A company of fifty
c. r., i,8»6 men approached one of the Indian strongholds and was re-
pulsed by three hundred braves. Early in that month Cap-
tain Brice, who commanded at Bath, sent off some fifty men
for special service, and the Indians fell upon them in the
woods, and for three days a desultory battle was maintained,
the whites eventually being driven in with considerable loss.
Taking advantage of the absence of this detachment, the
garrison then being reduced to only a hundred men, another
force of Indians attacked it, while a number of Indian
prisoners within the fort rose and took the whites in the
rear. The males of the latter, however, were quickly de-
spatched and the women and children secured, and then the
assault was successfully repulsed. Of the captives within
the fort, thirty-nine women and children were then sent
abroad and sold as slaves.
Gaie> Christopher Gale, the receiver-general, having been sent
sM^ufui to Charleston by sea to solicit aid, the South Carolina
c. r., 1, 8a8 Assembly promptly responded with assistance. Colonel
Hugh Grange, with others, was elected to secure the neces-
SOUTH CAROLINA SENDS AID 185
sary supplies, and Colonel John Barnwell was appointed to ^
the command. Gale hastened back on his return voyage
from Charleston, bringing a considerable supply of ammu-
nition, but he was taken prisoner by the French and was
detained for several months. In the interval during his
absence, the North Carolina government receiving no infor-
mation from him relative to the result of his mission, again
sent a despatch boat to Charleston asking aid, and Barn-
well's force, largely drawn from friendly Indians, was hur-
ried forward.
North Carolina was the dividing ground between the
northern and southern Indians, and there was no affinity
between the Indians of South Carolina, who had originally
come from beyond the Mississippi River, and those of east-
ern North Carolina, who had at some previous time migrated
from the northward ; and the southern Indians were not
averse to availing themselves of this opportunity of attack-
ing the Tuscaroras and the neighboring tribes, expecting
to make profit from the sale of their prisoners as slaves.
Barnwell, his troops consisting of fifty whites and some
Cherokees and Creeks, passed along the Santee to the Con-
garees, then up the Wateree River to the vicinity of the
Catawbas, near where Charlotte is, embodying detachments
of all these tribes in his force. He then came east to the McCrady**
Yadkin and crossed the Cape Fear below the junction of Carolina, i,
the Haw and Deep and then pursued a northeast course, J^?a
striking the Cotechney at an Indian town called Torhunte,
eventually arriving on the lower Neuse on January 28th.*
He seemed to have followed a trading path used by the
Indians and traders leading from Torhunte to the Catawbas,
a shorter course than that generally taken by the Virginia
traders, who, crossing the Roanoke higher up, came by a
route near Oxford and Hillsboro to the trading ford near
Salisbury and then down to the Catawbas. But his progress
through the wilderness was difficult and attended with much
delay and suffering for the want of provisions.
*He had 2t8 Cherokees under Captains Harford and Turstons,
79 Creeks under Captain Hastings, 41 Catawbas under Cautey, and
28 Yamassees under Captain Pierce.
i86
THE TUSCARORA WAR
I7H
cTr ., I, 899
Hawks, II,
537
Fort
Cotcchney
War
measures
C. R., I,
837-839
April, 171a
Assembly
dissolved,
May 10, 171a
Barnwell acts vigorously
On reaching New Bern, Barnwell acted with great vigor,
and immediately fell upon the hostiles some twenty miles
above New Bern, killing three hundred and taking more
than a hundred prisoners. But as soon as this victory was
won, half of his force, satisfied with their booty, deserted
him and returned to South Carolina, carrying their prison-
ers, who were shipped to the West Indies to be sold into
slavery. Notwithstanding his force was now much reduced,
Barnwell pursued the enemy until they retired into a
stronghold which they had fortified on a high and inacces-
sible bluff overlooking the river, which could not be attacked
with advantage. Withdrawing from that section, he led
his Indians some thirty miles to the east of New Bern, where
he encountered the Cores and drove them from their towns,
and pursued them with such fury that a great many were
slain. On his return he was reinforced by two hundred
and fifty whites, under Captains Brice, Boyd, and Mit-
chell, and together they assaulted Fort Cotechney, or Han-
cock's Fort, near the site of Snow Hill, but were driven
off. Nevertheless, the people felt so relieved by his pres-
ence, and were so elated from their former despondency by
the result of his movements, that when the Assembly met it
adopted an address to the Lords Proprietors in high praise
of him.
To carry on the war heavy duties had been laid on both
exportations and importations, and now the legislature
authorized the issue of £4,000 of paper currency, the first
of such currency issued by the colony; and urgent applica-
tion was made to Virginia for two hundred white soldiers
from that province. Governor Spotswood undertook to
raise such a force, but ascertaining that the North Carolina
authorities had made no provision either for their pay or
their maintenance, and meeting with obstacles because of
opposition in the Virginia Assembly, he found it imprac-
ticable to proceed. Under the circumstances, as the expendi-
ture would be for the Lords Proprietors, he suggested that
the territory north of the Albemarle should be mortgaged
to secure the repayment of the money that would have to
be advanced for the purpose, but since the Assembly had no
r\
A CESSATION OF HOSTILITIES 187
authority to enter into such an agreement, those terms could jyj;
not be accepted by it, and the desired assistance was not fur-
nished by Virginia.
In April, Barnwell proposed to make another attack on Barnwell
Fort Cotechney, and at the suggestion of De Graff enried, SHoT*
who, having been released, was now again in the settlement,
some cannon were carried through the forest, borne on long
shafts with a horse in front and one behind, and these were
well placed to bombard the stronghold. When all was in
readiness for the assault the cannon were discharged and
hand grenades were thrown into the fort; and these unac-
customed instruments of warfare so terrified the Indians
that they begged for a truce. A council of war was held
by Barnwell and his officers, and since it was feared that
the large number of women and children held prisoners by
the Indians would be massacred in the melee if the fort were
carried by assault, a truce was granted upon the condition
that all the white prisoners should be immediately released,
and with' the expectation that it would eventually be fol-
lowed by a lasting peace.
This failure to press the Indians to an extremity at that Sjltwied
favorable time created dissatisfaction on the part of the SJSiwdi
governor and his council with Barnwell, who nevertheless
justified it by in turn complaining that his troops were not
furnished with provision and that a cessation of the siege
was desirable on that account.
Deplorable indeed was the condition qi the unfortunate
captives now restored to freedom, being bereft of husbands
and fathers and their homes destroyed by the barbarous
savages; widows and orphans, they were helpless depen-
dents upon the charity of people whose own necessities were
great, but for the moment they were transported with joy
at their happy deliverance from impending death, and with
grateful hearts blessed those who had rescued them from a
fearful fate.
Barnwell's Indians were disappointed at the truce and ces- Bamweir*
e • 11/1 t • Indians
sation of operations, as they had hoped to take more prison- return to
ers and to profit by their sale ; but he withdrew to New Bern, cJroiina
where provisions could be had ; and after a few weeks, under
the pretence of a good peace, he lured the eastern Indians
1 88
THE TUSCARORA WAR
to the vicinity of Core village, where his savages fell upon
them unawares and took prisoners many women and
children.
The South Carolina Indians now hurried home with their
captives, leaving Barnwell and the companies raised in
Albemarle to carry on the hostilities which this breach of
faith naturally engendered. On July 5th Barnwell himself
was wounded, and taking shipping, he returned to Charles-
ton, promising, however, to use his best endeavors to have
other assistance sent.
Barnwell
leaves
North
Carolina
C.R.,1904
Summer of
171a
Hostilities renewed
As long as Barnwell's force was on the Pamlico the enemy
had been held in check, but now that the country was clear,
furious at the treacherous breach of the truce, the hostile
Indians became very active, and again was the region south
of the Albemarle a scene of bitter warfare. The farms were
deserted, the crops abandoned, and the inhabitants again
assembled in their garrisons for mutual protection; while
around those places of refuge hostile bands incessantly
prowled, scalping all who fell into their hands. A small
number of Yamassees, however, had remained, and under
Captain Mackay did good service near Bath ; but the sav-
ages roamed at will throughout the country at large, devas-
tating the plantations and confining the people to their
forts; and so another summer was passed with no crops
made and the Pamlico and new settlements in a state of
siege.
Fully aroused to the necessity of decisive action, the
Assembly now made a draft of the entire fighting population
. ., ,877 tQ subcille the enemy, and all who would not enroll them-
selves as soldiers were to forfeit £5 for the maintenance of
the struggle. In addition to the garrisoned plantations, two
considerable forts were now erected, one at Core Point, on
the sound, in the vicinity of the Core Indians, and one at
Reading's plantation, on the Tar River, in the section
open to the Cotechneys. But although the emergency was
so great, many were discontented at the strenuous measures
of the administration, and some of the inhabitants left their
homes and fled to Virginia.
A call to
arms//*
masst
Fort*
erected
/
THE WAR PROSECUTED 189
In the midst of these difficulties the yellow fever broke out *j£
in the colony, and Colonel Hyde, who had received his com- ^JSe, w°l
mission as governor only that May, was taken with a violent c. r.',i,&9
fever and died on September 8th, after a week's illness.
Fortunately, Colonel Pollock was ready to continue the
administration as president of the council, for he had large
experience and great ability, and could command the confi-
dence not only of the inhabitants, but of the authorities in
Virginia and of South Carolina. A packet ship had been ^^s
employed to ply between the province and Charleston, and
Governor Craven had already agreed to send an additional
force of friendly Indians, the charges to be paid in North
Carolina bills, and President Pollock sought to infuse into
the people confidence and hope, although at the moment
affairs seemed desperate. Captain Byrd, who had been sent
on an expedition, fell into an ambuscade, and he himself Lomm
was killed and many of his men slain; and in September
Colonel Mitchell and Colonel Mackay, who had with them
one hundred and forty men, were defeated and compelled
to abandon the enterprise they had undertaken.
There was unexpected delay in starting the expedition
from South Carolina, but Governor Craven hurried on some Sept" ,yla
barrels of powder and shot and twenty guns, which were
supplied to the forces then at Coretown Fort, who were
awaiting the arrival of reinforcements before again pro-
ceeding to assault Fort Cotechney. In the meanwhile the
Indians had attacked Fort Reading, on the Tar, and also had
made an assault on the garrison at Colonel Jones's plantation,
near the mouth of the Pamlico, but were successfully re-
pulsed in both instances.
Pollock's truce with King Blount
But while preparing for a protracted struggle, Colonel
Pollock had wisely renewed negotiations with Tom Blount,
the king of the Upper Tnscaroras, and toward the end of
September succeeded in arranging with him to seize Han-
cock, the chief of the Cotechney Indians, and bring him in gj^gg1,
alive with a view to making peace. Indeed, the hostiles
themselves were in distress for the want of food ; and at
length, through King Blount, a truce was agreed on to last
C. R., I, 88a
190
THE TUSCARORA WAR
Tames
Moore
arrives
Dec. s.
C. R., I, 89a
until January 1st, and in the interval the Tuscaroras were
to cut off all those who had participated in the massacre and
were to surrender a number of the chief men from each
of the six Indian forts as hostages for the good behavior of
the hostile tribes.
Before the truce had expired, the new army from South
Carolina, consisting of thirty-three whites and a thousand
friendly Indians under Colonel James Moore arrived on the
Neuse, and moved to the Chowan for convenience in obtain-
ing needed provisions until it was seen whether the Indians
would surrender the hostages as agreed on. This they failed
to do, and preparations were made to strike a blow that
would break their power.
The facilities for reaching the Pamlico and Neuse and
even Core Fort by water transportation had been of great ad-
vantage during the war, and now the necessary supplies were
sent forward by boat, and on January 17th Colonel Moore
marched from Chowan, but a heavy snow falling, he was
obliged to remain inactive at Fort Reading on the Tar until
February. In the meantime, the Indians had fortified them-
selves in two strongholds, one, Cohunche, which was Han-
cock's fort on the Cotechney, and the other called Fort
Nohoroco.
At length, all being in readiness and his army being rein-
forced by a considerable number of whites raised in the
colony, among them a company under Captain Maule, on
March 20th Colonel Moore invested Fort Nohoroco, and
after three days' hot fighting took it. His loss was 46 whites
and 91 friendly Indians, while he took 392 prisoners and 192
"scalps," and reported 200 others killed and burned within
the fort and 166 killed and taken outside of the fort in a
scout. In all, the Indian loss was about 800. This was per-
haps the severest battle ever fought with the Indians up to
that time. It broke the power of the Tuscaroras, and al-
though there were emissaries from the New York Indians,
urging them to persist in hostilities, they now made peace, ,
surrendering all of their prisoners and delivering up twenty
of their chief men to Colonel Moore.
Soon afterward, the greater part of this powerful tribe,
including those in Fort Cohunche, retired up the Roanoke
1713
Indian forts
He takes
Fort
Nohoroco
March 23,
1713
C. R., II,
19, 27-29
Indian
power
broken
The
Tuscaroras
move north
\
THE INDIAN POWER BROKEN 191
and removed to New York and became the sixth nation »7!>
there. Hardly had the fort been taken, before many of the
South Carolina Indians hurried home to sell their prisoners ;
so that Colonel Moore was left with only one hundred and
eighty of those who came with him. These scouted the ' ,J9
woods, seeking other prisoners until June, when Colonel
Moore collected them and marched against the Mattamus-
keets, who had fallen on the inhabitants of Croatan and
of Roanoke Island, and on the planters of Alligator River
and had butchered forty-five of them. On the approach of
Colonel Moore, these savages quickly dispersed in the »4s' *
swamps of Hyde, but Moore pursued them with vigor and
broke them up.
In the meantime another detachment of friendly Indians, Ma|ir|ct
under Major Maurice Moore, hoping to take more prison- Moow
ers, had started from South Carolina; but Colonel Pol-
lock stopped them and sent them back; and in September
Colonel Moore himself returned home, having won high
praise for his bravery and wisdom, and leaving many grate-
ful hearts among those he had rescued from captivity and
saved from death. His brother Maurice, however, remained,
and having married Mrs. Swann, the widow of Colonel
Swann, became the brother-in-law of Edward Moseley, and
being allied with the strongest family connection in the
province, for a generation exerted a large influence in its
affairs.
During these perilous times many of the Huguenots who
had established themselves on the exposed frontier accom-
panied their pastor, Philippe de Richebourg, and joined their
brethren on the Santee; while De Graffenried, who after a
six weeks' detention with the Indians had been released
through the efforts of Governor Spotswood, but who had
for himself and his colonists made a treaty of neutrality with
the hostile Indians, now sought to protect his colonists, and
later intended to remove them to the Potomac ; but a series
of misfortunes interfered, and after mortgaging the land he
had obtained from the Lords Proprietors to Colonel Pollock Dc Gmffcn-
to secure the advances made for his people, in the spring of to England
1 71 3 he sailed from New York for England. His Swiss
and Palatines remained, and, indeed, the pacification of
192 THE TUSCARORA WAR
y_3 the hostile Indians was followed by a quick expansion
of the settlements to the southward. On Core Sound and
North River lands patented "during Cary's usurpation"
mss were now occuP*ed; and in October, 1713, the town of
camJS Beaufort was laid off into lots, which were sold to pur-
Coumy chasers. The following February tracts of land were taken
up on Bogue Sound. To the northward, in November, 1713,
a grant was issued to John Porter for 7000 acres between
Drum Inlet and Topsail Inlet, including Point Lookout. It
was recited that this land had been surveyed before the in-
structions prohibiting such grants.
Harmony All the inhabitants being concerned in the common de-
ioiony fence a spirit of harmony and co-operation was fostered, and
c.^r.,11. Colonel Pollock bore testimony that the Quakers had con-
Srf§Nam£ tributed more aid than he had expected from them ; but he
dve never became reconciled to Moseley, attributing to his in-
fluence the previous internecine trouble of the colony, and
ascribing to him a purpose to cause Barnwell to be ap-
pointed governor in place of Hyde, and alleging that Barn-
well's truce with the Indians was a movement to that end.
This appears, however, to be only another illustration of the
distorted views which personal antagonisms and animosi-
ties were responsible for in that period of our history ; and
indeed Governor Spotswood took occasion to recommend to
Pollock that he should abate somewhat his enmity to
Moseley.
After Colonel Hyde was established in the government,
the proceedings of the Cary courts were declared void, and
doubtless the justices were superseded by other appoint-
ments. William Glover, who would naturally have been des-
ignated as the presiding justice, was dead in October, 171 1,
and the court was then presided over by Nathaniel Chevin,
one of the oldest of the councillors. On the return of
Christopher Gale to the province after his capture by the
French on his way from his mission to South Carolina for
aid, he was appointed colonel of the militia of Bath County,
and in July, 1712, he began to execute the office of chief
March, 1713 justjce< an(] jn March, 1713, used that title. In Janu-
ary, 1716, he received his commission as chief justice from
1. St. Thomas's Church, Bath
S. Philip Ludwell 3. Christopher Gale
4. Book- Plate and Autograph of Edward Moseley
EDEN BECOMES GOVERNOR
193
the Lords Proprietors. As far as appears, he was the first
chief justice of the province.*
Charles Eden governor
On learning of the death of Governor Hyde, the Lords
Proprietors appointed Charles Eden to succeed him, and the
new governor arrived in the colony and took the oath of
office in May, 17 14. Although all was quiet at that time,
shortly thereafter about thirty braves of the Cores and other
neighboring tribes, who had suffered so heavily during the
war, in revenge for their losses, began a systematic course of
irregular warfare. One day they would massacre in one
vicinity, and a few days later they would appear many miles
away and cut off unsuspecting families. And soon their
numbers increased until they were estimated at two hundred
♦Dr. Hawks mentions that Edward Moseley was chief justice from
1707 to 171 1. The writer has been unable to find that there was any
chief justice in the province before 17 13. Major Sam Swann was
the senior justice of the general court, after the governor ceased
presiding over the court, from 1697 until his retirement in 1703.
Then William Glover, who was next in commission, was the senior
justice until 1706, when, on the departure of Governor Cary from
the colony, Glover became president of the Council, and Christopher
Gale, who had been a justice of the court from 1703, became the
presiding justice. He presided during the year 1707, and perhaps
until the overthrow of the Glover government in the summer of
1708, when with Pollock and Glover he probably left the colony. On
the accession to power of the Cary faction, in 1708. all court
proceedings for nine months were annulled and declared void; and
on the incoming of Hyde, three years later, the court proceedings
for the two years of Cary's administration were likewise annulled.
Moseley may have been chief justice during Cary's administration,
but the writer has found nothing to indicate it. He was not licensed
to practise until 1714. Tn 171 1 the court was held by Nathaniel
Chevin, Francis de la Mere, and Jonathan Jacocks. At the general
court held July 29, 1712. the justices were Christopher Gale, William
dc la Mere, Thomas Relfe, and Thomas Garrett. There was no
chief justice. At the general court, March, 1713, Gale presided
under the title of chief justice. Somewhat earlier, perhaps, the
receiver-general had instructions from England to pay £60 for the
support of the chief justice, and in April, 1713, the council resolved
that Gale was entitled to this compensation, "as he had executed
that office from July 1, 1712." He executed the office, but probably
held no appointment as chief justice. It seems that because of this
provision of £60 for the support of the chief justice. Gale was
appointed to that office in the spring of 1713. In 1715 the Lords
Proprietors commissioned him as chief justice, and he was sworn in
January 21, 1716.
Cores on the
war path
Hawks, II,
»3»
Proceedings
annulled
C. R, II.
34. 80,917
194
THE TUSCARORA WAR
South
Carolina
imperilled
U** hostiles. Again alarm seized the people, and some deter-
mined on flight to Virginia. To prevent that exodus, a
proclamation was issued forbidding such removals; and
Governor Spotswood gave orders for the arrest of any who
should come into that province without a passport from the
North Carolina authorities. Garrisons were again posted on
the southern frontier, and parties of whites and friendly
Indians were sent out to suppress the enemy; but at length
Feb. 11,17x5 on February 11, 1715, a treaty was made with the Cores
and their allies by which they were to observe peace,
and territory on Mattamuskeet was assigned them for
occupancy.
Hardly had this peace been concluded before information
was received of a very extensive uprising of the Indians in
South Carolina, threatening the utter destruction of that
colony. The Yamassees near the Savannah River having
been instigated by the Spaniards, to the number of 6000,
suddenly fell on the planters, and killed 400 whites, While
650 braves of the Catawbas and Cherokees came down the
Santee, driving those who escaped into Charleston for safety.
Governor Craven's energy and determined spirit alone saved
them. Enrolling every man into the militia, he drove the
Yamassees back beyond their old territory and expelled them
from Carolina. Toward the last of May, the North Carolina-
council ordered that ten men should be drawn from each of
the three companies, forming the "Governor's Own Regi-
ment," and that Colonel Theophilus Hastings should proceed
with them by water to Charleston ; and also that fifty men
should be sent by land under Colonel Maurice Moore. .
The route taken by Colonel Maurice Moore was by New
Bern down the coast to Old Town, then along the coast by
land to the vicinity of Charleston, where he was largely re-
inforced. He then proceeded to Fort Moore, on the Savan-
nah, seventy-five miles north of Augusta, and from there to
the northwest, through Rabun Gap, against the Cherokee
Indians.
Colonel Moore and his force were fortunate in rendering
such valuable service in South Carolina that the General As-
sembly of that province invited him to its floor and thanked
him in person for his aid; to Colonel Hastings they after-
c. RM II,
180
Colonel
Maurice
Moore's
expedition
AID TO SOUTH CAROLINA 195
ward paid £250 for his services, and to Colonel Moore XJ^1
they made a gift of £ 100. Indeed, the situation in South
Carolina became so critical that application was made at
London for troops and munitions to be sent from England,
and the Lords Proprietors admitting their inability to pro-
tect their Carolina possessions, the matter of their purchase
was considered by the Crown, but no definite action was
then taken.
In the fall of that year, the Cores broke their peace and ^J^^0"*
killed some settlers, and the council resolved that that tribe {^{pf,
should be exterminated ; and again companies were raised to ^ "'
carry on hostilities, generally composed of ten whites and
some auxiliary Indians, who made profit in taking the hos-
tiles alive and selling them as slaves. This desultory warfare
continued for about three years, rangers being required to
clear the woods and protect the settlers from massacre. How x7xs-i8
terrible and murderous was the war may be inferred from
the number of infants, more than fourscore, that fell victims,
besides the older children and mature persons.
By agreement with the Tuscaroras, they were to occupy a
territory between the Pamlico and Neuse, but in fear of the
hostile Indians of South Carolina, in the summer of 1717,
they desired to be placed in a more protected section, and
were assigned a region for occupancy north of the Roanoke.
CHAPTER XVI
Eden's Administration, 1714-22
The Assembly of 1715. — The Church of England established in the
colony. — Other laws. — The precincts. — Partisan disagreements. —
"Blackbeard" harbors in Pamlico Sound. — Complicity of Knight. —
Moseley and Moore search the records. — Knight exonerated, resigns
and dies. — Moseley punished. — Revolution in South Carolina. — The
dividing line. — Colonel Pollock president. — William Reed succeeds
him. — Edenton. — Carteret Precinct. — A blow at nepotism.
The Assembly of 171 5
Nov. 13,171s The Assembly that first met Governor Eden in 171 5 was
a notable one, convening just after the Indian war, and fol-
lowing the dissensions that had marked Governor Hyde's
administration. Moseley, always at the head of the Popular
party, was the speaker, and although differences between the
council and administration on the one hand and the Assembly
on the other again found expression, some of the greater
c. r., 11, questions that had agitated the colony had been finally settled
by the course of events. The rights claimed for the Quakers
under the concessions were now denied them. The senti-
ment that prevailed in England found a full voice in Albe-
marle. Liberty of conscience was declared; but Quakers
were rendered ineligible to office; nor were they allowed to
give evidence in any criminal case ; nor could they serve on
juries, but their affirmation was to be taken as a substitute
for an oath in those cases in which their testimony was
admissible.
All officers, including members of the Assembly, were re-
quired to take the test oath as well as the oaths of office.
The Church of England established in the colony
The Church of England, being the only one which under
the charter could have public encouragement, was declared
the established church. The two counties were di-
vided into nine parishes, for each of which vestrymen were
CHURCH OF ENGLAND ESTABLISHED 197
selected, with the duty of providing a minister at a stipend ^JJ
not exceeding £50, and to build a church and a chapel
in each parish; and to meet those expenses, they were ParWi«
to collect all fines and forfeitures imposed by law ; and were
empowered to lay a poll tax not exceeding five shillings per
annum on the poll. It was also enacted that every person
appointed a vestryman who neglected to qualify for one
month was to forfeit his place, and unless he were a dis-
senter, should also forfeit £3. So if a dissenter were
selected as a vestryman, he need not have qualified. But The church
while these provisions were made for the employment of **** ** •
ministers, they were not put in operation. No pastors were
regularly settled in the colony; only missionaries came, be-
ing sent out by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel.
In 171 1, John Urmstone, a missionary, came to Chowan,
and he remained in the colony about ten years. Rev. Mr.
Rainsford came in 171 2, but removed to Virginia in about
twelve months. In 1718 Rev. Mr. Taylor came, but died Mbdowufai
after a residence of two years. In 1723, Thomas Bailey was
in the colony as a missionary, and Rev. John Blacknall for
awhile. These appear to have been all. The vestry act does
not seem to have been carried into effective operation in any
precinct, but at Edenton there was generally a missionary.
In 1732 there was no minister of the Church of England in
the entire colony.
Magistrates who by a former law were empowered to per-
form the marriage ceremony were forbidden to exercise that
function in any place where a minister resided.
The Assembly fixed the price at which skins, hides, furs c.thR.r,nT*
and produce were to be received in payment of debts, includ- ai3
ing quit rents and public dues. It re-enacted laws that had
long been in force, including those based on the Fundamental
Constitutions which had been adopted and carried into
operation as nearly as circumstances permitted. Among
these was that which has been known as the biennial act,
which, conformably to the 73d and 75th articles of the Con-
stitutions, provided that in September of every second year,
the people were to choose assemblymen, who were to convene
in session the next November, thus making provision for
the regular meeting of the people's representatives indepen-
198 EDEN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1714-22
1™ dently of any action on the part of the governor and council ;
although the right to alter the time and place of meeting was
allowed to the Palatine's Court ; and the powers vested in the
The new Lords Proprietors by the Crown were not denied.
£re!inc{» At that time, Bath County was divided into three pre-
ai* cincts, now named Beaufort, Hyde* and Craven. The in-
habitants of Craven Precinct were to vote at Swift's planta-
tion, at the mouth of Hancock Creek, while those of the town
" 453 of New Bern were to vote in that town ; the inhabitants of
Beaufort were to meet at Bath Town, and those of Hyde at
Websterson's plantation on the west side of Matchapungo
River. The Albemarle precincts were to return five mem-
Assembiy bers ; those of Bath County only two each. The inequality
1715 was doubtless because the new precincts were so sparsely
settled. Under the original constitution, each of the precincts
of Albemarle County was entitled to five members, but that
provision was held not to apply to Bath County. The As-
sembly also provided for another issue of paper currency,
elected a public treasurer, levied a tax to retire the currency,
and arranged to pay its indebtedness to South Carolina.
Also provision was made for the appointment of a register
in each precinct to register deeds and record all births,
deaths and marriages, as had long been the law and was re-
Tfh*7lr5evisal quired by the Constitutions. In fact, all the laws were
revised and re-enacted at this session, and the common law
of England was declared in force in North Carolina.
When the acts were submitted to the Lords Proprietors,
they disapproved of the provision requiring the receiver of
quit rents to receive the provincial bills for dues to the Pro-
prietors, and they further informed the Assembly, "we have
resolved that no more land shall be sold in the province, but
only in England," and they reminded the Assembly that no
act thereafter passed would be valid for a longer time than
c r., 11, two years unless it received their approval.
In the fall of 1715 they appointed Christopher Gale chief
justice, and he was sworn in January 24, 1716.
♦The territory embracing Mattamuskeet Lake was attached to
Currituck Precinct, and so remained until 1745, when it was annexed
to Hyde.
217
INTERNAL DISCORD 199
The journals of the house contained several resolutions, ^J*
as having been adopted, but which the governor and council SjJJJSJ.
declared had not been passed; the first was a declaration c.eiL, 11,
against impressments by the governor and council, as being *4* ■**
a great infringement of the liberties of the people; another
was in condemnation of the treatment of the Core Indians ;
another, in condemnation of those who refused to take the
public bills as paper currency in payment of fees, was evi-
dently aimed at some of the administrative officers. Not
content with mere resolutions, the Assembly appointed a com-
mittee to represent the deplorable circumstances of the colony
to the Lords Proprietors. Evidently the former factions
were not entirely hushed. On the contrary, the differences
springing from diverse interests now became the basis of
two parties, one adhering to the officials who represented
the Proprietors, and the other composed of those inhabitants
who sought the general welfare, which may well be called
the Popular party.
Nor was the governor antagonized by only the People's
party. He had some enemies closer at hand. In the sum-
mer of 1717, Christopher Gale sailed for London, with the
purpose, as alleged by Parson Urmstone, himself a very
erratic character, of accomplishing Governor Eden's down-
fall, and with the hope of supplanting him. This none too
pious missionary introduces us to both the parties without
evincing much partiality. The complaints against the gov-
ernor, he asserts, were not groundless : "His honor has acted
toward all men very arbitrarily, not to say unjustly." He
is declared "to be a strange, unaccountable man." But of
Gale, the parson entertained no better opinion.
The result of Gale's mission, however, was not hurtful to
Eden; on the contrary, at the same meeting of the Lords
Proprietors at which Gale was reappointed chief justice,
Eden was made a landgrave. But Gale, whether smarting
from his disappointments, or for other reasons, did not re-
turn to Carolina for several years. And another affair oc- ^R*t !1,
curred that stirred the colony and involved the administra-
tion.
200 EDEN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1714-22
^8 Thack harbors in Pamlico Sound
Among the pirates who infested the Atlantic coast, having
their rendezvous in the Bahamas, was Thack, or Thatch, or
Teach, his name being written in several ways, familiarly
known as "Blackbeard." One of his lieutenants was Major
Steed Bonnett, a man of gentle birth and of education.
These sometimes came into the sounds of North Carolina;
and they had friends there, as in Virginia and South Caro-
lina. But among the better class of people, there was in-
dignation that pirates should be tolerated by the officers.
W33S1* When the king offered pardon to all pirates who should sur-
render and reform, Thack availed himself of the terms and
came in and promised to lead an honest life; but after a
month he was again on the high seas. At length Captain
Woodes Rogers, who had saved Alexander Selkirk from his
desert island, was sent to break up the nest of pirates in the
Bahamas. While he was successful in capturing many, Bon-
nett and Thack were not taken, and found a refuge in the in-
lets of North Carolina.
Shortly afterward Thack sailed from the Pamlico and
soon returned with a cargo of oranges and other fruit, sugar
and spices, taken from a French vessel, which he had cap-
tured on August 22(1, near the Bermudas, and then burned
off the coast of Carolina. Some of this plunder he stored
c. r., 11, in the barn of Tobias Knight, an Englishman who had come
3*5 over with Eden and who was secretary of the colony; and
in the absence of the chief justice, Gale, had been appointed
to that high position. Information was sent by some of the
inhabitants to Governor Spotswood, who, deeming himself
clothed with authority, determined to capture the pirate.
Spotswood There were two British men-of-war in the harbor ; but there
actl was so much sympathy for the pirates in Virginia, that Gov-
ernor Spotswood would not hazard communicating his pur-
pose even to any member of his council. Obtaining two
sloops, and fitting them out secretly with men supplied from
the men-of-war, he sent them under the command of Lieu-
tenant Maynard in search of Thack's vessel, the Adventure,
No*.aa,i7i8 which on November 22, 1718, was discovered near Ocra-
coke Inlet. A desperate battle followed. Knowing the
shoals of the sound, Thack had some advantage ; but at last,
BLACKBEARD, THE PIRATE 201
hard pressed, the Adventure was stranded. As Maynard's ?'8
sloop now approached the pirate ship, Thack poured into it
a murderous broadside that swept off many of the crew.
But Maynard, ordering his men below, steered directly for
the Adventure, and as the vessels closed, Thack and his crew £/*"• u'
sprang upon the deck of the sloop and, animated by a des-
perate courage, hoped to take possession and make their es-
cape. But Maynard's men rushed from below, and in the
hand-to-hand encounter that ensued the pirates were over-
come. The Adventure carried 8 cannon; and of the
crew of 18 men, 9 besides Thack were killed outright, and 9,
some desperately wounded, were taken prisoners; of the
king's men, 12 were killed and 22 wounded. The prisoners
who survived were taken to Virginia, tried and convicted of
piracy.
Upon the capture of Thack's vessel, Governor Spotswood Sfg!!^
sent Captain Brand of the British Navy to obtain the stolen
merchandise. Colonel Maurice Moore and Jeremiah Vail
accompanied him to Pamlico, and the goods were found,
some being discovered in the barn of Tobias Knight. Im-
mediately the governor and some of his council remonstrated £9R-» M»
at the action of Governor Spotswood, claiming that these
proceedings were unlawful and improper. Separating Col-
onel Pollock and Governor Eden from Tobias Knight, it ap-
pears that the governor regarded that it was an invasion of
his government for Governor Spotswood to send a force into
North Carolina waters even for the purpose of capturing a
pirate ; and he keenly felt and warmly remonstrated against
Captain Brand's taking possession of the sugars and remov- c-* •» ".
ing them to Virginia, to be disposed of by the court of admi-
ralty. Colonel Pollock doubted the strict legality of Gover-
nor Spotswood's action, but advised Governor Eden to make
no point about it. While the council stood by Knight, Eden's
action is hardly consistent with innocence as to the alleged
complicity with the pirate, and he certainly did not give ex-
pression to any great satisfaction at Thack's destruction.
Still if Eden had any association with Thack, it was less opert
and notorious than the bearing of some of the governors of
other colonics toward the pirates.
The public records according to the instructions of the
202 EDEN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1714-22
XJ^ Lords Proprietors were to be open to public inspection ; but
JJowieyand in the absence of any public buildings, they were kept in
•earehthe rooms of private houses. The records of the secretary's
office were deposited in a private house at Sandy Point, near
Edenton ; and Maurice Moore and Edward Moseley, being
determined to search the records for incriminating evidence
regarding improper dealings between the authorities and
Thack, on December 27th broke into that room, barred the
door and proceeded to make an investigation. For this
alleged trespass and misdemeanor, the governor issued a
warrant for their arrest, and sent a considerable body of
men to apprehend them. Indignant at such a posse being
sent to take him, Moseley exclaimed that "the governor
could find men enough to arrest peaceable citizens, but none
to arrest thieves and robbers." The intimation was plain,
that the governor was willing to shield the pirate, and the
allegation was scandalum magnatum. Moseley and Moore
were bound over to court, and an indictment followed as a
matter of course. At the trial of the pirates before the
admiralty court in Virginia, the evidence implicated Tobias
Knight as being in complicity with Thack, and a copy of the
testimony was sent by Governor Spotswood to Governor
Eden. At a meeting of the council, about the opening of
April, this testimony was considered and an order was passed
to serve a copy of it on Knight, who was not in attendance.
At the next meeting in May, Knight filed a statement in ex-
planation. While making sweeping denials, alleging that he
was pursued "by Moore and Vail and that family," he de-
clared that he had not sought to conceal the fact that the
sugars were stored on his premises ; and he alleged that they
were lodged there at the request of Thack only until a more
convenient store could be procured by the governor for the
c. r., 11, whole cargo. This apparently connected the governor with
the transaction, and would necessarily involve him if Knight
were found implicated in any illicit dealings regarding these
goods. The governor himself made no particular explana-
tion, but the result of the investigation could not be doubt-
ful.
The council hastened to declare that Knight was not
guilty, and ought to be acquitted of the crimes laid to his
344
KNIGHT EXONERATED BY THE COUNCIL 203
charge. Still of Knight's complicity there is no question, J£j
while his explanation that seemed to involve Governor Eden JJjJUJJJ11
may well be entirely disregarded. The circumstances are ^nl^h^n
inconsistent with his innocence. Thack, being a notorious anddi*
pirate, had accepted the king's offer of pardon ; had then re-
turned to his trade; had again surrendered and made ap-
plication for a second pardon ; and while the application was
still pending, he had sallied out with his vessel armed with
eight cannon and manned by a crew of desperadoes, and hav-
ing taken a French merchantman and transferred the cargo
to his own ship, had burned his prize off the North Caro-
lina coast ; and then coming in, devised the story not likely
to impose on the credulity of any one, that he had found a
wreck on the high seas and had saved the cargo. A part of
his stores was conveyed at the dead of night to the barn of
the chief justice of the colony and concealed beneath the
fodder. When Knight was first questioned by Captain
Brand, he positively denied that any such goods had been 344 '
concealed on his premises. The denial being ignored and he
being informed that a memorandum found on the person
of the dead pirate attested the facts, he reluctantly made the
admission. Also in Thack's possession was discovered a let-
ter from Knight of recent date, beginning, "My friend," and
containing friendly advice, in itself being full proof of the
intimate connection and guilty association. Against these
facts, the exoneration by the governor and council carried no
weight. Knight resigned as chief justice, Colonel Frederick
Jones becoming his successor, and then he died before the
summer had ended. Such was the termination of the career
of that English adventurer, who, like many others sent over
by the Proprietors to hold important office, sought to win
fortune at the expense of honor and character, and was ut-
terly indifferent to the good fame and material welfare of
the inhabitants of the province. He was doubtless quite
right in ascribing to the Swann and Lillington connection a
purpose to uncover his nefarious dealings. The gentlemen
of that family had a patriotic interest in removing from their
settlement the reproach of harboring pirates, as their action
in searching the records sufficiently indicates.
For their offences Moore and Moseley were tried at the
204 EDEN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1714-22
lJ** general court in October, 17 19. To the indictment for break-
C66R is1' ln% *nto ^e secretarvs office, they with Thomas Luten and
Henry Clayton pleaded guilty ; and a fine of £5 was imposed
on Moore, and of five shillings on Moseley. But the case
against Moseley, for his scandalous words, was regarded as
more serious. The jury rendered a special verdict — that
Moseley had uttered the words, and "if the law be for the
king, then he was guilty." After several days' delay, the
court ruled that he was guilty ; and it being considered that
his action was in the nature of stirring up sedition, he was
sentenced to pay a fine of £100, and to be incapable of holding
c. r., ii, any office or place of trust in the colony for three years. His
practice, however, was large and important, and as he was
silenced as a lawyer, the business of the court was so impeded
that the chief justice, Jones, requested that his disabilities
as an attorney might be removed ; and in view of the allega-
tion that he had intended to raise sedition, perhaps also be-
cause of the recent revolution in South Carolina, Moseley was
led to state, in a petition to the council, that his words were
not uttered with such a sinister design, but only through
heat and passion ; and he asked to be relieved of the sen-
tence. But the governor, perhaps, felt that there was too
much truth in what Moseley had so bluntly alleged for the
offence to be forgiven, and the only concession he made was
that Moseley might bring to an end such litigation as had
been committed to him before the sentence was imposed, but
should take no new cases. So for three years the leader of
the Popular party and the most influential citizen of the
province was excluded from all public employment and for-
bidden to practise law.
Revolution in South Carolina
While these matters were in progress in North Carolina,
the condition in South Carolina had become so intolerable
under the inefficient government of the Lords Proprietors,
that the people having determined on a revolution, following
the methods practised in England, formed an association to
stand by each other ; and the Assembly which convened on
November 28, 1710, resolved itself into a convention, and
threw off the authority of the Lords Proprietors, offering the
THE REVOLUTION IN SOUTH CAROLINA 205
administration to Governor Johnson, who had succeeded 2JJ
Craven, if he would continue to act as governor and hold the
province for the king. This Governor Johnson properly re- Moore leads
fused to do, and the people then elected James Moore gov- &S2fih
ernor, and applied to the king to receive South Carolina as WY<at
a royal province.
A revolution so complete and successful cast dismay
among the Proprietors and their officers in North Carolina,
and raised anew in England the question of the Crown's
resuming possession of the entire territory of Carolina. It
also led to the consideration of the dividing line between
the two governments.
The South Carolina authorities claimed the Cape Fear River g^JjE}*
as a boundary, and asserted that their government had issued dividing
grants for land on that river; but in the earlier days the
Santee had been the northern limit of South Carolina, and
more lately, after Clarendon County had ceased to exist, the
territory north and east of Cape Fear was assigned to the
North Carolina government. As there were no settlements
in the Cape Fear region, the question had not been of im-
portance, and before the boundary was marked North Caro-
lina had occupied the southern bank of the Cape Fear River
as a portion of Bath County.
Conditions in North Carolina
As painful and devastating as the Indian war had been,
its sacrifices were not without compensation. Although the
trade in furs largely ceased the colony received a greater
benefit from quieting all apprehensions of Indian outbreaks. p„puution
The savages being suppressed, the extension of the planta- incrcase*
tions proceeded without interruption and population con-
tinued to flow in, the settlements progressing to the south-
ward as well as to the westward along the navigable streams.
In January, 1670, the Assembly had passed an act restrict-
ing grants of land in any one survey to six hundred and sixty
acres in order to remedy the evil of large tracts or plan-
tations being insufficiently cultivated; and the Proprietors
in 1694 had authorized Governor Archdale to sell land in
Albemarle in fee for what he could reasonably obtain for it ;
however, not under fio for a thousand acres, and reserving
an annual rent of not less than five shillings to a thousand
206
EDEN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1714-22
17*3
Land
patents
Eden dies
March, 1722
Colonel
Pollock
president
His death,
August 30,
1722, and
character
acres. Later the Proprietors, understanding that advantage
was being taken of them by the issue of patents for thou-
sands of acres in a body which was not seated, but thus
withdrawn from other purchasers while yielding no rents,
in their instructions to Governor Hyde forbade the issue
of any patents whatsoever. They also forbade the survey
of any lands within twenty miles of the Cape Fear River.
'In January, 1712, however, at Governor Hyde's instance,
they modified these directions so that he was allowed to issue
patents not to exceed six hundred and forty acres in a body,
requiring a cash payment of twenty shillings for every hun-
dred acres, and an annual rent of one shilling sterling money
of Great Britain per acre. These terms necessarily applied
only to the lands in Bath, for those in Albemarle were held
under the Great Deed. The council represented in 17 18
that these orders relating to the sale of land imposing such
hard terms were inconsistent with the settlement of the
province, and it unavailingly asked that they might be re-
voked. At that time there were about one million acres held
subject to quit rents, and there were about two thousand
tithables in the colony; and despite the orders, the people
were spreading out in Craven and up the Neuse and along
the Roanoke. Indeed, the province was making rapid
strides in importance when, in March, 1722, Governor Eden
died.
So far as the internal affairs of the colony were concerned,
during the latter years of Eden's administration at least,
the people enjoyed a period of repose. Except for the
irritation that may have incidentally grown out of its atti-
tude toward Moselev, his administration was apparently
quiet and pleasant, although the desultory depredations of
the Indians added somewhat to the cares of his official life.
On his death. Colonel Pollock was again chosen president;
but that valuable citizen, who for twenty years had been
one of the most prominent and influential, as he was doubt-
less the richest, of the inhabitants, did not long survive this
last accession of power. In all the contests that had divided
the people he had taken sides against the party to which
Moseley adhered. When the latter stood for popular rights,
Pollock threw his influence toward maintaining the authority
\
TtiE GROWTH OF THE COLONY 207
of the administrative officers; but of his sterling worth, xj£
ability and character there is no question.
On his death, toward the last of August, he was sue- wjJJjam
ceeded by William Reed, who was in no wise comparable to succeeds
him, either in social position or in respectability of
character.
Chief Justice Gale, after an absence of nearly four years,
returned to the province just as Governor Eden expired,
and resumed his official functions, and he also took his seat
at the council board as a deputy of James Bertie, one of the
Lords Proprietors.
A hamlet had sprung up on Queen Anne's Creek and Gov- Edcnton
ernor Eden had made his residence there, and the council
and general court met at that place. It was now incor-
porated as a town under the name of Edenton, and became
the established seat of government. An Assembly was held
S R XXIII
there in October, 1722. The previous Assembly was pre- xw" '
sided over by William Swann, but Moseley's disabilities
having now expired by the passage of three years, he was
chosen speaker of the new body. Among its acts was one
establishing seats of government in the several precincts Bertie
and settling the courts and court-houses. And because the
territory west of the Chowan had become so populous, a new
precinct was laid off in that territory named Bertie, doubt-
less in compliment of the Proprietor.
In August, 1722, the council had established Carteret Carteret
Precinct, extending southward indefinitely to the bounds of creR."n,
the government, including all the settlements in that direc- 458, 459
tion ; and the town of Beaufort was incorporated into a sea-
port, entitled to a collector of customs ; and a road was
directed to be opened from Core Point to New Bern. The
growth of the province had been retarded for the want of
commercial facilities, and to improve navigation an act
was passed to encourage a settlement at Ocracoke Inlet,
because of the good anchorage and harbor there.
Another act had for its object to discourage the influx of official
rr • «i • %>f • /v adventurers
official adventurers by prescribing a qualification for officers discouraged
that would exclude such persons as any new governor might
bring over as satellites in his train ; it prohibited the gov-
ernor from granting any office to any British subject who
had not resided three years in the province.
Jan., 1724
CHAPTER XVII
Administrations of Burrington and Everard, 1724-31
Governor Burrington explores the Cape Fear. — Opposition to him.
— Burrington displaced. — Sir Richard Everard. — Antagonism be-
tween Assembly and governor. — Altercations of Burrington and the
governor. — The ministers. — The settlement of the Cape Fear. — The
Assembly sustains Burrington. — He appeals to the Proprietors. —
Personal controversies. — The dividing line with Virginia. — Purchase
by the Crown. — Carteret retains his share. — Everard breaks with
Gale.--The lords of trade. — The currency act. — The end of the
Proprietary government. — Conditions in North Carolina. — No public
schools. — Few ministers. — The Baptists. — Industries. — Population. —
Social conditions.
Governor Burrington
To fill the vacancy caused by the death of Eden the Lords
Proprietors proposed to appoint George Burrington, of
Devon, governor of North Carolina, and on February 26,
1723, the king gave his assent; but it was not until the
succeeding January that Burrington reached Edenton and
took the oaths of office. The new governor had held office
under the Crown in every reign since the revolution of
1688, and must have had considerable official experience.
He was a man of violent temper, firm and resolute, and one
who could brook no opposition. Thomas Jones, a son of
Chief Justice Jones, had intermarried with Miss Swann, the
stepdaughter of Moore, and had thus connected his father
with the Moseley and Moore faction ; while by the death of
Colonel Pollock Chief Justice Gale was left the most respect-
able and influential member of the opposition. On Bur-
rington's arrival he not unnaturally allied himself with the
dominant party, that contained not merely the numerical
majority controlling the Assembly, but almost all the influ-
ential men in the province. Moseley himself was now of
the council,* and the power of the administration was with
♦To fill a vacancy in the council, the other councillors could
temporarily elect.
CONDITIONS IN THE PROVINCE 209
his friends. The Assembly met three months later and for- w
mally begged that the instructions of the Lords Proprietors c^R- M»
prohibiting the sale of lands in Bath might be disregarded
until an address could be sent to them in England. It was
asserted that, the land office being closed, persons coming
into the colony to locate could obtain no grants and were
forced to go elsewhere, and that the welfare of the province
demanded a change in regard to these matters. Burrington
entered heartily into the measure. There was a particular
prohibition against making any grant on the Cape Fear E lm§thm
River, but he obtained by purchase an old patent issued by c*p« Few
Governor Hyde in 171 1 to Thomas Harvey, calling for five '* '
thousand acres, and he determined to locate it on that river, c. rm hi.
There were other such patents for lands bearing that date s°*
eventually located on the Cape Fear, but whether they were
issued pursuant to a purpose to make a settlement in that
region at that time, or whether they were issued in blank
and originally intended for a different locality, is a question
not now possible to determine. With a view to opening up
that region to settlers, Burrington undertook to make a c.r.,11,
thorough exploration of it. He visited it in person, and **•
underwent much hardship, privation, exposure and danger
in exploring its streams, its swamps and wildernesses. If
he was not persuaded to this resolution by Maurice Moore,
he was at least seconded and encouraged in it by him.
Moore, who had traversed that country in going to the
aid of South Carolina in 17 16, determined to form a colony
and settle there, and to this end he interested his brothers
and friends in South Carolina and his family connections
in Albemarle and Bath counties, who agreed to join him in
making a new settlement.
But while these matters were in progress, Burrington's Opposition
unfortunate temper threw him into personal antagonism Burrington
with the chief justice and other officials. In addition to
his salary as governor, the Lords Proprietors had granted
him and two associates a lease of the exclusive right of the
whale fisheries along the coast; and whether from some
incident springing from that lease or from some dereliction
of duty on the part of the naval officer at the port of Roa-
noke, and of the collector of customs, the governor in the
2IO
BURRINGTON AND EVERARD, 1724-31
*j** summer of 1724 threatened violence to one and imprison-
c.^rmii, ment to the other. Chief Justice Gale, who was also a
collector of a port, sustained his brother officials, and toward
the chief justice Burrington was abusive and violent, Gale
even declaring that the governor had come to his residence
at night and threatened to kill him and to burn his house
over his head. Burrington had been affable to the people,
and had so ingratiated himself that he was popular among
the rich as well as the poor ; and now the assemblymen stood
by him, while the councillors generally supported Gale. The
chief justice speedily left the colony and sailed for England,
bearing a representation, signed by seven of the council,
complaining of the governor's violence and arbitrary
conduct.
Arriving at London, Gale hastened to inform the com-
missioners of customs, under whom he held his office as
collector of the port at Beaufort, of the illegal action of
Burrington, and declared that, believing his life in danger,
he had been obliged to flee from the province, and that he
could not return but at the hazard of his life. In addition,
Gale appears to have impressed the Lords Proprietors with
the belief that Burrington was preparing to lead a revolu-
tion, as James Moore had done in South Carolina, and throw
off the authority of the Proprietors. Evidence of this,
according to his enemies, was afforded by his association
with Maurice Moore, his visits to South Carolina, his ap-
pointment of Moseley to administer the government during
his temporary absence, his arrangement for the settlement
of the Cape Fear, notwithstanding the prohibition of the
Proprietors, and his courting popularity among the people
and his friendly alliance with the leading inhabitants. In
this mission Gale was more successful than in his alleged
attempt to overthrow Eden. The fears of the Proprietors
were at once aroused, and apprehending that they might
lose their province either through revolution or by the king
taking possession because of the illegal conduct of their
governor, in haste they appointed Sir Richard Everard to
supplant Burrington, and in July, 1725, Everard reached
Edenton and took the oaths of office. Gale accompanied
the new governor, who not unnaturally looked to him for
C.R.,II,5S9
Everard
appointed
governor
Jan., 1725
C.R.,II,sfe
Everard
reaches
Edenton,
July, 17*5
FACTIONAL DISTURBANCES 211
advice and counsel, and being a weak man, fell entirely w
under his influence.
According to the biennial act, an Assembly was to be
elected in September, and as the time approached, Bur-
rington became very active in managing to secure the elec-
tion of members who were friendly to him. He visited all
the precincts and stirred his friends to zeal and activity. By
law the Assembly was to meet in November, but Gale advis-
ing that there was no need for an Assembly at that time,
the governor in October issued a proclamation proroguing
it until April. On the other hand, it was declared that
under the fundamental constitution of the province the
governor had no power to postpone the meeting of the
Assembly, and, in disregard of the proclamation, the mem-
bers convened at Edenton on the day fixed by law, Burring-
ton being a member, and the body chose Moore as speaker.
The Assembly was entirely in sympathy with the deposed Antagonism
governor, and having resolved that the prorogation was an A^mbiy
infringement of their liberties and a breach of the privileges governor
of the people, they declared that at their next meeting they NoVm 172$
would proceed to no business until their lawful privileges
were confirmed. The governor and council refused to recog-
nize that the house was in session, but nevertheless, the
house adjourned from day to day, and the next day adopted c.R.,11,577
an address to the Lords Proprietors in which they repre-
sented that the great happiness which the province had
enjoyed under the administration of Burrington had been
"much disturbed by the unexpected change made through
many false and malicious calumnies raised against that
gentleman by persons of the most vile character and des-
perate fortunes" ; and they solemnly denied that there was
any disposition or design on the part of Burrington or any
one else to cause such a revolution as had taken place in
South Carolina; and they represented that great evils were c- R -'g1,
apprehended from the vile administration which the province
was threatened with from a governor "entirely influenced
by a few persons of the most irreligious and immoral
character."
Having given expression to these sentiments, the house
adjourned to the first Tuesday in April, the day set by the
212 BURR1NGT0N AND EVERARD, 1724-31
w governor for its meeting. Burrington, strengthened by the
support the house gave him, felt no restraint in making
evident his contempt for Everard. Announcing that in nine
months he would be restored to the office of governor, he
promised places to his friends who had been dismissed by
the new administration, and he carried himself very defiantly
toward the governor, in utter disregard of law and order.
CR.,11, Proclaiming that Sir Richard was an ape, a noodle, and
no more fit to be a governor than Sancho Panza, he sought
to disparage him with the people, and going to Sir Richard's
residence at Edenton in the night, he called him out and
threatened him and abused him with great opprobrium.
o/B^rrfng"8 In one of these violent demonstrations, a night attack on the
111" governor governor's house, he was accompanied, among others, by
c.^k., ii, Cornelius Harnett, an Irishman who had recently come into
the colony with several thousand pounds' worth of mer-
chandise and had established himself as a merchant. Indeed,
on the night of December 2, 1725, after their assault on the
governor, they broke open the doors of the house of the
constable and beat that officer furiously ; and James Potter
coming to his neighbor's aid, they violently assaulted him ;
and then forcing the door of Thomas Panis's residence, they
assaulted him and drove his family out of the house. The
governor himself was disorderly, but not quite so violent
in his demonstrations as Burrington. But together they
caused about Edenton a discreditable uproar, and the greater
part of the province was more or less interested in their
bitter antagonism, Gale's friends in the council gathering
around Everard, while the assemblymen were of Burring-
ton's faction. Even the only two ministers in the province
took different sides. Rev. Mr. Bailey, a missionary, was of
the Burrington faction, and received no courtesy but hard
usage from Everard; while Rev. Mr. Blacknall, who had
come over with the new governor, and sided with him, was
minister* represented by Sir Richard to the Bishop of London as a
^•RmIi! very good preacher, a gentleman, perfectly sober, and be-
loved by all but Mr. Burrington's party. This Mr. Black-
nall, who was of a highly respectable connection in England,
perhaps in ignorance of the provincial law, was led soon
after his arrival to perform the marriage service between a
THE CAPE FEAR SETTLED
213
The
white man and a mulatto woman. On the same day, per-
haps ascertaining that he had committed an offence, he went
before the chief justice and made an affidavit of the fact.
Being subject by law to a penalty, one-half of which was for
the use of the informer, he claimed his half, which lessened
his fine to that extent. Doubtless he erred through ignorance.
There was nothing to his personal advantage in his delin-
quency, and he lost no time in acknowledging his violation
of the law and in evoking its operation. But he did not
remain long in the province, soon going to Maryland.
This factional disturbance in Albemarle perhaps rather iulement
hastened than delayed the settlement of the Cape Fear. capeVear
Bath County extended from Albemarle Sound down to the
undefined southern limits of the province; and when Car-
teret Precinct was established it included the entire un-
settled region, embracing the Cape Fear and down to the Carteret Co.
South Carolina line. The first known grant in that wilder-
ness was issued to Maurice Moore on June 3, 1725, for
fifteen hundred acres on the west bank of the river, sixteen
miles below the present town of Wilmington, where he laid
out a town which he called Brunswick, in honor of the
reigning house, and invited settlers to locate there. His
brothers, Roger* and Nathaniel, and other friends came from
South Carolina, and Maurice Moore and a large part of the
Lillington connection also prepared to remove from Albe-
marle. The former took up lands on the lower Cape Fear,
while the Albemarle contingent located their grants on the SlasPark
northeast branch, where Burrington also took his five thou-
sand acres, by grant dated June 25, 1725;! and other acces-
sions being made, at last there was reason to hope that the
advantage of a good port and harbor would be obtained for
ilie province.
At the March term of the court Burrington and Harnett
*Roger Moore, because of his wealth and large number of slaves,
was called "King Roger." There is a tradition on the Cape Fear that
he and his slaves had a battle with the Indians at the "Sugar Loaf,"
nearly opposite the town of Brunswick. Governor Tryon. forty
years later, mentioned that the last battle with the Indians was
when driving them from the Cape Fear in 1725. The tradition would
seem to be well founded.
tSome of the names bestowed on localities by Hilton in 1663 are
yet retained : Stag Park, Rocky Point, etc.
214 BURRINGTON AND EVERARD, 1724-31
lJ^ were indicted for their violent trespasses and assaults, and
c. r., 11, the latter left Albemarle, and going to the Cape Fear, con-
ducted a ferry across the river at the new town of Bruns-
wick, which at the March term of the general court at
Edenton in 1727 was duly established and legalized. Bur-
Apni, 1796 rmgton was jn njs seat as a member of the Assembly which
met pursuant to the prorogation on April 1st. That body
remained steadfast to his interests and manfully stood by
him, notwithstanding his disorderly conduct. John Baptista
Ashe, with whom Burrington had established very cordial
relations, having been acquainted with several members of
his family in England, was, in the absence of Moore, chosen
608 " ' speaker, and he strongly supported the ex-governor. Sir
Richard opened the proceedings with an address appealing
for love and charity, and that all breaches should be healed,
that the country should flourish and all be happy.
The house met this tender of the olive branch with a
• resolution that all its debates should be secret, and that any
member who should disclose the purport of any debate
should be expelled. After a week's delay an answer was
adopted to the governor's address, detailing at large the
alleged grievances of the people, and aimed at the adminis-
trative and court officers, who were denounced as vile and
base characters; and they called on the governor to heal
cr, 11,619 the breaches by bringing them to punishment. The gov-
ernor was, however, reported to be dangerously ill, and the
address could not be presented. The house next delivered
an address to Burrington, full of compliments, and thanking
him for his many services and the advantages received under
his mild administration; and then an address to the Lords
Proprietors was adopted, declaring that they would esteem
it one of the greatest favors if the Proprietors would restore
Burrington to the office of governor. Called to the gov-
ernor's dwelling, because he was too ill to attend at the
council chamber, the house presented its address and asked
for an answer to their grievances ; but instead of a reply, the
secretary announced that the governor and council had
agreed on a prorogation, and the governor verbally pro-
nounced a prorogation, which the house on its return to
its chamber declared illegal; but nevertheless, it adjourned
ASSEMBLY SUSTAIXS BCRRIXGTOX 215
to the day appointed. Burrington forwarded the resolutions jjj
in his favor to the Lords Proprietors, and addressed to them Jjjjjf"*
a memorial relative to his administration. He mentioned » the
that because of mighty storms in August before his arrival
the crops had been destroyed and there was almost a famine,
yet a thousand families came to live in the province during ciuiu,*
his administration, and more would have come had not pro-
visions been so scarce ; that he had reorganized the militia ;
and finding that the magistrates were of no respectability, he
had prevailed on Colonel Moseley, Colonel Harvey, Colonel
Swann, Colonel Maule and other gentlemen to preside over
the precinct courts, which had borne excellent fruits in estab-
lishing the courts in the confidence and respect of the people ;
that he had purposed being of use to Governor Everard,
and he took occasion to warn him against the advice of
Gale, Lovick, and Little, but unavailingly ; that great im-
provements had been effected through his own efforts, and
that he had remained in Carolina expecting to learn from
them the nature of the complaints against him. but was still
in ignorance; and that he would take the first opportunity
to clear his character, if sullied.
In the meantime the prosecutions against him were con-
tinued on the docket, no particular efforts being made to
arrest him and bring him to trial. He did not leave the
province, but established himself on the Cape Fear, at
Governor's Creek, five miles below Brunswick, where he
remained until 1728. Yet he was quiet. Edmund Porter,
who had recently returned to Carolina after an absence of
some ten years, was almost as violent toward the officers
as the deposed governor had been, and there was generally
in progress a sharp controversy between some private per-
son and either the governor or the chief justice or the
attorney-general, apparently of a personal nature; but in
the course of the proceedings they were made to bear the
character of sedition and rebellion. In this remote and
sparsely settled country doubtless the officers frequently
acted arbitrarily, while occasionally some citizen, not suffi-
ciently respecting the government, manifested a spirit of
excessive freedom and independence and was guilty of dis-
orderly offences.
2l6
RURRINGTON AND EVERARD, 1724-31
1728
cTr., II,
733
The dividing line
After years of delay, in 1728 the dividing line between
Virginia and Carolina was established. Governor Eden and
Governor Spotswood had agreed on a compromise of the
vexed questions involved, which had been accepted by the
authorities in England, but the king delayed authorizing
the actual survey to be made, so the matter lay in abeyance
until, in 1727, the governor of Virginia informed Sir Rich-
ard that he had received instructions to appoint surveyors
on the part of the Grown. The line was to run from the
north shore of Currituck Inlet due west to the Chowan ; if it
struck the Chowan between the mouths of Nottoway and
Wiccons Creek it was to continue west to the mountains.
But if it struck to the south of Wiccons Creek it was to
follow the Chowan to that creek and then due west; and
if that line struck the Blackwatcr River to the northward
of Nottoway River it was to come down the Blackwater
to the Nottoway and then west to the mountains. On the
part of North Carolina, Christopher Gale, John Smith,
Edward Moseley, and William Little were appointed the
commissioners, and William Byrd, Richard Fitzwilliam, and
W. Dandridge were to act for Virginia, representing the
interest of the Crown. On March 7th a cedar post was fixed
on the seashore as the beginning of the line. Four days
later they struck the land ''formerly belonging to Governor
Gibbs," now to Mr. Bladen, one of the Lords of Trade,
which was found to lie in North Carolina. The line cut the
Blackwater above the mouth of the Nottoway, and so the
surveyors followed the stream down to the point, the report
saying that the former Virginia commissioners had been
in error twenty-one and one-half miles. So there were
thrown into Carolina a great quantity of land and many
families that had formerly been claimed by Virginia, com-
puted at a hundred thousand acres of land and three hun-
s*™"thc dred tithables. It is also noted that when the surveyors
Dismal struck Dismal Swamp the Virginia surveyors went around
c.r.. 1*1,755 it, but the North Carolina surveyors boldly essayed the
attempt and passed through it. The first one to come out
on the west side was young Sam Swann, a nephew of
Moseley, whose vigor, energy and learning subsequently
1728
THE KING PURCHASES CAROLINA 217
led to his taking a prominent part in the affairs of the »j*
colony. On April 5th the commissioners suspended the
work, which was resumed on September 25th, and a week
later the Roanoke was reached.
On October 6th, when Hycootte Creek was reached, one c.r., 11,776
hundred and sixty-eight miles from the inlet and forty-five
miles west of the Roanoke River, the North Carolina com-
missioners resolved that they had gone far enough for the
present, it being fifty miles beyond any inhabitants. The c.r.,ii,
Virginia surveyors, however, preferred going on, and ran ,5
the line about seventy-two miles farther west, being alto-
gether a distance of two hundred and forty-one miles from
the sea, reaching the hills of the present county of Stokes.
Purchase by the Crown
There had been some movement looking to the purchase
of the Carolinas by the Crown, which perhaps was inter-
rupted by the sudden death of the king in 1727, but in
January, 1728, a number of the Lords Proprietors united
in a memorial offering to surrender their interests ; and an
agreement for the surrender being reached, an act of Par-
liament was prepared authorizing and establishing the agree-
ment, and the conveyance was made. At that time the eight
shares were held and owned by the following Proprietors:
That of Clarendon by James Bertie; that of Albemarle by Ti^Ya"1,33
the Duke of Beaufort ; that of Craven by Lord Craven ; that Proprietors
of Colleton by Sir John Colleton ; that of Carteret by Lord
John Carteret; that of Ashley by a minor, John Cotton;
that of Sir John Berkeley by Joseph Blake, and that of
Sir William Berkeley by Mary Dawson, widow of John
Dawson, or Elizabeth Moore or Henry Bertie, there being a
legal controversy to determine their rights.
All joined in the conveyance except Lord John Carteret,
who was at that time lieutenant-general and governor of
the Kingdom of Ireland, and his share was reserved to him.
By the agreement, each of the seven shares was to be Sale corn-
purchased at the price of £2,500, being £17,500 in all; and June, '1729
the payment was to be made and the conveyance executed
in June, 1729. There was, however, a considerable amount
2l8
BURRINGTON AND EVERARD, 1724-31
1738
— »— »
Carteret
retains
his share
Everard
breaks with
Gale
C. R., HI, 2
C. R., Ill, 5
The Lords
of Trade
C.R., III,63
The
cu:rencv act
C. R.f III,
M5
of quit rents due to the Proprietors, and to satisfy their
claim for rents the king allowed them an additional sum
of £5,000.
Notice of the proposed sale was, in December, 1728, con-
veyed to the governor and council, and the council addressed
a memorial to the king manifesting their happiness in the
transfer of the province to the protection of the Crown,
and then they continued : "That it was with the greatest
sorrow that they felt obliged to make remonstrance against
the character of Sir Richard Everard, whose incapacity,
weakness, disregard of law, wickedness, and violence" they
proceeded to set out with great particularity.
On the other hand, some three weeks later Sir Richard
published a declaration to convince mankind, and in par-
ticular the inhabitants of the province, that all the unhappy
misunderstandings and dissensions between him and the
Assembly and other gentlemen of good note were owing to
the calumnies and false information given him by Chief
Justice Gale, John Lovick and William Little, who he de-
clared were the only enemies to the repose and quiet of the
people.
Burrington appears to have been at that time at his
plantation on the Cape Fear, but he soon departed for Lon-
don. There, in August, he had the satisfaction of presenting
to the authorities this declaration of Sir Richard's, which
was a tardy vindication of his own character from the former
representations of both Gale and the governor. The Board
of Trade, to whom was committed the affairs of the colony,
now had before them the statement of the council reflecting
on Everard and the proclamation of Everard denouncing
Gale and Little ; while another paper was received by them,
ostensibly the remonstrance of the inhabitants of North
Carolina against the appointment of Burrington as gov-
ernor. In the meanwhile, the administration of the province
was not interfered with, and Everard, Gale and their associ-
ates remained in undisturbed possession of their respective
offices.
After the execution of the deed transferring the province,
and probably with information of it, but before official noti-
fication, at its session of 1729 the Assembly passed a very
THE CURRENCY ACT 219
important act relating to the currency, making Sir Richard a • w
present of £500 in consideration of his assenting to it.
Dr. Hawks, with a copy of the act before him, says that it
was passed in 1727, and was to go into effect in 1728; but
in that he was mistaken : perhaps such a bill was prepared
for the Assembly of 1727, and the copy he saw was a bill
drawn up two years before it was enacted into a law.
By that act five commissioners were appointed to prepare The
and issue bills to the amount of £40,000. One-fourth was to 2reBCy
be delivered to the treasurer to redeem the old bills, which
if not redeemed were to become valueless within a fixed
time. A treasurer was appointed for each precinct, and the
residue of the bills was to be apportioned among the pre-
cincts according to their several needs and lent out by the
precinct treasurers to citizens on mortgages of unencumbered 17*9
real estate of twice the value of the loan. The loans were
to be repaid in fifteen years, one-fifteenth and the interest
being paid each year, the rate of interest being 6}4 per cent.
The loan feature of the act had been in use in South Caro-
lina and in other colonies and had proved a beneficent gov-
ernmental operation, and doubtless was of much advantage
to the people of North Carolina. While it was provided that
twenty shillings of the bills were to be held as being worth
fifteen pennyworth of silver as current in Virginia, yet as
they might alter in value, it was provided that each suc-
ceeding legislature should periodically revise this arrange-
ment and declare the value in silver of twenty shillings
in bills according to the then situation. Contracts specifi-
cally made to be paid in sterling money or in gold and
silver were not at all affected by this act.
This law took effect, and there being about £10,000 of the
former issue of bills outstanding, they were retired ; and the
currency of the province was this new paper money when
the king's officers came into authority, and so continued for
many years, for although the validity of the act was ques-
tioned, it was never repealed.
The end of the proprietary government had now come, End of
and with it passed away the distinctive features of admin- gwmme^t
istration founded on the Fundamental Constitutions. Until
then the office of Palatine had survived, and landgraves and
220 BURRINGTON AND EVERARD, 1724-31
U* caciques — the orders of Carolina nobility. With the end of
the proprietary system these all necessarily fell. But other
than that the transfer to the Crown worked but little change
in the general system of government,
influence For two-thirds of a century the colony had been under
franker the general management of the Proprietors ; but left largely
to itself, it had developed on its own lines. The grant to
Charles's courtiers of an immense territory in the wilds
of an unsettled continent could not have been expected to
bring them speedy fortune. It entailed some considerable
outlay at first, and the development being slow, no riches
had been amassed at the expense of the settlers. Still, one-
eighth of Carolina was a noble patrimony, and had the Pro-
prietors been able to retain their shares for another gen-
eration, and had acceptable agents to represent their inter-
ests after population had thickened, they would have en-
joyed a princely inheritance.
Conditions in North Carolina
«iJST Naturally the growth of North Carolina had been par-
ticularly slow. The situation was much less favorable than
in the settlements to the north, or even in South Carolina.
To the first plantations, situated on Albemarle Sound, access
was difficult and dangerous. Roanoke Inlet was not only
shallow, but beset with treacherous and shifting shoals; and
Ocracoke, though bolder, was not well known, while the
storms of Hatteras were a perpetual menace to adventurous
merchantmen. The absence of a good port and harbor
tended to stifle the growth of the colony, while more favored
and attractive localities drew elsewhere the enterprising emi-
grants from Europe who sought new homes in America.
Life was easy and pleasant, but the population was so
sparsely seated that social advantages and the benefits that
attend the gathering together of many families into a com-
Education pact community were deplorably lacking. There were no
public schools. There were doubtless some schools and also
some tutors employed on the plantations, but no academies
for the improvement of the young had been established in
the colony. But notwithstanding the absence of schools, edu-
cation was not entirely neglected. A will of that period con-
EDUCATION IN THE PROVINCE 221
tains this direction : "I will that my slaves be kept at work !™
on my lands, that my estate may be managed to the best
advantage, so as my sons may have as liberal an education
as the profits thereof will afford. And in their education I
pray my executors to observe this method: Let them be off!^'11'
taught to read and write, and be introduced into the prac- Sutc
tical part of arithmetic, not too hastily hurrying them to
Latin or grammar; but after they are pretty well versed
in these, let them be taught Latin and Greek. I propose
this may be done in Virginia, after which let them learn
French. Perhaps some Frenchman at Santee will under-
take this. When they are arrived to years of discretion let
them study the mathematics. I will that my daughter be
taught to write and read and some feminine accomplish-
ment which may render her agreeable, and that she be not
kept ignorant as to what appertains to a good housewife in
the management of household affairs."
There was but little organized religion among the inhab- Few
itants, except alone the Society of Friends. Efforts to build miat%Un
churches and engage pastors of the established Church of
England had not been effective. There was generally a
missionary or two in the vicinity of Edenton, but sometimes
not one was resident in the whole province. An effort had
been made to found a library at Bath, and Edward Moseley,
whose liberal views had thrown him on the side of the
Quakers in what was known as the "troublesome time" of Libraries,
1708 to 171 1, and who was ever among the foremost in M ,53
patriotic works, had presented a well-selected library to be
kept at Edenton, setting an excellent example of practical
philanthropy, which, however, neither Pollock nor Eden nor
Gale nor any of his wealthy antagonists was inclined to
follow.
Dr. Brickell, writing in 1731, says: 'The want of Protes- Dcnomina-
tant clergy is generally supplied by some schoolmaster, who
reads the liturgy and then a sermon. Next to the Quakers
the Presbyterians are the most numerous. They have had
a minister of their own for many years, chiefly along the
Neuse" ; while still earlier there had been some independent
preachers, who claimed neither holy orders nor affiliation
lions
222
BURRINGTON AND EVERARD, 1724-31
The
Baptists
N. C. Bapt.
Hist. Papers
with any organized church. Mostly around Bath clustered
the Roman Catholics, who had a clergyman of their own.
The first Baptist congregation was organized about the
time when the proprietary rule was drawing to its close. "In
1727 the Baptists organized a single church, now known
as Shiloh, in Camden County." Two years later Everard,
writing to the Bishop of London, said that when he first
came over, in 1725, there were no dissenters except Quakers
in the government; but now Paul Palmer, the Baptist
teacher, had gained hundreds; and he asserted that the
Quakers and Baptists were then flourishing among the
North Carolinians. He mentions that there was at that
time not a single clergyman in the province, meaning of the
Church of England, while the Quakers and Baptists were
very busy making proselytes and holding meetings daily in
every part of the government. There was no ground for
any friction among the people on the score of religious
differences.*
The industries were very limited. Besides farm work,
there was some shipbuilding, for early in the settlement a
colony from the Bermudas had begun that as an occupation,
and it had been continued without interruption. Mention
was made of a young man being brought from Virginia to
be apprenticed in Albemarle to learn the shipbuilding trade,
and Matthew Rowan came from Ireland to build a ship or
two for some persons in Dublin. The building of ships was
one of the established industries of the colony.
In the whole province there were in 1729 about 30,000
inhabitants; for four years later, in 1733, allowing for about
1000 immigrants coming in subsequent to his own arrival,
Governor Bnrrington estimated the whites at 30,000, the
negroes at 6000 and the Indians at 800.
With such a small population, many very poor and ex-
pending their energies in clearing fields and in building
cabins for temporary abode, each family measurably depen-
dent on its own labor and resources, as hired help must
necessarily have been scarce, there could be but little expec-
tation of those social conditions that are developed in a
c. R., Ill,
48
Industries
C.R., II,24i
Population
C. R., Ill,
433
Social
conditions
♦In 1729 an act was passed that apparently gave to the freeholders
in each parish the right of electing the vestrymen.
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 223
long-settled and concentrated community. But the colony w
was on the eve of a fuller development at the very time that
the Proprietors conveyed their interest to the Crown. The
opening of the Cape Fear River to settlement, giving a very
fair port to the colony, was followed by a considerable
immigration to that section, which soon became of greater
importance commercially and industrially than the more
northern portion of the province.
Dr. Brickell, in his "Natural History of North Carolina," The
written about 1731, mentions incidentally that New Bern indiam
"has but few houses or inhabitants ; Hancock Town, on the
northwest branch of Neuse River, about two hundred miles
from its mouth, formerly an Indian town, and where they
had a fort in time of war ; Beaufort is small and thinly in-
habited; Brunswick has a great trade, a number of mer-
chants and rich planters." Of the Indians he gives some
account. Those that lived near the settlement numbered not
over fifteen hundred or sixteen hundred, including women
and children. There were three kings — King Blount, King
Durant, King Highter. "They" pay tribute once or twice a
year. The women make the corn, the men hunt. They live
in wigwams, except the civilized kings, who have houses.
The Indians, being of several nations, have different cus-
toms. Some are civilized and are very serviceable to the
planters, hunt and fowl for them, make weirs, assist in plant-
ing corn, etc. Many also speak English. There was formerly
a nation called the Pasquotanks, who kept cattle and made
butter, but at present none have cattle/' He mentions that
there were "no Muchapungoes or Coranines to be met with
at this clay, 1731. The Saponas live on the west branch of
the Cape Fear ; the Toteros are neighbors to them ; the
Keyawees live on a branch of the Cape Fear that lies to the
northwest." He also states that "the Indians have a great
aversion to the negroes, and kill them when they find them in
the woods." He made an extended journey to the western
part of North Carolina on an embassy to the Indians inhabit-
ing there. Two or three years later Burrington mentioned
that the smaller tribes, who had resided near the settlements,
had entirely disappeared.
■0,85
THE FOURTH EPOCH— 1729-65
NORTH CAROLINA AS A ROYAL PROVINCE
CHAPTER XVIII
BURRINGTOX'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, I73I-34
The Board of Trade. — The seal. — Everard's enemies. — Burrington
appointed governor. — The province during the interim. — Burrington
arrives. — Opposition to the royal instructions. — The first royal
Assembly. — Afatters of controversy. — Currency act declared void. —
The quit rents. — Fees of officers. — The Assembly affronted. — The
basis of political action. — Burrington's instructions. — He dispenses
with the Assembly. — Appoints new councillors. — Schoolmasters. —
The general court. — The governor erects new precincts. — His
action disregarded. — New conflicts. — Burrington's arbitrary conduct.
— He is removed. — The second Assembly. — Chief Justice Little
arraigned. — The governor addresses the house. — The third
Assembly. — Burrington attempts to vindicate himself. — He rules
without council or Assembly. — The difficulties of the situation. —
Altered patents. — His opinion of the people. — Controversial docu-
ments.— His progressive action. — Dividing line between the Caro-
linas. — Landgrave Smith's grant. — Questions settled and unsettled. —
The province grows. — Religious conditions. — The last Assembly to
meet Burrington. — No act passed during his administration.
The Board of Trade
!£2 South Carolina had been a royal province several years
when, upon the transfer of seven of the proprietary shares
of Carolina to the king, the administration of public affairs
in North Carolina was likewise assumed by the Crown. The
management of the province now fell to the care of the
commissioners for trade and plantations, a board of the
Privy Council restored, after a lapse of twenty years, in
1696, and at this time composed of the Earl of Westmore-
cRmHI, ian(^ pa Dominique, Thomas Pelham, Edward Ashe, Martin
Bladen, W. Cary, Sir Oliver Bridgman, and Sir Thomas
Frankland. To this board was committed the determina-
tion of all administrative questions relating to the colonies,
EVERARD FAILS OF REAPPOINTMENT 225
the governors being appointed on its recommendation by w
the king and council, and the chief officers, although desig-
nated by it, also being commissioned by the Crown.
The original seal of the county of Albemarle had been The seal
continued in use as the seal of North Carolina, while the £, m^111.
Lords Proprietors had the great seal of their province of
Carolina at London. This seal, adopted shortly after the
royal grant was made, bore on one side of it a scroll, on
which were sketched two well-filled cornucopias supported
by two Indians, together with legends and heraldic orna-
mentation. Upon the transfer of dominion to the Crown,
a new seal becoming necessary, the commissioners adopted
one similar to that of the Lords Proprietors ; the two figures
and the cornucopias were preserved, but now the devices
represented Liberty presenting Plenty to the king ; and this
seal, with some slight alterations, has continued to be the
great seal of the State of North Carolina.
Notwithstanding the sale, Sir Richard Everard might EveranT*
have been retained as governor; but if there was a dis- c"eR.,,eiH,s
position to continue him in the administration his enemies
succeeded in rendering it impossible. The contest between
them was a bitter one. Everard, perhaps in view of the
change, had broken with Gale and his son-in-law, William
Little, and throwing himself into the arms of the popular
party, had ascribed all of his delinquencies to the bad advice
of those men, his former friends, whom he now denounced
in unmeasured terms. They, on the other hand, hastened to
make representations and prefer charges against him that 2-4^31 m'
destroyed the possibility of his retention. They alleged
that he was a party to frauds in the issuing of land grants
to the disadvantage of the king ; that he was arbitrary, tyran-
nical and violent in his conduct; and, moreover, that he
was disaffected toward the reigning house — that he had
hailed the death of George I in 1727 with joy, declaring,
"Now farewell to the house of Hanover" ; and especially
that he had been concerned in the Preston rebellion, the
rising at Preston in favor of the Pretender in 171 5. Before
this last allegation was made public in the colony, Edmond
Porter, who had returned to North Carolina in 1725 and
was now judge of admiralty, was industrious in befriending
226 BURRIXGTOX'S SECOXD ADMIXISTRATION, 1731-34
XJ*» Everard; and particularly he represented to the Secretary
of State, the Duke of Newcastle, that Everard, upon learn-
ing of the purchase by the Crown, had given written orders
that no more patents for land should be issued until new
S.«9,m' instructions should be received: but that Lovick, the secre-
tary, and Moseley, the surveyor, were disobedient and had
utterly disregarded the governor's positive orders. But
Porter himself had been accused of having participated in
the same rising, after he had fled from Albemarle on the
suppression of Cary's adherents, and when this charge was
made against the governor Porter quickly withdrew his
support. Indeed, as soon as Everard's loyalty was called
in question every friend fell away from him, and the charge
proved fatal to his hopes.
Burlington appointed governor
Burrington, who had continued to reside on his Cape
Fear plantations, now hastened to England to press his own
claim : and with all the documents with him, he was able
to clear himself of the defamatory allegations Gale and his
party had formerly made against him, and he succeeded
c. r., in, jn securing the prize. In the fall of 1729 it was decided
that he should be appointed governor, and the next Jan-
uary his commission was signed ; but his instructions were
not finally prepared until December, 1730, when he took his
departure for Carolina.
c. r., in, Being directed to recommend officers, he desired that the
following persons should be of his council : James Jenoure,
surveyor; Robert Hal ton, Edmond Porter, John Baptista
Ashe, Eleazar Allen, Matthew Rowan, Cornelius Harnett,
and John Porter; also James Stallard and Richard Evans,
1730 who, however, never came to Carolina. Burrington would
make no recommendation for chief justice and secretary,
leaving their selection to Colonel Bladen, who designated
for chief justice William Smith, a young barrister of Lon-
don ; and for secretary, Nathaniel Rice, his own son-in-law ;
while John Montgomery was later appointed attorney-
general.
province When information was received in the colony of the pur-
tour!mthc chase by the Crown, in the absence of particular directions,
BURRINGTON ARRIVES 227
there was some cessation of the exercise of governmental 55
functions. The legislature held its session as usual in
November, 1729, and with Everard's assent passed several c.r.$iii,
acts, particularly one for the issue of £40,000 of paper cur- H5
rency; and presently there was unusual activity in locating
blank patents, which had long since been issued, and some
of them without the payment of any purchase money. But
the chief justice ceased to hold courts and the members of the
council did not attend the governor when he called a meet-
ing of the board. So it happened that for two years previous
to Burrington's return no general court was held, nor any
Assembly for eighteen months, while some of the precinct ^ ' '
courts had likewise suspended their sessions, and there
was a general arrest of the operations of government. The
condition was one tending to anarchy, but the people were
busy and there were no riots nor serious disturbances. Still
it was desirable to re-establish at once the regular and
orderly administration of justice and to have the Assembly
convene to meet the new governor and recognize the changes
produced by the purchase and prescribed in his instructions.
On reaching Edenton toward the end of February, Bur- gJii^,^
rington, together with several of his new councillors, took g^R^iii
the oaths of office and immediately issued writs for the w**
election by the freeholders of an Assembly, which was called
to meet on April 13th, and ordered a general court to be
held at Edenton on April 1st. When the court met the
grand jurors for the entire province made a loyal address
to his Majesty the king, reciting that as it was the first court
held since the purchase, they took the earliest opportunity
to express their devotion to his Majesty; and then they
thanked the king for the appointment of Burrington as their
governor.
It is to be observed that neither Moore, Moseley nor Swann Opposition
had any share in the administration. It is said that Bur- royal
rington had quarrelled with Moore about the location of his lnsl^ucton,
patent for five thousand acres of land, he proposing to locate
it on the rich lime lands at Rocky Point on the northwest
branch of the Cape Fear; but Moore had preceded him
and had taken up those lands himself, so that Burrington,
disappointed and angry, was obliged to content himself with
228 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
w lands at Stag Park, several miles higher up that river. This,
together with other causes of difference, led to personal
antagonism between Burrington and Moore's connections;
but there was no opposition manifested to him immediately
on his arrival. Doubtless the leading inhabitants felt a keen
interest in the changes that would probably attend the pur-
chase by the king, and they waited developments with
anxiety. Just before the Assembly was to convene, in April,
Ashe arrived at Edenton from the Cape Fear to attend the
council, and the tenor of Burrington's instructions became
known. Until then all had been agreeable at the council
board ; but Ashe immediately began to oppose the governor,
and endeavored by "false reasoning and fallacious argument"
c.^Rniii, ^0 impose upon the judgment of the other councillors. Un-
successful at first, he soon gained the chief justice and
Edmond Porter to join him. And after the Assembly met, it
was not long before the members of that body were also
earnestly co-operating with him.
The first royal Assembly
Moseley was the speaker. The governor at the opening
of the session presented a written address, for the kind
terms of which the Assembly resolved to return him thanks ;
and then they began the consideration of the matters called
to their attention in the address. Among these recommen-
dations was one to appoint an agent to look after the affairs
of the province in England, which later was acted on by a
subsequent Assembly, and this channel of communication
?i RiJ11' w*tn ^e auth°rities at London eventually became highly im-
portant; another was to prevent the depreciation of paper
currency, and still another to establish a new town on the
Cape Fear, and to appoint commissioners for that purpose.
This last proposition ignored the town of Brunswick, which
Moore had laid out in 1725, and which had become a mart
of commerce and had been made two years before the seat
of government for New Hanover Precinct; and it was a
direct blow aimed by Burrington at Moore's interests.
Ma«e« of Three days later Speaker Moseley and some other leading
c.nRTn"y members of the house waited on the governor and asked
,331 him if he would not ratify the currency act and some other
BURRINGTON OPPOSES THE ASSEMBLY 229
laws whose validity was in doubt, as they had been assented w
to by Governor Everard after the news had been received of
the purchase by the Crown. This Burrington not only re-
fused to do, but he declared the currency act was a nullity ;
and to show that he disregarded it he appointed William
Smith, the new chief justice, treasurer of the province in the
room of Edward Moseley, who was appointed treasurer in
that act. This the Assembly resented, and it hotly repre-
sented that the province already had a treasurer with whose
ability and integrity they were very well satisfied ; and who,
having been appointed in an act of Assembly by the governor,
council and Assembly, could not be removed but by the like
power. The governor, a majority of the council adhering
to him, replied that Moseley was indeed a person of sufficient
ability, "and we heartily wish that his integrity was equal
to it"; and as to his appointment they said "the act of 1729,
by which he was appointed, is void," that being the act
under which all the paper money then current in the province
had been issued. This attack on the speaker, involving also c. r , in,
the validity of the currency, led to a declaration by the a68*3°a
Assembly that Moseley's "integrity was equal to his abili-
ties," and that the act of 1729 was not void; and even if
it should be disallowed by the king, Moseley's appointment
was also under previous acts, whose validity was unques-
tioned.
In Burrington's instructions reference was made to the Sl'dSSired
large amounts of quit rents that were many years in arrears void
in Carolina at the time of the purchase, and the king offered
to remit those arrearages if the Assembly, in an act on that
subject, would require all grants to be recorded in the office
of the receiver or auditor, so that a perfect rent roll could
be made out, and would further require the payment of
rents to be in proclamation money, and that fees should be
paid in proclamation money also — that is, in current specie
of foreign coinage the value of which was ascertained and
fixed in sterling money by proclamation of the Crown.
Referring to this offer, the Assembly informed the gov- Quit rents
ernor that while the rents were largely in arrears in South 294R" n1,
Carolina, they had been regularly paid in this province, and
that the king's offer was of no interest to the inhabitants
230 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
U& of North Carolina ; yet it passed a bill requiring all future
grants to be recorded in the receiver's office, and offered
to pay the quit rents in tobacco or other products or in bills
at some small discount; but the Assembly would not agree
to make payment in specie at all. The governor insisted
that the rents were payable in sterling money, and that he
and his council were authorized to regulate the fees,
officer These fees had, by an act of Assembly, for twenty years
c. r., in, been payable in paper currency at its face value, but the
governor, basing his action on his alleged instructions, had
already ordered that the officers should not be required
to receive the bills unless at the rate of four for one, a change
that increased the fees fourfold. To this matter the Assembly
now adverted, declaring the practice of exacting "four for
one" illegal and an extortion, and asked the governor to
issue a proclamation forbidding it.
Burrington was a man of very strong characteristics,
doing nothing by halves. He was vain, proud, arbitrary
and violent, intemperate in his conduct, and entirely self-
reliant. Indifferent to others, when aroused he worked his
will with passion, and, heedless of consequences, struck his
c r., in, opponents with a strong hand. He himself had authorized
this practice which the house characterized as extortion ;
and full of indignation, he sent a message to the house:
"For my own part, I cannot refrain from telling you that
whoever the person was who formed the said paper of com-
plaint, I compare him to a thief that hides himself in a
house to rob it, and, fearing to be discovered, fires the house
c. r. in an(* makes his escape in the smoke." Thereupon the house
a*s ' ' replied that "the complaint was the unanimous voice of the
, whole house, no member dissenting, and that they regarded
that such treatment of any member was a great indignity and
contempt put upon the whole house, and a breach of
privilege."
And now the breach between the governor and the
assembly was beyond healing ; he had not only insulted the
speaker, but had affronted the house. Whatever chance
there had been to lead the Assembly to observe his instruc-
tions had been destroyed by his ill-temper, and his oppo-
nents had triumphed. Divergence of views might have been
POSITION OF PROVINCE ON THE TRANSFER 231
expected, but mere differences might to some extent have w
been reconciled by a conciliatory policy, while now adjust-
ment had become impracticable.
The position of the leading men in the province was sub- The basis of
stantially that the purchase by the king of the proprietary SJjSon
shares carried with it only the rights of the several Pro-
prietors and worked neither alteration in the constitution
of the province nor in the rights and powers which the
people and the Assembly had immemorially enjoyed, and
the house was resolved to maintain its privileges. Still c. r.,iii,
there was an inclination, in so far as it might be proposed, ' 4
to put the Assembly on the footing of Parliament, and to
concur in changes tending to that end. But Burrington c'fc.'ffi,
could not brook opposition, and at length, on May 17th, ^4
after a stormy session of five weeks, during which no bill
carrying out any of the governor's instructions was passed,
he wearied of the contest and prorogued the Assembly until
September. Thus ended the first session, with Burrington
baffled and the opponents of any constitutional changes
brought somewhat into harmonious action. At the first,
the situation being novel and the ground untried, the leaders
in the council as well as in the house had to feel their way
and carefully weld their associates into an organized oppo-
sition; but before the house separated they had reached
safe ground, and the position of the leaders came to be well
understood and sustained by the people.
Burrington's instructions
Among Burrington's instructions was one limiting suf- cK^nJ^
frage to freeholders, whereas before all freemen could vote.
Another was that in all acts for levying money express
mention should be made that the money was granted to the
king; and no money was to be levied which was not liable
to be accounted for to the king. Others were that all officers
were to be appointed by the governor and council, and
this the governor held to embrace the treasurer; that all
quit rents and fees should be paid in proclamation money;
that the governor should not assent to any bill providing
for the issue of paper currency unless it contained a clause
declaring that it should not take effect until approved by
93, 100, 103
232 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
School-
masters
the king; and that no public money should be disposed of
except by the governor's warrant approved by the council,
the right of the Assembly to direct payment without the
governor's consent being denied.
There were other instructions relating to the quantity
of land that might be taken up and to the payment of
quit rents, at variance with the Great Deed of grant; and
that old instrument, which had been authenticated by Gov-
ernor Archdale in 1695 a°d tnen recorded, and which had
been delivered to Richard Sanderson for safe keeping, was
produced in the house and committed for preservation to
the care of the speaker; and a direction was made that it
should be formally brought to the attention of his Majesty
the king, with the hope that he would not disregard it.
Among other instructions that, however, were not ger-
mane to the antagonisms then raised was one in regard to
schoolmasters: "And we do further direct that no school-
master be henceforth permitted to come from this kingdom
and to keep school in that our said province without the
license of our Lord Bishop of London, and that no other
person now there, or that shall come from other parts, shall
be admitted to keep school in North Carolina without your
license first obtained." And another, that touched the king's
private purse, wras for the particular benefit and advantage
of the Royal African Company, "who were to bring in a
constant and sufficient supply of merchantable negroes at
moderate rates."
To hold the general court in April the governor had ap-
pointed three assistants to sit with the chief justice, as had
been the custom in proprietary times, and when the Assembly
was considering a court bill requiring that a general court
should be held four times a year in each of the counties,
apparently there being a proposition to erect a third county,
inquiry was made by the house as to the judicial power of
these assistants, and the governor and council replied that
they had no judicial power whatever; but a few days later
the governor changed his opinion and held that they had
an equal voice in determining all questions with the chief
justice, a position that seemed at variance with the powers
and rights conferred in the commission of the chief justice,
c. R.,
n6
in,
The
general
court
C. RM 111,
2V< 3«°» 3"
C. R.,
341
HI.
C. H.
JH,
signed by the king himself, and which was so derogatory to
ihe authority and station of the chief justice that Smith
regarded it as a personal affront, and three days after the
Assembly was prorogued he resigned his seat in the council,
and a bitter feud sprang up between him and the governor.
A few days later, after conferences with the leading mem-
bers of the Assembly, in which he undertook to represent
their grievances to the Crown, he left for England, declaring
that he was going to have Burrington displaced; and, be-
cause of his absence, John Palin was appointed chief justice
by the governor and conned, the councillors present being
only John Lovick and Edmond Gale, whom the governor
appointed that day for this special purpose.
Burrington dispenses with the Assembly
In November, an election having been held under the us*
biennial act in September, a new Assembly met at Eden-
ton, but the govenior at once prorogued it to meet in March, c. r., in,
saying that he had made representations to his Majesty a*3
about the obstructive conduct of the last Assembly, and had
asked for further instructions, and until they were received
he himself would take care that the business of the province
was transacted.
When he realized that his old friends were alienated and AppoUm
that he could not control even the majority of those coun- o?*nciiioi»
cillors who were in the province, Burrington cast about to
strengthen himself by attaching the other faction to him.
In July he called a council at Edenton, which because of July, w
the distance from the Cape Fear was attended only by Sur-
veyor-General Jenoure and Edmond Porter, some of the
other councillors not being in the province. The situation did
not, according to the terms of his instructions, warrant his
appointing new councillors ; but he was animated by a pur-
pose to strengthen himself and to weaken the opposition,
and with this view, he appointed John Lovick and Edmond
Gale councillors, persons whom he had previously denounced
as being utterly unworthy of any public station; and these
being facile, he began to oust those councillors who were
disagreeable to him.
Beginning with Edmond Porter, who had formerly been
234 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
v^x \ " ■
cfk., in, h*s c'ose friend, but who was now not only in the opposition,
«" but was at bitter enmity with Gale and Little, he heard
charges brought against him by Little and suspended him
as judge of admiralty, and turned him out of the council;
and he appointed Gale to the vacant judicial position. He
next cited Cornelius Harnett to answer because of a debt
Harnett and Rev. Mr. Marsden owed to the captain
of a vessel which had been wrecked, and whose damaged
c. rm in, cargo they had bought ; and he succeeded in forcing Harnett
332 to resign. With Ashe, who the governor declared "was
altogether bent on mischief," he had more trouble. Ashe
would not resign, and a notable conflict ensued between
them. But for a time Burrington had entrenched himself
securely in the council and could control the appointment
to vacancies.
The governor erects new precincts
Nov.,1731 The governor and council assuming the power to lay off
precincts, their authority to do so was strongly contested.
However, they erected the precinct of Onslow and that
of Edgecombe, extending from Roanoke River to the north-
east branch of the Cape Fear; and also, in November, 1732,
Bladen, although at that time it was said that there were
May, 173a not three freeholders nor thirty families in Bladen, and not
many more in Onslow. That such a power resided in the
C R 111 •
417.450 ' governor and council was denied as being a derogation of
the rights of the Assembly, and not only a violation of the
Fundamental Constitutions, which it was asserted had been
accepted by the people of North Carolina in 1669 and also
in 1698, but against all the laws and established precedents ;
for though at different times the governor and council had
c. R.,iii, laid off precincts, such as New Hanover, in 1729, yet the
439.450,451 legislature had afterward passed acts establishing them and
fixing their representation.
His action ^ot only were those who proposed to maintain the vested
disregarded rights of the people antagonistic to this claim of authority
by the governor and council, but they paid no attention to
his instructions and proclamations that only freeholders
should vote for members of the Assembly, and, in utter dis-
BURRINGTON'S CONFLICTS CONTINUE 235
regard of his directions, all freemen were allowed to vote as w
formerly.
Constantly circumstances brought about some new occa- Neij.
sion for either personal or official conflict between the gov- con
ernor and his adversaries. The chief justice, Smith, had
already gone to England threatening to obtain his removal,
and Burrington apprehended that Colonel Bladen was aiding
and fostering this design with the hope of securing the
appointment of his own son-in-law, Rice, as his successor.
About twenty men from South Carolina had settled on the
Cape Fear, among them three brothers of a noted family
named Moore, all of the set known as the Goose Creek c-g*.iiii,
faction, "always very troublesome in that government,"
who the governor had been told would expend a great sum
to get him turned out; and between them and Moseley on
the Chowan messengers were constantly passing. How-
ever, notwithstanding all menaces, he was not terrified, "but
acted with such resolution and firmness that the province
was soon put in a quiet condition and has so continued with-
out any imprisonments or persecutions." Such was Bur-
rington's declaration a year after his arrival; but his un-
wisdom raised him enemies in London, while his arbitrary
course embittered his opponents in Carolina. Eight months
after he assumed the government he wrote to the Board of
Trade that Ashe had intended to go to England to co- c. r., hi,
operate with Smith for his removal, but as he had not gone 37°
"Baby Smith will be quite lost, having nothing but a few lies
to support his cause, unless he can obtain an instructor from
a gentleman in Hanover Square." The following June the
Board asked him to explain that reference, and he avowed
in a rambling letter that it was meant for Colonel Bladen.
The compliment paid to Colonel Bladen by naming a pre-
cinct in his honor was hardly sufficient to atone for such
an indignity.
And if in February Burrington could applaud himself BurnnK-
e 1 "1 • • V ... tbn*
for not having resorted to imprisonment and persecution, arbitrary
by March his mild behavior had given way to more arbitrary conR"cin,
inclinations. He had issued a direction that no one should 356,375t 5°4
be allowed to practise law unless licensed by himself; and
doubtless an attorney's oath was exacted of all who applied
imprisoned
236 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
V3* for a license. Moseley had been licensed to practise in 1714,
and was a lawyer of twenty years' standing, although in
Moseiey late years he had retired from the business. However, in
March, 1732, he did appear for Edmond Porter; and while
with his hand on the book to take the oath, the governor in
a great rage ordered his arrest and threw him into prison,
presumably for appearing as an attorney without the gov-
ernor's license. At the next term of the court, in July,
Moseley hazarded a remark on a legal question to the chief
justice in court; whereupon the governor again ordered
the sheriff to commit him to jail. On habeas corpus before
the chief justice and full court an order was quickly made
for his release ; but the governor was indignant at the pro-
ceeding, claiming that the court ought not to release within
twenty-four hours any one whom he had ordered to prison ;
and he so abused Palin, the chief justice, whom he himself
had but recently appointed, that that officer resigned, and
Oct.fi7« William Little, Gale's son-in-law, was appointed to the
375* 376, 378. position; and all the associate judges resigned and a new
set was appointed. Palin's resignation, however, did not
deter the governor from again pressing the court to do duty
in his behalf. On Old Town Creek, a few miles above
Brunswick, Ashe had a plantation, while Burrington had one
on Governor's Creek, lower down. There was a question as
to the ownership of two mares which Burrington's servants
had, under his orders, branded with his mark and taken into
possession. Ashe brought an information before the gen-
eral court at Edenton and claimed the mares as his property,
and also claimed the penalty which the law prescribed for
Ashe ^ branding stock belonging to another. Burrington there-
upon had him arrested for his "scurrilous libel," and caused
the warrant to be returned before himself and Judge Owen,
who exacted the bond Burrington suggested, being £1,000,
which Ashe deemed excessive and would not give. On
habeas corpus before the chief justice, Little refused to
examine into the cause of the commitment, but the bond was
reduced one-half, even that being a heavy bond; and it was
alleged that these proceedings were contrived to prevent
Ashe's departure for England, where, at the request of
many, he was going to secure a redress of grievances.
379* 4«3. 5»7
arrested
BURRINGTON'S SECOND ASSEMBLY 237
In the meantime representations had been made to the '733
Board of Trade of Burrington's oppressive and lawless con- c. r., hi,
duct, and before he had been in office two years his removal S34
was determined on, and in March, 1733, Gabriel Johnston
was commissioned by the king as his successor.
The second Assembly
Not realizing that the Board of Trade might be per- July, 1733
suaded to disregard his representations, and conscious of
his purpose to rule well if not wisely, Burrington did not
deviate from the course he had marked out for himself with
reference to those who did not sustain his administration.
Brave, bold and self-reliant, he was always candid. There
was in his disposition no element of craft or dissimulation.
He thought he knew what would best promote the develop-
ment of the province, and he sought to carry into effect
his views regardless of opposition. He thought he knew
what his instructions required of him, and he resolutely
undertook to obey their tenor. Finding the Assembly at
points with him about the payment of quit rents and fees,
he applied for additional instructions, and avowed his pur-
pose to have no Assembly until those instructions were re-
ceived. Eventually, toward the end of March, 1733, the
long delayed answer came to his request, and he at once c. r., hi,
ordered an election to be held in May for assemblymen to s6x
meet in July. When the body convened he explained that
his new instructions were similar to the first he had re-
ceived. Moseley was again the speaker, and in his reply
to the governor's speech he dwelt on the impracticability of
paying the quit rents in specie, and denied that they were
payable in sterling money, as now claimed. Originally he Quit rems
asserted they were payable in produce, and when paper
money was issued a law was passed that this paper currency
should be good for all payments except alone for the pur-
chase of land, for as to that the Lords Proprietors had
always exacted specie. The lands in Albemarle were never
sold, while some in Bath County were granted on quit rents
alone and others were sold for specie, reserving a much
lower quit rent in addition to the purchase price; and the
house insisted that the Assembly of 1731 had offered to his
238 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
1733
Chief
Justice
Little
arraigned
C. R., Ill,
587
C. R., Ill,
56a
The
governor
addresses
the house
C. R., Ill,
598, 603, 604
Majesty all they could do in regard to the payment of rents.
As for the disuse of the Assembly, it said there were other
matters requiring the attention of the governor than the quit
rents ; among them not merely exorbitant fees taken by the
officers, but the perversion of justice by evil and wicked
officers, especially by Chief Justice Little and his associates
on the bench.
This grave charge against the chief justice at once brought
a reply. Little in a long and caustic letter petitioned the
governor and council that since they could not try him as a
court, they would examine into any charges made against
him and ascertain whether or not he were unfit to be a
councillor; for he admitted that if he were guilty of per-
verting justice he ought to be removed from the council
board. This paper being communicated to the house, it was
referred to a committee, and the house temporarily pro-
ceeded with its other business. There were several new
points on which quarrels now arose with the governor. The
house would not recognize the new precincts of Bladen,
Onslow, and Edgecombe, erected by the governor and coun-
cil, and would not admit the members elected in them. It
had some of the officers appointed by the governor arrested
and brought to its bar for misconduct; and finally it cited
several ^officers, among them the chief justice, before it to
answer why they had exacted in payment of their fees four
times the amount in currency which the law had fixed.
At length, on the fourteenth day of the session, the com-
mittee on Little's petition reported that it contained scanda-
lous expressions reflecting on the dignity of the house, and
he was ordered into custody to answer for affronting the
house. Matters had now reached a serious pass, and the
governor intervened to protect his officer. He sent an
address to the house sustaining Little, assuming that the
particular charge against him was taking fees at four for
one, which the governor himself had directed and which
had been done by Chief Justice Smith prior to Little, and
who, having just returned from England, had been grate-
fully thanked by the Assembly for his services abroad.
This assumption of the governor that the only charge
against Little was the taking of improper fees led to a fierce
BURRINGTON'S THIRD ASSEMBLY 239
arraignment of the judicial action of the chief justice while U**
on the bench, and brought forward the governor's own
conduct in regard to the imprisonment of Ashe and with
reference to Porter. The governor in his turn gave a loose £"&//#
rein to his anger and vehemently defended himself and &*,«!«
assailed the house ; and then, not a single law having been
passed, he dissolved the Assembly.
The third Assembly dissolved
The regular election for an Assembly was held in Sep- Nov., 1733
tember, and in November the house met at Edenton; but
there was no quorum of councillors to make another house,
so after waiting several days, the governor had the mem-
bers to attend him and dissolved the Assembly. But before
parting with them, however, he read a long paper in vindi-
cation of his conduct from the aspersions of his enemies.
In June he had applied for leave to return to England, hav-
ing doubtless heard that a successor had been appointed to
his office, and feeling that there was no longer any occasion c. r., hi,
to fight the battles of a government that did not sustain him. a
The address he now made was therefore couched in very change of
different terms from any of his former productions. It was tone
a manly, sensible address, and his moderation must have
disarmed enmity and won him friendly sympathy. It put
many of the complaints against him in a different light from
what the circumstances were made to bear when pressed by
his adversaries; and it rather sustained his opinion that
some at least among those whose bitter hostility and antag-
onism he had aroused "were subtle and crafty to admiration. "
For nearly a year ensuing Burrington conducted public £ct£ *m
affairs with neither an Assembly nor a council. He himself 627, ois
had a long and dangerous illness, some of the council died
and others left the province. Rice, who at one time when
Burrington was absent from the province, being the senior
and ranking member of the council, was sworn in as presi-
dent of the council, was suspended by the governor on
his return, because of "villainies, " as was also Montgomery,
another "villain. " Halton neglected to attend for two years,
and Ashe, who died in the fall of 1734, had not attended for
more than twelve months. Everard also was dead, and so
240 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
The plot
against his
life
C. R., IV,
165
was Chief Justice Little. To succeed Little, Daniel Hanmer
was appointed, notwithstanding Smith had returned from
England and was ready to resume the functions of his office.
At length a collision took place, the final result of which
produced unexpected consequences. The details of it are
obscure. Burrington claimed that Smith, Rice, Montgomery
and some of their confederates attempted to assassinate him
by shooting at him with pistols, and that he would have been
murdered if some courageous men had not come to his
assistance and rescued him. Bills of indictment were at once
found against these councillors in Hanmer's court, and they
fled by night to Virginia, where they continued until Gov-
ernor Johnston landed in North Carolina. These proceed-
ings threw the province into new confusion and disorder
during the last months of Burrington's administration.
It was Burrington's misfortune to have been the first gov-
ernor appointed to establish in the province those changes
which the Board of Trade deemed necessary upon the pur-
chase by the Crown. In an attempt to carry out their direc-
tions any one would have met with embarrassment and been
confronted with all the opposition that the popular leaders
could lawfully make; but more than that, Burrington had
troubles that another person of a different temperament
might have avoided. He was embroiled personally with the
Moores and their kindred, with Moseley, Porter and Swann,
because of conflicting interests and disputes about land ; and
many of his personal difficulties grew out of his antagonism
with those men.
Without doubt there had been some abuses in regard to
the issuing of patents and the location of blank warrants.
For instance, Edmond Porter alleged that Burrington him-
self in 1725 obtained a warrant issued in 171 1 for six hun-
dred and forty acres of land in Albemarle, charged with a
quit rent of two shillings sixpence, and altered it to a Bath
County purchase warrant for five thousand acres at six-
pence quit rent, and located it at Burgaw. The grant, which
is recorded at Beaufort, seems at least in part to sustain
Porter's assertion, for it is based on a warrant issued in
171 1, when grants for five thousand acres were not allowed,
and when no entries were permitted on the Cape Fear at all.
Altered
patents
C. R., Ill,
50a
BURRINGTON'S OPINION OF THE PEOPLE 241
Other such warrants, bearing internal evidence of having 'jg
been issued in 171 1, located on the Cape Fear, might well
lead to an erroneous impression that there had been an
attempted settlement on that river about that time. The
use of blank patents had been general in all sections of
Bath County, and any attempt to destroy the validity of
titles based on them would necessarily lead to violent
antagonism ; and later Governor Burrington himself suc-
cessfully argued before the Board of Trade that these grants
were not to be disturbed.
As for the various affairs in which Burrington was made C- R , 111,
to appear at a disadvantage, there were probably two sides
to most of them — as in his conflict with Ashe about brand-
ing the mares, which presents quite a different appearance
when Burrington gives his version of the circumstances.
His own opinion of the people, expressed in a letter to "lsthepinion
the Board of Trade a year after his arrival, was that "the £°{leIIlt
inhabitants of North Carolina are not industrious, but subtle 338
and crafty to admiration ; always behaved insolently to their
governors ; some they have imprisoned, drove others out of
the country ; at other times, set up two or three supported
by men under arms. All the governors that were ever in
this province lived in fear of the people (except myself) and
dreaded their assemblies. The people are neither to be
cajoled, nor outwitted. Whenever a governor attempts any-
thing by these means he will lose his labor and show his
ignorance. They never gave the governor any present ex-
cept Sir Richard Everard. With him they agreed for £500
in bills to pass the pretended laws in 1729, in the name of
the Proprietors, when he was shown the act of Parliament
of the king's purchase. It must be allowed, were these acts
valid, the assemblymen made a good bargain for the people
they represented. "
These ideas of the characteristics of the people furnish
some key to Burrington's conduct. The crafty people seem
to have withstood him, but he had the resolution not to quail
before them. There was, indeed, no duplicity in his actions,
either in his private quarrels or his public controversies;
and had it not been for his infirmity of temper, notwith-
standing the zeal of the popular leaders to prevent unconsti-
242 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
Controver-
sial docu-
ments
C. R., Ill,
3»5. 356, 375.
450-457
tutional alterations in their government, his relations with
them might have been on a more pleasant footing. Still,
contests must have necessarily arisen, for he candidly
avowed that the people should be curbed, and he urged a
repeal of the biennial act, saying that "that act must be
repealed before the people of this country can be brought
into a good subjection"; and also the repeal of the act
appointing treasurers to the precincts, who he claimed had
the local influence to control the assemblymen ; and the neces-
sity of taking the power of the purse away from the
Assembly.
His position on these subjects alone was quite sufficient
to array the people strongly against him. As these and
other such questions involved the constitution of the prov-
ince, their discussion led to historical research of much
interest, and the papers written on those subjects not only
throw much light on the obscure history of the province,
but are highly creditable to the authors. Particularly note-
worthy is that of Rice and Ashe on the constitution of the
province, while those that relate to Moseley and Porter,
some written by Burrington himself, are often strong and
full of interest.
If this first administration of a royal governor was a
period of violent antagonism, it was also one of patriotic
fervor, although the personal controversies were so inter-
mixed with political action that it is difficult to separate
them. The basis of it all was a resolute purpose on the
part of the leading inhabitants to preserve the constitutional
rights of the province ; and the contest then begun continued
in one shape or another until the connection with the Crown
was brought to a close by the Revolution of 1776.
Still, in many respects Burrington's career gives indis-
putable proof that he sought to promote the progress of
the province. He made journeys to every part of the inhab-
ited country, examined the roads, urged the construction of
bridges, sought to organize the militia on a good footing and
to raise the standard of the precinct courts; and he urged
an extension of the general courts. He explored the har-
bors and caused charts to be made of Ocracoke, Beaufort,
and Cape Fear inlets, the only ones of use to the commerce
Burring-
ton's
progressive
action
C R., Ill,
37a. 435
THE SOUTH CAROLINA LINE 243
of the province, and he otherwise endeavored to render JJ*
his administration serviceable to the inhabitants; but per-
haps the best service he rendered was in deferring the c. r., hi,
running of the line as proposed between North and South UA% 37*' 435
Carolina, which, if once established, would have given to
South Carolina a large part of our interior territory, which
the South Carolinians coveted, for the directions at that time
were to run the dividing line thirty miles distant from the
Cape Fear River up to the head of that stream and then a
due west course.
The South Carolina authorities claimed that the Cape s£?tiR*T#
Fear River itself was the dividing line, and in support of g™1 m
that view they asserted that grants issued by that gov- >»* "34
ernment had been located on that river. It does appear
from a deed made by Schinking Moore to Richard Eagles,
March 14, 1763, recorded in the register's office of New
Hanover County, that a grant of 48,000 acres of land
was issued May 13, 1691, to Landgrave Thomas Smith,
and that said Smith and wife Mary conveyed to William gj*Jj^
Watters 700 acres thereof located on the northeast branch Co. Records,
of the Cape Fear River, just above the dividing of said 3S*313
rivers; and on April 21, 1736, Maurice Moore conveyed
to Colonel Thomas Merrick a tract of land lying at a place
called the Haulover, on the east side of the Cape Fear River,
"beginning at Landgrave Smith's corner tree," etc.
From these conveyances it would seem that Landgrave
Smith's tract was located on the Cape Fear River, and its
bounds were recognized after the permanent settlement.
Roger Moore, who came to the Cape Fear about 1725,
married a daughter of the Landgrave, and perhaps the fact
that that particular grant was located on the Cape Fear
may have in some degree influenced the removal of the
Moores, resulting in the permanent settlement of the
Cape Fear, which by some of the older residents was spoken
of as the third attempt to settle that river.
Many of the questions raised by Burrington in the course 2uHd°and
of his administration were not settled at that time. At unsettled
London they were referred to the law officers of the Crown,
good lawyers and fair men, who made a thorough examina-
tion before delivering an opinion ; and often there was long
244 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
l2* delay before the facts could be definitely ascertained war-
ex r., in, ranting a decision. In regard to the validity of the Great
Deed, the law office was apparently misled by Mr. Shelton,
the secretary of the Lords Proprietors, who declared that it
had never been recognized at all by the Lords Proprietors,
and it therefore held that the instrument was intended to
c. r., in, have onjy a temporary effect. When this opinion was com-
municated to Burrington he replied with considerable
vigor, urging the same view which the Assembly enter-
tained— that it was a valid grant and contract and could not
lawfully be ignored.
In regard to the validity of the currency act passed in
1729, it was held that all acts passed before Governor
Everard had notice of the sale to the king were valid ; any
passed after such notice were null. But that act being in
operation, it was never disallowed or annulled, and the paper
currency authorized by it continued to be the chief money
used in the province. Other questions remained undeter-
mined ; but it appearing that the governor had sat with the
councillors when the legislature was in session and had taken
part in the discussion and in the consideration of bills, he
was rebuked and reminded that as he represented the king,
his sole function was to allow or disallow bills that passed
the two houses, and that he must not meddle with the
Assembly. Such was the custom in England, and the purpose
was to conform the province to the customs at home. One
of his instructions was, "You shall take care that the mem-
bers of the Assembly be elected only by freeholders, as being
more agreeable to the custom of the kingdom, to which you
are as near as may be to conform yourself in all particulars."
That idea eventually commended itself to the people, and
subsequently they sought to model their legislature after
Parliament.
The. In the meantime the province received accessions in popu-
piovince r .
?Trs lation and made progress in importance. While the northern
344, 432, 433 section had grown more populous, requiring the erection of
Edgecombe Precinct, there being twenty families on the Tar
River alone, the opening up of the Cape Fear proved of still
greater consequence. Settlers were locating on both
branches of the river ; the wealthy South Carolina planters,
THE PROVINCE GROWS 245
who had removed to the lower portions of the river, had Jj**
begun the cultivation of rice, while saw-mills were erected
and the forests yielded for export tar, pitch, turpentine, staves
and plank. Bladen was being settled as well as Onslow.
John Maultsby had taken out, about 1731, a warrant for
six hundred and forty acres of land opposite the confluence
of the two branches of the Cape Fear; and John Watson
located a similar warrant adjoining and below that tract;
and in 1732 a few enterprising men had for trade settled
on Maultsby's entry and called the place New Liverpool, and
the next spring Michael Higgins, Joshua Granger, James
Wimble and John Watson joined in laying off a town, called
New Town or Newton, on the Watson entry, which soon
became a rival of Brunswick. Roads had been opened from
the Cape Fear to South Carolina, and two roads led to the
northward, one by the coast to New Bern and one by Rocky
Point to Edenton ; while there was easy communication by
water with Charleston, with the great sounds and with Nor-
folk. During one year forty-two vessels had sailed from
Brunswick well laden with valuable cargoes. The products SSESm
had so increased that in addition to those of the forests, and
of grain and tobacco, much live stock was sold abroad, many
cattle and at least fifty thousand fat hogs being yearly driven
to Virginia. Although there had been no great change in
the way of church privileges, yet there had been some im-
portant ones. John La Pierre, a Frenchman, who had come
to South Carolina in 1708, and had officiated on the Santee,
had about the year 1727 come to the Cape Fear, where he
remained several years. In 1732 Dr. Richard Marsden, who
had cast his fortune with the Cape Fear people some four
years earlier, had a charge at New River, which Burrington
was seeking to promote and develop, and where about one
hundred families had settled. For a time Rev. Bevin Gran-
ville officiated at Edenton and the surrounding country,
where he baptized over one thousand children. In Albemarle
there was one Presbyterian minister with a congregation
and there were four meeting houses of the Friends. In 1735
John Boyd was employed in the Northwest parish, where
he claims to have likewise baptized one thousand infants.
In that section he reported "no sects," but lower down the JjR., in
634
246 BURRINGTON'S SECOND ADMINISTRATION, 1731-34
Nov.. 1734 country there were a great many Quakers and Baptists ;
for Paul Palmer's work was indeed progressing.
c. r., in, Burrington had applied for permission to return to Eng-
land, and in expectation of receiving it in October, he filled
up the council board by the appointment of a number of
new members and called an Assembly to meet him at Eden-
ton on November 6th. When the Assembly met Moseley
was again chosen speaker ; but former antagonisms seem to
have largely subsided.
The last Assembly to meet Burrington
The governor addressed the Assembly in a conciliatory
speech complimenting the members, and "not doubting that
they would promote the passing of such acts as are recom-
mended or required in the king's instructions." Moseley,
as speaker, returned hearty thanks for his kind speech, and
added : 'That we are very glad you have conceived so good
an opinion of our understanding and capacity to serve this
province." In his reply the governor accepted "your answer
to my speech very kindly," and "assured them that the good
opinion he entertained of the wisdom and good intentions
of the members was grounded on the real merit he knew they
were possessed of ; and he wanted them to so act that "this
country may have reason to thank us at the end of this
session, and their posterity not only to remember us with
gratitude, but to bless our memories." As the temper of
the governor seemed to be not so arbitrary, the house itself
became more complacent. On the second day of the session
it ordered a bill to be prepared declaring that only free-
holders should vote, agreeably to the king's directions ; and
cr., 111, they ordered other bills to be brought in establishing the
three new precincts, Edgecombe, Onslow, and Bladen; and
were proceeding on a line that must have been very accept-
able to Governor Burrington when, on November 13th, it was
JlSscd' certified by proclamation that Governor Johnston had pub-
adminis1^- nsne^ his commission on the Cape Fear in open council.
tion Burrington's administration immediately closed. The house
proceeded no further in business, but stood dissolved, there
having been no act of Assembly passed during the whole
period that Burrington was governor.
CHAPTER XIX
Johnston's Administration, 1734-52
Governor Johnston arrives. — Burrington's enemies in the ascend-
ant— Johnston cordially received. — The Assembly and the governor.
—Disagreements. — Wilmington incorporated. — Immigrants. — McCul-
loh[s grants. — Swiss, Irish and Scotch. — The South Carolina
dividing line. — Clashing between the governor and the people. — The
new Assembly. — The governor appeals for instructions. — Precincts
converted into counties. — The compromise. — Progress in the colony.
—The chief justice impeached. — He dies. — Edward Moseley chief
justice. — The Spanish War. — Expedition to Cartagena. — The decision
of the Board of Trade. — The quit rents. — Body of laws. — Blank
patents. — The currency. — Governor's salary unpaid. — Matters in dis-
pute settled. — Granville, Johnston, and Duplin counties. — The Scotch
migration. — Anson County. — Granville's territory. — The unarmed re-
bellion.— The two repudiated acts. — The Assembly of 1747. — Northern
counties not represented. — They refuse obedience. — Spanish invasion.
— Brunswick attacked. — New currency act. — Efforts to displace
Johnston. — Local differences. — First printing press. — Yellow Jacket. —
The Palatines. — Wreck of Spanish fleet. — The contest between the
new and the old counties. — The cessation of courts in Albemarle. —
The end of Johnston's administration. — Two treasurers. — Growth at
the west — The Germans and Scotch-Irish. — Orange County. — Ex-
plorations by Spangenberg.
Governor Johnston arrives
On the arrival of Governor Gabriel Johnston at Cape Nov., 1734
Fear he was met with great cordiality by the gentlemen of
the vicinity, and he lost no time in assuming the reins of
government. There had been no change in the list of coun-
cillors originally appointed by Governor Burrington, except
that on Burrington's recommendation Roger Moore and
Cullen Pollock had been selected to fill vacancies, and now
Edward Moseley and Matthew Rowan were added to the
board. The suspensions and appointments made by Bur-
rington a few months earlier were unknown in London, and
were a surprise to Johnston when informed of them. On
November 2, 1734, Johnston opened his commission at
Brunswick in the presence of the gentlemen of the town and
248
JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
lJ* of councillors Robert Halton, Eleazar Allen and Roger
Moore, who had not attended Burrington's board then in
c r.. ivf 1 session with the Assembly at Edenton. Being informed that
Burrington had supplanted many officers illegally, the gov-
ernor on the day he qualified issued a proclamation com-
manding all officers, civil or military, who had been removed
or suspended to resume their offices and enter again on the
discharge of their duties ; and Smith, the chief justice ; Rice,
the secretary ; Halton and Edmond Porter at once took their
places at the council board.
Hanmer, lately appointed chief justice, and Burrington's
other appointees were now roundly and freely characterized
as base tools to work Burrington's arbitrary will on deserv-
ing gentlemen who had the manhood to disagree with him.
The tables were indeed completely turned ; and the late gov-
ernor's enemies being in control of the Assembly as well as
of the council, those who had fled the province, ostensibly
in fear of their lives, returned in triumph.
Adverting to the disorders that prevailed, Governor
Johnston ordered a court of oyer and terminer to be held
at Edenton on December 2d, and issued writs for the election
of an Assembly, which was to meet on January 15th. His
prompt and strenuous action, at once ignoring all courtesy
that might have been due to his predecessor and reversing
the whole course of the administration, was a bitter humilia-
tion to Burrington, who now left the province with his
family and returned to England, where he, however, con-
tinued to interest himself in North Carolina affairs.
About the middle of January the governor in great state
made his journey through the counties from Brunswick to
Edenton, where he met the Assembly, being received with
every manifestation of cordial approbation ; and, indeed, the
Assembly, generally so parsimonious, made an appropriation
of £1,300 to pay the expenses of his equipage on that
occasion.
Jan., 1735 Moseley being in the upper house, as the council was now
called when acting as a part of a law-making power, in con-
formity with the disposition to assimilate the Assembly to
Parliament, William Downing was chosen speaker of the
lower house ; and there was a continuation of the same influ-
Burring-
ton's
enemies in
the
ascendant
C. RM IV,
77. 81
Burrington
Soes to
England
C. R., IV,
45
Johnston
cordially
received
CURRENCY ISSUED 249
ences that formerly controlled the action of that body, and ™
the zeal of the representatives to maintain the rights of the
people was unabated.
On one point at least the governor, the council and the c.r.,iv,8i
house were agreed : they found a common ground in their
denunciation of Burrington and his appointees. Smith, the
oldest councillor, presided over the upper house ; and he and
Porter and Rice, along with Moseley and Moore, were fierce
in their arraignment of the deposed governor and of his
profligate tools and accomplices, alleging that they had per-
secuted and expelled from the province his Majesty's officers,
whose lives were in danger, and were only preserved by
timely and hasty flight; and the Assembly and Governor
Johnston heartily joined in the general condemnation.
In its first flush of patriotic ardor the Assembly made an The
allowance to the king of £1,300 for the service of the public anTS?*
in the province, and ordered bills to the amount of £10,000 «ovwnor
to be struck off ; and passed an act to call in the outstanding c R IV
paper money, which had been largely counterfeited, and to sr^xxY}?
issue £40,000 of new bills in exchange ; also acts limiting «7 '
suffrage to freeholders, according to the instructions of the
governor to conform the Assembly to Parliament ; and for
establishing; the precincts of Onslow and Bladen, allowing
them representatives in the house. But notwithstanding §£!& ***
this disposition to be on friendly terms with the governor,
the old points of controversy again arose to disturb the har-
mony; and especially was the house settled in its purposes
that the quit rents should be paid either in current paper
money or in produce on the farms, while the governor, who
was sustained by a majority of the council, held that they
were payable in specie.
Disagreement over the quit rents
When Chief Justice Smith was in England he learned that c. R-^jv,
the Lords Proprietors had ordered all enactments of the
Assembly to be certified to them, and such as were not con-
firmed by them were to expire at the end of two years ; and
as the practice of certifying the acts to the Proprietors for
confirmation had fallen into desuetude, he ascertained that
of the whole body of laws in the province only six had been
201, 190
250 JOHNSTONS ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
confirmed, and therefore he considered that all others had
ceased to have legal effect. So impressed was he with this
view that he submitted the matter to the law officers of the
Crown with a request for instruction; but no decision was
reached and no instruction was given at that time on the
points he raised.
Governor Johnston, however, had no hesitation in agree-
ing with Smith, and made this view the basis of his position
in discussing the quit-rent subject with the Assembly ; and
a majority of the council also sustained the chief justice
and Colonel Halton, to whom the matter of the rents had
been referred as a committee, in holding in effect that pay-
ments were to be made in silver, and that his Majesty could
collect his rents without asking the consent of the Assembly ;
and, indeed, the conduct of the chief justice was such that
in a controversy between him and Moseley, in the presence
of the speaker and other members of the house, Moseley,
giving way to his indignation, struck him, and was bound
over to the general court to answer for the assault.
The governor, who relied on the rents to pay his salary,
being sustained by the chief justice and a majority of the
council, also took the advanced position that two years after
the Great Deed was signed the Lords Proprietors, by their
action, revoked it, and it was therefore a nullity; and insist-
ing that the laws which had formerly been confirmed were
no longer operative, he declared that he would proceed to
collect the rents in silver, and that those who were not con-
tent to make the payments he demanded could settle up
arrears and move out of the province, abandoning their
homes and the lands they had improved. This suggestion
but added fuel to the flames ; and Moseley, to whose custody
the Great Deed had been committed by the previous Assembly,
now formally presented it to Speaker Downing for safe
keeping. Being unable to move the house from its position,
Johnston on March 1st made a great show of indignation and
prorogued the Assembly.
Undeterred by opposition, the governor asserted his pur-
pose to proceed ; and notwithstanding the general opinion
that there must be an act of Assembly providing for the col-
lection of the rents, he assumed that his personal views
C R,IV,
94
C. R., IV,
33
Quit rents
The
Great Deed
C. R., IV,
JOHNSTON QUARRELS OVER QUIT RENTS 251
should necessarily control, and he determined to make it ws
plain that he was master of the situation, and issued a proc-
lamation requiring all rents to be at once paid to the receiver-
general. However, he so far yielded to the circumstances 67 " '
of the inhabitants as to assent that the rents might be paid
in paper currency instead of silver, but at the rate of seven
for one; and if not voluntarily paid, the receiver was to
distrain ; and in that case eight for one was to be exacted ;
and he proceeded to erect a court of exchequer, with Smith
as chief baron, the particular business of the court being to
enforce the collection of the rents. There was, however, no c. rm iv,
receiver in the province, the king's receiver-general, John ,5
Hamerton, being a resident of South Carolina ; so to facili-
tate the collections Eleazar Allen was appointed receiver for
North Carolina, a proceeding which so angered Hamerton
that he issued a proclamation warning the people not to make
any payment to Allen. But this only served to rouse the
governor's spirit, and he ordered that assistant receivers
should be appointed to attend at every precinct court house
and make distress if need be. Some rumors of discontent
were heard because of this new turn of affairs, and the
governor was astute in selecting and appointing militia
officers who would sustain his administration. He did not c R IV 8
propose to brook opposition to his methods, and was ready to
enforce his will at every hazard.
Nearly all of the councillors then resided on the Cape Fear,
and the growing importance of that region, together with
its fine navigable river, led the governor at first to make that
his residence instead of Edenton.
He was, however, at points with the Moores because of
their landholdings, some of their lands having been obtained
under old blank patents, which they had bought, and which
the governor considered as in fraud of the rights of the
king; and he viewed the town of Newton with more favor
than he did Brunswick, and perhaps determined to locate
there.
Wilmington incorporated
Immediately on his return from Edenton, in 1735, doubt- caRh'iv735
less at his instance, an application was made to the council 43
252 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
J™ to incorporate that rival of the older settlement in which
the Moores were interested, but the councillors apprehended
that they had not the power.
However, he proceeded to give signal proofs of his favor
to Newton. He ordered that on May 13th a land office
c. r.,iv, should be opened there; also on the same day a court of
441 45 oyer and terminer was appointed to be held there ; also the
court of exchequer, of which William Forbes and James
Innes were designated as assistant barons ; and likewise the
council. Truly, that May 13, 1735, was a gala day for the
little village, which had already made progress in its struggle
for trade and importance against the established seat of local
government lower down. The governor, realizing its ad-
vantageous situation, threw all of his influence to secure its
ascendancy. He bought land there, as did also Colonel
Halton, Captain Innes, Captain Rowan and Woodward, the
surveyor-general, and James Murray, who came to be a close
friend to the governor ; and the next year an act was intro-
duced to incorporate the town under the name of Wilming-
ton, in honor of the governor's patron at Court; but the
Moores were able to defeat the measure in the house. How-
ever, a session or two later the bill was brought forward
Wilmington again. The council was composed of eight members. The
incorporated ° i o
presiding officer, Chief Justice Smith, voted for the bill,
making a tie ; and he then voted a second time to break the
tie ; and the bill being hurried to the house, was put through
before the Moores had time to oppose its passage. This
occasioned a strong remonstrance from those interested in
Brunswick, who protested that it was illegal for a member
of the council to cast two votes. At the next session the
house again passed the bill to cure this alleged defect.
Immigrants
Attention now began to be attracted to North Carolina,
and particularly to the region drained by the Cape Fear
River, as a home for settlers, and Governor Johnston stimu-
lated interest among his friends in Great Britain by his
c. r., iv, letters and representations. Before he had been in the gov-
ernment a year he was in communication with Mr. Dobbs
and some other gentlemen of distinction in Ireland, and
THE McCULLOH GRANTS 253
with Henry McCulloh, a kinsman of his and a merchant in ggs
London, relative to their sending over families; and Captain c.r.,iv,7j
Woodward, as their attorney, selected a tract on Black River,
in New Hanover, of sixty thousand acres for them ; and in
January, 1736, McCulloh petitioned the Board of Trade for
two other tracts, one at the head of the Northeast and the
other at the head of the Northwest River, which were c r.,iv,
allowed him. Simultaneously with this movement, Governor 5%rtsi9
Burrington, then in London, and Mr. Jenner proposed to
settle a colony of Swiss between the Neuse and the Cape c. r., iv,
Fear rivers, and asked that a new precinct should be laid ,s6»X57
off in that region for them; but later the location desired
was changed to one nearer the mountains. However, this McCuHoh'*
proposed colony seems eventually to have been merged in
McCulloh's undertaking. This enterprising gentleman was
appointed by Governor Johnston his agent in England, and
he also secured an appointment as inspector-general of the
grants and revenues of the king in South and North Caro- £** IV»
Una; and a few months later, having associated two mer-
chants, Huey and Crymble, and some other gentlemen with
him, he obtained an order for twelve tracts of land of one
hundred thousand acres each, not to be at a greater dis-
tance from each other, however, than ten miles, and each
tract to be subdivided into eight equal parts. For these tracts
the grantees were not to begin to pay quit rents until the
expiration of ten years, having that time for settlement. The
grants were ordered to be located on the head waters of
Neuse, Peedee and Cape Fear rivers, and they were the
basis of the immense land interest subsequently held by
McCulloh in North Carolina.
To induce the immigration of settlers, it was urged that Letter of a
the climate on the Cape Fear was as good as that of England ; ya ,st
that living was cheap ; that fortunes were easily made ; that
those who came early and took up land would find that its
value was doubled yearly, as had been the case on the lower
part of that river. These inducements appealed strongly to
enterprising young men to leave the well-occupied marts of
Britain and seek their fortunes in a country where hope
promised them such advantages. Captain Innes, a man of
unusual merit, seems to have accompanied the governor when
254
JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
1736
Tames
Murray
Free Masons
SwUs, Irish
and Scotch
C. R.% IV,
685-687
The South
Carolina
dividing
line
he arrived, and among those who were induced through the
influence of the governor to come over in the fall of 1735
was James Murray, a young Scotchman, then resident at
London, who brought with him a stock of goods, and arrived
on the Cape Fear January 1, 1736. Not being able to
obtain a house at Newton as he had intended, he opened
his store at Brunswick, where he found ready sale for all
of his merchandise except "wigs." These fashionable orna-
ments of dress, much to Murray's disgust, he was unable to
dispose of, either at Charleston or on the Cape Fear.
But if the people would not wear wigs, they nevertheless
brought with them the ideas and habits of the people at
home. In 1735 they made application to the Grand Lodge
of England for a charter of a Free Mason's lodge, which was
granted under the name of Solomon Lodge ; and one of the
first buildings erected in the village of Wilmington was a
Mason's lodge.
The first considerable number of families coming together
were Swiss, who arrived about the end of 1736, and a colony
of Irish, who were settled on the upper waters of the North-
east ; among the latter being Colonel Sampson, the Owens,*
Kenans and Walkers; and in September, 1739, the McNeals,
Duncan Campbell, Colonel McAlister and several other
Scotch gentlemen brought over three hundred and fifty
Scotch people, who settled in the western part of Bladen
Precinct. Earlier a colony of Welsh settled in the upper
part of New Hanover County, on what has since been known
as the "Welsh Tract."f To encourage such colonies the
Assembly exempted from taxation for ten years all bodies of
Protestants settling in the province numbering forty persons,
and in particular appropriated £1,000 for the benefit of the
Scotch settlers.
Governor Burrington having fortunately postponed
settling the boundary line of South Carolina, Governor
Johnston appointed commissioners for that purpose, one of
♦The Holmes family appears to have located at first in Edge-
combe and then to have removed to Duplin.
Fecordi fin March, 1737. the Welsh Tract extended from Burgaw Creek
Hanover to Widow Moore's on Black River, and then to the bounds of the
Coumy,i737 precinct, embracing Duplin and Sampson counties.
JOHNSTON URGES PROGRESS 255
whom was Eleazar Allen. The commissioners met at Allen's g3s
residence, Lilliput, near Brunswick, on April 23, 1735, and
agreed that a due west line should be run from Cape Fear
along the seacoast for thirty miles, and then proceed north-
west to the thirty-fifth degree of north latitude, and then run
west. A week later they ran the line to Little River, and in f R» XI«
September continued it seventy miles to the northwest ; and
two years later it was extended in the same direction twenty-
two miles. There the work was discontinued until 1764,
when the line was run west to the vicinity of Catawba River.
When the receivers first began to collect the rents, which
were then several years in arrears, many persons paid, and £6Rm 1V»
the governor was much gratified at the success of his plan
of proceeding without the sanction of the Assembly ; but at
length, on rents being demanded in Chowan, Moseley re-
fused to give his countenance to a proceeding he deemed
illegal and subversive of the rights of the people. He de-
clined to pay, and others thereupon stood with him, and
collections almost wholly ceased.
While his officers were meeting with success the governor The new
had had no use for an Assembly, and being determined to se^t.?Sj6
set his face against the biennial act, under which elections %^tl
were held without his writs, he dissolved the Assembly so
chosen in September, 1735, without permitting it to convene.
The next year he issued his writs for a special election of
assemblymen, and convened the Assembly in September, 1736.
In his address to that body he urged that the interests of
the people and of the province would be best subserved by
promoting religion and education, and asked that provision
should be made for public worship, and that at least one
school should be established in the province. The house
at that time, however, had more pressing matters to con-
sider than the academic promotion of virtue, and called the
attention of the governor to the unlawful action of those who
were collecting rents under his orders, and declared that
their conduct was an intolerable grievance. Nevertheless,
the house passed a fee bill, which the governor rejected, and
also a bill providing for a rent roll and for the collection
of rents, and for quieting possessions, by the provisions of
which all blank patents were declared valid, the validity of
256 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
.'** the Great Deed reaffirmed and the rents declared payable in
commodities, rated at specified values ; and the value of the
paper money was to be annually fixed by a commission com-
posed of the governor, four members of the council and the
speaker and six members of the Assembly, to be chosen by
ai'ifa^' tne nouse- This bill was so clogged with provisions which,
in the opinion of a majority of the council, were detrimental
to his Majesty's interest, that the upper house rejected it,
and the governor, having twice unavailingly called the house
to attend him, prorogued the obstinate Assembly until
March; and when it then met, the house having ordered
into custody the officers who had been collecting the rents
from unwilling citizens under compulsion from fear of
distraint, the governor promptly dissolved it.
The In the meantime Governor Johnston had immediately after
?ppcTfor the adjournment of the first Assembly made a full representa-
tion to the Board of Trade of the differences between the
people and himself. He had urged that the Great Deed had
been revoked by the Lords Proprietors ; that except six un-
important laws the former legislative enactments had never
been confirmed and were now nullities; that especially the
biennial act ought to be repealed; that the blank patents
ought to be set aside ; and he asked instructions as to these
matters as well as in regard to the Assembly's contention
c. r.,iv, about the rents. But the Board of Trade took no heed and
*5° his appeals for direction were in vain. No instructions
having been received in reply to his request. Governor
Johnston now advised the Crown officers at home that unless
the old laws were annulled his Majesty would have very
little to do in his province, for the people had taken especial
care to make themselves independent both of the Crown and
of the Lords Proprietors ; and he asked that a company of
troops, that would not be under the direction of the Assembly,
might be sent to the province and he be commissioned as
captain of it. Evidently the governor was minded to carry
c r., iv, out hjg w-]j an(j pltrp0ses even by force if necessary ; and
perhaps there was some occasion for troops, for when at
the general court a man was imprisoned for insulting the
marshal of the court, the people of Bertie and Edgecombe,
understanding that his offence was non-payment of quit
QUIT-REN1 TROUBLES 257
rents, rose to the number of five hundred and approached 7*
Edenton with the purpose of rescuing him, cursing the king,
and with their hearts full of rebellion. While it was only
in these two precincts that the people openly embodied, yet
the seeds of insurrection were widely disseminated, and the
governor hastened to advise McCulloh that the biennial act
should at once be repealed and that the people should be
warned and commanded by a royal proclamation to obey
the governor. With this spur, the Board of Trade during c. r., iv,
the summer obtained from the king an order repealing that ju!y,i737
law; and conformably thereto, in November Governor
Johnston issued a proclamation giving notice of its repeal. JJj.etnnial
Such was the ending of one of the muniments of liberty "p**1*1
and safeguards of freedom which Shaftesbury had embodied
in his celebrated Fundamental Constitutions in the early days
of the settlement.
At an Assembly held in New Bern in March, 1739, the dis- JjJJJUSd
position to fashion the province after the model of England »nto
had its effect, and an act was passed converting the precincts s. r ,
into counties, and for appointing sheriffs in each of them, *"*
but as that necessarily supplanted the official functions of the
marshal, that office was abolished, and Colonel Halton was
allowed a money consideration for his damages. Provision
was also made for holding circuit courts, and at an adjourned
session a month later the struggle over the quit-rent trouble,
which had lasted so many years, was adjusted by a compro-
mise, which was very agreeable to the governor, provision
being made for a rent roll and the rents to be paid in a p,*"1^1
limfted number of commodities, such only as the governor
approved — tobacco, hemp, flax, deer skins and beeswax ; and
the value of the provincial currency was to be fixed by a
commission as in the bill formerly rejected by the council.
One of the considerations for the passage of this bill by the
Assembly was that it confirmed the blank patents, in which
nearly all of the chief men of the province were in some
measure interested, and it gave an assurance of title to lands
which they had improved, in some instances at great ex-
pense.
On the other hand, the governor and his officers had for
some time been without compensation for their services, and
258
JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
X739
Proere*
in the
colony
Products
Chief
Justice
Smith
impeached
as this arrangement opened the way for the payment of their
salaries, it was very gratifying to his Excellency, who
hastened to send the act to England with his approval and
urgent request for its confirmation. In the meanwhile, not
doubting that it would be confirmed, he put it into operation,
and that cause of disagreement between the administration
and the opposition was regarded as entirely removed. Still,
the antagonism between the governor and the Moores, who
were spoken of by the administration as "the family," re-
mained ;* but this cause of difference being settled, Eleazar
Allen abandoned the governor and joined '*the family," which
put the administration in the minority in the council. This
unexpected defection of Allen led the governor to immedi-
ately appoint as councillor James Murray, on whose fidelity
he could rely.
The exports of the Cape Fear River had now become rel-
atively considerable. The vast pine forests were filled with
light wood, being the heart of the resinous pine after the
body of the fallen tree had decayed many years before, and
the business of making tar engaged a large part of the popu-
lation; indeed, so much of this staple article of commerce
was speedily produced that the markets of the world soon
became overstocked. The Moores and their friends, who
together had brought some twelve hundred slaves to the
settlement, began in 1735 the culture of rice, of which large
crops were now being produced for export; and in 1738
George Lillington reported to the Assembly that he had
brought the culture of indigo to perfection ; while particular
efforts were made in various parts of the province to grow
hemp and flax. The silkworm was also introduced, saw-
mills had been erected, bricks were burned, and much prog-
ress was made in comfortable living as well as in profitable
commerce.
There had been constant accessions to population, and the
chief matters of difference between the people at large and
the administration having been settled, an era of good will
was ushered in, and there was a period of quietude and of
steady growth. Still the chief justice did not give satisfac-
tion in his courts. In some measure he seems to have
♦Murray's "Letters of a Loyalist."
THE BUSH ASSEMBLY 259
justified the opinion expressed of him by Burrington, and w
there were many complaints of his irregular proceedings.
At length, in 1739, matters reached a crisis, and there was
a determination to impeach him. The Assembly was to have
met in New Bern in November, but because of adverse winds c. r.,.iv,
the members from Albemarle, who were coming by water, ,51' 35a
were delayed, and only twenty-six members at first appeared.
That number was sufficient for a quorum and the body might
have been organized. But the chief justice had been very
useful to the governor, and it was alleged that in order to
protect this officer, with the governor's connivance, resort
was had to management, and Smith procured four members
to take to the bushes and absent themselves, thus preventing
an organization. After waiting two or three days, a majority
of the council advised a dissolution — advice which the gov-
ernor hastened to follow, and the impending impeachment
was thus avoided. From the method pursued to break the
quorum that Assembly became known among the people as
the "Bush Assembly." A new election was, however, at once Feb., 1740
ordered, and when the body met Smith managed to secure 468, 5^0, 'y*
the good will of a majority by promising to have pissed a
certain bill allowing some additional commodities to be re-
ceived in payment of taxes and in discharge of debts, the
rating of these commodities to be at a very high value. Sir
Richard Everard, the son of the former governor, however,
presented and pressed the resolution of impeachment, setting
out in detail some eighteen impeachable offences ; but a
majority of the house, being thus won over to the cause of
the chief justice, cut short the time for bringing forward
the testimony, and by a preponderance of six votes held that
the evidence presented was insufficient to justify the pro-
ceeding. So Smith not only thus avoided the blow, but,
indeed, during the year found an opportunity of dealing one
to his old enemy, Hanmer, who had been used by Burrington
to keep him out of his office. Hanmer was charged with per-
jury and tried before Smith and convicted. He begged
for mercy, but Smith was obdurate, and imposed on him such
a heavy punishment that in 1743 Hanmer, being then released
from prison, petitioned the Crown for relief against the chief
justice, who, he alleged, had persecuted him and destroyed
26o
JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
Moseley
chief
justice
The
his fortune and wrecked his health. Smith, however, did not
survive long enough to engage in this new controversy. In
1744 he died, and John Montgomery succeeded him as chief
justice ; himself surviving only a few months, when Edward
Moseley was appointed to the position.
For years there had been a constant disregard by the
English traders of the commercial regulations which Spain
had thrown around the commerce of her American colonies
with a view of excluding foreign trade and maintaining an
exclusive dealing with the mother country. The contract
of the English for the importation of negroes, known as the
paim 1 war Asiento, increased their facilities for smuggling and main-
taining an illicit trade with the Spanish colonies, which was
carried on with great gain, particularly by the merchants of
Jamaica. There were besides other causes of differences be-
tween England and Spain, which, however, in the spring of
1739 had been amicably settled by a convention; but the
convention was not promptly carried into effect, and the
English traders, fearing that their trade would be cut off
by it, were clamorous in demanding a "free sea" even in
the Spanish Main.* To please them war was declared with
Spain on a point that was of unusual interest to the English
colonies in America, as it related to unrestrained commercial
intercourse with the Spanish settlements to the southward.
In view of these hostilities, in the summer of 1740 Gov-
ernor Johnston received instructions to raise such troops
as could be obtained in the province, and he called a special
session of the Assembly to make provision for them. The
members were zealous in their patriotic ardor, and with
notable unanimity appropriated £12,000 sterling for the
maintenance of the levies; and the governor hired four
vessels at Edenton, three companies of a hundred men each
being raised in the northern counties, and one vessel at Wil-
mington, where a hundred men enlisted, to convey them on
the expedition. So ready were the people to go that many
c. r , IV,
4*x
*While the merchants were clamoring, one Jenkins, a sailor, ap-
peared before Parliament and exhibited one of his ears that had
been cut off by the Spaniards. This turned the scale against Wal-
pole's peace policy, and the war became known as "the war of
Jenkins's ear."
THE SPANISH WAR 261
more companies could have been obtained had adequate pro- w
vision been made for them.
These troops were originally intended to operate with the Expedition
expedition under General Oglethorpe against St. Augustine, to rta*en*
and some of them were despatched on that service. That
expedition having failed, they sailed for Jamaica, where the
British forces were concentrated. Captain Innes commanded
one company, and with him were Lieutenant Pringle and
Lieutenant Douglass, who appear to have come from Eng-
land. They sailed from Wilmington on November 26, 1740,
and were actively engaged in the West Indies. Later these
forces were in Admiral Vernon's expedition against Carta-
gena, where, after meeting with some successes, the want
of co-operation between the army and the navy worked their
ruin. Not only were there great losses on the land, but
after the troops were driven to re-embark a fever broke out
among them and nine out of ten of the colonial contingent
succumbed to disease, the entire loss in the expedition being
over 20,000 men. But few of the North Carolina troops
returned. That they bore an honorable part in the opera-
tions may be gathered from the fact that Lieutenant Pringle
was wounded at the siege of Boca-Chica, while Captain
Innes won such distinction and his merit was so thoroughly
recognized that in 1756 he was appointed commander-in-chief
of the Virginia forces. Colonel Washington was glad to
serve under him.
The decision of the Board of Trade
After the act relating to the rents had been in operation w
some two years the governor was humiliated at receiving
information that it had been disallowed by the king. The Quit-rent
passage of the act had been obtained by him after a long dlTaiiowed
conflict with the Assembly, and it happily settled many con-
tentions; but the half dozen merchants in London trading
to North Carolina protested against the provision which
allowed a commission to fix the value of the currency; and
for that reason the entire settlement of the vexed questions
was annulled. It is no wonder that the governor's patience
was taxed beyond measure by this untoward and unwise
action. But that was not his only disappointment; the other
262 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
l2£ questions submitted by him were all decided practically ad-
c. rmiv, verse to the positions he had taken. In February, 1738, the
287 law officers made their adverse report, but it was held up
three years at London and not communicated to Governor
Johnston until 1741, notwithstanding his anxious solicitude
Great Deed *or decisive instructions. In regard to the Great Deed, it was
held that that instrument was revocable, but that its revoca-
tion could not affect grants made while it was in operation ;
and whether it was revoked by the commission and instruc-
tions to Governor Sayle in 1669, as contended by Johnston
and McCulloh, depended on whether Albemarle was within
Sayle's territory — which, indeed, had been limited to "south
and west of Cape Carteret"; and even were it within that
territory, the board considered that a long and quiet enjoy-
ment of land would cure all defects of title.
The The greater question was as to the payment of the quit
quit rents ° , . ... ... n« •««
rents, and its decision was entirely in conflict with the gov-
ernor's views and sustained Moseley and the Assembly at
all points in the controversy. It was held that the rents
were not payable in specie, but might be paid in commodities
at the market value, and that the place of payment was on
the farms.
c r., iv, Concerning Johnston's contention that the whole body of
291 the laws were a nullity, it was decided that as they had been
Laws in use among the people and acquiesced in by the Proprietors
confirmed ^ey were not void and could not be repealed by the Crown ;
still they made an exception in regard to the biennial act,
and held that it was in the province of the king to repeal
and annul that for special reasons, as had been done.
.BI;,.n.!trc After a full examination into the matter of blank patents,
the nature of which was fully explained to them by Gov-
ernor Rurrington, the law officers decided that notwithstand-
ing the Lords Proprietors had ordered their land office to
be closed, yet the patents were good if the Proprietors were
made privy to them, or had afterward received the con-
sideration money ; but those issued after notice of the king's
purchase were not good ; and they held that the circumstance
C.R., iv, that the patents were blank as to boundaries was not of
itself sufficient to avoid them; and if any of the patents
were voidable, the proper course to annul them was by infor-
p.itcnts
332
THE BOARD ADVERSE TO JOHNSTON'S CLAIMS 263
mation in the courts. These decisions, however, were not xj£
for three years communicated to the governor, who in
ignorance of them had maintained his position on the matters
involved with partisan loyalty and devoted zeal in behalf
of what he regarded were the legal rights of his sovereign. c R IV
Disheartened in the extreme, for the only gratification he 583
had enjoyed was in the repeal of the biennial act, the
governor, receiving no salary whatever, nevertheless con-
tinued to apply unavailingly for new instructions, until at
length, in 1747, the humiliating answer came that he had
better try to get a new act passed for the collection of rents
not containing the objectionable feature of a commission to
fix the value of the currency that had caused the rejection
of the former act. He had asked for bread and they gave
him a stone.
But notwithstanding this ill-usage, Governor Johnston currency
would abate nothing from the tenor of his original instruc- lenforone
tions, and the receivers of rents would not settle them for
commodities, and now rated the provincial currency at only
one-tenth the value of specie. As great as was this rate
of depreciation, it was equaled in the neighboring province of
South Carolina, where for three-quarters of a century the
currency was never at a less discount than 700 per cent;
and where twenty-eight of the merchants of Charleston
having, in 1722, presented a memorial complaining of broken
pledges in not retiring the currency, the Assembly ordered
them all into the custody of its officers.
The people of North Carolina, however, were not content Governor's
with having their currency rated so low, and abstained from JjJjUd'
paying their rents; and so little money was collected that
the governor's salary remained unpaid ; and especially was
this the case after the northern part of the province had
been set apart to Earl Granville, the rents in arrears as well
as those annually to accrue in that territory after 1744 being
the individual property of that Proprietor, while those accru-
ing in the lower portion of the province, which had not been
so long settled, were of comparatively insignificant value.
Embarrassed by his pecuniary condition, other matters bore
equally hard on the governor. Civil war was raging in his
264 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
Matters in
dispute
settled
native country,* where the young Stuart prince had erected
the standard of his father and had gathered around him
his zealous Highlanders, while the low-country Scotch, being
Presbyterians and followers of John Knox, adhered to the
Protestant house of Hanover. The situation of his kindred
and friends gave him much concern ; and because of the war
with Spain and then with France, the seacoast of the prov-
ince was opened to easy assault, and its defenceless con-
dition was the occasion of much uneasiness; forts should
be built and a militia organized; assemblies and general
courts had been constantly held at Edenton, which was too
inaccessible as a seat of government, and a more convenient
location was desired, where the officers should reside and
the public records be kept ; the acts of the Assembly were in
confusion and a codification indispensable; the time for
which the provincial bills were to run was about to expire,
and provision should be made for renewing them; while
other subjects of almost equally grave importance claimed
attention. Yet assemblies would meet, and because of
jealousy between the houses or disagreements with the gov-
ernor, little or nothing was accomplished. Still, one by one
these subjects were considered, and occasionally some would
be acted upon, except alone that establishing a seat of gov-
ernment; as to that there was an irreconcilable difference
between the houses, the northern members of the Assembly
insisting on Bath, the governor and the council, of whom a
majority resided on the Cape Fear, proposing New Bern;
so there could be no agreement.
Granville
and
Johnston
counties
1746
C. R., IV,
831, 834
Westward expansion
But whatever were the perplexities of government, the
province continued to grow in population and importance.
Virginians from the beginning had flocked across the border.
After the old precincts at Albemarle were well occupied,
these immigrants from the adjoining province possessed
themselves of Bertie, and there the population became so
numerous that in 1741 the new county of Northampton had
to be erected. Five years later the first settlement that the
Virginians had mndc on the Tar had so expanded that Edge-
*It is said that Governor Johnston's brothers were in this rising.
IMMIGRANTS ARRIVE 265
combe had to be divided, and Granville was portioned off l*£
on the western frontier; while in like manner Johnston
County (first proposed to be named Essex) was formed from s.r.,xxiii
the western part of Craven, extending up the course of the
Neuse.
In New Hanover 22,000 acres of land had been surveyed
for McCulloh between the Northeast and Black rivers, and
50,000 acres were located for him a little higher up, which
were under the care of Dr. William Houston, near Soracte
and the Golden Grove, where the Irish and Swiss settlers had
been established in 1736. In 1736 George Vaughan, a bar- §JSd»
rister of Dublin, Ireland, purchased of a Mr. Hewitt 12,000 New
. , . f . . Hanover
acres of land situated in this territory and apparently a part County
of the 50,000 acres laid off for McCulloh and his associates ; 1064 " '
and the next year, 1737, John Sampson, a nephew of
Vaughan, settled on the tract as agent. Three years later
Vaughan resolved to appropriate the land, together with one
hundred slaves, to the purpose of Christianizing five Indian
tribes* then said to be in the vicinity ; and under an arrange-
ment Sampson sought to carry out these general purposes,
but for some reason the plan appears to have miscarried.
Indeed, the settlement of upper New Hanover prospered so
well that in 1749 a new county was formed out of that terri-
tory, at first proposed to be called "Donegal," or Fane,
but on consideration was named Duplin, in honor of Lord county
Dupplin, one of the Board of Trade.
And even a still more interesting movement was witnessed P-..R-» IV*
on the other branch of the Cape Fear. Some Scotchmen had
been induced, perhaps through the influence of Governor
Johnston, to come to that region shortly after his appoint-
ment, and later there were large accessions of the same
population. In 1739 Colonel McAlister arrived with three
hundred and fifty Scotchmen in one body. After the disaster m|]^Si2„ch
at Culloden the adherents of Charles Edward were put to
the sword and threatened with extermination. The chieftains
and more prominent leaders were quickly despatched, while
the humbler people were hunted like wild animals in a chase
and butchered without compunction of conscience. The
♦Indian relics arc still found widely scattered throughout Duplin
and Sampson counties.
266
JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
1746
CuUoden
Highlanders
in Cumber-
land, 1746
Vass, Hist.
New Bern
Presby.
Church
Anson
County
C. R., IV,
888, 1064
bloody work was, however, at length arrested by a tardy
proclamation of mercy, and a pardon was issued under the
great seal exempting from the death penalty nineteen out of
twenty who had escaped the terrible slaughter. To deter-
mine who should be the victims of this melancholy fate, there
was resort to the haphazard chance of casting the lot. Those
undefended by fortune perished, the other nineteen being
adjudged to suffer only expatriation — a merciful boon, per-
petual exile. The removal of entire clans was enforced, and
hundreds who, not being involved in the trouble, might have
remained in their desolated country preferred to abandon
their beloved mountains and share the fortunes of their com-
patriots rather than remain in their deserted homes. Indeed,
the feudal tenures of the olden time were then destroyed,
and the ties that bound the clansmen to their chiefs passed
away, introducing new conditions that were intolerable to
the Highlanders. Some influences turned the tide of migra-
tion to the upper Cape Fear, where a number of their High-
land companions had already located. So that in 1746 the
vicinity of the present town of Fayetteville was occupied
by a considerable colony of these unhappy Scotchmen, and
shipload after shipload of these unfortunate people disem-
barked at Wilmington and then penetrated far into the
wilderness of the interior. In 1749 Neal McNeal at one
time brought over five hundred with him, and they scattered
through Bladen, Anson and what is now Cumberland
counties. Five years later the stream began to flow again,
and from that time onward there were constant arrivals from
the Highlands of Scotland, until a vast territory was occu-
pied by them. Beliol, of Jura, one of the Hebrides Islands,
found employment for a vessel regularly engaged in bringing
in annually Scotch emigrants, who were reared almost within
hail of classic Iona, the hallowed home of primitive Presby-
terianism. Even as late as in 1775 a colony of three hundred
and fifty arrived, and joined their kindred on the upper Cape
Fear.
From South Carolina other colonists had pushed up the
Peedee, taking possession of the fine lands along that river
far to the west of the Bladen settlements, so that in Septem-
ber, 1748, they besought the council for the benefit of a new
ANSON COUNTY ORGANIZED 267
county, saying that there were between two hundred and lj£
three hundred white tithables in the Peedee country a hun-
dred miles distant from the court-house ; and in answer to s.r.,xxiii
their prayer a county was established called Anson, in honor 343
of the brave commodore whose fame at that time was
resounding throughout the world. Indeed, so rapid had been £'xRm iv'
the progress of settlement that when, in 1746, Moseley and
the other commissioners for running the Granville line
reached the Saxapahaw, at the present southeast corner of
Chatham County, they found settlers and houses already
there, though the country was but sparsely occupied, and
the region to the west was as yet uninhabited.
Sir John Carteret, who held high office at Court, perhaps Granville's
animated by an ambition to be the sole possessor of immense termory
territories in the New World, had, in 1729, declined to dis-
pose of his share on the purchase by the Crown of Carolina,
and by the king's command his portion was set apart to him
in severalty adjoining Virginia, and the dividing line was
agreed to be the parallel of latitude 35° and 34', by which
about two-thirds of the province became his individual prop-
erty. Carteret, by the death of his mother, had just then
succeeded to the title of Lord Granville. He had the year
before overthrown the Walpole administration, and was sec-
retary of state ; and he had uncontrolled ascendancy over the
king, and was "not only the most brilliant debater, but the
ablest statesman of his time."
In the winter of 1743 his line was run from Hatteras to His line nm
Bath, and in the spring of 1746 it was continued to Saxapa-
haw, passing near the present towns of Snow Hill and
Princeton ; and when extended farther west it became
eventually the southern boundary of the counties of Chatham,
Randolph, Davidson, and Rowan. From the time it was
run all the interest of the Crown ceased in the rents within
that extensive territory, they belonging exclusively to Gran-
ville, who appointed Moseley and Halton his agents for col-
lecting the rents and making grants in his name.
This division of the province between the king and Gran-
ville, and the conflicting interests of the northern and
southern counties, and the desire of the governor to estab-
lish a seat of government in New Bern, led to one of the
268 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
I7!6 most strenuous struggles that marked the course of public
affairs.
The unarmed rebellion
The Assembly was composed of fifty-four members, of
whom, as the northern counties had five each while the
southern counties had but two, the majority always lay with
Albemarle ; so to compass his purpose with regard to estab-
lishing a seat of government the governor skilfully resorted
Nov., 1746 to management. An Assembly having met in New Bern in
•70 ' ' June, 1746, and the houses having disagreed as between Bath
and New Rem, the governor prorogued the body to meet at
Wilmington in November, at a time when the northern mem-
bers would be engaged in sending their cattle and hogs to
Virginia for sale, and could not conveniently attend at so
remote a place. The Albemarle representatives, relying on
their power to break a quorum by remaining away, agreed
on that course and did not go to the Cape Fear. In former
years the result would have answered their expectations ; but
with the growing importance of the Cape Fear region and
the divergence of interests that had arisen between the sec-
tions new conditions had come to defeat these calculations.
bW 1V* When the house assembled, there being eight old members
and seven newly elected, fifteen in all, in attendance, the
speaker, Sam Swann, calling to his aid the rule of the British
Parliament by which 40 members out of 556 constituted a
quorum, declared a quorum present, and the house proceeded
to business. Only two bills were passed, but these were of
great importance. By one of them the seat of government
was fixed permanently at New Bern, where public papers
were required to be kept, instead of at the private residences
of the officers in the different parts of the province, as
had been the practice; and circuit courts were established
to be held throughout the province; while the other
was intended to destroy the inequality of representation by
allowing to each county in the province two representatives
and no more. This was a direct blow at the northern coun-
ties, which the Albemarle people furiously resented. They
declared that by the constitution of the province the original
Albemarle counties had a right to five members, of which
THE UNARMED REBELLION 269
they could not be deprived ; and that a quorum of the house w
consisted of a majority of all the members, and that a less
number could not lawfully pass a bill. They asserted that
the governor had by artifice and trick devised this proceeding,
and as they had fallen into the trap, they now prepared to
meet the emergency by a counter-plot. By agreement, they £hU(|£°.d
were to abstain from attending future sessions; and their »«*
declaration that the act establishing the seat of government |?5.&4
and appointing commissioners to erect the public building at e " ,747
New Bern was a nullity raised an obstacle in the way of
giving effect to that law which could not be overcome, and
the buildings were not erected. The governor issued writs
for a new Assembly to meet in February, ordering the
sheriffs to return but two members from any county, but
the Albemarle people disregarded these instructions and
voted for five members as formerly. Throughout the whole
region there was concert of action, and the entire section
was united as one man to preserve their constitutional rights.
When the Assembly met the elections in those counties were
held void, and new writs were issued for another election,
but the people to a man abstained from voting. There were Northern
« ■ 1 rr>t . 1 counties not
no elections held. The northern counties would not be rep- represented
resented by less than five members. Both sides, however,
appealed to the higher authority of the Crown ; but the law
officers in England, who during the whole colonial period
acted on a high plane and sought to be fair and impartial,
would not decide except on a full hearing, and required
testimony to be taken in the province as to the disputed facts.
This delay brought no harmony to the province, and as
months passed the interests of the sections conflicted more
and more. The public men who had formerly acted in unison
drifted apart ; faction and party spirit ran high, and the prov-
ince became divided into two sectional parties, whose antag-
onism constantly grew in bitterness.
The governor did not choose to risk another Assembly, or They refuse
perhaps deemed it ill-advised to disturb existing conditions, obcd,ence
so year after year the Assembly elected in February, 1747,
continued to meet under successive prorogations. Having
no representatives, the northern counties refused to obey the
laws enacted by the Rump ; they did not recognize the new
270 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
gff circuit courts, and especially they would pay no taxes to
c. r., iv, support a government in which they had no share ; and as
,31t the northern inhabitants would pay no taxes, after a while
neither would the southern, who would not bear the burden
of government alone. The house eventually became like
the Long Parliament in England, a body exercising the func-
tions of government, but no longer representative of its con-
stituents. While its enactments had the force of law in the
southern counties, in the northern they were utterly dis-
regarded.
The Spanish invasions
SLR.,xxii, Notwithstanding the defection of the northern members,
the Assembly had to deal with matters of general interest.
Particularly did the defenceless condition of the coast give
great concern. In 1741 several Spanish privateers took pos-
session of Ocracoke Inlet, and seized the vessels arriving
s.r.,xxii, there. Thev also landed and carried off the cattle of the in-
26*, 278
hibitants. Eventually they were driven away, but their
depredations were so great that provisions had to be sup-
plied to the distressed people at a cost to the province of
more than £10,000.
Aug., 1747 Again in 1744 they harassed the coast; and in 1747 boldly
entered the harbor of Beaufort. Major Enoch Ward hastily
gathered some militia and held them at bay until August
26th, when they succeeded in gaining possession of the town
itself. In a few days, however, Colonel Thomas Lovick and
?lken°rt Captain Charles Cogdell came to the rescue with a sufficient
s^r.,xxii, force, and early in September the Spaniards were expelled,
suffering considerable loss. At least ten of the invaders
were captured. But so successful were these forays that the
next summer they were continued, and the coast was ravaged.
Early in July some of the Spanish ships lay in the harbor of
174 the lower Cape Fear, while a company of militia held the
s.r.,xxii, shore against them.
At that time six of the Spaniards were captured, and
they withdrew, only, however, to return in heavier force
about the beginning of September. On the 4th of that
THE SPANISH INVASIONS 271
month the alarm was given at Wilmington that they were *J*
ascending the river, and the militia companies hurried in
detachments to the scene. The general defence had been ^p1- ,o
committed to Eleazar Allen, Roger Moore, Edward Moseley
and William Forbes, as commissioners; while Major John
Swann was in immediate command. Among the companies
participating in the defence were those commanded by Cap-
tain William Dry, Captain John Ashe and Captain John
Sampson. These alone numbered more than 300 troops. The Brunswick
Spaniards quickly took possession of Brunswick, and for Sept.6-i'o,
four days, from the 6th to the 10th, hostilities were active. *74
At length, on the 10th, one of the Spanish vessels was blown
up, and the others were driven off. All that day Colonel R ^
Dry was employed burying dead Spaniards, and two days a7i-a86
later he was getting the guns, anchors and other valuables
ashore from the wreck. It was from this destroyed vessel
that the painting was obtained which is still preserved in the
vestry-room of St. James's Church at Wilmington. The
spoils from the wreck were appropriated for the use of
the churches at Brunswick and Wilmington. A considerable
number of the Spaniards were killed and wounded ; while at
least twenty-nine fell into the hands of the inhabitants. The
alarm occasioned by these attacks aroused the people, and
the Assembly readily yielded to the suggestion of the gov-
ernor to make preparations for defence. A bill was passed to
issue new currency to the amount of £6,000 sterling for the
purpose of erecting two large forts, one at Cape Fear and s.r.,xxiii
the other at Ocracoke, while smaller ones were to be built
at Core Sound and Bear Inlet ; but only the one at Cape Fear
was ever completed. The governor, however, had been par-
ticularly instructed not to assent to a new issue of currency,
and in violating these directions he imposed terms which he
hoped would shield him from blame for his disobedience. He
required that the Assembly should agree that the use of
commodities in the payment of taxes should cease, and that
all public payments should be made in proclamation money.
This was a point gained which the governor had long had
very much at heart, and from his standpoint it was cheaply
bought.
272 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
1748 Effort to displace Johnston
The passage of this currency bill and the disturbed con-
dition of affairs in the province, however, led the London
merchants and McCulloh to make an effort for Johnston's
936 M ' removal. Toward the end of 1748 John Morris, Francis
Corbin, Arthur Dobbs and others began proceedings against
him, which J. A. Abercromby, who had just been appointed
agent for the province by the Assembly, very skilfully
delayed, and then McCulloh filed a memorial in his own
behalf complaining of alleged misconduct on the part of the
governor, which later seems to have been sufficiently
No reports answered. One of the allegations against Governor John-
ston was that he had ceased making any reports to the
officials at home, but while the Board of Trade stated that
for five years, between 1741 and 1746, they had received no
communications from him, it appeared that letters and pack-
ages had been sent by the captains of the merchant vessels,
who had not delivered them. Doubtless the governor was,
however, negligent, for he was receiving no salary and all
his efforts to procure an adjustment of controversies that
might result in his collecting rents sufficient to pay salaries
had been defeated by the non-action of the home government.
d^Twice* At length, in 1748, the Assembly having passed the cur-
rency bill with his concurrence, the next year they passed
two others that afforded him great satisfaction: one pro-
viding for a codification of the laws and the other to prepare
a rent roll, requiring that all grants and deeds should be
recorded for that purpose. The northern counties were
opposed to all of these measures. Trading to Virginia, they
naturally wanted a currency of equal value with the Virginia
currency, and were opposed to any depreciation of North
Carolina money ; and being now in Granville's territory, their
pecuniary interest was no longer identified with that of
the southern counties. Quite an uproar was raised in the
province in 1749, and the governor in his address to the
Assembly, now composed exclusively of southern members,
sought to strengthen them in their position and prevent them
from yielding to the clamor of their former associates of
c.^r., iv, ljie Albemarle section. "Go on, therefore, gentlemen," he
said, "and continue in the same good cause you have begun.
COLL E C T I O N
OF
All the P U B L I C
ACTS OF ASSEMBLY,
OF
The PROVINCE of
NORTH-CAROLINA:
Now in FORCE and USE.
Together with the TITLES of all fuch LAWS at are Obfolete, Ex*
pir'd, or Repeal'd.
And alio, an exa<3 TABLE of the Titles of the ACTS in Force.
Hetiiid by Comrtsfioners appointed by an AS of the GENERAL AS-
SEMBLT of the fa'J Province, for that Purpo/e^and Examined wtb the
Records, and Confirmed in full Afemlly.
W$Y¥W
*y
NBJTBERN: Printed by Jamb* Daw, M,DCC£L
Faoimii.k Tulk I'a<;e ofthk first i-kin iki> Nori ii Carolina Kevisal, reduced
JAMES DAVIS, PRINTER 273
Nothing adds a greater lustre to virtuous and public-spirited **»
action than a steady, undaunted perseverance. Let no vain,
clamorous boasting, no monstrous calumnies and forgeries,
industriously spread among ignorant people, no petulant and
noisy behavior in private conversation, the constant attendant
of a bad and desperate cause, deter or dishearten you." But
if the governor was firm, so were the leaders of the Albe-
marle people; the northern counties were immovable; still
the Assembly continued its sessions without regard to the
vacant seats in the hall, and session after session it passed
acts of public importance.
Early in 1749 it appointed an agent to represent the Fjm
province at London; and it passed an act to encourage mi
James Davis to set up a printing office in the province, ^joR-* IV«
and accordingly in that year the first printing press was
put in operation in North Carolina, and after that the
laws were printed at the end of the sessions when they
were passed and distributed among the counties. There ^^lY*
had been a school kept at Brunswick in 1745, and now the
legislature passed an act to establish a free school, of which
John Starkey was the author, but which, however, did not
become effectual ; and it also established new counties, and,
indeed, conducted legislation as if there were no opposition
to their enactments within the province.
Samuel Swann and Edward Moseley had been appointed j'Jj||£!f
commissioners to revise the laws of the province, and the
revisal having been made, it was reported to the Assembly
on April 14, 1749. Subsequently this revisal was printed, and
was known from its sheepskin binding as "Yellow Jacket."
It was in 1748 that we have a last view of the poor Pala-
tines as a distinct body. The land On which they had located
was originally granted to De Graffenried, vyho to obtain
needed supplies for his people had mortgaged it to Colonel
Pollock. In the next generation the mortgage was fore- p*1***""*
closed and the Palatines lost their homes. On their petition
to the king, Governor Johnston was directed in March, 1748,
to allot to them an equivalent in lands elsewhere, and to
exempt them from any rent for ten years. Two years later
Governor Johnston gave them lands in what are now Craven,
Jones, Onslow, and Duplin counties, where their descendants
274 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
'/so are still to be found — many of their names, however, having
in the passage of time been anglicized, as has also been the
case with the Germans of the interior,
wreck of About two .years after the attack on Brunswick, in a great
fiS?" storm on August 18, 1750, five vessels of the Spanish mer-
cantile fleet were cast ashore on the coast ; one was lost at
Currituck Inlet, one was sunk at Cape Hatteras, one was
beached at Ocracoke, one at Drum Head Inlet and one
near Topsail. The cargoes were all valuable, that of the
vessel wrecked at Ocracoke being worth a million dollars.
Its commander, Don Bonilla, made no application for aid,
but for some weeks was carrying on futile negotiations with
the neighboring bankers for small vessels to carry off his
cargo. Eventually, however, Governor Johnston sent
Colonel Innes there to give security and protection to the
shipwrecked mariners and the valuable merchandise. On
arrival he found that the Spanish captain had loaded his
silver on two small sloops, one of which slipped away, carry-
ing off a hundred chests of silver, but the other Colonel
Innes was able to secure, and eventually the property was
returned to its owners.
The contest between the counties
It was long before the Crown officers took action in the
matter in dispute between the old and the new counties;
but eventually they directed depositions to be taken touching
the facts underlying the respective contentions. On the
part of the governor and new counties it was asserted that
the right of the old counties to five representatives was
founded on the biennial act, which had been repealed by
c- R;jiy, the king. On the other hand, the old counties traced back
the privilege to the Fundamental Constitutions, under which
Albemarle was divided into four precincts, each allowed
five representatives ; and although it was admitted that the
Fundamental Constitutions had long ceased to be operative,
yet it was claimed that rights under it had been sanctioned
by usage. Wyriott Ormond and Thomas Barker were
appointed the agents to manage the affair, and they con-
ducted it with great skill, while all the other leaders and
1152-1235
THE UNARMED REBELLION 275
public men of the northern counties zealously co-operated w
with them.
Yet the southern counties were also active, and when the
Assembly met in March, 1752, holding its eleventh session,
there were high hopes that these differences would be
speedily determined conformably to the wishes of the
governor. These expectations, however, were not realized,
and the evil conditions continued to prevail. How evil they
were may be gathered from the testimony of Bishop Spangen-
berg. "In the older counties/' wrote the bishop from Eden- Cessation of
ton in September, 1752, "there is perfect anarchy. As a c.r.,iv,
result, crimes are frequently occurring, such as murder and
robbery. The criminals cannot be brought to justice. The
citizens do not appear as jurors, and if court is held to decide
such criminal matters no one is present. If any one is im-
prisoned the prison is broken open and no justice is admin-
istered. In short, such matters are decided by blows. Still
the county courts are held regularly, and what belongs to
their jurisdiction receives the customary attention." The
condition, however, was not altogether bad, for while the
people would not recognize the new courts organized under
laws passed since they were denied representation, yet they
maintained in full vigor the old county courts held under
the long established laws of the province. Local govern-
ment was thus maintained despite the unarmed rebellion and
the apparent anarchy and confusion, and the progress and
development of the province was not materially interrupted.
But Governor Johnston did not live to see the end of the JohnSon?
controversy. On July 17, 1752, death terminated his long
and stormy administration. Save the era of good-will,
ushered in by the passage of the currency act of 1736, which
was disallowed by the king, there were always conten-
tions that disturbed the province while he was governor.
Many of these sprang from his own action. Ardently desir-
ing to promote the welfare of the inhabitants, he was anxious
to establish a permanent capital, to have the laws codified
and courts provided for, while the payment of his salary
depended on the collections of rents and the preparation
of a rent-roll. In seeking to accomplish these purposes he
resorted to management and methods that resulted in the
ad mi nut ra-
tion
276 JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
xJf* unarmed rebellion and the great confusion that prevailed
in the northern counties. Still he left the province much
more populous than when he arrived. Precincts were
converted into counties, court-houses built, the southern
boundary in part established, and the vexed matter of rents
and the currency question settled; and the laws were codi-
fied, a better court system inaugurated, and considerable
advances made in government.
During his administration, in 1748, the office of treasurer
of the northern counties was created, and Thomas Barker
was appointed to it, and Edward Moseley was appointed
treasurer of the southern counties. On Moseley's death,
Eleazar Allen succeeded him, and when Allen died, in 1750,
,a controversy arose over the exclusive right of the lower
house to designate the treasurers. After some unavailing
contention the upper house concurred in the appointment of
John Starkey. By an act of 1754 Barker and Starkey were
again appointed, but whenever a new appointment was to be
made the upper house asserted a right to participate in the
election, always, however, in the end relinquishing its pre-
tension and concurring in the appointment made by the lower
house. The period of Johnston's administration is, more-
over, remarkable for the rapid settlement of the western part
of the province.
The growth of the west
Population While Virginians continued to cross the line into the upper
increases ° * *
portions of Granville County, the more remote interior came
to be occupied by an influx of unexpected settlers. The north
of Ireland had in Charles Fs time been settled by Scotch
Presbyterians, who were now removing in large numbers
to the New World. Some came to Charleston, and pushed
into the up-country from that point, but still greater num-
bers landed at Philadelphia, and having made some settle-
ments in Pennsylvania, turned southward, and by 1739
reached the Valley of Virginia. Others pressed still further
to the south, and by 1745 made settlements in that well-
watered district between the Catawba and the Yadkin, which
has been called a veritable Mesopotamia. These were soon
followed by another stream of immigrants known as the
IMMIGRANTS 277
Pennsylvania Dutch — Germans who had previously located *js*
in Pennsylvania.* These settlers made "the great wagon
road from the Yadkin River through Virginia to Philadel- Gcraans
phia, distant four hundred and thirty-five miles," of which a scotih-irith
map is preserved in the Library of Congress. It ran "through £. R., iv,
Lancaster and York to Winchester, thence up the Shenan-
doah Valley, crossing the Fluvanna River at Looney's Ferry ;
thence to Staunton River and down the river through the
Blue Ridge, thence southward crossing the Dan River below
the mouth of Mayo," and on near Salem to the mouth
of Reedy Creek. Other settlers from Virginia and the
north came farther east, by the old Red House in Cas-
well County, and then followed the Indian trail across the
Haw to Trading Ford, near Salisbury. In 1746 Mat-
thew Rowan was in the western region, and estimated
that there were not above one hundred fighting men
in the entire section between Virginia and South Carolina.
Seven years later he thought that there were then thirty
times as many, and said their numbers were increasing c. r.. v, »4
daily. These immigrants, coming in bodies, settled in
neighborhoods to themselves, forming respectively German
and Irish communities, scattered here and there throughout
the wilderness, and maintaining their customs and manners
as well as speech and characteristics, and largely transmitting
them to their posterity.
Similarly, Quakers from Virginia and Pennsylvania in Weeks'*
1750, or earlier, located at Cane Creek and at New Garden; Q^ake™
and from time to time their numbers were increased by ac- ^,-105™^'
cessions until the Society of Friends gave a particular cast
to the inhabitants of that section.
The territory north of Granville's line being withdrawn Orange
from the king's domain, and about sixteen hundred square x7°5"my
miles between the Catawba and the Uwharrie having been set
aside for McCulloh, and the line dividing the province from
South Carolina not having been run beyond the Peedee, the
♦Pennsylvania was dominated by the Quakers, who lived chiefly
in the eastern part of that province, and would make no prepara-
tions for defence against the Indians. When the Indians became
hostile, through the influence of the French, the settlers on the
frontier, getting no protection from the Quaker government, sought
more secure homes in western Carolina.
278
JOHNSTON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1734-52
175a
C. R., IV,
1348
Explora-
tions by
Spangen-
b*1^ «75a
C. R.. IV,
ijia // seq.
Owen
administrative officers paid but slight attention to these
interior settlements that were growing so rapidly, almost
without their knowledge and entirely independently of their
influence. Still the extension of population westward from
the seacoast counties was realized, and by 1752 the upper
parts of Bladen, Johnston, and Granville becoming well popu-
lated, a new county, called Orange, was erected, beginning
at the Virginia line, near Hyco Creek, running south to
where Granville's line crosses the Cape Fear, and then west
with Granville's line to the Anson line, and with the Anson
line north to Virginia.
In the fall and winter of that year, 1752, Bishop Spangen-
berg made an extensive journey throughout the western
region to locate one hundred thousand acres of land pur-
chased from Lord Granville for the Moravians. Setting out
from Edenton in September, on November 12th he camped
on the Catawba near what he called the "Indian Pass." The
nearest settlement was that of Jonathan Weiss, or Perrot, a
hunter, twenty miles distant. He found many hunters about
there who lived like Indians, and whose purpose was to
secure skins and furs for sale. A week later the bishop was
near Quaker Meadows, about two miles from the site of the
present town of Morganton. Here he thought himself fifty
miles beyond the settlements. The whole woods were full
of Cherokee Indians pursuing game. Higher up the Middle
Little River he found the remains of an Indian fort, where
apparently the Indians had lived some fifty years earlier, and
other indications of Indians having inhabited that region
were met with later. It was in that vicinity that Lederer
stopped in his explorations, 1670, and Dr. Brickell found
Indians there in 1731.
Entering the mountains by mistake, on December 3d the
bishop reached a branch of New River at an old Indian field,
and followed that river to within fifteen miles of the Virginia
line. Then turning southward, he reached the head waters
of the Yadkin, and coursing clown a very rapid stream,
eventually got out of the Blue Ridge Mountains and returned
to the Yadkin, where he found a Welshman, Owen, who had
settled on that stream the preceding spring. This was four
miles above an old Indian settlement, known as Mulberry
THE MORAVIANS 279
Fields, not far from Wilkesboro. But except Owen's, the w
bishop understood there was no other habitation within sixty
miles. Later the Moravians found seventy-three thousand
acres in one body, one hundred and fifty miles from a land-
ing on the Cape Fear and three hundred and fifty miles from
Edenton, and there they made their settlement.
CHAPTER XX
Dobbs's Administration — 1754-65
Dobbs's visit to Point Lookout.— President Rowan. — County of
Rowan. — Old style abolished. — The French claim. — Christopher Gist
— The French invasion. — Innes's regiment. — Innes commander-in-
chief. — Decision of vexed questions. — Dobbs appointed governor. —
Instructions to Governor Dobbs. — The constitution reformed. —
Dobbs reaches New Bern. — The growth of the province. — The Indian
inhabitants. — The Croatans. — The old counties elect their five mem-
bers.— The new Assembly. — Tower Hill. — The French and Indian
War. — The frontier settlements. — Fort Dobbs. — The first news-
paper.— North Carolina troops in the war. — Major Hugh Waddell.
— Fort Duquesne taken. — McCulloh's grant. — Internal matters. —
Dobbs County. — The governor arbitrary. — The king's bounty. —
Causes of difference. — The house outwitted. — The Enfield riots. —
The Assembly protests. — The governor not sustained. — The court law
annulled. — No courts held. — A new Assembly. — The Assembly reso-
lute.— The secret session. — The governor makes terms. — Courts re-
established.— The Cherokee war. — The western counties desolated. —
Fort Dobbs attacked. — Bethabara threatened. — Walnut Cove sur-
rounded.— Conditions more peaceful. — King George III. — Some
differences reconciled. — At the end of the war. — The council declares
its patriotism. — Population. — The Indians. — Abortive efforts for free
schools. — The courts. — Religious conditions. — Republicanism rife. —
British views with reference to America. — The right to tax claimed.
— The Assembly of 1764. — The Weekly Post Boy at Wilmington. —
Tryon appointed to relieve Dobbs. — The public agitated. — The firm
stand of the Assembly. — Claims exclusive privilege of imposing taxes.
— The Assembly concurs with Massachusetts.
Extracts from Governor Dobbs to the Board of Trade
DOBBS'S VISIT TO POINT LOOKOUT
I set out from New Bern April 9, 1755, to view the River Neuse,
and proceeded up it near one hundred miles to the falls to see
what proper situations were upon that river for the seat of govern-
ment, as being the most central and convenient for the whole
province. The most convenient place is at Stringer's Ferry, on the
north side of the river, about four hundred yards from it, upon a
gentle rising ground near forty feet higher than the river. It is
about forty-two miles by land from New Bern to it.
I arrived here [Portsmouth Harbor] last night from Edenton
by water in a sloop. We passed through Albemarle Sound, Roanoke
DOBBS VISITS POINT LOOKOUT 281
or Croatan, and Pamlico Sounds, and so over the swash to Occa- «75S
cock Island; and from thence to this road near Core Banks, where
I summoned the commissioners to meet me to fix upon a place to
erect a fort or battery to protect the ships in the harbor, out of
which they were taken by privateers last war. The storms, they
tell me, for some years past have made vast havoc among these sandy
islands. The opening of Occacock Inlet, betwixt this and that inlet,
is enlarged from two to four miles. Beacon Island, which lays
betwixt them, within the entrance, is one-half washed away, and
become only a dry sand at low water. ... A town is laid out
called Portsmouth, where the merchants propose to erect warehouses
to lodge their goods in and load all their goods in large ships here
by lighters from the several towns of Edenton, Bathtown and New
Bern. The company sailed hence to Virginia about three weeks
ago. We hope they are now near their rendezvous. I proceed from
this to view the harbor at Cape Lookout and Topsail Inlet. . . .
Of Cape Lookout, he says, I have gone up in a canoe within Core
Sound, and no vessel being in the harbor, I had no boat to sound it ;
but all agreed to the depth laid down, and that the French and
Spanish privateers had known it of late years, brought in their
prizes there, wooded, watered and heaved down their vessels, and
sent ashore and killed the cattle and furnished themselves with fresh
provisions and excellent fish. . . . This I fixed upon as the only
proper place to build a fort upon, but as this harbor is the best,
although small, of any harbor from Boston to Georgia, and may be
of the utmost consequence to the trade and navigation of England,
where all our cruisers can ride in safety, as in a mill pond, and
warp out at any time in an hour; where they can wood, water and
clean, and be at sea in a few hours; where the whale fishers of the
northward have a considerable fishery from Christmas to April, when
the whales return to the northward; and where our trading ships
may have always a safe harbor upon easterly storms; and the
whole bay without, a safe road against all but southwesterly winds,
when they can run into the harbor; and since in time of war it has
been and will be a place of safety for French and Spanish privateers,
to infest the whole coast, I think it should be made a station for our
guardships or cruisers.
Rowan's administration
On the death of Governor Johnston, Nathaniel Rice,* who
was the ranking councillor, took the oaths of office as presi-
♦Rice was secretary of the province, and Henry McCulloh was
appointed to succeed him in that office.
282 DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
^jw dent, but he himself did not long survive his accession to this
dignity. He expired in the following January, Matthew
c. rm v, 38 Rowan succeeding him in the administration. Rowan was
one of Burrington's councillors, and had for twenty years
been of the council and was highly esteemed in the province.
The old Assembly, which had now dwindled away to about
sixteen members, continued to meet, one session being held
in the spring of 1753, when, among other acts, it passed one
recognizing the large immigration to the western section,
c^Tnty establishing the county of Rowan, composed of that part of
' "' Anson which lay north of Granville's line. This Assembly
held its first session in February, 1747; but at that time the
year began on March 25th, so that the record in its journal
states that it was begun in February, 1746. By a British
New style statute passed in 1750 "the old style" was abolished, and the
year thereafter was to commence on January 1st; and two
years later eleven days, being those from September 3d to
the 13th, inclusive, were omitted from the reckoning in order
to readjust and reform the calendar.*
The French invasion
Hardly had President Rowan been qualified before matters
of great importance claimed his attention. In view of prob-
able encroachments by the French in the interior, the king
had directed the governors of the American colonies to be
prepared for such an emergency. In possession of Louisiana
and of Canada, the French claimed the whole intervening
territory, and upon their first movement toward taking pos-
session along the western slope of the Alleghanies, the Ohio
Company in 1750 sent to North Carolina for Christopher
Gist, then at his home on the banks of the Yadkin, where it
approaches the Virginia line, and employed him to visit the
Ohio region and make friends of the Indians. Crossing the
mountains on the head waters of the Potomac, he went far
into the Indian country, breaking the hold of the French
upon the tribes there, and the next year he went again to the
same region and established the first English settlement
*Thc shortest day in the year had fallen on December 10th ; now
by this rectification of the calendar it became December 21st.
March 25th was, centuries earlier, the date of the vernal equinox,
and hence was originally made the beginning of the new year.
GIST VISITS THE OHIO 283
across the mountains. Governor Dinwiddie now proposed 252
an embassy to the lakes, and a party was formed consisting
of George Washington, an interpreter, two Indian guides,
and Gist. On the return, Washington, taking Gist as his sole
companion, separated himself from the others and success-
fully completed the journey that made him famous, even at
that early age. But the French were not to be deterred from c. r., v, 39*
their purpose, and speedily invaded western Virginia. To
meet them, Governor Dinwiddie proceeded to organize an
army, and North Carolina was called on to assist. In March
the Assembly voted an aid to the king of £40,000, of which
£12,000 was for the purpose of organizing a regiment of
seven hundred and fifty men for service in Virginia ; several
thousand for the construction of forts, and £6,000 for
Starkey's public school ; and under this act £22,000 of paper
money was struck off. At the moment it was thought that
Virginia would provide the supplies for these troops, but that
province would not furnish the needed provisions, so in view
of the larger expense than was at first contemplated the
number of men to be enrolled was reduced to two hundred
and fifty. President Rowan appointed Innes to the command JJUJint
of the regiment ; and the other officers were Caleb Granger, ,754
lieutenant-colonel; Robert Rowan, major; and captains
Thomas Arbuthnot, Edward Vail, Alexander Woodrow,
Hugh Waddell, Thomas McManus, and Moses John DeRos-
set. At that early period North Carolina learned the lesson
that war is largely a question of finance. The northern
counties would not circulate the new currency, as they did
not recognize the legality of the Assembly, nor would they
pay the taxes laid to meet these bills. This currency would CR-V>3«3
not, therefore, pass in Virginia ; so without specie, and our
currency being at a great discount abroad, in order to supply
these troops the Carolinians drove beef cattle and hogs to
Virginia, where they had to be sold at a sacrifice.
Governor Dinwiddie, knowing the capabilities of Colonel ?,;£;• v,ws
Innes, on June 3d tendered him the appointment of com- |:°™j"-5,d*r"
mander-in-chief of all the forces to be employed against the
French. At that time Colonel Innes was in North Carolina
superintending the departure of his regiment, but he hastened
to the front, and two days after the Great Meadows disaster
284
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
C. R., V,
'30-133
reached Winchester, and hurrying on to Wills Creek, took
formal command. After that reverse it appeared to Gov-
ernor Dinwiddie that the available force was not sufficient
to attack the French, who had fifteen hundred men, while
Innes had but seven hundred and fifty ; and because it was
not thought well to advance for the want of provisions,
Governor Dinwiddie suggested that the troops be scattered,
some being sent to Alexandria and some stationed at Win-
chester. The supplies for the North Carolina troops becom-
ing exhausted, and Virginia being unwilling to furnish any,
on August nth, at Winchester, the North Carolina regiment
was disbanded and sent home, leaving for defence only about
one hundred and fifty troops, which Virginia had at the front.
Colonel Innes remained in command until October, 1754,
when he was superseded by Governor Sharpe, of Maryland,
who had been particularly designated by the king to be the
commander-in-chief; but although superseded, Innes con-
tinued in service as camp master general, completed the con-
struction of Fort Cumberland, made treaties with the Indians,
and organized the forces.
While these matters were in progress North Carolina
affairs had received attention in London. Upon being in-
formed of the death of Governor Johnston, the king, on
January 25, 1753, appointed Arthur Dobbs to succeed him. -.
Governor Dobbs had apparently been interested in North
Carolina matters as early as 1733, and in 1735 had a grant of
twelve thousand five hundred acres on Deep River and one
for sixty thousand acres on Black River, in New Hanover
Precinct. He also had a grant for a large territory between
Salisbury and the Catawba Indians, and on these tracts in
1757 there were some seven hundred inhabitants. His inter-
est in North Carolina was so active that in 1749 he had
co-operated in the movement to have Johnston removed.
Following his appointment, the Board of Trade being
directed to prepare instructions, were confronted with the
various undecided questions relating to the province that
had been so long before them, and which they now took steps
to have determined.
The whole constitution and all the laws of the province
were at their instance subjected to a very close examination.
Decision of
the vexed
question
C R., IV,
73
C R.,V. 8t,
108, 1 1 3- 1 16
l. st. Paul's Church, Edentow
S. ARTHUR DOBBS 8. HUGH WADDELL
4. COURT HOUSE, EDENTON
OPINIONS OF LAW OFFICERS 285
The law officers thought that the usage which had prevailed, jwj
by which the old counties had five representatives, was not
shown to be illegal ; but they considered that fifteen might
properly be a quorum of the Assembly. In their opinion the c. r., v, bi,
king's prerogative extended to the establishment of counties * ' ,,3~"6
and the incorporation of towns, and fixing their right of
representation, and they held that those matters were not
within the cognizance of the legislature.
Since fifteen was held a quorum, the Assembly of 1747,
which was still in existence, was a legal body, and all its
acts were valid until repealed. But the act depriving the
northern counties of their five members, it was considered,
had been passed by management, precipitation and surprise,
and that, together with the act fixing the seat of government
and establishing the circuit court was for that reason declared {j^Jj^JJJ
inoperative. In conformity with the recommendation of the S°!jb,v
law officers, instructions to Governor Dobbs were drawn, di- hV
recting the repeal of all laws establishing counties, and order-
ing him to issue charters for counties and for towns and to
fix their representation in the Assembly ; and also to repeal
all laws establishing places for holding the courts and for a
seat of government. Likewise the acts relating to quit rents
were repealed, and the rents were again declared to be pay-
able only in money ; and also many other laws that had long
been in use in the province were now annulled by the king.
Indeed, the whole constitution was reformed and the
Assembly was shorn of many of the powers it had exercised.
Still, the exclusive right to levy taxes remained to that body,
and the power now claimed by the Crown to fix the seat
of government and establish courts could avail but little if
the Assembly would not provide the means to make it effec-
tive. Since the acts establishing counties and allowing repre-
sentation were annulled and no longer in force, the governor
was directed to issue his writ for the election of an Assembly
to consist of sixty members, each county having the par-
ticular representation which the Crown had fixed and allowed
it, being, however, exactly the same as before the act of 1747,
except that some counties and towns were overlooked and
inadvertently omitted.
About the end of July, 1754, Governor Dobbs sailed from
286 DOBBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
yy England, and reached Virginia after a voyage of ten weeks.
For more than a month he was engaged in arranging with
Governor Dinwiddie and Governor Sharpe of Maryland the
details of a plan of campaign against the French, and he
reached New Bern only at the close of October. Immedi-
ately on arriving he proceeded to make himself acquainted
with the affairs of the province, and called for a militia
HoRiiiadon6x return- As indicating the extension of population at that
time, Bertie reported 720 men for military duty ; Northamp-
ton, 737 men, which was thought to be 200 short; Edge-
combe, 1317; Granville, 734; Orange, 490; Anson, 790; and
Rowan, 996. At Wilmington, Governor Dobbs found
seventy families and at Brunswick twenty. There were six-
teen vessels in the Cape Fear River, while it was estimated
c. r.,v,i58 that one hundred came in annually. Eighteen feet of water
was reported at the bar. At Wilmington a good town house
had been built, and a brick church stood ready for the roof ;
while at Brunswick the church, also of brick, was not quite
so far advanced. Forts had been begun below Brunswick,
at Ocracoke and at Beaufort.
hihlbhami ^e In(^an war being in progress,* particular inquiries
c.R.,v, Were made as to the location of Indians in North Carolina.
1 1'3" In Bertie County there were reported a hundred warriors
of the Tuscaroras and two hundred women and children.
In Chowan, two men and three women and two children. In
Granville County there were the Saponas, with fourteen men
and fourteen women. The Meherrins had seven or eight
fighting men in Northampton. The report concludes : "These
are all the Indians except about eight or ten Mattamuskeet
Indians, and as many on the islands or banks, a total of
twenty/' The reports of the colonel of Bladen County and
of Captain William Davis, who had a troop of light horse,both
said "no Indians" in that county. Colonel Rutherford of that
county, who was also the receiver-general, added this mem-
orandum : "Drowning Creek, on the head of Little Peedee,
fifty families, a mixed crew, a lawless people, possess the
♦At the first session of the general court for the southern counties,
including Rowan, after the arrival of Governor Dobbs. the grand
jury, in an address to him. stated that seventeen persons had been
murdered and ten carried off by the Indian enemy.
REPORTS ON INDIAN INHABITANTS 287
lands without patent or paying quit rents ; shot a surveyor for yff
coming to view vacant lands, being enclosed in great swamps.
Quakers to attend musters or pay as in the northern
counties." These reports show that there were no Indians Jrottani
there, but that some fifty families of mixed blood had settled
themselves on Drowning Creek. These doubtless were the
same people who in more recent times have been called Croa-
tan Indians. Their origin is obscure, but probably they came
up from South Carolina — "a mixed crew." Quakers had
settled at Carver's Creek as early as 1740.
Governor Dobbs on his arrival issued a proclamation dis- The
solving the Assembly of 1747, and calling for the election JSJSJ-JJ*
of new members. His writs were directed to all the counties ""^mm
conformably to his instructions, and five members were once
more returned from the northern counties. Thus the end
had come of the "Long Assembly," and the northern counties
rejoiced in their right to send five representatives, while the
new counties had but two.
When the new Assembly convened, in December, 1754, the c.r.,v,im
animosities that had so long existed between the sections
had not subsided, and for speaker there was a tie vote, the
candidates being Sam Swann, the speaker of the last
Assembly, and John Campbell, who respectively represented
the warring factions. Some of the northern members had J-*1^11
not then come in, while Swann had no hope of any consider-
able accessions to his supporters, and so, realizing his defeat,
he withdrew from the contest and Campbell was unanimously
chosen. In their reply to the governor's address the Assembly
said: "We shall endeavor to obliterate the remembrance
of our former contests and the ill consequences that
attended them ;" and in an address to his Majesty they re-
turned their sincere thanks that he had been pleased "to
examine the constitution of the province and to repeal several
laws repugnant thereto, whereby the people, by your
Majesty's favor, are restored to their ancient rights and priv-
ileges, and the contests which subsisted among us are happily
terminated."
After Governor Burrington's time the governors had kept f;3f *;4£as4
their instructions private, except such as were particularly
intended to be made public. Governor Dobbs now laid before
288 DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
*J* the Assembly his instructions claiming for the king the right
to select a place for the seat of government and to designate
the places at which courts should be held. Although this
was in derogation of the long-established power of the legis-
lature, the Assembly without making any point of it con-
formed its action to the king's command, and when consider-
ing a bill establishing supreme courts of justice, requested
the governor to designate the several places where he would
court law appoint the courts to be held. The governor designated
New Bern and Edenton for the counties near those towns ;
Enfield for Northampton, Edgecombe and Granville; Salis-
bury for Rowan, Orange and Anson, and Wilmington for the
Cape Fear counties. Thus a new court law was passed
in 1754.
In regard to the repeal of the acts establishing counties,
the Assembly requested the governor to solicit the king not
countie* and to repeal them because of the many inconveniences that
estabUshed would ensue, and further, that he would allow the Assembly
to continue to establish new counties, reserving to the king
the power of granting charters to towns, establishing fairs
and appointing places for holding courts of justice. Agree-
ably to this request, the governor recommended to the Board
of Trade that the desire of the Assembly should be complied
with, and in June, 1755, additional instructions were given,
c.R.,vf4o6 allowing the Assembly to re-enact all laws establishing
counties and towns, provided that they should contain no
clause allowing representation, as that was to be the exclusive
right of the king.
c.r.,v, For the seat of government the governor selected a site
?r4o«rerHin at Tower Hill, near Stringer's Ferry, on the Neuse, but he
cap!toi°r had been instructed not to definitely locate it except after
consultation with the Assembly. In 1756 he brought that
site to the attention of the legislature, and a committee was
appointed to examine and report upon it, which they did
favorably.
Governor Dobbs also communicated to the Assembly a
proposition from George Vaughan, of Lisbon, -Ireland, who
had called his nephew, John Sampson, home from
Duplin County and arranged the details of a plan to trans-
port immigrants to that county, and had purchased a ship
FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 289
for that purpose, and also to engage in trade, with a view XJ&
of creating a fund for the establishment of a seminary, with
the expectation that the Assembly would lay a tax on all the
negroes in the province to increase it ; but the Assembly did
not act upon the subject of the seminary. On the contrary,
the £6,000 then in hand to establish a public school was
diverted for purposes of defence.
The war had been conducted with but ill success, and now a ^Jnl^K11
company of one hundred men was raised to serve at the war
north for a year and ten months, and fifty men were enlisted
to defend the western part of the province. Of the former,
the governor's son, Edward Brice Dobbs, an officer of the
British army who had accompanied his father, was appointed
the captain, and that company joined the army in Virginia,
then under the command of General Braddock. General *ws
Braddock was sent from England with several British regi-
ments and was invested with supreme command of military
affairs in the colonies. He led his forces into the mountains
near Fort Duquesne, where on July 9th he suffered a terrible
defeat, himself being killed. Captain Dobbs's company was
fortunately not in this disastrous engagement, being with
Colonel Dunbar, at that time scouting in the woods. After
this defeat, Colonel Dunbar, who succeeded to the command,
precipitately withdrew to Philadelphia, leaving Colonel Innes
in command at Wills Creek, and the North Carolina com-
pany remained there with him on the frontier. However,
during the summer Colonel Innes, being very much dissatis-
fied with his situation and the management of affairs, re-
signed and returned home.
On our own western frontier some of the Indians had ™Jder
become hostile, in one settlement having slain some fifteen
persons and carried off captive about an equal number. They
ranged at will through the frontier settlements and caused
much apprehension in the western districts. To arrest them,
Captain Waddell, with a company of frontiersmen, scouted
along the mountains.
In the summer of that year, 1755, Governor Dobbs visited
the western part of the province, passing through Salisbury,
which then consisted of seven or eight log houses and the
court-house. He viewed his extensive tract of land in that
290
DOBBS S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
»755
C.R..V,
957
Ituraviara
C. R., V,
1148
Clewcll.
Hi*t. of
Wachovia
Week»,Pren
of North
Carolina in
Eighteenth
Century, 16
vicinity, lying on Rocky River and its branches, which had
been patented in 1746, and he found seventy-five families
located on it. He visited between thirty and forty of them,
each having from five to ten children, who went barefooted
and with a single garment in warm weather ; while no woman
wore more than two thin garments. They were Scotch-Irish
Presbyterians, who had settled together in order to have a
teacher of their own opinions and choice. Besides, there
were twenty-two families of Germans or Swiss, all industri-
ous. They raised horses, cows, hogs and sheep ; Indian corn,
wheat, barley, rye and oats ; made good butter and tolerable
cheese, and had made good success with indigo. Captain
Waddell was then on the frontier, and Governor Dobbs
selected an eminence with good springs on Third Creek for
a fort of refuge for the settlers, which was afterward begun
by the people and finished by direction of the Assembly. It
was named Fort Dobbs in his honor. The southern Indians,
however, remained faithful to the whites, and the troubles
at that time were soon quieted.
In November, 1753, the Moravians, coming by way of
Winchester and Saura Gap, made their first settlement on the
land Bishop Spangenberg had purchased on the Yadkin,
calling it Bethabara. The hostile Indians at the north now
drove many settlers from Pennsylvania to North Carolina,
where they located on Muddy Creek, South Fork, and neigh-
boring streams. Many also stopped at Bethabara. For pro-
tection against the Indians the Moravians enclosed their mill
and settlement with palisades, but they were not interfered
with. In 1758, many Cherokees and Catawbas, going north
to aid the English, passed through the Moravian settlement,
being well provided there with provisions and otherwise
kindly treated. It was during this period of war, when in-
formation of passing events was eagerly sought, that the
first newspaper was published in the province. Franklin,
the postmaster-general for the colonies, in the summer of
1755 appointed James Davis, the printer, postmaster at New
Bern; and the following October the Assembly authorized
a post to be run every fifteen days between Suffolk and
Wilmington, Davis undertaking to send the messengers; and
he also conveyed at stated periods letters and packages to
290
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
«755
C.R..V,
Doobs visits
the West
C. R., V,
357
•I51 •
Moravians
C. RM V,
I. 4*
Clewell.
Hist, of
Wachovia
Weeks, Press
of North
Carolina in
Eighteenth
Century, 16
vicinity, lying on Rocky River and its branches, which had
been patented in 1746, and he found seventy-five families
located on it. He visited between thirty and forty of them,
each having from five to ten children, who went barefooted
and with a single garment in warm weather ; while no woman
wore more than two thin garments. They were Scotch-Irish
Presbyterians, who had settled together in order to have a
teacher of their own opinions and choice. Besides, there
were twenty-two families of Germans or Swiss, all industri-
ous. They raised horses, cows, hogs and sheep ; Indian corn,
wheat, barley, rye and oats ; made good butter and tolerable
cheese, and had made good success with indigo. Captain
Waddell was then on the frontier, and Governor Dobbs
selected an eminence with good springs on Third Creek for
a fort of refuge for the settlers, which was afterward begun
by the people and finished by direction of the Assembly. It
was named Fort Dobbs in his honor. The southern Indians,
however, remained faithful to the whites, and the troubles
at that time were soon quieted.
In November, 1753, the Moravians, coming by way of
Winchester and Saura Gap, made their first settlement on the
land Bishop Spangenberg had purchased on the Yadkin,
calling it Bethabara. The hostile Indians at the north now
drove many settlers from Pennsylvania to North Carolina,
where they located on Muddy Creek, South Fork, and neigh-
boring streams. Many also stopped at Bethabara. For pro-
tection against the Indians the Moravians enclosed their mill
and settlement with palisades, but they were not interfered
with. In 1758, many Cherokees and Catawbas, going north
to aid the English, passed through the Moravian settlement,
being well provided there with provisions and otherwise
kindly treated. It was during this period of war, when in-
formation of passing events was eagerly sought, that the
first newspaper was published in the province. Franklin,
the postmaster-general for the colonies, in the summer of
1755 appointed James Davis, the printer, postmaster at New
Bern; and the following October the Assembly authorized
a post to be run every fifteen days between Suffolk and
Wilmington, Davis undertaking to send the messengers ; and
he also conveyed at stated periods letters and packages to
3
o
<
u
X
H
X
o
FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR 291
every county in the province. This opened the way for jwf
Davis to issue a newspaper, and probably in December, 1755,
he began the publication of the North Carolina Gazette. The
Gazette continued to furnish its readers with "the freshest
advices, foreign and domestic," at the price of sixteen
shillings per annum, for six years, when, perhaps because
unremunerative, the publication ceased.
At the third session of the Assembly, which met on Sep- JjgR,;Vf
tember 30, 1756, Speaker Campbell was unable to attend
because of ill health, and Sam Swann was chosen speaker.
The necessity of maintaining a force in the field was now
thoroughly appreciated by the Assembly, and strenuous
efforts were made to co-operate with Governor Dobbs.
£4,000 were appropriated for the erection of the fort at the Fort Dobbt
west, and another company, under Captain Andrew Bailey,
was employed in that quarter.
In the spring of 1757 South Carolina was threatened by the J**3 J»
Indians on her frontier, and two-thirds of the militia of the ^R-v»
lower counties were ordered to be held in readiness to march Haywood,
to the assistance of that province. To supplement the forces SfVreemV
in Virginia, especially in their scouting operations, bands vfiSj*
of Indians from the Meherrins and Tuscaroras, as well as the C"011***
Catawbas, were sent northward to join the army now under
the command of General Forbes. Captain Dobbs's company,
as well as Captain Caleb Granger's and Captain Arbuth-
not's (with whom were Lieutenant Henry Johnston, Lieu-
tenant Ferguson and Ensign David Rogers), and also Cap-
tain McManus's company (John Payne being one of the
lieutenants), after serving in Virginia, were formed into a
battalion and sent to New York under the command of Cap- service*
tain Dobbs, who was now promoted to be major. There
Captain Granger's company served in the Crown Point cam-
paign. On the return of Lieutenant Payne, he was promoted
to be captain, and later he marched his company to South
Carolina.
In 1758 two other companies were raised, one for Fort ^R-»v,
Johnston, under Captain James Moore, who also led his com-
pany to South Carolina; and one for Fort Granville, on the
coast, under Captain Charles McNair. During that year
300 men were sent to join General Forbes; 200 went by sea,
#7
292
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
1758
Waddell,
A Colonial
Officer, 61
C. R., VI,
384
Nov. 85,
1758
McCulloh's
grants
C.R..V,
xxxiii, 1 106
and 100, taken from the western frontier, passed up the
Valley of Virginia, and with these troops were a number of
Cherokee Indians, the whole battalion being under the com-
mand of Major Hugh Waddell, who had won great fame
for his courage and capacity.
William Pitt was now at the helm of affairs in England,
and was prosecuting the war with great vigor. The disasters
of the previous campaign were to be succeeded by strenuous
endeavors for victory. In Virginia, General Forbes pushed
forward toward Fort Duquesne; but winter set in while
he was still forty miles from his destination. In that moun-
tainous wilderness, without information, and ill prepared for
a siege of the fort or to pass the winter in that desolate
region, the general was in such sore straits that he offered
a reward of £50 to any one who would capture an Indian
from whom information could be obtained. Sergeant John
Rogers, of Waddell's command, fortunately succeeded in
taking an Indian alive, and because of the information gained
from him the general, who was contemplating a retreat, dis-
carded that purpose, continued his advance, made a forced
march, and found that the enemy had on his approach aban-
doned their stronghold. Passing into the hands of the
English, Duquesne was at once named Fort Pitt, in honor
of the great war minister ; and the Indians came in and made
treaties of peace, which secured a cessation of hostilities
along that frontier.
During this period of the war and unrest the controversy
between Henry McCulloh and Granville, within whose terri-
tory some of the McCulloh grants had been located, was
brought to a conclusion by an agreement that McCulloh was
to become Granville's tenant, and in lieu of all other rents he
was to pay an annual sum of £400 from 1757 until 1760, after
which date he was to pay four shillings for every hundred
acres of land retained by him, but he was to reconvey and
surrender to Granville all lands not then settled. As the
period for settling McCulloh's grants in the king's domain
was about to expire, in 1756 he petitioned that because of the
wars and difficulties he be allowed three years' additional time,
and accordingly the time for settlement was extended for
him until 1760, when he was to surrender his grants, retain-
THE ASSEMBLY AND THE GOVERNOR 293
ing only two hundred acres of land for each white person XJ&
settled by him in the province.
At first Governor Dobbs appears to have gotten on quite u^^
well with the Assembly. The matter of quit rents was not so
interesting to the people as formerly, not only because half of
the province had been conveyed to Granville, but on the growth
and development of the colony, the thickening of population
and the general advancement in prosperity it was not so
essential that the rents should be paid in farm produce, arid
the determination of the Crown that they should be paid in
money no longer met with serious resistance. But the
instructions of the Crown officers limiting the powers of
Assembly caused some dismay among the leaders both at the
north and at the south; and there was evidently a spirit
among them to come together again. Indeed, neither side
could boast a complete triumph over the other, for the action
of the Assembly in 1747 fixing a quorum at fifteen and pro-
ceeding with legislation in the absence of a majority was
upheld, and while the two important acts which the northern
members protested against were annulled, that action was
not taken on their ground and their position was not sus-
tained; and the subject-matters of those acts were taken
entirely from under the power of the Assembly and declared
to be within the prerogative of the Crown. Necessarily,
there were personal antagonisms which only time could heal.
The defeat of Swann at the opening of the new Assembly
was to have been expected, and his election as speaker at the
third session indicates that progress had been made in the
direction of restored fraternal relations. The general desire
to co-operate in measures of defence appealing to their
patriotism doubtless also conduced to healing the breaches.
At the session of November, 1758, the Assembly compli- gjj*
mented the governor by locating the capital at Tower Hill, ^'^xnl
and by creating a new county, embracing the seat of govern-
ment, which was called Dobbs in his honor ; and it also laid
a tax to pay the salaries of the chief justice and attorney-
general.
But notwithstanding this disposition on the part of the ^Jjrnor
Assembly to be complaisant, there was a divergence between arbitrary
the Assembly and the governor, who seems to have developed
294
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
1758
The king's
bounty
Causes of
difference
C. R., VI,
C. R,
1087
V,
The house
outwitted
C. R., VI, 3
an arbitrary and exacting spirit and would brook no oppo-
sition to his purposes. Old, self-willed and petulant, he
appears to have regarded himself as a ruler rather than as a
mere executive officer, and he sought to constrain rather than
to influence.
It was known that to reimburse the colonies for their war
expenditures the Crown proposed to allow £200,000 for dis-
tribution among all of them, and £50,000 was to be given
to the southern colonies exclusively. The control of that part
of these funds which would be allotted to North Carolina
now became a subject of difference between the Assembly
and the governor. The governor asserted his prerogative to
dispose of the money, while the Assembly claimed the right
to use it in their own discretion ; and also the right to appoint
an agent for the province and to select the committee to
correspond with him and give him directions. The governor
very emphatically denied all these claims. In the bill locating
the seat of government at Tower Hill no appropriation had
been made for the construction of the public buildings ; but in
a second bill granting an aid to the king and providing
for the equipment of three companies to consist of one
hundred men each there were embodied provisions appropri-
ating out of the expected funds £4,500 for the erection of
the government houses, and also appointing James Aber-
cromby agent for the province, and designating Sam Swann,
Thomas Barker, John Starkey, George Moore and John Ashe
as a committee of correspondence. The governor objected
to this bill, as it was in conflict with his notions of the rights
of the Assembly, and determining to defeat it, he resorted
to what he called finesse. Going among his friends in the
council, he suggested to them not to oppose either of the
two bills and to let the objectionable aid bill go to the third
reading, excepting some trifling matters of amendment.
Thus a bill locating the seat of government was passed ; but
when the aid bill came up the governor procured the council
to postpone it for some days, and in the meantime he pro-
rogued the Assembly. He himself described the result:
"Upon this disappointment the lower house were all in a
flame, the managers being greatly disappointed, and repre-
sented to me that there must be a dissolution unless the
THE GOVERNOR vs. THE ASSEMBLY 295
upper house would resume the bill." It ended, however, in jj»
the house appointing Abercromby their own agent for two c- R-» v,
years and appointing their own committee of correspondence, »«., 1758
and in their making an address to the Crown praying ^s^,«^
that a part of the sum allowed horth Carolina should be addre«
laid out in purchasing glebes and establishing free schools in
each county. By the governor's action the aid bill was
defeated, and no provision was made for raising troops for
defence at that time. Spring was not over, however, before
the need of more forces at the north resulted in pressing calls
on Governor Dobbs for additional troops, and he was driven
to the necessity of hastily summoning the Assembly to meet
at New Bern. The house convened on May 8, 1759, and pro- May, 1759
ceeded to pass an aid bill exactly similar to the one that the £ R» VI»
governor had succeeded in defeating by his boasted finesse.
The upper house, however, amended it by striking out all
the sections not pertinent to the raising of troops, to which
the Assembly not agreeing, it was prorogued, and the session
ended without the adoption of any measure whatsoever.
Necessarily these causes of difference led to much irrita-
tion, which was emphasized by the governor's non-action in
regard to disturbances in the interior of the province.
On January 24, 1759, there were riots in Granville's terri- Tbe Enfield
tory, and a number of citizens who were discontented at the
frauds practised by Granville's agents and their entry takers
and surveyors forcibly took possession at night of the house
of Francis Corbin, the chief agent, and seized him and carried
him off some seventy miles, and held him in duress until
he gave a bond. And Robert Jones,* then attorney-general, c. rm v,
made affidavit that the rioters intended to silence him, or
"to pull deponent by the nose and also abuse the court," and
unless they were suppressed "there would be no safety in the
counties in which they lived."
Because of this lawlessness the Assembly addressed the Jj£mbl
governor and pointed out that no steps had been taken to JT0^1^,
punish the offenders and requested that the chief justice and 105, toe
other justices and other officers should be required to exert
themselves and bring the guilty parties to punishment ; and
also requesting that if it should be necessary the regiments of
♦The father of Willie and Allen Jones.
296
DOBBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
The
governor not
sustained
C. RM VI,
55
militia in the several counties might be called out to assist the
civil powers, cause obedience to the laws and restore peace
and order ; and the Assembly loudly complained that the gov-
ernor had taken no action in this matter, but, on the contrary,
had seemed to lend it his countenance by appointing men
engaged in the riots to be magistrates and to hold other posi-
tions under the government.
During the summer the Board of Trade at London re-
ceived from the governor his letter enclosing the rejected
aid bill, together with his reasons for not allowing it to pass,
which he put on the ground that the bill diminished his
Majesty's prerogative. In their reply the Board said that
the proposed act did not appear to them to have that effect
*'to such an extent as you seem to apprehend." They sus-
tained the Assembly in their claim to have the right to appro-
priate the funds allowed them by the king ; and also in their
right to appoint an agent, and they asserted that they saw
no ground to disapprove the aid bill in its abstract principle ;
still they concurred in the view that separate matters em-
braced in the measure ought not to have been incorporated
in one act; and they also thought that the committee of
correspondence, while properly appointed by the legislature,
ought to have included some members of each house.
Although urged by the governor to repeal the act of 1754,
by which the Assembly had appointed the treasurers, the
Board peremptorily refused to do so, saying that the practice
of appointing treasurers by the legislature, and even of
making them responsible to only one house, had prevailed so
long that it would be improper to interfere with it. It would
seem that these decisions so adverse to the positions taken
by the governor, and so clearly sustaining the Assembly in
its view of these matters, might have led to some abatement
of Governor Dobbs's arbitrary conduct, but having once
assumed a position antagonistic to the popular leaders, he
became more strenuous in his opposition rather than com-
plaisant.
About that time there came over instructions repealing the
act fixing the seat of government at Tower Hill, for the
Board said that it was only intended that the Assembly should
recommend a location, not definitely fix the place ; and also
The court
law annulled
COURT ACT REPEALED 297
repealing the act of 1754 establishing supreme courts and *w
enlarging the jurisdiction of the county courts. By that act
the office of associate justice had been created, the appointees
to hold during good behavior, and in the absence of the
chief justice they were to exercise full jurisdiction. As a
qualification for appointment they were to have been bar-
risters of five years' practice in England or attorneys of
seven years' practice in this or an adjoining province. These
features were objectionable to the Board of Trade, for they
restricted the power of the king to select, thus encroaching
on his prerogative, and they also rendered the justices inde-
pendent of the Crown. The bill therefore had been annulled c.r.,vii96
by the king, while the former court law of 1746 had been l8°
repealed by the Assembly. So the province was to be left
without any court system whatever. Under these circum- .
stances the governor deemed it prudent to withhold the an-
nouncement until the next session of the Assembly, which was
to convene in December. When the Assembly met, in view
of these new instructions, the lower house prepared another
bill to establish courts that would be free from the par-
ticular defects that had led to the repeal of the original act;
but this new measure was not agreeable to the governor
and council, who objected to the manner in which the judges
were to be paid arid to the judicial power conferred on the
associate justices provided for in the bill, and it failed to
pass the upper house. So for a time — eight months in 1759 No couru
and 1760 — there was a cessation of the courts in the province.
The governor had received among other instructions one currency
forbidding him to assent to any act making paper money a
legal tender ; he was also informed that he might call a new
election for assemblymen if he should choose to do so.
Thereupon he dissolved the Assembly, it having already held
nine sessions, and issued writs for the election of assembly-
men to meet on April 22, 1760. The differences between the
governor and the leaders now came to an acute issue, and
the year 1760 is notable for its conflicts. It is also notable
as the beginning of the practice of passing temporary court
laws.
One of the reasons why the governor had not previously
dissolved the Assembly was that he did not know how to
298 DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
V60 apportion the representation. Most of the counties and
towns had applied for charters of incorporation, but some
had not. In issuing his writs for the election he omitted
Tyrrell and other counties and some of the towns. Where
elections were held, however, the Assembly admitted the
members without regard to the writs, falling back on the
old constitution of the colony and ignoring the claim set up
by the Crown that it had a right to apportion representation
at its will. Thus originated another cause of conflict with
the governor.
The particular object the governor had in view in calling
the Assembly was to have passed an aid bill, as great military
efforts were in contemplation for the ensuing campaign.
But riots and disorders had continued in Edgecombe, Hali-
fax and Granville counties, and the Assembly was in ill-
humor at the governor's conduct in not seeking to suppress
them. It adverted to the scenes of violence that had dis-
turbed the peace of the province, and dwelt on the fact that
there were no courts in existence to curb and restrain the
lawless people ; and it declared it would pass no aid bill until
the superior court bill was assented to. The governor, on
the other hand, was firm in his purpose to come to no terms
with the popular leaders and would not assent to the court
s*c«;et bill. Finally, after some heated controversy, on May 23,
May, 1760 1760, the house, animated by a spirit of defiance, took bold
action. It resolved itself into a committee of the whole, and
warning the members that if any one should divulge what
might be said in the debate he should be dismissed from the
house, spent five hours in considering the action of the gov-
ernor, and adopted a series of twenty resolutions aimed
against him, and declaratory of his arbitrary conduct, and
also prepared a long address to the king complaining very
bitterly of his Excellency, which was to be presented by the
agent of the province and was not to pass through the gov-
ernor's hands at all. This resolute action apparently made
some impression on the governor, who then proposed to
come to terms, offering to prorogue the Assembly for three
Pernor days, and agreeing that if they would pass an aid bill, and
ga^et terms also the court bill, with a clause limiting its operation to
410-414 ' two years unless ratified by the king, he would assent to it in
4»i4«6i4J7
TEMPORARY COURT ACT 299
that form. This gave some hope of the establishment of lj£
courts and of correcting the disorders that threatened the £J*;^i^
peace and prosperity of the province, and so the leaders
of the Assembly assented to the proposition and a court bill
was passed similar to the previous one — the associate justices
were to be skilled lawyers and were to hold during good
behavior. With this beginning, for a period of more than
ten years it became the practice to pass a court bill in that
form, by which the duration of the courts became subject
to a limitation of two years. Also under the agreement the
house passed an aid bill, but the governor now had changed
his mind as to the aid bill, and as he did not like some of its
provisions, especially deeming the bounty offered for enlist-
ments too small, and as he considered that the pressing
necessity for raising troops no longer existed, he chose not
to assent to it. At that time there was also a divergence be-
tween the two houses, for the upper house would not pass the
bill appointing Abercromby the agent, so the house passed
another appointing Mr. Bacon, which, however, shared the ^r.,vi,
same fate. The clash involved matters of right and power
and the privileges of the respective bodies, the lower house
claiming the exclusive right of designating the agent, and
also of selecting the committee of correspondence, which the
upper house would not assent to. The house then by solemn
resolution appointed Bacon agent of the Assembly, not of the
province. In the midst of the turmoil the governor pro-
rogued the Assembly until September 1st.
The western counties desolated
While the governor and Assembly were engaged in their cieweii,
controversies conditions in the western part of the province wai'hovia
became deplorable. In October, 1759, the people who had
made their homes on the waters of the Yadkin and Catawba
heard with dismay that the Creeks and Cherokees, theretofore
friendly, had declared war against the English. Bands of
Indians began to pass the defiles of the mountains and roam
along the foothills. A reign of terror set in. Accounts of
atrocities and butcheries and of destroyed homes came thick
and fast to Salisbury and Bethabara. They were intensely
437
30o
DOBBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
X760
ThI
Cherokee
war
Fort
Defiance
Fort Dobbs
attacked
Bethabara
threatened
harrowing, while some of the escapes were marvellous. Many
brave men, reluctant to abandon their homes, fortified them
with palisades, and forts or stronghouses were erected where
neighboring families could assemble for safety. The men
slept with their rifles at hand, and the most resolute were
in dread of stealthy attack, of ambush and of having their
houses burned at night. It was then that Fort Defiance and
other forts in that region were hastily constructed by the
people.
The narratives of those who escaped massacre were heart-
rending, while many men, women and children fell victims
to the cruel tomahawk of the merciless foe. Few particular
accounts of these individual experiences have been preserved ;
but all the section west of the Catawba and of the upper
Yadkin was desolated. Fort Dobbs, where Colonel Waddell
was stationed, was, on February 27, 1760, unsuccessfully
assailed by the hostiles ; and information came through the
"Little Carpenter" that Bethabara would be attacked, and
preparations were made for the defence. At length a large
body of Cherokees stealthily surrounded the town ; but hear-
ing the village bell ring, they supposed themselves discovered
and retired. Again they approached just as the night watch-
man blew his trumpet, and they withdrew, and then desisted,
although during that spring they remained for six weeks in
the vicinity devastating the country. Among those who
found refuge at Bethabara was a farmer named Fish and his
son, who had escaped from their home on the Yadkin.
Anxious to see if their house had been burned, they pre-
vailed on another refugee, a stranger, to return with them
to ascertain. On the way they were ambushed. Fish and
his son fell, while the stranger was pierced by several arrows,
one of which, passing through his body, protruded from
his back. However, he escaped the Indians, and seeking to
return, forded the Yadkin, where he soon saw another com-
pany of savages approaching. Again plunging into the river,
he crossed and succeeded in eluding them. A storm set in,
and he wandered all night in a pelting rain, suffering torture
from his wounds, and in dread of being overtaken. Thus
passed twenty-four hours, when at length he reached Betha-
bara, where the arrows were skilfully extracted by the good
INDIAN WAR ON THE FRONTIER 301
Dr. Bonn. Unfortunately the name of this man was not lJ*?
recorded.
A detachment of soldiers marched out to give burial to the walnut
bodies of Fish and his son. On their way they found a desolated
farmer besieged and defending his home, which the savages
had already succeeded in setting on fire. They quickly drove
the hostiles off and saved the farmer and his children. The
next day, March 12th, came an appeal for help from Walnut
Cove, which was surrounded by the Indians. A company
hastened to their rescue and brought in the survivors. A
farmer, Robinson, had constructed a palisade around his
house and resolutely made defence. Eventually he was
driven from it into his log house, where he continued the
struggle. At length his last load of powder was exhausted
and he and his wife and children fell victims to the bloody
tomahawk. Soon, however, sufficient soldiers arrived to
secure protection, and on Easter Sunday, 1760, as many as
four hundred soldiers attended the church services at
Bethabara.
The Assembly had been prorogued until September, but on June, 17&
receiving information of a general uprising of the Indians,
and learning that the militia had refused to march beyond
the limits of the province, Governor Dobbs convened the
houses again on June 30th. All were now of one mind. An c R- VI»
aid was at once voted to the king ; a force of three hundred
men was raised for service, the militia was organized, and
authority was given to embody them for defence.
At a subsequent session held in November, 1760, there
was a purpose to send five hundred men to co-operate with
Virginia and South Carolina against the Cherokees; but in
the aid bill then passed the Assembly had named the agent
at London, whom the governor disapproved of, and for this
reason he rejected the bill and prorogued the Assembly, which c. r.,vi,
reconvened in its fifth session on December 5th to recon- 5X3
sider its action ; but the house was firm in resisting the blan-
dishments of the governor, who then dissolved it. The tide
of war had rolled away from the borders of the province
and the necessity for harmonious action had passed. jtfi
In February, 1761, information being received of the acces- George in
sion to the throne of the young king, George III, he was £0R,,VI*
302 DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
*J** proclaimed with great enthusiasm amid the firing of cannon
on the Cape Fear, and writs for a new election of assembly-
men were at once issued, and the body convened on
March 31st.
When the Assembly met it lost no time in upbraiding the
governor with his defeat of the aid bill, and because he had
called the Assembly together at Wilmington instead of at
some more convenient point, and the disagreement was pro-
nounced. Rev. Mr. Moir wrote April 13th, while the
cjuvi. Assembly was in session: "The misunderstanding between
the governor and leading men of this province still subsisting,
we are as unhappy as ever." But in the end the Assembly
became more complaisant; a committee of correspondence
was appointed embracing members of both houses, and a
new agent was named, probably not objectionable to the gov-
ernor— these, as at the previous session, being features of the
aid bill, which the governor now approved. At the same
session the tax to pay the salaries of the chief justice and
attorney-general was increased.
In the meanwhile the Board of Trade had written to Gov-
ernor Dobbs that he had no right to interfere with the
or., vi, appointment of the agent by the Assembly, but that he should
urge the house to conform to the instructions of the Crown
The and recognize fifteen members as constituting a quorum,
wi^uTned and to pursue the same method in regard to paying out
moneys and auditing accounts that was in use at home.
dialer A new election was called, the Assembly meeting in April,
1762. At that session Sam Swann, who had since 1743, with
a single interruption, been the speaker, retired from that
office, and his nephew, John Ashe, succeeded him. In all
the controversies with Johnston and Dobbs, Swann had
been the great leader. Indeed, on one occasion Johnston had
silenced him as a lawyer, and Dobbs felicitated himself that
as extreme as had been his own action he had never gone
to that length.
The council Differences between the Assembly and council, whose mem-
bership since the purchase by the Crown thirty years before
had been changed only on the death of its members, and
which was now composed of Hasell, Rutherford, DeRosset,
Spaight, Sampson and McCulloh, led those gentlemen to say
INTERNAL CONDITIONS 303
to the Assembly: "We apprehend ourselves as nearly con- Jj£
cerned in the blessings of liberty and property as any other
inhabitants of this province, and shall ever with cheerfulness
concur with you in every measure that to us shall appear con-
ducive to the securing of these most valuable blessings."
A new court law was passed that year, in which provision
was made for an associate justice at Salisbury.
In conformity with political and religious conditions, it IS******
was considered that efforts should be made to maintain the
Church of England as the national church in the province.
From 1701 there had been parishes and vestrymen and some
provision made for supporting clergymen of the established
church. But so little effort was made to carry the law into
effect that often there were only one or two clergymen in
the province. As the province grew and the policy wa3
introduced to fashion the government on the model of the
mother country, renewed efforts were made in this respect.
The vestry act of 1760 being repealed by the king, in 1762
another act was passed, which, however, was also disallowed
because the appointment or employment of the ministers was
conferred on the vestry and not allowed as a privilege of the
Crown, although under that act all ministers employed had
tc hold the license of the Bishop of London. Thus it hap- s.R.,xxint
pened that in the autumn of 1762 all the vestries in the **
province were dissolved and the entire church system dis-
organized. Two years later, however, a new act was passed,
in which the vestries were given power to levy a ten-shilling
tax toward building churches, maintaining the poor, paying
the readers and encouraging schools in each county.
Under Pitt's able administration the war had been so
vigorously and successfully pressed that in the fall of 1760
Canada was conquered and the Indians brought into peaceful
relations with the English. Three years later a treaty of peace
was signed, by which the British Empire extended from the Peace of
(iulf of Mexico to Hudson Bay and from the Atlantic to ParU»
the Mississippi ; and the colonists, now freed from fears of
foreign foes, could devote themselves more exclusively to
home affairs. The tide of immigration that ten years earlier
was setting so strongly to western Carolina was, however,
checked because of the Indian war. Yet at the conclusion JL?;^I$
io>7< 1040
3°4
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
176a
C. R., VI,
1030
Indians
C. R., VI,
616
C. R., VI,
1041
C. R., VI,
995
The free
schools
C. R., VI,
1006
C. R., VII,
73, xo6, 13a
of peace North Carolina had a population of about 100,000
whites and more than 10,000 negroes. On the Cape Fear
were forty saw-mills producing some 30,000,000 feet of lum-
ber annually, and there were exported from that river 36,000
barrels of naval stores.
The Indian aborigines had nearly disappeared. On a
reservation of ten thousand acres on the Roanoke were con-
gregated all that remained of the Tuscaroras, the Saponas,
and Meherrins. Of the first there were one hundred braves,
of the last two only twenty each. The Catawbas had num-
bered three hundred warriors, but in 1761 so many were
swept off by smallpox that only sixty braves remained, an
equal number of women and hardly more than one child to
each pair.
The remnants of the Hatteras Indians appear to have
joined the Mattamuskeets on their reservation in Hyde,
where were only some seven or eight Indian men. Originally
it was said that the Indians had a violent antipathy to the
negro, but in time that repugnance seems to have subsided,
and there was some admixture of the two races.
Educational facilities in the province were limited. In
1749 John Starkey introduced a bill making an appropriation
of £6,000 for a free school, but in 1754 that money was used
for other purposes. Another appropriation of £6,000 was,
however, then made. But there was some objection in Eng-
land to this bill and it was disallowed. Four years later
the Assembly prayed the king that a part of the sum allowed
the province by the Crown in return for its aids might be used
to establish churches and a free school in each county; but
there was always an objection. Frequent applications were
made for this permission, and as late as 1763 the request and
denial continued, the Board of Trade merely saying that until
the Assembly should be sufficiently compliant as to remove
the original objections it would not consider the subject.
Eventually, in 1765, Governor Tryon, probing the matter,
could get no light on the subject otherwise, and formally
asked the Assembly what the cause of difference was, receiv-
ing the answer that the Assembly did not know, as the objec-
tion had never been communicated to that body. On again
representing the matter to the Board of Trade he was advised
RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS
305
that "some complaints had been made against the original
act by some merchants." And so because of Governor
Dobbs's wilfulness in not communicating to the Assembly
those objections in order that they might be removed or
answered, "the complaints of some merchants" resulted in
depriving the province of the benefit of free schools. Such
was one of the results of the colonial system of government.
The court system provided for a superior court, with a
chief justice appointed in England, and three associates, who,
in 1761, were Marmaduke Jones, William Charlton and
Stephen Dewey — all good lawyers ; but in 1762 the new act
divided the province into five districts, in each of which,
except the Salisbury district, an associate justice was ap-
pointed, who in the absence of the chief justice had juris-
diction to hear and determine all cases, except mere matters
of law. For the Salisbury district an assistant judge was
appointed. He was to be a learned lawyer and his juris-
diction was as ample as that of the chief justice himself.
These court laws were to endure only for two years unless
approved by the king, so there were constant re-enactments.
Notwithstanding the provision made for the maintenance
of an orthodox parochial clergy, there were in 1764 not more
than six established clergymen in the province, and only
three or four churches then finished. But the Presbyterians
had their ministers, and the Quakers had again become flour-
ishing. The Baptists also were numerous.
Paul Palmer in 1727 gathered together a congregation of
Baptists in the Albemarle section, and about 1742 William
Sojourner settled on Kehukee Creek, where later the
Kehukee Baptist Association was formed, and early in 1755
Shubeal Stearns, a native of Boston, settled on Sandy
Creek, where he soon drew into his communion more than
six hundred members; and these churches became mother
churches of the Baptist associations in North Carolina.
A new sect, too, had sprung up, calling themselves Meth-
odists, zealous and enthusiastic religionists, but disclaimed
by Mr. Whitefield, then on his passage through the province,
as the followers of Wesley and himself., yet doubtless owing
their origin to Whitefield's teachings in New England.
Governor Dobbs was loud in his denunciation of all oppo-
176a
S.R.,XXIIl
55©
C. RM VI,
6ax
The Judicial
System
Parochial
clergy
c. *:, vi,
X039
R:i prists
C. RM VI,
1061
Methodist!
306
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
1763
Republican-
ism rife
C. RM VI,
304-309
C.R.,VI,3a
British
views with
reference to
America
McCulloh
C. RM VI,
ioai
The right to
tax claimed
sition to his measures and schemes, and ascribed the antag-
onism of the leaders in the Assembly to a spirit of republi-
canism, which he declared was more rife in this province
than in any other. He insisted that Speaker Swann, his two
nephews, John Ashe and George Moore, and John Starkey,
who formed the committee of correspondence, composed a
junto, whose object was to lessen the prerogatives of the
Crown and absorb the administration into their own hands
and extend the power of the Assembly. That the Assembly
under its leaders was ever determined in the assertion of
its right to hold the purse and maintain the freedom of
the people as subjects of Great Britain is sufficiently plain.
How far any of the inhabitants were disaffected toward the
monarchical system does not appear. Proud of their birth-
right as British subjects, they never contemplated the relin-
quishment of self-government under the constitution of the
province; but they were loyal to their king and had no
expectation of any change until at length, to their dismay,
changes came.
The colonies had cheerfully made great appropriations to
aid the king in the prosecution of his wars and to relieve the
necessities of the Crown. But these were voluntary offer-
ings. In England it was held that the general government
of the mother country had a right to something more — to
exact by law a fund for the purposes of the Empire. The
regiments stationed in America were to be supported by
the American colonies. The colonial governments were to be
reformed and a surer provision made for the compensation
of the governors and other officers. Quickly following the
treaty of peace, these and other matters of similar import
were discussed in England, and on October 10, 1763, Henry
McCulloh, who for thirty years had been concerned with
the American colonies, proposed a stamp act to raise the
necessary funds. In January, 1764, Governor Dobbs wrote
to the Board of Trade: "I apprehend the British Parliament
may lay duties upon goods imported into the several colonies
to support the troops necessary to secure our great acqui-
sitions on this continent, as also to support the additional
public
RISE OF THE FOURTH ESTATE 307
officers of the revenue." Such was the drift of official n*
sentiment.
The Assembly of 1764
At the session of the Assembly held in Wilmington in
February, 1764, that town began to be regarded as the
seat of government for the province. Andrew Steuart, a
printer located there, was employed to publish the laws. pX*
Brunswick and Bute counties were erected. An act was
passed for building a school-house and a residence for a
schoolmaster in New Bern, and John Starkey and Joseph
Montfort were appointed the public treasurers for the term
of three years. John Ashe was again elected speaker of the
Assembly.
The early newspapers
Perhaps the conflicting interests of New Bern and Wil- wedwTresi
mington, or the more personal ambitions of two printers, in Carolina in
the summer of 1764 led to the revival of Davis' newspaper, §!«££%
now under the name The North Carolina Magazine, or
Universal Intelligencer. And in September Andrew Steuart
began at Wilmington the publication of The North Caro-
lina Gazette and Weekly Post Boy. The Post Boy, how-
ever, was short-lived, and ceased to exist in 1767, being
succeeded two years later by The Cape Fear Mercury, pub-
lished by Adam Boyd.
Tryon appointed to relieve Dobbs
Governor Dobbs, who was now nearly fourscore years of
age and very infirm, asked leave to return to England ; and
to relieve him, William Tryon, a young officer of the Queen's
Guards, was, on April 26, 1764, appointed lieutenant-gov-
ernor, and in July received his final instructions. On Octo- Arrives
ber 10th he arrived at Brunswick, expecting to enter at once 0c,io»it6*
on his duties ; but to his disappointment he found that Gov-
ernor Dobbs would not depart until the coming spring.
It was expected that there would be warm disputes when The public
the General Assembly should meet in October, 1764. In the a*italed
previous March the suggestion of McCulloh had been acted
on and a resolution had passed Parliament, without question,
3o8
DO BBS'S ADMINISTRATION, 1754-65
1764
The power
to tax
The firm
stand of the
Assembly
Oct., X764
C. R., VI,
1314-1318
Claims the
exclusive
privilege of
imposing
taxes
C. R., VI,
ia6i
Assembly
concurs with
Massachu-
setts
Bancroft,
V,ao4
that it was expedient to lay stamp duties on the colonies, and
the public mind was greatly agitated. For a century England
had restricted and regulated the commerce of her colonies,
and in recent years Parliament had exacted heavy duties on
trade with the adjacent French and Spanish settlements,
while no manufactured goods could be imported except alone
from English ports. But that had been for the expansion
and regulation of commerce. Now a different interest was
to be subserved, and Parliament proposed to tax the colonies
for purposes of revenue. In England no one disputed the
right ; in America it was a question so novel and so momen-
tous that at first public opinion was not pronounced. The
omnipotence of Parliament had never been disputed. But
on the passage of the resolution in March came an examina-
tion into the subject. The illumination was gradual. The
power to tax was the power to destroy, and America became
enshrouded in a turmoil of anxious thought. Such were
the conditions when the Assembly met in October.
As if to emphasize the spirit of the house, the governor
and council having appointed a printer "under the sounding
appellation of his Majesty's printer," the house declared
it knew of no such office, and it resolved that James Davis
should print the laws; and when the governor claimed for
himself as a representative of the Crown, in conjunction with
the king's councillors, the right to direct payment out of
the funds allowed the province by the king, the house re-
solved "that the treasurers do not pay any money out of
any fund by order of the governor and council without the
concurrence or direction of this house." It proposed to hold
the purse strings.
And in reply to the opening address of the governor the
house said: "It is with the utmost concern we observe our
commerce circumscribed in its most beneficial branches,
diverted from its natural channel, and burdened with new
taxes and impositions laid on us without our privity and
consent, and against what we esteem our inherent right and
exclusive privilege of imposing our own taxes."
As yet no other Assembly in any other colony had made
so positive a declaration. Incidentally the power of Parlia-
ment was flatly denied. Massachusetts had addressed a cir-
THE EXCLUSIVE RIGHT TO TAX 309
cular letter to the other colonies asking concert of action in ffi
making a representation to the Crown and desiring "their
united assistance." The speaker, John Ashe, on Novem-
ber 17th laid this letter before the house, and it was resolved
that "Mr. Speaker, Mr. Starkey, Mr. McGuire and Mr. Har- c. il, vi,
nett and Mr. Maurice Moore be a committee to answer the ,afl6
above letter," and "to express their concurrence with the
sentiments of the House of Representatives of Massachu-
setts." Such was the first movement on the surface of the
troubled waters. The house asserted its exclusive right to Martin,
lay taxes, and to direct payment out of the public funds, and cluoUna,
it sent to Massachusetts its concurrence in the proposed II,,M
remonstrance.
THE FIFTH EPOCH— 1 765-75
CONTROVERSIES WITH THE MOTHER COUNTRY
CHAPTER XXI
Tryon's Administration — 1765-71 : The Stamp Act
Governor Tryon's administration. — Unrest in Mecklenburg. —
The cause of complaint in Orange. — The Assembly of May, 1765.
— The vestry act. — The stamp act passed. — Desire for inde-
pendence imputed to the colonists. — Popular ferment. — Speaker
Ashe declares the people will resist to blood. — The Assembly pro-
rogued.— Patrick Henry in Virginia. — Barrels speech in Parliament.
— Sons of Liberty. — An American congress called. — Dr. Houston
stamp-master. — North Carolina not represented. — Famine and dis-
ease in the province. — The people set up looms. — Action at Wilming-
ton.— Liberty not dead. — Dr. Houston resigns. — Governor Tryon
feels the people. — Deprecates independence. — The reply. — Desire for
independence disclaimed. — The act not observed. — Non -importation.
— The people united. — Conditions in England. — British merchants
and manufacturers clamor for repeal. — Pitt. — Camden. — Conditions
in America. — No business transacted. — The West settled. — In Gran-
ville's territory. — Judge Berry commits suicide. — The rising on the
Cape Fear. — The people form an association. — They choose directors.
— Fort Johnston seized. — Tryon's house invaded. — The act annulled.
— Business resumed. — The Assembly prorogued. — The stamps stored.
— The act repealed. — London rejoices. — America grateful. — Mayor
DeRosset's manly sentiments. — Judge Moore suspended.
Governor Tryon
l£l On March 28, 1765, Governor Dobbs, who was then pre-
paring to depart for England, died at his villa at Brunswick,
and William Tryon assumed the reins of government as
lieutenant-governor, he having qualified as such in the pre-
ceding November. An officer of the army and a cultured
gentleman, just turned thirty-six years' of age and in the
flush of vigorous manhood, and in many respects a master-
ful man, he at once gained the esteem of the people. To
the Assembly on its meeting he promised his best endeavors
to render acceptable service to the province, and declared that
c. R..VII,
MUTTERINGS OF DISCONTENT 311
he should ever deem it equally his duty "to preserve the 'Jt5
people in their constitutional liberty as to maintain inviolable
the just and necessary rights of the Crown"; and to the
lower house in particular he said: "In the integrity of my
heart I must declare I look for neither happiness nor satis-
faction in this country but in proportion to the assistance
I meet with in my endeavors to promote the prosperity of
its inhabitants." Events, however, were happening that
sorely perplexed him. A condition of unrest pervaded the
province. In Mecklenburg County, where Selwyn had large c. R.,vnt
tracts of land obtained from McCulloh, many settlers had
located without deeds and would not acknowledge his claim Jj!Sdcn-
of ownership, and when his agent undertook to survey a t>urg
tract for widow Alexander a mob assembled under the leader-
ship of Thomas Polk and severely whipped and abused the
surveyor, John Frohock, Abraham Alexander, and several
others who were running the line, destroyed the compass, and
threatened young Henry Eustace McCulloh with death.
Toward the northern frontier there was trouble brewing JJ^n'
of a different character. After the adjournment of the Carolina,
Assembly in November, 1764, reports reached Governor ' *9X
Dobbs of serious disturbances in the county of Orange result- SSEJe111
ing from the exactions of the county officers, and Governor
Dobbs issued a proclamation forbidding any officer from
taking illegal fees. But this did not arrest the evil, and the
agitation soon extended to Granville. "A Serious Address
to the Inhabitants" of that county was issued in June, 1765.
In it the authors declared that "they were not quarrelling
with the form of government, nor yet with the body of
their laws, but with the malpractices of their county officers 8,' ''
and the abuses of those who managed their public affairs."
While the frontier settlements were thus agitated over their
local matters, on the seaboard the people were disquieted
because of the purpose of Parliament to tax the colonies.
Immediately on entering upon his duties Governor Tryon Tryon'*
reconvened the Assembly, the meeting being held at New
Bern on May 3, 1765. He urged that body to institute a Jv£;,Yn'
strict examination into the condition of the public funds,
and recommended the re-enactment of the vestry act free
from the objections made to it ; but in doing so he professed
312 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
*J** himself the wann advocate of toleration as well as of prog-
c. r., vii, ress. Among other improvements, he suggested the estab-
lishment of a post route from Suffolk to Wilmington, where
c^r., vii, jj woujci connect with one to Charleston. In 1763 provision
had been made for one year for a post between Suffolk and
Wilmington. Now, at the instance of the governor, the
Assembly raised a committee to make this post route perma-
nent, but for some cause the committee was not progressive
and did not carry out the purpose.
Agreeably to the governor's suggestions, a new vestry act
was passed. The selection of ministers of the established
church was to be no longer with the vestries, but with the
governor, who also had the power to suspend them. On his
appointment the ministers were to be received into their
parishes as incumbents. The vestry were to pay the salary
and lay the taxes for that purpose. At this session contests
again arose between the two houses.
In 1759 the Board of Trade had instructed Governor
Dobbs that the committee of correspondence ought to consist
of members of both houses, which the lower house would
not agree to. In 1765 the council asked that all correspond-
ence should be submitted to it, and the house hotly denied
Agent j ^ the request. Referring to this episode, Governor Tryon
represented to the Board of Trade that if the house persisted
in that course the agent ought not to be recognized. The
house, nevertheless, maintained its right; so the agent was
suspended and was not recognized by the Board ; and it was
not until 1768 that a new agent was appointed.
There was another contest over the appointment of a
treasurer. John Starkey having died, the lower house nom-
inated Richard Caswell, while the upper house desired Louis
Henry DeRosset, one of the councillors. Their disagree-
ment was not composed when, on the morning of May 18th,
the Assembly was suddenly prorogued.
The stamp act
in England ^ vear jia(j eiapSe(i since Parliament had passed the reso-
lution that it was expedient to tax the colonies. At length,
in February, 1765, the bill prepared by the ministry was
introduced in the House of Commons, where some oppo-
ius|»ended
THE STAMP ACT 313
sition was encountered, fifty votes being cast in the negative ; lJ*
but in the House of Lords there was no division. On
March 25th the bill received the royal assent.* To the peti-
tions of the colonies in opposition to the measure it was
constantly replied that their antagonism was founded in a
desire to sever their connection with the mother country, i» America
and that the issue should then be met and the dissatisfied
Americans should be reduced to submission. This, however,
was not the spirit that animated the colonies. Indeed, while
remonstrating, there was no other thought but of acqui-
escence. In April New York was still tranquil and Massa-
chusetts was not aroused. Otis, the Boston leader, indig- Bancroft,
nantly repelled the imputation that America was about to
become insurgent, and declared it to be "the duty of all
humbly and silently to acquiesce in all the decisions of the
supreme legislature." No one will "ever once entertain a
thought but of submission." "They undoubtedly have the
right to levy internal taxes on the colonies" ; and he solemnly
declared, "From my soul I detest and abhor the thought of
making a question of jurisdiction."
The colonial agents in England, while vigorously opposing
the passage of the act, had no other idea but that it would be
carried into successful operation. Ingersoll returned to Con-
necticut as the stamp master, and Franklin recommended
to his friends to apply for the places. In Virginia Richard
Henry Lee sought the appointment. Still, when the event
was imminent and news came in May that the act was passed,
the people fell into a ferment. It was a matter of feeling
rather than of cold reason. The popular heart was moved
without regard to those in public station.
The Assembly of North Carolina had on the last day of CR-» VI»
October, 1764, declared that "we esteem it our inherent right
and exclusive privilege to impose our own taxes." Virginia
a fortnight later had less positively asserted the right, and
had argued that the people of that province "cannot now
be deprived of a right they have so long enjoyed" ; but
neither Massachusetts nor any of the other colonies, had
♦This act not only required the payment of stamp taxes but pro-
vided for the trial of offenders against the act out of the province
and without a jury.
314
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1765
C.R.,VU,i.
Martin.
North
Carolina,
II, 105
C. R., VII,
88
Wirt, Life
Patrick
Henry, 75
etseq.
Sons of
Liberty
claimed exemption from parliamentary taxation. But the pub-
lic mind now became agitated, and Governor Tryon, seeing
the trend of affairs, asked the speaker of the house what the
people would do. "Resist unto blood and death," was the
emphatic answer of Ashe. Apprehensive that the lower
house was about to take some action, the governor, on Sat-
urday, May 18th, after the house had adjourned, suddenly
prorogued the Assembly till November, the business of the
Assembly being unfinished and not at all rounded up.
Near a fortnight later the session of the Virginia Assembly
was drawing to its close without any action having been
taken on the stamp act, when Patrick Henry, who had been
elected to fill a vacancy, took his seat as a member. At
once, on May 28th, he offered a series of resolutions on
the subject and sustained them in an impassioned speech:
"Caesar had his Brutus; Charles I his Cromwell, and
George III" — "Treason! Treason!" was echoed through-
out the hall — "may profit by their example."
Opposed by the speaker, by Pendleton, Bland, Wythe, and
the Randolphs, the resolutions were adopted by a majority of
but a single vote; and the next day the last of the resolu-
tions— the one asserting that "the colony had the sole right
and power to lay taxes" — was expunged from the record.
When the bill was before the House of Commons Colonel
Isaac Barre, who had served with Wolfe in Canada, made
an eloquent defence of the colonies, saying: "They planted
by your care! No; your oppressions planted them in
America. They fled from your tyranny. They nurtured by
your indulgence ! They grew by your neglect of them. As
soon as you began to care for them, that care was exercised
by sending persons to rule them — men whose behavior on
many occasions caused the blood of those Sons of Liberty to
recoil within them." A copy of Barre's speech was hurried
to New York, and there, in June, was printed and distributed
by the thousands, while the startling words of Henry were
being echoed throughout America. The people became
greatly inflamed and aroused, and the expression "Sons of
Liberty" was treasured from Massachusetts to Georgia. Still
as yet the only thought was to secure relief by petition and
remonstrance. The Massachusetts Assembly, being then in
THE STAMP ACT 315
session, called for an American congress, which should con- ***
sist of committees appointed in the several colonies by the
lepresentatives of the people, to meet in New York in October
"to consider of a united representation to secure relief," and th©
even then the question of exclusive right to tax the colonies ncres*
was carefully avoided. The people watched and waited,
hugging the delusion that their English friends would not
drive them to despair.
In England there was no thought of retreat. The stamps
were prepared and stamp masters were appointed for every
colony. On July nth the commissioners of the treasury
appointed Dr. William Houston, of Duplin, stamp master for "°"um,
North Carolina. He did not apply for the position, and it is master
probable that he was appointed at the instance of McCulloh,
for he appeared in North Carolina in 1735 as McCulloh's
agent for settling his grants on the northeast branch of the
Cape Fear, and for many years remained in that employ-
ment. The act was to go into operation on November 1st,
and the stamps were early sent to the northern colonies.
In October the Congress met. North Carolina, Virginia,
Georgia, and some other colonies were not represented, as
their assemblies could not meet to send deputies. It formu-
lated a remonstrance and petition.
That summer was the hottest ever known in North Caro-
lina in the memory of the inhabitants. There was a general c. rm vii.
failure of crops : and such was the extreme scarcity of pro- I54
visions that the slaves were fed on "cattle and apples" until
the potato crop matured in the fall. The following June
vessels were prohibited from carrying out any breadstuffs,
except for the necessary supply of the crews, and the
Assembly was prorogued in April because of the scarcity
of food. The yellow fever broke out in New Bern, and
Governor Tryon himself was seized by a malarial fever that
confined him until late in November. Yet notwithstanding
their other distresses, the stamp act held the first place in
the minds of the people. At Edenton and New Bern, as
well as at Wilmington, the inhabitants adopted strong reso-
lutions expressing their utter abhorrence of the odious act,
and to manifest their indignation and purpose "the people of
North Carolina set up looms for weaving their own clothes."
3i6
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1765
North
Carolina
Gazette
Nov. 90,1765
C. RM VII,
123- 125
Proceeding!
M
Wilmington
Houston
resigns
Nor did their demonstrations stop there. On October 19th
"near five hundred people assembled at Wilmington and ex-
hibited the effigy of a certain honorable gentleman; and
after letting it hang by the neck for some time near the
court-house, they made a large bonfire with a number of tar
barrels and committed it to the flames. The reason assigned
for the people's dislike to that gentleman was from being
informed of his having several times expressed himself much
in favor of the stamp duty. After the effigy was consumed
they went to every house in town and brought all the gentle-
men to the bonfire, and insisted upon their drinking, 'Liberty,
property, and no stamp duty, and confusion to Lord Bute
and all his adherents/ giving three huzzas at the conclusion
of each toast." This assemblage probably marked the for-
mation of the Sons of Liberty on the Cape Fear, and was
composed of the people of New Hanover and the adjoining
counties.
"On October 31st another great number of people
assembled at Wilmington, and produced an effigy of Liberty,
which they put into a coffin, and marched in solemn pro-
cession with it to the churchyard, a drum in mourning
beating before them, and the town bell, muffled, ringing
a doleful knell at the same time ; but before they committed
the body to the ground they thought it advisable to feel its
pulse, and when finding some remains of life they returned
back to a bonfire ready prepared, placed the effigy before it
in a large two-armed chair, and concluded the evening with
great rejoicings on finding that Liberty had still an existence
in the colonies."
Dr. Houston, on November 16th, came to Wilmington,
and the people, three or four hundred in number, immediately
gathered together with drums beating and colors flying and
carried him into the court-house, where he signed a resig-
nation, which was followed by great demonstrations; and in
the evening "a large bonfire was made and no person
appeared in the streets without having 'Liberty' in large
capital letters in his hat; and they drank in great form all
the favorite American toasts, giving three cheers at the
conclusion of each." In Cumberland, at New Bern, and at
TRYON'S DINNER TO THE LEADERS 317
his own home in Duplin, the people made similar demonstra- ffi
tions and hung Dr. Houston in effigy and then burned the
effigy.
Governor Tryon, who was now somewhat recovered from c.r.,vii,
his protracted illness, seeing the determination of the people, "7"I3°
sent out circular letters to about fifty of the principal inhabi-
tants, requesting their presence at dinner with him on
November 18th. In his interview with these gentlemen the
governor expressed his "hope that no violence would be
attempted in case the stamps should at any time arrive in the
province" ; and also he hoped "that none in this province were
desirous of destroying the dependence on the mother
country." He mentioned "the impossibility of the stamp act
operating in all its parts in this province, where the whole
cash of the country would scarcely pay a single year of the
tax," and declared his intention of making such representa-
tions that, whether the act were repealed or not, there would
be a favorable indulgence and exemption of this colony;
and as an inducement for allowing the act to have effect in
part, he "generously offered to pay himself the whole duty
arising on" certain instruments.
The next morning the gentlemen waited on the governor
with their reply, saying: "We cannot but applaud the happy
distinction of this province, which has a governor so studious
of promoting and so well satisfied to prosecute its advan-
tages and prosperity." They disclaimed "any desire to inter- J$**%£*
rupt or weaken the connection between Great Britain and cveRUlvii
her colonies," but declared that "we cannot assent to the "9
payment of the smaller stamps ; an admission of part would
put it out of our power to refuse with any propriety a sub-
mission to the whole; and as we can never consent to be
deprived of the invaluable privilege of a trial by jury, which
is one part of that act, we think it more consistent as well
as securer conduct to prevent to the utmost of our power
the operation of it." The governor in his reply regretted
that his intentions of service to the province at this junction
had so little prospect of success, and lamented the conse-
quences he apprehended from the resolution the gentlemen
had adopted.
Such was the spirit of the Cape Fear gentlemen, openly
3i8
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1765
C. R., VII,
*43
The spirit
of America
The king
resolute
. 1766
Camden
avowing their purpose not to permit the operation of the
act in any particular; and all the counties of the province
were in full sympathy with them. Ten days after the dinner,
and after Houston had resigned, some stamps arrived at
Brunswick on the sloop-of-war Diligence, but because of the
situation of affairs they remained on board that vessel until
her departure in the spring.
Contemporaneously with these proceedings in North Caro-
lina, the merchants of New York City entered into a reso-
lution not to import any goods until the stamp act was
repealed. Elsewhere their example was followed; and the
people organized themselves into associations, taking the
name applied to them by Colonel Barre in Parliament, "Sons
of Liberty." A patriotic fervor possessed the people, and
even before importations had ceased they discarded clothing
of British manufacture and began to wear the homespun
of the country. Rich and poor, those of the highest social
and political station as well as the humblest citizens, joined
in the cry of "Liberty, property, and no stamps." Never
were the people so united ; there was but one voice — to resist.
In December Gadsden, of South Carolina, wrote: "The
whole force of North Carolina was ready to join in pro-
tecting the rights of the continent," and in January the
Sons of Liberty in New York resolved "that they would
march to the relief of those in danger of the stamp act."
Such was the sentiment that prevailed throughout the
colonies.
In England other matters of serious import stirred the
court and divided the people, and changes in the ministry
were frequent. But at length the attitude of the colonists
arrested attention ; and merchants and manufacturers, aghast
at the possible consequences to their business, united their
clamors with those of the Americans for repeal. The king,
nevertheless, was resolute, and when Parliament opened on
January 14th he informed it that "orders had been issued
for the support of lawful authority." Pitt, however, declared
emphatically that Parliament had no right to tax the colonies,
and like a clap of thunder he startled the house when he
exclaimed, "I rejoice that America has resisted." In the
House of Lords Camden spoke with equal strength. But
THE STAMP ACT REPEALED 319
at first they were overborne. The purpose to maintain the ffi
omnipotence of Parliament was fixed. But politics were in
a turmoil, and changes in the ministry suddenly occurred.
A month after the session began Conway, now in the min- Conway
istry, moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the act. He urge* repeal
declared that it had interrupted British commerce and de-
stroyed one-third of the manufactures of Manchester — had
thrown thousands of poor out of employment, and that to
assist the Americans, France and Spain would engage in
war with Britain. Amid great excitement, despite the oppo-
sition of the king, leave was given by a vote of 275 to 167.
The first step to repeal was taken.
The new year opened in America with all in a state of
suppressed excitement. The act had not been operative.
The courts were either closed or transacted little business.
Newspapers were published on unstamped paper and ships
sailed without legal clearances. It was a condition of un-
armed rebellion.
Open rebellion on the Cape Fear
In North Carolina, Tryon having received his commission ^ion
as full governor, on December 21st dissolved the Assembly Feb., 1766
and issued writs for the election of new members. The elec- 133. u* 154
tion was held in the midst of excitement on February nth,
and the legislature was to convene April 22d. Writing in
January from New Bern, Rev. Mr. Reed said : "The people
here are peaceable and quiet, yet they seem very uneasy, dis-
contented and dejected. The courts of justice are in a great
measure shut up, and it is expected that in a few weeks there
will be a total stagnation of trade. " On Christmas Tryon
wrote home : "The obstruction to the stamp act . . . has 114
been as general in this province as in any colony on the
continent. . . . No business is transacted in the courts
. . . though . . . regularly opened, and all civil gov- At the west
ernment is now at a stand." Such was the situation in the
east. At the west not a man favored the stamp act ; but that
matter was not so interesting on the frontier as in the marts
of trade. Ten years of peace had brought renewed im-
migration from the north. A settlement from New Jersey was
made on the Yadkin. The Moravians received accessions,
320 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
2jJ5 and had engaged in manufactures. "They have mills, forges,
furnaces, potteries, foundries, all trades and things in and
among themselves." They drew copper from the neighbor-
c. r., vii, ing mines. 'They are all bees, not a drone suffered in the
**s hive; what they do not consume they sell in the adjacent
territory,,, receiving for their products furs and peltry, which
they send off to Virginia and into South Carolina, obtaining
in return rum, sugar, linen and woollen goods, pewter and tin
wares and other necessaries. While this development was
being made at Bethabara, Rowan and Mecklenburg counties
were being occupied. During the fall and winter of 1765 a
thousand wagons passed through Salisbury, and the people
were clearing the forests seventy miles west of Fort Dobbs
and forty miles beyond the Catawba.
Granviii • *n Granville's territory the land offices were closed on the
territory death of Lord Granville in 1763, and his heir and successor
had not yet opened them again. Some of the occupants of
his lands dreaded the expected reopening, because of the
abuses of his agents ; while others were discontented because
they could not obtain titles to the premises they had im-
proved. The grievances of the people in the back country
continuing, the movement for redress progressed, securing
c. r.vii, the adherence of many of the inhabitants. Specie was very
scarce, and while even the merchants estimated that because
of the great growth of the province £200,000 of paper
currency was needed, the amount outstanding was only
£75,000. Necessarily there was great pecuniary distress.
Such was the general condition of the province — unrest at
the west, insufficient currency, civil government at a stand,
and the Sons of Liberty holding together, not knowing what
a day might bring forth.
Another event added to the gloom on the Cape Fear —
the suicide of Chief Justice Berry. On March 18, 1765, a
duel occurred between Lieutenant Whitehurst and Alexander
Simpson, master, both of the British sloop Viper, the cause
c. r., vn, Qf which was said to have been some woman. Simpson was
wounded and Whitehurst killed. Simpson was apprehended,
but the night before Governor Dobbs died he made his escape
from jail and fled to Virginia. He was subsequently taken
and put on trial at New Bern, where Chief Justice Berry
SEIZURE OF THE DO BBS AND THE PATIENCE 321
held the court. The case was tried before the arrival of all ]&
of the witnesses for the prosecution, and Simpson was ac-
quitted, at which the governor manifested much displeasure.
When, on December 20th, the governor called a council at
Wilmington to qualify under his new commission, Judge Deathof
Berry, on being notified to attend, conceived that the council J,,dge Berry
was called for the purpose of suspending him, and was so im-
pressed with the belief that he at once shot himself in the
head, and after lingering eight days died. The melancholy Jj0R,,VI1,
affair was greatly regretted. To succeed Berry, Governor
Tryon commissioned James Hasell as chief justice. He was
the senior member of the council and had at different times
filled the office of chief justice for seven years. At the same
time, in January, 1766, he appointed Robert Howe an associ-
ate judge.
Thus far Tryon had managed so astutely that there had
been no clashing with the people. But it could not be averted.
In January two merchant vessels, the Dobbs and the J&^y/11,
Patience, came into the Cape Fear and were seized because
their clearance papers were not duly stamped, and were
held by the British men-of-war, the Diligence and the Viper.
At once the patriots of that region were aroused and demand oJ5£iina
was made for their release. The matter was referred to the £*Je"5' „
attorney-general, Robert Jones, who was at his home on the
Roanoke, and during the delay the leaders of the people
arranged their plans. The mayor of Wilmington resigned
and Moses John DeRosset, a strenuous opposer of the act.
was elected in his place. The people of Onslow, Duplin, and w*dJS\d
Bladen were brought together at Wilmington to meet those ^iiionpen
of New Hanover and Brunswick, and they entered into an
association. ''Detesting rebellion, yet preferring death to The
slavery, . . . we hereby mutually and solemnly plight our ssociatlon
faith and honor that we will at any risk whatever, and when-
ever called upon, unite and truly and faithfully assist each
other to the best of our power in preventing entirely the
operation of the stamp act." On the next day, February 18th, £!£
the people chose John Ashe the speaker, Alexander Lilling-
ton and Colonel Thomas Lloyd "directors to direct the move-
ment." General Hugh Waddell was appointed to marshal
and command the citizen soldiery, of whom six hundred were
322
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
17ft
C.R..VII,
17a ft ttq.
The
Diligtnce
and the
defied
C. P., VII,
178
Fort
Joh niton
seized
C. R..VII,
186
The council
armed, while there were one hundred of the people unarmed.
The purpose was to secure the liberation of the detained
vessels, and they resolved to march to Brunswick and require
their release and prevent the operation of the stamp act in
any particular. It was an orderly movement of the people,
organized under civil authority of their own appointment,
with the military subordinate to the directory, at the head of
which was the speaker of the Assembly. Accompanying the
directors were the mayor and corporation of Wilmington,
and gathered around them were all the gentlemen of the Cape
Fear — a cavalcade of patriots intent on a high purpose and
full of high resolve. As a measure of this incipient war the
inhabitants of Wilmington determined that no provisions
should be furnished to the British cruisers, and when the
contractors' boat came to the town for supplies they seized
the crew and threw them into jail, and with a great demon-
stration hauled the boat through the town in triumphal
procession.
The directors sent by Harnett and Moore a letter notifying
Governor Tryon, who, after Dobbs's death, resided at Bruns-
wick, that they proposed him no personal harm, but were
coming to right their wrongs ; and forward the companies
marched, Waddell's patriotic soul flaming high as he reso-
lutely led them on to their act of treason and flagrant
rebellion.
Quickly a detachment seized Fort Johnston; quickly the
public offices were invaded and the papers of the detained
vessels obtained. But yet the vessels were held by the men-
of-war. Recognizing that a crisis was reached, the king's
officers determined to stand by the colors of his Majesty
to the last. There was to be no yielding to the insurgents.
At noon on the 20th a council was held, attended by the
governor and all of the British officers; and Captain Lobb,
the senior naval officer, declared his unalterable purpose to
hold the ship Patience and to require a return of her papers,
which the insurgents had taken. And so it was agreed by
the governor and all. But in the afternoon a party of the
insurgents — doubtless the directors, Waddell, Harnett, James
and Maurice Moore, Mayor DeRosset and the corporation
of Wilmington — boarded the ship of war Diligence, and
RELEASE OF THE DO BBS AND THE PATIENCE 323
there, under the royal flag, surrounded by his Majesty's *&
officers, they made demand upon Captain Lobb to surrender
the vessels and abandon any purpose to sustain the stamp
act. What passed is not recorded ; but in the evening Cap-
tain Phipps, of the Viper, came on shore and reported to the
governor that "all was settled/' The vessels were released. /££>««
The people had redressed their grievances. The stamp act ********
was not to be enforced in any particular. The governor was
indignant, disgusted, but powerless.
The collector, the comptroller, the clerks, and other pro- J^JJJJJjy*
vincial officers, one of them, William Pennington, being taken
by Harnett from the residence of Governor Tryon, were
now brought with great formality all together, at the centre
of a circle formed by the people, and there were constrained
to make public oath never to perform any duty with regard
to the stamps. The stamp act being thus annulled in North
Carolina, in triumph the people returned to their homes vic-
tors over the governor and the king's forces.
The effect of this bold and determined movement, that had
no exact parallel in any other colony — for first the people
ordained a government with authority to direct and secondly
they organized a military force subordinate to the directory —
resulting in the full accomplishment of the purpose designed,
must have been lasting on the minds of the people. It
established the leaders still more in public confidence, for
successful achievements appeal strongly to the popular heart.
It also brought home to the people the value of organized
resistance and prepared them to take resolute action when
at a later day their rights and liberties were again invaded.
With this experience, under the same chieftains, they were
the more easily marshalled to sustain the measures of 1775
in open revolt from the dominion of the mother country.
The submission of Tryon and of the king's naval forces to
their power, the remembrance of that glorious triumph easily
paved the way for their formation of military companies in
March, 1775, for the destruction of Fort Johnston, and the
expulsion of Governor Martin from the soil of the province.
After that no attempt was ever made to observe the stamp
act in North Carolina. The governor and all public officers
abandoned the contest. Vessels sailed in and out as before
3^4
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
!7«
C. R., VII,
188
Houston
Sives up his
ocuments
In
Parliament
The act
repealed
Rejoicing; in
London
the act was passed. The business of the courts was resumed,
and the act was entirely disregarded.
But as the Assembly was to meet in April, on February 26th
the governor prorogued it till November, and he declared
his purpose not to allow any Assembly to meet until he had
received further instructions from the king. On April 15th
Dr. Houston again appeared at Wilmington, and there he
was forced to surrender to Mayor DeRosset his commis-
sion and his instructions. The Diligence having been
ordered to depart, the boxes of stamps were transferred
at the end of March to the Viper, and later were deposited
in Fort Johnston, where they remained until sent back to
England.
Proceedings similar to those in North Carolina took place
in all the colonies, but nowhere else was there equal bold-
ness and resolution in action ; yet in every province the law
had been entirely annulled by popular resistance. Still the
issue was undetermined, and America, in an attitude of
defiance, waited with anxiety for news from England.
Although the House of Commons, responsive to the de-
mands of British trade and commerce, had expressed a will-
ingness to repeal the stamp act, yet Parliament was by no
means ready to abandon its alleged right to tax the colonies.
Pari passu with Conway's bill for repeal, another, declaring
the absolute power of Parliament to bind the colonies in
all cases whatsoever, was rushed through the two houses;
and in the House of Lords the repeal bill met with strenuous
opposition and protests, but finally, on March 18th, it re-
ceived the unwilling and sullen assent of the king. The
multitude, however, applauded. There was great rejoicing
in London, the vessels on the Thames displayed all their
colors, the church bells rang out joyous peals, and at night
the city was illuminated with bonfires, and all the principal
houses were lighted from within. The swiftest vessels
hurried the news across the Atlantic, where it was received
with public demonstrations of universal gladness and heart-
felt patriotism. So sudden a popular revulsion from appre-
hension and defiance to gratitude and loyalty is without a
parallel in history. The colonists at once rescinded their
resolves of non-importation, gave their homespun clothes to
n
1. North Carolina Currency, 17W *j. North Carolina Currency, 1776
8. Edmund Fanning
4. Monument to the Regulators
STAMP ACT REPEALED IN AMERICA 325
the poor, and turned their attention once more to their local 7*f
concerns. Throughout North Carolina there was great rejoic-
ing. At New Bern the gentlemen met at the court-house to
celebrate the event. An elegant dinner was served in com-
mon-hall, Cornell presiding. Many toasts "were drank un- JSSnbu
der a display of colors and other ensigns of Liberty, among g»*ef»i
them, toasts to Camden, Pitt Conway and Barre ; 'the Liberty
of the Press' ; 'the Governor and the Province' ; the whole
conducted with great good order, decency and decorum."
The day concluded with a ball in the court-house "and the s.CGaaetic
evening was most happily and agreeably spent." At length Aug* * 177t
on June 13th Governor Tryon received official intelligence
of the repeal, and a week later Moses John DeRosset, mayor caR» VII»
of Wilmington, on behalf of the corporation, addressed
formal congratulations to the governor. In the course
of subsequent correspondence DeRosset and the other gentle-
men at Wilmington declared that they were well assured
that the governor's conduct had always been regulated
by no other motive than a generous concern for the
public good. Still there was no abatement of manly expres-
sion, and in regard to their own action they pointedly said :
"Moderation ceases to be a virtue when the liberty of British
subjects is in danger." Thus in the general rejoicing, while
there was no admixture of bitterness for Tryon, there was
asserted a resolution to maintain the rights of the people
as British subjects; and Governor Tryon afterward men-
tioned that only one person connected with the uprising on
the Cape Fear ever expressed any regret at his action, and
he was not a native of the province.
While all of the gentlemen of the Cape Fear had taken a
pronounced part in these stamp act proceedings, the governor
manifested his displeasure at the action of Maurice Moore
alone. He was assistant judge for the district of Salisbury,
and because of his intemperate zeal and conduct in opposi-
tion to the act the governor suspended him, and on
March 7th appointed Edmund Fanning to the vacancy. In
addition to his personal participation in the expedition to
Brunswick, Moore had published a pamphlet showing that
the colonists "arc constitutionally entitled to be taxed only by
their own consent."
CHAPTER XXII
Tryon's Administration, 1765-71 : The Regulation
Murmurs from the west— The governor's proclamation.— The
reform movement. — The general polity of the province. — Tryon's
action. — Purpose of the reformers. — Removal of the Tuscaroras. —
The Assembly meets — November, 1766. — The burden too heavy to
bear.— The address to the king. — The southern treasurer. — No
provincial agent. — The governor's palace. — The seat of government.
— Presbyterian ministers to perform marriage ceremony. — The
Cherokee line. — The Watauga settlement. — The need of currency. —
New legislation. — The speakers to be gowned. — Tryon joins in ask-
ing for currency. — New custom duties proposed. — The Assembly
prorogued. — The Regulators associate. — The meetings. — Oath-bound.
— Hillsboro raided. — Consternation of the officers. — Rev. George
Micklejohn the peacemaker. — The governor advises an appeal to
the Assembly. — Fanning seizes Husband. — The people aroused. — A
petition to the Assembly. — Presented to the governor. — His reply.
— He reaches Hillsboro. — Sends Harris to collect taxes. — Harris's
report. — Hillsboro threatened. — Disturbing rumors. — The agreement.
— The voice of Anson. — Trouble in Johnston. — The governor's de-
mands.— The army of 1768. — The Presbyterian ministers support
the governor. — The march to Hillsboro. — The Regulators embody.
— The governor's terms. — The malcontents disperse. — The court
held. — Tryon desires to leave. — Regulators' address. — Resolve of
Assembly. — Remedial legislation proposed. — Hillsboro riots. — Riot
act. — Alamance. — The battle. — The trials and executions.
Murmurs from the west
L7^ On June 25, 1766, Governor Tryon, happy at the turn of
affairs, issued a proclamation announcing the repeal of the
stamp act and on the same day, in pursuance of particu-
lar instructions received from the Crown, he issued a procla-
mation in the king's name, stating that complaints had been
made that exorbitant fees have been demanded and taken, to
the great dishonor of the king's service and the prejudice of
usf^'ia the public interest ; and all public officers whatever in their
respective stations throughout the province were forbidden
"to receive any other fees than those established by proper
authority on pain of being removed from their offices and
prosecuted with the utmost severity of the law." On the
THE REFORM MOVEMENT 327
same day, because of the extraordinary want of provisions ^
in the province, it was determined that the General As-
sembly should not then be convened, but should stand pro-
rogued until October.
While the eastern part of the province now returned to a c. r.,vii,
happy quietude, the disturbed conditions at the west were *49' *5°
not allayed. In August the leaders of the reform movement
in the county of Orange issued an advertisement, referring
to the success of the Sons of Liberty in withstanding the Reform
_,-__,. , ' , f .,« movement
Lords of Parliament, and proposing that each neighbor- at the west
hood throughout the county should meet and appoint one
or more men to attend a general meeting at Maddock's Mills,
"at which meeting let it be judiciously inquired whether the
free men of this country labor under any abuses of power,"
and proposing to call upon all persons in office to give an ac-
count of their stewardship, a proceeding similar to the town-
ship meetings immemorially held in Massachusetts. On
October 10th such a meeting was held, but none of the 1766
officers appeared as requested. Disappointed in this first
attempt, both at the lukewarmness of the people and the
non-attendance of the officers, the leaders proposed that an-
other conference should be called, and the practice be main-
tained, believing that "on further matured deliberation the in-
habitants will more generally see the necessity of it and the
number increase in favor of it to be continued yearly."
The complaints of these people were because of the admin- JJ}f **" ^jj|
istration of local affairs. The general polity of the province £r0Rncvn
was the outcome of circumstances. The king appointed the 47a «f j**.'
governor, the chief justice and the attorney-general, the
first two of whom being sent from England while the last
had been appointed from among the citizens. The council
was a continuing body, appointed by the Crown, and, as none
had ever been removed, holding for life. From BurringtoVs
administration appointments had been made only to fill
vacancies caused by death or removal from the province.
When a vacancy occurred, the governor made a temporary
appointment until the Crown could act. A part of the ex-
penses of the administration was paid by the quit rents;
but generally the needs of government were met by taxes
assessed by the Assembly. There was no tax on land or
328 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
JJ^ property, only on the poll and on some minor subjects of
taxation. As the expenses increased, the poll taxes were
multiplied and became grievous, especially in the frontier
counties, where the people were without market for their
produce and had no currency and many of them were poor.
There were five judicial districts, for each of which an
associate judge was appointed by the governor; and while
the associate for the Salisbury District alone was required
to be a lawyer by profession, yet all of these associates were
lawyers. To each district court there were two clerks, one
for civil causes appointed by the chief justice, the other the
clerk of the Crown for criminal cases, appointed by the
secretary of the province.
There was a court for each county, pleas and quarter
sessions, held by the justices of the peace, and to each of
these courts there were likewise two clerks, one for civil
causes and the other the clerk of the Crown. The appoint-
ment of the first was with an officer of the province, denomi-
nated "The clerk of the pleas'' ; the clerks of the Crown were
appointed by the secretary of the province. Oftentimes one
person filled both offices. The sheriffs of the different
counties were annually appointed by the governor, but hei^
was confined to select from among three persons recom-
mended by the justices of the peace; and the register of
deeds was likewise appointed by the governor to hold dur-
ing his pleasure. The fees of all officers were fixed by law,
and a part of the compensation of the chief justice also
consisted of fees incident to his court. The influence of
these local officers was felt in the election of members of
the Assembly and in perpetuating their own power, and they
became dominant factors in the management of public
affairs. The attorneys-at-law were also potent influences,
and of these there were forty-five practising in the province.
Convinced of the abuses that these conditions led to, Gov-
ernor Tryon sought to mitigate them, and among other
things announced that no county court clerk or practicing at-
torney should be appointed a justice of the peace — the justices*'
of the peace being appointed by the governor with the sanc-
tion of the council, to hold at his pleasure. All local affairs
were within the administration of these justices, who, sitting
THE POLITY OF THE PROVINCE 329
as the court of the county, primarily passed on all complaints xj£
of exorbitant fees or charges of maladministration by the
county officers, had cognizance of county matters, laid county
taxes and settled with county officers. Under that system Noresponsi-
there was no responsibility to the people. The justices of plopfe0
the court anmially recommended the sheriff for appoint-
ment and they influenced the election of assemblymen. They
were appointed by the governor on the recommendation
of the Assembly. Thus they became a part of a self-per-
petuating circle, composed of officers, lawyers, justices and
their dependents, controlling local affairs, and with inter-
ests widely different from those of the people at large.
Popular discontent could not make itself felt in legal and
accustomed channels; and this seems to have been the
fundamental reason for the innovation proposed by the re-
formers to introduce county meetings of the inhabitants
annually to consider the action of their officials and all pub-
lic matters, and such at first was the extent of the demand.
During the summer of 1766 the sachem of the Tuscaroras, Removal of
who had moved to New York fifty years before, came to the uscarora*
province, and after spending some time with the Indians on
the reservation, arranged for the removal of more of that
tribe to join the Six Nations. The funds for their removal
were supplied by Robin Jones, attorney-general, who had
long manifested a particular kindness toward those isolated
and almost friendless Indians. A part of the reserve was c. r.,vii,
conveyed to him as security, and one hundred and thirty
Tuscaroras in August marched north, leaving only one hun-
dred and four of that tribe, including women and children,
remaining in North Carolina.
The Assembly meets
On November 3d the legislature convened at New Bern, f4'3R"VII,
being the first meeting of the representatives of the people
since May, 1765. During the intervening eighteen months
the public voice had been stifled by the astuteness of the gov-
ernor, and now harmony and good understanding subsisted
throughout the province. On the first day of the session, Harvey
November 3d, John Harvey of Perquimans was unanimous- $peakcr
ly elected speaker, and it was not until November 7th that
Auembly
330 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
'7? John Ashe, the speaker of the former house, appeared and
took his seat as a member. The temper of the house while
kindly was not subservient. The committee to prepare a
response to the governor's opening address were Elmsly,
Maurice Moore, Sam Johnston, Cornelius Harnett, Edmund
Fanning, Robert Howe and Joseph Hewes. In it they said :
347**>VI1, "This house is truly sorry that any reason whatever should
have prevented your meeting this Assembly till this time.
The alarming tendency of the stamp act and the reproachful
names of rioters and rebels which were liberally bestowed
on his Majesty's faithful subjects of North America ren-
dered it in our opinion highly expedient that this house
should have been assembled some months sooner." Con-
or The°ne tinuing, they said : "It is our duty to acknowledge in the
most grateful manner the moderation and goodness of his
Majesty and the justice of his Parliament in removing from
us a burden much too heavy for us to bear." A similar tone
of fine manhood pervaded the address, yet they manifested a
kindliness toward the governor himself, and congratulated
him "on a peculiar mark of the royal favor to this province,
manifested to us in your appointment to this government;
and be assured we will cheerfully take all occasions to render
your administration easy and happy."
The council took great exception to the strictures of the
Assembly, but the governor carefully suppressed his own
sentiments, merely declaring that he was "an utter stranger
to the reproachful and detestable title of rebel; that such an
opprobrious title never found place in my breast; nor am
I conscious of having ever misrepresented or aggravated any
part of the disturbances in the colonies, either general or
particular."
On November 22A the house appointed Messrs. Ashe, Fan-
ning and Howe a committee to prepare an address of thanks
to the king "on the happy event of the repeal of
the stamp act;" and on -the 26th Ashe, the central figure
in the stamp act proceedings, submitted the address to the
house. It was strong and manly as well as patriotic. There
was no wavering; no apology. The language used to the
governor was now repeated to the king. The stamp act
was "a burden much too heavy for us to bear," but they
>
c
o
TRYON'S PALACE 33*
spoke of their "cordial and natural attachment to the mother *j£
country, and love and duty to his Majesty's royal person."
Because of the failure to elect a treasurer for the southern
district at the last session the governor had appointed as
temporary treasurer Samuel Swann, and now the lower
house proposed to appoint John Ashe. The upper house,
however, again asserted its right to participate in the elec-
tion, and inserted the name of Louis DeRosset, as on the
former occasion. But on the lower house standing firm the
council proposed to amicably settle the difference by joining
in and making the same nomination, without abandoning its
claim of participation; and Ashe was thereupon elected. 3*4
The restoration of good feeling between the Assembly and xxii'i, 664
the Crown was signalized by the passage of an act appropri-
ating £5,000 for the building of a residence for the J^tTcSSud
governor at New Bern, virtually making that the seat of
government ; and taxes were laid for the purpose of paying
the cost of construction. To the governor himself was given
power to design the building and to contract for its comple-
tion. Governor Tryon soon found that the amount appro-
priated was not sufficient to complete a building according to
the plans adopted, but nevertheless he proceeded in the erec-
tion of a magnificent structure, surpassing any other build-
ing in the colonies, having reason to believe that the Assem-
bly would make an additional appropriation.
At this session the act concerning marriages, passed in xxih, 67a
1 741, was amended, much to the gratification of the Presby- ActrHagc
terians. By that act the justices of the peace where there
were no established ministers were authorized to perform
the marriage ceremony. These justices in the western coun-
ties were for the most part Presbyterians, as the great
mass of the inhabitants were, and now the law was changed,
extending the privilege of performing this service to
Presbyterian ministers; but the fee for the service was re-
served to the ministers of the established church in the par-
ishes where one was settled ; and the marriage license was to
be granted by the governor, who furnished a supply in J766
blank, and signed by him, to the county clerks. On Decern- £'s " '
ber 2d, with very amicable relations existing between the
332 TRYONS ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
!*J governor and the Assembly, the session was brought to its
close.
The Cherokee line
In the progress of settlement the colonists were encroach-
ing on the hunting grounds of the Indians, and there was
more or less friction along the whole frontier from Canada
to Georgia. The king and ministry were anxious to prevent
hostilities, and some of the Cherokee chieftains had visited
England and been assured by the king of his purpose to pro-
tect them. Dividing lines were ordered to be run that should
mark the hunting grounds of the Indians and the limits of
the territory open to settlers. Such a line had been run
from McGowan's Ford, on the Savannah, northeastwardly
to Reedy River, leaving a considerable territory east of the
mountains in South Carolina as Indian lands ; and Governor
Tryon was ordered to have that line continued through west-^
c. r.,vii. ern North Carolina. The Indians had in October agreed
that the line should run from Reedy River north to the
mountains, and then to Chiswell's lead mines on the New
River or the Kanahwa. Now some chiefs contended that it
should be run direct from Reedy River to the mines. Gov-
ernor Tryon was desirous that the change should not be
made, but that the North Carolina boundary should be the
mountains. In order to effect his purpose he proposed
to attend the meeting of the Indians and surveyors. It is
to be observed that the dividing line between North and
South Carolina had been marked out only to the Catawba
nation, and to the westward of the Catawba River it had
not been established at all ; but in any event North Carolina
was interested in running the Indian boundary north from
Reedy River to the mountains, for that left no Indian hunt-
ing grounds east of the mountains. Many Indian chieftains
were to be present and locate the line. On May 6th the
1767 governor left Brunswick, and on the 21st, with an escort
of fifty men and a considerable number of surveyors and
woodsmen, he took up his march from Salisbury for Reedy
River, where he was to meet the Indians. On June 4th,
with their sanction, Governor Tryon directed the line to be
run a north course to the mountains. He favorably im-
THE CHEROKEE LINE
333
C. R., VII,
Sreat Wolf
of Carolina
pressed the Indian chieftains, one of whom was the Wolf
of the Keowee, the others having similar names ; and they
complimented him, after their fashion, by conferring on him
the title of "The Great Wolf." The line was run fifty-three
miles north, where it struck a mountain, which the surveyors
named Tryon, now in Polk County, on the dividing line be-
tween the Carolinas, but then supposed to be well within the
limits of North Carolina, in fact located on the map of that
period as being in the Brushy Mountains, so little was then
known of the western portion of the province.
On his return the governor issued a proclamation forbid-
ding any purchase of land from the Indians and any issuing
of grants for land within one mile of the boundary line.
Some years earlier adventurous hunters had begun to pass
the mountains in search of game. Of these Daniel Boone Boone
was perhaps the boldest. He crossed the valley of the Hol-
stein, passed through Cumberland Gap, and visited Ken-
tucky. At length, about 1768, settlements began to be made
on the Watauga, the first to erect a cabin and to move his Watauga
family, it is said, being William Bean, removing from some
North Carolina settlement. Others soon followed. Thus
began the occupation of that region, which later received
large accessions from the inhabitants of the western counties.
On December 5th the legislature again met. It made pro-
vision for paying the cost of running the Indian boundary,
amounting to about £400, expressed its sense of high obliga-
tion to the governor for superintending it in person, thanked
him for his care in erecting the governor's house and for
calling attention to abuses in the collection of taxes by the
sheriffs, and referred to the harmony and industry that pre-
vailed in the province, but called attention to the distress, al-
most ruin, that seems "to be our inevitable lot from the great
want of a sufficient quantity of circulating currency."
1767
C. R., VII,
565
New legislation
The two years for which the court law had been enacted
being about to expire, a new law, establishing six judicial
districts, was enacted to continue in force for five years and
until the end of the next session of Assembly thereafter.
These courts were to be held by the chief justice and two
S R.
XXI 1 1, 688
334 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
2£? associate justices, and in case of the absence of the chief
justice or either of the others, it was lawful for one to hold
the court. Maurice Moore and Richard Henderson were
R appointed the associates.
xxili, 7"» An additional £10,000 was granted for finishing the gover-
793 nor's house and a poll tax of 2s. 6d. was imposed for three
years for that purpose. A stringent law was enacted with re-
gard to the accounting of sheriffs, and members of the Assem-
bly were declared ineligible to the sheriffalty. Public ware-
houses were established for tobacco at Campbellton, at Tar-
boro, Kinston, Halifax, and seven other points in the north-
ern part of the province, inspectors to give receipts for the
same, their receipts or notes being transferable in the course
of trade ; and similar warehouses were established at Camp-
bellton and Halifax for the storage of hemp and flax.
Commissioners were appointed to construct a public road
from the frontier in Mecklenburg County — that then ex-
tended to the mountains — through Rowan, Anson and
Bladen, to Wilmington. The design was to connect the back
country with the seaports of the province, the people of
Mecklenburg and Rowan having theretofore established
trade relations with Charleston.
Under Governor Tryon's influence and the progress of
events, there was a disposition to depart from the simplicity
of former years, illustrated by the construction of the gov-
ernor's palace, and the Assembly determined that the speaker •
and other officers of the two houses should appear in robes
appropriate to their offices, and the governor was requested
to procure them at the public expense. On January 16, 1768,
the business of the session being well finished, the Assembly
was prorogued until May.
h^*k>'i?or Because of the general distress incident to insufficient cur-
currency rency, acknowledged by the governor and merchants as well
as by the people, a petition to the king was drawn by the
Assembly, praying leave to issue £100,000 in paper currency,./
and promising not to make any currency lawful ten-
der for any indebtedness to the Crown or to any merchant or
c^r., vii, others residing in Great Britain. The inference was that
this paper currency would be made legal tender for debts
within the province. Governor Tryon strongly urged that
FEELING IN THE ASSEMBLY 335
this request should be granted. He dwelt on the great need j£J
for currency in the province, representing that there was not
enough for the payment of taxes, and that indeed he thought
that the ability of the people to raise the funds for the gov-
ernor's mansion depended on this proposed issue of currency.
He therefore had a personal interest in the matter. But the Currency
petition
petition was denied on the ground that legal tender paper refused
currency led to frauds, and that no consideration of local
inconvenience would induce the ministry to ask Parliament
to depart from the principles of the act it had passed in 1764
forbidding the issue of legal tender paper money. Later c. r.,vii,
Tryon again urged that this favor be granted to the people, 6?9,
for the public distress was augmented by the new taxes laid
for the mansion, for the judges and other officers, and for
other expenses that had been incurred at his instance. Much
to his mortification he was curtly answered by the Earl of
Hillsborough that the subject had been disposed of and could
not be reconsidered.
Pursuant to the declaratory act of March, 1766, new cus- New
1.111 • , 1 « . / * -r-k custom
torn duties had been imposed on the colonies by act of Par- dutie.
liament and a board of customs officers was appointed.
This proceeding led to the publication of "Letters from a
Pennsylvania Farmer" that again aroused the colonists, ancj
the Assembly of Massachusetts in February, 1768, issued a
circular letter to the other colonies, asking for "a united and £ ■ R ■• VI1*
dutiful supplication" to the Crown, but the apprehension
was expressed that they would be considered "factious and
disloyal, and having a desire to make themselves independent
of the mother country." This letter was received by Speaker
Harvey on the first day of April; and at the end of that *7*
month the governor prorogued the Assembly till the middle
of June. In the meantime the burgesses of Virginia had
made a similar address. Soon afterward Governor Tryon
received directions from the Earl of Hillsborough that if the
Assembly of North Carolina should indicate any purpose to c. p.,vil
take action on the subject, he should prorogue or dissolve it,-'*13
and in conformity with these instructions he prorogued the
Assembly.'
336 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
5JJ The Regulators associate
While continental matters were thus again claiming pub-
lic attention, the people in the back parts of North Carolina
were continuing their efforts to redress their local grievances.
The initial proceedings of this movement had been directed
from Sandy Creek, a tributary of the Deep (now in the
eastern part of Randolph County), where Hermon Hus-
band* resided. In the same vicinity lived his brother-in-law,
James Pugh ; William Butler, the Coxes, Hendrys, Fudges,
and other active men. Farther north was the residence of
James Hunter, the first cousin of James and Alexander Mar-
1768 tin, a man of parts and a strong speaker. Rednap Howell,
^i^gn)q.% another agitator, was a schoolmaster, and a maker of rhymes,
whose point and wit, rather than their musical cadences, ap-
pealed to the popular heart. The greatest interest was mani-
fested by the people west of the Haw. In February, March
and April meetings were held at various points, and it was
resolved that they should be held regularly every three
months. The officers had not attended, as required, to give
an account of their stewardships. The demands of the peo-
c. r.,vii, pie were unsatisfied. Under the direction of their leaders
671,726 they proposed to press forward, and a new character was im-
parted to the movement. An oath-bound association was
entered into, binding the subscribers to pay no taxes until
they were satisfied that the levies were agreeable to law ; and
to pay no officer any more fees than the law allows; and
they desired "that the sheriffs will not come this way to col-
lect the levy, for we will pay none before there is a settlement
c. r.,vii, to our satisfaction," and they asked that their assemblymen
Sj'7a6// and vestrymen should appoint a time to settle with them..
Hitherto the inhabitants engaged in these proceedings had
assumed no name, and were spoken of as "the mob," or "the
country ;" now they began to be known as "the Regulators."
The Sons of Liberty had vetoed the power of Parliament
to tax America. The Regulators of Sandy Creek, not ques-
tioning the power of their county courts and Assembly to
♦While this name has been generally spelled Husbands there is no
question that the true spelling is Husband. See facsimile autograph
in Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery, 178.
THE REGULATORS ASSOCIATE 337
lay taxes, vetoed the collection of the levies until they them- *J^
selves should have passed on the propriety of payment.
The grievances they sought to remedy were general, all The
persons except the officers being affected, and they had the delation
sympathy of even those who had not subscribed the asso-
ciation. By April they were assured of the cooperation of
many in the adjoining counties of Rowan and Anson, and
they were strengthened in their purposes by these accessions.
It was not long before an occasion arose for determined ac-
tion. On April 8th Sheriff Harris of Orange distrained a
horse for a levy. The people were quick to resist. A hun- J^^11,
dred armed men appeared in Hillsboro, then a hamlet of two ''"*•
stores, a few straggling log dwellings, a framed building or
two, and a small wooden court-house. They seized the sheriff Hiiisboro
and tied him, took possession of the horse, treated several
of the inhabitants roughly, and being provoked by some one
at the residence of Colonel Edmund Fanning, shot several
bullets through the house, but without wounding any one.
Colonel Fanning was an attorney and was absent, attending
the court at Halifax. He was a representative of the county
in the Assembly, colonel of the militia and register of deeds,
by the appointment of the governor, in wrhose regard and
esteem he stood very high. He was the leading officer of the
county, and had now become the chief object of popular re-
sentment.
This outbreak caused consternation among the officers of
the county. They had long been threatened ; now threats
had become action. John Gray, the lieutenant-colonel of the
militia, hastened to consult with Major Lloyd, proposing to
call out the militia men, and he despatched information to
Colonel Fanning. Fanning immediately ordered the captains c- R;;^!I»
of the militia to raise their companies ; but the defection was
so prevalent that to the astonishment of the officers, only
one hundred and twenty men responded. Indeed Adjutant
Francis Nash, who was also the clerk of the court, reported
that such was the universal dissatisfaction with the officers
and leading men, that one hundred and fifty men could not be
raised in the whole county to oppose the Regulators. Fan-
ning hurried to Hillsboro and found that the people in
every part and corner of the county were confederating by
338
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1768
C. K.,V1I,
7,6
Mickleiohn
counsefta
moderation
C. R..VII,
718, 720
Husband
and Butler
arrested
C. R..V1I,
743
The people
in arms
solemn oath and with open violence to refuse payment of
taxes and prevent the execution of the law, threatening death
and destruction to himself and others. He reported to
Governor Tryon that he learned that on May 3d they were
to environ the town with fifteen hundred men and execute
their vengeance on him ; and if not satisfied to their desire
they were to lay the town in ashes. Great was the excite-
ment, and panic prevailed. On April 25th. the Regulators
held a general conference, and on that occasion the minister
of the parish, Rev. George Micklejohn, attended and per-
suaded them from going to Hillsboro in a body, but to ap-
point twelve men to be there on May nth and have a settle-
ment with the officers in accordance with instructions then
^agreed on.
Governor Tryon, on being informed of the riotous pro-
ceedings of April 9th, ordered the militia of Bute and six
neighboring counties to hold themselves in readiness to
march to Fanning's assistance; and wrote advising that if
there were any grievances, the people should appeal to the
Assembly; and he declared that every matter founded in
equity and justice would have his support, on condition, how-
ever, that the people would disperse and that order and tran-
quillity should be restored. These despatches were borne by
his secretary, Mr. Edwards. But Fanning had not been con-
tent to await developments. He proposed to act with reso-
lution. On Sunday night, May 1st, having caused warrants
to be issued for the arrest of Husband and William Butler,
Fanning with twenty-seven men dashed out to Sandy Creek V
and early Monday morning made the arrests, and hurried
back to Hillsboro, where an order was prepared to incar-
cerate the prisoners in the New Bern jail. The news flew
through the country and a prodigious enthusiasm aroused
the people; they hurried with their arms to Hillsboro,
but in the early morning as some seven hundred men were
approaching the town, they were, to their astonishment, met
by Husband. As quick as Fanning had been, popular action
had been equally as speedy. The country was in arms, and
the prisoners could not be conveyed to New Bern without
rescue, and so, constrained by the uprising of the people,
733. 7*8. 7*7
Their
petti ion
TRYON PROMISES REDRESS 339
Fanning caused them to be released on bail. Thus Husband 2j!
was unexpectedly restored in safety to his friends.
Later in the morning Secretary Edwards came out to meet c. R-yii^
the people. He read to them the governor's proclamation,
and promised in the governor's name, if they would return
to their homes and be quiet, he would seek to secure a re-
dress of their grievances and would lay the matter before
the Assembly. To this they agreed, saying that that was all
they wanted. Such a petition was drawn for signature.
While it was being circulated among the people there were
a few days of repose. Ralph McNair, a warm friend of
Fanning, had lately spent some days with Husband, who
had conferred with him as to the criminal offences that mobs
might commit, and on McNair's return to Hillsboro he
addressed a long letter to Husband more fully explaining
these criminal matters, and urging him to come and confer
with Fanning, bringing with him other men of his neighbor-
hood, such as William Butler, John Lowe and James Hunter ;
and he enclosed a petition which he suggested should be
adopted and signed by the Regulators. But that petition did
not meet their views, and at a general meeting, held on May
21st, it was resolved to hold by the first draft that had then
been signed by about four hundred and fifty men, and a com-
mittee was appointed to prepare an address to the governor,
giving a full narrative of the grievances of the people, and of
their action from the beginning. This paper is exceedingly c *; ^11,
well written and reflects much credit on its author. It was
signed by John Lowe, James Hunter, Rednap Howell, Har-
mon Cox, John Marshel, William Cox, William Moffitt and
George Hendry, one of whom probably wrote it. It was
drawn with candor, and in some measure it bears testimony
of the esteem in which Governor Tryon was held even by
the Regulators themselves. At a meeting of the committee ^R,,VI1,
on May 30th, held at Cox's Mill on Deep River, they
directed James Hunter and Rednap Howell to lay this ad-
dress, the petition, and all the accompanying papers before
the governor and council. This duty was performed on
June 20th, and the next day the governor, with the concur-
rence of the council, wrote his reply addressed to "the in-
habitants on the south side of the Haw." While calling on
340 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
*J^ the people to desist from any further meetings and to aban-
don all title of Regulators or associators, and to allow the
sheriffs and other officers to execute their duties, the gover-
c.r.,vii, nor promised to 'listen to the voice of distress and the just
Won't complaints" of the people and "the hardships they may groan
answer
under," and to give orders for the prosecution of every offi-
cer who had been guilty of extortion or illegal practices. At
their request the governor also informed them that the pro-
vincial tax for 1767 was seven shillings, to which were to
be added the county and parish taxes. The Regulators,
however, concluded that some of the provincial taxes laid
for a particular object .had long since answered the purpose
of their creation, and that the public funds should be in a
very different situation from that reported by the Assembly
and the treasurers. They also saw that the proclamation of
the governor against the taking of illegal fees had had no
effect, for the register, they said, had raised his fees rather
than reduced them.
Tryon reaches Hillsboro
On July 6th Governor Tryon, who resided during the sum-
mer months in the up country, arrived with his family at
Hillsboro. Days passed, and no answer was received to his
letter, but he learned that the Regulators were continuing
c.r.,vii, their meetings. A difficult situation was presented. Large
numbers of the inhabitants, not actuated by any vicious pro-
pensity, had joined themselves together in an oath-bound
association to nullify the law. That the grievances they com-
plained of were not merely imaginary, the governor had
reason to believe. Thus far he had treated them with consid-|
eration, courtesy and respect. He had received their com-
munications from their representatives and had answered
while firmly, yet neither arrogantly, defiantly nor unkindly.
As a representative of the king and the chief officer of gov-
ernment, he could do not less than require submission to the
constituted authorities, but apparently he sought concilia-
tion. The time coming on for the appointment of sheriffs,
he did not reappoint the sheriffs of Orange and Rowan, but
substituted Lea for Harris in Orange and appointed a new
TwJsi^11, she™ff f°r Rowan. Still Harris had to collect the back taxes,
REGULATORS STAND FIRM 341
and the governor on August 1st, being determined to assert ^J? 4.
the authority of the province, sent Harris among the Regu-
lators to make collections and advise them that he expected
them to obey the laws of the country according to his letter
of June 21st.
Two days later the sheriff returned and reported that he Jhe ,
« s-+ r»«*» Regulators
found assembled at the meeting at George Sally s nearly determined
four hundred men, who unanimously refused to pay any
taxes and declared they would kill any man who should dare
to distrain for their levies. Other unavailing intercourse gV9*7™'
ensued between the governor and the Regulators, and the
flame of discontent was constantly fanned. By August 9th JJmSach
five hundred men assembled at Peeds, and information was Hm*boro
brought to Hillsboro that if the insurgents' demands were
not complied with they would burn the town. The next day £4R,,VI1,
they approached to within twenty miles of Hillsboro, and
matters wore a serious aspect. But Tryon was not dis-
mayed. He ordered out all the militia, two hundred and fifty *
of whom obeyed the call, and proceeded to fortify the JjjJJJ
town. On the evening of the 12th eight of the principal mUida
insurgents sought an interview with the governor to arrive
at an understanding.
One of the wild rumors that flew among the people was
that the governor was to bring down the Indians on them,
and that he was raising the militia to harry their settlements.
It was this that inflamed them. At this interview the gover-
lior made denial of such purposes ; Colonel Fanning and Mr.
Nash agreed to submit the differences between the people
and themselves to the judgment of the supreme court ; and it
was further agreed that the accounts of the sheriffs and other
officers, after being examined and approved, should be posted
at the court-house, and that the sheriff should make no col-
lections until after the approaching superior court in Sep-
tember. At the same time the governor gave directions that
the Regulators should meet on August 17th at George
Sally's, where the sheriffs should attend with their settle-
ment and give satisfaction to the people. These terms sat- J^^^
isfied the leaders, and the Regulators dispersed and returned
to their homes. But the governor was not at all satisfied.
By show of force the people had gained a point ; and unless
342 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
lJ^ the powers of government were asserted, they would persist
in having their own way. The extension of the movement
c. R.,vuf had become formidable. Already their general meeting was
7U% spoken of by their committeemen as their "General Assem-
in Anson bly." From Anson, where in May the inferior court
had been broken up, came an address to the gov-
ernor from the malcontents, informing him that they to
c. r.,vii, the number of five hundred had resolved if nothing hap-
pened to their succor to defend their "cause in the dis-
agreeable manner of a force, and to have persisted
unto blood." In August also came the disturb-
ing information that a body of eighty men had assembled at
in Johnston j0hnston County court with the intention of turning the
c^r.,vii. justices off the bench. It was the very first day of the term.
The justices adjourned court for the term, and rallying the
friends of government attacked the insurgents, and after a
smart skirmish drove them out of the field. It seemed
to the governor, if the movements were not arrested,
that civil government in most of the counties would be over- S
turned, and that the insurgents would abolish all taxes and
debts, and all laws for the enforcement of order. The trial I
c^R-vu, of Butler and Husband was to be at the September term of!
court, and grave apprehensions were felt that the Regulators I
would rescue their leaders if convicted. Against such an'
event the governor took pains to guard. On August 13th,
with the concurrence of the council, he required that twelve
of the principal men should wait on him at Salisbury and
give bond as security that no rescue should be made of Butler
and Husband ; and he determined to call on the people not
involved in the defection to rally for the support of govern-
ment. He proposed to embody the militia of the western
counties to protect the court and enforce its judgments.
The army of 1768
Aug., 1768 Qn the very day that Sheriff Lea was to meet the people
at George Sally's by the governor's own appointment, Gov-
ernor Tryon left Hillsboro for Salisbury, where he arrived
the next evening. He issued orders for the review of the
Rowan regiment on the 26th, and then hastened on to Meck-
lenburg, where he found emissaries from Orange arousing
TRYON RAISES AN ARMY 343
the people. The purpose of the governor was to collect a Jj^
force of volunteers through the militia organizations to sus-
tain the court and curb the Regulators. On the 23d nine JL1*;;/11,
hundred militiamen were reviewed at Colonel Polk's, and Thc
• ii governor
an association oath to maintain the government and laws seeks aid
against all persons whatsoever who shall attempt to alter,
obstruct or prevent the due administration of the laws or
disturb the peace and tranquillity of the province," was ten-
dered them, but it being objected to, the call for volunteers
was postponed. Subsequently a large number volunteered.
Reaching Salisbury on the 25th, the governor found that
the Regulators, while declaring that they had no intention
to release the prisoners, declined to give the bonds required.
But if disappointed by this denial, the governor had the 8:I•4R•,VII,
satisfaction of receiving assurances from another quarter.
The four Presbyterian ministers in the western counties sent The t
him an address, enclosing the pastoral letter they had writ- ministers
ten to their flocks, urging the Presbyterians to be steadfast in
support of government. He also found much gratification
in the result of the review of the militia at Salisbury. So
prompt and unanimous was the Rowan regiment to respond
to his call for volunteers that the governor with great for-
mality presented the king's colors to the Rowan regiment,
and requested that Captain Dobbins' company, which was
the first to volunteer, should bear them. Returning to Meek- c. r.,vii,
lenburg, he directed the volunteers from that county to *3
assemble on September 12th, and issued orders for the
Rowan regiment to join him at Salisbury on the 13th. On
the night of the 13th the two battalions encamped on the
Yadkin, having with them two pieces of artillery, nine
wagons and accompanied by droves of beeves. En route to c. R.,vu,
Hillsboro this little army passed for three days through the
very heart of the disaffected district. Orders had been issued
for the Orange and Granville militia to assemble, and on the
2 1st all the forces were united at Hillsboro. Here, too, the
governor was joined by a number of gentlemen from the
east and a company of cavalry. But the insurgent leaders ™eulatoI1
had not been inactive. They had collected a force of some embody
eight hundred men, and at daybreak of the 22d took post
within less than a mile of the town. However, instead of
:r rah
— esc
TRVON'S MODERATION 345
passion to the misguided multitude, and being much more lj^
inclined to prevent than punish crimes of so high a nature,"
granting pardon to all concerned in the disturbance of the The
public peace, except Hunter, Husband and eleven others; KSe**
and he released the prisoners and suspended the payment of
their fines for six months, and later asked the king to extend
pardon to all, both as to persons and fines, except alone as
to Husband ; and he represented to the king that ''to say that
these insurgents had not a color for their showing a dis-
satisfaction at the conduct of their public officers would be
doing them an injustice, for both the register and clerk of
the county of Orange were found guilty of taking too high
fees." Colonel Fanning on conviction immediately resigned
as register.*
Quiet was now restored to the province, and the Assembly, £°*" "J68
being convened on November 3d, on the 7th a quorum ap- thankSTby
peared, and the governor made a report of his proceedings y
against the Regulators. The house .expressed to Governor
Tryon its fullest conviction of the necessity for marching
troops to Hillsboro, and its detestation of the riotous and
illegal proceedings of the insurgents, and gratefully thanked
him for his action. It also thanked him for his efforts to
secure an emission of paper currency as a legal tender, and
again declared that it was "the only remedy of saving this
province from ruin." It concurred in the governor's opinion £jIR,,VH
that the interior policy of the country was never more an
object of serious concern than at that juncture, and the house
added that it was happy in supporting his actions, and that
it most sincerely wished that he should long continue to pre-
side over the province.
Tryon desires to leave
Toward the close of 1768 it had doubtless come to be un-
derstood that Governor Tryon was desirous of relinquishing
his position as governor. His relations with the Earl of
Hillsborough, who was the minister in charge of the colonies,
were close, and to him probably Tryon confided his wishes.
Not only did he see loom up before him the contest with the
people growing out of their resolute purpose not to submit to
♦In England the law officers held Fanning blameless. (C. R. VIII,33.)
346
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1768
S. R., XI,
319
Mercer,
lt.gov.
In other
colonies
Nov., 1768
C. R.,
928
VII,
Tryon
County
the exactions of Parliament, but the particular conditions in
North Carolina must have been a source of annoyance as
having been in some measure the result of his own action in
fastening taxes on the people beyond their ability to pay,
and thus inflaming the discontent which required force to
suppress. Besides, he had suffered grievously in his health,
and so in December, 1768, George Mercer was appointed
lieutenant-governor. Mercer was a Virginian, and had
served with Washington in the French and Indian War. He
had been stamp distributor in 1765, and had suffered for his
loyalty. Like Martin Howard, he had taken up his residence
in England, and now it was proposed to provide for him,
as had been done for Howard, in North Carolina. He
waited in England expecting to take Tryon's place when he
should leave. A little later, an infant son having died in
March, and perhaps urged by his wife, Tryon made a formal
request to be restored to his regiment, or to be employed at
court.
He had so managed as to avoid issues and disputes with
the Assembly, and at this session his personal influence was
still a factor. There had been clashing elsewhere. In
Massachusetts the opposition to the collection of the custom
duties had led to orders for troops and armed vessels to be
stationed at Boston. On receiving information of this move-
ment the people of that city, much excited, requested the gov-
ernor to convene the Assembly, and when he refused the
towns and districts appointed deputies to hold a convention.
This body, the first of the kind, met and issued an address on
the subject of the people's grievances. In other colonies pub-
lic ardor was also aroused. When the North Carolina Assem-
bly convened, Speaker Harvey presented the two letters
from Massachusetts and Virginia that had been received in
the spring. There was evidently a division of sentiment, but
moderation prevailed. The speaker was verbally directed to
make reply to the letters ; and then local affairs engaged the
attention of the body. Among the acts passed was one pro-
hibiting that the two offices, clerk of the superior court and
clerk of the inferior court, should be held by the same person.
A new county was set off on the frontier of Mecklenburg
and named Tryon in honor of the governor. Disappointed
983
INTERNAL AFFAIRS 347
in its hopes of being allowed to issue legal tender currency, l£5
the Assembly, to pay the indebtedness of the province, now ^r.^
directed promissory notes to be issued to the amount of «*«*. *
£20,000, and it authorized the sheriffs to receive in
payment of all taxes, except those for the sinking fund, these
notes and the promissory notes and receipts given by the in-
spectors at the public warehouses for tobacco, hemp, rice,
indigo, wax, tallow and deer skins. Such were the best
measures the Assembly could devise to relieve the financial
stringency and to make easy the payment of taxes. To
lighten taxation the house also adopted a resolution that a
tax of a shilling per poll imposed in 1760, and one of two
shillings imposed in 1761 had had their effect and ought not
thereafter to be collected ; and although the governor could
not give his assent to the resolution, the direction of the
Assembly was obeyed by the treasurers, sheriffs and people, c. r , vii,
Governor Tryon, however, again offered to lay before the
Crown an impartial statement of the situation, and to urge
that permission be granted to emit legal tender paper cur-
rency.
The obstacle to the appointment of a provincial agent c. r.,vii,
continuing, the house by resolution appointed as its agent viii.q"
Henry Eustace McCulloh, who, though a member of the JVcCuiioh,
council, was in England on leave, and was a correspondent *Benl
of Speaker Harvey ; and it adopted a remonstrance and ad-
dress to the Crown, expressing "their concern and anxiety
because of the acts of Parliament in regard to taxation" and
declaring that "free men cannot be legally taxed but by
themselves or their representatives,,, and praying the king's
"interposition in favor of the distressed and oppressed peo-
ple in the colony." Its tone, however, was submissive rather
than obstructive. It did not please Sam Johnston,
who denounced it as "great pusillanimity." On the other
hand Tryon felicitated himself on the temper and mod-
eration of the Assembly. Doubtless there was a motive to
seek favor abroad and, through the good offices of Governor
Tryon, to secure if possible permission to issue legal tender
currency, which was deemed so vitally necessary to the peace
and happiness of the people. The chief obstacle in the way
of accomplishing this purpose was Lord Hillsborough, and
348 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1769
with him Tryon was supposed to have a particular influence.
Having adopted its address and appointed an agent to pre-
sent it, the house now appointed a committee of that body to
c. R.fvii, conduct the correspondence. Among those appointed were
Samuel Johnston and Joseph Hewes, but they declined the
service, Johnston saying that the proceedings "were so in-
consistent with his sentiments" that he refused to join in the
address. The address was well received by the king, and
Lord Hillsborough at once indicated that while he could not^
assent to the issue of a legal tender currency, yet if the As-
sembly would ask to issue a paper currency founded on
credit, similar to that of New England and Maryland, every
indulgence would be allowed.
In England there was much diversity of views in regard to
America. Parliament in February urged the king to action,
and that he should have offenders against the law transported
to England and tried there ; but McCulloh wrote to Harvey :
c. r., viii, "I have it from authority to acquaint you that the acts com-
39,5 plained of are to be repealed — their proud stomachs here
must come down — our politics are a scene of confusion.
Men's minds seem greatly inflamed. The ministry most
cordially hated." Hillsborough himself wrote to Tryon that
"in the opinion of the present ministry it was inexpedient
to tax America ; that instead of other taxes, at the next ses-
sion the ministry is to propose to take off the duties on glass,
paper and colors."
March, 1769 Six months had now passed with no notable disturbance
c. r., viii, among the people. At March term James Hunter was tried
at Hillsboro and, although convicted, was awarded a new
trial. Husband, who was also then tried, was acquitted.
Sheriff Lea, when attempting to arrest some of the former
insurgents, was seized by their friends and severely whipped ;
but the governor, who seemed inclined not to be too quick
to raise a quarrel with the people, said that the act did not
meet with the general approbation of the Regulators, and the
people were quiet; yet the council recommended that the
prosecution of the offenders should be conducted with the
utmost rigor of the law. On May 6th, Governor Tryon,
announcing that he had qualified under his commission as
REGULATORS' ADDRESS TO THE PROVINCE 349
governor, dissolved the Assembly and issued his writ for an lj£
election of new members, to be held July 18th. c^ R..vm.
In view of this election the Regulators issued an address g^Je{fJ^h
to the inhabitants of the province, hoping to change the Carolina, 11,
personnel of the Assembly. In it it was declared that the
causes of the commotions were the misapplication of the pub- The causes
lie money to the enriching of individuals without defraying ° €om
the public expenses ; pillaging the people by exorbitant and
unlawful fees of public officers ; limiting the jurisdiction of
the inferior courts, dragging the people into the superior
courts, adding greatly to the necessary expenses and cost of
litigation. Especially was stress laid on the enormous in-
crease of the provincial tax, and with fine art it was said :
"Many are accusing the legislative body as the source of all
these woeful calamities. These, it must be confessed, are the
instrumental cause." But the address bluntly laid the trouble Husband's
at the door of the people, and asserted that "the original, book
principal cause is our own blind, stupid conduct in choosing
persons to represent us who would sacrifice the true interests
of their country to avarice or ambition." It was declared
that "the majority of our Assembly is composed of lawyers,
clerks and others in connection with them, while by our own
voice we have excluded the planter." It was a strong ad- c. r.,viii,
dress. It had its effect in Orange, Granville and Anson. In xo6
Anson, Spencer was rejected by the people; in Granville,
Tom Person and Howell Lewis were elected. Orange sent
Husband and Pryor instead of Edmund Fanning and
Thomas Lloyd. Mecklenburg and Rowan, however, stood
firm. In the latter Rutherford was again returned, but Fro-
hock, then under grave charges, gave place to Sheriff Locke.
While there were other changes in several counties, they do
not seem to have been due to these influences. However,
the Regulators were not content to rest there. In August a
committee was raised to attend the Salisbury court, and to
bring to justice those officers who had broken the law; but
their efforts were without avail, for in every case they pre-
sented the grand jury ignored the bills. Yet they had this r R.fvnit
satisfaction — that the governor, having received authority 6?
from the king, now issued his proclamation pardoning
350 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
**? James Hunter and all other persons who had been concerned
in the disturbances of the previous year. The ordeal of the
courts had been stood. No punishment had resulted.
nSTb^o / ^ September 7th a great disaster befell New Bern and
the eastern part of the province. The severest storm ever
known devastated that section. The tide rose in a few hours
at New Bern twelve feet higher than ever before, and the
wind blew so violently that nothing could stand before it.
Every vessel and boat was driven up into the woods. One
entire street, with its houses, storehouses and wharves, was
swept away, and several of the inhabitants were carried off
in the flood. Bridges and ferryboats were destroyed, and
the roads were impassable for weeks because of the fallen
c. r,viii, trees. For the most part the crops were lost and there was
7fui*ew great suffering in all that region. In the midst of this
A**mbiy wrecjcage the Assembly met in October at New Bern, Har-
vey again being the speaker. The situation was somewhat
different from that at the previous session. In May the Vir-
# ginia Assembly had adopted vigorous resolutions against the
acts of Parliament, and George Washington was about to
present resolutions again recommending the non-importation
of British goods, when Lord Botetourt, the governor, hastily
Oct., 1769 dissolved the Assembly. But the members were not to be
The meeting thus outdone. They immediately convened as a sort of con-
Tavern'8 vention at Raleigh Tavern and adopted Washington's resolu-
tions and communicated their action to the other colonies,
and once more non-importation agreements were entered into
by the people in all the provinces.
Similar sentiments dominated in North Carolina, and to
allay them Governor Tryon in his address to the Assembly
c r.viii, urged that: "The weighty concerns that will fall under your
88 consideration this session require all possible temper and
moderation ;" and he had the happiness to inform the body
that the ministry, instead of laying further taxes, had the
intention to propose to Parliament to take off the duties on
glass, paper and colors ; and he besought their prudence and
candor and a confidence that would remove the prejudices
that had been excited against the mother country.
THE ASSEMBLY ACTS
351
The house proceeds to business n*9
Petitions were presented to the Assembly by many inhabi-
tants of Anson County, and also by inhabitants of Orange
and Rowan, setting forth the grievances of which the Regu-
lators complained, and urging remedies. These papers, like
the address to the governor of May, 1768, were admirably
drawn. Especially were the remedies recommended in the
Anson petition worthy of the earnest consideration of the
Assembly. They proposed reforms that in the progress of
events had become necessary in the administration of public
affairs. The house first, with the concurrence of the gover-
nor, appointed an agent for the colony, McCulloh being
continued in that employment. Then, when it had hardly en-
tered on the business of the session, Speaker Harvey pre-
sented the resolutions transmitted by the House of Burgesses
in Virginia.
Nothing now was to be gained by moderation. The ap- c. r.viii,
peals of the governor were disregarded and the Assembly at The
once unanimously adopted similar resolutions and also
Nor , 1769
Pctiti. us tor
new counties
C. R..VIII,
75-81, 151
Assembly
defiant
"Resolved, That the sole right of imposing taxes on the inhabi-
tants of this his Majesty's colony in North Carolina is now and
ever hath been legally and constitutionally vested in the house of
Assembly, etc.
"Resolved, That all trials for treason or crime whatsoever com-
mitted in said colony by any person residing therein ought of right
to be had and conducted in and before his Majesty's courts held
within said colony," etc.
In the address to the king the Assembly said : "We cannot with-
out horror think of the new, unusual, and permit us to add uncon-
stitutional and illegal mode recommended to your Majesty of seizing
and carrying beyond seas the inhabitants of America suspected of any
crime," etc.
An address to the king was adopted which the committee
of correspondence was to transmit to McCulloh ''with direc-
tions to cause the same to be presented to his Majesty and
afterward to be published in the English papers." This
measure, as violent as it was unexpected, was a blow in the
face to the governor. As a salve to his wounded pride, the
house, however, assured him of its steadfast confidence in
c R.,V1II,
»35
352
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1769
Nov. 6-7,
1769
S. C. Gaz-
ette, Dec. 8,
1769
Non-im-
portation
C. R.,VIII,
169, 170
Martin,
Hist. North
Carolina,
II. 'S3
The withes
of the
people
C. R..VI1I,
75-So
his good purposes and intentions, and of its unalloyed es-
teem and attachment ; but its action required him under his
instructions to dissolve the Assembly, and this he did with
some show of mortification rather than of anger. But the
members, notwithstanding the dissolution, immediately re-
paired to the court-house, organized by electing John Harvey
moderator, and prepared an association paper which they
signed, pledging themselves to non-importation and not to
use goods of British manufacture.
Writing to Lord Hillsborough in January, Tryon re-
ferred to his application to be relieved as governor, and re-
marked that the proceedings of the Assembly wounded his
sensibilities — the more because he was dangerously ill at the
time. He had no expectation of re-establishing cordial re-
lations. "Confidence, my lord," said he, "that delicate polish
in public transactions, has received an ugly scratch, and I
fear we have no artists here who can restore it to its original
perfection/' He would have been glad to leave the province
at once, but until the building at New Bern should be com-
pleted and his accounts should be passed on, he felt it neces-
sary to remain ; but he ardently requested leave to return to
England in the spring of 1771. Hillsborough about the same
time directed him to call a new election of representatives,
and urged that he should be cautious in his speech ; for in-
deed the governor's address to the last house, "pledging the
faith of the Crown for the repeal of some taxes," had been
brought into Parliament, and a motion made there that "it
was derogatory to his Majesty's honor, and to the freedom
of parliamentary deliberation." But Hillsborough was able
to protect him, and the proposed rebuke failed to pass.
Before the dissolution the house had entered zealously on
business. The petitions of the inhabitants of the different
western counties were read to the Assembly by Husband, one
of the representatives of Orange. Apparently they were not
drawn by the same hand. One from Orange, signed by
Francis Nash and other officers of the government, asked
that there should be established at Hillsboro a public in-
spection of tobacco and hemp, and other commodities; one
from Anson County particularly desired that Presbyterian
ministers might be allowed to celebrate marriage with pub-
REMEDIAL LEGISLATION PROPOSED 353
Hcation of banns. The grievances complained of by the j£?
Regulators were set forth in petitions from Anson and from
Orange and Rowan. The state of the sinking fund was
particularly commented on. A division of Orange and
Rowan was asked for. It was proposed as remedies for ex-
isting evils the use of tickets and ballots at elections ; impos-
ing taxes on estates ; not collecting taxes in money until there
was more currency ; abolishing fees and perquisites for the
chief justice, paying him by a salary; giving to a single
justice the power to enter final judgment without appeal and
without lawyers on small debts ; restricting the fees of clerks
and lawyers, and relieving defendants of costs on indict-
ments when not found guilty by the jury. The Assembly was
also requested to send a remonstrance to the king on the
conduct of the receiver of quit rents, and also in regard to
the action of the governor and council in granting warrants Reforms
for lands. And the Assembly was asked to establish ware-
houses on the Peedee, on the Catawba, at Campbellton, and at
some point in Tryon County ; and finally that every denomi-
nation of people might marry according to their respective
ceremonies. Some of these proposed reforms had in the
progress of events become necessary in the administration
of public affairs, and were worthy of the earnest considera-
tion of the Assembly.
Agreeably to these petitions the Assembly had at once
begun to devise remedial legislation. A bill allowing a single
justice to try cases involving only £5 passed all of its sev-
eral readings, except the third in the council, when the dis-
solution occurred, and it fell. Another, to limit the fees c. r.,viii,
taxed for attorneys, met with a similar fate. The Assembly The
was pressing forward in the consideration of such measures responsive
when it was notified of the impending dissolution ; and then
in its last moments, with the hope and expectation of bene-
ficial results, it passed some resolutions intended on the one
hand to remove grievances and on the other to curb popular
demonstrations. It resolved that the public accounts, begin- c. r.,viii,
ning with the year 1748, should be examined and stated by p3u9bHc
Mr. John Burgwin, confessedly a very competent accountant,
who was required to make his report at the next session ; and
it resolved that if any public officer exacted illegal fees, on
accounts
354 TRY OX'S ADMINISTRATION 1765-71
*** conviction he should receive the highest punishment the
house could inflict. But opposition to sheriffs being preva-
lent and peace within the province being of the greatest mo-
ment, the house declared that all persons who opposed sher-
iffs in the execution of their office should be regarded as
enemies of their country and deserving of the highest pun-
ishment.
The failure of remedial enactments because of the unex-
pected dissolution was a great disappointment to those mem-
bers of the Assembly who sympathized with the Regulators.
A similar disappointment was felt generally by the people at
the west. They had counted much on their appeal to the
Assembly, and now the Assembly had passed without result.
In February the governor issued a proclamation for a new
Feb . 1770 election of assemblymen. In view of this election the leaders
of the Regulators at once entered on an active cam-
paign to gain members favorable to their interest. Large
parties visited the counties in the upper districts, and even
ili-treated those who refused to join their standard. As yet
they had not paid their taxes. For the year 1766 the sheriff
iW^"1, °* R°wan reported 1833 of them delinquent. For the year
1768 only 205 paid taxes in that county, not being one in ten
of the inhabitants. On March 13th, the day after the elec-
tion, Judge Moore, who was holding court at Salisbury,
wrote to the governor that "there is no such thing as col-
lecting the public tax or levying a private debt," and that
civil process could not be executed among the Regulators.
Early in April the governor therefore issued a proclamation
commanding the enforcement of the law and requiring that
all sheriffs obstructed in their office should attend at the next
meeting of the Assembly.
The Son» / The rebellious action of the late Assembly, however, de-
Activcerly ' termincd the governor to postpone the meeting, and he pro-
rogued the Assembly until November. But proroguing the
Assembly did not deter the people. At a general meeting of
the Sons of Liberty of the six Cape Fear counties, held at
Wilmington on July 5th, Cornelius Harnett being the chair-
South man, it was resolved to adhere to non-importation ; and as
GaKite? Rhode Island had violated her faith, they resolved to have
July 06,1770 no mercantile dealings with Rhode Island, and that "all mer-
THE HILLSBORO RIOTS 355
chants who will not comply with the non-importation agree- . w
ment are declared enemies to their country." And it was
asserted that not only the inhabitants of the six counties, but
of every county in the colony, were "firmly resolved to stand
or fall with them in support of the common cause of Ameri-
can liberty." The temper of the people was firm and.fixed
to maintain their rights and to resist British aggression!; and
Governor Tryon saw with uneasiness on the oneTiana the
resolute Sons of Liberty, and on the other the discontented
inhabitants of the interior agitating for desirable local reforms
and for a mitigation of local grievances which he was power-
lessto remedy.
/ Early in June the palace was so near completion that the
'governor removed from Brunswick and took up his residence
vjnit ^
The superior court broken up
When the superior court was to meet at Hillsboro in Sep- jnibboro,
Scot 1 990
tember, Chief Justice Howard was absent. Judge Richard c. r.,viii,
Henderson opened the court on Saturday, September 22d. 935, 24S
On taking his seat a petition, addressed to the chief justice
and associate justices, was presented by James Hunter, in
which it was declared that the juries were illegally drawn and
were prejudiced, and that the county justices were parties
to the delinquencies of the sheriffs and other officers ; that the
officers still took illegal fees; that the sheriffs would not
settle, and their bondsmen were insolvent; that justice was
not administered in the courts, and that they had deter- d£"**t°efnt
mined to obtain redress, but in a legal and lawful way. On
receiving this address Judge Henderson promised to make
an answer to it on Monday ; but on the opening of the
court on that day some one hundred and fifty Regulators,
at the head of whom were Husband, Hunter, Howell, But-
ler, Hamilton and Jeremiah Fields, came into the court-
house armed with clubs and whips. Fields, addressing
the court, declared that the Regulators did not propose
to have the cases against their leaders postponed, but
that the trials should proceed at once; and as they ob-
jected to the jurymen drawn for that court, they would
have others appointed who would not be prejudiced against
their own party. The judge undertook to reason with
356 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
lJ£ the crowd and addressed them, whereupon they with-
drew, but immediately fell on John Williams, an attorney,
who was coming into court, in such a furious manner that
it was with great difficulty his life was saved by his
escaping into a storehouse. Their blood being now up, they
seized Colonel Fanning, who had sought shelter on the
bench, and dragged him by the heels out of the door of the
court-house, and were dealing him furious blows when he,
too, succeeded in escaping and took refuge in a store, which
the mob then attacked, demolishing the windows with stones
and bricks, trying to force him from his shelter. During
the uproar several approached the judge on the bench, tell-
ing him with great oaths that his "turn should be next ;" but
Hunter and others soon informed the judge that he should
not be hurt if he would proceed to hold the court till the end
of the term, requiring, however, that no lawyer should be
allowed to attend except alone the prosecuting officer, and
saying that "they would stay and see justice impartially
done." In the meantime Thomas Hart, Alexander Martin,
Michael Holt and many others had been severely whipped,
and Colonel Gray, Major Lloyd, Francis Nash, John Cooke,
Tyree Harris and others fled for safety. The judge did not
disdain to resort to artifice. He agreed to hold the court as
required ; but after four or five hours, the rage of the crowd
having subsided a little, they permitted him to adjourn the
court for the day, and conducted him with great parade to
his lodgings. At ten o'clock that night the judge, thinking
discretion the better part of valor, escaped by a back way,
gained the woods and fled to his home in Granville.
Fanning, having surrendered to them, was allowed to re-
turn to his home on his word of honor to attend them the
next day. They decreed his death, but more humane coun-
sels prevailed, and he was permitted to take to his heels and
run until he should get out of their sight. They then de-
stroyed his residence and household effects. For two days
the riot continued, the merchants and inhabitants being run
out into the country, expecting their stores and houses to be
pillaged and laid waste. But besides breaking the windows
of most of the houses, not much substantial damage was
done, except to Fanning's dwelling.
THE ASSEMBLY OF 1770 357
Judge Henderson hastened to make a report of these pro- x2*
ceedings to the governor, who convened his council ; and on.c r.,viii,
October 18th the governor issued his proclamation requir-
ing the justices to make diligent inquiry into the offences
committed and transmit the depositions of witnesses to be
laid before the next General Assembly. Judge Henderson's
broken faith in not continuing to hold his court met with
severe retribution. On the night of November 12th his barns
and stables were destroyed, several horses being burned in
the conflagration, and two nights afterward his dwelling
house was set on fire and consumed. Contemporaneously c. Rm vin,
with the news of this destruction came the disquieting infor-
mation to the governor that the Regulators proposed to come
down to New Bern to intimidate and overawe the Assembly,
then about to meet or to prevent Colonel Fanning from tak-
ing his seat as a member. In the meantime some of the in- R^reMe„
habitants at the west, seeking self-preservation, entered into c.r.,vih,
a sworn association under the name of Redressers to assist *74
and protect each other. Among those thus associated were
Edmund Fanning, Francis Nash, Adlai Osborn, Alexander
Martin, Jesse Benton, John Hogan, Thomas Hart, James
Murphey, Will Mebane and others afterward prominent as
citizens in that region.
On December 5th the Assembly met. There was no great Dec., 177©
change in membership. Hillsboro having been created a
borough town, Fanning was returned as its member.
(^>hn Harvey, who had been speaker during the last two
assemblies, was now ill at home, and in his absence Samuel
Johnston proposed for speaker Richard Caswell, who was
unanimously chosen. The governor received the Assembly in
the new mansion, which was then finished ; and considering
New Bern as the established seat of government he later, at
the request of the Assembly, ordered the secretary to remove
all the papers of the secretary's office from Wilmington to
that town.
The governor in his address again repeated his earnest c. rmviii,
recommendation for a new system of keeping the public ac-
counts and inveighed strongly against the loose methods that
had always been in vogue in the province. He also urged
the most scrupulous inquiries into the complaints against
358 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
*J£ public officers, and that a clear statement should be made of
the fees to which they were legally entitled. Animadvert-
ing with great indignation on the mob who in contempt of
the resolve of the last house had torn " justice from her
tribunal and renounced all legislative authority," he urged
the raising of a sufficient body of men to protect the magis-
trates and civil officers in the execution of the laws. He
nevertheless directed particular attention to the desirability
of establishing a public seminary in the back country, and
otherwise recommended that there should be general coop-
eration in measures for the public good.
Tryon The Earl of Hillsborough had some months before men-
toNcwYork tioned to the governor that he had had an opportunity of hav-
ing him transferred to New York and would have done so
had he thought that Governor Tryon desired it. The gov-
ernor expressed regret that the position had not been offered
him. He now informed the Assembly that he had received
leave of absence, but hoped that before his departure he
would be able to give stability to the interior police of the
country, and restore to the province the blessings of peace.
At the very time he was making this communication to the
Assembly, arrangements were being made in England for
his transfer to New York, and on December 12th he was
appointed governor of that province. In view of his ex-
pected departure for England, and there being no friction at
the moment over continental affairs, the relations between
the governor and the Assembly were most cordial. The As-
sembly warmly expressed its gratification and appreciation of
his valuable services as governor and their confidence in the
sincerity of his efforts to promote its prosperity and welfare,
and he repeatedly declared his unchangeable purpose to use
his influence under all circumstances to advance the peculiar
c. r.,viii, interests of the province. "Neither time nor distance can
ever efface from my mind," said he, "the just sense of the
obligations I owe you for your favorable opinion of my pub-
lic services." On all sides there was a purpose to enter at
once on the consideration of the remedial legislation which
had been interrupted by the dissolution of the previous As-
Fannin sembly. Edmund Fanning, a close friend of the governor
**"** and the greatest sufferer at the hands of the Regulators,
REMEDIAL LEGISLATION 359
was among the foremost in this important work. He pre- lj£
sented petitions from the Presbyterians asking that their
clergy might be authorized to perform the marriage cere-
mony according to their own rites, also petitions for the
division of Orange County, and he otherwise sought to pro-
mote the wishes of the people. A committee was raised to c. r.,viii,
consider the amendment of existing laws, and Mr. Fanning 3aa
from that committee reported that the laws establishing fees
of the various officers should be made more clear ; that the
Presbyterian clergy should be allowed to solemnize the rite
of marriage by a license, without any fee to the established
clergy ; that the law relative to the inferior courts should be
amended, and their jurisdiction and that of single magis-
trates should be enlarged; and he suggested that the com-
mittee should be continued during recess. Colonel Ruther-
ford was similarly active, and introduced several bills for
the erection of new counties, which the people by their peti-
tions requested. The counties of Wake, Guilford, Chatham The new
counties
and Surry were thus established. The fees of officers were
regulated, and the charges of attorneys-at-law were fixed
according to the service rendered. The amount in every
case was to be included in the bill of costs, and nothing ^^ -
more than the law allowed was to be demanded by them;
yet any client was permitted the privilege of paying more
after the matter was concluded if he felt so disposed ; and if
any lawyer neglected his case the court was to direct that he
should pay the costs.
Because of the scarcity of money sheriffs were forbidden
to sell property for less than two-thirds of the appraised
value. The fees of clerks were regulated, and those thereto- xxm, 78»
fore allowed by law to the chief justice were abolished, and ""*'
an adequate salary was provided for him. To encourage
immigration, all persons who should come into the province
directly from Europe were exempted from the payment of
taxes for four years. In order to promote education Gov-
ernor Tryon in his address had recommended the establish-
ment of a public school in the western part of the province,
and Fanning brought in a bill for that purpose; and an act
was passed incorporating Queen's College at Charlotte, a omen's
hamlet in Mecklenburg, so called in honor of her Majesty. ^ol,e«e
360
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
These and various other acts were intended and calculated
to remove and redress the grievances of which the Regula-
tors had complained.
Jan., 1771
C.R.,VIII,
481
^ohnston^l
loody bill
Drafts
ordered
The riot act
But the Assembly was not willing to stop there. It pro-
posed that the peace of the province should not be disturbed.
It passed an act introduced by Samuel Johnston to prevent
tumultuous and riotous assemblies. It enacted that if ten or
more persons, being unlawfully, tumultuously and riotously
assembled together, to the disturbance of the public peace, y
after being openly commanded by any justice or sheriff to
disperse, should notwithstanding remain together one hour
thereafter, they should be adjudged guilty of felony and suf-
fer death. And it was made the duty of such justice or
sheriff and such persons as should be commanded to assist to
apprehend the rioters ; and if any of them in resisting should
be killed the officers should not be held liable; and it was
enacted that the prosecutions under that law might be in
any superior court in the province, and not necessarily in
the county or district where the offence was committed ; and
also if any bill of indictment was found for an offence under
that act, it was lawful for the judges of the superior court
to issue a proclamation to be put up at the court-house and at
each church or chapel of the county where the crime was
committed, commanding the indicted person to surrender
himself to the sheriff within sixty days ; and if the person did
not surrender himself according to the proclamation he
was to be deemed guilty of the offence as if he had been
convicted ; and it was made lawful for any one to slay such
outlaw.
In anticipation of further riots and insurrections the gov-
ernor was authorized to order out drafts from the different
regiments of militia, who were to be paid for their services,
and he was authorized to draw his warrant for the payment
of such sums of money as should be necessary, which the
treasurers were required to honor. And if any number of
men should in an armed and hostile manner oppose the
military force raised under the act, they were to be consid-
ered as traitors and treated accordingly.
THE JOHNSTON ACT 361
Such was the measure of repression to vindicate "the hon- !*£
or of government." "Your absence," wrote Iredell to Har- cr.,viii,
vey, "at so critical a period is much to be regretted." "This
bill, I believe, you would have thought expedient, though
severe; but desperate diseases must have desperate rem-
edies."
It was indeed a severe penal act, but was to remain in
force for only one year and no longer, and during that period
it was to be read by the justices at the court-house door in
every county on the second day of court, and by the minister,
clerk or reader at their place of public worship immediately
after divine service once every three months.
By it the Assembly proposed to maintain the authority of
government, to prevent riots and suppress insurrections even
at the cost of blood.
It had been said that the Regulators proposed to embody JJ^^"*
and forcibly prevent Edmund Fanning from taking his seat.
Because of these threats the governor was so apprehensive
that he caused a ditch to be dug from Neuse to Trent River
enclosing the inhabited part of the town ; and the militia of
the neighboring counties were directed to oppose the insur-
gents should they come. During the sitting of the Assembly
James Hunter published a letter addressed to Judge Maurice
Moore in the New Bern Gazette, which was deemed slan-
derous. Moore was a member of the house, and the house
took notice of it, and it being understood that Hermon Hus-
band, also a member of the house, had caused it to be printed
0 C R VIII
a committee was appointed to investigate the matter. After ^ 3'J, •
an examination the house resolved that Husband was guilty
of gross prevarication and falsehood; and as he had in-
sinuated in conversation that, in case he should be confined
by order of the house, he expected down a number of peo-
ple to release him, he was adjudged in contempt of the
house, and was immediately expelled. The governor at once JJj^JJ1
convened the council, the chief justice being one of the body,
and it being- considered that if Husband should rejoin the
Regulators fatal consequences might ensue, they unanimously
requested the chief justice to take depositions and issue his
warrant for apprehending Husband, who was committed to
jail and confined until he could be tried.
362
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
C. R..VIII,
490
UJ1 On January 15, 1771, the riot act was passed. A week later
c. r.,viii. the governor informed the Assembly that he had received in-
telligence that led him to apprehend that the insurgents were
preparing for some speedy act of violence — the liberation of
Husband by force. All now was in a flutter, and an appro-
priation was made to enable the governor to withstand the
expected assault. The public business was hurried to an
end, and on the 26th the Assembly was prorogued to meet on
May 10th. Governor Tryon apparently had a disposition toT
try conclusions with the Regulators. He did not wish to I
leave the province at the end of his term in a state of an-f^
archy and confusion, and so he rather courted a situation!
that would result in the speedy suppression of disaffection. I
The legislation of the session was calculated to disarm op-
position, and he hoped that it would disorganize the adher-
ents of the Regulator chieftains. After Husband had been
in jail a month * reports were received that the people of
Orange were assembling, and on January 19th the governor
appointed a special court under the riot act to be held by the
chief justice on February 2d for the trial of Husband and
other alleged criminals. In anticipation of an attempt at
rescue, the governor ordered the militia of the neighbor-
ing counties to be in readiness to repulse the insurgent
force. The Wake regiment assembled at Colonel Hunter's ;
that of Johnston County at Smithfield, while Colonel Caswell
held the Dobbs militia at Kingston. It was reported that the
march on New Bern would begin on the nth, and a procla-
mation was issued prohibiting for a reasonable time the
sale of firearms and ammunition, lest they should come
into the hands of the mob. On February 8th, however, the
grand jury of the special court, having considered the bill
preferred against Hermon Husband for libel, found it not a
true bill and Husband was discharged. Being now free, he
c. r.,viii, leisurely returned to the back country. In the meantime the
Regulators had been active, and having embodied a large
force, crossed the Haw River, and proceeded to the eastward.
With that detachment were thirteen wagons, while four
wagons had not yet crossed the river, when Husband reached
Hunter's Lodge in Wake County, where the Wake regi-
ment was assembled, and wrote assuring his friends of his
Militia
moves
C. R.,VIII,
49«
Husband
discharged
500-509
THE REGULATORS DECLARE THEIR PURPOSE 363
release and safety. William Butler having received this *JJI
communication from Husband, hastened to the Regulator £*£Jjlatora
camp and, the object being accomplished, the insurgents re-
tired. The danger being passed, on February 17th Colonel
Hinton discharged the Wake militia, and the other regiments
were likewise disbanded. There was a temporary lull ; but,
nevertheless, the governor and council thought it prudent
to perfect the defences at New Bern, where another term of
court was to be held early in March.
Notwithstanding the remedial acts so lately passed, the
Regulators were not at all content. They were inflamed by
the passage of the riot act. The power of government had
ceased to be feared, and the tyrannical and bloody features
of that act, instead of constraining obedience and restoring
quiet, only served to arouse their indignation and excite
their ire. Rednap Howell, a maker of popular ballads,
had moved much among the people, and his rhymes
doubtless contributed largely to give them good heart and
prepare them for action. There were at least some forty
of these popular pieces, although only a few have been
preserved. They were indeed well calculated to stir the dis-
affected and warm them up to patriotic ardor. On the re- c. r.,viii,
turn of the Regulators from their intended expedition to 534.535
release Husband, their purpose was announced to attend the
Salisbury court, then about to be held, and on March 6th
some five hundred of them encamped in the woods on the
banks of the Yadkyi River, where were the Hamiltons,
Hunter, James Graham, Teague, Gillespie and other leaders
in command. Having arrested Waightstill Avery, a young
lawyer of that region, they carried him to their camp, and
declared their purpose of flogging Judge Moore, and of
killing all the clerks and lawyers. But such vaporings were
probably only vain boastings. On the same day Colonel
Alexander Martin and John Frohock, who had been officers
of Rowan, and who with others were charged with having
taken illegal fees, went to their camp and desired to know
their designs and purposes. To them they answered that
they had no intention to disturb the court or to injure any
person ; and that they were armed only to defend themselves
if assaulted. On being informed that their late behavior to
364
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
Adjustment
agreed on
the judges had been such that no court would be held, they
seemed greatly concerned. A plan was then proposed for
accommodating matters between the people and the officers
of Rowan against whom they complained. The matters in
dispute were to be left to arbitrators, the Regulators ap-
pointing Husband, Graham, Hunter and Thomas Person to
act for them ; Martin and Frohock chose Matthew Locke,
John Kerr, Samuel Young and James Smith on their part.
The meeting of the arbitrators was fixed for the third Tues-
day in May, and the settlement was to extend not only to
the officers of Rowan County but to all those who would vol-
untarily join in the arbitration. The Regulators, evidently
pleased at this proposed adjustment, gave three cheers and
returned to their homes. Well had it been had this path to
peace been pursued, and by this settlement out of court the
tranquillity of the province been restored. But circumstances
were no longer favorable to such negotiations.
March, 1771
C. R.,VI1I,
5*&-53»
Indict menu
Alamance
On March nth another special court convened at New
Bern attended by the chief justice and Judges Moore and
Henderson. The grand jury on the 15th presented the in-
surgents as being enemies to government, and to the liberty,
happiness and tranquillity of the inhabitants of the province.
True bills were found against Husband, Hunter, Butler, thet
Hamiltons, James Few, Rednap Howell and many other!
leaders of the Regulators, there being thirty-one persons in-J
dieted, and the witnesses wrere recognized to attend on May
nth, when the cases were to be tried. On March 18th, two
days after the court adjourned, the governor came into pos-
session of a letter written by Rednap Howell a month earlier,
from which it appeared that he had been sent to Halifax to
"raise the country," and that he had "animated the people to
join the Regulation," and he declared "if it once takes a start
here it will run into the neighboring counties of Edgecombe,
c. r.,viii, Bute and Northampton." At the same time the governor
536-539 received a letter from the judges expressing their opinion
that they could not attend the superior court at Hillsboro
on March 226 with any hope of transacting the business of
the court, or indeed with any prospect of personal safety to
TRYON RAISES. TROOPS
365
The
governor
acts
C. R.,VIII,
540-549
C. R.,VIII,
548
themselves. The governor submitted these matters to the
council, and it was agreed with their advice to raise a suf-
ficient force to maintain order and reduce the insurgents to
obedience to the laws. The courts were to be held and the
administration of justice was not to cease.
Fearing the extension of the Regulation movement among
the inhabitants of the eastern section, an association paper
was printed and circulated through the counties for signa-
ture, in which those who signed it bound themselves to stand
with the government against the Regulators until the tran-
quillity of the province should be restored ; and the governor
at once issued orders for the militia to assemble, and called
for volunteers and drafts to form a force that would sup-
press the insurgents. From each county a number was
required, aggregating in all 2250 men. The governor
hastened to Wilmington and appointed General Waddell
general of the forces to be raised, with directions to march
through the western counties by way of Salisbury to Orange,
while he himself with the eastern militia would march direct
to Hillsboro. The governor's authority for this movement
was founded on a clause of the riot act ; and he was upheld
by all of the gentlemen of the east.
Many of them at once volunteered to accompany him on
his intended expedition and none held back. Caswell was a
colonel, Ashe a general, Harnett was particularly active,
while John Harvey was detained by his continued illness.
His son, a member of the Assembly, was, like him, esteemed
by the governor. On March 19th, the day Governor Tryon
issued his orders to the colonels to collect their men, he en-
closed a copy to Harvey, saying : "If you . . . can pro-
cure from the counties of Pasquotank and Perquimans, with
the assistance of Colonel Taylor, a company of fifty men,
. . . and contrive so as they might be at Hillsboro
the sixth day of May, I should be glad to take them under
my command. I take this opportunity to thank you for
your kind present to me last winter. ... I wish your
son could command the company." But the Albemarle sec-
tion was so remote from the scene of disturbance and had so
little intercourse with that part of the State that the people
took but little interest in the Regulation, and in a general
Waddell in
command
C. R., VIII,
608
3G6 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
UJl way many of the inhabitants sympathized with the Regula-
tors in their distresses. Joseph Montfort, the northern
treasurer, had no money of the contingent fund in hand,
which under the riot act alone could be used to pay bounties
and the expenses of the troops, and so he did not honor the
c\R..vnif drafts made by Governor Tryon for bounties, and but few
volunteers from the Albemarle section participated in the
expedition.
c. r., viii, The southern treasurer, John Ashe, on the other hand, not
only paid out what public moneys he had, but issued notes
to the amount of six thousand pounds to meet the expenses
of the expedition ; and so the same difficulty did not arise in
embodying and moving troops from the lower counties.
Frohock and Martin having communicated to the gover-
nor their agreement for settlement with the insurgents, the
arrangement was denounced by him as ''unconstitutional, dis-
honorable to government, and introductive of a practice most
c.r.,viii, dangerous to the peace and happiness of society." Yet he
asserted his abhorrence of the conduct of any man who was
guilty of extortion, and declared it to be their duty to give
satisfaction and make restitution if they had abused their
trust.
w7m the Earlier the governor might have rejoiced at this proposed
struggle settlement of differences, but to his mind the situation no
longer admitted such an adjustment. The leaders of the
Regulators had gone too far. The power of the insurgents
to overturn government was too apparent. The day for
temporizing had passed. The authority of the law was now
to be asserted. While the responses of the eastern militia
were far from general, yet a considerable force collected at
the call of the governor. Perhaps his greatest disappoint-
ment was the action of the Bute militia, some eight hundred
of whom assembled, but when invited to volunteer they de-
clined to a man, saying that they favored the Regulators.
Almost equal was the attitude of the Wake militia, although
after some delay, with considerable efforts, Colonel Hinton
secured by draft fifty recruits from that county. Indeed
throughout the territory west of Smithfield the great bulk of
the inhabitants sympathized with the disaffected element. A
considerable proportion of those farther west had but recently
MOVEMENTS OF W ADD ELL 367
come into the province, were unacquainted with the laws ^
and the system of government, had no association with the
eastern people, and knew but little of the leading men who
had habitually controlled public affairs. In a word, many
of them had so recently become inhabitants and were so un-
settled in their new homes, and were so cut off and secluded
in the frontier settlements that they were virtually strangers
within the commonwealth.
General Waddell in his progress to the west was joined by c. R » vin,
a detachment of the Anson militia and parts of the regiments l% 7°l
of Mecklenburg and Tryon under their respective colonels, General
and some companies from Rowan. Colonel Frohock, who Wadde11
should have commanded the Rowan militia, was rather sar-
castically excused from attending by Governor Tryon be-
cause of his negotiations with the Regulators. Accompany-
ing WaddelVs force also was a detachment of artillery under
Colonel Robert Schaw of Cumberland. On May 5th General ^R-«VI,I«
Waddell with nearly three hundred men crossed the Yadkin
near Salisbury, and went into camp on Pott's Creek. There,
finding himself confronted by a considerable number of in-
surgents, he halted and threw up entrenchments. On May
10th, at a council of war, under the advice of Colonel Ruth-
erford and his other officers, it was resolved that it was too
hazardous to engage the enemy, who were reported by Cap-
tain Alexander of Mecklenburg, to extend a quarter of a
mile, seven or eight deep, with a large body of horsemen,
extending one hundred and twenty yards, twelve or fourteen
deep. Nor was this formidable force the only peril that
threatened General Waddell, for it was apprehended that
many of his own troops would not fight the Regulators, but
rather, in case of a conflict, would join them. Under these c. rmviii,
adverse circumstances General Waddell prudently retreated
across the Yadkin and took post near Salisbury, where he
strongly fortified himself and remained until May 28th. In
the meantime he had suffered a severe loss in the destruction
of a supply of powder and other munitions of war that were
being transported from Charleston for the use of the army.
A small band of Regulators under the .direction of Major c. rmviii,
James White and his brothers, William and John White, hav- ^e Black
ing blackened their faces, from which they became known as Boys
368 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
w the "Black Boys," came up with the wagons midway be-
tween Charlotte and Salisbury (near the site of the present
town of Concord), and, having taken possession of them,
destroyed the blankets and fired the ammunition, making a
tremendous explosion of the powder. Such animosity to-
ward government was now the general feeling that per-
vaded all that region, and General Waddell found himself
hemmed in by forces too powerful to contend with.
CR..VIU, Governor Tryon was more fortunate. Leaving New
Bern on April 23d, accompanied by the militia of Carteret,
Craven and adjoining counties, and two swivel guns mounted
on carriages, he moved toward Smithfield, where he was
joined by detachments from New Hanover, Dobbs and John-
ston. On May 4th he marched to Hunter's Lodge in Wake,
where he remained four days awaiting other detachments
and organizing his forces.
On the 9th he encamped on the Enoe. Accompanying him
were volunteer detachments of horse from Bute and other
counties, and many of the leading gentlemen of the east,
among them Robert Howe, Alexander Lillington, John Ashe,
o??™™ James Moore, Richard Caswell, Abner Nash, Willie Jones,
John Harvey, Jr., and others distinguished in the military
and civil annals of North Carolina; while in like manner
with General Waddell were Moses Alexander, Thomas Polk,
Samuel Spencer, Griffith Rutherford, William Lindsay,
Adlai Osborn and many in later times honored for their
devoted patriotism.
In the meantime, while the forces of the government were
being thus collected, the disaffected inhabitants at the west
were all astir. The leaders gave information of the points
where they were to assemble. Every highway and byway
was filled with men hurrying to the front. Great crowds
passed rapidly from the extreme west through the quiet set-
tlement of Wachovia, and the men of Anson met those of
Surry and from the foothills of the mountains at the ren-
Feeiing dezvous between the Haw and the Deep. So often had these
Regulators men assembled, so often had they met and boldly made
declaration of their purpose to right their wrongs, defying
the power of government, that now with enthusiasm they re-
sponded to the call of their leaders, and hastened to assert
FEELING OF THE REGULATORS 369
their manhood. They were manly men, animated by a pur- xjn
pose to fearlessly resist oppression, and were not to be over-
awed by a show of power. Probably no one thought of sub- —
verting government ; no one thought of wresting the prov-
ince from the dominion of the British Empire; they only
thought that they would stand up openly and with their own
strong hand prevent the operation of laws passed by the
Assembly, which, under the circumstance of their situation
and lives, they deemed unjust and found oppressive. With
little currency among them, lawful taxes bore hard and il-
legal taxes they would not pay; and, smarting under the
exactions of greedy officials, which even the governor, the
courts and the Assembly had found to be illegal, they were
imbued with the determination to protect themselves from
the power of a government whose authority sat lightly on
them. Unawed by the reported march of the militia, they
themselves would assemble and once more assert their own
mastery. Many came unarmed, and but few probably re-
alized that there was really impending a conflict involving
life and death. They gathered in force between the Haw and
the Deep, and learning of the governor's approach, went
forth to meet him. Tryon, hearing of their advance, on c. r.,viii,
May nth marched from Hillsboro, crossed the Haw, and 5a
on the night of the 13th encamped on the Great Alamance.
There he prepared for battle. On the 13th the governor
had received an express from General Waddell informing
him that he was surrounded by about two thousand Regula-
tors and had been forced to retire ; and he also learned that
their rendezvous was to be at Hunter's plantation on Sandy
Creek with the view of obstructing the junction of the two
government detachments, and later came the disquieting in-
telligence that they were preparing to attack his camp. In- £oR-v,II«
stead, however, of an attack, about six o'clock in the evening
the governor received, at the hands of James Hunter and
Benjamin Merrill, a communication from them desiring to
know if he would hear their petition for a redress of their
grievances. He laid this letter before a council of war,
and informed the Regulators that he would return an
answer by twelve o'clock the next day. That night s. r.„ xix,
Captain John Walker and Lieutenant John Baptista Ashe, 5
370 TRY ON' S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
2J! who had been sent out to reconnoitre, were captured by the
insurgents, tied to trees, severely whipped, and detained as
prisoners. When the governor's messenger was conveying
his answer to the camp of the Regulators they gave him
such insults that he returned without delivering it. Early on
the morning of the 16th, the two forces being about five miles
apart, the governor moved forward, and about ten o'clock
came within a half mile of the Regulator encampment, and
there formed a line of battle. He then sent forward Captain
Malcolm, one of his aides, and the sheriff of Orange with his
letter, requiring them to lay down their arms, surrender up
their outlawed leaders, and submit to the laws of the prov-
c. rmviii, ince. These terms were rejected with disdain, and gradually
43 the two lines approached until the government forces occu-
pied the ground which the van of the Regulators had first
occupied, but from which it had fallen back to their main
body. Some communications now passed for the exchange
of Walker and Ashe for seven of the Regulators who had
been captured by the militia, and the proposition was agreed
to. The insurgents delayed and sent word that they would
comply within an hour. The governor, suspecting that the
delay was intended to enable the enemy to outflank him, de-
termined to wait no longer.
The battle begins, May 16, 1771
May 16,1771 The governor sent word by his aide, Captain Philemon
Hawkins, that he would immediately give the signal for ac-
tion, and cautioned the Regulators to take care of them-
selves; that if they did not directly lay down their arms
they would be fired on. "Fire and be d d!" was the an-
Martin, swer. The governor thereupon gave the order, which, not
C;!roiiia?rth being immediately obeyed, rising in his stirrups and turning
11. 28a to his men, he called out: "Fire! fire on them or on me!"
Accordingly, the artillery began the fire, which was followed
by a discharge from the whole first line, and the action
almost instantly became general.
c. k .vim, of the militia there were about 1100. The number of the
C47, 648
Regulators has been variously estimated at between 2000 and
4000; but a considerable portion of them were unarmed,
and probably but few expected to engage in a battle. They
THE BATTLE OF ALAMANCE 371
were not marshalled in organized companies ; had no trained ^T
captains to command ; and were a concourse of resolute citi- s 6R-. XIX»
zens rather than an army in battle array. Their chief com-
mander was James Hunter.
At the first fire many left the field, among them being
Hermon Husband. After the conflict had lasted half an hour
the Regulators occupied a piece of woods and fought from
behind the trees, as in Indian warfare. To dislodge them
Tryon advanced his first line and drove them from cover,
pursuing them half a mile beyond their camp. In one ac- 2rhi5wood,
count of the battle preserved in the Moravian records, it is
said that "many had taken refuge in the woods, whereupon
the governor ordered the woods to be set afire, and in con-
sequence some of the wounded were 'roasted alive.' " It is
to be observed, however, that in the middle of May a woods
fire progresses but slowly, even if it burns at all.
In the earlier stages of the battle, Robert Thompson, a
Regulator, who had been taken prisoner, defying the power
of his captors, undertook to make his escape, and it is said
that Governor Tryon shot him down with his own hand.
Thompson had been a strenuous agitator, and doubtless £0R,,VI11,
was a bold, determined man. For slaving him Governor Thompson
_ ...1T1. . b slain
Tryon was criticised. If no other means to prevent escape
was at the moment available, any soldier would have
been justified in taking a prisoner's life, otherwise not.
While in the heat of battle one's actions are not to be too
nicely weighed, life is never to be taken unnecessarily.
The loss of the militia was reported as nine killed and The losses
sixty-one wounded. A detachment from Beaufort County
under Captain John Patten, being a part of the regiment c. r.,vih,
commanded by Colonel William Thompson, of Carteret, suf-
fered the greatest proportionate loss, fifteen killed and
wounded out of thirty. Those of the insurgents who par-
ticipated in the action stood up manfully. They were not
dismayed by the artillery, and indeed held their ground at
such short range that they silenced the artillery, requiring
particular efforts to dislodge them by advancing riflemen for
that purpose. Their loss was, according to one account, nine
killed and thirty missing, and according to another upwards
of twenty were killed. Their conduct under fire was as ^85R,VI11,
372
TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
1771
Few hanged
May 17th
Caruthen,
Life of
Caldwell,
158
Haywood.
Life of
Tryon, 133
Clewell,
Hut. of
Wachovia
C. R..VIII,
53a
C. R.,VIII,
651
spirited as it was bold, and for two hours they protracted
the unequal conflict with the trained militia despite the
severe losses they suffered. The insurgents being driven
from the field, the militia advanced some little distance,
but finding the enemy dispersed, withdrew to their orig-
inal encampment. Thus closed that fateful and unhappy
day. The wounded on both sides were humanely cared
for, and the next evening the dead were interred, and
there were prayers and thanksgivings for the victory.
The ceremonies of the day were concluded by the hang-
ing of James Few, a prisoner — a proceeding that has
attached well-merited odium to the name of Governor Tryon.
Of Few it has been said "That he was of a fanatical turn of
mind, and believed himself raised up by the hand of God
to liberate his country." "That he was sent by Heaven to
relieve the world from oppression, and that he was to begin
in North Carolina." An account of his execution given
in the Community Diary of the Moravians a week later says :
"A certain young man, a fine young fellow, had been cap-
tured, and when given the alternative of taking the oath or
being hanged he chose the latter. The governor wished to
spare his life, and twice urged him to submit. But the young
man refused. The messenger described how, with the rope
around his neck, he was urged to yield but refused, and the
governor turned aside with tears in his eyes as the young
man was swung into eternity."
Few had been indicted for felony at the special court held
at New Bern on March n, 1771. He was one of those
who refused to surrender themselves within the time limited
by the riot act. Under that act he was deemed guilty of the
offence charged as if he had been convicted thereof by due
course of law, and it was made lawful for any one to take his
life, but this outlawry was dependent on the required publica-
tions of the proclamation, a fact not ascertained as to Few.
But of this Governor Tryon seems not to have been advised.
He regarded Few, Hunter, Husband as outlaws. Still, the
contingency had not then arisen when Few could have been
lawfully slain as an outlaw, nor was Governor Tryon justi-
fied in dealing so summarily with a prisoner. He sought
to extenuate his needless act by saying: "This gave great
TRY ON SUBJUGATES THE INSURGENTS 373
satisfaction to the men, and at this time it was a necessary ™1
sacrifice to appease the murmurings of the troops, who were J1*™'*
importunate that public justice should be immediately exe-
cuted against some of the outlaws that were taken in the ac- s. rm xix,
tion, and in opposing of whom they had braved so many dan- s
gers and suffered such loss of lives and blood, and without
which satisfaction some refused to march forward while
others declared they would give no quarter for the future."
Such might well have been the feelings of some of the
eastern militia, but it was not the part of a command-
ing officer to be swerved from his own sense of duty by the
intemperate passion of his soldiers; He was there to assert
the majesty of the law and to maintain the authority of
established government — not to blazon the powTer of success-
ful arms by a needless act of butchery.
Subsequent movements
The next day the wounded were sent to the plantation of
Michael Holt with a surgeon and medicines, and the main
army proceeded to Lewis's mill, three miles beyond the field
of battle, where a detachment under Colonel Ashe that had
been advanced was surrounded by about three hundred of
the Regulators. Immediately after the battle a proclamation
had been issued granting pardon to all who should come
into camp, surrender up their arms, take an oath of alle- c. rmviii,
giance to the king and an oath of obligation to pay their 49
taxes, and to support and defend the laws of the land.* Ex-
ceptions, however, were made of the outlaws and prisoners
taken and some fourteen others. Many now accepted these fxacrept"o„snd
terms and submitted. The army the next day marched to
James Hunter's and destroyed his dwelling and outhouse,
and then took possession of Hermon Husband's plantation,
finding there "a large parcel of treasonable papers;" and,
the inhabitants continuing to come in, submitting themselves
to government, the proclamation of pardon was renewed and
the time extended ; but the exceptions now embraced the
♦Governor Martin spoke of this "oath as one of allegiance, etc.,
etc." Atticus described it as "your new coined oath to be obedient
to the laws of the province, and to pay the public taxes." To that
description the governor himself added, "to support and defend the
laws of the land," as in the text.
374 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
UJl " Black Boys'' and some others at first omitted, among
them being Thomas Person. The outlaws named were Hus-
band, Hunter, Howell and Butler, and on their heads a price
was set. Heavy rains, which had begun on May 20th and
continued until the 28th, added much to the discomfort of
the men, many of whom were seized with pleurisies.
The army remained a week in Sandy Creek, then passed
to Deep River, and on June 1st was in the Jersey settlement.
On June 4th, on Reedy Creek, General Waddell's forces
joined the main army, and they marched to Wachovia, where
they remained several days, and at Salem on June 6th they
celebrated the king's birthday and the victory of the 16th.
c. r.,viu. During this march the houses and plantations of those who
51 were outlawed were laid waste and destroyed, and their
owners fled from the province.
The insurgents having been quieted on the Deep and the
Haw, and information being received that they were rising
to the south and west, General Waddell was detached on
June 8th with some five hundred men and artillery to move
into that section and suppress them ; and on the same day
Governor Tryon began his return movement.
The army reached Hillsboro on the 14th, where the cattle
and horses were turned on the plantation of William Few,
the father of James Few, who was said to have been "very
s. r , xix, active in promoting the disturbance of the country." Hav-
8sa ing taken some prisoners on May 13th, Governor Tryon
ordered that a special term of court under the riot act should
c^r., vni, be opened at Hillsboro on the 30th of that month, but the
governor had kept the prisoners along with the army with
the view of parading them before the country, and the court
had been kept open awaiting their arrival for trial.
The trials
The trials began on June 14th and lasted until the 18th,
when twelve prisoners were sentenced to death on the charge
of high treason. Six of these were immediately executed.
The record of the court has not been preserved. Four of
those executed were Benjamin Merrill, Robert Matear, Cap-
The tain Messer and James Pugh. The names of two are un-
victinu known. Six were reprieved : Forrester Mercer, James Stew-
PACIFICATION AND ITS RESULTS 375
art, James Emerson, Herman Cox, William Brown and %J£
James Copeland, and later they were pardoned by the king.
The melancholy spectacle of the execution was accompanied
by a military parade,* and its terrors were augmented by the
impressiveness of the scene. The governor attended with
the entire army, and caused all of the prisoners to be brought
out to witness it.
The people, utterly subdued, their leaders fled or taken, ^em£ople
had continued to come in and ask for pardon, so that by
June 19th more than three thousand had submitted to the
government and taken the oath to pay their taxes and obey
the laws which Governor Tryon had exacted of them.
When, later, General Waddell had made his report, giving c. r.,ix,78
the result of his excursion into the southwestern part of the
province, the entire number who had taken the oath aggre-
gated 6409, and about 800 guns had been turned into the
government by the malcontents. Apparently then the west-
ern counties were disarmed and thoroughly subjugated.
But the people were not pacified, and many moved from the
province, some passing the mountains and finding homes in
the forests of the Holstein settlement.
Governor Tryon, having on June 13th received informa- Jnron
tion that he had been appointed governor of New York, and from the
, . . . ... f - . , province
having instructions to repair without loss of time to that c. r.,viii,
province, communicated to the army that he would march 6?s
to the southward immediately after the executions, and that
he would leave the army under the command of Colonel
Ashe, he himself hastening to New Bern. On June 30th
he embarked for New York, where he arrived on July 7th
and assumed the administration. He carried with him the ^n£'¥£
esteem and good-will of the leading men of the eastern part 9. m*'
oi the province, who commended his bravery and courage,
and approved his administration in the difficult circum-
stances that attended it.
*A gruesome memorial of this event is preserved in State Records,
XXII, 465:
"The Public to Thomas Donaldson. Dr. — 19th June, 1771. To
hanging six men at Hillsboro Court of Oyer, etc., five pounds each —
thirty pounds. P'r Thomas Donaldson."
376 TRYON'S ADMINISTRATION, 1765-71
UJl As the disturbances incident to the Regulation movement
were a marked feature of affairs during that period, so the
efforts of the government to suppress them were also un-
usual and remarkable. The riot act, passed by the Assembly,
of which Caswell was speaker, and Harnett, Johnston, He wes,
Howe, the Moores and many others who led in the revolu-
tionary movement three years later, were members, and
which received the approval of the governor, was such a
stringent measure as to challenge criticism. That clause of
it which required indicted persons, after proclamation, to
surrender themselves within sixty days and stand trial on
pain of being deemed guilty and of being held outlaws sub-
Theriot ject to being killed by any one, was considered by the
England Crown officers as "irreconcilable to the principles of the con-
c.R., ix, stitution," "full of danger in its operation" and "unfit for any
s.5r.,xi, part of the British Empire ;" although they mentioned that
a4° "the circumstances of the province may excuse inserting
such clause in this act." It was certainly a fierce and bloody
expedient, resorted to because the persons accused could
not be arrested. Other than that, the act received the ap-
proval of the Crown, and inasmuch as its operation was
limited to a single year, it was allowed to stand until its
expiration. James Few was the only person who suffered
death under it, as an outlaw, if indeed the governor justified
even his execution by that sanction.
The army, after Tryon's departure from Hillsboro, pro-
ceeded to Colonel Bryan's in Johnston County and there the
detachments separated, marching to their respective counties,
where they were disbanded. The cost of the expedition,
about £60,000, had in part been met by notes issued
by Treasurer Ashe, which he announced would be received
by him in payment of taxes. These notes circulated as cur-
rency, and in some measure gave relief to the people in the
scarcity of a circulating medium.
CHAPTER XXIII
Social Life at the Opening of the Revolution
In the homes of the people. — Social conditions. — The state church.
— The Protestant dissenters. — The Baptist churches. — Pioneers of
Methodism. — Education and schools. — Taxation. — The lawyers. —
The Quakers and the militia. — Servants and slaves.
In the homes of the people
McRee, in his "Life of Iredell," has given an admirable «77t
portrayal of two communities in the province about the time McRee'f^
of Martin's administration. Of the region of which Eden- jj!^11, 1%
ton was the centre, he says :
It was of such remarkable fertility that it might well have been
styled the granary of the province ; it was also the place of concen-
tration and market-town for the opulent planters of a large district
of country. . . . The climate was humid and unhealthy, but soft
and luxurious. Game and fish were abundant, and cattle and sheep
and swine throve and multiplied upon the spontaneous fruits of the
earth. If there was little of the parade and pomp of older com-
munities, if many of the appliances of luxury were wanting, ease
and abundance were the reward of but a slight degree of frugality
and industry. No palatial dwellings existed — tapestry and plate were
wanting ; but the homes of the planters were comfortable and ample
for all the purposes of hospitality, while their tables groaned beneath
dainties beyond the reach of wealth on the other side of the Atlantic.
He who supposes them an untutored people is grossly deceived. The
letters that will appear in the course of the narrative will demon-
strate that they were equal in cultivation, ability, and patriotism to
any of their contemporaries. The men were bold, frank, generous,
and intelligent; the females, tender and kind and polite. The
strength of the former was developed by manly labors. The taste of
the latter was improved and their imaginations exalted by the varied
forms of beauty that surrounded them. ... In 1769 the town of
Edenton was the court end of the province. Within its limits and
in its immediate vicinity there was, in proportion to its population, a
378 SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
i77« greater number of men eminent for ability, virtue, and erudition than
Social in any other part of America. Colonel Richard Buncombe was a
condition* native of St Kitts. He was educated in England and possessed a
large fortune. Of "Lawyer Pearson, an English gentleman," little
is known save that he married the mother of Sir Nathaniel Dukin-
field, and thus became master of large estates. Colonel John Dawson
(a lawyer who married the daughter of Governor Gabriel Johnston)
resided at Eden House, noted for its splendid hospitality and the
refined society generally assembled there. Dr. Cathcart was a gentle-
man of extraordinarily fine sense and great reading. His two daugh-
ters "were possessed of the three greatest motives to be courted:
beauty, wit and prudence, and money ; great fortunes, and toasted in
most parts of the province."
And so McRee continues with brief accounts of Joseph
Hewes, Thomas Barker, Thomas Jones, Jasper Carlton,
Stephen Cabarrus, Robert Smith, Charles Johnson, William
Cumming, Sir Nathaniel Dukinfield, the Harveys and the
Johnstons, who "possessed talents and attainments that,
when combined, not only enabled them to determine the
politics of their district, but gave them a potent influence in
the province."
Of the lower Cape Fear he likewise says :
Mr. Hooper was a native of Boston and a graduate of Cambridge,
Mass. After studying law with James Otis, he became a citizen
of Wilmington. That town and its vicinity was noted for its un-
McRee'i^ bounded hospitality and the elegance of its society. Men of rare
talents, fortune, and attainment united to render it the home of
politeness and ease and enjoyment. Though the footprint of the
Indian had as yet scarcely been effaced, the higher civilization of the
Old World had been transplanted there and had taken vigorous root.
There were Colonel John Ashe, the great popular leader, whose ad-
dress was consummate, and whose quickness of apprehension seemed
intuition, the very Rupert of debate; Samuel Ashe, of stalwart
frame, endowed with practical good sense and a profound knowledge
of human nature ; Harnett, "who could boast a genius for music and
taste for letters," the representative man of the Cape Fear; Dr.
John Eustace, "who united wit, and genius, and learning, and
science" ; Colonel Thomas Lloyd, "gifted with talents and adorned
with classical literature"; Howe, "whose imagination fascinated,
whose repartee overpowered, and whose conversation was enlivened
by strains of exquisite raillery" ; Dr. John Fergus, of stately pres-
ence, with velvet coat, cocked hat, and gold-headed cane, a graduate
Iredell, I,
«94* «95
LEADING FAMILIES
379
of Edinburgh and an excellent Latin and Greek scholar; William
Pennington, afterward master of the ceremonies at Bath, "an ele-
gant writer, admired for his wit and his highly polished urbanity" ;
Judge Maurice Moore, of versatile talents, and possessed of extensive
information ; as a wit, always prompt in reply ; as an orator, always
daring the mercy of chance; Machine, irascible but intellectual, who ^omjj|ionl
trod the paths of honor nearly pari passu with Iredell and Hooper
and Johnston, and "whose criticisms on Shakespeare would, if they
were published, give him fame and rank in the republic of letters."
Social
And he continues to portray the social characteristics of
the Hills, Lillingtons, DeRossets, Moores, and others who
then adorned the Cape Fear region.
New Bern, as well, was a centre where refinement and
elegance abounded. It was the residence of the governor;
an emporium of trade, with wealthy merchants, enterprising
citizens and cultivated society. Originally settled by the
Huguenots, Palatines, and Swiss, by industrious Germans as
well as by Welsh and Englishmen, the region of which it
was the social metropolis was inhabited by a population
notable for their thrift, politeness and fine characteristics.
There the first academy had been established and main- wre^*f
tained ; there the first printing: press was erected, and there North
« /- * » r . ,* i • s* « Carolina in
the first newspaper, the North Carolina Gazette, was pub- Eighteenth
lished — in December, 1755 — followed, at length, by another J"*^
at Wilmington, in September, 1764.
Among the earliest publications of Davis's press, other
than provincial laws, was a sermon preached before the
General Assembly by Rev. James Reid, in 1762, "Recom-
mending the Establishing Public Schools for the Education
of Youth," printed by the Assembly, that "the same might
be dispersed in the several counties within this province."
Halifax had also become a nucleus of elegant society, with
rich planters and cultured citizens ; while at Hillsboro, where
the governors spent their summers, the simplicity of back-
woods life was giving place to the refining influences of
advanced social conditions. In all the counties were men
like Willie and Allen Jones, the Kenans, Dicksons, Battles,
Holmes, Hawkins, Haywoods, Harts, Alstons, Rowans,
Lloyds, Osborns, Polks — too numerous to specify, men of
education and culture, many of whom were native and "to the
3&>
SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
At the west
C. R..VIII,
630
Immigrants
manor born," while others, like Caswell, Hooper, Hewes,
Avery, the Sumners, Martins and McDowells, had but re-
cently come from other communities, well educated, ener-
getic, enterprising, vigorous in mind and in body.
Along the Virginia border the people were chiefly of
colonial descent ; but on the upper waters of the Cape Fear
were congregated thousands of Highlanders, many of whom
were well educated. At Wachovia the Moravians had been
prosperous, had erected mills and had grown in importance;
while the Scotch-Irish, who occupied the fertile regions
watered by the Catawba and tributaries of the Yadkin, were
interspersed with Germans, of whom there were some three
thousand families, likewise accompanied by their pastors,
men of learning, who taught the young while ministering to
their congregations.
And in their new homes the Scotch, Scotch-Irish and the
Germans preserved their former manners and customs and
their racial characteristics, and these have in some measure
been perpetuated so that after the lapse of a century and a
half their respective settlements can still be distinguished.
Similarly a settlement of Quakers, coming from Nantucket,
who located at New Garden, has preserved its peculiar char-
acteristics, while the Jersey settlement on the Yadkin near
Salisbury, so called because made by emigrants from New
Jersey, has retained its original appellation.
Facilities of communication were scant. This was a par-
ticular hardship with the settlers at the far west who, com-
ing from the north, located at a considerable distance be-
yond the frontier settlements extending from the coast.
There was a wide breadth of forest intervening between the
inhabitants of Sandy Creek, Wachovia, Salisbury and the
Catawba, and the marts of trade on the lower Cape Fear.
Easier roads led to the towns of Virginia and of South Caro-
lina, and those became the markets of the western counties.
There was no specie in the province, while the amount of
paper currency became entirely insufficient as the population
was rapidly augmented.
At the east both saw-mills and grist-mills had long been
established; at the west the new settlers quickly began to
The marts
of trade
PROGRESS AND INDUSTRY 381
erect them on the streams where they located; and these lJJl
became important points in their social and business life.
Felling the forests, clearing the fields, building houses,
opening roads, constructing mills — in a word, making their
homes habitable in those secluded regions — called forth the
best exertions of those new settlers ; and fortunate was it for
them that their winters were mild, the summers temperate,
while their fields yielded rich harvests, and the bright sun-
shine brought buoyant hope, health and happiness. Many of
the families, observed Governor Dobbs, have ten children
in them, and experience has long since proved that the
natural increment of population in that favored region is no-
where exceeded in the world.*
The state church
It was contemplated in the original grant to the Lords Pro-
prietors that there might be a state church and presumably
that it would be conformable to the usage in England. The
first effort in that direction was made in 1701, when each
precinct was declared to be a parish, for which a vestry was
appointed, and the vestry was empowered to employ min-
isters and to lay a tax of not more than five shillings on the
poll for parish purposes, which included looking after the
poor as well as providing a place of worship. Ten years
later, when Governor Hyde met his first assembly, an act of
Parliament having been passed declaring the province a (joR-I»
♦In 1810 the editor of the Raleigh Star received many communi-
cations from intelligent men residing in every part 01 the State,
throwing light on the commencement and progress of settlements in
North Carolina. This mass of manuscripts was subsequently deposited
in the library at Chapel Hill, but now cannot be found. Mr. Caruth-
ers, who examined it. said: "From it we learn that Edgecomb began
to be settled in 1726 by people from Virginia, who came there for
the sake of living at their ease, as the climate was mild, the range
good, and game in abundance; Wayne in 1735, but made little prog-
ress until 1750; Caswell in 1750, but had not more than ten families
until 1755. when the Leas. Graves. Kimbros, Pattersons and others
came from Orange and Culpepper counties in Virginia ; Rockingham
in 1750, by hunters, who were soon followed by a more substantial
population; and Guilford about the same time, as appears from the
deeds of land obtained by the Nottingham company. That company,
by agents sent out for the purpose, purchased 33 surveys, or 21,120
acres, on the waters of North Buffalo and Reedy Fork ; and one of
their deeds, which is now before me, is dated December 3, 1753."
(Caruthers* Life of Caldwell, 93.)
382
SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
S R.,XXIII,
187
member of the Crown of England, the Assembly enacted that
the laws of England "are the laws of this government so far
as they are compatible with our way of living" ; and that all
the statute laws of England made for the establishment of
the Church and for the indulgence to Protestant dissenters
were in force in the province. This enactment firmly estab-
lished the Church of England as the state church, and put
in force the Act of Toleration, which remitted all penalties
for non-conformity in the case of Protestant dissenters who
did not deny the doctrine of the Trinity.
In 1729 apparently each parish was invested with the right
to elect its own vestrymen, who still had the privilege of
employing their ministers, being members of the established
church. Up to that time there had been in the province no
other ordained ministers of any denomination; but about
that time Paul Palmer and Joseph Parker organized Bap-
tist churches in the Albemarle section. In 1741 the vestry
law was amended requiring vestrymen to declare that they
''would not oppose the liturgy of the Church of England."
They still had the right to lay a tax on the poll for parish
purposes, and by a two-thirds vote they could withdraw the
stipend agreed to be paid to any minister. At that period
there were only four ministers of the established church in
the province, perhaps an equal number of Baptist ministers
and none of the Presbyterian faith. There was but little
room for clashing among the ministers. Later some differ-
ences arose in regard to the right of Presbyterian ministers
to perform the marriage service. Originally in 1666 certain
civil officers were empowered to perform the marriage cere-
mony, and "the persons violating this marriage shall be pun-
ished as if they had been married by a minister according to
the rites ... of England." The Quakers married according
to their own rites. In 1715 it was again enacted that magis-
trates might perform the marriage service in parishes where
no minister was resident ; but in all cases a license or the
SLR^xxiii, publication of banns was required. The law remained un-
changed until 1 74 1, when it was again enacted that no min-
ister or justice should celebrate the rite of marriage without
license or banns ; and that the parish minister, if one, should
be entitled to the fee unless he neglected or refused to per-
The rite of
marriage
10, 158
THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH 383
form the service. There were still no Presbyterian ministers UJl
settled in the province and but very few Baptist ministers,
and it was nowhere the practice for Baptist ministers at that
time to perform the marriage service. About 1755 Hugh
McAden and James Campbell established themselves respec-
tively in Duplin and Cumberland counties, where they or-
ganized Presbyterian congregations. These were regularly
ordained ministers of that faith. A little later Rev. Henry
Pattillo, James Criswell, David Caldwell, Joseph Alexander
and Hezekiah Balch had charges of the same communion
further in the interior. In their respective settlements there
were but few adherents of the Church of England. Now,
however, some clashing because of religious differences be-
came observable.
Originally introduced in 1701 in an effort to secure some
religious services for the colony, at a later period the state
church was fostered by influences emanating from Great
Britain. It was a survival of former usages, and was not
then so inharmonious with the times as it subsequently be-
came. In every European country religion was the care of
the state; and in England the established church was at
once the mainstay of the Crown and the support of the rul-
ing dynasty, while it had long been the bulwark protecting
Protestantism from the domination of Catholicism. When
the province became attached to the Crown, the king being
at the head of affairs, ecclesiastical as well as civil, and all
provincial laws requiring his concurrence, his officers sought
to strengthen and promote the state church, and such was
the tenor of the instructions given to the governors. Par- f_?3*XI11,
ticular effort was to be made to that end — even schoolmas-
ters being required to be members of the established
church. Such was one of the results of the domination
of the Crown, of the close connection of the province
with the mother country. North Carolina was to be NT,,?ern
J and Edenton
fashioned after England — a consequence not so intoler- academies
able, for all the inhabitants were British subjects, reared
under existing institutions, and regarding their king as the
fountain of all honor and justice.
The freeholders of the east dominated the Assembly, and
they were largely in sympathy with the Church of England.
384
SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
Weeks,
Church and
State in
North
Carolina, 51
UJl Legislation therefore conformed to the wishes of the Crown.
The^panah yet it was by no means onerous. But while the burdens im-
posed were not heavy, nevertheless the principle of taxation
for church purposes was offensive to many of the dissenting
inhabitants. How slight the tax was may be gathered from
the report of Quaker sufferings made annually "to the
Meeting for Sufferings" in London ; "in 1756, chiefly for the
maintenance 'of an hireling priest/ " £10 14s. 5d. ; two years
later, £14 17s. 6d. ; 1759, £85 ; 1760, £23 ; 1761, no sufferings ;
nor in 1762, nor 1765. In 1768 fines were reported amount-
ing to £5 4s., "being for priests' wages and repairing their
houses, called churches." In 1772, 30s., church rates; none
in 1773 nor 1774.
The amount of tithes collected here, says Dr. Weeks, is
ridiculously small ; but in this small sum was wrapped the
whole principle of liberty of conscience.
At the west the Presbyterians concerned themselves but
little with the vestry laws. They either did not elect vestry-
men, or chose those who carried into operation only the pro-
visions relating to the poor of the parish, not providing any
stipend for "an orthodox minister." Yet certainly some of
the incidents of the state church bore hard on the follow-
ers of Knox, as on the Baptists.
Since the assemblymen, North Carolinians, enacted the
laws, there was no infringement of any liberty of worship;
there was no persecution. "There was no opportunity for
it under the existing laws, and the dissenters were aggres-
sive and powerful. The manuscript records of the Friends
show perfectly conclusively that while they suffered distraint
for tithes and military levies, they were not imprisoned.
They suffered no bodily violence." "There was more re-
ligious liberty at the beginning than at the close of the
colonial life of North Carolina, but there is no well-authen-
ticated case of bodily persecution in our annals, unless we
count the imprisonment of the Quakers who refused to bear
arms in 1680 as such, and this seems to have been more
political than religious in its character."
Yet the effort to maintain the state church system in a
province where so many were indisposed to support it was a
source of irritation, without any compensating advantages,
Week*,
Church and
State in
North
Carolina, 48
Act
INFLUENCE OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH 385
while fundamentally erroneous in principle. The estab- l"1
lished church as a state institution was out of place in
America, where the people, bursting the bonds of the past,
had emerged into a new life, with greater freedom of
thought and action nurtured by their close contact with na- The Vestry
ture; and one of the chief objects in view, strengthening the
Crown, was defeated by its rendering the Crown antagonistic
to the dissenters in that relation of life which was dearest
to the people, their church affiliations. In 1762 provision
was made "for an orthodox clergy," by which the salary of
clergymen was fixed at £133, and, as formerly, a fee for
marrying was allowed, although performed by another. The
Vestry still had the right to select the clergyman, who, how-
ever, was required to have a certificate from the bishop of
London that he had been ordained in the Church of Eng-
land. In case of bad conduct he could be removed by the
governor and council. This last provision was objectionable
to the authorities in England, and for that reason the act was
not allowed. Three years later a similar act was passed, the
freeholders in every parish being required to elect twelve
vestrymen, and if they elected a dissenter who refused to
qualify he was fined. The vestry could levy a tax of ten
shillings on the poll for church purposes, for encouraging
schools, maintaining the poor, etc. To meet the objection
raised to the former act it was now provided that while
clergymen might be suspended by the governor for mis- s.r.,
conduct, the suspension should be only until the bishop of
London passed on the cause.* The churches of that com-
munion in all the colonies were under the supervision of the
bishop of London.
Governor Tryon, with great connections, was very anxious
apparently to commend himself to the authorities at home,
and yet he declared that he was a zealous advocate of the
principles of toleration. It seems that the Presbyterian min-
isters in the settlements at the west had performed the mar-
riage ceremony without either license or publication of banns,
contrary to the law in England, and in the province since
171 1. When the act of 1762 was on its passage, the council c. r., vi,
proposed an amendment, "that no dissenting minister of any 8Sl
♦This act was rc-cnacted in 1768, and again in 1774 for ten years.
XXIII, 9S6
386
SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
The
Presbyterian
ministers
S R
XXI?I,679
denomination whatever shall presume on any pretence to
marry any persons under the penalty of forfeiting £50
proclamation money for every such offence." The house re-
jected that proposed amendment, and the act was passed
without such a provision. This action was doubtless consid-
ered as impliedly confirming the right of the Presbyterian
ministers to perform the marriage service, the Assembly
having pointedly declined to concur in a provision declaring
it unlawful. Still any marriage without license or banns was
irregular under the existing law. One of the first acts passed
in Governor Tryon's time, reciting this irregularity, made
valid all such marriages and made it lawful for Presbyterian
ministers, regularly called to any congregation, to celebrate
the rite of marriage in their usual and accustomed manner,
as any lawful magistrate might do, there having been issued
a license for the same. The fee for such service was, how-
ever, reserved to the minister of the Church of England in
that parish, if one, unless he refused to do the service. This
act did not allow Presbyterian ministers to marry by the pub-
lication of banns, and therefore it was not agreeable to the
Presbyterian communities, and they made bitter complaints.
To remedy this, at the session of December, 1770, an act was
passed allowing these ministers to perform the service with
publication. Governor Tryon was eager to please the Pres-
byterians, but Lord Dartmouth caused the act to be disal-
lowed, saying that he could not approve of the dissenters in
North Carolina having any greater privileges than allowed to
them in England, and that he was not at liberty to admit
a different mode of marriage in the colonies than required by
the act of "Parliament. Such was one of the effects of
colonial dependence on the mother country — a Presbyterian
minister could perform the marriage ceremony only as al-
lowed by act of Parliament.
Under Tryon's active management the clergy of the
Church of England in the province increased from five to
eighteen. These were distributed chiefly throughout the
eastern and northern counties. Some were supported solely
by the stipend received from the Society for the Propagation
of the Gospel and the voluntary offerings of the people;
others, being established in parishes, received the allowance
s. R.,
XXIII, 826
c. r.,viii,
597; IX, 682
The
Episcopal
clergy
GROWTH OF DISSENTERS
387
The test
oath
made for them by law. There was, however, but little fric-
tion between them and the Presbyterians, who were settled
chiefly at the west and dominated that entire section. In
1766, Rev. Andrew Morton, being sent from England as a
missionary to minister in Mecklenburg County, ascertained
when he reached Brunswick that that county was settled
by Presbyterians, and did not go there. In Rowan there
were some of the established church who asked for a min-
ister, and about 1770 Rev. Theodorus Drage was assigned to
that parish and undertook to have a vestry elected ; but the
Presbyterian element was too strong for him to contend
with, and after a year or two he gave up his charge.
From an early date there had been adherents of the Bap-
tist faith in the province. When in 171 1 religious affairs be-
came governed by the laws prevailing in England, the Tol-
eration Act came into force. By this all penalties were re-
mitted for non-conformity in the case of Protestant dissenters
who did not deny the doctrine of the Trinity upon their tak-
ing the oaths of allegiance and the test oath, declaring that
"I do believe that there is not any transubstantiation in the
sacrament of the Lord's Supper or in the elements of bread
and wine at or after the consecration thereof by any person
whatsoever." It required, however, that their places of wor-
ship should be registered in the county courts, and that the
doors of their place of meeting should be open during the
time of worship;* and their ministers were to subscribe
the thirty-nine articles of religion, except those relating to
ecclesiastical government and infant baptism. At the time
of the adoption of this act of toleration, on the accession of
William and Mary to the throne and the expulsion of the
Stuart kings, it was understood that it relieved from penalties
all except alone the Roman Catholics and Unitarians. Every
other denomination was content with it. In North Carolina,
under that act, the Baptists as well as the Presbyterians were
required to register their churches, although probably the
requirement was not always observed. In 1770 the Pres-
byterians of Rowan registered two of their churches.
The first churches organized by the Baptists were Shiloh
and Meherrin ; the next, in i742,Kehukee ; Sandy Run, 1750;
♦These requirements were aimed at the Catholics.
The
Toleration
Act
C. R..VI1I,
297, 507
The
Baptists
388 SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
*JJ* Fishing Creek, 1755 ; also Reedy Creek, Sandy Creek in Ran-
dolph and Grassy Creek in Granville. After that others fol-
lowed fast, so that by 1771 there were twenty-two distinct
congregations, besides the branches springing from those
,739 parent churches which they supplied. At the September term
of the county court of Edgecombe, "Jbnatnan Thomas, a non-
conforming preacher, produced an ordination writing signed
by George Graham and John Moore, the pastors of the Bap-
tists, ordaining him to go forth and preach the Gospel accord-
ing to the tenets of that church ; and he therefore took the
oaths of allegiance and subscribed the test appointed for that
purpose." A similar proceeding was had at the June session
of 1740 of the county court of Craven, and the applicants
were given liberty to build a house of worship. It seems,
however, that some of them were accused of having violated
the Toleration Act and they were bound over to appear at
the next term of the general court.*
Methodists The present Methodist organization was not then in exist-
ence. Rev. Mr. Whitefield passed through the province in
1739 and again in 1764, and preached at Wilmington, New
Bern and perhaps elsewhere, but still regarded himself as a
minister of the Church of England. It was not till 1772
that Joseph Pilmoor, the first Methodist minister in North
Carolina, began his ministrations. The year following the
first society was formed by Robert Williams ; the first circuit
was formed in 1776. The next year John King, John Dick-
ens, LeRoy Cole and Edward Pride were appointed to the
North Carolina Circuit, and at the close of the year they re-
ported nine hundred and thirty members. King resided near
Louisburg, and later ten miles west of Raleigh. The first
conference was held near Louisburg on April 20th, 1785,
at which Bishops Asbury and Coke were present.
Education and schools
Educational facilities in Albemarle were from the begin-
ning greatly lacking. If there were schools and schoolmas-
ters in the earlier years no mention was made of them ; yet
as many of the inhabitants, born and bred in Albemarle, evi-
*A verbatim copy of the minutes of that court is to be found in
Vass's "History of the New Bern Presbyterian Church."
EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES 389
dently received some training in their youth, there must have w
been teachers among them. When the ministers of the estab-
lished church began to come in, about the opening of the
eighteenth century, there are traces of some local schools.
Charles Griffin was a school-teacher in Pasquotank, as well
as lay reader. There was a school taught by Mr. Mashburn
at Sarum, thought to be near Bandon, and about three miles
from Ballard's Bridge. Perhaps there were others employed
as lay readers who also taught school.
When the province passed under the immediate control Schooi-
of the king and its institutions were in a measure con- to be licenced
formed to those of the mother country, Governor Burring-
ton was instructed in 1731 that no schoolmaster should
be permitted to come from England to North Carolina to
keep school without the license of the bishop of London;
and "that no other person now there or that shall come
from other parts shall be admitted to keep school in North
Carolina without your license first obtained."* This instruc-
tion was in aid of the general purpose to promote the
established church, to train children in that faith, and
strengthen the hold of the Crown on the people. Its natu-
ral effect must have been to discourage educational work in
the province. We hear of no more schools except one
taught about 1745 at Brunswick and the act of 1745 to build
a school-house at Edcnton. In 1749 John Stark ey, himself
it is said an ordained Episcopal clergyman, introduced a bill
in the legislature to establish a public school, but the act did
not become operative. Later, in Governor Dobbs's time, it JJ.5r v
was proposed to have a free school in every county ; but that l°™ '
effort also miscarried.
Notwithstanding the instructions given to Burrington
were repeated to all later governors, it appears that the
Scotch-Irish and other settlers in the interior had their local
schools soon after coming to the province, as Governor
Dobbs indicated when on a visit to his lands in Rowan and
♦In 1714, an act known as the Schism Act was passed by Parliament
forbidding any person to teach school who was not a member of
the established church ; this act was, however, repealed in 1719,
under the administration of the Whig party, which continued for
nearly sixty years. Apparently, the governor could license a teacher
who was not of the established church, if so disposed.
39o
SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
1771
Fooie's
Sketches of
North
Carolina,
178
Rumple,
Hist, of
Rowan
County, 83
S R.
XXIH, 678
S R
XXIH, 8»3
Foote's
Sketches
Mecklenburg counties. They were probably not licensed by
him. Although Wilmington had no organized Presbyterian
church, Rev. James Tate, a Presbyterian minister, came
from Ireland about 1760 and opened a classical school
there, the first ever taught in that place. In the same year
Crowfield Academy was established at Bellemont, near the
site of Davidson College.
In 1764 it was proposed to erect a schoolhouse on some
church property in New Bern, Thomas Tomlinson, on the
first of January of that year, having opened a school there.
The school building was probably completed in 1766, when
an act of the Assembly incorporated the trustees, provided
a tax on rum to raise a salary of £20 per annum, and
required the admittance of ten poor pupils, tuition free;
and the license of the governor was required. In 1770
an act was passed reciting that the inhabitants of Edenton
had erected a convenient schoolhouse. Trustees were
appointed to conduct the school, and the master, as in the
case of the school at New Bern, was required to be a mem-
ber of the established church, recommended by a majority
of the trustees and licensed by the governor. These two
academies at New Bern and Edenton afforded educational
advantages that were of great benefit, extending through
many years, to the people of the eastern counties.
In 1767 Dr. David Caldwell opened a classical school in
Guilford County that became famous, a large number of
eminent men receiving their education there. A year or two
later Rev. Henry Pattillo began to teach in Granville. One
of his pupils, Charles Pettigrew, then of the Presbyterian
faith, in 1773 became the principal of the Edenton Academy.
A little later Rev. Daniel Earl, who had been the minister at
Edenton, established a classical school in Bertie.
In 1 77 1 the Lutherans on Second Creek, Rowan County,
sent Rintelmann and Layrle to Europe to obtain "help to
support a minister and school-teacher." Their efforts re-
sulted in the establishment of Godfrey Arndt as the school-
master of that settlement.
In 1768 Joseph Alexander succeeded Mr. Craighead as
pastor of Sugar Creek; "a fine scholar, he, in connection
with Mr. Benedict, taught a classical school of high excel-
COLONIAL CLASSICAL SCHOOLS 391
lence and usefulness." Indeed, there was probably a school w
kept open in most of the seven Presbyterian settlements in
Mecklenburg County.
There was a grammar school at Charlotte before 1770, and s.r.,xxv,
in that year Edmund Fanning introduced a bill to establish
a seminary of learning there under the name of Queen's 9"1«€n'*
College. Fanning, Pattillo, Abner Nash and other trustees
were directed to meet at the grammar school and elect a
president and tutors. The college was to have the right to
confer degrees. The president was to be of the established
church, and licensed by the governor, but that was not
required as to the trustees or tutors. To endow the college,
a tax of sixpence was laid on all liquors brought into the
county of Mecklenburg for ten years. The trustees met
and elected Fanning the president. Fanning, however, left
the province, along with Governor Tryon, in the summer s.rmxxv,
of 1771, and at the next session of the Assembly, in Decern- 5ao
ber, 1771, the charter was amended, enabling degrees to be
conferred in his absence.
The original act having been sent to England, the Board
of Trade reported "that this college, if allowed to be incor-
porated, will in effect operate as a seminary for the education
and instruction of youth in the principles of the Presbyterian
Church," and the Board doubted whether the king should
give that encouragement to the Presbyterians in North
Carolina. The Board also objected to the looseness of the c R • IX»
wording of the tax clause ; but in particular it recommended
that the king should disallow the act because it came under
the description of those unusual and important acts which
were not to be passed without a suspending clause ; that is,
such acts were not to go into effect until the king had
assented to them. The king disallowed the act in April,
1772, but the college seems to have been continued; and in
April, 1773, the amendment being disallowed, a proclama- c. r., ix,
tion was issued by Governor Martin in June declaring that *** 597
the amendment was of no effect. The school was maintained, ill* IT*
apparently without interruption, under the name of Queen's r^l^'
Museum, and in 1777 the state legislature incorporated it as l8"a5
Liberty Hall, that act of Assembly then declaring that a xxiv, 30
392 SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
*ZJI number of youths there taught had since completed their
education at various colleges in different parts of America.
That there were other schools at that period in other
settlements cannot be doubted; while for higher education
the colleges of William and Mary, Harvard, Yale, Prince-
ton, in America, were patronized, and some of the youths
from the seacoast counties at least were educated in England.
Taxation
In those early days, when wealth found investment only
in lands and in negro property, the subjects of taxation were
few, and for general purposes the exclusive tax was on the
poll. The expenses of government had from the first been
cast on the Lords Proprietors, at least to a great degree. The
salaries of officers were paid from the quit rents by the
Land tax receiver-general and by fees. In 1715, however, a tax was
laid of 2s. 6d. on every one hundred acres of land, in addi-
tion to fifteen shillings tax on the poll ; but the land tax was
for that year only.
After the transfer to the Crown the same system was con-
tinued, and the Crown officers and provincial officers were
paid from the quit rents* and by fees. Many years passed
before the Assembly could be induced to make some little
provision for a salary for the chief justice and the attorney-
general. The chief current expense was in connection with
the assemblies.
Pollux As soon as Governor Johnston came in the Assembly
granted an aid to the king, striking off currency for that
purpose, and laying a tax on the poll to retire that currency.
From time to time similar action was taken, provision being
made to pay the provincial notes by a poll tax.
SrJJv, Similarlv there was a countv tax for bridges, court-houses,
XXII I, 190 . - . • , .,,. 1 it
jails, etc., which generally ran about one shilling on the poll ;
and there was a parish tax usually applied to the care of
the poor, and similar local purposes — and in some parishes
a part of the fund going for the minister's salary, chapels,
glebes, etc. This tax was limited to ten shillings, and seems
to have run from one to three shillings generally. In 1768
the provincial tax aggregated seven shillings per poll. One
♦All grants of land up to the Revolution were made subject to the
quit rent.
TAXATION 393
shilling was still being collected to sink the aid to the king I7yi
granted twenty years earlier, and five shillings of the entire
tax was because of these aids. There was a tax for con-
tingent expenses of government — to pay the chief justice,
attorney-general, the expenses of the Assembly, etc. In that
year there was a further tax of eight pence, which had been
laid for two years to pay for the erection of the governor's
palace. The county tax that year in Orange County was
one shilling and the parish tax three shillings. The poll tax
was levied on all male whites over sixteen years of age
and on all slaves, female as well as male, over twelve years
of age. By this distribution, property paid a tax, for as Quit rent*
the lands were held by quit rents, most of the accumulated
wealth was represented by slaves. For special purposes,
some other taxes were imposed. A tonnage tax on vessels
was collected for a fund to purchase powder. A tax on rum
and liquors was sometimes laid for a local purpose — as for
the New Bern Academy and Queen's College.
In order to have the commodities marketed in a mer-
chantable condition, there were laws regulating how they
should be put up for the market; and there were many
places specified where these articles of commerce could be
inspected by an officer appointed for that purpose, and they
were not to be shipped out of the province unless inspected.
Public warehouses for the inspection of tobacco were estab-
lished at Edenton, at a point on the Chowan and at Hertford ;
at Jones's and Pitts's Landing, in Northampton ; at Tarboro,
Halifax, Campbellton ; at Dixon's, Kingston, and Shep-
herd's, in Dobbs County. The inspectors at these ware- J,"t]£ctor*'
houses, on receiving commodities, gave inspectors' notes for
the same ; and these notes or receipts were receivable in
payment of public taxes at the following rates: Tobacco,
at fifteen shillings per hundredweight ; hemp, forty shillings ; s. r.,
rice, twelve shillings ; indigo, four shillings a pound ; beeswax, ' 7 *
one shilling; myrtle- wax, eight pence; tallow, six pence;
Indian-dressed deer skins, two shillings, six pence. Thus it
took rather more than a pound of tallow to pay the tax that
was levied to build the governor's mansion, and fifty pounds
of tobacco paid the entire provincial tax of 1767-68.
394
SOCIAL LIFE AT THE REVOLUTION
S R
x'xii'i, 788
Lawyers
The lawyers were regulated, and by act of 1770 they were
not allowed to charge more than ten shillings for any advice
in a matter before the inferior court, where no suit was
brought ; nor more than £1 for advice in a matter cognizable
in the superior court. In suits for land they could charge no
more than £5. In no other suit in the superior court could
they charge more than £2 10s., and in the inferior court their
fee was just one-half of that. They were to be fined £50 if
they demanded any larger compensation. Their fee was
embraced in the bill of costs in the suit, and if the attorney
neglected his case the court could order him to pay all costs
occasioned by his neglect. After any case was determined,
any client could, however, make further compensation, if he
chose to do so, to his lawyer.
S R
XXIII, 789
Quakers and the militia
Quakers had been subject to a fine for not mustering;
in 1770 they were excused from mustering, but still they
were required to render military duty in time of peril. It
was provided that the colonel of the county should make a
list of all male Quakers between the ages of sixteen and
sixty, who should be under the command of some officer
appointed by the governor. In time of invasion or insur-
rection a proportionate number of this Quaker force might
be called into service, but could provide substitutes or could
pay £10 instead.
Servants and slaves
Negro slavery was introduced into the colony at an early
date, and servants by indenture was an English institution
of long standing. Many persons came to America, paying
their way by an agreement to render service for a definite
period of time, these being called redemptionists. There
were but few redemptionists brought to North Carolina, but
apparently there was a considerable number of indented ser-
vants. The law forbade the emancipation of negroes except
for meritorious services, to be passed on and allowed by the
justice's court for the precinct or county. In 1723 such a
considerable number of free negroes, mulattoes, and other
SERVANTS AND SLAVES 395
persons of mixed blood came into the colony, several of w*
whom intermarried with the whites against the law, that a
particular act was passed expelling them ; and no negro
set free was allowed to remain in the province longer than
six months.
In 1 741 a further act was passed on the subject of Chris-
tian servants, by which indented servants were meant, and
of negro slaves, regulating their correction and punishment,
their diet, lodging, etc. ; these matters being under the super-
vision of the county justices. In case any Christian servant
should, during the time of his servitude, become diseased,
the church wardens had to see that he was cared for.
If any person should import a slave who had been free
in any Christian country, such slave was to be returned to
the country from which he was brought, and a penalty was
fixed for the offence. Slaves were required to remain on
the plantation, and only one of them was allowed to have a
gun to hunt for his master.
In the trial of slaves other slaves could give evidence,
but in no other cases.
CHAPTER XXIV
Martin's Administration, 1771-75
Martin's administration. — The Regulator chieftains. — Pardon
asked. — The Assembly meets. — Act of oblivion recommended. — The
line between the Carol inas. — The quarrel with the governor. — The
Assembly dissolved. — Sarah Wilson. — Purchase of Granville's terri-
tory proposed. — Governor Martin proposes reforms. — He confers
with the Regulators. — The province tranquil. — Martin's view of the
commotion. — The house objects to the South Carolina line. — Dis-
agreement of the houses over James Hunter. — Fanning's losses. —
Changes at the west. — The court bill. — The attachment clause. —
The house resolute. — It is dissolved. — Courts by prerogative. —
Quincy's visit. — Martin to become Granville's agent.-—Colonial af-
fairs.— Committee of Correspondence. — The act of oblivion again
fails. — The house affronts the governor. — The courts cease. — The
governor seeks conciliation. — Temporary courts of oyer. — The one
shilling tax. — Harvey urges a convention. — Continental affairs. — Tea
destroyed at Boston. — Parliament closes the port of Boston. — The
McDonalds come to the Cape Fear.
Martin's administration
UJ1 After the hasty departure of Governor Tryon from the
province, at a meeting of the council held in New Bern on
July 1, 1771, James Hasell, the eldest councillor and the
president of the board, assumed the administration, requir-
ing all officials to qualify again, as if he had been appointed
Augusts* governor. It was not until August nth that Josiah Martin,
the new governor, who had been detained in New York by
illness, arrived at New Bern and entered on the discharge of
his duties. Governor Martin, like Tryon, had been a lieu-
c. r., x, 47 tenant-colonel of the British army, but had two years earlier
sold his commission and left the army because of ill health.
He was just thirty-four years of age, an accomplished gen-
tleman, a man of education, having strong connections in
England. He had enjoyed the advantage of consultation-
with Governor Tryon at New York, receiving from him
much information in regard to the local affairs of the prov-
ince. His purpose seems to have been to continue in the
same line of conduct that Tryon had pursued. Pleased with
THE REGULATORS SEEK PARDON 397
President Hasell, he took early occasion to recommend him lJJl
for the position of lieutenant-governor in place of Lieuten- c^ *•• IX«
ant-Governor Mercer, who, it was rumored, had been ap-
pointed to a new government erected on the Ohio, but this
proved to be an error, for Lieutenant-Governor Mercer still
remained in England, enjoying the honors if not the emolu-
ments of his office.
Applications were speedily made for the pardon of many
•<)f the leading Regulators. Husband had fled to Maryland,
and later located in Pennsylvania. Howell also took refuge
in Maryland, then moved to Virginia, but finally returned
to the home of his youth in New Jersey. Hunter, who had
strong connections in North Carolina, after some months'
sojourn in Maryland, returned and took up his abode among
his people. The Assembly favored him, as well as the county ^8^x'
courts, much to the disgust of the governor. His friends
asked for his pardon, but it was never formally granted, yet
he remained undisturbed and was later regarded as a sup-
porter of Governor Martin's administration. William
Butler made his petition for pardon, saying : "It is with the
utmost abhorrence that I reflect on the proceedings of the
people formerly called Regulators, being fully convinced that
the principles which they had espoused were erroneous, and
therefore most sincerely promise never to do the like again."
The friends of the "Black Boys" in like manner petitioned c.r., ix,
for mercy for them. Later the six convicted Regulators
were pardoned by the king, and no other proceedings were
instituted, although unavailing efforts were made to capture
Husband in his hiding place in western Maryland.
Governor Martin convened the Assembly on Novem- ,77'
ber 19th, being the second session of the body elected in 1770.
Husband had been expelled, and John Pryor, the other mem-
ber from Orange, being dead, McNair and Nash were elected
in their stead. Thomas Person, although excluded from
pardon by the proclamation of Governor Tryon shortly after
the battle of Alamance, appeared and took his seat, but c. r.,ix,
Benjamin Person, one of the members from Bute, had died. X3
General Waddell had been elected from Bladen County to
fill a vacancy. There were no other notable changes in the
body.
398
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
1771
November
C. R.,IX,
369
ft
an., 1771
ire in
Wilmington,
South
Carolina
Gazette
Governor Martin's opening address was very satisfactory
to the Assembly, and Maurice Moore, Samuel Johnston and
Abner Nash were appointed a committee to prepare an
answer to it. Their address was reported to the house by
Judge Moore, and it is notable in that it contains but little
of the laudation lavished by the council on Governor Tryon,
although it declared that ''his spirited conduct and the
bravery of the troops in the expedition against the insur-
gents deserve the acknowledgments of the whole country."
Indeed, Judge Moore seems to have been at points with the
late governor, shortly after whose departure there appeared
a letter signed "Atticus," attributed to Judge Moore,*
roughly handling him and holding him up to ridicule. The
house urged the governor to grant a general pardon to all
persons concerned in the insurrection except Husband,
Howell and Butler. The omission of Hunter from this
excepted list is remarkable, since he was the general of the
insurgent forces. Governor Martin, however, thought it be-
yond his power to grant pardons, and replied that he had
already offered such a measure for the consideration of the
king, and at a subsequent session he informed the house that
the king recommended it to pass a general act of pardon and
oblivion.
The house proceeded to address itself to local affairs, pass-
ing bills to establish new counties at the west, to construct a
public road from the western counties to Campbellton, to
amend the act in relation to fees for officers, and other legis-
lation calculated to promote the welfare of the people. Wil-
mington had suffered by a heavy fire, and an act was passed
regulating the affairs of that town, particularly in view of
possible conflagrations. A two-shilling tax was laid to retire
debenture bills to the amount of £60,000, directed to be issued
because of the expenses incurred in the Alamance campaign.
The line between the Carolinas
South Carolina had desired the line between the provinces
to be so established as to give her a large territory at the
west. On the other hand, Governor Tryon had urged that
the line from the Yadkin River should be extended direct
♦Also attributed to Abner Nash. Perhaps it was their joint work.
THE SOUTH CAROLINA BOUNDARY 399
*
to the Indian boundary, which he thought it would reach w
somewhere near Reedy River. But South Carolina, claiming
that the original division before Brunswick was settled had
been the Cape Fear River and that when the line was run
to the Yadkin the surveyors had erroneously allowed North
Carolina eleven miles too much, now insisted that the boun-
dary should be the Catawba River to its source in the moun-
tains. The king, however, decreed that the line should
follow the boundaries of the reservation allotted to the
Catawba Indians, and then up the Catawba River to its forks,
and from there a due west course. Such were the instruc-
tions given to Governor Martin, who asked for an appropria-
tion to carry them into effect. The Assembly demurred, The line n<*
replying that it had no funds for the purpose, and with some "tw actory
indignation it petitioned the king not to insist on that line.
After adjournment, however, Governor Martin ran that line,
much to the dissatisfaction of North Carolina. It deprived the
province of a wide breadth of valuable territory well settled,
for population had now extended to the mountains; but
notwithstanding all remonstrances, it never was altered.
While the western part of the province was receiving these
accessions of population, immigrants were continually arriv-
ing at the ports, and in the winter of 1771 no less than one c ^ IX
thousand Highlanders disembarked on the Cape Fear. »»
The clashing over the sinking fund tax
Among other business that the Assembly undertook was
the passage of a new court law. But the session was brought
to an unexpected close with that and much other business
unfinished. Besides the act for the issue of £60,000 of Dec., 1771
debenture notes, both houses passed a bill to issue £120,000
of proclamation money, which the governor considered
repugnant to the act of Parliament prohibiting the issue
of paper currency of legal tender, and did not assent to.
On the same day, Saturday, December 21st, a bill was The
passed to discontinue a tax of one shilling for the sinking dUcdHd£*
fund, which appeared to have had full operation. The ued
governor was determined not to assent to that, saying that
it was a measure teeming with fraud and inconsistent with
the public faith ; but the leaders in the Assembly were equally
400
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
C. R.. IX,
The
Assembly
dissolved
C. RM IX,
•34
lJZl determined in their resolution to relieve the people of what
As^embi t*iev ^B^ded an unnecessary burden. Despite the antag-
*n* onism of the governor, they proposed to proceed. In view
of the fact that he would not ratify the act, the house passed
a resolution that the tax had accomplished its purpose and
should no longer be collected ; and that it would indemnify
the sheriffs in not collecting it. This was similar action to
that taken in 1768, to which Governor Tryon objected, but
which, notwithstanding his objection, was successfully made
effective. On learning that this resolution had been adopted
by the house, Governor Martin hastily commanded their
attendance, and before it could be entered on their journal
of proceedings he immediately dissolved the Assembly.
Treasurer Ashe was a member of the body, as well as Treas-
urer Montfort, who had been elected at a bye-election as
the representative of the town of Halifax, and pursuant to
the resolution, they omitted that tax from the sheriffs' lists.
The governor at once wrote to the treasurers, insisting
that they direct the sheriffs to collect the tax as usual. While
the treasurer of the northern district complied, the southern
treasurer refused and obeyed the mandate of the Assembly.
Thereupon the governor issued a proclamation commanding
the sheriffs to make the collection, but his order was not
generally obeyed. Thus came a breach between the new
governor and the people, on a local matter, which Governor
Tryon always had the address to avoid.
During the course of the winter an accomplished woman,
calling herself Lady Susanna Carolina Matilda, sister to the
queen of Great Britain, travelled through Virginia, being
entertained at the houses of the gentlemen, and many had
the honor of kissing her hand. To some she promised gov-
ernments, to others regiments or promotions of different
kinds in the treasury, army and navy, acting her part so
adroitly as to levy heavy contributions on persons of the
highest rank. At New Bern she received marked attention
from Governor Martin and his wife, and at Wilmington she
was also received with every distinction. Eventually, at
Charleston, where much attention was paid her, her
masquerade was discovered, and she was apprehended. Her
name was Sarah Wilson. She had been a maid of honor.
Sarah
Wilson
Martin,
Hi*t. of
North
Carolina,
II, aoa
GRANVILLE'S TERRITORY 401
Having access to the royal apartments, she rifled a cabinet w
of many valuable jewels, for which she was tried and con-
demned to death. By an act of grace her sentence was
softened into transportation, and she had been landed in
Maryland during the preceding fall, where, as a convict, she
was purchased by a Mr. Duval. Shortly afterward she
effected her escape from her master, and when at a prudent
distance, assumed the name of the queen's sister, and for a
brief season wore her borrowed plumage with fine effect.
Governor Martin proposes reforms
Governor Martin, in considering the situation of affairs
in the province, became greatly impressed with the desir-
ability of the Crown's purchasing Earl Granville's territory,
which was then offered for sale at a price between £60,000
and £80,000 sterling. The quit rents in 1766 exceeded £6,000 Quit renls
proclamation money. After that time the land office was
closed, but so many settlers had seated themselves without
grants in that domain that in 1772 it was estimated the rents
would yield half as much more, and could titles be obtained
it was thought that very shortly the rents would amount to
£12,000. Such had been the great progress of settlement. But
as no quit rents had been paid for five or six years, and the
accumulation of indebtedness was heavy, the tenants, even
those who had no titles, were very apprehensive concerning
the day of payment, and there was a great ferment among
them, ready to break out with violence when payment should c^R-» ix,
be exacted. For these reasons the governor urged the pur-
chase by the king, and the Assembly held the same view, for
at the next session they solicited that the purchase should
be made.
The governor had been instructed to request for the The clerks
Crown the power of appointing the six clerks of the
superior court, theretofore vested in the chief justice, and he
now urged that the thirty-four clerks of the counties, the
appointment of whom was vested in the clerk of the pleas,
Mr. Strudwick, should likewise be appointed by the Crown. ^ R-^hc,
These clerkships yielded the incumbents from £50 to £500
per year, and they paid an annual rent running from £4 to
£40 to Mr. Strudwick, who thus received £560 per annum,
a66t 267
402 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
w* a handsome income from this sinecure. Besides, Mr. Strud-
wick was also secretary of the province, which yielded a fine
c^r.jix, income. Governor Martin dwelt on the evils of this system,
by which these clerkships were bestowed on the best bidders,
not persons chosen for loyalty, integrity or ability, who were
led to extortion upon the people to indemnify themselves for
that part of the profits which they had to pay for the appoint-
ment. With adroitness they managed the magistrates, who
became confederated with them, and thus arose oppression
and shameless conduct among those who ought to have been
ministers of justice. In addition, he called attention to the
facility with which the clerks found their way into the
Assembly, and, being independent of the administration,
opposed and embarrassed designs for the public good. He
therefore urged most strongly an improvement in the polity
of the province by the changes he recommended.
The governor at the west
Following the example of Governor Tryon, Governor
Martin proposed to pass the summer at Hillsboro. De-
parting from New Bern on June 21st, with twenty persons
accompanying him, forming quite a cavalcade, he was more
than ten days in making the journey, and when he
approached Wake Court House was met by a number of
gentlemen, who rode out from Hillsboro to escort him to
his residence. That summer proved so dry and the drought
was so prevalent that there was a notable failure of crops,
not only in western North Carolina, but in South Carolina,
as well as to the northward ; and the demand for breadstuffs
elsewhere was so great that it became necessary for the gov-
ernor by proclamation to forbid the removal of any grain
from the province.
At Hillsboro, the governor was waited on by many of
the Regulators, and then for the first time he comprehended
that the outlawed chiefs were so only by virtue of the
riot act, which had then expired — and that, besides, it had
not been ascertained by law that the proclamations had been
published in conformity with the act, and therefore it was
uncertain whether they were outlaws or not. He made a
STATUS OF THE REGULATORS 403
tour to Salisbury and the Moravian settlement, and when in w
Guilford County had a conference with large numbers of
the Regulators, among them James Hunter. They all ex- c. rmix,
pressed contrition, and the governor came to entertain very .
different views concerning the regulation movement. He views
extended his journey to the eastward as far as Halifax,
remarking the great superiority of the inhabitants of Gran-
ville and Bute in wealth and refinement over those to the
westward. In the course of his journey he reviewed the
militia of Orange, Guilford, and Chatham, bringing together c.r., ix,
the people that he might reprehend them for their past
offences and exhort them to good behavior.
He submitted legal questions concerning the Regulators
to the judges and attorney-general, with a view of ascertain-
ing their status. In the opinion of the judges, the riot act
having expired, the people who had participated in former
disturbances were liable only under the previous law. Antici-
pating that there would be a general act of pardon passed c. r., ix,
by the Assembly, he directed that the outlaws and others 33* ' *'*'
should come into court and give their recognizances, which
they accordingly did, and he had the satisfaction of report-
ing to the Earl of Hillsborough that all confusion and disor-
der had passed away and that peace and tranquillity reigned £8R" IX'
supreme. He also reported that the commotions were pro-
voked by the insolence and cruel advantages taken by merce-
nary, tricky attorneys, clerks and other little officers, who
practised every sort of rapine and extortion, bringing upon
themselves the just resentment of the outraged people ; and
that they, by artful misrepresentations that the vengeance
which the wretched people aimed at them was directed
against the constitution, begat a prejudice against them. c. r., ix,
which was craftily worked up until the people were driven 33°
to acts of desperation.
That the governor's heart was softened toward those who
had been associated as Regulators was apparent, and his
sympathies were so enlisted that he gained their good will,
and at a later period they were easily moulded to his pur-
poses.
404 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
177a Letter from James Hunter to William Butler
"November 6, 1772.
Morehead'* "Dear Friend: Sorry I am that I have not the good fortune to
fcmcr see vou- • • • I took this journey into Maryland with no other view
sded.,44,45 but to see you, Harman and Howell, as I reckoned you were afraid to
come and see me ; but have had the bad fortune to see none of you —
only Howell, whom I saw in Augusta County, on the head of James
River. I expect you have seen Harman by this time, as he had gone
with his family to the Red Stone. But I would not have you
publish it.
"Things have taken a mighty turn in our unfortunate country.
This summer our new governor has been up with us and given
us every satisfaction we could expect of him, and has had our public
tax settled and has found our gentry behind in our, the public, tax,
66.443-9 shillings, besides the parish and county tax ; and I think our
officers hate him as bad as we hated Tryon, only they don't speak so
free. He has turned Colonel McGee out of commission for making
complaint against outlawed men — and he has turned out every
officer that any complaint has been supported against. In short, I
Theout- think he has determinated to purge the country of them. We peti-
tioned him as soon as he came, and when he received our petition
he came up amongst us and sent for all the outlawed men to meet
him at William Field's, told us it was out of his power to pardon us
at that time because he had submitted it to the king, and the king's
instruction was to leave it to the governor, council and Assembly
to pardon whom they saw fit. But assured us he had given strict
orders no man should be hurt or meddled with on that account,
which made us wish for you all back again. Though some are of
opinion Harman will not be pardoned, I am of a different mind. The
country petitioned for you — upward of 3000 signers; his answer
was that he would recommend it to the Assembly, and freely gave
his consent that nothing might be left to keep up the quarrel. He
came to see us the second time, and advised, for fear of ill-designing
fellows, to go to Hillsboro and enter into recognizance till the
Assembly met, which eleven of us did. He bemoaned our case and
regretted that the indemnifying act had put it out of his power to
give us full redress. Our enemies, I believe, would be glad to see
you three pardoned, for some of them have gotten severely whipped
about your being kept away, and I think the country is as much
master now as ever. The outlawed men since they came home are
very ill-natured and whip them wherever they find them, and the
governor thinks it no wonder they do not take the law of them.
There is a great deal of private mischief done. The people want
you back, and I think you would be quite safe, though we can be
HUNTER'S LETTER 405
better assured when the Assembly breaks up ; it sits December 10th, *77»
when it is allowed that an indemnifying act will pass on all sides.*
Our governor has got Fanning to forgive the pulling down of his ouhtuwed
house, and he has published it in print advertisements all over the men
country. The governor has published a statement of the public
accounts at every church and court-house in the province for seven-
teen years back, in print, with the sheriffs' names and the sum they
have in hand for each year, and a great many of their extortionate
actions — a thing we never expected — to the great grief and shame of
our gentry. If you should go to that far country, I wish you would
come and see us first; and let me assure you, you need not go on
that account. Morriss Moore and Abner Nash have been up to see
me, to try to get me in favor again, and promised to do all they
could for you, and I think they are more afraid than ever. I have
now some good news to tell you, which I heard since I left home.
I met John Husbands on his way to Maryland to prove his father's
debt, which the governor told him, if he would, in order to prove
that Harman was in his debt, he should have all his losses made up,
and told me that McCollough was come and was in our settlement,
and was to have a meeting at my house the next Monday by a
message from the king. Jeremiah Fields and others had been with
him to know what it was, but he refused to tell them; he came to
my house, only said that he had tidings of the gospel of peace to
preach to us all ; and was much concerned that I was not at home,
for he had particular business with me. I am much troubled, dear
brother, that I had not the good fortune to communicate my thoughts
to you by word of mouth, for I have so much to tell you that I could
not write it in two days. The outlawed all live on their places
again, and, I think, as free from want as ever. I came home in ten
months after the battle, entered a piece of vacant land adjoining my
old place, and rented out my old place. I add no more, but subscribe
myself your loving friend and brother sufferer.
"James Hunter.
"P.S. — Your friends are all well and desire to be remembered
to you."
John Harvey speaker
A new Assembly, the members of which had been elected Jan., 1773
in the spring, was prorogued to December, and then to
January 18th following, but the attendance being small, the
session did not begin until the 25th. Because of Speaker
Caswell's action in relation to the resolve forbidding the c. r.,ix,
447
*C. R., IX, 877. Act of indemnity disallowed by home govern-
ment.
406 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
I™ collection of the one shilling tax, Earl Hillsborough had
directed Governor Martin not to assent to Caswell's election
as speaker, should the house again elect him. But now John
Harvey was once more in his seat, and at Caswell's instance
he was unanimously chosen speaker, Caswell himself having
fixed his eye on the southern treasuryship. The session
opened with every appearance of good will between the
governor and the Assembly, and at once the house addressed
itself to the passage of a large number of necessary bills.
During the session the robes for the speakers and the
maces having arrived, the treasurers were directed to pro-
vide suitable robes for the doorkeepers and mace bearers;
and there was some disposition to have triennial assemblies,
conformably to the law in England.
The governor communicated to the Assembly the cost of
running the line from the Catawba nation to the mountains,
but that body refused to pay it, saying that the line was
c. r., ix, very objectionable ; that it was run in the interest of South
««.5 3. 57 caroijna> an(j ^at this province would bear no part of the
expense. It was declared that a million acres of land had
been taken from the province, on which were located many
settlers ; that a large part of Tryon County had been thrown
into South Carolina, and the sheriff of Tryon County had
to be relieved because of the arrears of the taxes which he
had not collected. Notwithstanding the indignant remon-
strance of the last house, the governor now communicated
that any respectful petition would be considered by the
king, and the house directed its Committee of Correspon-
dence to require the agent to urge another line on the king's
attention.
Act of oblivion defeated
There were echoes of the regulation movement. Many
were the applications for allowances because of the expense
suffered in connection with Tryon's march. Among those
allowed by the house was the payment of £37 to William
433f547Xt ^ew *or ^e clcstructi°n °f m"s wheat and rye field by
Tryon's horses and cattle. An act of oblivion being pro-
posed, among those excepted from its operation in the coun-
cil were James Hunter, Samuel Devinny, and Ninian Bell
WESTERN EXPANSION
407
C R.. II,
548, 561
Hamilton. In the house these names were omitted from the ;
excepted list, and the bill fell because the council would not
concur with the house in granting pardon to Hunter.
Edmund Fanning had left the province and returned to Fanning
New York. His attorneys had been directed to institute
suit against those who had destroyed his house and prop-
erty. But Governor Martin, fearing that this proceeding
would revive animosities and produce some disturbance,
prevailed on Fanning to abandon his actions at law and rely
on the justice of the Assembly. His claim was for £1,500.
The amount was moderate, but the house refused to pay
it, saying that it could not appropriate public funds for
private purposes ; and although some discontent might arise
from his suits, it would be local, while the inhabitants of
the whole province would object to having the public money
used that way.
This being the session for the election of treasurers,
Montfort was re-elected for the northern district, but by xo54
means which Ashe's friends hotly denounced as unjust,
he was defeated by Caswell.
c. R., IX,
Changes at the west
The development of the western section led to efforts to
furnish the inhabitants of the interior needed facilities for
transportation. At the little village of Charlotte, Queen's Charlotte
College had been established, although the act was dis-
allowed because it vested in the trustees the right of appoint-
ing the master. Now a bill was passed to make it the
county seat of Mecklenburg, but this, too, was rejected, as
it contained provisions relating to other subjects of legis-
lation. But in view of its growing importance, a highway
was ordered to be built from Charlotte to Bladen.
On the Cape Fear, the hamlet of Cross Creek found a campbeii-
rival in Campbellton, less than a mile distant. Campbellton ton
had become the mart of the northwestern counties, and a
road was directed to be constructed from it to Dan River;
also, in the superior court bill, it was proposed to discontinue
the court at Hillsboro and attach Orange and Granville to
the Halifax district, while Chatham and other counties were
grouped in a new circuit, the court to be held at Campbellton.
408
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
1773
February
C. R., IX,
477
The sale of
clerkships
S R
xxiii, 87a
The
attachment
clause
C. R., IX,
558
The bills
defeated
C.R.,IX,
600
The court bill
The Assembly, in committee of the whole, directed that
a new court bill be drawn, providing for both superior and
inferior courts ; for the retention by the chief justice of the
power to appoint the superior court clerks ; and prohibiting
the clerk of the pleas from selling or disposing of any county
clerkship for any gratuity or reward whatsoever, and mak-
ing any clerk who should give any .gratuity or reward for
his clerkship incapable of holding the office.
The council sought to amend this bill in various par-
ticulars. While agreeing that there should be no sale of a
clerkship, it proposed to allow the clerk of the pleas to
reserve a proportion of the fees to himself; and especially,
because of the king's commands, it desired an amendment
that in all cases of attachment, where the defendant resided
in Europe, the proceedings should be stayed one year. The
house refused to concur, and the council finally passed the
bill, but with a clause suspending its operation until it
should be approved by the king. The old court laws, how-
ever, were about to expire, and some immediate provision
for maintaining a judicial system was imperatively neces-
sary. Under this stress, two other bills were at once intro-
duced, with the view of continuing the former laws in force
for six months, and until the next session of the assembly.
In the council both of these bills were so amended as to
exempt from attachment the landed property of persons
who were not residents of the province, and requiring
twelve months' notice to the debtor. This was an innova-
tion in the law and usage which had ever prevailed in the
province, and as it would be attended with great incon-
venience, often resulting in the defeat of justice, the house
refused to concur. The action of the council was, however,
in conformity with the governor's instructions, and in the
contest much heat was evolved. Finally the council, con-
tent with defeating the superior court bill, passed that
continuing the inferior courts; but the governor was not
so complacent, and he refused his assent even to that
measure. Thus neither bill became a law, while the general
act, passed earlier in the session, could have no operation
until the king had given his assent. And so it was that
THE COURT BILL FAILS
409
the contingency had arrived upon which on the adjourn- ljj2
ment of the Assembly the entire judicial system of the
province was to fall. With hot animosity, the house, appeal- JJ^0",^
ing to the judgment of mankind, passed a resolution that 58« "
there should be published in the gazettes copies of the gov-
ernor's instructions and of the various communications
between the two houses, so that their conduct could be fully
understood.
On the day this action was taken, March 6th, the gov- March, 1773
ernor having rejected the inferior court bill and sixteen
others of less importance, prorogued the Assembly until
the 9th, hoping by this act of discipline to bring the members The
into a frame of mind more compliant with his wishes. But £r^mbly
the members had equal resolution, and, upon the proroga- c.r., ix,
tion, most of them returned to their homes; and although **
fifteen, with the speaker, appeared on the 9th, and the
governor and council urged that, under the royal instruc-
tion given twenty years earlier, fifteen constituted a quorum,
Speaker Harvey communicated to the governor that the
members present would not make a house unless there
should be a majority in attendance; and that he not only
had no expectation of the arrival of other members, but
those then at New Bern were preparing to depart. The c.r., ix,
house had refused to obey the governor. Nothing was left 595
but its immediate dissolution, and writs were at once issued
for the election of new members, the Assembly to be held
on May 1st.
Prerogative courts
Without any laws providing for courts or juries, or direct-
ing how jurors should be drawn, with at least the ordinary
number of criminals in jail, and a necessity existing to
enforce the criminal laws for the preservation of peace and
order, Governor Martin now bethought himself of his
authority, under the king's prerogative, to establish courts c.r., ix,
of oyer and terminer, and on March 16th appointed Maurice ^
Moore and Richard Caswell commissioners, together with
the chief justice, to hold such courts. During the summer
they were held in several of the counties under the order
of the governor.
410 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
lHl Governor Martin having the previous year visited the
western counties, now spent some time in the Albemarle
section, and likewise in the counties bordering on South
Carolina; and in his report of these journeys he spoke
favorably of the fertility of the soil and the prosperous
condition of the people.
Quincy's visit
The policy of the ministry and of Parliament in regard to
the colonies had been a source of continual irritation,
especially with the more commercial communities of the
north; and in their plans for resistance the Massachusetts
leaders deemed it expedient to have the united support of
all the inhabitants of America. To this end, early in 1773.
cr., ix, Josiah Quincy passed through North Carolina, seeking to
establish a plan of continental correspondence, which the
Virginia Assembly had recommended. At Wilmington he
dined with about twenty persons at Mr. William Hooper's,
and spent the night with Cornelius Harnett, whom he char-
acterized as "the Samuel Adams of North Carolina." He
mentioned in his diary : "Robert Howe, Harnett and myself
made the social triumvirate of the evening. The plan of
continental correspondence, highly relished, much wished for
and resolved upon as proper to be pursued." He was sur-
prised to find that "the present state of North Carolina is
really curious; there are but five provincial laws in force
through the colony, and no courts at all in being."
Sndnolr!cls Earl Granville being now desirous of having his terri-
opened torv care(] for> offered to make Governor Martin his agent,
and the governor submitted the matter to Earl Hillsborough
and received permission to undertake that employment in
addition to his other duties. Granville's land office had
been closed for several years.
During the summer the governor received instructions
from the king disallowing the court law passed at the last
session, but allowing attachments in a modified form. He
had determined not to convene the Assembly until he had
received these instructions, and prorogued it from time to
time until the last of November, when the new house met,
again electing Harvey as speaker.
COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE 41 1
Colonial affairs *jn
Immediately on its assembling, Speaker Harvey laid £7f7;'x'
before the house resolutions received from other colonies, Nov., 1773
and a committee, composed of Johnston, Howe, and Har-
nett, was appointed to prepare appropriate answers. Among
these resolutions were those of the Virginia Assembly of
March 12th proposing a Committee of Correspondence, in c r.ix,
which the house concurred, and it appointed eight members
as a standing Committee of Correspondence, with directions
to obtain the most early and authentic intelligence of the
ministry's plans that related to the colonies; and, partic-
ularly were they required to report on a court of inquiry
lately held in Rhode Island, with powers to transmit persons
accused of offences to places beyond seas for trial. This
action — the appointment of committees of correspondence —
was the first step in the path that led to the union of the
colonies. It was significant of a purpose of co-operation,
and as time passed and event followed event, the bands of
union were forged and the colonies became welded together
in an indissoluble confederacy.
The house informed Governor Martin that in its opinion ^*^ative
he could not erect courts of oyer and terminer without the overthrown
concurrence of the legislature, and that it would make no
provision for defraying the expenses of the courts he had
instituted. Samuel Johnston was the leading spirit in the £rR- x*
Assembly. He was pronounced against courts of prerog-
ative and the house was unanimous in its action. Neces-
sarily the system fell and the courts ceased. New bills were
brought in for the establishment of courts, and for pardon
and oblivion for the Regulators, and to discontinue the poll
tax of one shilling. The council, however, objected to the
first, insisting that it should be drawn conformably to the
king's instructions, to which the house would not agree ; nor
did it act on the other measures.
The act of oblivion again fails
On December 21st the governor sent a verbal message
requiring the immediate attendance of the house at his palace.
Before complying, the house hastily passed a resolution
appointing a committee, composed of the speaker and seven
412
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
1774
The aid of
Tryon
asked
C. R., IX,
787
C. R., IX,
No courts
in the
province
C. R., IX,
831
March, 1774
C. R.,
930
IX,
S R ,
XXIII, 931
Temporary
court law
other members, to prepare an address to the king on the
subject of the court law, particularly relative to attachments,
and to address Governor Tryon requesting him to convey
the same to his Majesty, and "support our earnest solicita-
tions with his interest and influence, and that he will accept
of this important trust as testimony of the great affection
this colony bears him, and the entire confidence they repose
in him." Governor Martin having found the temper of the
Assembly so firm in its opposition to his measures, prorogued
it until March ist, and the session closed without the passage
of a single act.
When the governor learned of the address to Governor
Tryon, of New York, his mortification was unbounded, his
pride having received a severe blow, which he considered
extremely undeserved ; but he suppressed his anger and still
pursued a persuasive policy.
The governor's prerogative courts having suddenly fallen,
there were in March, when the Assembly met again,
neither criminal nor civil courts in existence. The governor
made another earnest appeal for conciliation, and it was pro-
posed as a temporary measure of relief that there should be
three acts passed, one establishing courts of justice, one
relating to foreign attachments, and one relating to the fee
bill of 1748. On these measures, for the first time, the yeas
and nays were entered on the house journals. The house
refused to assent by large majorities, all the leading mem-
bers voting in the negative.
The house having again passed a court bill, which the
governor felt it his duty to reject, temporary acts were
passed to establish courts of oyer and terminer and inferior
courts, to last for one year, and then until the next session
of the Assembly, to which he gave a reluctant assent. The
friction between the Assembly and the governor was indeed
pronounced, for the assemblymen were immovable, and not-
withstanding Governor Martin was conciliatory to the last
degree, yet he was bound by his positive instructions and
could not meet the views of the popular leaders. On
March 24th he prorogued the body until May 25th. But
before its adjournment the house again resolved that the
one shilling tax should not be collected. This was more
TEMPORARY COURTS 413
than the spirit of the governor could brook, and now giving w
rein to his wrath and indignation, he immediately issued his c. rm ix,
proclamation dissolving the Assembly with marks of his
censure and disapprobation. The original act having been The
passed by the three several constituents composing the legis- d£o™e/
lative body, the governor held that the house "had assumed
the dangerous power of dispensing with the positive laws of
the country, and that it was a political enormity to abrogate
a solemn and important law by its single veto." The session, Court* of
however, was not without avail, for provision was made for twiner
establishing inferior courts and criminal courts ; of the latter,
Alexander Martin and Francis Nash were the judges of the
Salisbury and Hillsboro districts, respectively. So much at
least had been accomplished.
But this very important act was defective. It was cer- ^ R»
tainly badly drawn. Governor Martin assented to it with ,94$
great reluctance, and always spoke of it contemptuously.
Under his instructions he could not assent to such a general ££•« IX*
court law as the Assembly insisted on, but because of the
deplorable situation, in the absence of any courts of criminal
jurisdiction, he gave his assent to this temporary act, which
had been hastily passed by the Assembly. It authorized the
governor to commission the chief justice to hold courts of
oyer and terminer and general jail delivery, and to appoint
two other persons resident in each district to hold the courts
of their districts in the absence of the chief justice, but by
inadvertence the powers conferred on these judges were not
those probably intended, the draftsmen being unskilled.
Chief Justice Howard left North Carolina for the summer,
and James Hasell was appointed chief justice in his stead.
The summer terms were to be held in June and July and the
winter terms in December and January. When the court J{j£5, the
convened at Wilmington, at the close of July, Maurice Moore c°uru,
. July. 1774
raised objections because of the defects in the act and in the
commission of the judge. Moore had been on the bench in
Governor Tryon's time, and had been appointed by Gov-
ernor Martin one of the judges of his prerogative courts,
which the Assembly had repudiated as being illegal and
unconstitutional. The destruction by the Assembly of the
court of which he was a judge on the score of illegality and
4H MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
xjn unconstitutionality seems to have inflamed the deposed
McR«*'« jurist, who had held his honors by the appointment of the
»ox * ' governor, and now with zest he made his legal exceptions
to the constitution of the Assembly's court, "very indecently
reflecting upon the legislature, happy in the weakness of
the judge/' Because of his strictures, the court adjourned.
c. r., x, 1 Nevertheless, these courts continued to be held, at least in
some if not all the districts, until the summer of 1775.
Harvey urges a convention
The condition of the province, although in the absence of
courts there were fewer disorders than might have been
anticipated, was, in 1774, a fruitful source of grave alarm
to thoughtful citizens. Something, they said, must be done
to save the country from anarchy. Biggleston, the gov-
ernor's secretary, mentioned to Speaker Harvey that the
governor did not intend to convene another Assembly until
he saw some chance of a better one than the last. Promptly
Harvey replied that the people then would convene one them-
Aprii, 1774 selves. On the night of April 4, 1774, a week after the
dissolution of the Assembly, Harvey and Johnston passed
the%night with Colonel Buncombe, and Harvey was "in a
very violent mood, and declared he was for assembling a
convention independent of the governor, and urged upon us
968*"" m~' to co-operate with him." He declared that he would lead
the way and "issue hand-bills under his own name, and that
the Committee of Correspondence ought to go to work at
once." Such a proceeding was not unknown. It had been
resorted to once, years before, in Massachusetts, but now it
was a revolutionary movement and was a bold departure.
Harvey had already spoken of it to Willie Jones, who prom-
ised to exert himself in its favor, and now Johnston wrote to
Hooper on the subject, and asked him to speak to Harnett
and Ashe and other leaders on the Cape Fear.
Continental affairs
But not only were the affairs of the province then acute,
continental matters also were agitating the people. The
agreement of the colonies not to give their assent to any
law taxing America had led to the disuse of taxed tea,
large quantities of which lay stored in the English ware-
c. R., IX,
THE TAX ON TEA 4*5
houses of the East India Company. To counteract this, %ji*
Parliament allowed the export of teas from England with-
out the former export duty, so that the teas, even after
paying the American tax, could be sold at a cheaper price.
With the hope of speedy sales, the East India Company ^rtcd
shipped cargoes to New York, Philadelphia, Charleston and
Boston. Those for the two former ports were returned to
London. At Charleston the tea was unloaded, but stowed
away in cellars unsold. At Boston, where a considerable
illicit trade in tea was carried on by Hancock and other
merchants, which they did not wish interfered with, the gov-
ernment insisted that the tea should be landed and sold. To December
prevent this, a number of the inhabitants, disguised as
Indians, on the night of December 18th boarded the ships, J^lBoaton
broke open the chests and emptied the tea into the harbor. Tea Party
Information of this proceeding caused great excitement in
England. American affairs engrossed the attention of Par-
liament. Four acts were passed. By the first the port of
Boston was closed, to take effect on June 4th, the custom
house being transferred to Salem. By the second the charter England1
of Massachusetts was abrogated and town meetings, except
for elections, declared unlawful. By the third all officers Boston
of the Crown, in case of indictment, were to be sent to Eng- June i, 1774
land for trial. The fourth related to the quartering of c.r.,ix,
soldiers on the colonies. While these measures, aimed di-
rectly at the old colonies, excited indignation, a fifth, respect-
ing the government of the new province of Quebec,
occasioned even greater apprehension. In that, every limi- Quebec
tation of the constitution was disregarded. The legislative Acl
power was vested in a council appointed by the Crown.
Roman Catholicism was established as the state religion.
Roman Catholics were eligible to office. There was to be
no writ of habeas corpus. The French civil law, without
jury trials, was ordained ; and the bounds of the province
were extended south to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi,
hedging in the northern colonies. If charters could be abro-
gated, government by general assemblies abolished, Protes-
tantism supplanted by Catholicism and the writ of habeas
corpus ignored, America owed her liberties only to the
sufferance of her masters.
4i6 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
*ju Under the changing condition there was to be a conflict
between the colonies and the mother country was apparent,
and in view of it the king regarded with apprehension the
wonderful growth of the colonies, and sought to check the
removal of his subjects from Great Britain to his American
dominions. Thus, in 1772, after James McDonald and his
associates of the Isle of Skye, proposing to settle in North
Carolina, had petitioned for an allotment of forty thousand
jt^ M acres of land, the request was refused on the ground that too
many British subjects were removing to the colonies. Mc-
Donald was the head of that large and influential connection
of which Flora McDonald was a member — that admirable
woman whose picturesque career has given her a unique dis-
tinction among her sex. Notwithstanding this refusal, the
Arrival of McDonalds did not relinquish their purpose but continued
Highlanders tnejr preparations to join the stream of Scotchmen who were
c.R., ix, migrating to the Cape Fear. In the spring of 1774 three
1030 hundred families came from the Highlands; and although
the king in February of that year gave instructions which
virtually closed his land offices and withdrew his land from
entry, yet in the following winter some eight hundred other
Scotchmen disembarked at Wilmington. Among them were
the McDonalds. Flora and her husband, Allan, after a brief
sojourn at Cross Creek, resided temporarily at Cameron
Hill, near Barbecue Church, some twenty miles to the north-
ward of Campbellton, and then located in Anson County.*
♦At Wilmington the inhabitants gave Flora McDonald a public
reception and ball ; she was received at Cross Creek with great
demonstration, martial music and the strains of the pibroch.
CHAPTER XXV
Martin's Administration, 1771-75 — Continued.
Organized resistance. — The Committee of Correspondence. — Will-
iam Hooper. — The Wilmington meeting. — The cause of Boston
the cause of all. — Parker Quince. — The first convention. — The
counties organize. — Governor Martin's proclamation. — The conven-
tion held. — The resolution. — Non-importations. — Tea not to be used.
— The revolutionary government. — Committees of Safety. — In-
structions to delegates. — Governor Martin's attitude. — Goes to
New York. — The Continental Congress. — The revolution pro-
gresses.— Cornelius Harnett. — The Edenton tea party. — Governor
Martin returns. — The Transylvania colony. — The second convention
called. — Proceedings on the Cape Fear. — John Ashe. — Robert Howe.
— The Regulators disaffected. — The Highlanders. — Enrolled Loyal-
ists.— The Assembly and the Convention. — John Harvey presides. —
The American Association signed. — The governor's address. — The
house replies resolutely. — The Assembly dissolved. — The last appear-
ance of Harvey. — North Carolina at court. — Thomas Barker. —
Governor Tryon. — North Carolina favored. — The battle of Lexing-
ton.— Martial spirit aroused. — The governor questioned by Nash.
— He is alarmed. — The negro insurrection. — He seeks refuge at
Fort Johnston.
Organized resistance U*t
To the dissatisfied colonists was imputed by the advisers
of the king, from the very beginning of the controversy, a
purpose to sever their connection with the mother country;
but while that idea doubtless occurred to the minds of philo-
sophic students as a remote possibility, it was not at all enter-
tained by the people at large, who, born British subjects,
had neither inclination nor purpose to change that relation.
Among those who were casting their eye to the future was c. rm ix,
William Hooper. Writing April 26, 1774, to James Iredell,
he said : "The colonies are striding fast to independence, and
ere long will build an empire upon the ruins of Great Brit-
ain," but vet he was not agitating for a separation at that
time.
The plan proposed by Harvey for the people to convene
an assembly did not at once materialize ; but when the port
985
4i8
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
S. R., XI,
•45* »46
June
The cause of
Boston the
cause of all
of Boston was closed, in North Carolina as in every other
part of America, there was a storm of indignation ; and the
proposition was revived.
On June 9th the Committee of Correspondence received
sundry letters and papers from the northern colonies respect-
ing the oppressive proceedings against Boston. These, the
next day, they sent forward to the committee of South
Carolina, saying that they could only express their indi-
vidual sentiments, but believed that the inhabitants of the
whole province concurred with them ; that they thought that
the province ought to consider the cause of Boston as the
cause of America ; that they should concur and co-operate in
measures agreed on by their sister colonies; that it was
expedient that deputies should be appointed to adopt
measures ; and that if assemblies could not meet, they should
pursue the laudable example of the house of burgesses in
Virginia — meet and form associations and put a stop to all
commercial intercourse with Great Britain.
Some ten days later, on June 21st, the committee replied to
the communication from Virginia, expressing the same senti-
ments as in their letter to South Carolina. Agreeing to the
call of a general congress, they said : "As this cannot be
effected but by a convention of the representatives of the
several provinces, we think that the conduct pursued by the
late representatives of Virginia is worthy of imitation when
the governors shall decline to convene the people in their
legislative capacity. . . . Should not our Assembly meet
on July 26th, to which time it now stands prorogued, we shall
endeavor in some other manner to collect the representatives
of the people." These communications were signed by John
Harvey, Edward Vail, Robert Howe, John Ashe, Joseph
Hewes, Sam Johnston, Cornelius Harnett and William
Hooper.
Hooper was especially concerned for the distresses of his
kinspeople and friends, among whom he had been reared at
Boston, and doubtless was a moving spirit in subsequent
proceedings; but the general sentiment that the time had
come for action was shared by Harvey and the other mem-
bers of the Committee of Correspondence, and doubtless by
the inhabitants generally.
Movement
for a
convention
THE FIRST PROVINCIAL CONVENTION . 419
Governor Martin, having on March 30th dissolved the zJJa
Assembly, the next day issued writs for an election of
new members, but informed the Earl of Dartmouth that he
did not propose another meeting of the Assembly until the
fall. And so the contingency arose requiring action by the
people in their own behalf. On July 21st the inhabitants of £J-»IX»
the district of Wilmington held a general meeting, at which
William Hooper presided as chairman, the purpose being to
prepare the way for a convention of the people.* At that
meeting a resolution was adopted appointing eight gentle-
men of the Cape Fear to prepare a circular letter to the
counties of the province, urging that deputies should be sent *nvention
to attend a general convention at Johnston Court House on call«d
August 20th to adopt measures that would avert the miseries
threatening the colonies ; and a resolution was adopted ex-
pressing concurrence in holding a continental congress on
September 20th. The voice of the meeting was "that we
consider the cause of the town of Boston the common cause
of British America."
Already the distresses of the indigent inhabitants of the
closed port, whose business and industries were arrested and
whose workmen were without employment, had appealed to
the sympathies of the people of the Cape Fear, and liberal Contribu-
contributions of money and provisions had been made, the B«rt<J?nt *
ladies equally with the men manifesting their sympathy by
generous donations. Parker Quince, a patriotic merchant,
tendered his vessel to transport these contributions, himself
going to deliver them. And now the meeting suggested that
other communities should make a similar demonstration of
their sympathetic and patriotic interest.
At once North Carolina resounded again with the cry
of "Liberty and Property." Meetings were held in various
communities and provisions, contributed alike on the sea-
board and in the interior, were sent to Boston by Edenton,
Wilmington and New Bern ; and the counties responded with
ardor to the circular letter of the Wilmington committee.
The meeting was finally fixed to be at New Bern on
August 25th. Every county except Edgecombe, Guilford,
♦Governor Swain, in Applcton's Cyclopedia, attributed this move-
ment largely to John Ashe.
420 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
'_74 Hertford, Surry, and Wake was represented by deputies
selected at meetings of freeholders, the members of the
Assembly being for the most part chosen as representatives
in the convention. At these county meetings patriotic reso-
lutions were adopted and committees of correspondence
were appointed, which became the first nucleus of the power
and authority of the respective communities in the manage-
ment of local affairs in antagonism with the established
government.
The voice* The discussions by James Iredell, Judge Moore and others,
counties in the public prints and elsewhere, of the constitutionality of
the courts by prerogative, which had been repudiated by
the Assembly that spring, had brought forward anew the
basic principles of the constitution, which now found ex-
pression in the declarations of the counties. The people of
Pitt resolved "that as the constitutional assembly of this
colony are prevented from exercising their rights of pro-
viding for the security of the liberties of the people, that
right again reverts to the people as the foundation from
whence all power and legislation flow." A clearer declara-
tion of the sovereignty of the people and the sanction of
government had not theretofore been made. Echoes of the
same fundamental principles are to be found in most of the
proceedings, and generally it was declared "that it is the
c.r., ix, first law of legislation and of the British constitution that no
1030 man be taxed but by his own consent, expressed by himself
or by his legal representatives."
The resolves of Rowan contained a further sentiment:
£*•• IX» "That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs
the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers and
other useful emigrants from Europe from settling among us
and occasions an annual increase of the balance of trade
against the colonists;" and "that to be clothed in manu-
factures fabricated in the colonies ought to be considered
as a badge and distinction of respect and true patriotism."
The freeholders of Granville resolved : "That those abso-
lute rights we are entitled to as men, by the immutable laws
of nature, are antecedent to all social and relative duties
1034'* ' whatsoever;" and "that by the civil contract subsisting be-
tween our king and his people, allegiance is the right of
THE PROVINCIAL CONVENTION MEETS 421
the first magistrate and protection the right of the people ; *™
that a violation of this compact would rescind the civil insti-
tution binding both king and people together." The very
frame and foundation of civil government had been exam-
ined and was then declared. The common sentiment found
expression in the Granville resolutions : "Blessed with free-
dom, we will cheerfully knee the throne erected by our
fathers, and kiss the sceptre they taught us to reverence," yet
"as freemen we can be bound by no law but such as we assent
to, either by ourselves or our representatives. That we de-
rive a right from our charters to enact laws for the regulation
of our internal policy of government, which reason and
justice confirm to us, as we must know what civil institutions
are best suited to our state and circumstances."
The springs of patriotism were yielding now the first
streams that, uniting and swelling, in the course of time
became the mighty current that swept America into the
stormy seas of revolution.
On August 1 2th Governor Martin, greatly concerned at c. r.,ix,
the proposed revolutionary congress, convened his council
and issued his proclamation enjoining all of his Majesty's
subjects from attending any illegal meetings, and command-
ing every officer in the province to aid and assist in dis-
couraging and preventing them ; and especially in prevent-
ing the proposed meeting of deputies at New Bern. But
nevertheless the convention was held, and the governor had c *•• IX»
the mortification of observing that all the members of his
council except James Hasell freely mixed with the members,
giving them aid and countenance, and apparently being in
full sympathy with them.
At the meeting of August 25th* John Harvey was chosen Aug. 35,1774
moderator. Hewes, one of the standing Committee of Cor-
respondence appointed by the last Assembly, presented let-
ters received by that committee from the other colonies, and
it was thereupon resolved to appoint three delegates to attend
the general congress to be held at Philadelphia. There was
much rivalry among some of the members to secure these
appointments. William Hooper, who was one of the leading c.r., ix,
members and to whose pen the resolutions adopted by the * 3
*A similar convention was held by Virginia on August 1st.
422
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
1774
The dele-
gates to the
Continental
Congress
C.R., IX,
1061
C. R., IX,
1350
The
intolerable
acts
convention are attributed, was the first selected, and with
him were Joseph Hewes and Richard Caswell.
Perhaps remembering how Parliament had yielded to the
demands of the colonists and their friends in Great Britain
eight years earlier, the provincial leaders may have con-
ceived that now similar influences would again prevail, and
that the mission of deputy to the general congress would be
only a temporary employment. Thus it may be that for
personal reasons this honorable post was particularly sought
by those selected — Hooper, deeply interested on behalf of his
Boston kindred ; Hewes, largely concerned in his mercantile
firm at Philadelphia ; and Caswell, desirous of revisiting his
old home in Maryland wearing the high honors he had won
in Carolina. But in any aspect, the selections were well
made. They were among the foremost men of the province,
possessing abilities equal to the station. Of the lofty devo-
tion of Hooper and Hewes there could be no doubt; and
although Governor Martin conceived the idea that Caswell
was going with the current against his inclinations and judg-
ment, yet he, too, gave every pledge of devotion and zeal,
urging his son to take his musket and, exposing the secrets
of his heart, declared that he would shed his last blood "in
support of the liberties of my country." That Caswell sprang
at once into the group of the most influential leaders and
made a lasting impression on his associates in the Conti-
nental Congress is beyond question. Indeed, it is to be
doubted whether any other colony sent a delegation of
superior merit to that body, whose amazing excellence ex-
torted the admiration of the world!
Declaring themselves "his Majesty's most dutiful and
loyal subjects," the deputies entered into resolutions of the
most positive character. They asserted that any act of Par-
liament imposing a tax on the colonies was illegal and un-
constitutional ; that the Boston port act was a cruel infringe-
ment of the rights of the people; that the act regulating
that province was an infringement of the charter; that the
bill empowering governors to send persons to Great Britain
for trial will tend to produce frequent bloodshed. And in
the way of enforcing a redress of grievances, the convention
resolved that after January 1, 1775, they would import or
STEPS IN REVOLUTION 423
buy neither East India goods nor goods of British manu- ^
facture ; nor would they export any products of the country ; £°£nmp°r"
ror should any slaves be imported or brought into the prov-
ince; and after September 10th they would not suffer any
East India tea to be used in their families, but would consider
all persons not complying with this resolve as enemies of the Retaliatory
country. measurea
The revolutionary government
The convention then laid the foundation for a revolution-
ary government by providing that at every future meeting
the counties and towns shall be represented, and recom-
mended that a committee of five should be chosen in each c.r., ix,
county to take care that the resolves of the congress should
be properly observed, and to act as a committee of corre-
spondence. These later became known as Committees of
Safety.
The convention gave directions to the deputies to the gen-
eral congress based on an unchangeable purpose to defend
their persons and property against all unconstitutional en-
croachments, and authorized them to enter into an agree-
ment that until there should be an explicit declaration and
acknowledgment of colonial rights, there should be a cessa-
tion of all imports and exports ; and to concur with the depu-
ties from other colonies in any regulation or remonstrance
that a majority might deem necessary measures for promot-
ing a redress of grievances.
In view of the precarious health of Colonel Harvey, Sam-
uel Johnston was empowered to convene the deputies of the
province at such time and place as he should think proper.
And so a positive step was taken toward the revolution that
was impending, provision being made for the orderly assem-
bling of deputies who should represent the people and exer-
cise the power of government over those who would assent
to be controlled by the resolutions of congress.
Governor Martin's attitude
The position of Governor Martin was now delicate in the
extreme. He realized that the power of government had
largely passed into the hands of the committees of corre-
424 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
w spondence and the provincial Assembly, and was greatly
mortified at the falling away from his support of the mem-
bers of his council and other gentlemen whom he thought
bound by the ties of duty and obligation to oppose the revo-
lutionary faction. He, however, ascribed the condition of
affairs in North Carolina to the personal ambition of
aspirants for the treasuryship rather than to a more patriotic
foS3M IX' design. At the election for treasurers in 1772 Johnston had
been defeated by Montfort and Ashe supplanted by Caswell.
Caswell had been one of his judges appointed by prerogative,
and the opposition to that court the governor attributed to a
purpose to render Caswell unpopular in the interests of a
combination between Johnston and Ashe — a conjunction
which he regarded as extremely formidable to the interests of
the country and productive of further and worse conse-
quences. The convention having adjourned, and there being
no other movement of the people on foot, Governor Martin,
in September, because of ill health, left the province for New
York; doubtless also he wished to confer with Governor
Tryon. In his absence the administration devolved on James
Hasell.
The Continental Congress
The action of the general congress was substantially on
the lines indicated by the resolutions of the Provincial Con-
vention of North Carolina. There were adopted resolutions
of non-importation and non-exportation, which, being signed
by the members on behalf of themselves and their constitu-
A«*ociation, en*s> became an association paper, which they agreed "to ob-
s«pt. 10th serve by the sacred ties of virtue, honor, and love of coun-
try." It was recommended that committees should be chosen
in every county and town to see to the observance of the
association by the people, and that the committees of corre-
spondence should be active in disseminating information.
McRee's The post of deputy was one of honor, but also one of
aa? e ' ' danger. On the adjournment of the congress, Hewes wrote
to Iredell : "Our friends are under apprehension that admin-
istration will endeavor to lay hold of as many delegates as
possible, and have them carried to England and tried as
rebels ; this induced the congress to enter into a resolve in
COMMITTEES OF SAFETY RULE 425
such cases to make a reprisal. I have no fears on that head ; lJ™
but should it be my lot, no man on earth could be better
spared. Were I to suffer in the cause of American liberty,
should I not be translated immediately to heaven as Enoch
was of old ?" Such was the general feeling — a spirit of sac-
rifice and self-immolation. The fires of patriotism were
indeed lighted, and an ardor to maintain the rights of
America animated the inhabitants of every province.
The revolution progresses
During the fall and early winter local committees con-
vened the freeholders in the several counties of North Caro-
lina, and, conformably to the resolutions of the provincial
and continental congresses, standing committees of safety
were appointed. The earliest proceedings of any committee
that have been preserved are those of Rowan County. On
September 23d the people there took action, led by William
Kennon and Adlai Osborn, and doubtless the inhabitants of
Mecklenburg County were equally forward under the influ-
ence of Tom Polk, the Alexanders and Brevards. On Octo-
ber 4th the freeholders of Pitt met, and on the same day
there was a general muster of Colonel Bryan's regiment of
militia in Johnston. At Halifax, Willie Jones, Samuel Wel-
don and their associates on the committee in December de-
clared Andrew Miller, a merchant of Halifax, under the ban
for refusing to sign the association. In the Albemarle
region, Johnston, Hewes, and Harvey directed events, while
Richard Cogdell, Abner Nash, Alexander Gaston and other
patriots took strong and zealous action at New Bern.
The freeholders of Wilmington having appointed their
Committee of Safety, on November 23d that body immedi-
ately began to exert authority. Captain Foster informed the Tea at
committee that a quantity of teas had been imported in the imu,gton
brig Sally by himself, Messrs. Ancrum, Brice, Hill and
others, and the importers did not know how to dispose of it,
and they desired the advice of the committee.* A letter was
♦Extract from Letter Book of William Hill :
"Brunswick. July 26, 1774.
"Messrs. Kelly & Co., London, England :
"The tea, though repeatedly written for, is not come at all, but
I need not find fault or make any objections now; for the flame into
426 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
XJ74 addressed to Mr. Hill, making inquiry whether the tea might
November not be regularly re-exported in the same vessel. To this
inquiry Hill replied that, in the absence of the collector and
the comptroller, he could not answer what they would de-
termine ; but, said he, "The safety of the people is, or ought
to be, the supreme law ; the gentlemen of the committee will
judge whether this law or an act of Parliament should, at
this particular time, operate in North Carolina. I believe
every tea importer will cheerfully submit to their determina-
tion. " Such was the sentiment that pervaded every breast —
which this whole continent is thrown by the operation of the Boston
port bill will presently show itself in a universal stop to all inter-
course between Great Britain and the colonies. . . . Though the
want of the tea has for some time past been a serious hurt to me,
yet 'tis now a lucky omission, as I am very doubtful our committee
would have ordered it back. But I hate politics, and your papers
are by this time filled with the resolutions of the different provinces,
towns, etc., in America. It may not be amiss to say that they are
sending large contributions from every port on the continent to
Boston for the relief of the suffering poor," etc., etc.
"Brunswick, August 17, 1774.
"The tea I am as much surprised to see now as I have been dis-
appointed in the want of it these eleven months past. Had it come
agreeably to my request, in July, 1773, it would have afforded a
frofitablc sale; but it is now too late to be received in America. If
were ever so willing to take it, the people would not suffer it to
be landed. Poison would be as acceptable. 1 hope you will not be
surprised, therefore, to receive it again by the same ship. By this
you will easily perceive how vastly mistaken your correspondents
have been, in their opinion of disunion among the American prov-
inces ; and I can venture to assure you that North Carolina will not
be behind any of her sister colonies in virtue and a steady adherence
to such resolves as the Continental Congress now sitting at Philadel-
phia shall adopt."
Mr. Hill added that he would "decline, until the present diffi-
culties are happily over, further intercourse with Great Britain."
"Brunswick, December 1. 1774.
"Gentlemen :
"The Mary luckily arrived two days before the importation limit
expired ; for, from and after this day, all goods imported from Great
Britain are to be vendued — the first cost and charges to be paid to
the importer ; the profit, if any, to go to the relief of the sufferers by
the Boston port bill.
"The tea of Ancrum & Company and Hewes & Smith was in-
advertently landed ; but they delivered it to the collector for the
duties, and it is now lodged in the custom house."
"Brunswick, June 3, 1775.
"The whole continent seems determined, to a man, to die rather
than give up taxation to those over whom they can have no consti-
tutional check."
THE COMMITTEE IN WILMINGTON 427
that the safety of the people was the supreme law, and that ljj*
the committees were to determine how far any act of Par- November
liament was to be operative. The people were asserting the
supremacy of their will over the authority of the mother
country.
At Wilmington the committee put a stop to horse racing, Rule of
to parties of entertainment, to the importation of negroes, committees
requiring them to be returned to the countries from which
they had been shipped ; forbade any increase in the price of
goods, sold the cargoes of merchandise that were imported,
paying the profit for the benefit of the Boston sufferers, and
particularly took action to secure a supply of powder. Its
leading spirit was Cornelius Harnett; but with him were
associated not only the gentlemen of the country, but most of
the merchants of the town. Throughout every part of the
province there was similar action. The patriots were reso-
lute. The merchants refused to receive any more tea shipped
to them ; locked up their stock, never to be sold, and one even
threw his stock into the river. Nor were the women indiffer- s. c. Gai-
ent spectators of passing events. They sympathized with 3"*77sPn
the ardor of their fathers, husbands and brothers, and were
willing to make every sacrifice the situation demanded. At
Wilmington they had contributed most generously for the fijftomen
Boston sufferers, and doubtless in every community they
were imbued with the same patriotism.
The Edenton tea party
The Edenton ladies, shortly after the adjournment of the
convention, held a meeting on October 25th, and declared
that they could not be indifferent to whatever affected the
peace and happiness of their country; and that since the
members of the convention had entered into the particular
resolves adopted by that body, they themselves proposed to
adhere to the same resolves, and they therefore subscribed
an association paper as a witness of their solemn determina-
tion to do so. From that time East India tea was discarded
by the ladies of Edenton.*
*In the earlier stages of the disagreement between the colonies and
the mother country the sympathies of a large part of the English
people were with the colonies, whose cause was strongly supported
by many newspapers and by leading cartoonists. The following
428 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
'm Governor Martin returns
On December 7th Governor Martin began his return jour-
ney from New York by land, reaching New Bern on Jan-
uary 15th. He observed the inhabitants everywhere greatly
aroused, and committees carrying into execution the measures
of the general congress. At Annapolis he saw with horror
his former companion in arms, General Charles Lee, then
a British half-pay officer, drilling the people ; while in North
Carolina he realized that the committees were completely
exercising the functions of government. To his distress at
the political situation there was to be added a sore personal
affliction, the loss of a little son, the third child of whom
he had been bereaved since his arrival in Carolina. He
found awaiting him at New Bern his appointment as agent
extracts are taken from a volume entitled "The Boston Port Bill as
Pictured by a Contemporary London Cartoonist/' by R. T. H.
Halsey, published by the Grolier Club, 1904:
"An account of a meeting of a society of patriotic ladies at Eden-
ton, in North Carolina, appeared in various English papers about the
middle of January, 1775. Possibiy the imposing list of signatures
attached to the resolutions passed at this gathering caused our car-
toonist to seject this incident as one fairly representative of the
moral and physical support the women of the colonies were con-
tributing to the common cause. No reader of English newspapers,
during the long protracted dispute between the king and the colonies,
could have remained ignorant of the political activities of the
colonial women. . . .
"The above citations from the English press of the frugality, in-
dustry and cheerful abstinence from many of the comforts of life
displayed by the women of the American colonies, have been quoted
to demonstrate that the political activities of the colonial women
were well known to the public on whom our cartoonist depended
for a market for the sale of his prints. The especial incident, the
action of a society of patriotic ladies at Edenton, in North Carolina,
which he had selected as being typical of the attitude of the women
in the colonies, was described in several London papers about the
middle of January, 1775.
"The following extract from the Morning Chronicle and London
Advertiser (of January 16, 1775) tells of the association formed by
the women of Edenton, in their endeavors to assist in carrying out
the resolutions taken by the men of North Carolina, and furnished
the cartoonist for his illustration — extract of a letter from North
Carolina, October 27th (1774) — 'The provincial deputies of North
Carolina, having resolved not to drink any more tea, nor wear any
more British cloth, etc., many ladies of this province have deter-
mined to give a memorable proof of their patriotism, and have ac-
cordingly entered into the following honorable and spirited associa-
tion. I send it to you to show your fair countrywomen how zealously
and faithfully American ladies follow the laudable example of their
WESTERN EXPANSION
429
and attorney of Granville; and there was at once need for
his action.
The Transylvania colony
Richard Henderson, an eminent attorney, who had served
on the bench a few years earlier, had arranged for the pur-
chase from the Cherokee Indians of a large portion of their
hunting grounds in Kentucky and Tennessee, and was pre-
paring to occupy that wilderness with a colony. This was
particularly in contravention of the king's proclamation, and
of the acts of Virginia and of North Carolina. The territory,
extending from the Ohio southward, lay partly in the king's
domain and partly within the lines of Lord Granville. Gov-
husbands, and what opposition your matchless ministers may expect
to receive from a people, thus firmly united against them':
"Edenton, North Carolina, October 25 (1774).
"As we cannot be indifferent on any occasion that appears nearly
to affect the peace and happiness of our country, and as it has been
thought necessary, for the public good, to enter into several par-
ticular resolves by a meeting of members deputed from the whole
province, it is a duty which we owe, not only to our near and dear
connections, who have concurred in them, but to ourselves, who are
essentially interested in their welfare, to do everything, as far as
lies in our power, to testify our sincere adherence to the same ; and
we do therefore accordingly subscribe this paper as a witness of our
fixed intention and solemn determination to do so:
Abagail Charlton,
Elizabeth Creacy,
Anne Johnstone,
Mary Woolard,
Jean Blair,
Frances Hall,
Mary Creacy,
Mary Blount.
Margaret Cathcart,
Jane Wellwood.
Penelope Dawson,
Susanna Vail,
Elizabeth Vail,
Elizabeth Vail,
J. Johnstone,
Elizabeth Patterson,
Margaret Pearson,
Sarah BeasUy,
Grace Clayton,
Mary Jones,
Mary Creacy,
Anne Hall.
Sarah Littlejohn,
Sarah Hoskins,
M. Payne,
Elizabeth Cricket,
Lydia Bonner,
Anne Horniblow,
Marion Wells,
Sarah Mathews,
Elizabeth Roberts,
Rebecca Bondfield,
Sarah Howcott,
Elizabeth P. Ormond,
Sarah Valentine,
Mary Bonner,
Mary Ramsey,
Lydia Bennett,
Tresia Cunningham,
Anne Haughton,
Elizabeth Roberts,
Ruth Benbury,
Penelope Barker,
Mary Littledle,
Elizabeth Johnstone,
Elizabeth Green,
Sarah Howe,
Mary Hunter,
Anne Anderson,
Elizabeth Bearsley,
Elizabeth Roberts.
"... Our cartoonist has pictured in the closing cartoon of the
series a living room of a colonial home, filled with women, both of
high and lowly station, matrons and maidens, all clothed in gar-
ments the materials of which bore no trace of having emanated from
the looms of Manchester or Birmingham."
430 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
Jjjs ernor Martin hastened to issue a strong proclamation for-
bidding the proposed settlement from being made, and declar-
ing that all who should enter into any agreement with the
Indians would expose themselves to the severest penalties.
Still Henderson did not remit his exertions to carry his
design into execution. Daniel Boone blazed the way, and
a colony was successfully established on the dark and bloody
ground of Kentucky.
Proceedings on the Cape Fear
The general congress recommended that another should be
convened on May 10th; and early in February Colonel
Harvey gave notice to the committees of safety to have elec-
tions of deputies to attend another provincial convention. On
the 20th of that month the New Hanover committee in-
vited co-operation with that of Duplin, indicating that on
March 6, March 6th there would be several matters of much concern
o "amzed *° American welfare agitated. John Ashe, who had long
been colonel of New Hanover County, had declined to accept
c. r., x, a new commission from Governor Martin, thus disassociating
48. *4Q himself from the military organization of the constituted
authorities; and the people of New Hanover had met and
chosen field officers for a regiment, he becoming the colonel.
Similar action was taken in Brunswick, and Colonel Robert
fi^i/sT* Howe was training the people to arms. On March 6th an
March, 1775 association paper was agreed to by the New Hanover com-
mittee and recommended to the committees of the adjacent
counties, by which the subscribers "most solemnly engage
by the most sacred ties of honor, virtue, and love of country"
to observe every part of the association recommended by
c.R.,x,38 the Continental Congress. At the same time it appears that
there was a proposition to seize Fort Johnston, but it was
thought not advisable. Some of the inhabitants of Wilming-
ton were reluctant to sign the association paper, and Colonel
Ashe appeared in the town at the head of some five hundred
of his regiment and menaced the people "with military execu-
c.r.,x,48 tions if they did not immediately subscribe." Without doubt,
being now an active leader in the throes of a revolution, Ashe
used every influence that could be exerted to infuse zeal
among the people, to fix the wavering and to overawe those
THE LOYAL ELEMENT 431
who were disinclined to cast their fortunes with the revo- ms
lutionists. The commanding figure on the Cape Fear, he was
at once stalwart, bold and determined. With him were his
kinsmen, and Harnett and Howe, Moore and Lillington;
unhappily, DeRosset and Waddell, leaders in the stamp act
times, had passed away. For their* resolute action, Harnett,
Ashe, Howe, and Abner Nash were particularly marked out
by the governor as proper objects of proscription, because
"they stand foremost among the patrons of revolt and an- c.r.,x,98
archy."
The disaffected in the interior
But amid these evidences of defection the governor found
some comfort. The Regulators had never been pardoned,
and were still fearful of punishment. From time to time, as
apprehensions arose, others would follow those who had
earlier removed from the province ; and many of the former
insurgents were yet uneasy. The king had recommended to
the Assembly to pass an act of oblivion, but session succeeded
session without bringing the comforting assurance that there
were to be no more prosecutions. Now some of the Regu-
lators presented addresses to the governor, much to his satis- c. r., ix,
faction. Some two hundred inhabitants of Rowan and " ' "*'
Surry assured him of their determination to continue his
Majesty's loyal subjects. More than one hundred residents
of Guilford, "being before an unhappy people, lying under
the reflection of the late unhappy insurrection," declared
that they held a firm attachment to his Majesty. From An-
son came the assurance from more than two hundred to con-
tinue steadfast in the support of government. The governor
speedily took measures to attach these people to him, giving
them every encouragement; and so hopeful was he of their
united support that on March 16th he wrote to General Gage,
at Boston, asking for arms and a good store of ammunition,
and promising, with the aid of the Regulators and High-
landers, to maintain the king's sovereignty in North Caro-
lina. He had indeed ascertained that many of the High- c.r.,ix,
landers who had so recently settled in the province, and " 7
others being, like the Regulators, oath bound, would enroll
themselves beneath his banner ; and he sent emissaries among
v
432
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
1775
C. R.f IX,
1178
The two
bodies tit
together
C.R.,
xai3
IX,
The
Association
signed
them and association papers for them to sign. To strengthen
this movement, he caused the several addresses received by
him to be published in the North Carolina Gazette, and soon
had the satisfaction of finding that some fifteen hundred
men were enrolled in his support.
•
The Assembly and the Convention
The Provincial Convention or congress was to meet at New
Bern on April 3d and the Assembly on the 4th, the two bodies
being composed substantially of the same members. On
April 2d Governor Martin issued a proclamation forbidding
the convention to be held, and exhorting members to with-
draw themselves and desist from such illegal proceedings.
Nevertheless the convention met, chose Harvey moderator and
proceeded to business ; and on the 4th the house met, Harvey
being chosen speaker. On the following day the governor
issued another proclamation, commanding all his Majesty's
subjects to break up the illegal convention, but his warnings
were disregarded. Indeed, on that very day, the Assembly
being in session and Harvey in the chair as speaker, the mem-
bers of the convention who were not assemblymen, and there
were about twenty more of the former than of the latter in
attendance, took their seats in the house, which was then con-
verted into the convention ; and the body proceeded to the
transaction of business as such, later the business of the house
being resumed. On information of this proceeding, Gov-
ernor Martin's wrath knew no bounds, and quickly changing
the upper house of the legislature into a council, he brought
the subject before them, but was advised that it was inexpedi-
ent to take notice of it. The convention signed the associa-
tion adopted by the general congress, thanked Hooper,
Hewes, and Caswell for their services as deputies and re-
elected them to attend the next congress, to be held on
May 10th, and invested them with power to bind the province
in honor by any act that they might do. It recommended
the encouragement of arts and manufactures, and that
premiums should be offered by the local committees to pro-
mote industries throughout the province. It declared that
his Majesty's subjects have a right to meet and petition the
throne and to appoint delegates for that purpose, and that
THE ASSEMBLY-CONVENTION 433
the governor's proclamations commanding the convention w
to disperse was a wanton and arbitrary exercise of power.
To the house the governor made a long and heated
address, inveighing against the illegal convention, pointing
out that it was dishonorable to the Assembly for such a body
to meet, and warning them of the dangerous precipice on
which they who had solemnly sworn allegiance to the king
then stood, and informing them of the satisfaction he had
received in the assurance of support by the inhabitants of
the interior.
The reply of the house was spirited and bold. It declared c. r., ix,
that the members, with minds superior to private dissensions,
had determined calmly, unitedly, and faithfully to discharge
the sacred trust reposed in them by their constituents; ac- Reciprocal
knowledging their allegiance to the king, they declared that deC|Sed
the same constitution which established that allegiance bound
his Majesty under as solemn obligations to protect his sub-
jects, making each reciprocally dependent. Asserting that
the king had no subjects more faithful than the inhabitants
of North Carolina, or more ready, at the expense of their
lives and fortunes, to protect and support his person, crown,
and dignity, they expressed their warm attachment to their
sister colonies and heartfelt compassion for Boston, and
declared the fixed and determined resolution of the colony
to unite with the other colonies to retain their just rights
as British subjects. They reiterated what the convention had
affirmed with regard to the legality of that body, approved
the proceedings of the Continental Congress, and resolved to
exert every influence to induce the inhabitants of North
Carolina to observe the rules it had recommended. They
thanked the North Carolina deputies for their faithful con-
duct, and approved of their re-election by the convention.
The governor, on the evening of Friday, the 7th, having ^j1''775
obtained information of the nature of the Assembly's ad- Assembly
dress to him, early the next morning dissolved the body.
Although later Governor Martin called for the election
of new members to be held on June 23d, this was the last
Assembly ever convened under royal authority. It was also
the last appearance in public affairs of that sterling patriot,
John Harvey, whose health had long been delicate ; and now.
434
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
X775
Death of
Harvey
Rariter and
Elmsly
suppress
address to
king
C. R., IX,
iao8
North
Carolina
excepted
C. R., IX,
1214
wasted by disease, he bade farewell to those associates who
had given him so many evidences of their esteem and con-
fidence, and who, under his guidance, had entered upon that
determined action which subsequently led to the indepen-
dence of the colony. About the middle of May he fell from
his horse and died, lamented by his compatriots.
North Carolina at Court
In England some conciliatory measures had been pro-
posed that, however, did not at all appeal to the colonists.
Thomas Barker, who twenty years earlier had been a lawyer
of influence in the Albemarle section, and once treasurer,
was now in England, and Alexander Elmsly, who also had
been a member of the Assembly and a man of influence in
that section, being also in London, to them it was given in
charge by the Assembly of 1774 to present the address of
the province to the Crown. They took the liberty of sup-
pressing that address as adopted by the Assembly and of
writing another, which was received with favor by the
Board of Trade ; and Governor Try on, being also at London,
exerted himself in behalf of North Carolina; so that when,
about the middle of February, a bill was introduced into
Parliament forbidding trade with the colonists, North Caro-
lina and New York were excepted. This was regarded in
the province as an unenviable distinction, and was ascribed
to a purpose to detach North Carolina from the common
cause, while at the same time leaving open communications
by which Great Britain could continue to receive needed
supplies of naval stores so essential for naval operations.
This tender was at once rejected by the inhabitants with
disdain, and North Carolina, paying no attention to it, re-
mained faithful to the common cause. To the northward
military companies were forming, and the Virginia Assembly
provided for the raising of a company in each county. Such
a proposition was brought forward in the North Carolina
convention, but was then deemed inexpedient.
The battle of Lexington
But all hopes that the peace would not be broken quickly
vanished. On April 19th the first clash of arms occurred
THE WAR BEGINS
435
«775
C. R., IX,
1234, 1839
C R.f IX,
1248
at Lexington, and information of that battle was hurried
from Boston by successive couriers to Charleston. On
May 3d the courier from Nansemond reached Edenton ; on
May 6th, New Bern ; two days later, Wilmington and Bruns-
wick. On May 9th, Montfort, at Halifax, despatched the
news to Burke at Hillsboro, and it spread rapidly through-
out the province. It created great excitement. The people
were stirred as never before. A new phase was now im-
parted to public affairs, the people feeling that they must
fight. Independent military companies at once began to be
organized. It was the same throughout all America. M»y»«775
Toward the end of April Caswell and Hewes left the prov-
ince to attend the Congress. In Virginia and Maryland
they were escorted through the several counties by the mili-
tary companies, and on reaching Philadelphia they found
twenty-eight companies organized and 2000 men drilling
morning and evening, and only martial music could be heard
in the streets. The change had been electrical.
On May 16th Nash and others had begun the formation
of companies at New Bern. The governor, fearing that some
mounted cannon on the palace grounds would be seized and
carried off, on May 23d caused them to be dismounted ; and The
when Nash and a committee of citizens waited on him to ^gjjjj^
ascertain the cause of this action, the governor said that
the carriages were unsafe, and he was making preparations
to celebrate the king's birthday ; but while he was indignant
at being called to account by the people, he was also alarmed
and prevaricated in order to quiet them.
c. R., IX,
1256 ;
X, 4«. 43
Governor Martin seeks safety
A day or two later an emissary arrived from New York
and informed Governor Martin that General Gage was about
to send him the arms and munitions desired, and there was
reason to suppose that the shipment had been discovered. A
report also had been propagated that the governor had
formed a design of arming the negroes and proclaiming
freedom to those who should resort to the king's standard, Martin,
and the public mind was much inflamed against him. Indeed, NoVth0
there was then brewing a plot for a negro insurrection in Carolina, ii,
436
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1771-75
177s
July, 1775
C. R., X, 94
Negro
insurrection
planned
C. RM X, 4«
Martin
leaves
New Bern,
May 31, 177S
C.R.,X,44
C. R., X, 45
The last
election
the region near Tar River. By timely good fortune, on
July 7th the plot was discovered.
On the following night the negroes were to rise and mur-
der the whites, moving from plantation to plantation, and
then, having embodied, they were to march to the west,
where they expected to be received and protected by the
inhabitants who were still attached to the king. Companies
of light horse scoured the country, and the negroes were
speedily suppressed, but apparently not without some of
them being killed.
The purpose was avowed in some of the colonies to seize
the royal governors and detain them, and Governor Martin,
fearing the discovery of the shipment of arms, especially in
connection with his alleged design to arm the negroes, be-
came very apprehensive for his personal safety. The mili-
tary companies formed at New Bern were a menace, and,
separated from the king's forces, he had no friends to pro-
tect him. He hurried his private secretary to Ocracoke to
stop any vessel bringing in arms, ordering it to proceed to
Fort Johnston. The same night he despatched his wife and
family to New York, bearing letters to General Gage, and
he asked that a royal standard should be furnished him.
Being now entirely alone, on the last day of May he locked
the palace, left the key with a servant, and took his departure
southward. Giving out that he was going to visit Chief
Justice Hasell, he took flight for Fort Johnston, where he
safely arrived on June 2d. His flight perhaps gave a new
impulse to the popular movement, strengthening the hands
of Nash, Cogdell, and Gaston ; and on June 8th the associa-
tion was being signed in every part of the county, and the
militia were forming into companies and choosing their own
officers.
Elections were held for assemblymen on June 23d, and a
considerable number of inhabitants gathering at New Bern
on that occasion, they went to the deserted palace and took
possession of the six cannon there, and removed them to the
court-house.
CHAPTER XXVI
The Mecklenburg Resolves, May 31, 1775
The Mecklenburg declaration. — Historical statement. — Documents
and observations. — Conditions in May. — Mecklenburg aroused. — The
great meeting at Charlotte. — Colonel Polk proclaims the resolves. —
Independence declared. — The old government annulled. — The leaders
in Mecklenburg. — The effect elsewhere. — At Salisbury. — At New
Bern. — Bethania. — Reconciliation still desired. — Apprehensions. —
Thomas Jefferson. — The Regulators. — The patriots in the interior. —
The clashing in Anson. — New Hanover acts. — Governor Martin's
Elans. — McDonald arrives. — New Hanover impatient. — Fort Johnston
urned. — The Revolution progresses. — Dunn and Boote confined.
In May, 1775, the condition of public affairs was alarming. Boston
was occupied by a hostile British army, and "the cause of Boston
was felt to be the cause of all." The situation having been dis-
cussed by some of the leading citizens of Mecklenburg County, and
several local meetings having been held at different points in the
county, Colonel Thomas Polk called for the election of two delegates
from each of the militia districts of the county "to take into con-
sideration the state of the country, and to adopt such measures as
to them seemed best to secure their lives, liberties, and property
from the storm which was gathering and had burst on their fellow-
citizens to the eastward by a British army" (statement of G. Graham
and others). The delegates, having been chosen, met at Charlotte.
The news of the battle of Lexington had arrived and the people
were much excited (ibid.). Resolutions were adopted that were
with great formality read by Colonel Polk to a large concourse of
citizens, composed of nearly one-half of the men of the county,
drawn together by their interest in the occasion (ibid.).
The manuscript records of these proceedings appear to have been
in the possession of John McKnitt Alexander until the year 1800. In
1794 he sent a copy of them to Dr. Hugh Williamson. In April,
1800, his residence was destroyed by fire and these original records
were then burnt.
Subsequently John McKnitt Alexander sought to reproduce the
burnt records. Apparently he made some rough notes as a basis for
reproduction on a half sheet of paper, which he preserved. Attached
to that half sheet, when discovered after his death in 1817, was a
438
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
1775
Alexander
document of
1800
His
certificate
N. C. Uni.
ApriU 1853,
full sheet in a handwriting unknown to his son, Dr. Joseph McKnitt
Alexander, which contained an account of the proceedings in Meck-
lenburg, including a series of resolutions which has since been
known as "The Declaration of May 20th."
In September, 1800, a copy of this "full sheet" was sent by John
McKnitt Alexander to General William R. Davie with the following
certificate appended to it :
"It may be worthy of notice here to observe that the foregoing
statement, though fundamentally correct, yet may not literally cor-
respond with the original record of the transactions of said delega-
tion and Court of Inquiry, as all those records and papers were
burned, with the house, on April 6, 1800; but previous to that time
of 1800, a full copy of said records, at the request of Dr. Hugh
Williamson, then of New York, but formerly a representative in
Congress from this State, was forwarded to him by Colonel William
Polk, in order that those early transactions might fill their proper
place in a history of this State then writing by said Dr. Williams
(sic) in New York.
"Certified to the best of my recollection and belief this 3d day of
September, 1800, by
"J. McK. Alexander,
"Mecklenburg County, N. C."
The Davie
copy
This certificate fixes the character of "the full sheet" and of the
"Davie copy" to which it was annexed. They were not copies of any
record. In like manner, it is to be said of all other copies of the
resolutions purporting to have been adopted at Charlotte on May
20th, that they have only this origin and source, and are copies of the
Alexander document of 1800.
The remembrance of Mecklenburg's patriotic action was cherished
locally, but no contemporaneous publication of the proceedings seems
to have been preserved in that county ; nor was the copy sent to Dr.
Williamson ever published ; nor did General Davie give publicity to
the paper sent him.
John McKnitt Alexander died on July 10, 1817, and after his death
his son, Dr. Joseph McKnitt Alexander, found in his mansion house
a bundle of old pamphlets, and with them the "half sheet" and the
"full sheet" of manuscripts above mentioned. In 1818 inquiry was
made concerning the proceedings in Mecklenburg, and Dr. Joseph
McKnitt Alexander sent a copy of the "full sheet" to Hon. William
Davidson, then a member of Congress. On the 30th of April, 1819,
the following publication appeared in the Raleigh Register:
"It is not probably known to many of our readers that the citi-
zens of Mecklenburg County, in this State, made a declaration of
RALEIGH REGISTER ARTICLE 439
independence more than a year before Congress made theirs. The JJJJ
following document on the subject has lately come to the hands
of the editor from unquestionable authority, and is published that
it may go down to posterity:
North Carolina, Mecklenburg County, May 20, 1775.
In the spring of 1775, the leading characters of Mecklenburg The
County, stimulated by that enthusiastic patriotism which elevates ^Smax^
the mind above considerations of individual aggrandizement, and 1800
scorning to shelter themselves from the impending storm by sub-
mission to lawless power, etc., held several detached meetings,
in each of which the individual sentiments were, "that the cause
of Boston was the cause of all ; that their destinies were indissolubly
connected with those of their Eastern fellow-citizens — and that they
must either submit to all the impositions which an unprincipled, and
to them an unrepresented, parliament might impose— or support
their brethren who were doomed to sustain the first shock of that
power, which, if successful there, would ultimately overwhelm all in
the common calamity." Conformably to these principles, Colonel
Adam Alexander, through solicitation, issued an order to each cap-
tain's company in the county of Mecklenburg (then comprising the
present county of Cabarrus), directing each militia company to elect
two persons, and delegate to them ample power to devise ways and
means to aid and assist their suffering brethren in Boston, and also
generally to adopt measures to extricate themselves from the im-
pending storm, and to secure unimpaired their inalienable rights,
privileges and liberties, from the dominant grasp of British imposi-
tion and tyrannny.
In conforming to said order, on May 19, 1775, the said delega-
tion met in Charlotte, vested with unlimited powers; at which time
official news, by express, arrived of the battle of Lexington on that
day of the preceding month. Every delegate felt the value and
importance of the prize, and the awful and solemn crisis which
had arrived — every bosom swelled with indignation at the malice,
inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, developed in the late attack at
Lexington. The universal sentiment was: let us not flatter our-
selves that popular harangues or resolves, that popular vapor will
avert the storm, or vanquish our common enemy — let us deliberate
— let us calculate the issue — the probable result; and then let us
act with energy, as brethren leagued to preserve our property —
our lives — and what is still more endearing, the liberties of America.
Abraham Alexander was then elected chairman, and John McKnitt
Alexander, clerk. After a free and full discusssion of the various
objects for which the delegation had been convened, it was unani-
mously ordained :
440 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
lrrs 1. Resolved, That whoever directly or indirectly abetted, or in
any way, form, or manner, countenanced the unchartered and dan-
gerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an
enemy to this country — to America — and to the inherent and in-
alienable rights of man.
2. Resolved, That we, the citizens of Mecklenburg County, do
hereby dissolve the political bands which have connected us to the
mother country, and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance
to the British Crown, and abjure all political connection, contract,
or association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on
our rights and liberties — and inhumanly shed the innocent blood of
American patriots at Lexington.
3. Resolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and inde-
pendent people, are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-
governing association, under the control of no power other than
that of our God and the general government of the congress; to
the maintenance of which independence we solemnly pledge to
each other our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our
most sacred honor.
4. Resolved, That as we now acknowledge the existence and con-
trol of no law or legal officer, civil or military, within this county,
we do hereby ordain and adopt, as a rule of life, all, each and every
of our former laws, wherein, nevertheless, the Crown of Great
Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, im-
munities, or authority therein.
5. Resolved, That it is also further decreed, that all, each and every
military officer in this county is hereby reinstated to his former com-
mand and authority, he acting conformably to these regulations.
And that every member present of this delegation shall henceforth be
a civil officer, viz., a justice of the peace, in the character of a
committeeman, to issue process, hear and determine all matters
of controversy, according to said adopted laws, and to preserve
peace, and union, and harmony, in said county, and to use every
exertion to spread the love of country and fire of freedom through-
out America, until a more general and organized government be
established in this province.
A number of by-laws were also added, merely to protect the as-
sociation from confusion, and to regulate their general conduct as
citizens. After sitting in the court-house all night, neither sleepy,
hungry, nor fatigued, and after discussing every paragraph, they
were all passed, sanctioned, and declared, unanimously, about 2 a.m.,
May 20th. In a few days, a deputation of said delegation con-
vened, when Captain James Jack, of Charlotte, was deputed as ex-
press to the congress at Philadelphia, with a copy of said Resolves
RALEIGH REGISTER ARTICLE 441
and Proceedings, together with a letter addressed to our three rep- x*75
resentatives there, viz., Richard Caswell, William Hooper and
Joseph Hughes — under express injunction, personally, and through
the State representation, to use all possible means to have said pro-
ceedings sanctioned and approved by the general congress. On
the return of Captain Jack, the delegation learned that their pro-
ceedings were individually approved by the members of congress,
but that it was deemed premature to lay them before the house. A
joint letter from said three members of congress was also received,
complimentary of the zeal in the common cause, and recommending
perseverance, order and energy.
The subsequent harmony, unanimity, and exertion in the cause of
liberty and independence, evidently resulting from these regulations
and the continued exertion of said delegation, apparently tranquil-
lized this section of the State, and met with the concurrence and
high approbation of the Council of Safety, who held their sessions
at New Bern and Wilmington, alternately, and who confirmed the
nomination and acts of the delegation in their official capacity.
From this delegation originated the Court of Enquiry of this
county, who constituted and held their first session in Charlotte—
they then held their meetings regularly at Charlotte, at Colonel
James Harris's, and at Colonel Phifer's, alternately, one week at
each place. It was a civil court founded on military process. Be-
fore this judicature, all suspicious persons were made to appear,
who were formally tried and banished, or continued under guard.
Its jurisdiction was as unlimited as toryism, and its decrees as final
as the confidence and patriotism of the county. Several were ar-
rested and brought before them from Lincoln, Rowan and the ad-
jacent counties.
[The foregoing is a true copy of the papers on the above subject,
left in my hands by John McKnitt Alexander, deceased. I find it
mentioned on file that the original book was burned April, 1800.
That a copy of the proceedings was sent to Hugh Williamson, in
New York, then writing a "History of North Carolina," and that a
copy was sent to General W. R. Davie. /. McKnitt"]*
Shortly after the publication of this document in the Register, in
)8iq. Colonel William Polk, being interested, obtained certificates
from General George Graham, William Hutchison, Jonas Clark,
Robert Robinson and others, residents of Mecklenburg, corrobora-
tive of its authenticity, and further certifying that within a few
days after the adoption of the Resolves Captain Jack went as a mes-
senger to bear them to the Continental Congress.
♦Dr. Joseph McKnitt Alexander, son of John McKnitt Alexander,
used this signature.
442
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
«775
George
Graham
and others
The
protracted
meeting
The public
meeting
Captain
Jack
They certified on honor that :
"We were present in the town of Charlotte, in the said county
of Mecklenburg, on May 19, 1775. when two persons elected from
each captain's company in said county appeared as delegates, to take
into consideration the state of the country, and to adopt such meas-
ures as to them seem best. . . .
"The order for the election of delegates was given by Colonel
Thomas Polk, the commanding officer of the militia of the county,
with a request that their powers should be ample, touching any
measure that should be proposed. We do further certify and de-
clare that to the best of our recollection and belief, the delegation
was complete from every company, and that the meeting took place
in the court-house about 12 o'clock on the said day of May 19,
1775. when Abraham Alexander was chosen chairman, and Dr.
Ephraim Brevard, secretary. That the delegates continued in ses-
sion until in the night of that day; that on the 20th they again met,
when a committee, under the direction of the delegates, had formed
several Resolves, which were read, and which went to declare them-
selves, and the people of Mecklenburg County, free and independent
of the king and Parliament of Great Britain — and from that day
thenceforth all allegiance and political relation was absolved be-
tween the good people of Mecklenburg and the king of Great
Britain; which Declaration was signed by every member of the dele-
gation, under the shouts and huzzas of a very large assembly of the
people of the county, who had come to know the issue of the
meeting."
On December 7, 1819, Captain Jack made the following affidavit :
"Having seen in the newspapers some pieces respecting the Dec-
laration of Independence by the people of Mecklenburg County, in
the State of North Carolina in May, 1775, and being solicited to state
what I know of that transaction : I would observe that for sometime
previous to and at the time thore resolutions were agreed upon, I
resided in the town of Charlotte, Mecklenburg County; was privy
to a number of meetings of some of the most influential and leading
characters of that county on the subject, before the final adoption of
the resolutions — and at the time they were adopted ; among those
who appeared to take the lead may be mentioned Hezekiah Alex-
ander, who generally acted as chairman; John McKnitt Alexander,
as secretary; Abraham Alexander, Adam Alexander, Major John
Davidson, Major (afterward General) William Davidson, Colonel
Thomas Polk, Ezekiel Polk, Dr. Ephraim Brevard, Samuel Martin,
Duncan Ochletrec, William Willson, Robert Irvin.
"When the Resolutions were finally agreed on, they were publicly
TESTIMONY OF THE WITNESSES 443
proclaimed from the court-house door in the town of Charlotte, and 1775
were received with every demonstration of joy by the inhabitants. ""**
"I was then solicited to be the bearer of the proceedings to congress.
I set out the following month, say June, and in passing through
Salisbury, the general court was sitting. At the request of the court
I handed a copy of the Resolutions to Colonel Kennon, an attorney,
and they were read aloud in open court. Major William Davidson
and Mr. Avery, an attorney, called on me at my lodging the even-
ing after, and observed they had heard of but one person (a
Mr. Beard), but approved of them.
"I then proceeded on to Philadelphia and delivered the Mecklen-.
burg Declaration of Independence of May, 1775, to Richard Caswell
and William Hooper, the delegates to congress from the State of
North Carolina."
Other statements were made by men of the highest character,
all confirming the fact that there were proceedings in Mecklenburg
in May, 1775, relating to independence, and some giving the details
with great particularity.
On January 20, 1820, John Simeson wrote to Colonel William
Polk: "I have conversed with many of my old friends and others,
and all agree in the point, but few can state the particulars. . . .
Yourself, sir, in your eighteenth year and on the spot, your worthy
father, the most popular and influential character in the county, and
yet you cannot state much from recollection. Your father, as com- Simeson
manding officer of the county, issued orders to the captains to appoint
two men from each company to represent them in the committee. It
was done. Neill Morrison, John Flennigan, from this company;
Charles Alexander, John McKnitt Alexander, Hezekiah Alexander,
Abraham Alexander, Esq., John Phifer, David Reese, Adam Alex-
ander. Dickey Barry, John Queary, with others whose names I cannot
obtain. As to the names of those who drew up the Declaration, I
am inclined to think Dr. Brevard was the principal, from his
known talents in composition. It was, however, in substance and
form like that great National Act agreed on thirteen months after.
Ours was toward the close of May, 1775. In addition to what I
have said, the same committee appointed three men to secure all
the military stores for the county's use — Thomas Polk, John Phifer,
and Joseph Kennedy. I was under arms near the head of the line,
near Colonel Polk, and heard him distinctly read a long string of
grievances, the Declaration and military order above/'*
*The accuracy of the memory of this witness, Mr. Simeson, in one
particular at least is remarkable. By the last of the resolves of
May 31st, Colonel Thomas Polk and Dr. Joseph Kennedy were
appointed to purchase ammunition, as the witness recollected after
the lapse of forty-five years.
444
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
*775
Cummins
Davie copy
The State
Pamphlet
Joseph
McKnitt
Alexander's
certificate,
Hoyt, 135
Francis Cummins wrote in 1819 to Mr. Macon : "At length, in the
same year, 1775, I think — at least positively before July 4, 1776—
the males generally of that county met on a certain day at Charlotte,
and from the head of the court-house door proclaimed independence
on English government, by their herald, Colonel Thomas Polk. I
was present and saw and heard it."
In November, 1820, General Davie died, and there was found
among his papers a manuscript copy of the proceedings at Charlotte,
in the handwriting of John McKnitt Alexander, to which was ap-
pended the note above printed to the effect that "the foregoing
statement, though fundamentally correct, yet may not literally cor-
respond with the original records, as all those records and papers
were burned with the house on April 6, 1800."
This "Davie copy" was then sent to the son, Dr. Joseph McKnitt
Alexander, who preserved it. It was the same as the document
published in the Raleigh Register except some slight verbal differ-
ences.
The resolutions thus presented to the public as those adopted at
Charlotte in May, 1775, were without hesitation accepted in North
Carolina as authentic and genuine. But Mr. Jefferson and Mr.
Adams denied their authenticity. Therefore, other affidavits and
certificates were procured, and a committee of the General Assembly
was appointed "to examine, collate and arrange such documents as
relate to the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence" ; and at the
session of 1830-31 it reported that "by the publication of these papers
it will be fully verified that as early as the month of May, I775» a
portion of the people of North Carolina . . . did by a public and
solemn act declare the dissolution of the ties which bound them to
the Crown and people of Great Britain, and did establish an inde-
pendent, though temporary government for their own control and
direction." Their report was directed to be published by the State.
The original documents found by Dr. Joseph McKnitt (Alexander)
were submitted to this committee, passed into the hands of the state
authorities for a time, appear to have been returned, but subsequently
came into the possession of Governor David L. Swain. They consisted
of a torn half-sheet of paper, on which were written some notes in
the handwriting of John McKnitt Alexander, being apparently
rough first attempts to reproduce statements and resolutions: this
half-sheet being stitched to a full sheet (containing substantially the
paper published in the Raleigh Register, and also furnished to Gen-
eral Davie), which was in an unknown handwriting. These papers
were accompanied by a certificate as follows: "The sheet and torn
half-sheet to which this is attached (the sheet is evidently cor-
rected in two places by John McKnitt Alexander, as marked on
THE DAVIE COPY 445
it— the half-sheet is in his own handwriting) were found after the »77S
death of John McKnitt Alexander in his old mansion-house in the *"*""
centre of a roll of old pamphlets, viz. : 'an address on public liberty,
printed Philadelphia, 1774'; one 'on the disputes with G. Britain,
printed 1775* ; one 'on State affairs, printed at Hillsboro, 1788' ; and
'an address on Federal policy to the citizens of N. C, a 1788'; and
the 'Journal of the Provincial Congress of N. C, a held at Hallifax,
the 4 of April, 1776/ which papers have been in my possession ever
since.
"Certified November 25, 1830.
"J. McKnitt/'*
Among the certificates then published was one from Samuel Wil- Wilson
son: "I do hereby certify that in May, 1775, a committee or dele-
gation from the different militia companies in this county met in
Charlotte, and after consulting together they publicly declared their
independence on Great Britain and on her government. This was
done before a large collection of people who highly approved of it
I was then and there present and heard it read from the court-house
door."
John Davidson on October 5, 1830, wrote: "As I am perhaps the Davidson
only person living who was a member of that convention, and being
far advanced in years, and not having my mind frequently directed to
that circumstance for some years, I can give you but a very succinct
history of that transaction. There were two men chosen from each
captain's company to meet in Charlotte to take the subject into
consideration. John McKnitt Alexander and myself were chosen
from one company ; and many other members were there that I now
recollect whose names I deem unnecessary to mention. When the
members met and were perfectly organized for business, a motion
was made to declare ourselves independent of the Crown of Great
Britain, which was carried by a large majority. Dr. Ephraim Brevard
was then appointed to give us a sketch of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, which he did. James Jack was appointed to take it on to
the American Congress. . . . When Jack returned he stated that the
Declaration was presented to Congress, and the reply was that they
highly esteemed the patriotism of the citizens of Mecklenburg, but
they thought the measure too premature. I am confident that the
Declaration of Independence by the people of Mecklenburg was made
public at least twelve months before that of the Congress of the
United States."
*W. H. Hoyt's work on "The Mecklenburg Declaration of Inde-
pendence," 1907, where both the notes on the half sheet and the
writing on the full sheet are reproduced from the Bancroft manu-
scripts.
446
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
raham
The public
meeting
Out of
protection
The public
meeting
Hunter's
statement
General Joseph Graham wrote October 4, 1830: "Agreeably to your
request I will give you the details of the Mecklenburg Declaration of
Independence on May 20, 1775, as well as I can recollect after a
lapse of fifty-five years. I was then a lad about half grown, was
present on that occasion (a looker on).
"During the winter and spring preceding that event, several popu-
lar meetings of the people were held in Charlotte, two of which I
attended. Papers were read, grievances stated and public measures
discussed. ... On May 20, 1775, besides the two persons elected
from each militia company (usually called committee-men), a much
larger number of citizens attended in Charlotte than at any former
meeting — perhaps half the men in the county. The news of the bat-
tle of Lexington, April 19th preceding, had arrived. There appeared
among the people much excitement. The committee were organized
in the court-house by appointing Abraham Alexander, Esq., chair-
man and John McKnitt Alexander, Esq., clerk, or secretary to the
meeting. After reading a number of papers as usual, and much ani-
mated discussion, the question was taken, and they resolved to de-
clare themselves independent.
"One among other reasons offered, that the king or ministry had,
by proclamation or some edict, declared the colonies out of the pro-
tection of the British crown ; they ought, therefore, to declare them-
selves out of his protection and resolve on independence. That their
proceedings might be in due form, a sub-committee, consisting of
Dr. Ephraim Brevard, a Mr. Kcnnon, an attorney, and a third
person whom I do not recollect, were appointed to draft their dec-
laration. . . . The sub-committee appointed to draft the resolutions
returned, and Dr. Ephraim Brevard read their report, as near
as I can recollect, in the very words we have since seen them several
times in print. It was unanimously adopted, and shortly afterward
it was moved and seconded to have proclamation made, and the
people collected, that the proceedings be read at the court-house
door, in order that all might hear them. It was done and they were
received with enthusiasm. It was then proposed by some one aloud,
to give three cheers and throw up their hats. It was immediately
adopted and the hats thrown. ..."
In a memoir of his life Rev. Humphrey Hunter,* who was present
at the meeting in Charlotte, being then twenty years of age, and
deeply interested, says : "Orders were presently issued by Colonel
*"This memoir is dated in 1827 and appears to be a response to a
request made by Dr. Alexander (Joseph McKnitt). and thus loses,
in some degree, the authority to which it miijht otherwise have been
entitled had it been a contemporaneous production." (Address of
R. M. Saunders, 1852.) Hunter was then seventy-two years of age.
He died August 21, 1827.
STATEMENTS OF GRAHAM AND HUNTER 447
Thos. Polk to the several militia companies, that two men, selected *775
from each corps, should meet at the court-house on May 19, 1775, The moving:
in order to consult with each other upon such measures as might c:,use
be thought best to be pursued. Accordingly on said day a far larger
number than two out of each company were present. . . . Then a
full, a free, and dispassionate discussion obtained on the various
subjects for which the delegation had been convened, and the fol-
lowing resolutions were unanimously adopted: [Resolutions like
those published in the Register.] . . . Then a select committee was
appointed to report on the ensuing day a full and definite statement
of grievances, together with a more correct and formal draft of
the Declaration of Independence. These proceedings having been
thus arranged and somewhat in readiness for promulgation, the
delegates then adjourned until to-morrow, at 12 o'clock. May 20th,
at 12 o'clock, the delegation, as above, had convened. The select
committee were also present and reported agreeably to instructions,
viz. : a statement of grievances and formal draft of the Declaration
of Independence, written by Ephraim Brevard, chairman of the said
committee, and read by him to the delegation. The resolves, by-
laws and regulations were read by John McKnitt Alexander. . . .
There was not a dissenting voice. Finally, the whole proceedings The public
were read distinctly and audibly at the court-house door, by Colonel meetln*
Thomas Polk, to a large, respectable and approving assemblage of
citizens who were present and gave sanction to the business of the
day."
The accuracy of the statements made in the manuscripts found
by Dr. Joseph McKnitt Alexander was for a generation unquestioned
in North Carolina. It was only after the discovery of the contem-
poraneous publication of other resolutions, adopted at Charlotte on
May 31, 1775, of similar import, that any suggestion of inaccuracy
arose.
In 1838 a Pennsylvania newspaper of 1775 was found containing Resolves of
several resolutions adopted at Charlotte on May 31, 1775; and in ^\^0^ld
1847, a copy of the South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal,
published at Charleston, of the date of June 16, 1775, was found.
It contained a full series of resolutions adopted at Charlotte, May
31, 1775. Later other papers were found containing, in part, the
same resolutions. No contemporaneous reference to any other res-
olutions than those of May 31st has ever been discovered.
After the Resolves of May 31st were brought to light in 1847
many persons believed that they were the only ones adopted at
Charlotte, while others adhered to their belief in the genuineness
of the "Declaration of May 20th." The subject has been ably dis-
cussed by some of the most eminent of our citizens. The original
448
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
Hoyt,
The
Mecklen-
papers, the half sheet in the handwriting of John McKnitt Alexan-
der, the full sheet in the unknown handwriting, the Davie copy
with its certificate, and other documents connected with the subject
passed into the hands of Governor D. L. Swain, but are now lost
Recently a copy of the North Carolina Gazette, published at New
Bern June 16, 1775, was found, containing the Resolves of May 31st,
and a transcript of the same Resolves, published in the Cape Fear
Mercury, probably in the issue of June 23, 1775, sent to England by
Governor Josiah Martin, has been found and published. It is to
be observed that at the period of the first publication there was
no question as to the particular details, and the witnesses gave testi-
Indf, st?'0 mony concerning the general subject that in May, 1775, there were
proceedings in Mecklenburg declaring independence.
Some described the public meeting at which the resolutions were
proclaimed by Colonel Polk; others did not mention that meeting.
The Alexander document of 1800 states that the delegates met on
May 19th and continued in session until 2 o'clock on the morning
of the 20th, when the resolutions were adopted, and makes no
reference to any public meeting. Rev. Humphrey Hunter states
that the meeting was on the 19th, and on the 20th there was the
public proclamation. General George Graham and several others
testify, to the best of their recollection and belief, that the meeting
was on the 19th and that there was a public meeting on the 20th.
General Joseph Graham says that the delegates met on the 20th
and that the resolutions were adopted, and shortly afterward were
proclaimed. Other witnesses give an account of the public meeting.
Many merely say that the proceedings were in May, 1775.
The evidence shows that there were some meetings of the leading
citizens; that Colonel Polk caused the election of two men from
each militia district, who met in Charlotte in May; that there was
a protracted meeting extending into the night ; that the next day the
resolutions having been adopted were proclaimed at a large public
meeting by Colonel Polk and were received with enthusiasm.
General Joseph Graham says: "One among other reasons offered
was that the king or ministry had by proclamation or some edict
declared the colonies out of the protection of the British Crown."
That idea finds expression in the preamble to the Resolves of May
31st published at the time, and is not referred to in the Alexander
document of 1800.
Mr.. Si meson says: "In addition to what I have said, the same
committee appointed three men to secure all the military stores for
the county's use — Thomas Polk, John Phifer and Joseph Kennedy.
I was under arms near the head of the line, near Colonel Polk, and
heard him distinctly read a long string of grievances, the declara-
The
Resolves of
May 31st fit
the
description
CONTEMPORANEOUS PUBLICATIONS 449
tion, and military order above." The resolution appointing Colonel 177s
Polk and Dr. Joseph Kennedy a committee to get ammunition, ~*~
as recalled by the witness, is the last of the Resolves of May 31st,
and is not a part of the document of 1800. The testimony of Gen-
eral Graham and Mr. Si me son connects the public meeting with the
Resolves of May 31st
These and other circumstances lead to the belief that inasmuch What the
as none of the witnesses speak of two public meetings, at which proves
Colonel Polk proclaimed independence, there was but one such
meeting; and the Resolutions which he read were those of May 31st,
published on June 13th in Charleston; June 16th in New Bern and
June 23d at Wilmington, and in part, in the northern papers. If
there was any other public meeting, it is not mentioned by any one.
If there were any other Resolutions ever adopted and proclaimed, no
copy was preserved.
Governor Swain thus speaks of the Davie copy : "It was not taken
from the record ; it is not shown to be a copy of a copy, or that there
was a copy extant in September, 1800."
The author in seeking to give effect to all statements as far as
they can be made to consist, follows those witnesses who state that
the delegates convened on the day previous to the public meeting.
He follows those who give an account of the public meeting, and
he accepts the contemporaneous publication of the proceedings as
fixing the day, and as containing the resolutions, or action taken, that
being the only contemporaneous evidence.
Variations in recollection, after the passage of forty or fifty years,
may be expected; and no witness, after forty years had passed,
would probably undertake to repeat from memory a set of Resolu-
tions of which he had never seen a written copy.
The great leading fact is the public meeting and its incidents, the
Resolves adopted and ratified by the people and published to the
world as the action of Mecklenburg.
With reference to the difference in dates, it may be observed Tne«lay.
J not then in
that Rev. Mr. Hunter, who, when writing his memoirs, appears to question
have copied from Alexander's document of 1800, putting the meet-
ing on the 19th of May, states that on that memorable day he
was twenty years and fourteen days of age; and he also states that
he was born on the 14th day of May, 1755. That would seem to
make the date the 28th day of May.
If when the Alexander document was being prepared, the date
was not ascertained from any record, but was calculated, and the
calculation was based on the birthday of a person born previous to
1752. perhaps the eleven days' difference between the Old and
New Style may account for Alexander's variation from the true
450 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
*775 date stated in the contemporaneous publications. Some of the wit-
nesses appear to have followed the Alexander document as to the
date — a matter then of minor importance.
It is further to be noted that while the Alexander document dif-
fers from the published resolutions in language, yet it embraces the
same subject matter, and the purpose seems to have been to give an
account of the same transaction and event
The preamble of the resolutions of May 31st, "To provide in
some degree for the exigencies of the county in the present alarm-
ing period," accords with the purposes of the election of the dele-
gates stated by the witnesses as leading to the meeting.
THE RESOLVES OF MAY 31 ST.
(From the North Carolina Gazette, June 16, 1775. Published at
New Bern.)
Charlotte Town, Mecklenburg County, May 31st
The action This day the committee met, and passed the following Resolves:
public Whereas, By an address presented to his Majesty by both houses
meeting Qf parijament jn February last, the American colonies are declared
to be in a state of actual rebellion, we conceive that all laws and
commissions confirmed by, or derived from, the authority of the
king or Parliament are annulled and vacated, and the former civil
constitution of these colonies for the present wholly suspended. To
provid#e in some degree for the exigencies of this county in the
present alarming period, we deem it proper and necessary to pass
the following Resolves, viz. :
I. That all commissions, civil and military, heretofore granted
by the Crown to be exercised in these colonies, are null and void,
and the constitution of each particular colony wholly suspended.
II. That the provincial congress of each province, under the direc-
tion of the great continental congress, is invested with all legislative
and executive powers within their respective provinces, and that no
other legislative or executive power does or can exist at this time in
any of these colonies.
III. As all former laws are now suspended in this province, and
the congress has not yet provided others, we judge it necessary for
the better preservation of good order, to form certain rules and
regulations for the internal government of this county, until laws
shall be provided for us by the congress.
IV. That the inhabitants of this county do meet on a certain day
appointed by this committee, and having formed themselves into
nine companies (to wit: eight for the county, and one for the town
of Charlotte), do choose a colonel and other military officers, who
THE RESOLVES OF MAY 31, 1775 451
shall hold and exercise their several powers by virtue of this choice, *775
and independent of Great Britain, and former constitution of this ~*~
province.
V. That for the better preservation of the peace and administra-
tion of justice, each of those companies do choose from their own
body two discreet freeholders, who shall be empowered each by
himself, and singly, to decide and determine all matters of contro-
versy arising within the said company, under the sum of twenty
shillings, and jointly and together all controversies under the sum
of forty shillings, yet so as their decisions may admit of appeal to
the convention of the select men of the whole county ; and also, that
any one of these shall have power to examine and commit to con-
finement persons accused of petit larceny.
VI. That those two select men, thus chosen, do, jointly and to-
gether, choose from the body of their particular company two per-
sons, properly qualified to serve as constables, who may assist them
in the execution of their office.
VII. That upon the complaint of any persons to either of these
select men, he do issue his warrant, directed to the constable, com-
manding him to bring the aggressor before him or them to answer
the said complaint.
VIII. That these select eighteen select men thus appointed do
meet every third Tuesday in January, April, July, and October, at
the court-house in Charlotte, to hear and determine all matters of
controversy for sums exceeding forty shillings, also appeals; and
in cases of felony, to commit the person or persons convicted
thereof to close confinement until the provincial congress shall pro-
vide and establish laws and modes of proceeding in such cases.
IX. That these eighteen select men, thus convened, do choose a
clerk, to record the transactions of the said convention; and that
the said clerk, upon the application of any person or persons ag-
grieved, do issue his warrant to one of the constables to summons
and warn the said offender to appear before the convention at their
next sitting, to answer the aforesaid complaint.
X. That any person making complaint, upon oath, to the clerk,
or any member of the convention, that he has reason to suspect
that any person or persons indebted to him in a sum above forty
shillings do intend clandestinely to withdraw from the county with-
out paying the debt ; the clerk, or such member, shall issue his war-
rant to the constable, commanding him to take the said person or per-
sons into safe custody, until the next sitting of the convention.
XI. That when a debtor for a sum above forty shillings shall
abscond and leave the county, the warrant granted as aforesaid shall
extend to any goods or chattels of the said debtor as may be found,
452 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
UJ* and such goods or chattels be seized and held in custody by the
constable for the space of thirty days, in which term, if the debtor
fail to return and discharge the debt, the constable shall return the
warrant to one of the select men of the company where the goods
were found, who shall issue orders to the constable to sell such a
part of the said goods as shall amount to the sum due; that when
the debt exceeds forty shillings, the return shall be made to the
convention, who shall issue the orders for sale.
XII. That receivers and collectors for quit rents, public and
county taxes, do pay the same into the hands of the chairman of
this committee, to be by them disbursed as the public exigencies may
require. And that such receivers and collectors proceed no further
in their office until they be approved of by, and have given to this
committee good and sufficient security for a faithful return of such
moneys when collected.
XIII. That the committee be accountable to the county for the
application of all moneys received from such officers.
XIV. That all these officers hold their commissions during the
pleasure of their respective constituents.
XV. That this committee will sustain all damages that may ever
hereafter accrue to all or any of these officers thus appointed, and
thus acting, on account of their obedience and conformity to these
Resolves.
XVI. That whatever person shall hereafter receive a commission
from the Croivn, or attempt to exercise any such commission here-
tofore received, shall be deemed an enemy to his country; and upon
information being made to the captain of the company where he
resides, the said captain shall cause him to be apprehended and
conveyed before the two select men of the said company, who,
upon proof of the fact, shall commit him the said offender into safe
custody, until the next sitting of the convention, who shall deal
with him as prudence may direct.
XVII. That any person refusing to yield obedience to the above
Resolves shall be deemed equally criminal, and liable to the same
punishment, as the offenders above last mentioned.
XVIII. That these Resolves be in full force and virtue until in-
structions from the general congress of this province, regulating
the jurisprudence of this province, shall provide otherwise, or the
legislative body of Great Britain resign its unjust and arbitrary pre-
tensions with respect to America.
XIX. That the several militia companies in this county do pro-
vide themselves with proper arms and accoutrements, and hold
themselves in constant readiness to execute the commands and direc-
tions of the provincial congress, and of this committee.
THE DOCUMENT SENT TO ENGLAND
453
XX. That this committee do appoint Colonel Thomas Polk and
Dr. Joseph Kennedy to purchase 300 pounds of powder, 600 pounds
of lead, and 1000 flints; and deposit the same in some safe place
hereafter to be appointed by the committee.
Signed by order of the committee,
Eph. Brevard,
Clerk of the committee.
Extract from Report of Historical Manuscripts Commission, Four-
teenth Annual Report, Appendix, part X (1895); Presented to
both Houses of Parliament by Command of her Majesty.
(Manuscripts Earl of Dartmouth, vol. II., Amer. Papers, p. 323:)
North Carolina
N. D. (May 31, 1775) resolutions (20) of a committee of the county
of Mecklenburg in North Carolina, signed at Charlotte Town, by
order of the committee, Ephraim Brevard. Suspending all laws
and commissions given by the Crown, and proposing measures to
establish a government for the province.
Four folio pages.
Endorsed: In Governor Martin's of June 30, 1775. No. 34. Mntb°Py
W. H. Hoyt, "The Mecklenburg Declaration," at page 276, gives a Governor
copy of these Resolves, transmitted by Governor Martin. They are
the Resolves of May 31, 1775.
Martin
Extracts from the records of Mecklenburg County
April, 1775,
North Carolina,
Mecklenburg County.
At an Inferior Court of Pleas and Quar-
ter Sessions begun and held for the
county of Mecklenburg, on the third Tues-
J day in April, 1775.
Present the Worshipful
Robert Harris, J
Hezekiah Alexander, v Esqrs.
Robert Irwin. )
July, 1775, J At an Inferior Court of Pleas and Quar-
North Carolina, v ter Sessions begun and held in the said
Mecklenburg County. ) county, on the third Tuesday in July, 1775.
Present the Worshipful
Robert Harris,
Abraham Alexander, y Esqrs.
Robert Irwin.
The king's
justices in
Mecklen-
burg
454 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
•*• j Z e,\ r Same as above.
3d Tuesday. j
January 1776, | Same as above
3d Tuesday, j
J \ 1*' j ' !■ Same as above.
3d Tuesday. j
Conditions in May
At Philadelphia the North Carolina deputies were carried
away by the enthusiasm that pervaded the northern colonies.
Hooper wrote to Harnett and to Sam Johnston urging the
necessity of having a provincial convention immediately after
the adjournment of the general congress, and apprehensions
were expressed lest North Carolina should delay too long
the organization of troops. But even then companies were
being formed throughout the province, and in Rowan, Meck-
lenburg, Tryon and in other counties public action emanated
from the militia districts.
Mecklenburg declares independence
Indeed, so far from the people of North Carolina being
indifferent or supine, a step forward was now taken
in Mecklenburg County that was far in advance of the
desires of either Hooper, Hewes, or Caswell, or their asso-
ciates in congress. It was a declaration of independence,
In March and April there had been many meetings of the
Committee of Safety in Mecklenburg. The occupation of
Boston by a hostile British army was a thorn in the flesh.
The inhabitants of that town were suffering from their
adherence to the rights of America, and again the cry rang
throughout Mecklenburg that the cause of Boston was the
cause of all. In May came the exciting news that Parlia-
ment in its address to the king had declared the colonies in
rebellion, and therefore out of the protection of the law.
The leaders felt that a storm was about to burst on the
heads of the patriotic people. It was determined to prepare
for it. Public meetings were held in various parts of the
country, and the prevailing sentiment was found to be one
of resolution. After conference, Colonel Thomas Polk, the
commanding officer of the county, called for an election of
two representatives from each of the nine militia districts of
MECKLENBURG ACTS 455
the county to take into consideration the state of the country xjn
and to adopt such measures as seemed necessary to safe-
guard their liberties. The election was held and amid great ^gJSS,.
excitement the delegates convened at Charlotte, and with gjjjjj0*
them came their friends and neighbors, so that nearly one-
half of all the arms-bearing men of the county assembled in
that little hamlet. As great as was the occasion, the excite-
ment was largely increased by the arrival of the news of the
battle of Lexington, which had swept through the country
like a whirlwind, stirring the people to the profoundest
depths. To the meeting came all the leading inhabitants,
the Polks, Alexanders, Brevards, Davidsons, and all who
were leaders in thought and action. They met on the 30th meetfng**
day of May, in the court-house, and Abraham Alexander
was called to the chair. A number of papers were read.
Stress was laid on the action of Parliament declaring the
colonies in rebellion. As they were held to be rebels, the
leaders urged that they should renounce their allegiance
and declare themselves independent. An objection was
made: If we resolve on independence, how shall we be
absolved from the oath of allegiance we took after the Regu-
lation battle? With hot indignation the answer came —
That allegiance and protection were reciprocal; when pro-
tection was withdrawn, allegiance ceased. Independence statement
was resolved on, and a committee composed of Dr. Graham*
Ephraim Brevard and others was appointed to prepare the
resolutions. The discussion continued far into the night,
and then the delegates adjourned to reassemble at noon.
At twelve o'clock the following day, the delegates again met May 3JSt,
and the resolutions prepared by Dr. Brevard were read and ay
adopted.
It was resolved that all commissions granted by the
Crown were null and void ; that no other authority than that
of the Continental Congress and the provincial congresses
existed in any of the colonies ; that military officers should independ-
be elected who should hold their offices independent of Great
Britain, and an independent local government was provided
for.
These bold resolutions having been adopted by the dele-
gates, it was determined that the action taken should be
456
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
May
Statements
of Simeson,
Cummins,
Graham,
Hunter
proclaimed at the court-house door, and be formally an-
nounced to the people, who, animated by ardor, patriotism
and excitement, had come together in great numbers to par-
ticipate in the proceedings of the day. Colonel Polk, the
leader in the measure, standing on the high steps of the
court-house, read the resolutions to the eager crowd ; and the
people with much enthusiasm approved and endorsed this
first assertion of independence. As a manifestation of their
approval cheers were given, hats were thrown into the air,
and with enthusiastic applause the people ratified the great
action taken by the delegates. Mecklenburg thus first gave
expression to that spirit of independence which later
developed elsewhere, finally leading to a total abandonment
of all desire for reconciliation with the mother country.
By these Resolves all laws and commissions emanating
from the royal government were annulled, and the former
civil constitutions of the colonies were declared wholly sus-
pended ; and also it was declared that no other power existed
in any of the provinces but the provincial congresses under
the direction of the Continental Congress.
It being decreed that all laws, commissions, and authority
were abrogated, there was established a new government to
replace the old one. The plan provided that the inhabitants
of the county should form themselves into nine military com-
panies, and choose a colonel and other military officers, who
should hold their power by virtue of the people's choice, and
independent of the Crown and of the former constitution of
the province; that each of these companies should appoint
two freeholders to exercise judicial functions under the
name of "selectmen" ; that these eighteen "selectmen" should
hold a court for the county, and should meet at Charlotte
quarterly for that purpose.
It was further decreed that any person thereafter receiv-
ing any commission from the Crown, or attempting to exer-
cise any commission theretofore received, should be deemed
an enemy to the country and should be apprehended. All
public moneys collected were to be paid to the chairman of
the Committee of Safety; the military companies were to
hold themselves in readiness to execute the commands of the
general congress and of the committee of the county, and
The
independent
government
THE IMPRESSION PRODUCED 457
Colonel Thomas Polk and Dr. Joseph Kennedy were directed w
to purchase a supply of ammunition.
Those who appeared to take the lead in the proceedings statement
resulting in this action, according to the recollection of James ReSultST'
Jack, were Hezekiah Alexander, who generally acted as **
chairman ; John McKnitt Alexander, as secretary ; Abraham
Alexander, Adam Alexander, Major John Davidson, Major
William Davidson, Colonel Thomas Polk, Ezekiel Polk,
Dr. Ephraim Brevard, Samuel Martin, Duncan Ochletree,
William Willson, and Robert Irvin. Others mentioned Theact0"
were Waightstill Avery, William Kennon, William Graham,
John Flenniken, James Harris and David Reece.
These Resolutions of the people of Mecklenburg com-
pletely overthrowing the colonial government and establish-
ing a free and independent government founded on the will
of the people, were published on June 16, 1775, at New Bern,
in the North Carolina Gazette, and on June 13th in
the newspaper at Charleston, and in the Cape Fear Mer-
cury, published at Wilmington, probably in its issue of
June 23d. Their publication produced a profound impres-
sion. The action at Mecklenburg, indeed, stirred the hearts
of the patriot leaders and awoke enthusiasm in the breasts
of their associates throughout the colony, while they aroused
the ire of Governor Martin and caused dismay among the
adherents of the Crown.
Wright, the royal governor of Georgia, hastened,
June 20th, to transmit a copy of the Charleston paper to
England, and Governor Martin forwarded the Cape Fear
Mercury, saying: "I daily see indignantly the sacred majesty c r., x,
of my royal master insulted, ... his government set at naught 47« 48
. . . and the whole constitution unhinged and prostrate, and
I live, alas! ingloriously only to deplore it. The Resolves
of the committee of Mecklenburg, which your Lordship
will find in the enclosed newspaper, surpass all the horrid
and treasonable publications that the inflammatory spirits of
this continent have yet produced. ... A copy of these Re-
solves, I am informed, were sent off by express to the con-
gress at Philadelphia as soon as they were passed in the
committee." And on June 25th, two days after the publica-
tion at Wilmington, and as soon as he could convene the
458 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
™ council at Fort Johnston, he brought to its attention "the late
?« * ' X' a8 most treasonable publication of a committee in the county
of Mecklenburg, explicitly renouncing obedience to his
Majesty's government and all lawful authority whatsoever" ;
and on August 8th, in a proclamation, he said : "I have also
seen a most infamous publication in the Cape Fear Mercury
importing to be resolves of a set of people styling themselves
a committee for the county of Mecklenburg most traitor-
ously declaring the entire dissolution of the laws, govern-
c. r., x, ment, and constitution of this country, and setting up a sys-
144 tern of rule and regulation repugnant to the laws and sub-
versive of his Majesty's government."
The Mecklenburg committee, conscious of the important
advance they had made, determined to send a messenger post
haste with their resolutions to the congress at Philadelphia.
James Jack, young and vigorous, and a determined patriot,
undertook the task. At Salisbury, on Thursday, June 1st,
Colonel Alexander Martin, who had been appointed by Gov-
ernor Martin a judge under the temporary act creating
courts of oyer and terminer, opened a term of his court.*
Colonel Martin was a deputy from Guilford to the second
provincial convention, which had recently adjourned, was an
earnest patriot, and, together with the other delegates, had
signed the association of the Continental Congress. On the
same day the Committee of Safety of Rowan also met at
c. rm x, Salisbury. Rowan differed from Mecklenburg, as a much
larger proportion of its inhabitants had been Regulators
and were bound by the oath imposed by Governor Tryon,
and the Rowan committee sought by moderate resolutions to
♦The charge of Judge Alexander Martin at this term of the court
has been preserved (the South Carolina Gazette and Country Jour-
nal of July 11, 1775). In it he extolled the right of trial by jury,
"which our glorious ancestors waded through seas of blood to obtain,
and compelled even majesty to ratify by that sacred paladium of
British liberties, the Grand Charter. This, with other peculiar rights
and privileges, the sovereigns of Britain through a long series of
ages have plighted their faith by a most solemn oath to maintain ;
and for this kingly protection the subject has bound himself by as
solemn a tie to hold allegiance and obedience to them so long as
they shall continue to hold forth, secure and defend these choice,
incalculable blessings to their people ; this is that great, that recipro-
cal union between the king and the people." The judge inveighed
against popish recusants. "Let me dismiss you, then, gentlemen,"
he said, "with this serious injunction: to support and defend, as far
RECEPTION OF THE RESOLVES
459
induce the co-operation of those not inclined to adhere to the lJJ»
cause of the colonies. The committee, not yet having infor- £>«« »£ ^
mation of any proceedings at Charlotte, wrote an elaborate
address to the committee of Mecklenburg requesting an ac-
count of their proceedings, promising a like return on their
part, and beseeching them by the ties of their common Prot-
estant religion to exert themselves for the maintenance of
their chartered rights. But before the court had ended, and
it adjourned on Tuesday, June 6th, Captain Jack reached
Salisbury on his way to Philadelphia. At the request of
the court, he handed a copy of the Resolutions to Colonel
Kennon, and they were read aloud in open court. That jjJJJ^"
evening Major William Davidson and Waightstill Avery statement
called at the lodgings of Captain Jack and informed him that
they had heard of but one person, Mr. Beard, a prominent
attorney and a cautious man, who did not approve of them.
Captain Jack proceeded to Philadelphia and delivered the
Resolutions to Caswell and Hooper, North Carolina delegates
in congress.
On the publication of the Resolves at New Bern, Richard
Cogdell, the chairman of the Committee of Safety, for-
warded the newspaper to Caswell, at Philadelphia, saying: Letters at
"You will observe the Mecklenburg Resolves exceed all other Haye*
committees or the congress itself." About a week later, on
June 27th, Samuel Johnston, on whom rested the mantle of
the lamented Harvey, wrote to Joseph Hewes, at Philadel-
phia : "Tom Polk, too, is raising a very pretty spirit in the
back country (see the newspapers). He has gone a little
farther than I would choose to have gone, but perhaps no
farther than necessary." That it was generally understood
that these Resolves constituted a declaration of independence,
while establishing a new government, is evident from the
records of the Moravian Church at Bethania of events
occurring during the year 1775. "I cannot but remark at
as in you lies, the constitution and the laws of your country, the
just prerogatives of the Crown and the declared rights of the people.
This is liberty, this is loyalty; do you thus, loyal gentlemen, and you
will be free." The address, while asserting loyalty, touched on those
points that were particularly a cause of excitement among the Pres-
byterians of the west, and.gave prominence to the idea of a reciprocal
union between the king and the people, which if broken on one side,
freed the other from allegiance.
460 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
XJ™ the end of the 1775th year," wrote the annalist, "during the
liSSirt11 summer of this year, that in the month of May or June the
county of Mecklenburg, in North Carolina, declared itself
free and independent of England, and made such arrange-
ments for the administration of justice, which proceeding the
Continental Congress at this time considered premature;
afterward, however, the Continental Congress later extended
same over the whole country."*
The Mecklenburg Resolves carried to Philadelphia were not
officially brought to the attention of congress, and no ref-
erence was made to them in the proceedings of that body, f
The congress was not prepared for the step taken. As yet
the government of king and Parliament was recognized as
lawfully subsisting, and congress, the provincial assemblies
and conventions were still protesting in solemn form un-
swerving allegiance, as faithful subjects, to their king and
country.
The avowed purpose was still complete reconciliation;
and this was not yet a forlorn hope, for America-was not
without friends in England. As congress saw it on one
side stood the deceived monarch, his irate "ministers of state,
the profligate part of the nobility, and the corrupt majority
in England of the House of Commons ; these drag an army to blow up
the blaze of civil war." On the other, a prince of the blood,
the most illustrious among the nobility, the most eloquent
and virtuous commoners, the city of London and the body
of the English nation — these being the affectionate friends
c. r., x, 57 of America and of liberty. Distinguished officers retired
from the army rather than lift a hand to crush liberty in
America, saying the result must needs be the destruction
♦Translation from the diary of Bethany Church, written in German,
furnished the author by Rev. J. H. Clewell, principal of Salem
Female Academy. The statement made, that the Continental Con-
gerss extended same over the whole country, must have reference
to the establishment of local government by committees independent
of the Crown, unless the annalist wrote after 1776. Miss Fries, of
Salem, who has investigated the subject, asserts that he wrote in 1782.
tAlthough the newspapers at Philadelphia were strongly for the
Whigs, they did not reproduce the Mecklenburg resolves from the
Carolina newspapers, while other papers at the north did. This leads
to the belief that Congress sought their suppression as being out of
harmony with its purposes. (Hoyt's "The Mecklenburg Declara-
tion," 80.)
MECKLENBURG AHEAD OF THE TIMES 461
of liberty in Britain and the establishment of tyranny and 'J**
despotism on the ruins of the British constitution. The
mayor and aldermen of London presented a remonstrance J«»e
to the king, expressing their abhorrence of the measures
being pursued to the oppression of their fellow-subjects in
America; but his Majesty rolled under his tongue the word
"rebellion" — for the Parliament had declared that the col-
onies were in a state of rebellion — and the royal purpose
was to crush them into submission.
Yet congress still hoped by the aid of friends in England S^JjJJJS"
to secure a restoration of former conditions with a recog- for.juiygth
nition of the traditional rights of the American colonies.
On July 8th, after a dutiful address to his Majesty, reassert-
ing their allegiance, congress issued an address to the inhab-
itants of Great Britain : "We are accused of aiming at inde- £• R ., x,
pendence. . . . Give us leave most solemnly to assure you
that we have not yet lost sight of the object we have ever
had in view — a reconciliation with you on constitutional
principles. . . . We have . . . again presented an humble
and dutiful petition to our sovereign, and, to remove every
imputation of obstinacy, have requested his Majesty to direct
some mode by which the united applications of his faithful
colonists may be improved into a happy and permanent
reconciliation/'
The voice of Mecklenburg was thus out of harmony with
the solemn declarations of congress, and no notice was taken
of that first advance into the realm of independence — the
annulling of the old constitution and of colonial laws and the
ordaining of an independent government by the people
themselves as the only source of power and sovereignty.
But while congress hoped for peace, it was to be on terms APPrehen-
satisfactory to America. To wring concessions from the
imperious ministry, a bold and defiant front was necessary.
The North Carolina delegates in congress, fearing that
the people at home were too supine, on June 19th united c. r., x,«©
in a stirring address, which they sent to the committees of
all the counties: "We conjure you by the ties of religion,
virtue, and love of country to follow the example of your
sister colonies and form yourselves into a militia. The elec-
tion of the officers . . . must depend on yourselves. Study
fanned
462 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
*™ the art of military with the utmost attention; view it as
a science upon which your future security depends."
June m Daily it became more and more evident that the contest
tauSny was to be decided on the battlefield. The men in arms
at Boston were local minute men, drawn together from the
adjoining provinces, commanded by their local officers. On
June 15th congress made a great step forward, and adopted
that army and placed it on a continental footing. Washing-
ton was chosen commander-in-chief. On the 20th he re-
ceived his commission, and the next day he departed from
Philadelphia for the seat of war. But while all eyes were
centred on Boston, congress, in view of Governor Martin's
activity, became apprehensive for the safety of North Caro-
lina, and, like the delegates, urged the people to embody as
militia under proper officers; and on June 26th it resolved
that if the provincial convention should think it necessary,
it might raise a thousand men in North Carolina, and con-
gress would consider that force a part of the American
army, and take it into the pay of the continent.
Thomas Jefferson
On June 21, 1775, while Captain Jack was still lingering
at Philadelphia, after presenting the Mecklenburg Resolves
declaring independence and establishing an independent gov-
ernment for that community, Thomas Jefferson, a newly
appointed delegate from Virginia, arrived and for the first
time took his seat in the Continental Congress. He had just
achieved fame as the author of the Virginia resolutions
rejecting the conciliatory proposition of Lord North. The
ink was hardly dry with which he had penned his earnest
appeal "to the even-handed justice of that Being who doth
no wrong, that we may again see reunited the blessings of
liberty and prosperity and the most permanent harmony with
Great Britain.". Like John Adams, Hancock, and all the
other members of the congress, Jefferson was expecting to
remain a British subject, and desired the "most permanent
harmony with Great Britain" ; and if he then heard of the
Mecklenburg Resolves, if he then knew of the mission of
Captain Jack to the congress, his thoughts were so far out
of harmony with the proceedings at Mecklenburg that he
OVERTURES TO THE REGULATORS 463
dismissed them from his mind and forgot them ; he and his ^7J
associates were not yet in favor of such revolutionary
action.*
The Regulators
Toward the end of June Caswell set off from Philadelphia
to attend the convention, which was to convene on July 12th.
After his departure congress received copies of General
Gage's letter to Governor Martin, promising to send for-
ward ammunition, and of Governor Martin's letter asking
for a king's standard, and Hooper and Hewes became still
more alarmed because of the situation in North Carolina.
The reliance of Governor Martin was not only on the co-
operation of the Highlanders, but on expected aid from the
Regulators in the interior. From Dan River to the South
Carolina line, from the forks of the Yadkin to the Haw and
the Deep, there were thousands of inhabitants who had never
been pardoned and who still called themselves "an unhappy c. rm ix,
people," subject to the penalties of their former insurrection. " If x
It seemed necessary to remove their grounds of apprehen-
sion— to place before them considerations why they should
assist in maintaining the rights of the people as British sub-
jects, and to assure them that the movement was not a rebel-
lion with the object of seeking independence. To accomplish
this purpose, Hooper and Hewes enlisted the aid of the Pres-
byterian ministers at Philadelphia and also of the German
Lutherans and Calvinists. The Presbyterian ministers c. r.,x,
joined in an address to the Presbyterian congregations in jui"^
North Carolina, declaring that "there was no desire to sep-
arate from the parent state. Believe no man that dares to
say that we desire to be independent of our mother country."
♦In the correspondence of Adams and Jefferson in 1819 referring
to the Mecklenburg declaration both say in substance: "Would not
every advocate of independence have rung the glories of Mecklen-
burg in North Carolina in the ears of the doubting Dickensons who
hung so heavily on us?" They evidently had in mind a subsequent
period — when they themselves were advocating independence; not
the summer of 1775, when they were still seeking reconciliation with
the mother country. The Mecklenburg Resolves appear to have been
suppressed in Philadelphia, not being admitted to publication there,
while published in whole or in part by papers at other points at the
north.
Aaguac
Attfcev
4^4 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
ljn The advices from Philadelphia and the efforts made to
reconcile the disaffected element in the interior of the prov-
ince and to bring them to a support of the common cause
were calculated to arrest for a time the influences that
attended the action at Charlotte. The pendulum swung back-
ward.* Allegiance was not disavowed, although the people
prepared for war. Court proceedings continued to be held
in the name of the king, and notwithstanding on August 1st
the Rowan committee resolved "that one thousand volun-
teers be immediately embodied in this county, elect their
staff officers and be ready at the shortest notice to march
out to action," and an earnest address was issued calling
on the people to "rouse like one man in defence of our
religion from popery, our liberty from slavery, and our lives
from tormenting death," yet on the same day the inferior
court of Rowan County met and "his majesty's commission
of the peace was publicly read," and John Oliphant, W. T.
c.r.,x, Coles, and William McBride, Esqs., took the oaths pre-
ij4, »35t 139 scribed by iaw> and proceeded to business ; and Waight-
still Avery, Esq., was appointed attorney for the Crown in
the absence of John Dunn, Esq., deputy attorney. Farther
to the west, however, the profession of loyalty was condi-
tional. The committee of Tryon County, at its meeting on
August 14th, adopted an association, which was also to be
signed by the other inhabitants of that county, "uniting
under the most sacred ties of religion, honor, and love of
country, and engaging to take up arms and risk our lives
and fortunes in maintaining the freedom of our country,"
and arranged to obtain powder and ball for the companies
of that county; but resolving unanimously "that we will
continue to profess all loyalty and attachment to our sov-
c.R.fx, ereign lord, King George III, his crown and dignity, so
16)
♦In Mecklenburg the inferior court of pleas and quarter sessions
continued to be held by the magistrates theretofore appointed by
Governor Martin, meeting on the third Tuesday in July, 1775. and
the third Tuesday in October, and so on quarterly, the record show-
ing as "present the Worshipful Robert Harris. Abraham Alexander,
Robert Irwin, Esqrs.," the proceedings continuing regularly from
April, 1775, till July, 1776, without interruption. On one occasion,
however, an acting magistrate was taken from the Bench and sent
to prison by order of the chairman of the committee. — Simeson's
Statement.
WHIG AND TORY IN ANSON 465
long as he secures to us those rights and liberties which w
the principles of our constitution require." Ju,y
Elsewhere the action was not different — protesting loyalty,
but getting ready a supply of powder and ball. On July 1st
the committee of Pitt County resolved that, "We will pay "* County
all due allegiance to his Majesty, King George III ; ... at
the same time, we are determined to assert our rights, . . .
and that, under God, the preservation of them depends on a c. rm x, 6x
firm union of the inhabitants and a sturdy, spirited observa-
tion of the resolutions of the general congress." "We do
hereby agree and associate under all ties of religion, honor,
and regard for posterity." And the captains of the differ-
ent companies were directed to call their men together to
choose officers.
The clashing in Anson
In Anson, where there had been many Regulators, Colonel cS£ty
James Cotton, the lieutenant-colonel of the county, remained
loyal to the government, and the people were much divided.
Under his influence the Loyalists signed a protest against
the proceedings of the Continental Congress, but the Com-
mittee of Safety and their friends were zealous. On
May 25th they began to seize some of the leading men w's-ii
among the disaffected, confining them as prisoners and en-
deavoring to persuade them to abandon their allegiance.
Early in June Colonel Spencer was urging the people to sign
the association, saying that the king had broken his corona-
tion oath, and the people were absolved by his example. On
the second Tuesday of July about thirty of the committee
met at the court-house and elected Colonel Spencer captain-
general, and Thomas Wade and David Love and others were
chosen captains of their companies. Both sides were active,
Colonel Cotton ordering out the militia companies under the
officers who remained loyal, and maintaining communication
with Governor Martin, and, on July 7th, sending him a peti-
tion signed by many of the inhabitants ; while, on the other
hand, there were great meetings of the people who stood
by the Continental Congress, and large numbers enlisted on
the side of liberty.
In Surry County the committee, as a prelude to their pro- £8R" x'
466 THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
Ujs ceedings, indited the legend on their record-book, "Liberty
or death. God save the king !"
June After the arrival of Governor Martin at Fort Johnston,
FeVr e ape that point became still more of a storm centre. The situation
rapidly developed excitement and resolution. Captain Col-
lett, in command of the fort, was inciting negroes to leave
their masters and take refuge within his lines. He seized
corn and other supplies, and, inflamed by his conduct, the
c. r., x, 16 people began to subscribe association papers, preparing
for action. On June 16th the governor issued his procla-
mation, warning every one that by such conduct they would
expose themselves not only to the forfeiture of their lands
and properties, but to the loss of life and everything they
f'J;^ held dear and valuable. Three days after this proclamation,
on June 19th, the inhabitants of New Hanover, by an asso-
The Asso- ciation paper, "united themselves under every tie of religion
and honor to go forth and be ready to sacrifice their lives and
fortunes to secure the freedom and safety of their country."
And the next day, June 20th, committeemen of Duplin,
Onslow, Bladen, Brunswick, and New Hanover assembled
c. rmx, 26 jn generaj meeting. They adopted the New Hanover
association, which they directed to be printed, with a
recommendation to the inhabitants of the district to sign
it as speedily as possible. It was signed in Cumberland
c. rm x, 99 by Robert Rowan and his associates, and doubtless by
the other patriots of the district. A committee com-
posed of Howe, Maclaine, and Sam Ashe was appointed to
c. r., x, answer the governor's proclamation. In the answer they
declared that the resolution respecting America introduced
by Lord North favoring North Carolina and New York,
which Governor Martin had commended, added insult to
the injury it intended; that by it it was hoped to divide the
colonies, and, by breaking one link in their chain of union,
render their subjugation more easy; that it was a base,
flagitious, wicked attempt to entrap America into slavery,
which ought to be rejected with the contempt it deserved;
anl it was a duty that the people owed to themselves, their
country, and posterity by every effort, and at every risk,
to maintain, support, and defend their liberties against any
invasion or encroachment whatsoever. On the 25th Gov-
24-26
MOVEMENTS OF GOVERNOR MARTIN 467
ernor Martin brought these matters to the attention of the w
council, and it was agreed to strengthen the fort, and also
to prorogue the Assembly, that had been called to meet on c. r., x,
July 1 2th, until September.
In May he had informed the king that fourteen hundred
or fifteen hundred persons in the interior had signed dec-
larations in favor of the government, and now he wrote that c. r ;, nc,
he could collect among the Highlanders three thousand Js?46
effective men, and still more in the interior counties, where,
he declared, "the people are in general well affected and
much attached to me — at least two-thirds of the fighting
men of the whole country, which may be computed, accord-
ing to my best information, to exceed thirty thousand."
With such views, he projected, after being furnished with
ten thousand stands of arms by General Gage, raising the
king's standard and forming an army for the subjugation of
the province. He recommended Allan McDonald, the hus-
band of Flora, for an appointment, and Alexander McLeod, ^^,x'
of the marines, and Lieutenant Alexander McLean, also a
half-pay officer, and other influential Highlanders for ap-
pointments. For himself he begged the restoration of the
rank he held in the army in 1769, asking permission to
command a regiment of Highlanders. Expecting to take c.r.,ix,
the field, he again wrote for a king's standard and also for a "74
tent and camp equipage for his own use. His hope of a
military commission was, however, disappointed, for the
king had arranged differently. Determined to follow the
governor's recommendation to embody a force of High-
landers, the king directed that they should be under the
command of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander McLean; but
about the middle of July General McDonald and Major
McLeod, bearing secret commissions, arrived at Ocracoke
from New York and proceeded to New Bern. Johnston,
learning of their arrival, instructed the committee at New c. RMx,
Bern to secure them, but they took an oath satisfactory to
the inhabitants and were allowed to proceed to the interior.
Emissaries were continually passing from the Loyalists to
the fort, which was being strengthened by new works, so
as to make its capture difficult. Under these circumstances
the people of the Cape Fear clamored for a new convention ;
468
THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES,- 1775
&L.
X, 99
C. R., IX,
1*85
Johnston
calls the
convention
and the committee wrote to Johnston that "some enterpris-
ing men wished to make an effort to take the fort, but were
afraid of having their conduct disavowed by the convention."
The committee thought that a number of men should be
raised and kept in pay for the defence of the country, and
that a convention alone could do that.
On May 31st, Howe, Harnett, and Ashe, knowing of the
death of Qolonel Harvey, wrote urging Johnston to convene
a convention as soon as possible, and in this request the New
Bern committee concurred. But the Assembly was expected
to meet on July 12th, and Johnston deemed it best to wait.
When the Assembly was prorogued, he delayed no longer,
and on July 10th issued a call for a convention to be held
at Hillsboro on August 20th ; and he recommended a larger
representation of the people, not less than five, so that each
county elected at least five deputies, and the inequality
of representation which had so long been a matter of vari-
ance between the old and the new counties came to an end.
Elections were held for the convention, but the committee
at Wilmington could not wait for the body to assemble.
They concluded that Captain Collett should not be suffered
to remain in the fort, and communicated that opinion to the
officers and committees of the neighboring counties. A great
many volunteers immediately collected. On July 15th
Colonel Robert Howe set out with a detachment for Fort
Johnston, and the committee resolved that as many men as
would voluntarily turn out should be despatched to join
them, and that the officers of the several companies in New
Hanover should immediately equip those willing to go on
that service. On the 16th Colonel Ashe, in command, sailed
from Wilmington.
Rumors of this intended movement led Captain Collett
hastily to evacuate the fort, the governor himself taking
refuge on the sloop-of-war Cruiser, and he directed the
stores, small arms and ammunition to be transferred to a
transport that lay in the harbor, the heavy guns to be dis-
mounted and the fort dismantled. On the same day Colonel
Ashe, in the name of the people, addressed a letter to Gov-
ernor Martin, informing him of the purpose to carry the
cannon away from the fort. But Ashe also had another
C. R., X,
"4
C. R., X,
Martin
retires to the
Cruiztr
C. R , X,
97, 103, 108.
ija
FORT JOHNSTON TAKEN AND BURNT 469
purpose. The design to seize the arms and munitions at the UJ1
fort being defeated by the quick action of Governor Martin, Jul*
it was in contemplation by the use of fire-rafts to drive the
Ctuizer and the transport from the river, or burn them, and
preparations were made to that end; but that design was
eventually abandoned.
The New Hanover detachment joining Howe at Bruns-
wick, the entire force, amounting to some five hundred men,
proceeded to Fort Johnston, and on the night of July 18th J"1*18''™*
took possession of the fort, to which Ashe set fire, burning
it so far as it was destructible ; and the next day he burned
the dwelling and outhouses belonging to Captain Collett,
who was so obnoxious because of his conduct, especially his
efforts to entice the negroes from their masters. The ring-
leaders of this savage and audacious mob, wrote Martin, c. r.,x,
were Ashe and Harnett. ,09
On the return of the men from the fort, they were met
by a detachment of some three hundred volunteers from
Bladen, who had turned out at a minute's warning. There
was no hesitation. All were equally resolved. But the
movement was hasty, and the fort speedily destroyed. Such
was the first positive act in the way of military operations in
the drama of the Revolution in North Carolina. The flames
of Fort Johnston cast a lurid light throughout the province,
and another impulse was given to popular action. From that
date Governor Martin, expelled from the soil of the prov-
ince, remained on shipboard. From his vessel he beheld
with varying hopes and fears the progress of the Revolu- Revolution
tion. The action of Mecklenburg greatly disturbed him. prop-****
How far would the example be followed by other counties
in annulling British authority and establishing an indepen-
dent government? He was anxious to hear from the in-
terior, from the back country, where he hoped for so much
aid, and where he supposed the people were attached to
himself personally. He was disheartened by advices that c R x
the "people of Bladen were pursuing the example of Meek- «©°
lenburg," and that in the seacoast counties the people had
chosen military officers, and were frequently assembling in
arms. But a considerable body of Germans, settled in
Mecklenburg, gave him comfort by sending a loyal declara-
47o THE MECKLENBURG RESOLVES, 1775
2JJ tion "against the very extraordinary and traitorous resolves
c. r., x, of the committee of that county." And the news from Anson
July was encouraging. There the clashing among the people
was, even at that early date, so violent and bitter as to be
incipient civil war, and Colonel Cotton continued to send
assurances of the steadfast devotion of a large number of
Loyalists.
From his first arrival at the fort, Governor Martin con-
trived to maintain some correspondence with the loyal ele-
ment in the interior, and it being apprehended that he was
organizing the Highlanders, the Wilmington committee early
forbade any intercourse with him except by their permission.
On July 3d, it being reported that Allan McDonald in-
tended to raise troops to support the government, the com-
mittee addressed him on that subject, requiring him to
desist ; and Joseph Hewes wrote emphatically on July 8th :
c. R., x, 86 "If the governor attempts to do anything he ought to be
seized and sent out of the colony ; so should" Judge Howard.
Communications had been addressed by the governor to
staunch friends in the interior to enroll loyal adherents and
to sign association papers. Letters of that tenor had been
Dunn and received by John Dunn and Benjamin Booth Boote, two
influential Loyalists at Salisbury. On July 18th they were
put under guard by the Rowan committee, were examined,
arrested, and, under the orders of Colonel Alexander Martin
93,^36^184, (then judge), Adlai Osborn, Colonel Spencer and Colonel
306, 673'-679* Polk, they were, at the close of July, conveyed by a detach-
ment of light horse to South Carolina, where they were
confined by the South Carolina authorities. A year later,
while they were on parole, Boote took the oath as a supporter
of the American cause, and Dunn became a good patriot.
But in 1780 Boote joined Cornwallis's forces on the invasion
of South Carolina.
At the time of the arrest of these men, August 1st, the
Rowan committee ordered that one thousand volunteers be
immediately embodied in that county, elect their staff officers
and be ready at the shortest notice to march out to action,
c. r., x, In Anson the zeal of Colonel Spencer, Wade and their asso-
ciates was irresistible, and Colonel Cotton and his loyal
militia were overpowered. Disheartened at the turn of
"7
WHIG SUCCESSES 471
affairs, Cotton, with several of his most devoted friends, w
set out to report to the governor, and reached the Cruizcr
on August 13th, bearing evil tidings of their discomfiture.
On their attempted return they were apprehended by the
vigilant committeemen in Bladen, and subsequently, under
stress of circumstances, took the test oath and submitted
themselves to the authority of the congress.
At the end of July, it being learned that the governor The
himself intended going into the back country, the Wilming- STsrated
ton committee advised the committees of the different
counties of his design, and requested them to keep a strict
lookout and arrest him. The unremitting activity of the
patriots, however, rendered such a movement too hazardous ;
but still it was the cherished purpose of Governor Martin c. r., x,
to penetrate into the interior and marshal the Loyalists, and,
confident of his military prowess, try conclusions with the
rebels.
CHAPTER XXVII
The Provincial Council, 1775-76.
The spirit of resistance. — Martin's proclamation. — The Congress. —
The leaders. — The conditions. — The people divided. — Efforts to
gain the Regulators.— Proceedings of Congress. — Franklin's confed-
eration.— Independence not the object. — The first battalions. — The
minute men. — County courts. — The test. — The money of the Revolu-
tion.— To provide necessaries.-— Congress adjourns. — Enlistment of
troops. — The safety of Wilmington. — The plan of subjugation. —
Arrival of Highlanders. — Provincial council. — Tories and Whigs. —
The Indians placated. — The Scovellites. — The Snow Campaign. —
Howe marches against Dunmore. — Norfolk destroyed. — Armed ves-
sels built. — The ministerial troops. — In England.
The spirit of resistance
™ In the meantime the spirit of resistance was nourished
August, 1775 by men like Hewes, who declared that "the powers of gov-
ernment must soon be taken into the hands of the people."
"The administration," said he, "has even tried to let loose
the Indians on our frontier, to raise the negroes against us,
. . . and have sent a formidable army to cut our throats, and
then abuse us with the names of rebels and cowards." "I
consider myself now over head and ears in what the ministry
call rebellion. I feel no compunction for the part I have
taken, nor for the number of our enemies lately slain in the
c. r., x, 8* battle at Bunker's Hill. I wish to be in the camp before
Boston, though I fear I shall not be able to get there till
next campaign."
Martin's proclamation
c. r.,x. On August 8th Governor Martin issued a manifesto de-
nouncing the leaders of the sedition and treason, and warn-
ing the people against being seduced to their purposes.
Particularly were Hooper, Hewes and Caswell, John Ashe
and Robert Howe singled out for denunciation. His chief
design was to appeal to the people to remain loyal. He
145-150
BOTH SIDES SEEK SUPPORT 473
realized that the approaching convention was to be held at UJS
Hillsboro with the view of influencing the inhabitants of Au«ust
the interior, and this effect he sought to counteract by skil-
fully playing on the fears and hopes of the people. He
dwelt on the faithful loyalty of those in the western counties,
who had theretofore "resisted all the black artifices of false-
hood, sedition, and treason," and who, upon his representa-
tion, had "received the king's most gracious approbation and c.R.tX|M6
acceptance." Particularly he mentioned those in "Dobbs,
Cumberland, Anson, Orange, Guilford, Chatham, Rowan,
and Surry," who he declared had given him more "especial
and public testimonials of their loyalty, fidelity, and duty" ;
but he tendered to all his Majesty's most gracious pardon on
their return to their duty to their king; and he offered
ample reward and encouragement to any who should deliver
up to him the few principal persons who had seduced them
to treasonable outrages.
The Provincial Congress*
Indeed, the efforts of the two contending parties were
now anxiously directed to obtaining popular support. Samuel
Johnston had counted on the influence the convention might
exert, and to popularize that body he had urged the elec-
*The names Convention and Congress are often applied indiffer-
ently to these bodies. It is to be observed that those of August,
1774, and April, 1775, called themselves conventions and were pre-
sided over by a moderator. That of September, 1775, called itself a
congress and elected a president. The first two claimed to be lawful
meetings of the people, assembled for a legal purpose under the con-
stitution. The object then was to remonstrate against an infringe-
ment of constitutional rights. By September, 1775, the character of
these bodies was changed. They were not mere lawful meetings of
the people to remonstrate. They were revolutionary bodies, ordain-
ing government and exercising administrative and legislative powers.
Perhaps they took the name of congress to conform to a new Ameri-
can system — making a difference between the former government and
that then established. The authority of the British Government was
no longer respected — that of the Continental Congress had taken its
place. The people no longer claimed to be acting under the constitu-
tion of the British Empire.
The Congress differed from the Convention in the manner of
voting. In the Convention the members voted as in the Assembly,
each casting a vote. In the Congress the counties voted, each county
having a single vote, without regard to the number of deputies in
attendance. In the Continental Congress each colony had one vote;
in the Provincial Congress each county had a vote, and in the Pro-
vincial Council each district had a vote.
474 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
xrn tion of an increased delegation from each county, the number
c. r., x, not being limited. Bertie had sent eleven delegates, Chat-
August ham ten, Dobbs, Wake, Rowan, Guilford, seven each; Meck-
lenburg, Tryon, Bute, New Hanover, six each; and the
other counties five; the entire membership numbering one
hundred and eighty-four. This enlarged representation re-
sulted in the attendance of many men of the first capacity,
who had not theretofore been employed in legislative
business.
Sunday, August 20th, opened with the straggling hamlet
of Hillsboro aglow with unusual excitement. Several stores,
an insufficient court room, a dozen widely separated resi-
dences, a church building and a small inn for the wayfaring
traveller constituted the village, where now were assembling
the representatives of the people. At noon those members
who had arrived assembled in the church, but immediately
adjourned until the next day. On Monday, the 21st, at
ten o'clock, one hundred and eighty-four delegates answered
to their names, and Richard Caswell, just from the Con-
tinental Congress, proposed Samuel Johnston for president
of the body, and Rev. George Micklejohn opened the con-
gress with prayer.
Events had moved rapidly since the last convention in
April — the battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill, the de-
struction of Charlestown, the formation of independent com-
panies, the organization of a continental army, the proceed-
ings at Charlotte, the flight of the governor, the burning of
Fort Johnston, and the expulsion of the royal governor from
the soil of the province, and the cessation of the provincial
legislature. The established government had ceased to exist.
And so the convention was confronted with new conditions.
No light was shed upon the pathway by past experience, but
with resolution the members addressed themselves to the
great questions presented for their consideration. It was the
largest meeting of representative Carolinians that had ever
assembled. The last convention was composed of but sixty-
seven members ; this was near three times as numerous. The
two previous revolutionary bodies had been called conven-
tions ; this now assumed the name of the Provincial Congress.
The others had not entered on legislative action; this pro-
PERSONNEL OF THE CONGRESS 475
posed to make laws to bind the people under the sanction ljn
of legitimate power, and to exert the authority of estab- August
lished government.
The leaders
Although the thirteen counties that might be allotted to
the west sent some seventy deputies, the preponderance was
still with the east, and the vote was taken by counties. But
Person and Penn, the Martins, Polk, Avery and Spencer,
John McKnitt Alexander, Moses Winslow, Kennon and
Sharpe, Burke, the Williamses, Armstrong and Winston
were strong and mighty leaders, speaking the patriotic senti-
ments of the west. The northern counties and the eastern,
as well as the Cape Fear section, also sent their most trusted
and experienced men. Such a gathering of great North
Carolinians, forceful and determined, had never before
assembled to take counsel of their liberties. Although the
venerated form of John Harvey was missed, there were Sam
Johnston, the younger Harveys, the Nashes, Caswell, Howe,
Hewes, Harnett, Hooper, the Joneses, the Moores,the Ashes,
the Sumners, Kenan, Owen, Robeson, Guion, Bryan, Lamb,
Jarvis; and, indeed, all the giants of that generation gath-
ered there to secure and maintain the freedom of their coun-
try. The future, full of personal peril, was veiled in obscur-
ity, but their hearts were brave, their course determined, and
they had at least some light from the assembled wisdom of
the Continental Congress.
The conditions
As yet hope of reconciliation was still entertained, and
they were to make a last appeal for their rights as British
subjects, professing allegiance and disclaiming any desire for
separation.
But war was flagrant, and every preparation was to be
made for the inevitable conflict. Proclaimed rebels and
traitors seeking independence, they were to organize resist-
ance to internal and external foes, while still asserting that
they sought only those chartered rights they had inherited
from their fathers as subjects of Great Britain. The old gov-
ernment having passed away, its head a fugitive, and the
Assembly suspended, the congress was to ordain some gov-
476 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
I™ ernment to preserve peace and order, to administer justice
August and to conduct military operations.
The people were divided. Large bodies not conversant
with the causes of the revolt, strangers to the hopes and fears
of America, not in sympathy with North Carolina, had but
recently located in her borders, while many thousands of the
older inhabitants held aloof, not comprehending that their
liberties had been invaded and that the hour had struck to
resist British aggression. It was the computation of Gov-
ernor Martin that two-thirds of the inhabitants were yet
loyal and would rally to the standard of the king. To sever
these ties it was the part of Congress to demonstrate the im-
potency of the British Government and to manifest contempt
for the power and authority of its chief representative.
c.r.,x,i8o Among their first actions, therefore, was to denounce Gov-
ernor Martin's recent proclamation and to order "that the
said paper be burned by the common hangman."
In like manner, to counteract the blandishments and the
threats of Governor Martin, who, through his emissaries,
endeavored to persuade the Regulators that they remained
liable to punishment unless pardoned by the king, and that
their pardon could only be obtained by taking up arms
against those who were defending American liberty, the
congress at its first opening resolved that every one of
the late insurgents ought to be protected, and that it would
protect them from any attempt to punish them for engaging
in the late insurrection ; and a committee, composed of Maurice
c. rm x, Moore, Caswell, Thomas Person, Kennon, Locke, Rev. Mr.
Pattillo, Hunt, Burke, Penn, and others, was appointed to
confer with those inhabitants of the province who entertained
any religious or political scruples, and to induce them to
heartily unite with congress for the protection of consti-
tutional rights. This committee was to influence not merely
the Regulators, but the Quakers and others who had scruples
preventing their active co-operation. Person alone had
affiliated with the Regulators, unless, indeed, Memucan Hunt
had clone so ; but Penn, although he had but lately come into
the province, doubtless was a favorite with them ; and Judge
Moore had in 1772 held as a judge that they were not liable
to punishment under the riot act ; as "Atticus," had severely
OVERTURES TO THE DISAFFECTED 477
denounced Governor Tryon for his "inhuman conduct" in w
relation to Few and the other Regulators ; had visited James August
Hunter at his home and had sought "to get him into favor
again, and had promised to do all that he could for William
Butler"; and doubtless had been instrumental in inducing
the Assembly to insist on embracing Hunter in the proposed
act of oblivion, the contest between the council and the
Assembly over his pardon leading to the failure of that
measure. Locke, Kennon, Pattillo, and Burke were, in like
manner, doubtless influential among those who were dis-
affected ; while the addition of Caswell, Thomas Jones, and
George Moore to the committee gave an assurance that the
congress was not merely seeking to persuade, but that it
would faithfully observe the obligations which it assumed
to give every protection in its power to those who would
co-operate with it.
A similar committee was appointed to confer with the c.r.,x,
Scotchmen who had so lately arrived in the province, of
whom more than one thousand had reached the Cape Fear
within the past few months, and explain to them the nature
"of our unhappy controversy" ; and still another committee,
Judge Moore, Hooper, Caswell, Hewes, and Howe, was ap-
pointed to present the controversy in an easy, familiar style
to the inhabitants of the province.
These efforts were not without avail. Quickly following
the appointment of the committees, there was a conference
held with the chiefs of the Regulators. They had some
scruples about the oath administered to them by Governor
Tryon ; but some of them at once signed the test or associa- c. r., x,
tion, others from time to time gave in their adherence, and a43
others still agreed to neutrality, so that as early as Septem-
ber 9th apprehensions of danger from them were no longer
entertained.
By the middle of October Governor Martin realized the c.R.,xt .66
success of these endeavors, and wrote to the Earl of Dart-
mouth : "According to my information, a committee was
appointed by this Provincial Congress to gain over the late
insurgents in the western counties, who had heretofore made
to me the strongest professions of their loyalty and duty to
the king and of their resolution to support his Majesty's
478 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
C. R..X,
a6S,a66
government, as also to treat with the Cherokee Indians ; and
my intelligence runs that this committee received assurances
from the former that they would observe a strict neutrality,
but I can learn nothing of its success with the Indians."
In like manner, the efforts to influence the Highlanders
were attended with good results. Governor Martin continued :
"I have heard, too, . . . with infinitely greater surprise
and concern, that the Scotch Highlanders, on whom I had
such firm reliance, have declared themselves for neutrality" ;
and this result he attributed to Farquard Campbell, "who
has been settled from his childhood in this country, is an
old member of the Assembly, and has imbibed all the Ameri-
can popular principles and prejudices."
Nor was the pulpit silent. Ministers of the gospel urged
their flocks to stand for their rights. In Guilford,
David Caldwell, the leading Presbyterian of the prov-
ince, from the pulpit raised a powerful voice for
unity of purpose and co-operation in maintaining American
liberty. Succinctly and graphically he portrayed existing
conditions and eloquently urged the duties of patriotism.
Carmhers's ''We petitioned," said he, "his Majesty in a most humble
283, 484 ' manner to intercede with the Parliament on our behalf. Our
petitions were rejected, while our grievances were increased
by acts still more oppressive, and by schemes still more
malicious, till we are reduced to the dreadful alternative
either of immediate and unconditional submission or of re-
sistance by force of arms. We have therefore come to that
trying period in our history in which it is manifest that
the Americans must either stoop under a load of the vilest
slavery or resist their imperious and haughty oppressors;
but what will follow must be of the utmost importance to
every individual of these united colonies. . . . If we act like
the sluggard, refuse, from the mere love of ease and self-
indulgence, to make the sacrifices and efforts which the cir-
cumstances require, or, from cowardice or pusillanimity,
shrink from dangers and hardships, we must continue in our
present state of bondage and oppression . . . until life itself
will become a burden; but if we stand up manfully and
unitedly in defence of our rights, appalled by no dangers and
shrinking from no toils or privations, we shall do valiantly.
THE EXHORTATIONS OF CALDWELL 479
Our foes are powerful and determined on conquest ; but our wj
cause is good, and in the strength of the Lord, who is August
mightier than all, we shall prevail. . . . If I could portray to
you . . . the results of your conduct in this great crisis in
your political destiny ; or if I could describe . . . the feel-
ings which you will have of self -approbation, joy, and thank-
fulness, or of self-reproach, shame, and regret, according to
the part you act — whether as men and as patriots, or as
cowards and traitors — I should have no difficulty in persuad-
ing you to shake off your sloth and stand up manfully in a
firm, united, and persevering defence of your liberties. . . .
We expect that none of you will be wanting in the discharge
of your duty, or prove unworthy of a cause which is so
important in itself, and which every patriot and every Chris-
tian should value more than wealth, and hold as dear as
his life."
Proceedings of the Provincial Congress
Realizing that the American colonies were embarked in a
common cause, the congress resolved that the inhabitants of
North Carolina should pay their full proportion of the ex-
pense of maintaining the army and conducting its opera-
tions; and recognizing that the former government had
passed away, and that it was necessary to institute a new
one for the province, a committee of fifty members was ap-
pointed to prepare a plan of government to meet the exi-
gency of the occasion.
Mr. Hooper presented for the consideration of the con-
gress articles of confederation, which had been framed for
submission to the several provincial conventions, prelim-
inary to their adoption by the Continental Congress. This £•/*•• *•
instrument conferred on the general congress the power of
making war and peace ; of entering into alliances : of deter-
mining on reconciliation with Great Britain; of settling all
disputes between colony and colony, and of making ordi-
nances necessary to the general welfare. The proposed con-
federacy of the united colonies was to continue until the
terms of reconciliation proposed by congress should be
agreed to by Great Britain, until reparation should be made
for the injury done to Boston and the expenses of the war
»75
480 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
*Jjf repaid, and until all British troops should be withdrawn from
£ropg^jf America. On the failure of these requirements, the con-
confederacy federacy was to be perpetual. It could not have been ex-
niect pected that these demands would ever be assented to by
Great Britain; and thus, in effect, this proposition was to
establish a perpetual union or confederacy, on the basis of
independence. Such was the measure offered by William
Hooper to the convention on August 24, 1775. It was taken
into serious consideration.
McRee's Johnston, president of the convention, on September 5th
1,263 ' wrote to Iredell: "I was much afraid the plan contained in
it would have been adopted ; but in a committee of the whole
house, though they at first seemed inclined to receive it,
after hearing the reasons offered against it, it was almost
unanimously rejected." By its provisions equality among
the colonies was abolished and the smaller ones placed at
the mercy of the larger ; this doubtless caused its rejection.
When it was rejected, by the recommendation of Johnston
himself, the congress declared that "the present association
ought to be further relied on for bringing about a recon-
ciliation, and that a new confederacy ought to be adopted
only in case of the last necessity." Through Johnston's
wisdom they had escaped a danger; and the delegates were
instructed not to consent to any plan of confederation until it
should be approved by the Provincial Congress.*
Independence not the object
As yet independence was not the purpose of the patriot
leaders, and the members of the congress signed a test pro-
fessing their allegiance to the king, while declaring them-
selves bound by the acts of the continental and provincial
c. r , x, congresses ; and they issued an address to the inhabitants of
2oa the British Empire, saying: "We have been told that inde-
pendence is our object; that we seek to shake off all con-
nection with the parent state. Cruel suggestion! Do not
all our professions, all our actions, uniformly contradict
this?" They declared, in the presence of the Almighty
♦This proposed constitution invested the Continental Congress
with power to regulate commerce, post roads, and the currency.
The representation was to be one delegate for every 5000 polls, and
each delegate was to have a vote.
TROOPS RAISED
481
Continental
battalions
Being, who "knows our most secret intentions, that it is UJ*
our most earnest wish and prayer to be restored ... to the
state in which we were placed before the year 1763." "This
declaration we hold forth as a testimony of loyalty to our
sovereign, and affection to our parent state, and as a sincere
earnest of our present and future intentions."
In this the congress but followed the example of the gen-
eral congress of the colonies at Philadelphia. There was to
be no discord in the voice of America in seeking justice of
friends and kindred in Great Britain.
The design of Governor Martin to embody the Loyal-
ists was a constant peril, threatening the peace and repose
of the province ; while the Indians and negroes, aroused by
British emissaries, might at any time fall upon the whites.
Preparations to meet such contingencies were quickly made.
The Continental Congress having agreed to receive a thou-
sand men raised by the province as a part of the continental
army, two regiments of continentals, of five hundred men
each, were at once organized. Four hundred of them were
to be stationed in the district of Wilmington, one hundred
of these being located in the vicinity of Fort Johnston, two
hundred near Salisbury, two hundred near New Bern, and
two hundred near Edenton. Of the first regiment James
Moore was chosen colonel, his competitor being John Ashe,
who was defeated by a single vote ; Francis Nash, lieutenant-
colonel; and Thomas Clark, major. Robert Howe, Alex- c.r.,x,»«7
ander Martin, and John Patten were the field officers of the
second regiment. The captains, lieutenants and ensigns were
also appointed, and these at once became active in raising
their companies.
For an additional military force the province was divided
into six districts, and a battalion consisting of ten companies
of fifty men each was to be raised in each district. These Minul« »«
were known as minute men, and as soon as the com-
panies were filled the battalions were to be formed, and
they were to be trained at once for fourteen days, and after
that were to be mustered every fortnight in their counties.
The colonels of the minute men were, for the Edenton
district, Edward Vail; for that of Halifax, Nicholas Long;
Salisbury, Thomas Wade; Hillsboro, James Thackston ; New
482 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
ljn Bern, Richard Caswell ; Wilmington, Alexander Lillington ;
c.RMx,i97 and these officers were to take rank from the date of their
commissions, which was to be determined by the organiza-
tion of their respective battalions.
These minute men were to be enlisted for only six months,
and a bounty was allowed them of twenty-five shillings "to
buy a hunting shirt, leggings, or splatter-dashes, and black
garters," which constituted their uniform. To promote the
organization of the minute men and regulars, congress
thought it well to disband the independent companies that
c.rm x, had been formed in the various counties. The militia, too,
was organized, field officers being appointed for each county.
198
C. R., X,
Council
The plan of government
The plan of temporary government devised provided for
908 town and county committees, elected by the freeholders;
and that in each district there should be a Committee of
Safety consisting of a president and twelve members, who
Provincial should sit at least every three months, having a superin-
tending power over the town and county committees, direct-
ing the operations of the militia, and censuring and punish-
ing delinquents ; and there was to be a Provincial Council of
thirteen members, two selected from each district and one
by the congress at large; this council to have full power
to do all matters and things to defend the colony, but not
to alter or suspend any resolution of the congress. The
Provincial Council and committees of safety had judicial
powers conferred on them and the right to give judgment for
all demands not in excess of £20.
c. r.,x, It was further ordained that on the third Tuesday in
October in every year the freeholders in each county were
to choose committeemen and also five deputies to represent
them in congress, and that there should be annually held on
November 10th a Provincial Congress. Committees of
secrecy, intelligence, and observation were to be chosen by
the town and county committees, who had power to exam-
ine all suspected persons and send them to the district com-
mittees of safety.
The courts of oyer and terminer were held for the sum-
mer term of 1775, but then ceased.
an
sia
THE TEST AND ALLEGIANCE 483
The congress did not interfere with the organization of xJjl
the inferior courts, but recommended that the magistrates £-6R-'x*
appointed by Governor Martin should qualify and act ; how- August
ever, it directed that after September 10th no suit should
be begun in any court or before any magistrate without
leave from the county committee. With the assent of the
local committees of public safety, judicial proceedings were
to continue, and the county courts were regularly held dur-
ing this chaotic period.
The congress also adopted a test, which was required to The test
be taken by all delegates to the Provincial Congress; and
later it was required to be subscribed by all persons holding
any position of honor or trust; and, still later, by all the c.r., x,
inhabitants generally.*
Hooper, Hewes, and Caswell were thanked for their ser-
vices in the Continental Congress, and were re-elected, and
they were invested with such powers that all acts done by
them not inconsistent with instructions should be obligatory
upon every inhabitant of the province; but Caswell and
Johnston being elected treasurers, as they had formerly been
by the Assembly, Caswell declined to serve as a deputy.
Remaining in the province, besides being treasurer, he be-
came a colonel of minute men. To fill that vacancy, John
Penn, who had come to North Carolina from Virginia about
a year earlier, was chosen. Some dissatisfaction had been
felt originally that the three deputies were from the eastern
♦[Adopted September 9, 1775, required to be subscribed by all vestry-
men and others holding places of trust.]
We, the subscribers, professing our allegiance to the king and
acknowledging the constitutional executive power of government,
do solemnly profess, testify and declare, that we do absolutely be-
lieve that neither the Parliament of Great Britain, nor any member
or constituent branch thereof, hath a right to impose taxes upon
these colonies, or to regulate the internal police thereof, and that
all attempts by fraud or force to establish and exercise such claims
and powers are violations of the peace and security of the people,
and ought to be resisted to the utmost, and that the people of this
province, singly and collectively, are bound by the acts and resolu-
tions of the continental and provincial congresses, because in both
they arc freely represented by persons chosen by themselves; and
we do solemnly and sincerely promise and engage, under the sanction
of virtue, honor, and the sacred love of liberty and our country, to
maintain and support all and every the acts, resolutions and regula-
tions of the said continental and provincial congresses to the utmost
of our power and abilities.
484 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
JJJ1 part of the province, and Penn was now taken probably as a
September western man and as a friend of Thomas Person, both being
representatives of Granville County.
To provide means to sustain the new government, it was
directed that a sum of $125,000 should be emitted in bills,
the standard being the Spanish milled dollar, departing from
the British currency of pounds and shillings for palpable
reasons ; and a tax of two shillings a year on every taxable
person was laid, to be collected in 1777 and for nine years
thereafter, to pay off this indebtedness; and the congress
recommended that all public taxes due should be paid by
the people; but, except the county and parish taxes, those
laid by the old government to accrue in the future were not
to be collected.
The congress took steps to obtain a supply of arms and
ammunition, and, realizing the necessities of the situation
because of the cessation of importations, it offered bounties
for the manufacture of the most important articles. Among
the commodities whose production it sought to stimulate
were saltpetre, sulphur, and gunpowder, common salt, linen
and woollen goods, hollow ironware, pins and needles, and
wire for cotton cards and woollen cards ; and a considerable
bounty was offered for the erection of rolling mills for the
production of nails, a furnace for the manufacture of steel
and of pig iron, and for a mill making various kinds of
paper. Not only were the needs of the army to be supplied,
but the necessities of the people were to be provided for.
Congress adjourns
Its business being now well completed, on Sunday, Sep-
tember 10th, at six o'clock in the morning, the congress met
in its last session. It had solved the momentous questions
of that eventful day. It had established a system of gov-
ernment, and had provided for its perpetuation. It had
raised troops for the defence of the province and created
a public fund. It had appealed to the mother country for
reconciliation, and had drawn to the support of the cause
many who had been wavering. With brighter hopes and
with greater confidence, and yet not without apprehension,
the members now returned to their homes.
THE RAISING OF TROOPS 485
At once the many military officers, both continental and 'J™
of the minute men, whose rank was to be determined by
their promptness in the organization of their command,
entered with zeal upon the work of securing enlistments.
Throughout the province there was the greatest activity. Recruilin8
Especially was this so on the lower Cape Fear. John Ashe,
so long the military leader of his district, defeated in his
aspirations, mortified at his enforced separation from his
troops, determined not to be without a command. Gov-
ernor Martin wrote in October : "It is possible also that the
resentment of Mr. John Ashe, occasioned by his disappoint-
ment of the chief command of the military establishment
formed by the Provincial Congress, will cause some division
here, for it seems he and his friends are raising men of their
own authority, in opposition to Mr. James Moore, his
brother-in-law, who is appointed military chief under the c. rm x,
congress." 17°
Mr. George Hooper is quoted as saying "that he could
never forget General Ashe's return from the convention of
Hillsboro in September, 1775. He was in a state of pro-
digious excitement. His object was to raise a regiment, and
he accomplished it. You cannot imagine what a commotion
he stirred up. He kindled an enthusiasm in New Hanover
and adjacent counties of which there is no parallel in the
traditions of the State. He struck the chords of passion
with a master hand. His words roused the soul like the roll
of the drum or the roar of artillery at the commencement
of an action. Every breast heaved, as if with the sentiment
of the Athenian orator, 'Let us away! Let us arm! Let
us march against Philip !' " Not only was Ashe's proposed H00^'*,
• n' 'iTu- > 1 1 1 • « Memoir of
regiment in conflict with Moore s regulars, but also with John Ashe,
Lillington's minute men. Their respective friends were all Mag.', nif!v'
activity. Wearing the legends on their hats, "Who will not 37,,(l8s4)
follow where Ashe leads?" "Who will not follow where
Lillington leads?" they dashed from community to com-
munity, from neighborhood to neighborhood, arousing the
people and securing enlistments for their corps. At his own
charges, Ashe raised a regiment, and for some time main-
tained it out of his private purse. The final organization
of Lillington's battalion was perhaps delayed by this irreg-
486
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
«775
C. RM X,
335. 33^
Martin's
activity
C. R., X,
306-308
Arrival of
Highlanders
C RM X,
3»5
ular proceeding. Moore was more successful, and soon had
his continental regiment fully organized, two companies of
which were stationed near Fort Johnston, where they were
fired on by the British cruisers in the harbor.
The hostile demonstrations of these ships of war led the
Wilmington committee to direct John Slingsby and others
to procure necessary vessels and chains to sink in such part
of the channel as they thought proper to prevent their ascent
up the river.
It had been Governor Martin's expectation in July to re-
ceive a supply of arms and munitions, and with these he hoped
to equip a sufficient force of Highlanders and Regulators not
merely to subjugate the province, but also to hold South
Carolina and Georgia. Later he realized that the time for
that had passed, and, without aid from the British army,
he would be unable to carry out his cherished design. At
length his plan received the sanction of the ministry, and on
September 226. an expedition was arranged to subdue the
southern colonies. On November 7th Dartmouth wrote him
that seven regiments might be expected to reach the Cape
Fear about the time that letter would be received, and that
he should lose no time in sending emissaries among the
inhabitants with authority for raising and embodying as
many men as could be procured, bringing down with them
horses and wagons for the use of the army.
In the meantime Highlanders continued to arrive — about
the middle of October one hundred and seventy-two, a little
later another shipload, and early in December a shipload
reached Norfolk, who desired permission, which was given,
to pass by land to their destination in Carolina. On the
upper Cape Fear Major McDonald, who had recently
arrived, under the orders of General Gage, was forming a
battalion of Highlanders to be commanded by Colonel
McLean; and Allan McDonald and Alexander McLeod,
each having commissions, were enrolling companies. Gov-
ernor Martin also became more hopeful of aid from the
Regulators on learning that many had become indignant
with the action of congress at Hillsboro; and he was per-
suaded that the loyal subjects infinitely outnumbered the
MISSIONS TO THE CREEKS AND CHEROKEES 487
seditious throughout all the very populous counties of the JJjl
west.
In the presence of these threatened dangers, the Provincial Provincial
_ .««««./. . f 1 • t 1 Council
Council held its first meeting at the court-house in Johnston 0ct#i I775
County on October 18th. Cornelius Harnett was unani-
mously elected president, perhaps because it was his section
of the province that was in peril, as well as because of his
capacity and zealous activity. It took measures to perfect c.RMx,a83
the defence of the province, exercising the high powers
with which it was invested. Each district had one vote.
The Indians placated
The Cherokee and Creek Indians, who had long been
under the direction of a very competent British officer, John
Stuart, were being influenced to take sides against the col-
onists, and the Continental Congress had appointed a com-
mission, one of whom was Willie Jones, to secure their
neutrality. In October the Creeks met two of these com-
missioners at Augusta, and in November Willie Jones and
the other commissioners convened at Salisbury and sent a
"talk to the beloved red men in Georgia," urging their
neutrality and promising the usual gifts which were annually
distributed among the Indians — powder, blankets, trinkets,
etc., etc.
On the other hand, Stuart and his agent among the
Indians, who had first also urged them to neutrality, now
began to influence them to active hostility. "I found no
argument," said Stuart, "prevail so much among the Indians
as telling them that while the present disturbances continued
they could not expect to be supplied with ammunition and
other necessaries from Carolina and Georgia; and that it
would be their own interest to join his Majesty's faithful
subjects in restoring government and good order." He
therefore recommended that all supplies should for the pres-
ent be stopped. That, he thought, would determine the
savages to engage on the side of the British.
Pursuant to the policy of congress, a supply of Indian
goods, embracing some powder, was despatched through
upper South Carolina as a present to the Indians. Several
years before, during the same period when the Regulators
488
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
«775
December
The
Scovellites
C. R.. X.
408
Colonel
Martin
marches to
aid South
Carolina
Th«* Snow
Campaign
C. R., X,
Graham's
Graham,
108
were active in North Carolina, a movement somewhat sim-
ilar had taken place in that part of South Carolina, society
being disorganized by a social disturbance. Courts and
lawyers having roused the animosity of the people, they
undertook to regulate matters without regard to existing
usages. Their chief leader was a man named Scovell, and
they were generally known as Scovellites. After they were
dispersed they were out of sympathy with the other inhab-
itants ; indeed, there was a wide stretch of unoccupied terri-
tory intervening between their habitations and the seacoast
counties. Most of them remained loyal to the king. It was
among them that David Fanning had found a residence, he
becoming, like them, an adherent of the Crown. Their
leaders resolved to intercept the powder and goods being
conveyed to the Indians under a small escort, and embody-
ing a sufficient force, they seized the pack horses, declaring
that the ammunition was being sent to the Indians to enable
them to make war upon themselves. At once Major Will-
iamson marched against them to recover the powder, but
the Scovellites were too strong for his force, and he was
compelled to retreat, taking refuge in a stockade fort at
Ninety-six, where they besieged him. The patriot author-
ities, aroused to the necessities of action, called on their
friends in western North Carolina for aid, and early in De-
cember Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Martin, of the Second
Continentals, who had in the Salisbury district two com-
panies of continentals, one of the First Regiment, Captain
George Davidson, and the other of the Second Regiment,
Captain John Armstrong, proposed to march to their assist-
ance. He was joined by 200 men from Rowan under Colonel
Rutherford, 300 from Mecklenburg under Colonel Polk, and
100 from Tryon under Colonel Neal. This body of 700
North Carolinians reached General Richardson, of South
Carolina, and Colonel Thompson, of the Third South Caro-
lina Regiment, at Saluda River about December 16th, when
the Scovellites hastily abandoned their efforts on Ninety-six,
gave up the siege and returned to Saluda River. Unaware
of the near approach of this new patriot force, they were
surprised on December 22A and 400 of them taken prisoners.
In the engagement Colonel Polk was wounded. The powder
HOWE AIDS VIRGINIA
489
which they had seized again fell into the hands of its lawful
owners, and was conveyed to the Indians. The weather dur-
ing this short but eventful campaign was so inclement and
stormy, with such heavy snows, that it was known to his-
tory as the "Snow Campaign."
Still earlier than this expedition beyond the limits of the
State was a call from Virginia for aid in repelling British
operations in the vicinity of Norfolk, where Lord Dunmore
had begun a predatory warfare, burning houses, ravaging
plantations and carrying off negroes. By proclamation, he
declared that all indented servants and negroes who would
join his Majesty's forces should be free; and several hun-
dred of the inhabitants, many of them negroes, repaired to
his standard. Taking possession of Norfolk, Dunmore con-
structed a fort on the highway from the south for its pro-
tection; and Colonel Woodford, in command of the Vir-
ginia troops, fortified at Great Bridge, a few miles distant.
The district committees of safety in North Carolina had
power to call into active service the organized troops of
the province. To assist the Virginians, the committee at
Halifax hurried Colonel Long with the minute men of that
district to Great Bridge, and on November 28th ordered
Major Jethro Sumner to raise what minute men and vol-
unteers he could and follow Colonel Long with the utmost
despatch ; and Colonel Howe, whose chief command was at
New Bern, was directed to lead his continentals also to
Norfolk. On December 7th affairs at Great Bridge were
reaching a crisis. Colonel Woodford wrote to Governor
Henry : "As to the Carolina troops and cannon, they are by
no means what I was made to expect ; sixty of them are here
and one hundred will be here to-morrow; more, it is said,
will follow in a few days under Colonel Howe; badly
armed, cannon not mounted, no furniture to them."
Two days later Captain Fordyce, commanding a force of
British regulars and a detachment of sailors, assaulted the
Virginia fortifications. He and many of his officers were
killed, and the British were completely routed, with great
loss, retreating at once into Norfolk. Colonel Howe arrived
after Colonel Woodford had won this great victory. Wood-
ford was not a continental officer, and cheerfully yielded the
«775
November
Howe
inarches to
aid Virginia
C. R., X,
337
490
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
Howe
commands
in Virginia
command to Howe, as being of superior rank, perhaps the
more cheerfully as they had served together on the Holstein
in the French and Indian War. From that time until March
Howe continued to direct military operations in lower Vir-
ginia ; the immediate command of his regiment devolving on
Major Patten, Colonel Armstrong being in western North
Carolina.
Pressing on after the battle of Great Bridge, Howe drove
the British and the Tories from Norfolk and took possession
of the town.
On December 30th Captain Bellew, commanding the Brit-
ish ships, notified Colonel Howe that he would not suffer men
in arms against their sovereign to appear before his
Majesty's ships, and he warned Colonel Howe that his
sentinels must not be seen or the women and children might
suffer — a plain intimation that he proposed to fire on the
town unless the American sentinels should be withdrawn.
Howe's reply was that he had given orders to his sentinels
not to fire on any boat unless approaching the shore in a
hostile manner. But Dunmore's mind was made up. He
proposed to destroy Norfolk, even if it involved the slaughter
of women and children. Without further warning, about
three o'clock on the afternoon of the next day, a cannonade
of one hundred pieces opened on the devoted town and con-
tinued without interruption until ten o'clock that night.
Under cover of their guns, the British landed and set fire to
the houses at several places near the water. They landed
frequently, but were repulsed in every instance. Once, in-
deed, they reached the street with several field pieces, but
were driven back with considerable loss. In the meantime
the conflagration spread with amazing rapidity, and the
women and children, seeking to escape, were subjected to the
British fire and some of them were killed. For two days
the fire raged, and nine-tenths of the town was destroyed
before it was extinguished. A midshipman on board tHe
British ship Otter thus describes the event: "The detested
town of Norfolk is no more! Its destruction happened on
Jan. 1, 1776 New Year's Day. About four o'clock in the afternoon the
signal was given from the Liverpool, when a dreadful
cannonading began from the three ships, which lasted till
c. rm x,
37»
Norfolk
burned
C. RM X,
381, 387, 393
NORFOLK DESTROYED 491
'twas too hot for the rebels to stand on their wharves. Our ^75
boats now landed and set fire to the town in several places.
It burned fiercely all night and the next day; nor are the
flames yet extinguished; but no more of Norfolk remains
than about twelve houses, which escaped the flames."
A month later Colonel Howe, with the concurrence of his
officers, visited the Virginia convention, then sitting at
Williamsburg, and on his recommendation that body directed
that the remaining houses, only twelve in number, should be
destroyed. In Colonel Howe's encounters with the British,
although his forces were under a long-protracted, heavy
cannonade, he lost only five or six men wounded and none
killed. It was his good fortune to bear himself so well that
notwithstanding local jealousies, he won high applause and
received the thanks of the Virginia convention, while gain-
ing merited distinction for himself and his North Carolina
troops.
Colonel Howe had with him some six hundred North
Carolinians on this duty in Virginia, and the aid given so
expeditiously and effectively at the same time against the
Scovellites at the south and Dunmore at the north estab-
lished for North Carolina an enviable reputation throughout
America.
Measures for defence
On December 18th the Provincial Council met at the £(,Rm x'
court-house of Johnston County in its second session.
It was now known that the province was to be invaded;
and as the inhabitants were not well supplied with arms and
ammunition for defence, commissioners were appointed to
make and repair guns and to purchase munitions of war;
and the delegates in the Continental Congress were directed
to send powder, drums, colors and fifes from Philadelphia c. rmx,
for the use of the troops. 355
Waightstill Avery, one of the members, was directed to
repair to South Carolina and obtain twenty hundredweight
of gunpowder, a supply of which had been received from
abroad by that province. Powder and ammunition belong-
ing to the British Government had also been seized in South
Carolina, Georgia, and apparently Florida.
492
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
C. R.. X,
December
Importa-
tion*
Progress of
events
Because of the necessity to continue importations and
protect vessels engaged in such commerce, the council took
steps to fit out three armed ships, one at Wilmington, one
at New Bern, and one at Edenton, and gentlemen at each
of those towns were appointed to charter one or more vessels,
which they were to load with commodities and send abroad
to procure arms and ammunition for the province. And
renewed efforts were made to obtain at home an additional
supply of arms and equipments. It was ordered that two
battalions of minute men should be embodied in the district
of Salisbury, one of them to be under Griffith Rutherford,
as colonel, and the other to be commanded by Colonel
Thomas Polk. It was also directed that the test adopted by
the Provincial Congress should be signed by all the minute
men and militiamen, and it was recommended that no person
should be allowed any relief against a debtor unless ten days
previous to his application he should have subscribed the
continental association and the test.
Early in September the address of the Continental Congress
urging the king to point out some way for an accommoda-
tion was presented to the ministry by Governor Penn.
Three days later Dartmouth replied that to it no answer
would be given ; while in a speech from the throne it was
declared that the protestations of loyalty were meant only
to deceive, the rebellious war being carried on for the pur-
pose of establishing an independent empire. When informa-
tion came of this closing of the door to all hope of accom-
modation the colonists were profoundly moved. So far there
had been no purpose to separate. All that fall the chaplains
in Washington's army were still leading their troops in
prayer "for the king." In December, James Hogg, who was
attending the Continental Congress seeking recognition for
Transylvania, wrote that "the famous John and Sam Adams"
presented this difficulty: "There seems to be an impro-
priety in embarrassing our reconciliation with anything new ;
and the taking under our protection a body of people who
have acted in defiance of the king's proclamations will be
looked on as a confirmation of that independent spirit with
which we are daily reproached." As yet, even those aggres-
sive delegates from Massachusetts were unwilling to give
Hope of rec-
onciliation
373
THE GROWTH OF INDEPENDENCE 493
color to the charge that they favored independence.* To ws
make a reasonable explanation of the resort to arms while The Tory
professing allegiance, the Whig leaders denounced the buSSST
efforts to deprive the colonists of their constitutional rights
as emanating from a profligate ministry, and stigmatized
those who opposed the American cause as "tools of the
ministers," and the British troops were known as "minis-
terial troops." It was sought to emphasize a distinction be-
tween the king and his ministry ; but, indeed, the king was
more determined than Lord North, an amiable man, who still
hoped for some accommodation. George III was of an
arbitrary disposition. Eeing intent to free himself from
the great Whig leaders, who had governed ever since the
house of Hanover came to the throne, he had placed at the
head of affairs Lord North, who was a Tory, and the admin-
istration at this period was conducted by Tories. The Par-
liament was subservient, but the people were greatly divided.
There were those who opposed the administration for politi-
cal reasons and others who favored America for industrial
and commercial purposes. Men like Horace Walpole con- J^JSJJJJ
sidered that the constitution was in danger from the despot-
ism of the king, and that the preservation of British liberty
was involved in the struggle of the Americans for their rights
as British subjects; the merchants and manufacturers real-
ized that the prosperity of Great Britain required a cessation
of the disturbance. About November 1, 1775, Walpole
wrote : "The ministers have only provoked and united, not Waipoie's
intimidated, wounded or divided, America. At this instant 3Q "3JJ '
they are not sure that the king has a foot of dominion left
on that continent." "It is certain that the campaign has
answered none of the expectations of the administration. It
seems to be the opinion now that they will think of pacific
measures. They have even talked in Parliament of treating.
The Parliament grants whatever is asked; and yet a great
alteration has happened in the administration. The Duke
♦After the event John Adams claimed that he favored indepen-
dence as early as the summer of 1775. The question in such cases
is, when did he really begin by acts and measures to promote the
cause? When did he seek to disseminate views favorable to the
success of the cause? The above letter indicates that neither of
the Adamses was promoting independence early in December, 1775.
494 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
w of Grafton has changed sides, and was turned out last
Friday. Lord Dartmouth has quitted the American prov-
ince and taken the privy seal. Lord George Germaine is
made secretary of state for America, and Lord Weymouth
has taken the southern province. The town is impatient to
see whether this change of men implies any change of meas-
ures. I do not see why it should, for none of the new
ministers have ever inclined to the Americans ; and I doubt
whether the success of the latter will make them have a
better disposition toward the present administration. They
have felt their strength, and experienced how much less hurt
we can do them than we imagined. If they have such ideas
of independence as have been imputed to them, and as prob-
ably some ambitious men among them may have, we have
done nothing to convince them that their plan is impracticable.
. . . We must exhaust our men, money, navies and trade.
These are the four trifling articles we pay to the old scheme
of arbitrary power. When will the kings of England learn
how great they may be by the constitution ; how sure of
ruin if they try to be despotic? Cannot the fate of the
Stuarts teach even the house of Hanover to have common
sense ?"
Tories and Whigs
On December 24th the council resolved that, "Whereas,
Governor Martin hath distributed great numbers of Tory
pamphlets in the western parts of this province, where the
people are not well informed," the delegates in congress be
desired to secure the best pamphlets to counteract and frus-
trate the wicked and diabolical tools of a corrupt ministry.
Anterior to this era there had been no political differences
among the colonists. The king and the ministers had since
1688 been Whigs and the colonists were in full sympathy
with the administration. But when George III broke with
the Whigs and formed the first Tory ministry under Lord
North, and the measures oppressive to America were de-
vised, those who adhered to the ministry and allied them-
selves with the Tory party became Tories.
The other inhabitants, being in the opposition, naturally
called themselves Whigs, for the Whigs in England violently
WHIGS AND TORIES 495
opposed the administration. Thus these English party names *m
were, in 1775, applicable in America.
Once introduced they became fixed ; and even after inde-
pendence and separation became the object of the struggle,
the revolutionists still called themselves Whigs. Likewise
the adherents of the Crown continued to be known as Tories,
and the name Tory became a term of odium and reproach,
synonymous with detested enmity to the country : the Tories
being considered traitors and hated as men aiding to de-
prive the people of their rights and liberties.
C. R., X,
♦©7, «5», 653
CHAPTER XXVIII
The Provincial Council, 1775-76 — Continued
Martin prepares lo act. — He sends commissions. — The rising. — The
Western patriots. — Caswell marches. — At Wilmington. — At Cross
Creek. — The Tories embody. — Moore at Rockfish. — McDonald
marches. — Moore's Creek. — The battle. — Death of Grady. — The
Spoils. — Trouble in Currituck. — The effects of the victory. — In Vir-
ginia.— In North Carolina. — Mary Slocumb's ride. — Reports of
Caswell and Moore.
Martin prepares to act
™ Early in December Governor Martin sailed for Charles-
ton, where he was detained a month, returning to the Cape
Fear only in January. Doubtless his conferences there
strengthened his purpose to embody the Loyalists in the
interior. His original design had been to send a British
battalion to Cumberland as a nucleus around which the
Highlanders and Regulators should centre; but no British
force had reached him, although he had been advised that a
large expedition was now on the way to the Cape Fear.
On his return from South Carolina some of the Loyalists
of Brunswick County solicited him not to delay longer, rep-
197*787-489 resenting "that the rebel troops were weak; that one-third
of them had not been provided with arms; that they were
equally deficient of ammunition, and that the people were
sore under their new-fangled government and had a dispo-
sition to revolt; and that they would engage in a month's
pian« to time to raise two or three thousand men." Major McLean
ulj^suhe had gone into the interior with instructions to ascertain the
number of men that might be relied on; and now the
anxious governor confided a commission to a confidential
messenger, recommended by the Brunswick Loyalists, to
establish the concert he proposed and to carry necessary
instructions to the people of the more distant counties. At
length Major McLean brought gratifying assurances that
two or three thousand men, one-half of them well armed,
would quickly respond to his call. This organization extended
c. R-, x.
V
44 >
COMMISSIONS TO THE LOYALISTS 497
from Surry County to Brunswick, and the plan promised lJ*
good hope of success. Again McLean was despatched with
powers to proper persons to raise and embody men and
with orders to press down to Brunswick by February 15th;
and soon came a verbal message "that the Loyalists were in
high spirits and very fast collecting ; that they assured them-
selves of being six thousand strong, well furnished with
wagons and horses ; that they intended to post one thousand
at Cross Creek, and with the rest would take possession of
Wilmington by February 25th at farthest." By these emis- The Tory
saries commissions were conveyed to the McDonalds and
other Scotch leaders in Cumberland and Anson ; to John c. r., x,
Pyle, of the county of Chatham; to William Fields, James
Hunter, Saymore York, and others, of Guilford; Samuel
Bryan and others, of Rowan; Gideon Wright and James
Glyn, of Surry ; Paul Barringer,* of Mecklenburg ; Michael
Holt, of Orange ; and Philemon Hawkins, of Bute.* These
and their associates were to erect the king's standard and
array his Majesty's faithful subjects in their respective
counties, forming them into companies of fifty men each,
and with authority to commission the company officers. The
preliminary arrangements having been secretly made, the
Loyalists soon were all astir.
Now the mission of Donald McDonald and Alexander
McLeod, who had reached New Bern the previous June,
became known. The first had an appointment as brigadier-
general and the latter as colonel in the British army, and
they had been sent by General Gage to organize not merely
an insurrectionary force, but a division of Loyalists in the
interior of North Carolina for service in any part of
America. At this crisis General McDonald took the chief
command, by virtue of his commission. Allan McDonald,
the husband of Flora, was appointed by Governor Martin
to a subordinate position, but the highest in his gift. He
was a man of great influence and high station among his
countrymen. As Boswell saw him on his native heath, just
prior to his departure for America, he was the beau ideal
of a Highland chieftain — of graceful mien and manly looks ;
♦Barringer and Hawkins did not accept these commissions, but
were Whigs. Holt and Hunter later took the oath.
498
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1776
Graham's
British
Invasion,
"5
Flora
McDonald
Ibid.y in
C. R., X,
m ".'ft-
1 he rising
C. RM X,
443
C. R., X,
440
"he had his tartan plaid thrown about him, a large blue
bonnet, with a knot of blue ribbons, . . . and brown coat,
. . . and tartan waistcoat with gold buttons, ... a bluish
filibeg, and tartan hose; ... jet black hair tied behind;
... a large, stately man, with a steady, sensible counte-
nance," then near fifty years of age; a man, indeed, who
might well have swayed his countrymen to any enterprise.
His wife, who beyond her romantic career had also a pres-
ence both notable and attractive, vied with her husband in
manifestations of enthusiasm and devoted loyalty. She ac-
companied McDonald on horseback in arousing the Scotch
to action, visiting the camp and exerting all of her persuasive
powers in rallying the people to the standard.
The entire territory between the Cape Fear and Haw on
the east and the waters of the Yadkin on the west, inhab-
ited largely by the Highlanders and Regulators, was per-
meated by loyal influences, and a close association existed
between the chieftains of the Scotchmen and the leaders of
those whom Governor Martin distinguished as "the country
people." Both responded with alacrity to the call of the
governor, and there was general co-operation throughout
that entire region. The Tories of Bladen and Surry and
Guilford as well as the Highlanders of Cumberland and
Anson prepared for the march and were organized into
companies by their local officers.
At length, on February 5th, there having been a confer-
ence of the leaders, Donald McDonald issued his manifesto
as the commanding general, inviting all to repair to his
Majesty's royal standard to be erected at Cross Creek.
The movement then began. Secret at its inception, it now
was open, and was at once discovered by vigilant Whigs.
Messengers were immediately despatched to give warning to
the patriot leaders. It was quickly known in Salisbury,
where the district Committee of Safety met on February 6th
and issued orders to the county committees to embody and
send forward their minute men and militia.
The western patriots act
The committee of Rowan, meeting on the same day, urged
the disaffected in the forks of the Yadkin to peace, now
LOCAL WHIGS EMBODY 499
at this time, "when the friends of American liberty in these 'jff
southern colonies are determined, by the assistance of c. rmx.
Almighty God, at the hazard of their lives and fortunes, to 434
quell an insurrection of the blackest nature, fomented and
supported by the arts of wicked and abandoned men in the
very bosom of this country" ; and the committee "appointed
Monday, February 14th, as a day of public fasting, humilia- February
tion and prayer in this country, and recommended that it be
religiously observed."
Three days later the Tryon committee hastily convened, c.r,x
and, pursuant to the directions of the district committee, 44°
resolved that each captain should detail one-third of the
effective men in his district and march to suppress the insur-
rection. In every part of the province the same zeal was
manifested. There was no hesitation. The action of the
Whigs was quick and determined. At the west they collected
at Charlotte, Salisbury, and Hillsboro.
Thomas Person wrote from Hillsboro on February 12th, c. r.,x,
saying: "Things move very well in this place. The advo- 45°
cates for liberty seem very numerous, and by what we hear,
their enemies are likely to prove but few in number. In
short, we hear that they are mostly dispersed up ahead. . . .
Tis said that the Scotch in Cumberland are making head.
. . . The forces will move from here, 'tis thought, to-morrow
for Chatham County, toward Cross Creek."
The Loyalists in Surry appear to have been speedily dis-
persed by the active Whigs of that county. In Guilford,
Colonel James Martin assembled the Whigs at the "Cross
Roads," but the Tories resolutely pressed on. A company De5uaknied
of which Samuel Devinny, one of the former Regulators, was
the head, being opposed by Captain Dent, killed him. James
Lowe and Robert Adams were particularly charged with
firing the fatal shots. It thus appears that Captain Dent c. r., x,
was the first North Carolinian to fall in the contest. s6o» 5"
An express carrying intelligence that the Loyalists were TheWhigs
embodying, and had on the 5th begun to march to Cross
Creek, was received by the district Committee of Safety of
New Bern on the 10th. The committee immediately directed c. r., x,
Colonel Caswell to march with his minute men to suppress
the insurrection, and the colonels of Dobbs, Johnston, Pitt,
500 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1JJ? and Craven were ordered to raise the militia of those
February counties and join Caswell. Similarly, the patriot forces in
Mecklenburg and Rowan, in Granville and Bute, in the
Hillsboro district and on the Cape Fear, were put in rapid
motion. The militia and minute men of Surry, Guilford,
Orange, and Chatham, under Colonel Thackston, also hur-
ried to the scene of operations.
^6SR/Vx^. On the 9th the express conveying the intelligence of the
wuinin ton insurrection reached Wilmington. There the greatest ac-
tivity prevailed. All vied in enthusiastic ardor. Colonel
Moore issued orders to prepare for marching against the
insurgents. The artillery was to be equipped, the companies
armed, wagons supplied for transporting the provisions. For
eighty hours there was severe, unremitting service, night and
day, making preparations. At length, being ready, Colonel
Moore, with his regulars and artillery, moved toward Cross
Creek, being joined on his route by the Bladen militia. Four
days later he was followed by the two companies of minute
men of New Hanover under Colonel Lillington and Colonel
Ashe's independent rangers, while Colonel Purviance re-
mained with his militia for the defence of the town. On the
14th the Cruizer sloop-of-war with a tender passed Bruns-
wick, and, fearing an attack, many inhabitants of Wilming-
ton moved out, carrying the women and children, and breast-
works were thrown up on the principal streets and wharves
and on the hills above and below the town. Quickly there
came Captain Clinton's company of minute men from
Duplin, a minute company from Onslow, and a part of the
militia from Onslow under Colonel Cray, and fifty men from
Brunswick under Major Quince. These all assisted in com-
pleting the breastworks, mounting the swivels and pre-
paring fire rafts. The Cruizer, however, made no attack on
the town, but tried to pass up the Clarendon River into the
Northwest, with the intention of meeting the Loyalists on
their way down and protecting their provision boats from
Cross Creek.
The attempt, however, was abortive. Riflemen on shore
attacked the men from the Cruizer whenever they landed,
and the water not being sufficient for the vessel to pass, she
again fell below the island.
LOYALISTS RENDEZVOUS
5oi
C. R., X,
The royal
45». 4Q«
At Cross Creek *j*
Cross Creek had for months been greatly disturbed.
There a few sterling Whigs lived in the very midst of the
Tory element. In the early stages of the movement Rob-
ert Rowan had formed an independent company, and patri-
otically sought to determine the action of the community.
But there the Tory leaders held their meetings and resolved
upon their course. The first rendezvous was appointed at Cross hui
Cross Hill, near Carthage, in Moore County, on Feb-
ruary 5th ; and thence the companies moved to Campbellton.
Colonel Thomas Rutherford, who at the previous congress
had been chosen colonel of the county, proved unfaithful,
and gave in his adherence to the royal cause. He called for
a general muster on the 12th. Many, however, would not
obey. To arouse them, on the next day he issued a flaming
manifesto, entreating, beseeching, and commanding the
people to join the king's army. On the 16th the converging JJJJ*^
columns began to arrive, and Peter Hay bore the royal
standard from Campbellton to Cross Creek, where it was
formally erected. Now regiments came in from Anson,
Chatham, Guilford, and Bladen, and companies from Orange
and Rowan and other communities. The entire number of
Loyalists then assembling at Cross Creek was variously esti-
mated at between thirty-five hundred and five thousand men.
Colonel Cotton, of Anson, and other leaders asserted that
there would be five thousand of the Regulators in addition to
the Highlanders. But it had been given out that Governor
Martin was at Campbellton with a thousand British regulars
to receive them, and this report had given an impetus to the
movement. On approaching their encampment the state-
ment was found to be without foundation, and large num-
bers abandoned the cause. Deceived in one matter, the Reg-
ulators lost confidence in all other representations made by
their leaders, and hundreds retired.
General McDonald, who had fought at Culloden and at
Bunker Hill, was, however, resolute, and, notwithstanding
this defection, marshalled his forces, preparing to take up
his route to the seacoast. There were two main roads, one
on the south of the river to Brunswick and the other crossing
Corbett's Ferry on the Black and leading to Wilmington.
The
Regulators
withdraw
502
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1776
Moore at
Rockfish
Creek
Moore's
Report
McDonald
moves
McDonald moved forward some four miles on the former
and rested, awaiting developments. On reaching the vicin-
ity, Colonel Moore, understanding that the Loyalists would
proceed by the former, took post at Rockfish Creek, four
miles below McDonald's camp, and held that pass. There
he was quickly joined by Rowan and sixty Whigs from
Cross Creek, and later was reinforced by Lillington and
Ashe and by Colonel Kenan with the Duplin militia, increas-
ing his numbers to fifteen hundred. In the meanwhile
Colonel Thackston and Colonel Martin were rapidly ap-
proaching from the west with still larger reinforcements.
On February 19th General McDonald addressed a communi-
cation to Moore enclosing the governor's proclamation,
offering free pardon and indemnity for all past transgres-
sions if the colonel and his officers would lay down their
arms and take the oath of allegiance, "otherwise he should
consider them as traitors and take necessary steps to con-
quer and subdue them.,, Moore replied that he would give
a more particular answer the next day, when he would per-
haps have an opportunity of consulting with Colonel Mar-
tin,* then in the neighborhood. It appears that he sought to
prolong the correspondence that Martin and Thackston
might arrive. On the night of the 20th, the defection of
the Loyalists continuing — indeed, two companies of Cotton's
regiment deserted in a body and McDonald having infor-
mation of Caswell's near approach from the east, the astute
British general resolved to wait no longer, and under cover
of darkness he crossed the river and took the upper road for
Wilmington. At best he would have only Caswell to con-
tend with, and he thought to easily overcome that detach-
ment. Moore, on learning of the movement, directed
Thackston and Martin to take possession of Cross Creek,
and ordered Caswell to return and hold Corbett's Ferry over
the Black, while Lillington and Ashe were hurried by a
forced march to reinforce Caswell if possible, but if not, to
take possession of Moore's Creek Bridge on the same road,
but nearer to Wilmington. In the meantime, as it was ap-
prehended that McDonald might attempt to pass through
♦Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Martin, of the Regulars. Lieu-
tenant-Colonel James Martin, of the militia, was with Thackston.
BATTLE OF MOORE'S CREEK BRIDGE 503
Duplin, pursuing a route still farther to the eastward, the !™f
bridges in that county were partly demolished, Colonel Cray
holding back Salter's company for that duty, and the inhab-
itants being ready to destroy the others if necessary to
obstruct the march of the Tories. At Wilmington, Colonel
Purviance was all activity, and to arrest their boats, should
they descend the river, he threw a boom across the stream
at Mount Misery, four miles above the town, and stationed
one hundred and twenty men there, while with another de-
tachment he held the pass of Heron's Bridge, ten miles out
on the northeast branch. Having despatched his orders to
intercept the progress of the Tory column, Moore hastened
to Elizabethtown, hoping to strike McDonald on his route
to Corbett's Ferry or to fall in his rear and surround him.
McDonald was a very competent commander, resourceful,
and determined. Failing to overtake Caswell, he departed
from the regular road, raised a flat that had been sunk in
Black River some five miles above Corbett's Ferry, quickly
erected a bridge and passed that stream. Because of this
movement, Moore ordered Caswell to retire to Moore's
Creek, and himself hurried toward that point.
The battle of Moore's Creek Bridge
Lillington, unable to make a junction with Caswell, fell
down the river in boats, and took post at Moore's Creek
Bridge, and threw up some entrenchments near by ; but later
he abandoned that position, moved farther back, and erected
other entrenchments, which he strengthened with a few
pieces of light artillery. Toward the evening of Feb- Ca»weir»
ruary 26th Caswell also arrived at the bridge, and after eport
he had crossed it the planks were removed. He placed his
troops in a position farther off than that occupied by Lilling-
ton, who remained on the ground where he had entrenched.
The Highlanders and some two hundred Regulators reached
the same vicinity that night. General McDonald lay ill at a
farmer's house, and in camp a council was held to determine
whether an assault should be made or a detour attempted.
McLeod, a trained soldier, who had left his bride (a
daughter of Flora McDonald) at the altar in haste to do duty Uni. Mag.,
for his king, doubted; McLean, adventurous, spirited, a '3°5(*53
504 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
*j£ veritable "spitfire," emphatically demanded courageous
action. "Well," exclaimed McLeod, as he closed the council,
Feb. a7f 1776 "at dawn to-morrow we will prove who is the coward." In
the early morning their advance crossed the stream, and
observing the first entrenchments unoccupied, supposed the
road was open. Their commander, McLeod, loudly calling
on them to follow, dashed forward; but the artillery and
riflemen at once opened a murderous fire, and the unexpected
and destructive volley drove back the head of the column,
thirty falling on the ground and a number of others into
the stream. The gallant McLeod himself was pierced by
twenty balls. McLean survived, in after life sedate, sad-
dened by the unhappy fate of the bridegroom of an hour.
The victory A detachment was now thrown by Caswell, the commanding
officer, across the creek, and it resolutely attacked the dis-
ordered Tories, who, having lost their leaders, soon gave
way and fled. In a few moments the battle was over. A
great victory was won. The insurrection was suppressed
by one sharp blow and the peril that threatened the province
was averted. Happily, the patriot force escaped with but
little loss. Two men were wounded, one of them, however,
to the death — John Grady, of Duplin, the first North Caro-
linian recorded in history to yield his life on a contested
battlefield in the war for independence.
The $poii» Routed, the Highlanders quickly dispersed, leaving their
general, then quite ill, in the hands of his enemies. Eight
hundred and fifty of the insurgents were captured, among
them many of their officers. Besides there fell into the
possession of the Whigs three hundred and fifty guns and
shot bags, one hundred and fifty swords and dirks, fifteen
hundred excellent rifles, two medicine chests, fresh from
C-R.X, England, one of them valued at £300 sterling; a box of
595' guineas, found secreted in a stable at Cross Creek, reported
to be worth £15,000 sterling, and thirteen wagons with their
horses — a fortunate addition to the slender supplies of the
provincial army. For some days detachments of the Whig
troops were occupied in scouring the country, arresting the
Loyalists and disarming them. Among those taken were
Colonel John Pyle, four of the Fields family, James Hunter,
Saymore York, Rev. George Micklejohn, Colonel Ruther-
AGGRESSIVE MOVEMENTS
50S
ford, of Cumberland, and many of the leaders of the Regu-
lators, as well as the McDonalds and other chiefs of the
Highlanders.
1776
Moore and
Howe
thanked
The council in session
President Harnett, in view of the insurrection, had con- c.r.,x,46q
vened the Provincial Council at New Bern on February 27th,
and the body was. in session when information was received
of the death blow given to the movement of the Loyalists.
Colonel Caswell, being senior in rank to Colonel Lillington,
despatched information of his victory, and Colonel Moore
made a detailed report to President Harnett of the entire
campaign. At once the council adopted resolutions return-
ing thanks "to Colonel James Moore and all the brave
officers and soldiers of every denomination for their late
very important services rendered their country in effectually
suppressing the late daring and dangerous insurrection of
the Highlanders and Regulators." Equally good accounts
being received of Howe's fine conduct in Virginia, the coun-
cil, with just pride in the glorious achievements of North
Carolinians, rendered thanks "in the fullest and most hon-
orable terms to Colonel Howe and all the brave officers and
soldiers under his command for their spirited conduct, hav-
ing acquitted themselves greatly to the honor and good of
their country." But in that hour of rejoicing there was
also need for action. The scattered insurgents were to be
apprehended, and all suspected of Toryism were required
to take an oath that they would not under any pretence what-
ever oppose the measures of the continental or provincial
congresses.
Almost simultaneously with the rising on the Cape Fear,
disaffection manifested itself in Currituck, doubtless stimu-
lated by the efforts of Governor Dunmore in Virginia. The
militia of Bertie, Martin and some other counties were
marched to suppress it; and the council on March 2d re-
turned the warmest thanks to Colonel William Williams
and the other gentlemen, officers, and soldiers from the
counties of Martin and Bertie for their readiness and spirited
conduct in marching against the enemies of their country;
and the congress later made a considerable appropriation to
c. r., x,
47a, 57»
Risinc in
Currituck
506 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
lJjt pay the militia of Bute, led by Colonel Hawkins against the
insurgents during the "late Currituck expedition."
It being known that a British army was on its way to
the South, the Continental Congress had recommended the
Provincial Council to confer with the authorities of Vir-
ginia and of South Carolina to devise means of defence;
and Sam Johnston, Thomas Jones, and Thomas Person were
directed to go to Virginia, and Abner Nash and John
Kinchen to Charleston, to consult on measures for the secur-
ity of these colonies. As additional troops would certainly
be needed, Colonel Polk and Major Phifer were directed to
recruit seven hundred and fifty men to form a new con-
tinental regiment ; and congress was called to meet at Hali-
fax on April 2d.
The effects of the victory
Governor Martin was greatly disconcerted by this ending
of the movement from which he had hoped so much ; but he
was not discouraged, and attributed the falling off of the
country people from the enterprise to their disappointment
in finding that a deception had been practised on them by
the representation that he himself with one thousand regu-
lars was at Cross Creek. He still expected that if such a
force were to penetrate into the interior thousands of Loyal-
ists would flock to his standard, and he represented to the
ministry "that the little check the Loyalists have received
will not have any extensive ill consequences. All is recover-
able by a body of troops penetrating into the country."
And so, indeed, it was. The Loyalists, though disheart-
ened, generally remained faithful to the Crown. Disarmed
and deprived of their leaders, many of whom had been cap-
tured and confined, they had no heart to undertake any new
movement, but thousands of them continued during the long
years of the struggle unfriendly to the American cause and
devoted adherents of Great Britain.
hIm,hR& On the Whigs the victory had a potent effect. It animated
Rethuebiic them with hope, established confidence in their prowess, and
503 ' added fuel to the fires of patriotism. Their spirit ran high.
"You never knew the like in your life for true patriotism,"
wrote a North Carolinian to his correspondent in Philadel-
THE RESULTS OF VICTORY 507
phia, and the newspapers teemed with the details of the Ujt
brilliant victory. Another Carolinian, writing to the
Remembrancer, said:
It is inconceivable to imagine what joy this event has diffused
through this province; the importance of which is heightened by
Clinton and Lord William Campbell's being now in Cape Fear. . . . Thc9pjritof
How amazingly mortified must they prove in finding that ... in the Whigs
less than fifteen days [we] could turn out more than ten thousand
independent gentlemen volunteers. . . . Since I was born I never fj£tf*l%
heard of so universal an ardor for fighting prevailing, and so per-
fect a union among all degrees of men. ... I think the province
will and ought to call for hostages from the Regulators and High-
landers to be safely kept in some other province, beyond the possi-
bility of a rescue, during the present commotions.
Independence
Ten months had passed since the clash of arms at Lexing-
ton had roused the passion of the patriots, and now Moore's
Creek brought joy throughout the colonies.
The ease with which a well-devised and widely extended
insurrection had been quelled excited an ardor that stirred
the Revolutionists from the seaboard to the mountains. The
iron had entered into their souls in the time of peril, and
now in the exultation and rejoicing there was mingled a in pUJp<!l!ege
higher resolve, and suddenly the nature of the contest
changed. Theretofore reconciliation had been desired ; now,
as if by magic, the watchword became independence, and
the thoughts and aspirations of the people were centred on
entire and final separation. No longer as British subjects,
but as American freemen, they dared the hazard of the
struggle.
Similar experiences, perhaps, worked a like result in Vir- Frothing-
ginia. In April a great change was noted in that province. RUe'of the
Whereas in March the Virginians were not favorable to £*pub,,c»
independence, in April they were almost unanimous for it.
A letter written from Halifax about the middle of April,
which may be attributed to Hooper, who had just arrived
from Philadelphia, says:
I arrived here after a tedious journey. As I came through Vir-
ginia, I found the inhabitants desirous to be independent from
Britain. However, they were willing to submit their opinion on the
508 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
m6 subject to whatever the general congress should determine. North
*~ Carolina by far exceeds them, occasioned by the great fatigue,
trouble and danger the people here have undergone for some time
past Gentlemen of the first fortune in the province have marched
Mae' n"1' as common soldiers, and, to encourage and give spirit to the men,
157,158(1853) have footed it the whole time. Lord Cornwall is with seven regiments
is expected to visit us every day. Clinton is now in Cape Fear with
Governor Martin, who has about forty sail of vessels, armed and un-
armed, waiting his arrival. The Highlanders and Regulators are
not to be trusted. Governor Martin has coaxed a number of slaves
to leave their masters in the lower parts; everything base and
wicked is practised by him. These things have wholly changed
the temper and disposition of the inhabitants, that are friends to
liberty. All regard or fondness for the king or nation of Britain is
gone; a total separation is what they want. Independence is the
word most used. They ask if it is possible that any colony, after
what has passed, can wish for a reconciliation. The Convention
have tried to get the opinion of the people at large. I am told that
in many counties there is not one dissenting voice.*
Mary Slocumb's ride
m«. Filet'* There is recorded a picturesque narrative that illustrates
Am^Rev., the furor which pervaded the entire Whig section when the
,36t fathers, husbands, and brothers of the families hurried out
to meet the Tories in February, 1776. War had never be-
fore visited that section, but now was at their very doors.
Its unknown terrors inflamed the imagination and disturbed
every household. Anxiety pervaded every heart. The men
courageously marched to the front, the women suffered
dreadful solicitude. Mrs. Mary Slocumb, the wife of
Captain Ezekiel Slocumb, gave this account of the experi-
ence that befell her. Their residence was on Neuse River,
in what is now Wayne County : "The men all left on Sunday
morning. More than eighty went from this house with my
husband. . . . They got off in high spirits, every man step-
ping high and light. And I slept soundly and quietly that
night, and worked hard all the next day ; but I kept thinking
where they had got to — how far, where, and how many
Regulators and Tories they would meet; and I could not
keep myself from the study. I went to bed at the usual
*The name of the writer of this letter is not stated, but from
internal evidence the author attributes it, without doubt, to Hooper.
MARY SLOCUMB'S RIDE 509
time. ... As I lay — whether waking or sleeping I know 2jf
not — I had a dream, yet it was not all a dream. I saw dis-
tinctly a body wrapped in my husband's guard cloak, bloody,
dead, and others dead and wounded on the ground. ... I
saw them plainly and distinctly. I uttered a cry and sprang
to my feet on the floor ; and so strong was the impression on
my mind that I rushed in the direction the vision appeared.
. . . The fire in the room gave little light, and I gazed in
every direction to catch another glimpse of the scene. . . .
If ever I felt fear it was at that moment. Seated on the bed,
I reflected . . . and said aloud, 4I must go to him.' ... I
went to the stable, saddled my mare — as fleet and easy a nag
as ever travelled — and in one minute we were tearing down
the road at full speed. ... I knew the general route our
little army expected to take, and had followed them without
hesitation." All night long she rode through the piney for-
ests of Duplin and New Hanover counties. Then continuing,
she said : "About sunrise I came upon a group of women
and children standing and sitting by the roadside, each one
of them showing the same anxiety of mind I felt. . . .
Again was I skimming over the ground through a country
thinly settled, and very poor and swampy, . . . when I
heard a sound like thunder, which I knew must be cannon.
It was the first time I ever heard a cannon. I stopped still,
when presently the cannon thundered again. The battle
was then fighting. ... I could hear muskets ; I could hear
rifles; I could hear shouting. I spoke to my mare, and
dashed on in the direction of the firing and the shouts, now
louder than ever. ... A few yards from the road, under a
cluster of trees, were lying perhaps twenty men. They were
the wounded. I knew the spot, the very trees, and the posi-
tion of the men I knew as if I had seen it a thousand times.
I had seen it all night. I saw all at once ; but in an instant
my whole soul was centred in one spot, for there, wrapped
in his bloody guard cloak, was my husband's body! How
I passed the few yards from my saddle to the place I never
knew. I remember uncovering his head and seeing a face
clotted with gore from a dreadful wound across the temple.
I put my hand on the bloody face ; 'twas warm, and an un-
known voice begged for water ... it was Frank Cogdell.
the victor
510 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
lJ* ... Just then I looked up, and my husband, as bloody as a
butcher and as muddy as a ditcher, stood before me." It
is said that Slocumb's company was of the detachment that
forded the creek and, penetrating the swamp, made the
furious charge on the Tory rear that decided the fate of
the day.
Colonel Caswell's report to President Harnett:
Camp at Long Creek, Feb. 29, 1776.
Sir : I have the pleasure to acquaint you that we had an engagement
with the Tories, at Widow Moore's Creek Bridge,* on the 27th cur-
rent. Our army was about one thousand strong, consisting of the
New Bern battalion of minute men, the militia from Craven, John-
ston, Dobbs and Wake, and a detachment of the Wilmington battalion
of minute men, which we found encamped at Moore's Creek the
night before the battle, under the command of Colonel Lillington.
The Tories, by common report, were 3000; but General McDonald,
whom we have a prisoner, says there were about fifteen or sixteen
Caswell, hundred. He was unwell that day, and not in the battle. . . .
The Tories were totally put to the route, and will certainly disperse.
Colonel Moore arrived at our camp a few hours after the engagement
was over. His troops came up that evening, and are now encamped
on the ground where the battle was fought. And Colonel Martin
is at or near Cross Creek, with a large body of men. Those, I pre-
sume, will be sufficient effectually to put a stop to any attempt to
embody again. I therefore, with Colonel Moore's consent, am re-
turning to New Bern with the troops under my command, where I
hope to receive your orders to dismiss them. There I intend carry-
ing the general. t If the council should rise before my arrival, be
pleased to give order in what manner he shall be disposed of. Our
officers and men behaved with the spirit and intrepidity becoming
freemen, contending for their dearest privileges. _
XvICrlARD v^ASWELL.
Report of Colonel Moore to President Harnett:
Wilmington, March 2, 1776.
Sir: On the earliest intelligence that the Tories were collecting and
embodying at Cross Creek, which I received on February 9th, I pro-
*"Widow Moore's," on Black River, was a well-known plantation
as early as 1737. The line dividing the Welsh Tract from Rocky
Point began on Black River at "Widow Moore's." From there the
Welsh Tract district extended to the bounds of the precinct or
county. It was so called, apparently, because laid off by the Evanses
for a settlement of Welshmen. (Records of New Hanover, A.D.
tGeneral McDonald.
MOORE'S REPORT 511
ceeded to take possession of Rockfish Bridge, within seven miles of J7J6
Cross Creek, which I considered as an important post. This I effected Moore's
on the 15th with my own regiment, five pieces of artillery, and a camPal*n
part of the Bladen militia; but as our numbers were by no means
equal to that of the Tories, I thought it most advisable to entrench
and fortify that pass, and wait for a re-enforcement. By the 19th
I was joined by Colonel Lillington with 150 of the Wilmington
minute men, Colonel Kenan with 200 of the Duplin militia, and
Colonel Ashe with about one hundred of the volunteer independent
rangers, making our numbers, then, in the whole about eleven hun-
dred ; and from the best information I was able to procure the Tory
army under command of General McDonald amounted to about
fourteen or fifteen hundred. On the 20th they marched within four
miles of us, and sent in by a flag of truce the governor's proclama-
tion, a manifesto and letter from the general, copies of which, to-
gether with another letter and my answers, you have enclosed. I
then waited only until Colonel Martin and Colonel Thackston, who
I had certain intelligence were on their march, should get near
enough to cut off their retreat, and then determined to avail myself
of the first favorable opportunity of attacking them. However, con-
trary to my expectations, I learned on the 21st that they had the
night before, and that morning, crossed the Northwest river at
Campbell ton with the whole army, sunk and destroyed all the boats,
and taken their route the most direct way to Negro-head Point*
I then despatched an express to Colonel Caswell, who was on his
march to join us with about eight hundred men, and directed him
to return and take possession of Corbett's Ferry over Black River,
and by every means to obstruct, harass and distress them in their
march. At the same time I directed Colonel Martin and Colonel
Thackston to take possession of Cross Creek, in order to prevent
their return that way. Colonel Lillington and Colonel Ashe I
ordered by a forced march to endeavor if possible to re-enforce
Colonel Caswell ; but if that could not be effected to take possession
of Moore's Creek Bridge, while I proceeded back with the remainder
of our army to cross the Northwest at Elizabethtown, so as either
to meet them on their way to Corbett's Ferry, or fall in their rear
and surround them there. On the 23d I crossed the river at Eliza-
bethtown, where I was compelled to wait for a supply of provisions •
until the 24th at night, having learned that Colonel Caswell was
almost entirely without. Just when I was prepared to march, I
received an express from Colonel Caswell, informing me that the
Tories had raised a flat which had been sunk in Black River, about
*The point opposite Wilmington between the two branches of
the Cape Fear River.
campaign
512 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
*n* five miles above him, and by erecting a bridge had passed it with
the whole army. I then determined as a last expedient to proceed
immediately in boats down the Northwest River to Dollerson's Land-
ing, about sixty miles, and to take possession of Moore's Creek
Bridge, about ten miles from thence; at the same time acquainting
Colonel Caswell of my intentions, and recommending to him to
retreat to Moore's Creek Bridge if possible, but if not to follow on
Moore^ in their rear. The next day by four o'clock we arrived at Dollerson's
Landing, but as we could not possibly march that night, for the
want of horses for the artillery, I despatched an express to Moore's
Creek Bridge to learn the situation of affairs there, and was in-
formed that Colonel Lillington, who had the day before taken his
stand at the bridge, was that afternoon reen forced by Colonel Cas-
well, and that they had raised a small breastwork and destroyed a
part of the bridge.
The next morning, the 27th, at break of day, an alarm gun was
fired, immediately after which, scarce allowing our people a mo-
ment to prepare, the Tory army, with Captain McLeod at the head,
made their attack on Colonel Caswell and Colonel Lillington, and
finding a small entrenchment next the bridge, on our side, empty,
concluded that our people had abandoned their post, and in the most
furious manner advanced within thirty paces of our breastwork and
artillery, where they met a very proper reception. Captain McLeod
and Captain Campbell fell within a few paces of the breastwork,
the former of whom received upward of twenty balls in his body;
and in a very few minutes their whole army was put to flight, and
most shamefully abandoned their general, who was next day taken
prisoner. The loss of the enemy in this action from the best ac-
counts we have been able to learn, is about thirty killed and
wounded, but as numbers of them must have fallen into the creek,
besides many more that were carried off, I suppose their loss may
be estimated at about fifty. We had only two wounded, one of
whom died this day. . . .
In order to avoid as much as possible the heavy expense unavoid-
ably incurred by this expedition, I sometime ago directed Colonel
Martin to disband all the troops under his command, except one
thousand, including the regulars, and with those to secure the per-
sons and estates of the insurgents, subject to your further orders,
and then to proceed to this place, unless otherwise directed. How-
ever, as I do not think the service just now requires such a number
of men in arms, I shall immediately direct them to disband all ex-
cept the regulars, and with those to remain in and about Cross
Creek until further orders, . . . etc.
James Moore.
THE SIXTH EPOCH— 1775-83
THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE
CHAPTER XXIX
The Provincial Council, 1775-76 — Continued
The Provincial Congress. — The spirit of independence. — In the
Continental Congress. — At Halifax. — The committee. — The un-
daunted spirit to declare independence. — The delegates instructed.
— North Carolina leads the way. — The captured Tories. — The
drums and colors. — War measures. — On the water. — The Tories.
— Four new battalions. — For defence of Cape Fear. — Militia
drafts. — Civil affairs. — The members of the congress.
The Provincial Congress
Called to meet on April 2d, it was not until Thursday, w*
the 4th, that a majority of the members of the congress
assembled at Halifax. Seldom has a body met under similar April,
• C R. X
circumstances. The insurrection of the Highlanders and 4^> " '
Regulators and the movement of the Tories in many parts
of the State were in themselves causes of inquietude. It Thc ,
. , 1 . ..,,., situation
was evident that in many counties, indeed, in nearly every
community, there was a considerable element of disaffected
persons not only unwilling to sustain the revolutionary move-
ment but so far attached to the royal cause as to take up
arms against their neighbors. Besides, the province stood
in the shadow of a great peril. It was well known that a
large British force was on its way to the Cape Fear and
had been detained only by protracted storms, and its arrival
was now daily expected. Dunmore, from the Chesapeake,
was also sending expeditions along the coast to harass the
inhabitants, capture vessels, and interrupt commerce. Within
and without there was cause for foreboding. The jail at
Halifax was filled with officers of the insurgent force and
promoters of the insurrection, of whom some disposition
had to be made to render them harmless, while policy and
5^4
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1JJ* wise statesmanship required that a conciliatory course should
be pursued reconciling the Loyalists at least to an acqui-
escence in the measures of the congress. The period for
which the minute men had been enrolled was expiring, and
the great need for additional troops, for arms, ammunition,
and equipments was a cause of anxious solicitude, while the
province was absolutely without funds. The condition of
affairs, too, seemed to demand a more efficient system of
government, one that could direct military operations and
conduct the civil administration with more despatch than
the temporary arrangement that had been adopted by the
previous convention. Such a pressure of important matters
demanding immediate consideration and prompt action had
never before been experienced by North Carolina statesmen.
But the courage of the congress rose equal to the occasion,
and with brave hearts the patriots addressed themselves to
devising measures required by the exigency of their novel
situation.
McRee's
Iredell, I,
275
The
development
of the
purpose
C. R.,X,
44^» 447
The spirit of independence
Not only were they strengthened by their overwhelming
and glorious victory, but now they were animated by the
spirit of independence. In this they were unanimous. Sam
Johnston, the wise, prudent, and cautious, the counsellor and
guide, was again chosen president without dissent, and he
joyfully wrote at once to his brother: "All our people here
are up for independence.,, A fortnight later, when Hooper
and Penn came from Philadelphia, they learned that "in
many counties there was not a dissenting voice."
The Continental Congress and the people of the other
provinces were dilatory, dallying with a delusive hope of
reconciliation. Early in January Paine had published in
Philadelphia a pamphlet, "Common Sense/' that arrested
attention. Among the deputies it seems to have been re-
garded "as a curiosity." Save a few individual expressions
in local papers, it was the first cry for independence since
Mecklenburg had raised her voice in May, 1775. A month
later Penn, always among the boldest, sent a copy to Person
without comment; and Hewes forwarded one to Johnston,
saying only : "It is a curiosity. We have not put up any
THE CRY FOR INDEPENDENCE
515
1776
February
xxth
to go by the wagon,* not knowing how you might relish
independency. The author is not known; some say Dr.
Franklin had a hand in it ; he denies it." Hewes's spirit led
him to say : "All accounts from England seem to agree that
we shall have a dreadful storm bursting on our heads
through all America in the spring. We must not shrink
from it ; we ought not to show any symptoms of fear ; the
nearer it approaches and the greater the sound, the more
fortitude and calm, steady firmness we ought to possess. If
we mean to defend our liberties, our dearest rights and
privileges against the power of Britain to the last extremity,
we ought to bring ourselves to such a temper of mind as to
stand unmoved at the bursting of an earthquake. Although
the storm thickens, I feel myself quite composed."
At the close of October the king: had from the throne J,nlhe
. .««•*« e Continental
charged the colonies with levying war for the purpose of Confess
establishing an independent empire ; but he proposed, while
employing a hireling force from the continent to subdue
them, to send commissioners with power to grant pardons
and receive the submission of the several colonies. He would
not, however, treat with the Continental Congress. That
was resolutely determined. By two to one the Parliament
was of the same mind. Such was the information that came
across the seas early in January. And yet the congress and
the people waited — anxiously waited for the arrival of the
commissioners. On February 14th Penn wrote to Person :
"Our dispute with Great Britain grows serious indeed.
Matters are drawing to a crisis. They seem determined to
persevere, and are forming alliances against us. Must we
not do something of the like nature ? Can we hope to carry
on a war without having trade or commerce somewhere?
. . . The consequence of making alliances is perhaps a total f^f^s
separation with Britain, and without something of that sort
we may not be able to provide what is necessary for our de-
fence. My first wish is that America may be free; the
second, that we may be restored to peace and harmony with
Britain upon just and proper terms."
Two days later, on February 16th, it was proposed to open At Phiiadei
the ports and renew commerce with all the world except p la
♦For general distribution.
c. rm x,
455. 456
5*6
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1776
S. RM XI,
a&*
C R,X,
4<M< 495
Ac Halifax,
April 41 h
C. R., X,
5<>4
The
undaunted
spirit
Great Britain. In the discussion, Wythe, of Virginia, said :
"How, as subjects of Great Britain — as rebels? No; we
must declare that the colonies have a right to contract alli-
ances with foreign powers !" The eloquent Virginian struck
the same chord as Penn; but the question of opening the
ports, involving this difficulty, was destined to remain unde-
cided for more than two months.
Later Hewes wrote to Johnston: "I see no prospect
of a reconciliation ; nothing is left now but to fight it out.
Nor are we unanimous in our councils. Jealousies, ill-
natured observations, and recriminations take place of
reason and argument. Some among us urge strongly for
independency and eternal separation, others wish to wait a
little longer and to have the opinion of their constituents on
that subject. You must give us the sentiments of your prov-
ince when your convention meets." And on March 1st, the
North Carolina deputies wrote to the Provincial Congress
asking directions concerning forming alliances.
On the organization of the Provincial Congress, Johnston
was unanimously called to preside, and committees were at
once appointed to map out the business of the body.
Now it was determined to arrange for at least one year of
actual war, and a committee of ways and means was directed
to devise measures for supporting troops to be raised for
that period. A committee of secrecy was appointed, of
which Johnston was the head, to whom all intelligence was
first submitted, and it was their province to determine what
should be imparted to the congress itself. And on the
fourth day of the session, April 8th, a committee composed
of Harnett, Allen Jones, Burke, Nash, Kinchen, Person, and
Thomas Jones was appointed to take into consideration the
usurpations and violences attempted and committed by the
king and Parliament of Britain against America, and further
measures to be taken for frustrating them and for the better
defence of the province.
The congress — all the members — were unanimous for sep-
aration, for declaring themselves no longer British sub-
jects, but citizens of a new-born nationality. It was a mo-
mentous matter. It would change the nature of the struggle.
Not as subjects rebelling against the oppressions of Par-
APRIL 12, 1776 517
liament, but as freemen asserting the right of self-govern- ffi
ment, were they now to invoke the arbitrament of arms. The
congress took steps to sound the people. It was ascertained
that the popular heart was strong for independence. In
many counties there was not a dissenting voice. Ominous
was the war cloud now gathering and expected soon to
burst on the devoted province. Already forty sail had
anchored in the harbor of the Cape Fear. There Clinton
with his detachment from the north waited the arrival of
Cornwallis with his seven regiments to subjugate the people.
The prospect was full of peril. But the hearts of the
patriots did not quail. Under the lead of Johnston, Harnett,
Ashe and their associates their spirit rose to loftier heights
as dangers thickened.
On the night of April 12th the congress having received
some very important intelligence,* at once took up for con-
sideration the letter of March 1st, from Hooper, Hewes and
Penn, asking instructions in regard to forming alliances.
Harnett's committee was resolute and ready to report; 1776
short and vigorous was the conclusion of the matter. What- ire£if,if
ever of doubt there had been was now cast aside. The ^R
bonds binding the people to the past were to be broken, and 495
a new purpose, a new hope, that of independence, was to
animate them to action. The question Wythe had thun-
dered at Philadelphia was answered by the congress at
Halifax.
To declare independence
Early Saturday morning Johnston wrote to his brother:
"The house, in consequence of some very important intelli-
gence received last night, have agreed to empower their
delegates at Philadelphia to concur with the other colonies
in entering into foreign alliances, and declaring an indepen-
dence on Great Britain. I cannot be more particular."
On the night before, Friday, April 12th, the committee
brought in its report, reciting the acts of the British min-
istry and of the king and Parliament and authorizing the
delegates to the Continental Congress to concur in declaring
independence.
* Apparently from General Moore. (S. R., XL, 276.)
518 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
fJjg They reported as follows:
C. R. X "** appears to your committee that pursuant to the plan
5«« concerted by the British ministry for subjugating America, the
king and Parliament of Great Britain have usurped a power
over the persons and properties of the people unlimited and un-
controuled; and disregarding their humble petitions for peace,
liberty, and safety, have made -divers legislative acts, denouncing
war, famine and every species of calamity against the continent in
general: the British fleets and armies have been and still are daily
employed in destroying the people and committing the most horrid
devastations on the country: that governors in different colonies
have declared protection to slaves who should imbrue their hands
in the blood of their masters: that the ships belonging to America
are declared prizes of war, and many of them have been violently
seized and confiscated. In consequence of all which, multitudes of
the people have been destroyed, and from easy circumstances reduced
to the most lamentable distress.
"And whereas the moderation hitherto manifested by the united
colonies and their sincere desire to be reconciled to the mother
country on constitutional principles, have procured no mitigation
of the aforesaid wrongs . . . and no hopes remain of obtaining re-
dress by those means alone which have been hitherto tried, your
committee are of opinion that the house should enter into the fol-
lowing resolve, to wit:
To concur "Resolved, That the delegates of this colony in the continental
IndcpelTd-"8 congress be empowered to concur with the delegates of the other
ence colonies in declaring independency, and forming foreign alliances,
reserving to this colony the sole and exclusive right of forming a
constitution and laws for this colony, and of appointing delegates
from time to time (under the direction of a general representation
thereof), to meet the delegates of the other colonies for such pur-
poses as shall be hereafter pointed out."
Night had already closed in ; but doubtless with burning
words Harnett, accomplished and silver-tongued, urged the
adoption of the resolution presented by the committee with
all his powers. It was unanimously accepted as the voice
of North Carolina. No other business was transacted, but
the session of the day closed with this great performance.
The next day President Johnston wrote to Hooper, Hewes,
and Penn in great haste : "The congress have likewise taken
under consideration that part of your letter* requiring their
*Of March 1st.
NORTH CAROLINA LEADS 5*9
instructions with respect to entering into foreign alliances, U*
and were unanimous in their concurrence with the enclosed
resolve, confiding entirely in your discretion with regard to
the exercise of the power with which you are invested."
But Hooper and Penn were then in Virginia on their cl6R»x'
route to Halifax, where they arrived in time to take their
seats on Monday, the 15th. They had the gratification of
finding the congress responsive to the sentiment of the
people, pronounced for independence, and earnest and
zealous for defence.
The first action
Indeed, this resolution for independence was the first
utterance for separation that had been made on behalf of any
colony in America. Mecklenburg's voice and action in May,
1775, annulling all the commissions and powers derived from
the Crown and establishing an independent government, was
then premature and out of harmony with the spirit of the
times ; even now the people "of the other colonies from New
England to Virginia were in solid array against indepen-
dence." This first voice of any province leading the way J^li"1*"
gave heart to the patriots and strengthened the independent {fe^k1*
spirit which was beginning to manifest itself in other com- 504. 509
munities. "It was warmly welcomed by the patriots and
commended for imitation." In Virginia the idea of inde- j^g™*****
pendence was said to have been alarming in March, but was
welcome in April; and a month after North Carolina had
acted the Virginia convention met and adopted a similar
resolution, directing its delegates in congress to propose
independence and separation. But it is the crowning glory
of North Carolina that her sons had the manhood and spirit
to desire independence, the wisdom to perceive that the
change in the purpose of the contest would add to the prob-
abilities of a successful achievement and the boldness to lead
the way.
The captured Tories
One of the first questions that claimed the attention of
congress was the disposition of the prisoners taken at
520
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
C. RMX,
560
tjjf Moore's Creek. They had been confined in the Halifax jail.
Because his health was suffering, General McDonald was
immediately paroled to the town, and a day or two later
Allan McDonald was also admitted to parole. A committee
was appointed to examine into the cases of the different
Care of the prisoners, about fifty of whom were paroled to return home,
prisoners whjie some were directed to be removed to other communi-
ties within the province, being allowed reasonable time to
arrange their affairs at home, and with the privilege of
removing their families, as they should prefer. George
Micklejohn was paroled to Perquimans, and James Hunter
to Bute. James Lowe and Robert Adams, who shot Captain
Dent, were ordered to Halifax jail. Persons were appointed
in the several counties to look after the families of the insur-
gents at their old homes or in their new ones.
Eventually, toward the end of April, it was determined
that fifty-three of the number, including General McDonald
and other influential Highlanders, should be removed to
Pennsylvania, and others to Virginia and Maryland, where
they were confined until exchanged or discharged by con-
gress.* In view of the rigorous measures which the con-
gress felt constrained to take with regard to these insur-
gents, on April 29th it issued a declaration lamenting the
necessities and hardships of the occasion, and declaring to
those who still remained in the State that, "We administer
this consolation — that they may rest assured that no wanton
acts of cruelty, no severity, shall be exercised to the prison-
ers. . . . We have their security in contemplation, not to
make them miserable. In our power, their errors claim our
pity, their situation disarms our resentment. We shall hail
their reformation with increasing pleasure, and receive them
to us with open arms, . . . and shall bless the day which
shall restore them to us friends to liberty, to the cause of
America, the cause of God and mankind. . . . Much de-
pends upon the future demeanor of the friends of the insur-
gents who are left among us as to the treatment our pris-
oners may experience. Let them consider them as hostages
for their own good behavior, and by their own merits make
kind offices to their friends a tribute of duty as well as
♦They were confined at Reading, Pa., and Staunton, Va.
Policy
towards the
Tories
C. R., X,
548,549
PREPARATIONS FOR WAR
521
humanity from us who have them in our power." The xj£
declaration from which this is extracted was directed to be APrfl
translated into Erse, and the committees appointed in the
several counties to take care of the families of the insurgents
were directed to see that there was no suffering.
The drums and colors
On the day the convention met there arrived at Halifax McRec's
the wagon sent by the delegates at Philadelphia with powder, a^ e ' *
drums and colors, as ordered by the council in December.
Up to this time, as far as appears, the troops of the province
had used no colors. At Charleston a flag bearing a crescent
was in use. At Boston, the Massachusetts troops used a
flag with a pine tree, the pine tree having for a century been
the emblem of that colony. On the sea, the early flag bore a The flag
rattlesnake, with the legend, "Don't tread on me." The first
flag of the united colonies was made at Philadelphia and
sent to General Washington, who raised it on January 2,
1776, at his headquarters at Cambridge. This flag consisted
of seven red and six white bars or stripes and a field of
the king's colors, red and white crosses on a blue ground.
It has been said that until 1777 the snake flag was used by
the southern states ; but as the colors received in April were Thc ^ and
sent by the North Carolina deputies from Philadelphia after
the striped flag had been made and used by Washington as
the continental colors, it is surmised that they were of that
pattern.
To supply the money needed in the military operations,
congress directed the issue of $1,000,000 in notes, and re-
solved that a tax should be laid on the poll, beginning in the
year 1780, to retire that issue ; and appropriations were made
to pay all the soldiers, militia and others that had been in
the service of the province, and for arms and equipments.
Commissioners were also appointed to procure sulphur, salt-
petre, and salt, and to establish ironworks and foundries on
Deep River.
On the water
white bars
War
measures
The Cape Fear and Chesapeake Bay being closed, and
Beaufort frequently visited by British cruisers, the impor-
tance of Ocracoke Inlet as a channel of commerce became
522
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1776
C. R., X,
353*616,637,
640-642
Importa-
tions
C. R., X,
55o
The war on
the water
greatly increased. The enterprising merchants of Edenton
and New Bern and of the village of Washington on the
Pamlico despatched vessel after vessel abroad, whose return
cargoes of salt, powder, cannon and other munitions of war
and necessaries contributed largely to supply the needs of
the public. The firms of Hewes & Smith, at Edenton, and
John Wright Stanly, at New Bern, took the lead in this
hazardous enterprise. Their patriotism and unremitting ac-
tivity proved of great advantage to the American cause.
Others also engaged in the same work, and besides trading
vessels, there were fitted out privateers to prey on British
commerce, while the State itself constructed armed cruisers
for the public service. At Wilmington the George Washing-
ton was built; at New Bern, the Pennsylvania Farmer; at
Edenton, King Tammany; while the Heart of Oak, the
Polly and other vessels were granted letters of marque as
privateers.
In order to interrupt importations through Ocracoke, Dun-
more sent two armed sloops, the Lily and the Fincastle, to
seize such vessels as might be there ; and on April 14th the
Lily captured the schooner Polly, removed part of her cargo
and left a prize crew in charge of her. But the patriots were
not idle. Three days later a number of armed men, in five
whaleboats, captured the Lily and retook the Polly, the
Whigs showing as much enterprise and skill on the water
as on the land.
Because considerable importations were made through
this channel for the benefit of Virginia as well as for the
Continental Congress, of which Hewes was one of the most
efficient agents, it was thought that Virginia should aid in
keeping Ocracoke open. Application was therefore made to
that province to fit out two armed vessels to act in conjunc-
tion with those equipped by North Carolina. The sugges-
tion was acted on promptly, and two large row-galleys were
built at South Quay by Virginia, one of which afterward
came into possession of North Carolina.
c. r., x,
593. 594
The Tories
In different parts of the province the disaffected element
made manifestations of their Toryism. In Edgecombe a
ACTIVITY OF THE TORIES 523
body was dispersed by a party of Whigs under John John- xj£
ston ; and the Committee of Safety of Rowan thought it well
to disarm some of the inhabitants of Muddy Creek. But,
on the other hand, that committee was cheered by patriotic
resolutions signed by a number of ladies of Rowan, as had
been the committee of Mecklenburg by resolutions entered
into somewhat earlier by the young ladies of that county,
that they would not receive the addresses of young gentle-
men except the brave volunteers who had served in the expe- Foote,
dition against the Scovellites. The women of the west North*80
were as resolute as the men. Carolina,
The difficulties of enrolling the militia who were to turn
out and supplying them with arms was forcibly stated by
Colonel William Bryan, of Johnston, who was almost in
despair from the adverse circumstances that surrounded him.
He added: "We have several obstinate persons in this
county, and I believe they are great Tories in their hearts ;
they are constantly sowing sedition in the minds of the
people. I should be glad if the light horse could be directed
to take a turn through our county. I believe if there could
be a few of the heads of them subdued it would be of great
service to the county. I have so little dependence in the c.r.,x,
militia that I don't think convenient to undertake to subdue 6"
them that way."
Four new battalions
In view of the pressing necessity for more troops, the con- Additional
gress now raised four additional continental regiments, nSntl^
assigning to their command Jethro Sumner, Thomas Polk,
Edward Buncombe, and Alexander Lillington. The period
for which the minute men were enlisted having expired,
some of the officers of that organization were transferred
to these new regiments, among them Colonel James Thack-
ston becoming lieutenant-colonel under Colonel Polk. Three
companies of light horse were also raised, commanded re-
spectively by John Dickerson, Martin Phifer, and James
Jones. An artillery company was directed to be organized
by Captain John Vance. To protect the coast, five companies
were embodied and stationed from Currituck to the Cape
Fear. Two battalions of militia, seven hundred and fifty men
524
THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1776
C. R., X
561
The militia
C. R., X,
563
The forces
embody
C. R., X,
563
Vestrymen
to take the
tes»t oath
C. R., X,
554
each, were directed to be raised in the eastern districts, one
to be under the command of Colonel Thomas Brown and the
other under Colonel Philemon Hawkins. These battalions,
the Second Continental Regiment, and all the recruits en-
listed for the new regiments were ordered to report imme-
diately to General Moore on the Cape Fear.
A new system was devised for the militia. The com-
panies of the militia in the several counties were to consist
of not less than fifty men. Each company was divided into
five divisions. One of these consisted of the aged and infirm,
the other militiamen being apportioned to four divisions,
that drew lots to ascertain when they should go on duty,
and were severally known as number one, two, three, and
four, accordingly. Each county had its militia field officers ;
and the province was divided into six military districts, a
brigadier-general being appointed for each. In his own
district the brigadier took rank of the others. The militia
was not to be under continental officers, except when ordered
by the civil power to join the continental troops, and then
the continental officer of equal rank took command.
On May 6th, because of information from General Moore,
the congress directed the generals of the province to call
out their militia and hasten to join General Moore, and or-
dered General Ashe to take command of the re-enforce-
ments upon their arrival in his district. The generals
elected by the congress were Allen Jones, for the Halifax
district; John Ashe, Wilmington; Edward Vail, Edenton;
Griffith Rutherford, Salisbury; Thomas Person, Hillsboro;
and William Bryan, New Bern.*
Notwithstanding the military matters that were pressing
on the attention of congress that body realized the necessity
of making provision for the civil life of the province. On
May 1st it resolved that all vestries elected in every parish,
having taken the test adopted on August 23, 1775, should
proceed to parochial business, and where no election had
taken place on Easter Monday, April 8th, the freeholders
were directed to meet in July and elect vestrymen, who
should qualify themselves by subscribing the test. Con-
*Richard Caswell was at first chosen brigadier-general of the New
Bern district, but did net serve.
PERSONNEL OF THE CONGRESS 525
formably to this resolution, the vestry of Edenton on 12*
June 19th met and signed the test, as probably did all the
other vestrymen chosen throughout the province, and as all
the committees and other officers were required to do. It
was the duty of the vestrymen in every county or parish
to look after the poor and attend to much business not of
an ecclesiastical nature.
Members of the congress of April, 1776, that declared for inde-
pendence, April 12, 1776
For Anson County — Daniel Love, Samuel Spencer, John Craw-
ford, James Picket and John Childs.
.. Beaufort — Roger Ormond. Thomas Respis, Jr., and John
Cowper.
Bladen — Nathaniel Richardson, Thomas Robeson, Maturan Col-
vill, James Council and Thomas Amis.
Bertie — John Campbell, John Johnston and Charles Jacocks.
Brunswick —
Bute — Green Hill, William Alston, William Person, Thomas
Sherrod and Philemon Hawkins.
Craven — James Coor, Lemuel Hatch, John Bryan, William Bryan
and Jacob Blount.
Carteret — William Thompson, Solomon Shepard and John Black-
house.
Currituck — Samuel Jarvis, James White, James Ryan, Gideon
Lamb and Solomon Perkins.
Chowan — Samuel Johnston, Thomas Benbury, Thomas Jones,
John Bap. Beasly and Thomas Hunter.
Cumberland — David Smith, Alexander McAlister, Farquard
Campbell, Thomas Rutherford and Alexander McCoy.
Chatham — Ambrose Ramsay. John Thompson, Joshua Rosscr,
Jeduthan Harper and Elisha Cain.
Duplin — Thomas Gray and William Dickson.
Dobbs — Richard Caswell, Abraham Sheppard, George Miller,
Simon Bright and William McKinnie.
Edgecomb — William Haywood. Duncan Lemon, Elisha Battle,
Henry Irwin and Nathaniel Boddie.
Granville — Thomas Person, John Penn, Memucan Hunt, John
Taylor and Charles Eaton.
Guilford — Ransom Southerland, William Dent and Ralph Gorrill.
Hyde— Rotlieas Latham, Joseph Hancock, John Jordan and Ben-
jamin Parmele.
526 THE PROVINCIAL COUNCIL, 1775-76
1776 Hertford — Robert Sumner, Matthias Brickie, Laurence Baker,
William Murfree.
Halifax — John Bradford, James Hogan, David Sumner, Joseph
John Williams and Willis Alston.
Johnston — Samuel Smith, Jr., Needham Bryan, Jr., and Henry
Rains.
Mecklenburg — John Phifer, Robert Irwin and John McKnitt
Alexander.
Martin— William Williams, Whitmill Hill, Kenneth McKenzie,
Thomas Wiggins and Edward Smythwick.
New Hanover — John Ashe, John Devane, Samuel Ashe, Sampson
Moseley and John Hollingsworth.
Northampton — Allen Jones, Jeptha Atherton, Drury Gee, Samuel
Lockhart and Howell Edmunds.
Onslow — George Mitchell, Benejah Doty, John Spicer, John King
and John Norman.
Orange — John Kinchen, James Saunders, John Butler, Nathaniel
Rochester and Thomas Burke.
Perquimans — Miles Harvey, William Skinner, Thomas Harvey,
Charles Blount and Charles Moore.
Pasquotank — Thomas Boyd, Joseph Jones, William Cuming,
Dempsey Burgess and Henry Abbott.
Pitt — John Simpson, Edward Salter and William Robson.
Rowan — Griffith Rutherford and Matthew Locke.
Surry — Joseph Williams, Joseph Winston, Charles Gordon.
Tyrrell — Archibald Corrie.
Tryon— Charles McLean, James Johnston.
Wake — Joel Lane, John Hinton, John Rand, William Hooper and
Tignal Jones.
Town of Bath — William Brown.
New Bern — Abner Nash.
Edenton — Joseph Hewes.
Wilmington — Cornelius Harnett.
Brunswick —
Halifax — Willie Jones.
Hillsborough — William Johnston.
Salisbury — David Nisbet.
Cambellton — Arthur Council.
CHAPTER XXX
The Council of Safety, 1776
Attempt to frame the Constitution. — Fundamental principles. — The
problems involved. — The temporary government. — Congress ad-
journs.— The first invasion. — General Lee. — Ginton's disappointment.
— The fleet arrives. — The ardor of the Whigs. — Clinton offers par-
don.— No hostile movement. — The descent on Brunswick. — The regi-
ments land. — The fleet sails. — The Council of Safety. — The attack
on Fort Moultrie. — North Carolina's gallant troops. — Affairs at
home. — The Continentals.
Attempt to frame a constitution
On April 13th the congress, now flushed by the desire lj£
of independence, appointed a committee composed of £•SR•,X,
Johnston, Harnett, Thomas Jones, Nash, Burke, Allen Jones,
John Johnston, Thomas Person, Sam Ashe, Samuel Spencer
and nine others to prepare a temporary civil government. April
The committee seems to have at once undertaken to cast a
permanent constitution. A majority of the committee deSISa.v
favored the establishment of a purely democratic form of advocau<*
government, the governor, judges, and all other officers
being chosen by the people, and every freeman having the
right of suffrage. They were probably led to urge this Jones's
departure from the old system not merely from the advo- *n*?7*
cacy of the "inherent and unalienable rights of man," but
with the hope and expectation that it would gain for the
new government the support of the landless Highlanders and
of others not freeholders, and of the Regulators, who were
dissatisfied with the colonial regulations that had proved
so oppressive in their practical operation.
This desire to extend suffrage is said to have been the rock
on which the public men split. As yet there was no curb to
the will of the legislative body. Never had a court declared
any legislative action a nullity. Once elected and in pos-
session of power the Assembly could extend its sessions and
528 THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 1776
*JJ* exert arbitrary sway, ignoring all limitations and every
restriction that might be embodied in the constitution ; and
it was apprehended that a judiciary dependent on the will
of the people would lack that stability and independence
which constitute the safeguard of personal rights and of
pivergen- property. The fundamental principles on which the new
government was to be founded thus became a matter of the
gravest concern. Divergencies at once arose. There were
those who proposed to give the fullest recognition to the
rights of the people as a source of all power, and others
who deemed it wiser and more prudent not to inaugurate
such a change in the administration of affairs as this would
necessarily involve. Theretofore suffrage had been limited
to freeholders; and the judiciary was appointed. Samuel
Johnston, who had been the most influential man in the
Apprehen- province, felt that the despotism of a democracy was to be
feared, and that a judiciary resting on the popular will, with
the judges not independent, but courting popularity, would
be intolerable; and he was determined in his opposition to
the establishment of a government without any practical
limitation to its powers, and with the tenure of all the great
offices dependent on the favor of the inhabitants generally.
In his view those who advocated this system were 'already
entering on the race for popularity/' and he apprehended
that the greatest evils would result from such a plan of
government. Instead of a pure democracy, he urged the
establishment of a representative republic, with annual elec-
tions to hold the legislature in check. Educated in New
England, he was a thorough republican. But he agreed
with John Adams, who had written a dissertation on gov-
ernment advising the establishment of new constitutions on
foddf*i ^e very Prmc'ples tnat Johnston advocated. He would not
»76 ' ' yield. On April 17th he wrote: "I must confess our pros-
pects are at this time very gloomy. Our people are about
forming a constitution. From what I can at present collect
of their plan, it will be impossible for me to take any part
in the execution of it."
teence Being overborne, on the 18th he withdrew from the
*78, »79 committee; but the next day Thomas Jones, also a con-
servative, but not so avowed in his principles as Johnston,
CONSERVATIVE vs. RADICAL
529
notified him that the disagreeable difficulty which had inter- xj*
rupted the harmony of the committee had been adjusted,
and invited him to meet the other members that evening.
And again, on April 20th, Johnston wrote : " We have not
yet been able to agree on a constitution. We have a meeting
on it every evening, but can conclude on nothing ; the great
difficulty in our way is how to establish a check on the
representatives of the people, to prevent their assuming
more power than would be consistent with the liberties of
the people, such as increasing the time of their duration,
and such like. . . . Some have proposed that we should take McRee's
up the plan' of the Connecticut constitution for a ground- »a%7 '
work, but with some amendments, such as that the great of-
ficers, instead of being appointed by the people at large,
should be appointed by the Assembly; that the judges of our
courts should hold their offices during good behavior. After
all, it appears to me that there can be no check on the repre-
sentatives of the people in a democracy but the people them-
selves ; and in order that the check may be more efficient, I
would have annual elections."
Up to that time there had been no new constitution
adopted in any province except alone South Carolina. The
people of Connecticut were then living, and continued to
live until 1818, under the charter granted in 1662 by
Charles II, by which the governor and twelve assistants
and the general assembly were chosen by a majority of the
freemen of the colony; but the governor and his assistants
were empowered to erect courts and appoint judges and
otherwise administer public affairs. On March 26th South The
Carolina had adopted a constitution to regulate the internal
polity of the colony "until an accommodation of the unhappy
differences between Great Britain and America can be ob-
tained." By it the electors were to be the same as under the
old laws, and they were to choose members of the general
assembly, who were to select out of themselves a legislative
council to form a separate and distinct house, with equal leg-
islative power as the Assembly itself ; and these two houses
were to choose a president of the province and a council
of state. A printed copy of this constitution was obtained
by the North Carolina congress. On April 28th Thomas
constitution
of South
Carolina
S30
THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 1776
1776
McRee's
Iredell, I,
«77* »78
The first
outline
The con-
stitution
postponed
McRee's
Iredell, I,
»79
C. R., X,
579
The Council
of Safety
Jones wrote: "The constitution goes on but slowly. The
outlines of it made their appearance in the house for the
first time yesterday, and by the last of this week it probably
may be finished. The plan as it now stands will be subject
to many alterations ; at present it is in the following manner :
First, a house of the representatives of the people, all free
householders of one year's standing to vote ; and second, a
legislative council, to consist of one member from each
county in the province, to sit as an upper house ; and these
two houses are to be a check on each other, as no law can
be made without the consent of both, and none but free-
holders will have a right to vote for the members of this
council. Next, an executive council, to consist of the presi-
dent and six councillors, to be always sitting, to do all
official business of government. . . . The president and
council to be elected annually, as also the Assembly and leg-
islative council." The judicial system apparently had not
been agreed on.
Johnston had so far prevailed that there were to be annual
elections of assemblymen ; and at least one branch of the
Assembly was to be elected by freeholders. For two days
this outline was debated by the convention in committee of
the whole, but the divergencies were pronounced and other
matters required attention, so on April 30th the subject was
postponed until November; and a new committee, com-
posed, however, of some of the same members, was directed to
report a temporary form of government until the end of the
next congress. Although Johnston was not a member of the
new committee, his relations with it were so close that on the
second day after its appointment he wrote: "Affairs have
taken a turn within a few days past. All ideas of forming
a permanent constitution are at this time laid aside. It is
now proposed for the present to establish a council to sit
constantly, and county committees to sit at certain fixed
periods, but nothing is concluded. " Ten days elapsed before
the report of the new committee was considered by the
house. Then, as Johnston had indicated, a Council of Safety
was appointed to sit from day to day at such places as they
should think prudent and proper. The Provincial Council
and the district committees were abolished.
CONSTITUTION OF COUNCIL OF SAFETY 531
As before, the members from each district selected two ^6
members and the congress one. But now Willie Jones, a c^r.,x,
leader among those who differed with Johnston, was selected
by the congress in his stead. The other changes were:
Nash, Kinchen, Spencer, and Avery gave place to Simpson,
Rand, Hezekiah Alexander, and William Sharpe, while J. J.
Williams filled the vacancy for Halifax.
Having on May 12th made this provision for the admin-
istration of provincial affairs, two days later the congress
adjourned. Although it was a reasonable inference that
those who opposed the views of Samuel Johnston were in Samuel
, ...... , . . - Johnston
the majority in the body, yet when it became necessary for
him to leave the chair, on May 2d, Allen Jones, also a con-
servative, was elected vice-president; and on its adjournment
the congress, in tendering thanks to its president for his
faithful discharge of his duties, was particular to add that
he had '"in that, as in all other stations, approved himself
the firm and liberal patron of liberty and a wise and zealous
friend and asserter of the rights of mankind." But when c. rmx,
Johnston left the hall it was not to return as a represents- 59°
tive until the differences of that period had faded from
memory.
The first invasion
Toward the end of January General Clinton was detached ,7?6
from the British army at Boston with a small command to
conduct operations elsewhere. When his departure became
known, General Charles Lee was directed to repair to New
York, his supposed destination. They arrived at that point
on the same day, February 4th, but Clinton openly avowed
that his expedition was intended for North Carolina. Such
an avowal was received with doubt. On his sailing from
New York, the Continental Congress created the Southern
Department, assigned the command to General Lee, and on Mooreand
March 1st, appointed Moore and Howe brigadier-generals. J1;™' briga"
Lee hastening to Virginia reached Williamsburg simultane-
ously with Clinton's arrival in the Chesapeake. The British Lee joint
general lingered with Dunmore until early in April, when he vi^nU
joined Governor Martin below Brunswick ; still it was appre-
hended that the real point of attack would be Virginia,
532 THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 1776
*j£ and Lee remained there a month making preparations to
meet it.
Already were there many vessels in the Cape Fear harbor,
drawn together in connection with the intended invasion,
but week after week passed without the arrival of Sir Peter
May Parker's fleet bringing Cornwallis and his seven regiments
of regulars. A succession of disastrous storms had delayed
the vessels. Nor was this the only disappointment of the
British commander. Instead of the promised support from
the interior, instead of an army of Loyalists ready to co-
operate, he found a hostile force awaiting him, and that the
unexpected catastrophe that had befallen McDonald neces-
sitated an entire change of plans.
Lee, following Clinton, had himself started southward,
preceded by General Howe, directing Howe's North Caro-
linians under Major Patten and Muhlenberg's Virginia
c r., x, regiment to follow. On May 2d Howe reached Halifax,
556 and on the floor of the house, pursuant to a resolve of the
congress, the president returned him thanks for his con-
duct during the whole of the late dangerous, important,
and critical campaign, and more especially for the reputation
the North Carolina troops acquired under his command.
General Lee was then approaching the border, and Colonel
^IveTat L°n£ was directed to receive him at the boundary with a
Halifax detachment of troops and escort him to the congress. From
Halifax the general passed on to New Bern, making himself
acquainted with the condition of affairs in the province.
ln\ve*et At length> about May 1st, the grand fleet began to arrive
in the harbor, and all doubt about its destination being now
removed, Moore despatched the news to the congress at
Halifax. That body at once ordered all the continental
battalions to report to General Moore, and in addition to
the battalion that had been raised for Colonel Brown, a draft
of fifteen hundred more militia was made from the eastern
districts, those from Halifax and Edenton being assigned
s.r., xi, to the command of Colonel Peter Dauge. No drafts were
made from the western districts, because of a particular
purpose of importance at that time, but the western regi-
ments were to hold themselves in readiness. This doubt-
less was to have a reserve force near at hand to suppress
296
THE BRITISH INVASION
533
any further rising by the Tories. The Whigs of North
Carolina now displayed a glorious ardor, and rushed with
impetuosity to the scene of the expected conflict. Soon it
was estimated that the patriot force collected on the Cape
Fear numbered ninety-four hundred men, all but the con-
tinentals being under the command of General Ashe. The
approaches to the town were fortified, and vessels were sunk
in the channel a few miles below to prevent an attack by
water. Every preparation was made for stubborn resistance.
It had been announced that the king, ignoring the Con-
tinental Congress, would send commissioners to treat with
each province separately, and it was thought that these
commissioners might come with the fleet. North Carolina,
spurning the suggestion that she could be detached from
the general cause of America, resolved that "if such com-
missioners should arrive in this province, unless with a
commission to treat with the Continental Congress, they
should be required to return immediately to their vessel ; and
if at any time thereafter they should be found on shore they
should be seized and sent to congress." But these commis-
sioners did not come with Sir Peter Parker. Later they
landed at the north after independence was declared, but
their errand was bootless.
After full consultation with Governor Martin, and, indeed,
with Governor Tryon at New York, as to the best course to
be pursued to detach the people from the revolutionary gov-
ernment in North Carolina, General Clinton on May 5th
issued a proclamation inveighing against the tyranny of the
congresses and committees and entreating the people to avoid
the miseries attendant on civil war by a return to the bless-
ings of a free government. He offered pardon to all who
should submit to the laws except alone Cornelius Harnett
and Robert Howe. Howe had given great offence to Martin
by preparing the address to the king in 1774 and procuring
it to be sent through Governor Tryon instead of Governor
Martin ; he had also been among the very first to form com-
panies and train the people to arms, and had expelled Dun-
more from the soil of Virginia as the previous year he had
assisted in driving Martin from the soil of North Carolina.
In this last enterprise Harnett also had been a conspicuous
1776
Prcf. Notes,
C. R.f X,
XIII
May
Prepara-
tions for
defence
The king's
commis-
C. RM X,
5Qi
Clinton's
proclama-
tion
Harnett and
Howe ex-
cepted from
pardon
534
THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 1776
1776
The badge
of honor
Moore and
Ashe ready
iones's
defence,
261
The burning
of Orton
mill
S. R., XI,
306,398
Martin,
Hist. North
Carolina, II,
390. 39«
actor, and now he was the president of the State when
congress was not in session and at the head of the revolu-
tionary government. The exception of these two patriots
from the tender of pardon served only as a badge of hon-
orable distinction, endearing them still more to the patriots
of North Carolina. Two days after issuing this proclama-
tion Clinton landed two regiments and made a recon-
noissance in force into the interior, without, however, bring-
ing on any engagement. Moore and Ashe held their forces
well in hand ready for any emergency. They prepared to
contest any advance Clinton might make; but days passed
without any hostile movement. Besides the direct route into
the interior, there was another, which it was feared the
British might take, and three hundred and fifty horsemen
guarded that road to give warning of such a movement and
to impede it should Clinton make the venture. A hundred
vessels lay at the entrance of the harbor opposite Fort
Johnston, and a detachment of continentals, a hundred and
fifty men, under Major William Davis, of the First Bat-
talion, was stationed near Brunswick to hold marauders in
check. Their headquarters were established at the mill of
the Orton plantation, in the vicinity of the town. On Sun-
day, May 1 2th, between two and three o'clock, Cornwallis
hastily threw ashore nine hundred troops, with the purpose
of surprising and capturing that post. Vigilant sentries,
however, watched the enemy, and these resolutely opened
fire, giving the alarm, and Major Davis removed his stores
and provisions and withdrew his detachment by a timely
movement. Cornwallis, nevertheless, lost one man killed,
several wounded, and a sergeant of the Thirty-third Regi-
ment, who was taken prisoner. Foiled in his purpose, his
lordship burned the empty mill, and after remaining some
hours in the village of Brunswick, he ravaged the neighbor-
ing plantation of General Howe, carrying off some twenty
bullocks as the reward of his enterprise. Three clays later
.five of the British regiments went into quarters at Fort
Johnston and one on Baldhead, leaving one on board the
ships. The larger part of the American forces remained
near Wilmington ready for any movement, while a consider-
able body was encamped some two or three miles from the
BRITISH LEAVE THE CAPE FEAR 535
enemy near Fort Johnston. Thus matters stood clay after i*£
day during that period of apprehension and anxiety, but
Clinton made no movement.
It being known that the Tories had been disarmed, no aid Operations
was expected from them should a column be thrown into
the interior; and it was apprehended that any attempt at
subjugation would result in a protracted campaign, which
might not be terminated before the troops would be needed
for more important movements then in contemplation. And £• R-» *•
in that event the withdrawal of the force, with subjugation
not completed, would have the appearance of defeat, entail-
ing worse consequences than would attend making no imme-
diate effort to subdue the inhabitants. Influenced by these
considerations, General Clinton deemed it inadvisable to be-
gin at that time operations in North Carolina, and deter-
mined to use the army in connection with the war vessels
to reduce Charleston. So toward the end of May the fleet £j£fleel
sailed, coming to anchor off that harbor on June 7th.
Governor Martin accompanied Clinton, but there were left
on the station several vessels, one of which, the Jenny, was The jenny
the abiding place of a considerable number of Tories, who,
deserting their habitations, had sought protection with the
fleet. Among these were persons instructed by the gov-
ernor to maintain a correspondence with the Loyalists of
the interior and give them every possible encouragement
during his absence. Governor Martin continued with Gen- £• R^» x»
eral Clinton during the siege of Charleston, and accompanied
him later on his return to the north.
The Council of Safety
While the British army was still in the harbor, it was 6i'gR"X'
considered that the Council of Safety should convene at
Wilmington, and the members met there on June 5th, and
Cornelius Harnett was unanimously chosen president.* The
immediate danger had then passed. But affairs were in a
♦Some writers have erroneously supposed because Sam Johnston
and Willie Jones were chosen to represent the province in the
Council of Safety that they presided in the council, but not so.
Harnett was chosen to preside over both bodies. He was president of
the Sons of Liberty in the six counties of the Cape Fear in 1770, and
doubtless from their organization in 1765.
536
THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 1776
1776
C. R., X,
638
To suppress
dissatisfac-
tion
Coal and
iron on
Deep River
C. RM X,
649
Armed
vessels fitted
out
turmoil. There were some outlying malcontents, concerned
in the insurrection, now in the swamps of Bladen, who sent
information to General Ashe that they were desirous of
submitting themselves to the council ; and it was resolved
that they would be allowed to return to their homes on taking
an oath to fight when called on in the American cause.
Efforts to inflame the minds of the people in Edgecombe
and Dobbs were so important that Colonel Sheppard was
directed to call out as many of the militia as were necessary
to arrest those who were endeavoring to dissuade the people
from sustaining the congress ; similar action was taken with
regard to Johnston County, while in Cumberland two com-
panies of light horse were placed under the control of
Colonel Folsome to maintain the authority of the congress.
The council continued its efforts to provide munitions of
war, and also a supply of salt, so absolutely necessary for
the soldiers as well as the inhabitants; and an arrangement
was made for the use of Wilcox's bloomery and forge on
Deep River, some thirty miles south of Hillsboro, where
good iron was produced from ore beds. The presence of
coal in the immediate vicinity and the great profusion of nat-
ural supplies led the commissioners to report: "Upon the
whole, nature has poured out with a bountiful hand on that
part of our country everything necessary for the establish-
ment of an extensive iron manufactory."
The brig Pennsylvania Farmer, which had been equipped
under the orders of congress, lay then at New Bern, and the
council directed that she should be armed with eight of the
cannon lately imported; and Richard Ellis, of New Bern,
applied for letters of marque and reprisal for his armed
sloop, the Heart of Oak, of seventy tons burden ; and George
Dennison, the captain of the vessel, was given letters per-
mitting him to act against the enemies of the thirteen united
colonies ; and Edward Tinker, captain of the armed schooner
Johnston, belonging to John Green and others, of New Bern,
was also given letters of marque. Vessels were constantly
arriving through Ocracokc with arms and munitions, one,
the Little Thomas, having brought in twenty pieces of
cannon.
Several of the prisoners who had been sent to Philadelphia
BRITISH ATTACK CHARLESTON
537
1776
C. R., X,
63*
North
and Virginia having made their escape and returned to
their homes, now began using their utmost influence to infect
others with their Tory principles; among them were
Dr. Pyle and his son John. Colonel Folsome, in command SkJSc
in Cumberland, was directed to march with a party of horse,
with the utmost secrecy, and to arrest them again. There
were many other evidences of disaffection, and to counter-
act those influences required prompt action on the part of
the busy members of the council, who were under a great
strain because of the public affairs, much being of a delicate
nature, that pressed upon them.
The attack on Fort Moultrie
On the departure of the fleet from the Cape Fear, Lee -e
hastened to Charleston, accompanied by Howe, where he
arrived early in June. Moore remained at Wilmington, but
two continental regiments under Nash and Martin reached c^ina
Charleston on June nth, followed later by the Virginia regi- jjmlmenu,»
ment and the Third and Fouth Continentals, not then needed char,etton
at Cape Fear. A rifle regiment raised at the west likewise
repaired to Charleston. Felix Walker, afterward long a
member of congress from the Buncombe district, says in his
"Autobiography": "I was appointed lieutenant in Captain
Richardson's company in the rifle regiment. I returned to
Watauga and recruited my full proportion of men and
marched them to Charleston in May, 1776, joined the regi-
ment, and was stationed on James Island."
When the fleet dropped anchor off the bar the Charles-
tonians barricaded their streets and prepared to defend the
wharves of the city, and soon troops were stationed on the
outlying islands enclosing the harbor. Colonel Moultrie be-
gan working night and day constructing a fort on the end Fort
of Sullivan's Island by bolting palmetto logs together for JJgun"*
walls, with sixteen feet of sand between them. Week after
week passed and no attack was made, so that toward the
end of June the front of his fort was well finished and thirty
odd guns were mounted in it. But powder was scarce, and
there were hardly twenty-five rounds of ammunition for the
guns. On the northeast of that island lay Long Island, a
naked sand bank, and there Clinton landed more than three
538
THE COUNCIL OF SAFETY, 1776
1776
Clark's
battalion
Tunc a8th,
Battle of
Fort
Moultrie
A glorious
victory
C. RM X,
618c
Conduct of
the North
Carolina
troops
thousand troops, intending to cross the narrow intervening
waters and thus gain possession of Sullivan Island. To re-
sist his advance Colonel Thompson, of South Carolina, was
stationed at that end of Sullivan's Island with three hun-
dred of his own riflemen, two hundred of Clark's North
Carolina regiment, two hundred more South Carolinians
under Horry, and with some light pieces on his flank ; while
Njash, for whom Lee had conceived a high opinion, was
placed to defend the rear of the fort, which was unfinished,
and a post of great consequence.
After much fortunate delay, in the early morning of
June 28th the fleet approached the fort and the battle be-
gan. The British brought into action ten times the number
of guns that Moultrie could use, but made no impression
on the palmetto fort. A flag of blue with a white crescent
emblazoned with the word "Liberty" proudly floated over
the rampart. In the torrent of balls the staff that bore it
was severed, but as it fell Sergeant Jasper heroically seized
the standard and again raised it on the bastion next to the
enemy. The attempt to pass from Long Island was no more
successful than the attack on the water. The brave Ameri-
cans drove the infantry back on two occasions, and the
assault both on land and sea was a signal failure. The slow
and skilful fire of Moultrie drove off the fleet and destroyed
several frigates, the Bristol losing 40 men killed and
71 wounded and the Experiment 23 killed and 56 wounded;
while the American loss, after ten hours of incessant conflict,
was but 1 1 killed and 26 wounded. Repulsed, defeated, the
army re-embarked on the vessels and the contest was over. A
more glorious victory was hardly ever won, and the tidings
flew from colony to colony, reaching Philadelphia just after
the deputies in congress had signed the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, and causing great joy throughout America.
While Moultrie's gunners were heroes the infantry like-
wise won great applause. Of the gallant conduct of Clark's
North Carolinians, Lee expressed himself in the highest
terms, saying: "I know not which corps I have the greatest
reason to be pleased with, Muhlenberg's Virginians or the
North Carolina troops ; they are both equally alert, zealous,
and spirited." Twice the enemy attempted to land, "and
MOVEMENTS OF TROOPS 539
twice they were repulsed by a Colonel Thompson, of the U*
South Carolina rangers, in conjunction with a body of North
Carolina regulars. Upon the whole, the South and North
Carolina troops and the Virginia rifle battalion we have here
are admirable soldiers."
The Council of Safety had directed the county committees
to call on every person suspected of Toryism to render an in-
ventory of his estate, and in case of neglect, the commanding
officer of the county was ordered to bring the suspected per-
son before the board. This order, contemporaneous with the maycddb"
glorious news of the repulse of General Clinton at Charles-
ton, which created wild enthusiasm among the Whigs, caused
a great commotion among the Loyalists, and they flocked in c R x
to sign the test and association. **
After the repulse of the British fleet by Fort Moultrie,
General Clinton still lingered at Charleston, threatening
Savannah, and it was apprehended he might yet return to
the original plan of subjugating North Carolina. Toward
the end of July, however, he abandoned his design against
the southern colonies and sailed northward. When this be-
came known, early in August, General Ashe discharged the
militia brigade from the districts of New Bern, Halifax, and
Edenton, reserving only a part of the Wilmington brigade in
active service. A British force of fifteen vessels still occu-
pied the lower harbor and held Baldhead, remaining there
all summer, watched, however, by General Moore and by the
continentals and the militia remaining in the service. Hardly
had Clinton departed before General Lee began to organize
an expedition into Florida, being accompanied by General
Howe, the Virginia regiment, the Third North Carolina
Continentals, and some companies of the First and Second
regiments. But in September, having been ordered north,
General Lee departed, leaving Howe in command. The
troops in lower Georgia suffering much from sickness, four-
teen or fifteen men dying every day, Howe thought it best
to relinquish the enterprise, and returned to Charleston.
During the fall the other continental regiments were held
by General Moore on the North Carolina coast, and efforts c. r., x,
were made to complete the organization. 8s8
CHAPTER XXXI
1776
May 97th,
The North
Carolina
resolution
presented
June 7tht
Independ-
ence
proposed
Independence
Independence declared. — Lee's resolution. — The declaration. —
The North Carolina deputies. — The declaration proclaimed. — The
address of the council. — Religious teachings in Anson. — James Hun-
ter a patriot. — The Indians hostile. — Rutherford crosses the moun-
tains.— Washington district annexed. — The movement against the
Indians. — Rutherford successful. — The Surry regiment. — Moore's
expedition. — The Tories active. — Salt-making. — The British abandon
Cape Fear. — A winter campaign threatened.
Independence declared
Some three weeks after North Carolina had instructed
her deputies to concur in declaring independence the Vir-
ginia convention met, and on May 15th adopted a resolution
directing her deputies to propose independence. On the
same day Boston and a majority of the other towns in
Massachusetts, in their town meetings, instructed their local
representatives to the same effect. On May 27th Joseph
Hewes, then the only North Carolina deputy in attendance
on the Continental Congress, presented the North Carolina
resolution, and immediately the Virginia instructions were
also presented. These resolves and the action of the Con-
tinental Congress on May 15th, declaring that it was irrecon-
cilable with good conscience for the people to take oaths
• to support government under the Crown, and that the powers
of government should be exerted under the authority of the
people, brought the subject - f independence sharply to the
attention of the other colonies, and the leaven had begun
to work. Yet nearly two weeks elapsed before there was
any movement. Then, on June 7th, Richard Henry Lee
offered in congress a resolution "That these united colonies*
are and of right ought to be free and independent States."
*The expression "hath, and of right ought to have," the original
of this phrase, is found in the reply which the English Commons
made to King James I when he communicated his unsatisfactory
answer to their "Remonstrance de droit." Rushworth was studied
b> the American leaders for precedents.
1. Samuel Johnston
3. John Penn
2. William Hooper
4. Joseph Hewes
INDEPENDENCE AGREED ON
S4i
This resolution, so fraught with momentous consequences,
was not considered that day; but, postponed until the next
morning, it was debated until the ioth. Hewes, speaking for
North Carolina, was unalterably fixed and urgent in favor
of immediate action.
A bare majority of the colonies favored Lee's resolution.
New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Mary-
land, and South Carolina were not prepared to support it,
and its further consideration was, by a vote of 7 to 5,
postponed until July 1st, Hewes casting the vote of North
Carolina against the postponement. By that date it was
hoped that new instructions might be received from the
provinces that still held back. To lose no time, a committee
was appointed to prepare a declaration of independence,
and another committee was directed to draft a plan of con-
federation, Hewes being a member of the latter.
Seventeen days slowly passed, and then, on June 28th, a
draught of the Declaration vas reported to the house, where
it lay on the table awaiting the decision on Lee's resolution.
At length July 1st arrived, and that resolution was again
taken up for consideration. Maryland and New Jersey had
in the meanwhile given in their adherence. From Delaware
only two members were present, and they divided, so the
voice of that colony could not be recorded. The delegates
from New York, having no instructions, asked leave to
retire. Pennsylvania and South Carolina alone voted in the
negative. At the request of Rutledge, of South Carolina,
hoping for unanimity, the decision was postponed until the
next day.
When the congress met the following morning a third
member had arrived from Delaware, casting the vote of that
province for the resolution ; changes had been made in the
Pennsylvania delegation with a like result, and the South
Carolina delegates no longer withheld their assent. New
York still preferred to remain silent awaiting instructions,
which, however, were freely given on the 9th of that month.
Thus on July 2d was finally determined, by virtually the
unanimous voice of all the colonies, the great question which
North Carolina had proposed on April 12th. At that time
Penn, who had left Philadelphia early in April, had returned,
1776
June ioth,
Bancroft's
Hist. U. S.,
IV, 4*4
Jefferson's
Works, I, xs
et stq.
resolution
luly 2d,
Independ-
ence agreed
542
INDEPENDENCE, 1776
1776
and voted with Hewes for independence, but Hooper was
still detained in North Carolina.
July 4th,
Thursday
Changes in
Jefferson's
draught
Hooper's
spirit
The declaration
Jefferson s draught of a Declaration, which had lain on the
table since June 28th, awaiting the vote on Lee's resolution,
was now taken up for discussion. Every word of it was duly
weighed, and the instrument was perfected. During
July 2d, 3d, and until the afternoon of the 4th, the con-
sideration of the Declaration continued, and then the instru-
ment was agreed to. Very considerable changes were made
in the draught reported by the committee, among them being
the incorporation into the text of the words used by Lee
tliat the united colonies "are, and of right ought to be, free
and independent States."
The North Carolina delegates
As this glorious consummation was at the instance of
North Carolina, and was accomplished measurably through
the cordial and zealous support of her delegation, so there
was no time when her delegates were not fixed and forward
in the important work of the Continental Congress. Caswell
had been the soul of energy, and gained for himself the
high opinion of the body. Penn, who succeeded him, was
equally active and zealous. Hooper had long since cast his
philosophic eye to the future, and beheld America "fast
striding to independence." His sympathies, his sentiments,
and his talents placed him in the front rank of its influential
members. In April he gladly announced that he had found
the people of Virginia desirous of independence, and that
North Carolina far exceeded Virginia ; that in many counties
there was no dissenting voice — a condition and situation so
harmonious with his own personal views that he hastened
to send the information back to Philadelphia, where it was
published.
Hewes differed from his colleagues in being a trained
business man and not having followed a professional career.
Yet he had been longer engaged in public affairs than either
of his associates, and for years had been one of those who
THE WORK OF JOSEPH HEWES
543
had given direction to political events in North Carolina. Jjf
Thoroughly acquainted with commerce, connected with a
mercantile house at Philadelphia, as at Edenton, familiar
with affairs of the seas, he was early assigned to the
Marine Committee, of which he became the principal mem-
ber, discharging practically the duties of a secretary of the
navy; and his mercantile houses rendered efficient aid, not
merely in the course of ordinary business but in making
advances for the benefit of congress. His spirit was such JJjJ8^
that he wanted to take the field, to be in camp, but his work
in congress was too important for him to use the good
musket and bayonet with which he had provided himself.
Four days after the Declaration was signed he wrote : "What
has become of my friend Hooper ? I expected to have seen
him ere now. My friend Penn came time enough to give
his vote for independence. I send you the Declaration of
Independence enclosed. I had the weight of North Caro-
lina on my shoulders within a day or two of three months.
The service was too severe. I have sat some days from six
in the morning till five or sometimes six in the afternoon
without eating or drinking. Some of my friends thought
that I should not be able to keep soul and body together to
this time. Duty, inclination, and self-preservation call on
me now to make a little excursion into the country to see
my mother. This is a duty which I have not allowed myself
time to perform during the almost nine months I have
been here." And indeed it was time, for this devoted patriot
had exhausted his strength and prepared the way for his
early grave.
On March 28, 1813, John Adams in the course of a letter Adams in
drew a picture in which Hewes was presented as changing
his attitude toward independence. That, as related, was
evidently founded on imagination, tinted by the passage
of many years. The circumstances seem to show that the
portrayal lacked reality. The matter of independence was
not brought positively before congress until May 27th, and
then by Hewcs presenting the instructions of North Carolina
to concur in declaring independence; and North Carolina,
represented alone by him, consistently voted for indepen-
544
INDEPENDENCE, 1776
1776
The delay
Congress
C. R., X,
494. 498
Bancroft's
Hist. U. S.,
IV, 316
Jones's
Defence,
i«5i 326
dence from the time the subject was first introduced into
congress.*
in Probably when Hewes broke the monotony of congress
by presenting the instructions of North Carolina, there was
a great and startling sensation, for congress was by no means
prepared to act on the measure. Later in the day the Vir-
ginia instruction was likewise presented; but so out of
harmony was it with the prevailing sentiment that ten days
elapsed before the Virginia delegates found resolution to
obey their instruction ; and then, against the voice of Hewes,
the matter was again deferred for three weeks longer.
It appears that as early as March 1st, Hooper, Hewes,
and Penn wrote to the Provincial Congress asking in-
structions with respect to entering into foreign alliances,
and it does not appear that any other delegates had at that
time made a similar application. They seem to have been
the first to move the waters. Their application on this
subject utterly negatives Mr. Jefferson's aspersion, made in
his old age, "that we had not a greater Tory in congress
than Hooper." Mr. Jefferson imputed to Mr. Adams a
failure of memory, and confessed that his own was not to
be relied on. In this doubt of his own accuracy he evidently
was entirely correct.
Mr. Hooper proposed in the Provincial Congress of
August, 1775, the articles of confederation, and, being over-
borne, in the Continental Congress, contrary to his own
wishes, obeyed the instructions of North Carolina. That
he favored independence in April, 1776, is evident. Writing
to Johnston six months later, when affairs were very gloomy,
he expresses the feelings of his inmost heart : "The successes
of Howe have given a strange spring to Toryism. Men
who have hitherto lurked in silence or neutrality seem will-
ing to take a side in opposition to the liberties of their
country. . . . Were I to choose a motto for a modern Whig
it should be, 'Whatever is, is right/ and on the reverse,
'Nil despcrandum! " Such was Hooper's spirit, to sustain
all measures, to be steadfast in hope and constant in effort.
♦Adams must have had in mind Rutledge, of South Carolina, who
changed on July 2d, deciding the measure, to the dismay of those
members who still feared to take this final step.
INDEPENDENCE PROCLAIMED
545
In North
Carolina
C. RM X,
68a, 688
In the congress he, with Franklin, Morris and Lee, formed y*
the Secret Committee of Foreign Intercourse elected by the
suffrages of the members. No higher testimonial of implicit
confidence was afforded to any of his associates.
The declaration proclaimed
The council had thought it best to hold sessions at differ-
ent points in the province and from Wilmington it removed
to Dobbs County, and then proceeded to Halifax, opening
its session there on July 2ist. And now came the joyful
news that independence had been declared, and the colonies
were free and independent states. The day following its
meeting, a copy of the Declaration of Independence was
received, and the council directed that it should be read on
August ist in the town of Halifax, and that it should be
proclaimed by the committees of every town and county in
the most public manner.
When Thursday, August ist, came, an immense concourse August »t
of people assembled at Halifax to witness the ceremony of a
public proclamation of independence. The militia com-
panies of the county were all drawn up in full array. At
midday Cornelius Harnett, the president of the Council of
Safety, ascended a rostrum erected in front of the court-
house, and the enthusiasm of the vast crowd was mani-
fested with tremendous rejoicing. Harnett, who had ever
been among the foremost in leading the way to indepen-
dence, now "read the declaration to the mute and impas-
sioned multitude with a solemnity of an appeal to heaven.
When he had finished all the people shouted with joy, and
cannon after cannon . . . proclaimed the glorious tidings
that the thirteen colonies were now free and independent
states. The soldiers seized Harnett and bore him on their
shoulders through the streets of the town, applauding him as
their champion, and swearing allegiance to the instrument
he had read."
In Cumberland County the members of the Committee of August
Safety had either retired from the province or had resigned
and refused to act. In that county alone the order to read
the declaration appears not to have been observed, so that
on August 6th the Council of Safety directed Colonel Fol-
ioness
defence,
969
546 INDEPENDENCE, 1776
*j£ some or Colonel David Smith to call a general meeting
of the inhabitants of Cumberland and proclaim the declara-
c. r» x, tion to the people and to the regiment stationed at Cross Creek.
Elsewhere independence was proclaimed with great dem-
onstrations of joy. As North Carolina had been the first
colony to propose it, the people now hailed it with gladness.
It was the consummation of their earnest desire; and it
imparted to the contest a new character. The leaders well
knew that they had burned their bridges behind them ; and
the people, animated by a great hope, and determined to be
free, with unbounded enthusiasm threw the banner of inde-
pendence to the breeze.
Because the province was now declared a free and inde-
pendent State, the test prescribed by the congress in August,
1775, was changed by omitting the profession of allegiance;
and the oath to be taken by witnesses was amended so as
to read, "Between the independent State of North Carolina
C.R..X, an(l tne prisoner to be tried." The council also issued an
704 address to the inhabitants, saying that as the congress had
declared the thirteen united colonies free and independent
states, 'it be recommended to the good people of this now
independent State of North Carolina to pay the greatest at-
tention to the election ... of delegates to represent them
in congress, and to have particularly in view this important
consideration. " Not only were laws to be made, but a con-
stitution, the cornerstone of all law, and "according as it is
c. r., x, weN or M ordered, it must tend in the first degree to pro-
696 mote the happiness or misery of the State."
The council had been sorely tried by the disaffection of
the Regulators, who continued to regard themselves as a
separate people not allied with their fellow-citizens. Now
in Anson County this defection took a novel form. James
Childs, a preacher of the New Light Baptist persuasion,
clothed his disloyalty in the garb of religion. He declared
S9"VM ~. t^at jt was one Q£ tjie tenets 0£ j^g churcn not to bear arms,
either offensively or defensively ; and he preached this doc-
trine in all the churches of his communion, and inculcated it
by the terrors of excommunication ; and he refused to take
an oath of allegiance to the State. Arrested in Anson and
sent to the council, he stood firmly by his doctrine. There-
C. R., X,
TORIES SUBMIT TO THE STATE 547
upon the council resolved that he must be considered as an xj£
enemy to the State, and he was sent to Edenton on his parole.
In view of such religious teachings, General Person and
Joseph John Williams were directed, each of them, to agree
with a proper person to go among the inhabitants of Anson
and other western parts of the State and instruct them "in
their duty to Almighty God, and explain to them the justice
and necessity of the measures pursued by the United States
as the only means under God of supporting and maintaining
our civil and religious liberties." The remedy, however,
was not entirely efficacious. In October James Perry, one
of the same persuasion, having great influence among the
people, from being a preacher, had likewise to be arrested
in the same county and conveyed to Halifax.
But while the council was in session at Salisbury early in ftjj£r a
September a favorable change was observed, and James g.al£otv
Hunter and Joseph Dobson made their appearance, and 793. rn, 8a6
asked the "privileges of free citizens," declaring that they
were willing to take an oath of allegiance to the State, and
the council resolved that they should be considered as "free
citizens and members of this State." So also Booth Boote,
who, with John Dunn, had been paroled to Salisbury, having
taken the oath, was admitted to citizenship; and later Dr.
John Pyle and other prominent malcontents took the oath
of allegiance, among them Rev. George Micklejohn, who had
been paroled to Perquimans. Other action was constantly
taken in the way of arresting and putting under bond or
confining Tories or having them released from durance on
their submission to the state authorities.
The Indians become hostile
Governor Martin's plan for the subjugation of North
Carolina contemplated aid from the Indians, and John Stuart,
the Indian superintendent, spent several months in the
spring of 1776 with the governor awaiting the arrival of
General Clinton's troops. As yet he had had no instructions
to employ the Indians on the frontier, but he was keeping
them in readiness to act when required. Later he departed
for Pensacola to be in close communication with them ; and
arrangements were in progress for all the tribes from the
548
INDEPENDENCE, 1776
1776
The Indians
in arms
C. R.. X,
657 ttseq.
S. RM XI,
333
They cross
the
mountains
C. R.. X,
66a, 660
The massa-
cre on the
Catawba,
July 10-11
Ohio to Alabama to begin hostilities against the western
borders.
Toward the end of June fifteen Shawnees, Delawares, and
Mingoes brought the war belt to the Cherokees, and it was
received by the young men against the wishes of the older
chiefs. Before measures had been fully arranged, bands of
Cherokees, inflamed by the encroachments of the whites on
the Holstein and Nolachucky, and eager for spoils, began
their forays.
While the council was still at Halifax this proposed in-
cursion of the Indians became known. In the first week in
July the Cherokees had fallen on the inhabitants in South
Carolina, plundered houses, killed some settlers and carried
oflf several prisoners. Others attacked the forts on the
Holstein and Watauga. Most of the settlers, however,
escaped, having been warned by Nancy Ward, from Echota,
she being the "beloved woman" of that Indian capital, and
always, like her kinsman, Attakullakulla (the Little Car-
penter), friendly to the whites. Some twenty women and
children were victims of the tomahawk. Only Mrs. Bean,
perhaps the wife of William Bean, the first white man to
erect a cabin in that wilderness, and a boy named Moore
were taken alive. The latter was burned at the stake, and
Mrs. Bean was also bound to the stake ready for the burning
when Nancy Ward interfered and saved her life. Unsuc-
cessful in their assault on the forts, the Indian warriors
crossed the mountains and fell on the unsuspecting families
on Crooked Creek (near Rutherfordton), and, coming up
the Toe, invaded the frontier of Rowan. The unheralded
appearance of these murderous bands caused great conster-
nation. On July 1 2th Rutherford wrote to the council that
he had received an express the week before that forty
Indians were ravaging Crooked Creek, and that appeals were
made to him for relief. He pleaded for expedition. Before
twenty-four hours had elapsed he despatched another ex-
press that the Indians were making great progress in de-
stroying and murdering in Rowan. "Thirty-seven persons,"
he said, "were killed last Wednesday and Thursday on the
Catawba," and "I am also informed that Colonel McDowell
and ten men more and one hundred and twenty women and
RUTHERFORD ATTACKS THE CHEROKEES 549
children are besieged in some kind of a fort, and the Indians
around them; no help to them before yesterday, and they
were surrounded on Wednesday. I expect the next account
to hear is that they are all destroyed. . . . Three of our
captains are killed and one wounded. This day I set out
with what men I can raise for the relief of the district."
"Pray, gentlemen, consider our distress; send us plenty of
powder, and I hope under God we of Salisbury district are
able to stand them."
Rutherford acted with that energy that ever distinguished
him. Within a week he was on the frontier with near
twenty-five hundred men, for the western Carolinians had
sprung to arms at the first call, animated by a consuming
purpose to inflict heavy punishment upon their murderous
foe. Among those with him were Colonel Adam Alexander
and the Mecklenburg regiment, protecting the settlers on the
Catawba. Leaving the main body at Old Fort, then called
Davidson's, on July 29th, with a detachment of five hundred
men Rutherford crossed the mountains and dislodged some
two hundred braves, who had established themselves on the
Nolachucky.
On August 13th the council adjourned to meet at the
house of Mr. Joel Lane, in Wake County, where it con-
vened on the 2 1 st. Cornelius Harnett being absent with
leave, Samuel Ashe was unanimously chosen president. A
petition was received from the settlements on the Watauga
and Holstein, called by the inhabitants there "the Washing-
ton district," setting forth that about six years earlier they
had begun to locate in that territory, and finding themselves
outside of Virginia, had formed a court and adopted the
Virginia laws, and had enlisted a company of riflemen under
Captain James Robertson, stationing them on the frontier
to guard against an attack by the Indians. They asked that
they might be annexed to North Carolina, promising to be
governed by the council and to lack nothing in the glorious
cause of America. This petition was signed by John Carter,
John Sevier, William Bean and others as a committee, and
to it were attached more than a hundred names of settlers
on the Watauga and Nolachucky, among them being David
Crockett. The council directed that they should hold an
1776
July
Rutherford
crosses the
mountains
S. RM XI,
338
Washington
district
annexed
C. R., X,
7°»i 708-711
55°
INDEPENDENCE, 1776
1776
The
movement
against the
Indians
Colonel
Williams
on the
Holstein
C. R.,
789
X,
Sept. 1st,
Ruther-
ford's march
Biog. Hist.
N. C., II,
3«4
election on October 15th and choose five delegates to repre-
sent Washington district in the congress of the State, to
meet at Halifax on November 10th.
President Rutledge, of South Carolina, had earlier sug-
gested a joint movement on the part of Virginia and North and
South Carolina against the Indians. He proposed to send
Major Williamson with eleven hundred men against the lower
Cherokees, and that a force from North Carolina should
attack the Middle towns, and, joining Williamson, should
proceed against Valley River and the Hiwassee, while the
Virginians should come down the Holstein and attack the
Over-hill towns. The council agreed to this proposition, and
directed the militia from the Hillsboro district and from
Surry County to join Rutherford, while a regiment of three
hundred men under Colonel Joe Williams was to cross the
mountains and join Colonel Christian and his Virginians
at Big Island, on the Holstein. On August 23d General
Person was despatched to Rutherford's camp with par-
ticular directions, and on September 1st Rutherford, with a
great cavalcade of horses bearing his provisions and ammu-
nition, entered Swannanoa Gap and pressed forward. He
took with him two thousand privates and eighty light horse,
with supplies for forty days carried by fourteen hundred
pack horses. To defend the frontier in his absence, he
ordered three captains with a hundred and thirty men to
range in Tryon, one hundred and seventy-five in Rowan,
and a hundred in Surry, that then extended to the Indian
line in the mountains. Among those accompanying the
expedition were Colonel Martin Armstrong, Colonel Adam
Alexander, Captain Benjamin Cleveland, William Lenoir,
and William Gray. The Orange regiment, under Colonel
Joseph Taylor, had reached his camp, but its assistance not
being needed, it returned home.
Rutherford's course lay down the Swannanoa and French
Broad and up Hominy Creek to Pigeon River, then to Rich-
land Creek, and over the dividing ridge to the head of Scott's
Creek, which he followed to the Tuckaseegee. He moved
with such rapidity and secrecy that he passed fifty miles
into the wilderness without being discovered by the Indians.
The journey through the mountains was an arduous and
RUTHERFORD'S EXPEDITION
55i
difficult performance. Without a road and sometimes with-
out even an Indian trail, he led his army over tremendous
mountains and across rapid streams, pursuing his way in
momentary danger of ambuscade by his wily foe. But so
sagacious were his movements that he had penetrated two-
thirds of the distance into the forests without interruption.
At length, when only thirty miles from the Middle Settle-
ments on the Tuckaseegee, he detached a thousand men to
surprise the Indians by a forced march. Soon, however, in
their quiet but rapid journey, they came upon some thirty
of the savages, who disputed their progress, and sent in-
formation to the settlement, which thus was evacuated when
Rutherford reached it. Immediately he began the work of
destruction, and speedily devastated the fields and burned
every house. Then, with a detachment of nine hundred
men and ten days' provisions, he hurried along the Little
Tennessee and moved on towards Valley River and the
Hiwassee.
Williamson was to have met him at Cowee, but after
devastating the Indian towns at the foothills, the South
Carolinians were detained, and Rutherford proceeded alone.
Missing the usual trail through Waya Gap, he crossed
the Nantahala at an unaccustomed place. Five hundred
braves lay in ambush at Waya, hoping to destroy his force
as twenty years before they had Montgomery's. While they
awaited his coming, Rutherford, pressing on, reached the
head waters of Valley River. Every town on that stream
was destroyed in turn, and it was as if a besom of destruc-
tion had swept over those settlements, so sudden and rapid
were his movements. He had the good fortune to avoid
a pitched battle, killed but twelve Indians, and captured
nine. He also took seven white men, with whom he got
four negroes, much leather, about a hundredweight of gun-
powder and a ton of lead, which they were conveying to
Mobile. His own loss was but three men.
While in the midst of this devastation they encamped, on
Sunday, September 15th, at Nuckesseytown (doubtless
Tuckaseegee), and there, after a sermon by Rev. Mr. James
Hall, they buried one of Captain Irwin's men with due
solemnity. A fortnight after Rutherford had begun his
1776
September
C. R..X,
860
Indian
settlements
destroyed
C. R., X,
71a, 861
Hunter's
Western
North
Carolina,
198
552 INDEPENDENCE, 1776
*2£ march the Council of Safety, which had adjourned to Salis-
bury to be in proximity to the scene of operations, despatched
Colonel Waightstill Avery, with an escort, with directions
to the general to send, if possible, a detachment to aid
Colonel Christian against the Over-hill towns, and on his
return to cut a road through the mountains for future use.
A juncture was made by Colonel Williamson on Septem-
ber 26th on the Hiwassee ; but then Rutherford's work had
been thoroughly done, and the Valley Settlement had been
c. r.,x, obliterated. It was deemed impracticable to cross the
Smokies and assist Colonel Christian, and they turned their
faces homeward. The Indians, driven from their valleys,
homeless refugees without food or raiment, sought the dark
recesses of the Nantahala, some fleeing to the Over hills, but
the greater number finding a temporary home with the
Creeks on the Coosawatchee River. Others made their
painful way to their British allies in Florida, where five
hundred of them were received and supplied with food dur-
ing that winter. Rutherford on his return marked his road
through the mountains, which has since been known as
Rutherford's Trace. Within a month from his departure he
returned to Old Fort, reaching Salisbury early in October.
The Surry regiment
Beyond the mountains the Surry regiment, under Colonel
Joseph Williams, Colonel Love and Major Winston, having
joined Colonel Christian, moved cautiously along the great
Indian warpath until the Little Tennessee was reached,
c. r ., x, where town after town was destroyed. So swift had been
83»,844,8v2, tjie actjon that the Indians, unable to resist, soon sought
terms of peace. Some of tfie Indian head men came into
camp, agreed to surrender all prisoners and to cede to the
whites all the territory occupied in the Tennessee settle-
ments. On their solemn promise that such a treaty should
be made, Christian agreed to suspend hostilities. An excep-
tion was made, however, as to two towns which had been
concerned in burning the Moore boy, but the peace town
of Echota was not disturbed. Colonel Williams was not
pleased with Colonel Christian's action, attributing his
MOORE'S EXPEDITION 553
leniency to the Cherokees to a settled policy on the part XJ*
of Virginia to absorb their trade; and he recommended to
the council that as the frontiers of North Carolina were
inhabited far beyond the colony line, commissioners should
be appointed to run the line farther west. By treaties soon The Indian
afterward made the lower Cherokees surrendered all their ce$sion
territory in South Carolina except a narrow strip, and the
middle and upper Cherokees ceded all their possessions east
of the Blue Ridge, together with the disputed territory on
the Nolachucky, Watauga, and New rivers.
After reaching Old Fort, General Rutherford, to destroy Moore*,
some towns not on his route, and perhaps to aid Colonel cTr^xT
Christian, directed Captain William Moore and Captain 895*898
Harden, with the light horse of Tryon County, a hundred
in number, to return to the Indian country. Leaving
Cathey's fort on October 29th, they penetrated to the towns
on Cowee Mountain. A detachment, pursuing the fleeing
Indians to Soco Creek, "crossed prodigious mountains, which
were almost impassable, experiencing there a severe shock
of an earthquake, reached Richland Creek Mountains, and
then returned to Pigeon River."
The Tories active
Tory emissaries during the summer, and especially in c. r.,x,
August, were active, and seem to have expected that they
would be joined by a great number of Indian allies. Ruther-
ford could not take the second battalion from Rowan, "the
current of Tories running strong in Guilford and Anson" ;
and Colonel Folsome wrote: "It is most certain they wish
for nothing more . . . than an opportunity of making a
head, . . . numbers would fly to join the Indians, as it is
their professed declaration" ; while in Bladen, there were a
number of deserters from the regular troops, Tories and
other disaffected persons collected, whose action was so
threatening that General Ashe despatched two companies
under Colonel Brown to disperse them. Before Brown
reached their settlement they killed Captain Nathaniel Rich-
ardson and committed other outrages, and then many of
them fled into South Carolina.
7«5* 73». 744
554 INDEPENDENCE, 1776
1776 Salt making on the coast .
c. r., x, Salt being such an indispensable necessity, unusual efforts
£*£J;7|* were made to obtain a supply for the public, and Robert
Williams was employed to set up salt works at Beaufort,
where pans for that purpose were erected. Conferences
were held with Dr. Franklin at Philadelphia as to the best
process of manufacture, and salt pans were ordered from
that city. All along the coast the inhabitants began with
their pots and kettles to make a supply. Early in October
Sam Ashe wrote from the Cape Fear : "Te Deutn Laudamus
we here at present joyfully chant forth. The vessels of
war . . . took their departure a few days since, first burning
two of their tenders. We have now an open port. . . .
The humor of salt boiling seems to be taking place here. I
have seen some boiled . . . the cleanest and whitest of any
... I ever saw in my life; every old wife is now scouring
her pint pot for the necessary operation. God send them
good luck." The council gave directions for supplying the
people. The quantity being limited, it was doled out. Con-
ner Dowd was to sell salt in his possession "to the Whigs
who bore arms on the late expedition against the Tories at
Moore's Creek at ten shillings per bushel, not selling more
than a half bushel to each man."
The British abandon Cape Fear
During the summer General Moore remained at Wil-
mington. There still lingered several British vessels in
the lower harbor, while a detachment of their troops was in
c. r., x, possession of Baldhead. Toward the last of August Moore
7 7, 24, 40 ^k faree hundred men and departed on a secret expedi-
tion, no one having the slightest conjecture what was his
purpose, unless to attack the enemy on that island. The
result of the expedition is not recorded ; but a month later
the vessels departed, burning their tenders and the British
sloop Cruiser, which had been on that station for several
years, was the refuge of Governor Martin when driven from
Fort Johnston, and now was probably so unseaworthy that
she could not be removed. The ship Jenny, where the
Tories seeking protection had found a resting place, also
regto?cntist sailed for New York; and as these Loyalists had been or-
LOCATION OF THE TROOPS 555
ganized into companies with officers by Governor Martin, ^
on their reaching New York they were assigned to a Loyalist
regiment then formed at the north.
Toward the end of September the council again convened £. RM x.,
at Halifax, and in the absence of the president, Samuel
Ashe, Willie Jones was chosen to preside.
A winter campaign threatened
The Continental Congress having directed that two of the
continental regiments should be conducted by General Moore
to join General Washington, subsequently, in view of a
probable winter campaign at the south, left it in the dis-
cretion of the Council of Safety to retain them in the State.
The council thought it best that they should not go north at
that time, and the order was countermanded.
It being believed that a southern campaign was in con-
templation by the British commander, preparations were
made to meet it. It was considered that the invasion would
be either in Virginia or South Carolina, and North Carolina
would protect herself by aiding in the defence. General J^*-*
Moore had with him in North Carolina five continental regi-
ments, except about one hundred and fifty of the First and
Second, these companies and the Third Regiment being with
General Howe in Georgia. They were distributed at differ-
ent points in the eastern part of the State, while a small
detachment of the Third was at Salisbury with Colonel
Martin.
858
CHAPTER XXXII
The Constitution of 1776
Making the constitution. — Divergencies. — The conservatives. — The
results of the election. — Johnston burned in effigy. — The congress
meets. — The committee moves slowly. — Proceedings in the conven-
tion.— Citizenship established. — The principles of government. —
Sovereignty of the people. — The Orange instructions. — Those of
Mecklenburg. — Hooper urges the Delaware plan. — In the committee
room. — The draught reported. — The bill of rights. — The religious
test. — Thoroughly considered. — The Virginia constitution. — A rep-
resentative republic. — Public schools. — The religious test adopted.
— The instrument conservative. — A new administration installed.
,7?6 Hardly had the Indians been subdued before the sombre
fifckinRthe shadow of a British invasion cast itself over the seaboard
constitution Qf tne southern states, and toward the end of the year, as at
its opening, the people of North Carolina looked to the future
with painful forebodings of grave perils and devastation.
In the midst of these disquieting anticipations they were
now to ordain a constitution and government for the inde-
pendent State and start out the new commonwealth on its
voyage through unknown and uncertain seas. Happy, would
it be for themselves and for posterity were the foundations
of the political edifice well and strongly laid ; deplorable in-
deed if tyranny and despotism should find a crevice through
which they might enter.
Divergencies
The first effort to frame a constitution made apparent in
the summer pronounced divergencies among the public men.
Johnston, Hewes, Hooper, Thomas Jones, Iredell, Allen
Jones and probably Nash, Caswell and possibly Harnett and
Sam Ashe might be ranked as conservatives, with varying
shades of difference between them. Willie Jones, Person,
Burke, Penn, Avery, the Alexanders, John Ashe, Polk, and
Dr. Caldwell might be classed as advocates of a pure democ-
racy. But there is so little on which to hazard a conjecture,
THE PARTIES
557
The Con-
servatives
except uncertain tradition, that one hesitates to assign many XJ*
of those mentioned to either side. All realized that they October
were severed forever from the past and were to establish
a government for themselves and posterity on a republican
basis. The Conservatives, Johnston and others, believed that
the general features of the British system, with which they
were familiar, offered the best government, freer from pos-
sible evils than any other known to history. They preferred
a stable and independent judiciary, controlled only by the
principles of law established by the decisions of the courts ;
justices of the peace and court officers also to have a stable
tenure; the great officers to be appointed by the Assembly
rather than by popular election, and the Assembly itself kept
within bounds by annual elections.
The other extreme view looked to uprooting every vestige The
of the old government and the establishment of a pure Rad'cal*
democracy, with annual election of judges, clerks, and jus-
tices of the peace by the freemen of the commonwealth.
Between these two extremes there were many shades of
opinion. In view of the necessity of framing a constitution,
on August 9th the council had prepared an address to the
people, recommending that each county should choose five
delegates particularly suited to represent them in this great
work. Davis, the printer, was dilatory in printing this
address for distribution, and Harnett expressed himself as
anxiously awaiting the copies. "The advice of the council to c.r.,x,787
the inhabitants has not yet got abroad," he said. "Davis
ought to be hurried." Evidently he had the matter much
at heart.
The election was held on October 15th. While there does
not appear to have been any attempt at the organization of
parties, yet here and there throughout the province oppo-
sition was manifested to the election of particular persons.
At New Bern, Tisdale unsuccessfully opposed Abner Nash.
Hewes was returned from Edenton as usual ; Penn was not
elected from Granville, strange to say; while Hooper was c.r.,x,o»4
returned from Perquimans, as well as from Wilmington.
Hewes and Hooper stood on the same line as Johnston and
Iredell, while Penn was an ultra-democrat, in line with
Thomas Person. Harnett was so desirous of the election
C.R.,X,6o6
558 THE CONSTITUTION OF 1776
XJ!J of Hooper that he himself stood in Brunswick County, sur-
o«ob€r rendering his hold on the borough of Wilmington that
Hooper might be assured of a seat in the congress. Samuel
Spencer, a strong democrat, was not returned from Anson.
Mecklenburg added to her delegation Waightstill Avery, and
Guilford, David Caldwell. There was considerable change
in the personnel of the deputies, but except the changes
above mentioned there was only one other notable leader
not returned — Samuel Johnston. Allen Jones, John John-
ston, and Thomas Jones and all the other conservatives were
elected. For some reason a great effort was made to defeat
Johnston, who had always been unanimously chosen to pre-
side over the previous congresses, was in strong sympathy
with the Continental Congress, and an ardent promoter of
every measure tending to sustain independence ; no man was
McWs more fixed than he in his American principles. No means
334 ' ' were spared to poison the minds of the people against him
personally; "to inflame their prejudices, excite alarm, and
sow in them by indefinite charges and vague whispers the
seeds of distrust." There was a hot and spirited canvass,
resulting in Johnston's defeat; and the triumph was cele-
brated with riot and debauchery, the orgies being con-
c.R.,xl9i4 eluded by burning Johnston in effigy. While Hewes was
elected from the borough, and Thomas Benbury and Thomas
Jones were returned from the county, James Blount, Luke
Sumner, and Jacob Hunter replaced Sam Johnston, John B.
Beasly, and Thomas Hunter. Apparently James Blount was
the opponent of Johnston, and succeeded in displacing him.
The election and its result in Chowan led to the character-
ization of Johnston's opponents by Mr. Iredell as "rioters,"
to whom he ascribed such principles as these: "I despise
every man who differs from me. I am sure he must be
McRee's a Tory. I think a man more liable to be a Tory who has
iredeiu i, hitherto been most earnest in the cause." "I impute to gen-
tlemen all our present difficulties." "I am a sworn enemy
to all gentlemen." "I believe it honorable and proper to per-
secute poor distressed individuals when we have them in our
power, provided we want courage to prove in any other
manner the alacrity of our zeal against those we suppose
enemies of our country." This "creed of a rioter" would
9>3
PERSONNEL OF THE CONGRESS 559
indicate that the principal charges against Johnston were lJjt
personal, based on his wealth and lofty bearing and on some November
kindness to distressed persons, perhaps Tories, which was
imputed to him as Toryism. There is found in it no trace of
disagreement between him and his countrymen on the funda-
mental principles of government. The strenuous opposition
to him has been attributed to Willie Jones and his friends, it
being suggested that they desired to remove Johnston from
his dominant position in public affairs, the more readily to
secure the adoption of an ultra-democratic form of govern-
ment, which he opposed ; if so, his defeat was without avail.
The congress meets
The congress met on November 12th, at Halifax, and J^R. x,
Allen Jones proposed Richard Caswell for president, who
was accordingly unanimously chosen. Theretofore all votes
in the several congresses, as also in the council, had been
by counties and towns ; now it was determined, against the
vote of the Albemarle section and the towns of Brunswick
and New Bern alone, that all questions should be determined
by the voice of the several members. A majority of the
members were to govern, not a majority of the counties.
At once the congress appointed a committee composed of
the president, Thomas Person, Allen Jones, John Ashe,
Abner Nash, Willie Jones, Thomas Jones, Simon Bright,
Christopher Neale, Samuel Ashe, William Haywood, Griffith
Rutherford, Henry Abbott, Luke Sumner, Thomas Respis,
Archibald Maclaine, James Hogun, and Hezekiah Alex-
ander to frame a constitution. In the formation of this
committee the eastern members largely predominated, there
being from the west only one member each from Granville,
Rowan, and Mecklenburg, while Dobbs, Craven, Chowan,
and New Hanover each had two members. Subsequently,
however, as other members came in, there were added to
that committee Waightstill Avery, Whitmel Hill, Thomas
Eaton, John Birdsong, Robert Irwin, Joseph Hewes, Cor-
nelius Harnett, William Sharpe, and John Spicer, four of
whom were from the west. It would seem that where one
conservative was appointed on the committee he was im-
mediately followed by a democrat, the committee being about
S6o
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1776
1776
Proceeding!
in the
congress
C. R., X,
903
Additional
battalions
Criminal
courts
Bayard
vs.
Singleton,
1 North
Carolina
Reports
evenly divided, and doubtless well representing the senti-
ments of the congress. It at once began its work, but weeks
were to elapse before it completed its plan of government.
An attack on South Carolina being feared, for a large
fleet bearing a considerable number of troops had sailed from
New York supposed to be destined for Charleston, the
congress ordered General Moore to march with the con-
tinentals for the relief of that city, and a committee was
raised to consider the most speedy method of embodying
five thousand militia to aid in defence. Three additional
regiments of continentals were also provided for, to be com-
manded respectively by James Hogun, James Armstrong,
and John Williams. Hooper and Hewes were re-elected
delegates to the Continental Congress, but Penn now gave
place to Dr. Burke, of Orange County. It is to be observed,
however, that although Penn was not chosen a member by
his county, nor retained in the Continental Congress, he was
appointed one of the committee "to revise and consider all
such statutes and acts of assembly as are in force in North
Carolina, and to prepare bills to be passed into laws con-
sistent with the new form of government." He was not
entirely ignored. And Sam Johnston was named second
on this very important committee, the first being Thomas
Jones. A seal of State being necessary, the congress di-
rected Hooper, Hewes, and Burke to procure one; and in
the meantime the private seal of the governor was to be
affixed to all grants and other public acts of the State.
To enforce the criminal laws, temporary courts of oyer
and terminer were established to be held in the several dis-
tricts of the State, two persons learned in law in each
district being appointed by the governor to hold them. It
was enacted that all of the former statutes and such parts
of the common law as were not inconsistent with the free-
dom and independence of the State should continue in force
until the next Assembly.
The royal government being subverted and a new State
erected on its ruins, the people felt as if "they had been
marooned on some desert island," without a constitution,
government or laws, and the congress addressed itself to
organizing civil affairs. All glebes and lands formerly held
ACTION OF THE CONGRESS 561
by any religious society were declared vested in their lj£
owners ; and the congress ordained that all regular ministers
of every denomination should have power to celebrate ^ *..
matrimony according to the rites and ceremonies of their 996*097
respective churches, they, however, observing the rules and
restrictions provided by law. It was particularly necessary SuSSIhiS
to establish citizenship. The congress directed the governor
to offer free pardon and protection to all persons who should
within ninety days take the oath of allegiance to the State,
and those who refused to take the oaths were declared in-
capable of bringing any suit, or purchasing any lands, or
transferring their lands, which were declared forfeited to
the State. All persons residing within the limits of the State
were held to owe allegiance ; and it was declared that any one
who should thereafter levy war against the State or adhere
to its enemies or give them aid and assistance or intelli-
gence shall be adjudged guilty of high treason and suffer
death, and forfeit his property ; but on conviction the judge
might make provision out of the forfeited estate for the
wife or children of the criminal; and it was declared that
any person owing allegiance to the State who should deny
the supreme authority of the people, or assert that those who
had taken up arms were rebels, or deny the lawfulness of
defending the State, or do any act tending to propagate and
spread sedition, should be adjudged guilty of a misde-
meanor.
The principles of government
The matter of ordaining a new government had received
thoughtful attention.* In every colony much consideration
had been bestowed on fundamental principles. The people
were embarking on unknown seas, and the principles of gov-
ernment were much discussed. Articles on the subject were
widely circulated. It seems to have been generally consid-
ered that the legislative power ought to be vested in two
♦Apparently after the failure to agree on a constitution at the s. R., XI,
previous session some one wrote to John Adams for an expression 321
of his views, and his reply is preserved in Governor Caswell's letter-
book. Governor Swain said it was addressed to Burke. We should
think that it was addressed to Caswell. The constitution contains
some of the principles he advocated. (N. C. Uni. Mag., 1856, 232.)
562 THE CONSTITUTION OF 1776
XJJ? bodies, not one, as in Pennsylvania ; while there was differ-
ence of opinion as to whether the executive should have any
legislative function. Other points of difference were as to
the election of the chief executive and other great officers,
whether by the people themselves or by the Assembly ; and
particularly as to the election and term of office of the
judges; also as to the qualification of the electors. In some
of the colonies all freemen could vote; in North Carolina
only freeholders had enjoyed that right.
Sovereignty of the people
c. r., x. The fundamental principle of the sovereignty of the people
was universally accepted. It was held that political power
is of two kinds — one the principal and supreme, the other
the derived and inferior; the first possessed only by the
people, the other by their servants ; that what is ordained by
the people cannot be altered but by them ; that the legislature
must observe the limitations and restrictions imposed by the
supreme power; and that the executive, legislative, and
judicial powers are distinct and independent. These prin-
ciples were embraced in a set of maxims, which doubtless
were extensively disseminated throughout all the colonies.
They were embraced in the instructions given by the people
of Mecklenburg and of Orange for the guidance of their
delegates in the congress ; and, indeed, the exact agreement
of the seven principles first declared in these instructions
indicates that they had a common source.
The Orange instructions
c. r, x. Among the Orange instructions was one to the effect
t7<fc87o*, t^at ajj 0fficers shouid give an assurance that they "do not
acknowledge supremacy, ecclesiastical or civil, in any for-
eign power, or spiritual infallibility, or authority to grant the
divine pardon." This was in the handwriting of Dr. Burke,
himself a Roman Catholic. Similarly, Mecklenburg in-
structed that no atheist nor any one who denied any of the
Persons of the Holy Trinity, or the divine authority of the
Old and New Testament, or who should be of the Roman
Catholic religion, should hold any office in the State.
Orange County provided for two branches of the Assembly,
HOOPER'S VIEWS 563
one to be elected by the freeholders and householders and y*
the other by freeholders only; while Mecklenburg, whose JJjJj^iJj;
instructions were in the handwriting of Avery, required that *«"»«»<>»«
both branches of the legislature should be elected by "the
good people of the State"; and further, that "all judges
should be appointed by the General Assembly, and that their
term of office should be for one year only." Mecklenburg
also directed that there should be a land tax, and that all
should be taxed according to their estates ; and that a college
should be handsomely endowed in that county.
Both Hewes and Penn returned to North Carolina at that
time, and Hooper, feeling constrained to remain in atten-
dance on the Continental Congress, wrote his views for the
consideration of the congress. "Let us consider," said he, ^fj&s^
"the people at large as a source from which all power is to be
derived. . . . Rulers must be conceived as the creatures of
the people. ... A single branch of legislation is a many-
headed monster, . . . and its members become a tyranny,
dreadful in proportion to the numbers which compose it.
... I am now convinced that a third branch of legislation
is at least unnecessary. But for the sake of execution we
must have a magistrate solely executive." He urged that
the constitution of Delaware, which had been promulgated
in September, had great merit: "I admire," said he, "no
part of the Delaware plan more than the appointing judges
during good behavior. Limit their political existence, and
make them dependent upon the suffrages of the people, that
instant we corrupt the channels of public justice. Rhode
Island furnishes an example too dreadful to imitate." Be-
sides the Delaware plan, the congress had also the new con-
stitutions of Virginia, South Carolina, and New Jersey for
reference. The committee doubtless availed themselves of
every aid in performing their important duty; but the pre-
vailing ideas were, not unnaturally, similar to those that
found expression in the bill of rights* and constitution of
the adjoining State of Virginia.
*The Bill of Rights of Virginia was written entirely by Thomas
Jefferson, while the body of the constitution was prepared by George
Mason. (Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry, 215.)
564
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1776
1776
S R
XVIII, 139
The f tamers
of the
constitution
Debates in
convention
in 1835,
43. 3»8
S. R., XI.
Stfrl, 31
Although some members exercised more influence than
others, it would seem that the work of the committee was
the joint product of the intelligence of all of the members.
In 1787 Judge Ashe said to the legislature: "If my opinion
of our constitution is an error, I fear it is an incurable one,
for I had the honor to assist in the forming it, and confess I
so designed it, and I believe every other gentleman con-
cerned did also"; from which it would be inferred that the
constitution was the joint product of the members who
"designed it."
Although Thomas Jones was the chairman, the president
of the convention, Caswell, was perhaps the most influential
member. Of him the venerable Nathaniel Macon said : "He
was certainly one of the most powerful men that ever lived
in this or any other country" ; and Judge Toomer said :
"Such was his influence in the convention that tradition says
he dictated the principles, if not the terms, of the instru-
ment." On that committee were also Harnett, Thomas Jones,
Willie and Allen Jones, Maclaine, Avery, John and Sam
Ashe, Thomas Person and Abner Nash.
These and others as well, members of the committee, were
men of decided convictions and were not overshadowed by
any of their associates. Still Caswell, being president of the
convention, probably exerted a strong influence not only in
the committee, but in the congress, and as he had apparently
sought the views of John Adams and preserved Adams's
letter in his executive letter-book, it is an inference that he
agreed with the sentiments of the New Englander, which
were conservative.
That Dr. Burke had a principal hand in devising the legis-
lative plan may be gathered from Johnston's writing to him
of it as "your plan"; while Caswell said if there is any
blame to be fixed on those who formed the constitution, his
good friend, Mr. Harnett, ought to take a very considerable
part of it to himself for cramping so much the powers of
the executive. To Harnett also, by tradition, is assigned
the authorship of the thirty-fourth article, placing all denom-
inations on the same footing, granting entire liberty of
FORMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 565
worship, but not exempting preachers of sedition from legal V^6
punishment.*
Mr. Wilson, of Perquimans, remarked in the convention Debatc*in
r « « 1 ll • 1 1 1 1 convention,
of 1835 that the constitution is thought to have been as 1835,394
much or more the work (the thirty-second section excepted)
of Willie Jones than any other one individual." But if so,
Willie Jones was not such a radical democrat as some have
supposed.
Doubtless there were many concessions and compromises.
The draught reported
For three weeks the committee was framing the instru- c.r.,x,o54
ment; and then, on Friday, December 6th, Thomas Jones
informed the house that the committee had prepared the
form of a constitution, which he read in his place and sub-
mitted to the house. It was thereupon ordered that a copy
should be made for each county and for each district, and it
should be taken under consideration the following Monday.
Of the first draught we have no copy and but little infor-
mation of its provisions, for the instrument as perfected was
probably much amended by the congress itself. It may be
conjectured that the committee followed the plan indicated
by Thomas Jones in the preceding congress and provided
for two branches of the legislature, one elected by the free-
holders and the other by the freemen. The justices were to
be elected by the people. Johnston on December 7th wrote :
"There is one thing in it which I cannot bear, and yet I
am inclined to think it will stand. The inhabitants are em- £,*•' **
powered to elect the justices in their respective counties,
who are to be the judges of the county courts. Numberless
inconveniences must arise from so absurd an institution."
This was changed by the congress. There was no religious
test for office in the committee's report, but one was inserted
by the congress. On Monday and Tuesday the house con-
sidered the constitution, when it was read paragraph by
paragraph, amended and passed the first reading. On
Thursday it was again read and debated paragraph by para-
*It is said that Governor Swain once mentioned that a large part
of the original draft of the constitution was in the handwriting of
Waightstill Avery.
1040
566 THE CONSTITUTION OF 1776
ljrt graph and passed its second reading. Thomas Jones then
reported the bill of rights, which he read in his place; and
this was taken up on Saturday, debated paragraph by para-
graph, amended and passed its first reading.
McRee's On December 13th Johnston wrote: "One of the members
339 e ' ' from the back country introduced a test by which every
person before he should be admitted to a share in the legis-
lature should swear that he believed in the Holy Trinity
and that the scripture of the Old Testament was written by
divine inspiration. This was carried after a very warm
debate, and has blown up such a flame that everything is in
danger of being thrown into confusion. They talk of having
all the officers, even the judges and clerks, elected annually,
with a number of other absurdities." This was the talk in
the house, not in the committee. It was a departure from
the Virginia constitution and from the committee's plan, and
it precipitated a contest.
The following Tuesday the bill of rights was read para-
graph by paragraph, amended, passed and engrossed. It
contains many of the principles of Magna Charta. For sev-
eral days the constitution was yet further considered, the
house reading it paragraph by paragraph and amending it.
Finally it was perfected, passed, engrossed, and ordered to
c.R.,x,974 be immediately printed and distributed. The committee was
appointed November 13th, reported on December 6th, and
the constitution was under consideration by the entire body
for twelve days, when it was adopted on December 18th.
Each word in it was often weighed, debated, and passed on
by the house itself.
Whatever may have been the particular zeal of this man
or that in the committee, or in the house, every principle
contained in the instrument and every provision of it was
responsive to the will of the majority of the members,
similarity to As perfected, it nearly approached the Virginia consti-
coKution tution with its bill of rights. The second branch of the
legislature, which in every other province but Virginia was
known as the council, was denominated the senate, Virginia
being the first to introduce that word in American history.
Senators were to be elected only by freeholders, while
assemblymen were to be voted for by all citizens who had
PROVISIONS OF THE CONSTITUTION 567
paid their public taxes. The governor and other great *J*i
officers were to be elected by the General Assembly, and the
judges were to hold their offices during good behavior, as in
Virginia. The justices of the peace were to be recommended
to the governor by the representatives in the Assembly, and
when commissioned by him were to hold their offices during
good behavior, and were not to be removed from office by
the General Assembly unless for misbehavior.
Thus was established a representative republic far re- £tirvecpresen"
moved from the pure and simple democracy which some republic
have said that Willie Jones advocated. Indeed, the Consti-
tution conformed in many respects to the views of Johnston,
although he was not a member of the congress. There were
to be annual elections of assemblymen, and a governor
annually elected and ineligible after three years of service
until a like period had elapsed ; and the judiciary was entirely
independent. Still Johnston remained opposed to the plan s- R» ^
for constituting the legislature, and became discontented,
perhaps the more because the people had burned him in
effigy.
Mecklenburg's voice for the establishment and endow- JjJjJJj;
ment of a school in that county seems to have been answered
by a provision that a school or schools should be established
by the legislature for the convenient instruction of youth,
with such salaries to the masters, paid by the public, as may
enable them to instruct at low prices ; and all useful learning
should be duly encouraged and promoted in one or more
universities. The western member who offered in the house
that legislators should swear that they believed in the Holy
Trinity, as required by the Mecklenburg instructions, may
have been Rev. Dr. David Caldwell, of Guilford, who was
not a member of the committee. The introduction of that The
test raised a flame. Many of the public men of that era were lest*10"*
deists ; some were atheists. It is said that some of the lead-
ing members of the convention were of that mind, and it
was for that reason, perhaps, that this proposed section
caused such excitement. Besides, if the original proposition
followed the Mecklenburg instructions throughout, it ex-
cluded from office all Roman Catholics, and Burke was of
that faith, as well, perhaps, as others of the congress. The
568
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1776
1776
fiaof
Consul
institution
The
instrument
conservative
C R.,
991
X,
Mecklenburg proposition was, however, somewhat altered
before adoption;* but still no one who denied the truth of
the Protestant religion or the divine authority of the Old
and New Testament, or should hold religious principles in-
compatible with the freedom and safety of the State, was
to be admitted to office. This apparently was not thought
to exclude Roman Catholics, who from the first held office
unquestioned. It did exclude atheists and infidels, but none
of the public men of North Carolina appear to have fallen
within that category, although tradition attributes to some
of them a little laxity in their religious beliefs. No public
man, Roman Catholic or of atheistical inclinations, ceased to
hold office.
The congress was apparently more conservative than the
committee, for the committee's plan of electing the justices
of the peace, who were to hold the county courts, by a vote
of the inhabitants, was rejected by the congress.
From first to last the instrument as perfected by the con-
gress was conservative, and the government it established
must have been a great disappointment to those who favored
a pure democracy. Nor did the congress submit it to the
people for their approval, and it took effect immediately on
its adoption. It, however, was well received by the people,
and was the subject of eulogy for many years. It remained
unchanged for two generations, although in the course of
time complaints began to be made at the west against the
plan of representation, and in 1835 tne people preferred to
choose their own governors, and twenty years later the re-
quirement of a freehold to constitute a senatorial elector was
abolished.
The constitution being adopted, two days later the con-
gress chose Richard Caswell to be governor of the State un-
til the next session of the General Assembly ; and Cornelius
Harnett, Thomas Person, William Dry, William Haywood,
Edward Starkey, Joseph Leach, and Thomas Eaton mem-
bers of the Council of State; and in case of the death
or other disability of the governor, the president of the
*A writer in the Wilmington Herald of 1844 ascribed that article
as written to Cornelius Harnett. Harnett doubtless amended
Dr. Caldwell's first proposition.
OFFICERS ELECTED 569
council was to succeed him. The congress having provided lj£
for the establishment of courts of oyer and terminer in the |)l^cmber
several districts of the State, proceeded to appoint justices xxin,*^
of the peace, sheriffs and constables for the several counties,
and establish county courts until the Assembly should meet.
As Caswell, on becoming governor, resigned his office as
treasurer of the southern district, John Ashe was elected to
that office ; and Cornelius Harnett was elected vice-president
of the congress. The common law and the laws of the
province that were not inconsistent with the freedom and
independence of the State were declared in force. Having J^-3^
performed its work, the congress, after sitting all day Sun-
day, on Monday, December 23d, adjourned sine die.
CHAPTER XXXIII
Caswell's Administration, 1776-80
Caswell's administration. — Military movements.— Political power.
— The first Assembly. — Tories banished. — Sheppard's regiment. —
Conditions within the State. — The task of the patriots. — Johnston
dissatisfied. — Loyalists depart. — Arrival of Lafayette. — Trade
through Ocracoke inlet. — The Continental Line joins the Grand Army.
— Brandywine. — Germantown. — Death of Nash. — New battalions.
1777 Caswell's administration
January On the adjournment of congress Richard Caswell found
himself in power as the first governor of the sovereign State
of North Carolina. His title was "his Excellency." Shortly
after the Christmas holidays he seems to have taken pos-
session of the governor's palace at New Bern, and there
on January 16th he held his first council, Cornelius Harnett
xxi \ being chosen president of the board. On the same day
880,9^7 judges were appointed to hold the courts of oyer and
terminer. Among those appointed were John Penn, Samuel
Spencer and Sam Ashe ; and the criminal courts again began
to be held. Penn, however, declined to serve, so no court
was held in the Orange district. His action in this matter,
disappointing Governor Caswell, was the probable cause of
an estrangement between them.
A few days later the fine furniture and effects of Gov-
ernor Martin with which the palace was filled were sold at
auction under an order of the congress, and his Excellency
bought largely of them, doubtless to furnish the palace,
s. rm xi, Notwithstanding the treaty of peace that had in the fall
393 of 1776 been informally agreed on with the Indians, in
India™ February they again became hostile, and a detachment of
militia was ordered to range in the district of Washington
to prevent depredations, and General Rutherford was di-
rected to raise eight independent companies, four for Wash-
ington and four for Tryon, Burke, and Surry, to be employed
hostile
1. Maurice Mooke
S. Alexander Martin
2. Abner Nash
4. Robert How*
MOVEMENT OF TROOPS
S7i
in building stockades, in scouting and in protecting the lJJJ
people.
William Sharpe and Waightstill Avery were appointed com-
missioners in conjunction with representatives of Virginia to
make a treaty with the Over-hill Cherokees and fix the boun- The Indian
dary between their hunting grounds and the white settlement, boundary
and during the summer they accomplished this purpose, ex-
tending the boundary line into the Great Iron Mountains.
Military movements
In anticipation of a southern campaign, General Moore ,m
marched his entire command to South Carolina, being like-
wise accompanied by two battalions of militia under the
command of General Allen Jones, appointed by the congress
when in session 'at Halifax. On January 14th General s. r.,xi,
Moore's continentals were at Charleston, and the appre-
hension of a southern campaign having passed away, and
Washington's army being hard pressed, on February 6th the
Council of State directed that the ranks of three of his
regiments should be filled by transfers from the others and
he should lead them to the north. The considerable number
of inhabitants in western North Carolina led to the belief
that that was a favorable region for securing recruits. In-
deed, General Rutherford made a return of over ten thou-
sand men for his militia brigade in the Salisbury district
alone, and Nash, who on February 5th was promoted by the
Continental Congress to be brigadier-general, was directed Nash
to repair to the western part of the State and superintend g5£raTed
the recruiting for the new regiments ; but rapidly succeeding
this first order came a second directing that Moore and
Nash should proceed with all the continentals to the aid of
General Washington. Moore was then at Charleston in com-
mand of the department. On receiving these orders he
returned to North Carolina to arrange for the long march
of the troops, ordering Nash to follow him with the regi-
ments. In April they reached Wilmington and went into
camp temporarily. There, unhappily, on April 15th, Gen-
eral Moore died from an attack of gout in the stomach. On
the same day his brother, Judge Maurice Moore, also died
s. R., XI,
454
Death of
Moore
D/-
CASW ELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
Nash
marches
north
May
Political
power
The first
Assembly
S. RM XII,
in the same house. General Nash assumed command and
marched to the north. A camp was established at Halifax,
where were concentrated the continental battalions then
forming, whose ranks were not yet filled ; and another camp
and hospital were located at Georgetown, Md., where all the
North Carolina troops who had not had the smallpox were
inoculated before joining the army. The brigade reached
the Potomac toward the close of May, and while many
were detained there to be vaccinated, two hundred were
found to have already had the dread disease, and these were
hurried forward to reinforce Washington. Under Colonel
Sumner, they joined the army at Morristown on July 5th.
The new constitution apportioned the political power of
the State very differently from what had been the custom
in colonial times. In former assemblies the Albemarle
counties had each five representatives and the others but
two. In the revolutionary bodies each county and borough
had but a single vote without regard to the number of rep-
resentatives they sent. Under the new constitution every
county was entitled to one senator and two representatives
and the borough towns to a representative. By this innova-
tion the counties were all put on the same footing.
The division of the legislature into two houses, each con-
sisting of a relatively small number of members, resulted
in lessening the influence of many of the old leaders. When
the Assembly, elected in March, met in April, the personnel
of the representatives was greatly changed. Many of the
prominent public men were either in the military or civil
service, occupying positions that rendered them ineligible
as members. Sam Johnston, being one of the treasurers,
was not a member ; nor was Harnett, who was a member of
the council. In the senate, Archibald Maclaine, Allen Jones,
Griffith Rutherford, and Sam Ashe were men of the most
influence. In the house, Abner Nash, Avery, Benbury, John
Butler, Alexander Lillington, Willie Jones and William
Hooper, and John Penn were among the leaders; but the
disappearance from the legislative halls of many who had
exerted a controlling influence in former years was very
observable.
WORK OF THE LEGISLATURE
573
April
S. R., XI,
7«o
Legislative action
It does not appear that there were any party lines. Ten
days after the session opened Abner Nash wrote: "We are
all harmony, and a perfectly good agreement, as far as I
can see, is likely to prevail in our houses of legislature."
Nash was elected speaker of the house of commons and
Sam Ashe was chosen to preside over the senate.
A mass of important business, much of it of a delicate
nature, confronted the Assembly; and despite the absence
of so many men of experience who had been accustomed
to manage public affairs, the laws passed at that and the
adjourned session attest the industry and high capacity of
the assemblymen. Maclaine in the senate and Hooper in the
house were probably the most influential in managing busi-
ness. The former was in particular a strong, learned and
painstaking lawyer and a patriot of the first water. The
Assembly now levied an ad valorem tax on land, negroes, and
all other property, thus inaugurating a great change in the
system of taxation. It established two new counties at the
west, one named in honor of the governor and the other for
Dr. Burke, "a compliment never before paid to a private
citizen/' so high was the popular regard for the talented
Irishman, who was then representing the State in the Con-
tinental Congress with much ability. At the east, also, a
county was created and called Camden, in grateful recog-
nition of that nobleman's efforts in Parliament to befriend
the colonies.
The election of officers by the congress in December had
been merely for a temporary purpose, and now the Assembly
re-elected Caswell and the members of the council. County
courts were provided for, and courts of oyer and terminer
were established, and Samuel Spencer was chosen to hold
these courts in four districts, while Bonfield and James Davis
were appointed for the Edenton and New Bern districts.
Associated with these were others not lawyers. Because
of the uncertainty of the times, it was considered best to
postpone the establishment of civil courts until the next
session, and the senate rejected the bill introduced to create
them. Courts of admiralty were established and collectors
of customs appointed for the various ports.
s. R.,
XXIV, 6
Property tax
Caswell,
Burke, and
Camden
Counties
S. R., XII,
X&IV, 39
574 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
I™ An act was passed regulating the militia, dividing each
company into four classes, which should in turn be called
out when the necessity arose for making a draft. The brig-
s. r.,xii, adiers-general were all re-elected except Thomas Person,
X09 who was succeeded by John Butler;* but General Vail
dying soon, General Simpson was appointed by the council
xxi'v to ta^e *"s place- A particular act was passed to encourage
». "t »s volunteers in the existing Indian war, and a premium of
£10 was offered for each scalp taken from and "fleeced off
the head of an Indian man" by a captor being in the service
of the State, and £40 for each scalp taken by one not in
the pay of the State, "who shall voluntarily undertake to
make war upon the said Indians." Particular efforts were
also made to promote recruiting for the continental service.
To suppress the Tories, the county courts were authorized
to require every inhabitant who should refuse to take the
oath of allegiance to depart from the State in sixty days.
For this purpose the counties were to be laid off into small
districts, in which a justice of the peace was to warn the
inhabitants to come and take the oath, and on the failure of
any to do so, they were to be banished. Banished persons
had the right to sell their property before leaving, but in
case they did not, their property became forfeited to the
State. The patriots of that day realized the necessity of
reducing the number of the disaffected within the limits
of the State as far as practicable, and although these were
harsh and rigorous exactions, yet they seem to have been
necessary and wise.
Sam Johnston and John Ashe were re-elected treasurers,
and apparently there was no particular contest over any
appointment, except alone for one of the delegates to the
Continental Congress. Penn was a member of the house,
and desired to replace Hewes. He made a determined and
personal effort, alleging that Hewes, who as a member of
the Marine Committee was transacting very important busi-
ness for the congress, was holding two offices, a method of
♦General Butler, like Rutherford, had been one of those county
officers of whose excesses the Regulators complained. He was
sheriff of Orange in December, 1770, although his brother William
was one of the Regulators.
PENN DEFEATS HEIVES
575
electioneering that greatly disgusted Hewes and his friends. 2JJ
A warm struggle ensued, and Penn succeeded by ten votes. APril
The delegates chosen were Burke, Hooper, and Penn. {J^df},
Hooper declined, for the expense had been too heavy for 359
his purse, and his friend Harnett was chosen to fill the
vacancy. It was, however, said that had Hewes then been
willing to accept he would have been chosen unanimously
to replace Hooper, but his friends asserted that he would
not accept under the circumstances. If his great and patri-
otic service at Philadelphia was not appreciated by the
Assembly, he was content to attend to his private affairs.
At that time the militia battalions sent to South Carolina f^Ke^'"
were still in that State, one of them being commanded by SR»xi,
Colonel Abraham Sheppard. It being resolved to raise a
new continental battalion, Sheppard was appointed colonel
of it, and he was directed to select his own officers and
recruit his men. He had been Caswell's lieutenant-colonel
at Alamance, had commanded the Dobbs militia with Cas-
well at Moore's Creek, and was in service on the Cape Fear
under General Ashe. He was regarded as particularly effi-
cient, and Caswell reposed the highest confidence in him.
Eventually, after a session of a month, in the course of
which the new State was launched with its officers and laws,
suited to the changed conditions, the Assembly adjourned.
Conditions within the State
The counties now became organized with their courts, il'fe/xY,
justices, clerks, sheriffs, registrars and other officers, and 526
there was a general feeling of stability, and that the new
government was permanently established. But yet the
inhabitants were by no means of one mind on the subject
of independence. Disaffection manifested itself more or fa,*^*^
less in every community. In July there were Tories in
arms in Surry, and trouble in Guilford ; and in that month
the Council of State, writing to General Rutherford, told
him that they could not send any troops from the Hillsboro
brigade, as he "well knew how many disaffected persons
reside in that district and neighborhood.' '
Indeed, this was a time of fearful commotion and anxious
solicitude in many parts of the State. A test oath being
576 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
«777 required of all citizens, and those refusing to take it being
May ordered to depart the State within sixty days, a dread alter-
native was presented that brought sorrow and lamentations.
The Tories Deplorable in the extreme was the situation of a great num-
ber of inhabitants who determined to abandon their homes
and become wanderers on the face of the earth rather than
engage in what they considered unjustifiable rebellion. A
very large part of Cumberland, estimated at two-thirds of
the county, prepared to leave the State, and in other com-
munities considerable numbers had the same gloomy pros-
s. r., xi, pects. The Scotch refused to take the oath almost to a
man. They preferred exile to renouncing their allegiance;
and being much exasperated, they became very troublesome.
The salt riots
The interruption of regular commerce resulted in general
privation of the necessaries of life. Chief among the indis-
pensable articles for domestic use was salt, and of this there
was a scarcity. The first highways known to history were
made by the denizens of the interior seeking the seashore
for this commodity. The human system hungers for it, and
when the supply among the inhabitants of the interior ran
short they fell into great commotions — the people demanded
salt and would have it; and now began a disturbance that
might well be denominated the salt riot. The State had
a quantity stored at Cross Creek for the use of the public,
s r, xi, and thither bodies of men began to congregate. It was
"*'i- reported that a thousand assembled in Orange alone, and
June crowds gathered in Duplin, Guilford, Chatham and other
counties with such a threatening aspect that an alarming
insurrection was feared. It was apprehended that the ulti-
mate purpose was to seize the military stores at Wilmington.
Colonel Williams, in command of the continentals at Hali-
fax, and Colonel Sheppard, whose Tenth Regiment was at
Kinston, were directed to move on Cross Creek, and Gen-
eral Ashe was ordered to call out the militia of that district.
The rising, however, seems only to have been with a view
. of taking the salt, and it was that which drew together the
crowds in the disaffected territory.
s^RmXI, Qn juiy joth a mob of one hundred and forty persons
TORY UPRISINGS
577
from Duplin and Johnston entered Cross Creek, but Robert
Rowan met them with his company, and having required J^y
them to take the oath, sold them salt at $5 per bushel. Five
hundred more came in somewhat later, and probably were
appeased in the same way.
The task of the patriots
Just at the same time, July, 1777, a conspiracy was dis- ^*'xl<
covered among the eastern Tories to rise and fall upon their
neighbors. "I am sorry to inform you," wrote Colonel Irwin
to Governor Caswell, "that many evil persons in Edgecombe
and the neighboring counties have been joined in a most
wicked conspiracy. About thirty of them made an attempt
on Tarboro, but luckily I had about twenty-five men to op-
pose them, and I disarmed the whole and made many take
the oath."
Had there been more unanimity, the task of the patriot
leaders had been easier; but their daring, their constancy,
and fortitude would not have entitled them so thoroughly
to the gratitude and admiration of succeeding generations.
Notwithstanding the division in sentiment of the inhabitants,
it is to the honor of the public men of that period that no
man who had been honored with the confidence of the people
flinched when the test came or failed to move forward
through the gloom and obscurity of the doubtful and hazard-
ous issue. They doubtless felt as Franklin in the Conti-
nental Congress expressed it, "we must all hang together, or
we will be sure to hang separately."
There were, however, two Englishmen who, after the
formation of the State government, withdrew their support
from the cause. One, William Brimage, of Edenton, was Brimage
appointed by Governor Caswell to hold the court of oyer in
March. He declined, and not long afterward planned an
insurrection, proposing to join the British vessel at Ocra-
coke. For this he was arrested. The other prominent in-
habitant who fell from the cause was John Slingsby, a mer-
chant of Wilmington, who at first entered zealously into the
revolutionary measures, but subsequently adhered to the
Crown, and in 1781 was colonel of the Loyalist militia of
Bladen, and lost his life at the battle of Elizabethtown.
*777
S. RM XI,
539
Slingsby
578 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
*rn Johnston dissatisfied
July Samuel Johnston, although always true to the cause, was
much dissatisfied with the form of government, and doubt-
less suffered mortification at his treatment by the people of
Chowan. Governor Caswell offered to appoint him to hold
the court of oyer in the Edenton district, but Johnston ques-
tioned Caswell's right to make the appointment. The legis-
s r xi 'ature *n April re-elected him one of the state treasurers, but
488, & he declined, saying : "In the infancy of our glorious struggle,
when the minds of many were unsettled and doubtful of
the event, I joyfully accepted every appointment that was
offered by my fellow-citizens, and readily stood forth to give
testimony of my concurrence and approbation of every meas-
ure which tends to the security of the most inestimable
rights of mankind ; at this period, when the constitution of
this State is happily, and, I flatter myself, permanently es-
tablished, when all doubts and apprehensions are entirely
removed, . . . I . . . request . . . the favor of being per-
mitted to decline that very honorable and lucrative appoint-
ment." The cause of his declination was deep-seated. He
was dissatisfied, mortified, and doubtless animated by resent-
ment. The people had framed a government without his
aid, and he had been treated by the inhabitants of his own
county as if he were an odious character. Two months
after he declined the treasureship he wrote to Dr. Burke:
"I have had an opportunity of seeing an experiment of the
new legislature, and am as little pleased with it in practice
as I was formerly in theory, and am still of opinion that
though your plan might, for aught I know, be well adapted
to the government of a numerous, cultivated people, it will
by no means be attended with those salutary ends which
were in the contemplation of its framers." He characterized
many of the representatives as "fools and knaves, who by
their low arts have worked themselves into the good graces
of the populace." "I saw with indignation such men as
Griffith Rutherford, Thomas Person, and your colleague,
J. Penn, . . . principal leaders in both houses, you will not
expect that anything good or great . . . from the counsels
of men of such narrow, contracted principle, supported by
TORIES EXPELLED 579
the most contemptible abilities. Hewes was supplanted ... %jn
in congress by the most insidious arts and glaring falsehoods, Ju,y
and Hooper, though no competitor appeared to oppose him,
lost a great number of votes." He concludes : "I am now
out of office and totally abstracted from all political con-
cerns." But in less than two years his resentment was molli-
fied, and he again took his place in the Assembly as senator
from Chowan, and in the dark days of the war he put forth
his best efforts for success.
Loyalists depart
Throughout the province, however, there were large num-
bers of local standing who remained fixed in their opposi-
tion to the new government. These malcontents interfered
with the recruiting and were a menace to the public peace,
threatening the magazines in the different sections of the
State, and it was desirable to free the inhabitants from their
influence. Toward the last of July a large vessel sailed from
New Bern having on board a great number of Tories with ^Hi*1,
their wives and families, chiefly Scotchmen. Among the x^s68
passengers were Martin Howard, the late chief justice of the
province, and his wife and daughter. Since the beginning
of hostilities he had been living quietly in seclusion on his
plantation, Richmond, in Craven County. October 27th an-
other transport sailed from New Bern for Jamaica, hav-
ing on board John Hamilton and his brother Archibald, of The
Halifax, and many other Scotchmen. In January Governor
Martin wrote from New York that many refugees from
North Carolina had arrived there, "among them John Hamil-
ton and Mr. MacLeod, the former a merchant of considerable
note, long settled there, and the latter a Presbyterian clergy-
man of good character, who have formed a very spirited
. . . and well-concerted plan by drawing out of that prov-
ince for his Majesty's service the loyal Highlanders, of
whom they have two hundred and seventy odd men actually
under the most solemn engagements to join them on a sum-
mons." Later these men were embodied in a regiment un-
der Hamilton's command, and were actively engaged during
the war.
S8o CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
>777 Arrival of Lafayette
Juhr In July, while the continental battalions were being filled
at Halifax, there passed through that village a bevy of
French officers who had just landed at Georgetown, S. C,
and were making their way to the headquarters of Gen-
eral Washington, being the first practical indications of
French sympathy with the colonies in their struggle for inde-
s. r., xi, pendence, the forerunners of that great assistance which
later brought the war to its glorious close at Yorktown. On
July 18th Major Ashe wrote to Caswell : "I haven't any news
to write your Excellency, only th't one of the royal bloods
Lafayette 0f France (the Marquis de Lafayette), recommended by
Mr. Franklin, passed this [place] a few days since, on his
way to the Grand Army/' Lafayette at that time was not
twenty years of age, but at once he burst on the American
horizon as a star of the first magnitude, and the glory of his
name approaches that of the great Washington.
Ocracoke Inlet
blockade British cruisers undertook to close the channel of com-
merce through Ocracoke Inlet, but many vessels still came
in bringing salt, ammunition, and other needed supplies, and
privateers were constantly sallying forth to prey on British
commerce. Among those fitted out at New Bern were the
S. R XI
53a " ' Sturdy Beggar and the Nancy, while at Wilmington the
General Washington was equipped as an armed vessel for
the State.
In the middle of September two large English frigates
s r xi suddenly appeared at Ocracoke, where many vessels lay
6*4 ' ' ready to sail. They took several, particularly a large French
brig, but the most of the fleet escaped by returning into
Neuse River. The British tars then made capture of the fat
mutton on the banks ; but the Sturdy Beggar, fourteen guns,
and Pennsylvania Farmer, sixteen guns, at once sailed to
clear the harbor.
s. R., xi, The Continental Line joins the Grand Army
5m' On July 1st the long march of Nash's brigade came to
The brigade an end, and it went into quarters at Trenton. This addition
fehington to Washington's army was important, adding largely to its
strength and enabling him to present a bold front to Corn-
DEATH OF GENERAL NASH
58i
July
Maxwell's
Light
Division
S. R., XIII,
962, 263
wallis, who threatened Philadelphia from the Elk. To form
a corps to hover about the enemy and give him all the annoy-
ance possible, Washington now organized a light division,
composed in part of a hundred men taken from the North
Carolina brigade, under Colonel Martin, the command being
bestowed on Major-General Maxwell. The brigade itself
was assigned to General Sullivan's division, and participated
in the battle of Brandywine, September nth; but the man-
agement was so wretched that none of the brigades in Sul-
livan's division won great renown. Colonel Martin's de-
tachment had better fortune. Maxwell held his position at
Chad's Ford with remarkable tenacity, and particularly did
Captain Jacob Turner, of the Third Battalion, greatly dis-
tinguish himself, bringing honor to his corps.*
At the battle of Germantown, October 4th, the brigade
had a better opportunity of displaying its courage, and its
vigorous conduct was highly honorable to the State. Nash's
and Maxwell's brigades supported those of Sullivan and
Wayne that led the attack on the centre. They were suc-
cessful from the beginning, drove the enemy pell-mell
in their front and pressed on resolutely through the long and
straggling village of Germantown. Eventually they routed
the British left, which had made a stand against their on-
slaught. Nash's brigade was on the extreme right, and
gained a more advanced position than any other of the
American troops. The victory was won when an untoward
incident changed the face of affairs. A great fog prevailed,
and at a point some three miles from where the engagement
began Wayne's division, on Nash's left, mistook some of
General Greene's troops, who formed Washington's left
wing and were approaching from that direction, for a large
British force on their flank. Alarmed at their supposed
peril, they broke and could not be rallied. Their flight from
the front turned victory into disaster. The British renewed
the contest with spirit. The brigades of Nash and Sullivan,
far in advance, unsupported and threatened on both flanks,
were compelled to withdraw. The army retired many miles,
pursued by the enemy.
1777 t
Oct. 4th,
German-
town
S. R., XI,
789, 828
Irvine's
Washing-
ton, III, 284
*Hugh McDonald, whose diary has been preserved, was apparently
a member of Colonel Martin's detachment with General Maxwell.
5?2 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
l2JZ The North Carolinians suffered heavily. How many of
the rank and file were killed and wounded was not reported,
but the loss was great. Among the higher officers, General
Nash, Colonel Polk, Colonel Buncombe, Colonel Irwin, Cap-
Nash tain Jacob Turner, and Captain Lucas, adjutant of the
Third, fell on the field of battle. Colonel Polk, although
badly wounded, fortunately recovered. Colonel Hogun, who
particularly distinguished himself, escaped. Colonel Bun-
combe, badly wounded, was conveyed from the field, where
he was found by an acquaintance in the British army, to
Philadelphia, and died from his wounds shortly afterward.
A cannon ball passed through the horse General Nash was
riding, and tore through his leg, also killing Major James
Bio*. Hwt Witherspoon, an aide of General Maxwell. As he fell, Nash
N 11 III . • •
3oi " * called to his men: "Never mind me, I've had a devil of a
tumble ; rush on, my boys ; rush on the enemy ; I will be after
you presently." He was borne fainting from the field and
died, after lingering in great agony for three days. He
was interred in the Mennonite Churchyard at Culpsville, Pa.
His death was truly lamented. It was a sad blow to his
brigade, the men and officers alike having the greatest con-
fidence in him and affection for him. At home, when the
-legislature met, it put on record a memorial of his worth
and virtues, made an appropriation to erect a marble monu-
ment in his honor, and created a county, called by his name,
to perpetuate his memory. On Nash's death, congress not
being ready to appoint additional generals, the command
of the brigade was assigned by Washington to General Mc-
intosh, of Georgia.
The new battalions
fr^wwa After Nash moved north, the first efforts of the authorities
were directed to filling the ranks of the older regiments, but
these efforts were measurably checked by the activity of those
officers who were seeking to enlist men for the Seventh,
Eighth and Ninth battalions, upon whose prompt completion
depended their commissions. While the officers of Shep-
pard's Tenth battalion offered the additional inducement
that that battalion was for local service, and would not have
to leave the State, numerous recruiting officers, represent-
RECRUITING 583
ing every regiment and company, were scouring the State. lj£
The first impulse of patriotic ardor had somewhat subsided,
and recruiting for the war proceeded but slowly. The camp
at Halifax was left in charge of Colonel John Williams, and ,
as rapidly as possible recruits were collected and sent for- BatuiSm*
ward in detachments, and eventually, on September 1st,
Colonel Williams broke camp and moved the entire force
northward to join the Grand Army. In July, likewise,
Colonel Sheppard's regiment was taken into the pay of the
Continental Congress and also ordered north.
CHAPTER XXXIV
Caswell's Administration, 1776-80 — Continued.
The second session of the Assembly. — Articles of confederation. —
Valley Forge. — Supplies from North Carolina. — The North Carolina
line destitute. — Feeling in England. — Treaty with France. — The sec-
ond Assembly. — Dr. Burke in congress. — The battalions consolidated.
— Nine months' Continentals. — Defection prevalent. — The North
Carolina brigade. — The judges appeal to the people. — At the ad-
journed session. — For the southern campaign. — Importations con-
tinued.— The fall of Savannah. — Militia for the South. — Ashe sur-
prised at Briar Creek. — Boyd's defeat. — Light horse at the North.
— Sumner and Hogun brigadiers. — The hardships of the officers. —
Prices and taxes. — Internal perils. — Movements of troops. — Battle
of Stony Point. — The second Assembly. — Efforts to increase the Con-
tinental force. — Tory movements. — Battle of Stono. — Davie wounded.
— Battle at Savannah. — Hogun's brigade ordered South.
The second session of the Assembly
s°Rm3S Tne Assembly reconvened in November and again sat a
114,418 month. It established superior courts, electing Samuel
Ashe, Samuel Spencer, and James Iredell the judges, and
Waightstill Avery the attorney-general. Courts for the
trial of civil causes that had been suspended since 1773 were
xxiv, »8 thus reopened in the spring of 1778. Many important
measures engaged the attention of the Assembly. It being
represented that a large force would probably be needed
at the north, the legislature empowered the governor to
draft five thousand militia, and to command them himself,
or to appoint a major-general in his place.
In the Continental Congress Dr. Burke had been par-
ticularly active and very efficient. He communicated to the
governor full details of the proceedings of the congress
and of his action on the various measures proposed, his
s. r.,xi, letters being in the highest degree creditable to him. He
380-389,417 participated largely in the discussion upon the articles of
confederation and transmitted a brief of the argument.
These articles were laid before the General Assembly at its
WORK OF THE LEGISLATURE
585
S. R., XII,
441 ; xxiv,
141-144
November session, and that body declined to ratify the I™
entire instrument. As the Provincial Congress had rejected November
Franklin's plan two years earlier, so now the Assembly was
careful about entering into any agreement with the other
states that might injuriously affect the rights of the people.
Indeed, the permanency of the connection with the other s.R.,xii,
colonies was so far from being regarded as finally estab-
lished that in the state constitution it was provided that the
delegates to the Continental Congress, "while necessary,"
should be annually chosen.
Although Johnston ascribed to General Person a con-
trolling direction of the house, yet the few records of the
ayes and nays preserved in the journals of that body indicate
that that leader of the democrats was frequently in the
minority. He proposed without avail a tax reduction and a
reduction in the compensation of the governor; and sim-
ilarly other movements in the way of seeking popular favor
appear to have been defeated. Honors were paid to Gen-
eral Nash, for whom a new county was named; and a
county also was named in honor of Wilkes ; and Washing-
ton district beyond the mountains, which had been accorded
representation in the Provincial Congress and in that
Assembly, was now converted into a county. For purposes
of intercourse with it a public road was directed to be
constructed across the mountains leading into Burke.
A fort was built at Ocracoke, and one of the row-galleys,
named the Caszvell, was purchased from the State of Vir-
ginia for the better protection of the commerce through that
inlet. Commissioners were appointed also to repair Fort
Johnston and build a new fort commanding the bay at Point
Lookout. The academy at Charlotte was revived under the
name of Liberty Hall, and early in 1778 trustees were ap-
pointed to establish a similar academy in the neighborhood
of Hillsboro. Toward the end of the session some friction
appears to have arisen between the two houses, especially
over the election law, but eventually the house concurred
with the senate and passed the act fixing the time of the
annual meeting on April 1st and rendering ineligible dele-
gates to the general congress and certain other officers. To
take the place of the old-time vestries, the freemen in the
s. R.,
XXIV, 79
586
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
«777
December
S. R.,XII,
>34
counties were directed to elect overseers of the poor and
county wardens, and this change marked the final separa-
tion of church and State.
Colonel Sheppard had been so dilatory in moving the
Tenth Regiment to the north that a legislative committee
investigated the causes of his inaction, and although some
excuse was found in the dearth of supplies, on the whole
the committee reported that his reasons were frivolous and
insufficient ; and toward the end of November he was again
instructed to join the Grand Army.
1777-1778
Valley Forge
That winter, the British having occupied Philadelphia,
General Washington went into winter quarters at Valley
Forge, twenty-three miles west of that city. There the nine
North Carolina battalions passed the winter subjected to
the most trying vicissitudes. Terrible, indeed, were the
sufferings of all the troops in that famous encampment.
While for the most part the army remained in their canton-
ments, a special corps was organized for rapid march to
harass the British outposts and keep in check their forag-
ing parties. The returns show that about one-half the
North Carolinians fit for duty were engaged in these com-
mands outside of the regular quarters. As the season ad-
688,689,703 vance(j wjth its unusual severity, the unhappy situation and
destitute condition of the North Carolina line called for
vigorous measures of relief. The only communication was
to the southward, and except such provision and clothing as
could be obtained from the unwilling Pennsylvanians, the
army had to be furnished from Virginia and North Caro-
lina, and Governor Caswell was unremitting in his endeavors
to provide needed supplies. Now the value of Ocracoke
still more apparent. Governor Martin wrote in
January from New York to Lord Germain : "The contempt-
ible port of Ocracoke . . . has become a great channel of
supply to the rebels. . . . They have received through it
very . . . considerable importations." To close that inlet a
British ship of war, two sloops, a brig, and privateersmen
from New York and England hovered along the coast,
charged with the duty of capturing American vessels. But,
s. RM XI,
Supplies
from North
Carolina
s.r.,xiii, became
367
DOMESTIC ACTIVITY 587
on the other hand, efforts were made to drive them off, and *jn
in addition to the fortifications and state vessels, the New December
Bern merchants fitted out the Bellona, carrying eighteen
guns, and the Chatham to make reprisals. To pay for im-
ported goods, tobacco was shipped to foreign countries, the
State purchasing and sending out large quantities of that
commodity. Salt brought in by the State was exchanged for
pork, and Caswell employed men in every section packing
pork for Washington's army. All sorts of skins and Supplies for
leathers and all cloths fit for blankets were likewise ob- valley
tained for the soldiers, sometimes resort being had to im- °r8C
pressment. In the Albemarle section, where there were so
many industrious Quakers, large quantities of shoes were
manufactured, and these were purchased not only for the
army, but by northern merchants, who paid high prices for
them. Importations were also made on account of the Con- f^' *u7!*
tinental Congress, and these supplies were stored at South j'**'
Quay, on the Blackwater. From there they were moved by
wagons to Valley Forge. Means of transportation were
limited, and at length four brigades of wagons were sent
from Pennsylvania to haul stores from Edenton and South
Quay for the use of the army, and these supplies contributed
to relieve the sufferings which the soldiers had so unmur-
muringly endured. On February 15th Caswell wrote: "I
find our nine regiments . . . very far . . . short of their
complement of men, and those in camp almost destitute of
clothing. . . . The officers of the Sixth Battalion are
sent home as supernumeraries. ... I am to buy leather,
skins, shoes and other clothing, procure manufacturers, set
them to work, purchase salt and provisions, and procure
boats and wagons for sending those articles on. All this I
am constantly, almost busily, employed about myself, re-
ceiving very little assistance."
Early in March General Mcintosh reported that of the
North Carolina line at Valley Forge since January 50 had s77rm xiii,
died in camp ; that 200 were then sick in camp, and an equal 377f 428
number were in hospitals in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The North
The number then at Valley forge was 900; in May there troops
were 1100 privates, while of rank and file there were 1450.
Colonel Sheppard's regiment, having lingered in North
588
CASWELUS ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
Treaty with
France
Dec., 1777
lJJZ Carolina until cold weather set in, spent the winter in the
December smallpox camp at Georgetown, Md., where more died with
measles than from the effects of innoculation.
That winter was indeed terrible to the patriots; but it
was also discomforting to the British. Burgoyne's entire
army having surrendered in October, that general reached
England in December, and such was the gloom and de-
spondency in Great Britain that there was much sentiment
in favor of a cessation of the war. In the House of
Commons only 33 majority was cast against assenting
to the independence of America. Lord North, in urging
money for another campaign, declared as the alternative
that they would have to furnish money to bring the troops
home. This favorable news gave great hope throughout the
colonies ; and then in May came the treaty with France,
followed quickly by the declaration of war by France against
England and the promise of an immense fleet and four thou-
sand veteran troops to end the struggle. When a copy of
this treaty reached New Bern it was immediately published
under a display of American and French colors and a triple
discharge of thirteen pieces of cannon by the town company
of militia, mustered for that purpose. And as the Gazette
s. r., xiii, quaintly remarked : "Universal joy appeared in every coun-
435 tenance, great plenty of liquor was given to the populace,
and the evening concluded with great good humor and social
mirth."
1778
S. R., XII,
549
New.
counties
The second Assembly
The new Assembly met on April 14th at New Bern, Whit-
mel Hill being chosen speaker of the senate and Judge John
Williams speaker of the house. Among the new members
was James Hunter, who now co-operated heartily with the
Whigs. Governor Caswell gave a full account of public
matters in a message to the legislature. He was again
elected governor, and the other members of the council were
re-elected, Richard Henderson taking the place vacated by
Harnett. A new county was formed and named in honor
of the victor over Burgoyne, General Gates; another in
honor of Willie Jones; others for Montgomery and Ran-
dolph, while the names of Bute and Tryon were obliterated,
INDEPENDENCE OF BURKE
589
and those counties were respectively divided into Franklin
and Warren and Lincoln and Rutherford.
On the death of General Moore, Dr. Burke, instead of
recommending one of the North Carolina colonels to fill the
vacancy, urged the appointment of Colonel Hand, of Penn-
sylvania, a gallant Irishman, his action in that matter calling
forth a vigorous protest and remonstrance from the North
Carolina officers. At the annual election in April he was
not chosen a deputy, Abner Nash being elected in his place.
Nash, however, declined, and John Williams, of Granville,
the speaker, was then elected, Thomas Benbury becoming
speaker.
But if Burke lost favor because of this incident, he soon
re-established himself in the affections of North Carolinians.
At the very time he was denied a re-election his action at
Philadelphia was so patriotic that he gained renewed favor.
A majority of the congress had drawn a communication to
General Washington which Dr. Burke thought contained
an unmerited reflection on that general, and he combated
it with great warmth, and with indignation retired from
the chamber, his withdrawal breaking the quorum. On
being sent for, he expressed himself so vehemently to the
messenger that congress considered his action a contempt
of that body. He explained that he did not understand that
the congress had sent for him, and offered some apology.
His explanations, however, did not satisfy the irate mem-
bers, and then Burke manfully reasserted his position,
caused the matter to be fully spread on the records, and
claimed that he was responsible only to the legislature of
North Carolina. The record of the proceedings being sub-
mitted to the next session of the Assembly, that body ap-
proved his course, and again elected him a delegate in
congress. For a time, however, he was retired, and when
the articles of confederation were ratified on behalf of North
Carolina, on July 21, 1778, they were signed by John
Williams, John Penn, and Cornelius Harnett.
The Assembly took measures for filling up the continental
battalions ; but on May 29th congress resolved that the bat-
talions in camp should be consolidated, and a call was made
on the State to raise four additional ones, which, however,
1778
s. RM XI,
563,750
s. RM XIII,
87i 105, aoo.
Dr. Burke
at Phila-
delphia
A nicies of
Confedera-
tion ratified
590
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
1778
S. R., XI,
761
The
battalions
consolidated
S R .
XXIV, 154
The nine
months'
continentals
S. R., XII,
86a
were to remain at home until ordered elsewhere. Pursuant
to this resolution, the battalions in service were reduced to
four. The Sixth, originally commanded by Lillington, and
later by Colonel Lamb, was merged with the First, of which
Thomas Clark was colonel. The Fourth, commanded
by Colonel Polk, was merged with the Second, Colonel
Patten remaining colonel. The Fifth was merged with
the Third, Colonel Sumner continuing in command.
Colonel Martin had resigned the previous fall; Colonel
Polk now resigned, and Colonel Hogun and the super-
numerary officers, of whom there were a large num-
ber, were directed to return to North Carolina for service
in the new battalions when raised. Efforts to obtain re-
cruits under the system of volunteering, even with the large
bounties offered, proved unavailing, and the legislature di-
rected that twenty-six hundred men should be detached from
the militia to serve in the continental army for nine months.
These were known as the "nine months' men." A certain
quota was apportioned to each county, and this number was
again apportioned by the colonel of the county among the
militia companies, so that every militia company in the State
had to furnish its proper share of these troops. It was the
same system that had been devised for calling out militia-
men. Volunteers from each company were first to be called
for, and to these a bounty of $100 was offered; and then, to
make up the deficiency in its quota, each company by ballot
selected the other men, and these were to receive a bounty
of $50. Every one so selected became a continental, and
those who faithfully served for nine months were to be
exempt from any military service for. a period of three years.
All through May and June the militia companies were as-
sembling in the various counties and making their selec-
tions of nine months' men, and thus again the war was
brought to the very homes of the people. In many com-
munities there was great opposition, for defection was pain-
fully prevalent. In Rowan Captain Johnston was appointed
to adminster the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants of his
district. They attended at the time and place advertised,
but when the oath was read and proposed to them, one of
the company hurrahed for "King George," whereupon about
MOVEMENT OF TROOPS 591
a hundred withdrew in a riotous, turbulent manner; and ^7f
when the captain undertook to raise the quota of men re-
quired of his company he found that the majority were
Tories, and that the disaffected element controlled the draft.
In many other sections the condition was not far different.
It was with difficulty that the law could be enforced, and
the drafted men responded but slowly. Those from the
eastern counties were to assemble at Halifax, while those
from the west were to proceed to Paytonsburg, in Virginia,
where Colonel Thackston was in command. Boards of con-
tinental officers convened at Halifax and Moore's Creek to
arrange officers for the new battalions, and Colonel Hogun
was elected to command the first that should be organized.
In July his regiment was sufficiently organized at Halifax s^r.,xiii,
for him to march, and he moved northward with six hundred
men.
The three consolidated regiments and Colonel Sheppard's s. r., xiii,
Tenth Regiment had been thrown into "the North Carolina 53<
Brigade," Colonel Clark being in command, and were with
Washington when, at the end of June, he attacked Sir Henry bri*ade at
Clinton at Monmouth. They did not form a part of Lee's Monmoul»»
advanced corps that made the disorderly retreat at the be-
ginning of the engagement, but under Lord Sterling they
held the left of the second line and repulsed the enemy, and
later were thrown forward close to the British right to renew
the engagement. Night, however, closed in, and under cover
of darkness Clinton escaped.
During that fall and winter the brigade remained with ^6R" XIII»
Washington at Fredericksburg, near the Connecticut line,
while Colonel Hogun with his new regiment of six hundred "°eu" a5
men was engaged in throwing up fortifications at West
Point, which afterward became the fort so famous in history.
The other companies of nine months' men in the summer
of 1778 went into camp, some at Duplin Court House, some
at Salisbury, at Hillsboro, and at Paytonsburg; but, con-
gress having failed to send the bounty money, most of them
were placed on furlough to remain at home until the ensuing
March.
As the clergy had urged the people forward, so now the
bench sought to enforce constancy. Judge Iredell forcibly
592
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
Reanimat-
ing the
people
'J7f urged patriotism ; and at the June term of the Wilmington
district Judge Ashe, in calling the attention of the grand
jury to crimes against the State, adverted to the spirit of
s^R^xiii, disaffection, saying: "When 1 consider our present temper
and conduct and compare them with our past, I lament our
depravity. When the accursed plan to enslave us was first
formed and ready to be enforced against us, a noble spirit
animated us, our resentment kindled, every age and order
of men glowed with zeal ; each became emulous who should
succeed in resisting the encroachment ; to effect it all seemed
determined to venture everything; no danger was thought
too hazardous, no difficulty was too great. Then were com-
panies formed and trained in every neighborhood ; . . . the
example was forcible, our youths catch noble passion ; nay,
our children of a few years old imbibe it. But, alas! how
are we changed of late ; that noble spirit no longer inspires
us; the celestial fire is extinguished, the flame ceases, it
glows no more. We have suffered a fascinating spirit of
avarice and extortion to take place instead. . . . Lamentable
defection! Strange infatuation! Can we think the eager
pursuit of riches will preserve us ? . . . Or is there no dan-
ger because the enemy are not instantly at our doors? . . .
Our fate is inseparably linked with our sister States. If
they fall we perish. America united must stand or fall
together. . . . For God's sake, then, let us rouse from our
supineness! Let that spirit which at first animated us re-
vive. . . . Let the love of our country rise superior to the
. . . base passion for gain. In a word, let us adopt an equal
spirit, an equal love of liberty and firmness, with the brave
Corsicans, who, oppressed by Genoese tyranny, in their mili-
tary oath thus solemnly swore : That we will sooner die than
enter into any negotiation with the Republic of Genoa or
return under its yoke/ " Every opportunity to impress the
people was seized by the patriots to strengthen the cause.
In August there was a short session of the Assembly held
at Hillsboro. Because attendance on the congress brought
so many deprivations, it was resolved to increase the num-
ber of deputies to five, requiring that three should always
be present, while the other two could be on leave at their
homes. Whitmel Hill, the speaker of the senate, and Thomas
1778
The
delegation
NEW INVASION OF THE SOUTH
593
Burke were elected as additional members, and Allen Jones *ij*
succeeded Hill as speaker of the senate. James Iredell,
one of the judges, having resigned, Richard Henderson was
elected in his stead, but he did not accept, and Archibald
Maclaine was then chosen. A new issue of £850,000 was
ordered to discharge all debts, and with the hope of counter-
acting the efforts made by disaffected persons to depreciate
the bills of credit, which were now rapidly falling in value.
In the early autumn it became evident that the southern The South
campaign threatened the year before was to become a reality,
and South Carolina called loudly for assistance, and urged
that congress should ask Caswell himself to command the
troops sent by North Carolina to her aid. In response con-
gress called on the State for three thousand men for service
at the south ; and Caswell, with his accustomed zeal, at once
entered on the work of organizing and preparing this force.
He ordered out the nine months' continentals, who were
then on furlough, and called on the generals of the militia
brigade to send forward their quotas for this expedition.
Oct. 16, 1778
S. R., XIII,
General Allen Jones, however, and many others as well, s*6R*xm'
interposed objections, saying that Caswell had no authority
to send the militia from the State ; and the want of harmony
led to great delay in drafting the men.
Importations continued, and in January there were importa-
brought in on the ship Holy Heart of testis twenty-three
pieces of heavy cannon, to pay for which a hundred and
forty hogsheads of tobacco were necessary, and the agent of
the State, Robert Salter, was directed to buy enough tobacco ^
for that purpose.
Indeed, privateering as a commercial venture was carried
on with great energy. In the spring of 1779 Captain Biddle
sent out the Eclipse, fourteen guns; Captain Snoaye, the
Rainbow and the Fanny, each fourteen guns ; while Captain
Ellis had three ships at sea taking prizes; and about the
middle of May it was reported that five vessels had come into
New Bern with valuable cargoes. The more readily to im-
port military supplies, the Assembly appointed commissioners
tc purchase and hire swift ships for the State, and Colonel
Benjamin Hawkins was empowered as state agent to con-
duct that business. He was to buy and export tobacco and
594
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
1778
S. R., XIII,
•as
Howe in
Georgia
Lincoln
takes
command
S. R., XIII,
30, 55, 956,
289
pork, and, going abroad, was to purchase the needed military
supplies. Notwithstanding the doubtful issue of the struggle
at that time, the State already had some credit abroad, and
Colonel Hawkins was directed to borrow £20,000 sterling in
the West Indies for state purposes.
General Howe, who had been promoted by congress to the
rank of major-general, still remained in command of Georgia
and South Carolina ; but he was not agreeable to the South
Carolina authorities, who found it irksome to be defended
by a North Carolinian, and application was made for his
removal. So in September he was ordered to join Washing-
ton, General Lincoln being directed to relieve him. In No-
vember, as he was about to depart from Charleston, he,
however, received an express from Georgia urging the im-
minent danger of that State, and requesting his aid. Send-
ing forward what troops could be spared, he hurried to
Savannah to meet the invasion. He could muster but seven
hundred and fifty men besides the Georgia militia. With
these he took a position, deemed impregnable, about half a
mile below the town, and was sanguine of repulsing the
enemy. But the British commander, Colonel Campbell,
directed a body of seven hundred infantry, under the guid-
ance of a negro, to penetrate a swamp that had been thought
impassable, and suddenly Howe found his position untenable.
A brisk engagement ensued, and the Americans were com-
pelled to retire. In this retreat the Georgia brigade ignored
their general's orders and suffered severely. Driven from
Savannah, Howe recrossed into South Carolina, intending
to protect Charleston. General Lincoln reached North Caro-
lina in November, and urged that the intended reinforce-
ments for the southern army should be hurried forward,
indicating that arms and equipments, of which there was a
great scarcity, could be furnished at Charleston. He arrived
at Howe's camp on January 2d, and Howe went north to
the Grand Army.
Caswell offered the command of the detachment about to
be raised to General Ashe, who expressed a disinclination
to accept it. But the governor insisted, saying that one or
the other must go, and that the situation in the State ren-
dered his own presence imperative. To remove an objection,
MOVEMENT OF TROOPS
595
he promised to perform personally Ashe's duties as treasurer.
Ashe finally accepted the commission of major-general, and
proceeded to organize the detachments as they reached
Elizabethtown, where the drafts were directed to assemble.
To fill the vacancy made by Ashe's promotion, on January ist
Alexander Lillington was appointed brigadier-general of the
Cape Fear district.
It becoming apparent that the British were to make a
great effort at the south, congress called on North Carolina
to increase her re-enforcements to five thousand, and Caswell
ardently sought to respond. In addition to the eastern levies,
General Rutherford was directed to call out his brigade and
reinforce Lincoln. The Indians had become hostile at the
west, so that no troops could be drawn from beyond the
mountains, but Rutherford hastily assembled some seven
hundred men, and toward the close of November began his
march.
Colonel Lamb was collecting the nine months' continentals
at the east and Major Lytle at the west, while Sumner, the
senior officer then in the State, had general supervision.
Early in December Major Lytle, with a contingent of con-
tinentals, joined Rutherford ; but it was a month later before
Colonel Lamb crossed the Neuse with two hundred more,
and then he was detained at Kingston* several weeks waiting
for other detachments to come in ; while Ashe was still de-
layed at Elizabethtown, as only one-half of the militia drafts
had assembled. Rutherford, being the first to reach Charles-
ton, was fortunate in obtaining a fair supply of arms, but
the other militia detachments were so ill supplied as to give
great concern. Caswell was convinced "that little service
could be expected from them with what they have/' When
the Assembly met, about the middle of January, he reported
to that body that of the five thousand troops desired by
congress, he was fearful that not more than half had marched,
and those badly armed. The continentals were in better
plight. They were formed into two battalions, Sumner beine
in command.
«779
John Ashe,
major-
general
Aid for the
South
S. R., XIII,
3»7
Rutherford
Ashe
The nine
mouths'
continentals
S. R., XIII,
6ao
XIV, 48
*This name was afterward changed to Kinston.
596
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
S. RM XIV,
33» 39* 5«
et seq.
February
^779 Ashe defeated at Briar Creek
February j^e British, having taken Savannah, had established posts
at Augusta and at various intermediate points on the river.
Toward the close of February, Lincoln, with a considerable
force, was on the South Carolina side, near Savannah.
Above him was Moultrie's camp, while Rutherford's brigade
was twenty miles below the point where Briar Creek empties
into the river on the Georgia side. General Williamson, with
twelve hundred South Carolina militia, was higher up toward
Augusta. Notwithstanding Ashe's force was so badly
equipped and only raw militia, Lincoln selected it to make
the first movement. By his direction Ashe marched rapidly
from the vicinity of Charleston, passed the other detach-
ments, and, leaving his baggage, hastened toward Augusta.
On his approach the British evacuated that post and fell
down the west bank of the river. Lincoln having ordered
him to take position at Briar Creek, because of information
as to the insecurity of that position Ashe advised him that
it was hazardous. But, crossing on the 25th, he vigorously
pursued the retreating enemy, reaching Briar Creek on
the 27th. His swift march and energetic action was well
in keeping with his decision of character. In the swamp
at the forks, as ordered, he made his camp. He directed
his baggage to cross at a point some eight miles above,
sending six hundred men under Colonel Smith to guard it,
and he despatched four hundred men under Colonel Caswell
beyond the creek to surprise an outlying British post. Sum-
moned by Lincoln to attend a council of war at Rutherford's
camp, he left his army, now reduced to about six hundred
men, under the command of General Bryan, with whom was
Colonel Elbert, an experienced continental officer of Georgia,
and Major Lytle, equally experienced. At the council it was
decided that Williamson should cross and join Ashe and
they should press down the west bank of the river and clear
the way for Rutherford and Lincoln to cross into Georgia.
On Ashe's return at noon of March 2d he found vague
rumors that the British were in his vicinity, and that Bryan
was apprehensive. There had been friction between General
Bryan and himself from the beginning of the march from
Elizabethtown, almost resulting in a rupture, and Ashe made
ASHE'S DEFEAT AT BRIAR CREEK 59;
light of Bryan's apprehensions. Two small parties of horse w>
had been sent out to reconnoitre, and a strong line of pickets s. r., xiv,
had been established three-quarters of a mile from the camp.
Discrediting the rumors that could be traced to no definite
source, and receiving no information from the reconnoitring
parties, Ashe made no preparations to resist an attack,
but busied himself in preparing for the forward movement.
He was arranging to cross the creek some two miles south
of his camp when, to his dismay, on the next afternoon Ashe
Colonel Smith, who was guarding the baggage up above, BUJh^d
despatched information that a large British force had passed
around the swamp and was approaching from the north.
Almost immediately the pickets became engaged; but the
British column, consisting of nine hundred regulars, brushed
them aside, advancing rapidly with fixed bayonets to sur-
prise the camp before preparations could be made to receive
them. In the absence of preparation there was almost no s. r., xiv,
hope of a successful defence. Nor was there any road open
for retreat. The position assigned the North Carolina force
by Lincoln was a cul de sac, from which there was no escape.
The drums beat an alarm, the outlying detachments on the
creek were ordered in, and the troops were hastily formed
into two lines and served with cartridges ; but it was too late.
"We marched out to meet the enemy, some carrying the
cartridges under their arms, others in the bosoms of their
shirts, and some tied up in the corners of their hunting
shirts.,, The first line, with a few Georgia continentals under The battle
Colonel Elbert, and Colonel Perkins's regiment on the right,
resolutely engaged the enemy. The Halifax regiment on the
left of the second line almost at the beginning of the en-
gagement broke and took to flight. The Wilmington and
New Bern regiments after two or three rounds followed
their example. The Edenton regiment remained on the
field, but after two or three more discharges they, too, gave
way just as Major Lytle with his command of light infantry
and a brass piece came up. That the first line and a part
of the second firmly stood their ground is attested by the
heavy loss of one hundred and fifty killed and wounded
on the battlefield.
The six hundred raw militia were not able to withstand
598 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
I™ nine hundred British regulars. The sight of the gleaming
bayonets was too much for the untrained militia, hurriedly
assembled and taken by surprise. The panic-stricken second
line fled, and the others soon following, Elbert and his thirty-
five continentals alone remained, fighting desperately; but
Ramiav, these were quickly overcome.* The militia sought safety in
11, a^6 " the swamp, but one hundred and sixty-two privates and
45.275 ' twenty-four officers were captured. The loss in killed was
' "** about one hundred and fifty. Those who succeeded in cross-
ing the river, about two hundred, Ashe marched into Ruther-
ford's camp; but as most of them had thrown away their
arms they were now an incumbrance rather than of further
use to Lincoln. The others who escaped through the swamp
toward Augusta, about two hundred and fifty, were long
collecting. Ashe asked for a court of inquiry, which found
much to his mortification, that he had not taken all the pre-
cautions proper to secure his camp. But considering the
position in which Lincoln had placed him, and the great
superiority of the attacking force, in any event only discom-
fiture awaited him. As the North Carolina militia were to
be discharged on April 10th, on that day they began their
return home, although their general and many of the officers
sought unavailingly to persuade the men to voluntarily re-
main. This detachment was, however, immediately replaced
by another under General Butler.
2£aiuts When Hamilton was organizing his Loyalist regiment in
defeated Florida, as he had prior to his departure arranged with lead-
ing Tories in the State to join him, his adherents were
watchful of his movements. His regiment formed a part of
the force that captured Savannah, and on the fall of that
town the Tory leaders became active. Colonel Boyd, a
resident of the lower Yadkin, collected a force of Loyalists,
and, marching through South Carolina, was joined by others,
who as they proceeded plundered the defenceless settlements
through which they passed. Colonel Pickens, determined
on revenge, hastily embodied some three hundred men and
♦Colonel Elbert, desperately wounded, had fallen, and a British
soldier was in the act of bayonetting him when he made a masonic
sign, and his life was saved. He recovered, became greatly distin-
guished, and later was governor of Georgia.
BOYD DEFEATED BY PICKENS 599
came up with them near Kettle Creek as they were making I™
their way to Augusta. In an action that lasted three-quarters
of an hour the Tories were routed, about forty of them being
killed, among whom was Colonel Boyd, and the others dis-
persed. Seventy of them were tried for treason by the South
Carolina government and condemned to death, but this whole-
sale sentence was respited, and only five of the ringleaders
were executed. General Prevost had counted much on the
aid of the Tories of upper Georgia and of the two Carolinas,
and the quick suppression of this first rising somewhat dis-
concerted his plans.
Dickerson's company of light horse had been taken into ™tinentaii
the service of congress soon after its organization, and »ttheNorth
served in New York and later in Pennsylvania, and always
as a very efficient corps; but toward the close of the year
1778 its numbers were so reduced that by direction of con-
gress it was returned to the State, and early in 1779 was
discharged from further service. Major Phifer's light horse
and Vance's artillery also were at the north with the Grand
Army, and served at Brandy wine and elsewhere.
In December, 1778, Colonel Hogun was directed to march s. R., xiv,
his regiment from West Point to Philadelphia, as its time
was soon to expire. The weather was very severe, but after
a trying march he went into barracks at Philadelphia early
in January. While he was there, on January 9, 1779, con-
gress found time to make a tardy appointment of brigadiers
for North Carolina. Sumner and Hogun were appointed, Sumner and
these being the senior colonels.* The former was directed to Hogun made
0 brigadiers
return to the south, organize the continental force then being
raised in North Carolina, and join General Lincoln; while
General Hogun was assigned to the command of the brigade, s. r., xiv,
which continued during the winter and summer in the 3<3°'374
vicinity of West Point under the immediate command of
Washington.
Although congress and the state authorities made pro-
♦Colonel Clark had long been in command of the brigade, while
Hogun bad only his own battalion: and the Assembly urged Clark's
appointment as brigadier, but Hogun's commission as colonel was
two months older than Clark's, and he had so greatly distinguished
himself at Germantown that Congress did not heed the wishes of the
Assembly.
6oo
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
The distress
of the
officers
Pref. Notes,
S. R., XIV;
Tiii, 30s
vision for the continental soldiers, the officers had to depend
on their pay for supplies ; and because of the depreciation
of the currency and the scarcity of cloth, their condition
became insupportable. They complained bitterly that the
legislature paid no attention to their distresses ; and at length,
in the spring of 1779, they held a meeting at West Point
and resolved that they would resign to a man unless the
General Assembly supplied their needs. This action was not
without effect. The Assembly directed that they should have
provisions furnished them at the following prices: Rum,
8 shillings per gallon ; sugar, 3 shillings per pound ;
tea, 20 shillings; soap, 2 shillings; and tobacco, 1 shil-
ling; and that they should have a complete suit of clothing
at what it would have cost at the time they first went into
service; and, moreover, that they should have half pay for
life, and that the lands granted to them, as well as to the
soldiers, should be exempt from taxation while owned by
them or their widows. This provision was accepted as satis-
factory, and the storm that was brewing passed away.
In the Assembly it is to be noted that General Person was
still proposing low salaries without avail ; the house was
largely against him. The paper currency, which at the be-
ginning of 1777 was at par, a year later was three for one,
and in 1779 opened six for one. To mitigate the hardships
of taxation, commodities were to be received for one-half of
each assessment. The price of corn was fixed at 33 cents
per bushel; wheat, 43 cents; rice, 81 cents; pork, 3J cents;
beef, 2 J cents; tallow, 9 cents; Hour, 2 \ cents; salt, 2 J cents
per pound ; tobacco, $3 per hundred ; salt pork, $9.37 per
barrel. The money of that period was so bulky that Treas-
urer Skinner made a remonstrance to the Assembly that it
was unsafe to carry large cartloads of currency through the
country without a guard.
The better to supply the troops, each county was required
to supply a certain number of hats and shoes and stockings,
yards of woollen or cotton cloth and of linen, apportioned
according to their population. Rowan's contribution was
124 hats, 248 pairs of shoes and stockings, 248 yards of
woollen cloth, and 524 yards of linen; there was no cotton
cloth to speak of made at that time. There were thus to be
s. R., XIII,
8xa
Currency^
depreciation
Taxation
S. R., XIV,
«55
TORY MOVEMENTS 601
collected about 3000 hats, twice that number of shoes and XJJ*
stockings and yards of woollen, and more than 12,000 yards s. r., xn,
of linen for the use of the troops. The value of these articles
was to be ascertained by three freeholders in each county,
the amount being deducted from the taxes assessed.
There had been much opposition to the movement of
troops to the southward, but when the legislature assembled
in the middle of January events of such importance had lw
happened that there was no longer any opposition to Cas-
well s patriotic course. The governor was empowered to
order out at any time so many of the militia as he should
deem necessary, and to march them wherever needed. In
addition to preparing against foreign invasion, the Assembly
now had to apprehend domestic insurrection. British emis- s. r., xiii,
saries were actively stirring the people up to sedition. As
a part of their plan for invasion, George Carey, a British
naval officer, came in a vessel to the Cape Fear, under a flag
of truce, to distribute manifestoes offering terms of settle-
ment to the people, without regard to continental or state
authorities. He was promptly seized and thrown into jail
by Francis Clayton and John Walker. The vigilance of
the Whigs detected movements in the central counties that
excited grave apprehension. Realizing the danger, the
Assembly directed Governor Caswell to embody with all
possible expedition two hundred and fifty infantry and
twenty-five horsemen to take possession of Cumberland
County, and to disarm all persons in Cumberland, Anson,
Guilford, Tryon, and other counties, who might give trouble
to the cause.
Before any action could be taken, early in February Colonel ^
John Moore, a Tory of Tryon County, raised three hundred 261
men, and he claimed that there were two thousand more
ready for enrolment. Caswell, now fully authorized, acted
with his customary decision. A force of seven hundred and
fifty light horse was called out, Allen Jones being appointed
to command it, and two thousand militia were drafted to meet
at Salisbury on March 25th.
The command of this corps, whose ultimate destination s. r., xiv,
was to replace the detachment at the south, then about to
return home, was bestowed on General John Butler, of the
I ! 602 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
j ljn Hillsboro district. Calling his council together, the gov-
I ernor proceeded with them, along with the troops from the
east, first to Campbellton and then to Charlotte, where he
arrived early in April. The disaffected inhabitants were
readily overawed, Moore fleeing the country and joining
Gen. Butier Colonel Hamilton's regiment, and on April nth General
Butler took his departure with seven hundred militia for
G«n. Augusta. General Sumner likewise reached Moultrie's camp
about the end of March, and in May reported seven hun-
dred and fifty of the nine months' men on his rolls, of whom
four hundred and twenty were present fit for duty, divided
into two regiments designated as the Fourth and Fifth Con-
tinentals, commanded by Colonel Gideon Lamb and Major
.« » Lyt,e-
,| jj In April the nine months expired for which the regiment
J ...j! organized by General Hogun at Halifax* had enlisted, and
I T Colonel Mebane was directed to march it from Philadelphia
,| :.* back to the State. He reached Halifax on May ioth, and
I i, ■■; the regiment was soon disbanded. The time for which Gen-
eral Butler's detachment was called out was to expire in
July, and when the Assembly met in May it directed that
' k two thousand new men should be sent to replace that force.
' !1 £u1r,6xYv9 O" ^av 3Ist tne British had captured Stony Point, about
* 327 thirty miles below West Point, and Washington resolved to
1 Stol,y Polnt retake it. General Wayne was selected for this purpose. In
organizing a force for the secret expedition he chose, among
others, the Second North Carolina Continentals. It was to
be a night attack, and the approach was over a quagmire
crossed by a single causeway. . A forlorn hope was neces-
sary, and Major Hardy Murfree volunteered with two of
his companies for this post of honor. Just before midnight,
with unloaded muskets, the assault was made. A deadly
discharge of grape and musketry swept through the ad-
vancing column, but without avail. The enterprise wras
successful, and the entire garrison were either killed or
♦The four new battaiions sent to the North were raised for twelve
months, and on the termination of their enlistment many joined
the other battaiions. But these in time came to be so reduced that
the brigade consisted of only two battalions, Clark's and Patton's.
Hogun's battalion thus was at first spoken of as the seventh, but
later as the third.
WORK OF THE LEGISLATURE
603
captured. General Wayne himself was wounded, and Cap-
tain John Daves, second in command under Murfree, was
dangerously wounded, but eventually recovered. This most
brilliant feat of arms brought great credit and honor to all
engaged in it, and none deserved higher commendation than
the North Carolinians.
The new Assembly was to meet at New Bern, but the
smallpox was raging so violently in that vicinity that Gov-
ernor Caswell suggested that it should assemble at Smith-
field, where it convened May 3d. Allen Jones and Thomas
Benbury were again chosen speakers, and in the senate
Samuel Johnston reappeared as senator from Chowan.
Caswell was continued as governor. Maclaine declined the
judgeship, deprecating his own abilities, and recommended
the appointment of John Williams, who, having served a
year in the Continental Congress, was now willing to aban-
don a post of honor whose compensation was so insufficient ;
and he was elected to the vacancy on the bench. As honor-
able as was the service in the Continental Congress, the great
expense attending it rendered the position undesirable, and
those chosen delegates were not eager to go to Philadelphia.
Indeed, for long periods, only one delegate from North
Carolina was in attendance. The congress therefore
recommended an increase in the delegation, and Burke,
Sharpe and Hewes were added to the other delegates, the
Assembly agreeing to pay their actual expenses and to leave
their compensation to the next Assembly. General Bryan,
on his return from Briar Creek, having resigned, Colonel
William Caswell was chosen to succeed him; and in the
absence of General Butler at the south, Ambrose Ramsay
was appointed to serve temporarily in his stead. The
legislature, considering that it would be well for the General
Assembly to meet at some fixed place near the centre of the
State where the offices could be kept, appointed a commis-
sion to select the most convenient places in Johnston, Wake,
and Chatham counties, and report a description of each place
to the next Assembly. Thomas McGuire was chosen attor-
ney-general in the place of Waightstill Avery, who had re-
signed that appointment, and John Pugh Williams was
elected brigadier-general in the place of General Skinner,
1779
May, 1779
S. R., XIII,
784. 79«
John
Williams
itucceeds
Iredell
Changes in
officers
S. R., XIII,
753
604
CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
S R
XXIV, a54
Efforts to
en list
continentals
who resigned ; and the State being divided into six treasury
districts, William Skinner, William Cathey, William Johns-
ton, Green Hill, Richard Cogdell, and John Ashe were
chosen treasurers of their respective districts.
It being evident that continental troops, trained and dis-
ciplined in long continuous service, would be more effective
than short-time militia called from their fields to action and
anxious to return to cultivate their farms, unusual efforts
were made to enlist continentals. To that end it was pro-
posed that any ten militiamen who should furnish one con-
tinental recruit to serve eighteen months should themselves
be exempt from all military service for that period, except
only in case of actual invasion or insurrection. By this
means, together with a liberal bounty, it was hoped that two
thousand continentals could be recruited by July. But all
these hopes were disappointed, and only about six hundred
were raised, so that in July Governor Caswell was obliged
to make another call on the militia districts for a force to
relieve General Butler, the command of the new levies being
conferred on General Lillington. As the detachments were
being collected, however, a large force from Virginia passed
through the State to the aid of General Lincoln, relieving
his necessities; so for a time Lillington's drafts returned
to their homes. And, indeed, there were other considera-
tions that pressed Governor Caswell to defer this expedi-
tion. In Edgecombe, Nash, and Johnston Tory leaders were
harboring deserters who had signed articles of association
to prevent the militia from being drafted, and who inaugu-
rated a reign of lawlessness, requiring a military force to
restore civil authority. While at the west the Tories were
again active, and Rutherford reported that there was an
organized band in Burke publicly robbing the friends of
America and murdering them, and that a conspiracy was
forming for a rising immediately.
On June 20th General Lincoln attacked Colonel Maitland
at Stono, in the vicinity of Charleston. General Butler's
militia composed the right and General Sumner's con-
tinentals the left of the attacking force. In the front of the
British line was Colonel Hamilton with his regiment of
Loyalist North Carolinians. Both militia and continentals
s. R., XIV,
319. 3*>
181
The Tories
active
S. R., XIV,
3*«
>«9i »37
Lee s
Memoirs,
130
Stono
BATTLE OF STONO
605
behaved admirably. General Butler, much gratified, reported
to Governor Caswell that he could with pleasure assure him
that the officers and men under his command behaved better
than could have been expected of raw troops. Lieutenant
Charlton, of the continental brigade, was killed and Major
Hal Dixon was wounded, as also was Major William R.Davie.
It was the twenty-third birthday of this young officer, des-
tined in after years to attain eminence both in military and
civil life. He was in command of a detachment of cavalry.
In a cavalry charge he was wounded and fell from his horse.
His company soon began to retire, when a private, although
the enemy were but a few yards distant, deliberately placed
the wounded officer on his horse and led him from the field.
Davie never knew the name of his deliverer. The wound
in his leg was so severe that the major was incapable of
further service during that year.
In July, the British having retreated from their demon-
stration against Charleston, General Sumner marched his
continentals to Camden, and being in ill health, he returned
to North Carolina and addressed himself to securing more
continental recruits. The enlistment of many of his men
expired in August, but others were constantly being sent to
his camp, and about August 1st Colonel Lamb led a large
detachment from the east to Camden, where he was joined
by others from Salisbury. The sand hills of the Peedee
were found to be most healthful and admirably located for
a camp, and the continentals remained there until the last
of the month, when they marched to Charleston.
But hardly had they reached Charleston when a French
fleet, bearing an army of thirty-five hundred men, arrived
in the Savannah to co-operate with Lincoln in an attack on
the British garrison of that post. The allies concentrated
there early in September, but a month passed before the
French were ready to attack, and North Carolina militia
were hurried forward, but were detained at Charleston by
General Moultrie. In the attacking column were the North
Carolina continentals; with the defenders were Hamilton's
Loyalist regiment. Though ultimately unsuccessful, the
attack was made with great resolution, and for a time the
standard of the North Carolinians floated over the parapet
1779
S. R., XIV,
3". 3»5
Death of
Charlton
S. RM XIV,
«57» 3*5. 338
The
continentals
on the
sand hills
S. R., XIV.
344
Savannah,
October 9th
McRee's
Iredell, I,
435
606 CASWELL'S ADMINISTRATION, 1776-80
]™ of the Spring Hill redoubt. The French lost 700 men and
iumoin, *^e continentals 240 out of a corps of 600.
«4« As the British plans developed, the invasion of the South
wore such a threatening aspect that toward the close of
brigade* September congress directed the North Carolina brigade
to reinforce General Lincoln, but Washington detained them
for a time, and it was not until November 23d that the
brigade broke camp on the Hudson and began its long
seR* 'fiv niarch to South Carolina. About the middle of February
798 ' ' General Hogun reached Wilmington with about seven hun-
dred men, and on March 3d went into camp at Charleston.
A little later Washington also sent all of the Virginia con-
tinentals south.
In 1779 the counties of Wayne, Montgomery and Rich-
mond were established, the last named for the Duke of Rich-
mond, while its county seat was called Rockingham, in honor
of two friends of the colonists in Parliament.
CHAPTER XXXV
Nash's Administration, 1780-81
The confiscation act. — Islington's brigade. — The fall of Charles-
ton.— The prisoners suffer. — Death of Hogun. — The delayed rein-
forcements.— Tarleton's quarters. — Invasion apprehended. — Caswell
major-general. — De Kalb's reinforcements arrive. — Gates to com-
mand.— Activity of Rutherford. — Ramseur's Mill. — Rutherford pur-
sues Bryan. — Plans of Cornwallis. — De Kalb encamps on Deep
River. — Davie's enterprise. — Gates advances. — Battle of Camden. —
Death of De Kalb. — Gallantry of Gregory and Dixon.— Gates's ride.
— The disaster. — At Charlotte. — Sumter's negligence. — Davie in ad-
vance.— The spirit of the people. — New supplies. — Preparations for
defence. — The Assembly acts. — The Board of War. — Smallwood
supersedes Caswell.
The confiscation act
The Assembly convened about the middle of October. JJJ
The members felt that they had temporized long enough with ^£v
the malcontents, and a bill was passed to carry into effect the «63-a68
act of 1776, confiscating the property of Tories. It was a
strong and sweeping act of confiscation. Willie Jones and
a dozen other representatives entered a vigorous protest
against it. "It involves such a complication of blunders and ^2R" XIII»
betrays such ignorance in legislation as would disgrace a
set of drovers/' protested Jones, with emphasis. At that
time, as later, hundreds of hogs were driven in droves from
one part of the State to another where a market could be
found, and the men so employed were known as "drovers."
But notwithstanding Jones's disgust, the measure was
passed, although later its severity was tempered, and it
was not carried into full operation. Many of those who
would not take the oath of allegiance were allowed to re-
main in the enjoyment of their homes, but became known
even in the acts of the Assembly as "non-jurors."
General Jones having been appointed a delegate to con-
gress, William Eaton became brigadier of the Halifax dis-
6o8
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1779
November
Gen.
Lillington
S. R., XIV,
993
S. R., XV,
336
trict, and, John Pugh Williams declining in the Edenton
district, Colonel Isaac Gregory was also promoted.
To aid General Lincoln, a detachment of • three thousand
men was ordered to be embodied and sent to South Carolina,
and toward the end of December General Lillington led it
southward. This brigade served at Charleston. The period
of the enlistment expired just as Charleston was being closed
up by the besieging British, and for the most part these
troops remained and were surrendered.
From the first there had been a law that continental
officers were not to command militia, and although there
were in the State many fine officers trained in the con-
tinental army unemployed, this regulation debarred them
from service with the militia detachments. But somehow
Major Hal Dixon and Major Nelson served with Lillington,
who during the campaign wrote to the governor: "I think
myself very happy" in their appointment, "and could freely
wish your Excellency would recommend these gentlemen
to the Assembly if there should be more militia sent to the
southward." That recommendation was followed, and Major
Dixon subsequently had command of a militia regiment that
did great credit to the State.
1780
Lee's
Memoirs,
148
The fall of Charleston
The British being in possession of Savannah, it was appre-
hended that Charleston would be their next point of attack,
and strenuous efforts were made to put that city in a state
of defence. On February 10th Sir Henry Clinton, having
arrived with an additional force from New York, disem-
barked on John's Island, and at the end of March he passed
the Ashley River above Charleston, taking possession of the
Neck, across which Lincoln had, as defensive measures, cut
a canal, constructed abattis, and built strong redoubts and
batteries. It was thought that the British fleet could be
successfully opposed ; but on April 9th it passed the bar,
ran by Fort Moultrie, and took possession of the harbor.
To prevent its ascent, the channel of Cooper River was hur-
riedly obstructed by sinking there the entire American fleet,
and so the way was still open for General Lincoln to retire
from the city if he had chosen to do so.
SUFFERINGS OF PRISONERS
609
S. R., XV,
24-46
But the citizens entreated him to hold the city, and in
the vain hope of relief, he yielded to their earnest appeals.
It was expected that the Virginia continentals, as well as
militia from that State and the two Carolinas, would come
to his aid, and that he would be able to raise the siege when
these succors came. On April 6th Colonel Harrington, with
some of the North Carolina militia, arrived, having entered
the city by way of Addison's Ferry, and Governor Rutledge
was collecting the South Carolina militia on the Peedee, and
awaiting the arrival of the Virginia troops and Caswell's
brigade.
Day by day the enemy approached nearer and nearer, until
at length, on April 24th, Lincoln made a determined sortie
to drive off their working parties. The detachment for this
assault numbered three hundred men, composed of Hogun's
North Carolinians, Woodford's Virginians, and twenty-one
South Carolina continentals. The interruption to the opera-
tions of the enemy was ineffectual ; and other than this one
effort, Lincoln simply endured the trying ordeal of his un-
fortunate predicament. The fire of the British along the
lines was continuous, and daily a few of the brave de-
fenders fell at their posts. In all, the American loss
was 89 killed and 140 wounded; that of the besieging
force being about the same. At length, all hope of
relief having faded away, and all avenues of escape being
closed, and the citizens wearying of the siege, General
Lincoln convened a council of his officers, and by their ad-
vice agreed to surrender. The capitulation took place on
May 12th. His army at that time numbered two thousand
continentals, five hundred of whom were then in the hos-
pitals. In addition, there were more than a thousand militia,
nearly all North Carolinians, for there were but few South
Carolina militia in the city.
By the surrender the entire North Carolina line, embracing
the new battalions as well as Hogun's brigade, was elim-
inated from the contest, all that were left being those on
sick leave and such officers as were at home unemployed.
Included in the surrender were General Hogun, Colonels
Clark, Patten, and Mebane and fifty-nine other officers and
eight hundred and fourteen rank and file. Under the terms
s. R., xv,
398
May ia
Marshall's
Washington,
333
S. R., XIV,
8j6, 817, 8ai
Destruction
of the
Continental
Line
6io
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
I780
The
prisoners
suffer
Prcf. Notes,
S. RM XV,
xiv, 297
Death of
General
Hogun
Biog. Hist.
N. C., IV,
196
of capitulation the militia were paroled and allowed to re-
turn to their homes, but the continentals were kept in the
harbor.
The officers were located on Haddrell's Point, opposite
the city, while most of the men were confined on the prison
ships. The privates were subjected to horrible ill-usage, and
many died from confinement on shipboard in that hot climate
without suitable provision being made for them. The con-
dition of the officers was somewhat better.* But while the
officers had some conveniences, and engaged in gardening
and had some amusements among themselves, still they
underwent great privations. Notwithstanding some supplies
furnished by North Carolina under a flag of truce, food was
very scarce, and a petition to fish, in order to add to their
limited supply, was refused by the British commander. To
relieve the pressure of feeding these prisoners, Lord Ger-
main, writing to Cornwallis, said : "What appears to me the
most practicable measures for the purpose are the inducing
the prisoners to enter on board the ships of war or privateers,
or to go as recruits to the regiments in the West Indies, or as
volunteers to serve upon the expedition against the Spanish
settlements from Jamaica; and your Lordship will there-
fore take the proper steps for dispersing as many of them
as possible in these several ways, or in such other ways as
may occur to you as more practicable and effectual." Con-
formably to these directions, a considerable number of the
prisoners were sent to the West Indies and were in a
measure forced by the British into their service.
General Hogun sought to counteract the influences ex-
erted by the authorities to detach the prisoners from the
American cause, and although offered leave to return home
on parole, he refused to be separated from his men. He
knew that his absence would facilitate the efforts of the
s. rm xv,
386
♦On March 27th, Colonel Washington while reconnoitering had
come up with a party of the British, and in the engagement that
ensued killed seven and took several prisoners, among whom was
Colonel Hamilton. Thus it happened that Colonel Hamilton was
a prisoner in Charleston at the surrender and was retaken by his
friends. Of a kindly and generous disposition, he rendered much
service to the North Carolinians, whose misfortunes appealed to his
sympathy.
DEATH OF HO GUN
611
British in seeking recruits among the half-starved prisoners,
and he fell a victim to his sense of duty. He died at Had-
drell's Point January 4, 1781, a striking illustration of devo-
tion and self-sacrifice. Of the eighteen hundred regulars
who went into captivity on May 12, 1780, only seven
hundred survived when they were paroled. After an im-
prisonment of twelve months an exchange of officers was
agreed on ; those who had not died in captivity were landed
on James River and those exchanged returned to the army.
General Lincoln, in determining to hold Charleston, was in
expectation that great efforts would be made to relieve him.
The South Carolina militia were collecting; continentals
were ordered to his aid from Virginia, and North Carolina
sent forward a brigade of seven hundred men under Brig-
adier William Caswell. As Caswell marched from Cross
Creek, the advance of the expected reinforcements, four
hundred Virginia continentals under Colonel Buford reached
the Santee, but the entrance to the city was then closed,
and toward the end of April these detachments went into
camp near Lanier's Ferry, on the Santee, where President
Rutledge was then concentrating the South Carolina militia.
Quickly after the fall of Charleston the British occupied
Augusta and Ninety-six, and Cornwallis led a heavy force
toward Rutledge's camp, Caswell and Buford falling back
before him toward Camden. There they separated, and
Caswell retreated to Cross Creek, where he arrived June 2d,
while Buford took the upper route to Charlotte.
On reaching Camden Cornwallis despatched Colonel
Tarleton with his cavalry and some mounted infantry in
pursuit of Buford, who was overtaken at the Waxhaws,
thirty-five miles from Charlotte. Tarleton demanded
an immediate surrender on the same terms agreed on
at Charleston. These Buford refused. While the flags
were passing Tarleton made his disposition for an assault.
The instant the truce was over his cavalry made a furious
charge upon the unsuspecting continentals, who had no
orders to engage. In dismay and confusion, they offered
no effective resistance, but threw down their arms and asked
for quarter. No quarter was given. More than 100 were
butchered on the spot, and 150 were so badly hacked up that
1780
S. R., XvT
45»
The delayed
reinforce-
ments
Pref. Notes,
S. RM XIV,
Lee's
Memoirs,
164
S. R.,
827
XIV,
Lee's
Memoirs,
165
B 11 ford's
defeat
6i2 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
XJ^Z they could not be removed and for that reason had to be
paroled where they fell. Only 53 were preserved as prison-
ers. Buford, with a few cavalry and less than 100 of the
infantry, being the advance guard, managed to escape. He
fled to Charlotte, where Colonel Porterfield, of Virginia, had
arrived with a detachment of cavalry and artillery as well as
infantry. Alarmed at the situation, Porterfield withdrew his
force at once to Salisbury, and Tarleton returned to Camden.
This butchery at Waxhaw aroused great indignation, and
was commonly spoken of as "Tarleton's Quarters." While it
created some dread of falling into his hands, and made him
and his corps particularly odious, it inflamed the passions
of the Americans and added increased animosity to the
conflict.*
Invasion apprehended
South Carolina being, like Georgia, occupied by the Brit-
ish, the inhabitants generally were subjugated; and it was
expected that Cornwallis would make no delay in invading
North Carolina, which lay defenceless at his feet. A fleet
was daily looked for to take possession of Wilmington, and
it was apprehended that columns from Camden would pene-
trate to Cross Creek and Charlotte ; but happily Cornwallis
postponed further operations until he had established civil
government in South Carolina.
April, 1780 While the siege of Charleston was in progress the new
Assembly met at New Bern on April 17th. Governor Cas-
Abncr wen being no longer eligible as governor, Abner Nash was
governor chosen to succeed him. For three years Caswell had been
the most important man in the commonwealth. He had
discharged with great zeal and efficiency every patriotic duty.
Probably no other man could have done so well. Unfortu-
nately, under the constitution he could not be longer re-
♦Banastre Tarleton was then less than twenty-six years of age, A
student of the law, this was his first military service. He was
below middle size, but muscular and active, and was a daring officer,
capable of great endurance. Of a dark complexion and piercing
black eye, he became noted for the violence of his temper and his
sanguinary disposition. In his warfare he disregarded every prompt-
ing of humanity.
MOVEMENTS IN THE SOUTH 613
tained in the discharge of executive functions. But he was *J£
not to remain unemployed. May
So urgent now was the necessity for prompt and decisive xx*v
action that the Assembly at once created him commander-in- 331* 339* 341
chief of the militia, with the rank of major-general, and
ordered a draft, in addition to that commanded by William
Caswell, of four thousand men. As usual, the men were
slow in turning out, some declaring that they would not
leave their homes until their bounty was paid, and no money
had been provided for that purpose. His son having re-
turned to Cross Creek, Major-General Caswell ordered the
eastern drafts to assemble there, and he also hastened to
that point.
On the departure of Clinton from New York on his £fn£j^'g
southern expedition, congress, realizing the importance of n,enttarriYe
making determined resistance, ordered south, in addition
to the unfortunate corps of Colonel Buford, detachments
under Colonel William Washington and Colonel Armand
and the First and Second Maryland regiments and a regi-
ment of artillery, all to be under the command of Major-
General De Kalb.
These troops were too late to save General Lincoln, but
their appearance in North Carolina was timely. The sur-
render of the southern army at Charleston and the destruc-
tion of Buford's corps caused great dismay among the patri-
ots, while, on the other hand, the Tories were jubilant. The
arrival of De Kalb with his regulars, well supplied with
ammunition, tended in some measure to restore confidence ;
but yet all military movements were delayed and hampered
by the want of provisions, that could not be immediately
supplied.
On the surrender of Lincoln, as De Kalb was not thought Gales*"
equal to the command of the department, Gates, wearing high
honors as the victor over Burgoyne, was despatched to direct
affairs at the south ; and Colonel Morgan, who had achieved
a great reputation by his operations with his corps of light
infantry, but who had been temporarily in retirement from
illness, was urged to again enter upon active service and aid
in defending the southern states.
614
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
it€o
June
Graham's
Graham,
ai3 etseq.
Activity of Rutherford
Although the interior of North Carolina was now open to
the victorious British, Cornwallis found it necessary to de-
vote some attention to affairs in South Carolina. Nor did
he desire to enter on a campaign until a plentiful supply of
provisions could be assured from the maturing crop. So
while relying much on the assistance of the Tory inhab-
itants, he directed them to remain quiet in their homes until
he should call them to action. Thus for a time there was
a period of quietude.
But because of the proximity of the enemy, early in June
General Rutherford, always zealous and resolute, called out
his brigade, of whom eight hundred promptly assembled, and
on the 14th of that month, at Mallard's Creek, somewhat
to the east of Charlotte, he organized his command. A
battalion of light infantry was committed to Colonel Will-
iam L. Davidson, a continental officer, and two small troops
of cavalry under Captains Simmons and Martin were
assigned to Major Davie. On that evening Rutherford re-
ceived information that the Tories were embodying in
Tryon County, some forty miles to the northwest, and fear-
ing to reduce his own force, he directed Colonel Locke and
Captains Falls and Brandon, of Rowan, and Major Wilson,
of Mecklenburg, to make every effort to disperse them. He
himself advanced to the south of Charlotte.
Ramseur's Mill
Colonel John Moore, whose family resided near Ramseur's
Mill, on the south fork of the Catawba, had joined the
British army the preceding winter, and now had returned
home, announcing himself as lieutenant-colonel of Hamil-
Toriesrise ton's regiment. He was soon joined by Nicholas Welch, a
major of the same regiment, and the Tory inhabitants, feel-
ing certain that the time had come for a rising, on June 20th
nearly thirteen hundred of them assembled at Ramseur's
Mill.
In view of this movement, Rutherford made such dis-
positions that Colonel Locke felt strong enough to attack
Moore and his followers. The Tories were encamped on
a hill half a mile north of the present village of Lincolnton,
BATTLE OF RAMSEUR'S MILL
6i5
with a gentle slope in front and a clear fire for two hundred ^
yards. Locke having reached their neighborhood at day- Junc»th
break, the attack was made by the mounted companies of
Captains Falls, McDowell, and Brandon, the infantry under
Colonel Locke being near at hand. The Whigs got the better
of the battle. At times the two parties, having no distinctive
uniforms, mingled without being aware of it. Eventually
the Whigs obtained possession of the ridge at first occupied
by the Tories, who, however, reformed across the neighbor-
ing creek, being much more numerous than their assailants.
Rutherford, however, had advanced into that vicinity, and Tories
after some parley the Tories dispersed. Moore sought safety dn^n€d
in flight, and with thirty men succeeded in reaching the
British camp at Camden ; the others returned to their homes.
The loss on each side was about the same. Fifty-six lay
dead on the ridge where the battle was hottest, with others
scattered on the flanks. In addition, a hundred of each
party were wounded. Fifty of the Tories were taken prison-
ers. "In this battle between neighbors," says General Gra-
ham, "near relations and personal friends fought on either
side, and as the smoke would from time to time rise from
the field they could recognize each other engaged in deadly
contest. In the evening and on the next day the relations
and friends of the dead and wounded came in, and a scene
was witnessed of affliction and distress quite indescribable.
Of the Whigs, Captains Falls, Dobson, Smith, Bowman, and g™^'*
Armstrong were killed, and Houston and McKissick "*
wounded ; while of the Tories, Captains Cumberland, Murry,
and Warlick were killed and many well-known inhabitants
wounded. So distressing was the result of this first en-
counter between the Whigs and Tories of that immediate
section that from that time onward the Loyalists never
actively engaged against their Whig neighbors."
On the second day after the dispersal of Moore's Tories Ruthcrfotd
. . pursues
at Ramseur's Rutherford received information that a con- Bryan
siderable number were embodying in the forks of the Yad-
kin, at the north end of Rowan, near Surry, some seventy-
five miles distant, under the command of Colonel Bryan.
He immediately despatched Davie with his cavalry to Wax-
haw Creek to watch the British, while he himself hastened to
6i6 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
'jfa attack Bryan. That active commander, however, crossed
June to the east of the Yadkin and continued his route through
those settlements which were much disaffected, being joined
so generally by the inhabitants that by the time he passed
Abbott's Creek his force had swollen to seven or eight hun-
dred men. Rutherford hoped to intercept him, but Bryan,
panic-stricken by the result of the affair at Ramseur's,
marched night and day until he was able to form a junction
with a British force under Major McArthur, whom Corn-
wallis had thrown forward, and who advanced to Anson
Court House.
Cornwallis's plans
s r.,xv, These movements of the Tories were premature. Corn-
asa wallis wrote on June 30th that he had established satisfac-
tory correspondence, and had seen several people of credit
from North Carolina, and they all agreed in assuring him
of the "good disposition of a considerable body of the
inhabitants," but that it would be impossible to subsist troops
there until after the harvest. He therefore had sent emis-
saries, recommending in the strongest terms that they should
attend to their harvest and remain quiet until the king's
troops should enter the province. He referred to Moore's
rising as having been "excited by the sanguine emissaries
of the very sanguine and imprudent Lieutenant-Colonel
Hamilton," and hoped that no evil would result from
that "unlucky business." Although advised of every detail
of the American movement, Cornwallis had no apprehensions
but that North Carolina would at his pleasure be "perfectly
s. r., xivt reduced." Expecting an immediate invasion of North
501, 5oa Carolina, following the complete pacification of South Caro-
lina, the American troops had been concentrated well to the
north, to give time for the arrival of reinforcements; but
toward the end of June De Kalb determined to move for-
ward, and established a camp on Deep River, awaiting a
supply of provisions to carry him into the Peedee section.
De Kaib There was a sandy barren, virtually destitute of provisions,
DeCe^5ve? as of inhabitants, lying between the Deep River and Cross
Creek, and extending to the west and south toward the
South Carolina line; but in the Peedee section supplies were
AFFAIR AT HANGING ROCK 617
generally very abundant. About the middle of July De Kalb UOl
took post at Coxe's Mills, on the Deep River, where General ^R. XIV«
Caswell with the militia joined him, while General Ruther- Ju,y
ford and General Harrington moved cautiously down near
the Cheraws, Sumter and Davie being still further in ad-
vance.
Davie's enterprise
In the meantime, Davie, with his small body of cavalry,
was manifesting a spirit of enterprise that has rarely been
equalled in partisan warfare. Being in the vicinity of Hang- Jf*^,
ing Rock, one of the British outposts, on July 20th he inter- ««9. «7«
cepted a convoy of provisions and clothing intended for that
garrison. The dragoons and Loyalists who guarded the
convoy were captured and the horses and arms safely brought
off, but the wagons of provisions had to be destroyed. A
few days later he unexpectedly appeared at Hanging Rock,
intercepting three companies of mounted infantry who were
returning from an expedition, and in plain view of the garri- w£*ej5r,N
son cut them to pieces, securing one hundred good muskets c., 11, 189*
and sixty horses by that adventure. His own loss so far
had not been a single man. He and Colonel Sumter, of
South Carolina, and Colonel Irwin, of North Carolina,
now arranged for a combined attack on Hanging Rock,
to be undertaken on August 5th. Davie's force had
increased to about five hundred men and Sumter's to
three hundred. Among the garrison were Hamilton's
regiment and Bryan's Tories, and North Carolinians again
faced each other on the battlefield. Just after break of day
the assault was made, and the Americans took the garrison
by surprise. At first they routed the enemy and possessed
themselves of the camp ; but the pursuit and the plunder of
the camp threw the Whigs into great confusion, and the
enemy rallying, a retreat became necessary. An hour was
spent in plundering the camp, taking the paroles of British
officers and attending to the removal of the wounded, and
then the men, loaded with plunder, marched off cheering
for the American cause.
6i8
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1780
August
Schenck,
North
Carolina,
1780-81,
76-79
Activity at
the West
Musgrove's Mill
While Davie was active in that quarter, the mountain men
were operating farther to the west. Colonel Charles
McDowell, having been joined by Colonel Shelby and Lieu-
tenant-Colonels Sevier and Clarke at his camp near Cherokee
Ford, on Broad River, despatched them with some six
hundred men to attack the Loyalist leader, Patrick Moore,
who had a fortified post on Pacolet River. They were suc-
cessful, Moore surrendering some ninety-three Loyalists and
two hundred and fifty stands of arms. Immediately after-
ward Colonel Ferguson arrived in their vicinity, and a
skirmish took place at Cedar Springs, the Americans retreat-
ing, but carrying off some fifty prisoners from the field.
McDowell, learning that there were five hundred Tories
encamped at Musgrove's Mill, on the Enoree, some forty
miles distant, again detached Shelby, Clarke, and Williams,
with seven hundred horsemen, to surprise them. Skilfully
avoiding Ferguson, they reached the Tory camp at dawn
on the morning of August 19th, and meeting a strong patrol
party, a skirmish ensued. At that juncture Shelby learned
that the Tories had been heavily reinforced by a regiment
of British regulars. Shelby at once constructed some breast-
works, and sent forward a small party to lure the advancing
force into ambush. The stratagem succeeded. The British,
hastily pursuing the retreating party, rushed in disorder to
where the Whigs were concealed, and their commander,
Colonel Innes, and all the other British officers except one
subaltern having been killed or wounded, the pursuit was
turned into a rout, and the Americans drove them beyond
the Enoree. The British loss was 63 killed and 160 wounded
and taken, while that of the Americans was only 4 killed and
9 wounded. General McDowell, having now received in-
formation of the disaster at Camden, withdrew his forces,
and Colonel Shelby retired beyond the mountains, while
Colonels Clarke and Williams conveyed the prisoners to
Virginia.
Gates advances
s. R., xiv. On July 31st General Caswell united his forces, com-
sm. s«8, 530 p0Se(| 0f t|ie eastern brigade under General Isaac Gregory
TMEftTRE OF OPCJUTIOWS
WW
OtTHERN CAMPAIGN,
REFERENCC
DEFEAT AT CAMDEN
619
and that of General John Butler, with Rutherford's at the J*£
Cheraws, and General Gates, who had joined De Kalb, was Au«ust
about to make a junction with him. Colonel Porterfield, of
Virginia, with three hundred Virginia continentals, was also
coming up, while General Stevens, with seven hundred Vir-
ginia militia, was at Coxe's Mills getting supplies to subsist
his troops while en route to the advanced forces. By
August 7th Gates reached Caswell, and a week later the
combined forces encamped at Rugeley's Mills, in the vicinity
of Camden, where the British had established their head-
quarters. Since the defeat of Buford all that region had
been harried by strong bands of Loyalists. The Tories had
joined their partisan leaders, and those inhabitants who
sympathized with the American cause had either fled from
their homes or had been captured and carried away by their
enemies. The country was deserted and was a scene of
desolation. It was with the greatest difficulty that food
could be obtained for man or beast from day to day.
Being informed by General Sumter that a convoy of stores Le«'s
for the army at Camden was approaching from Ninety-six, j^™01*
and that he could intercept it at the ferry, one mile below
Camden, if supplied with artillery, Gates now detached four
hundred men under Colonel Woolford, of the Maryland line,
with two light pieces to aid Sumter in that service.
Gates having brought together his remaining troops
determined to take an advantageous position, which had been
carefully selected, about five miles from Camden, and on
the night of August 15th moved his army forward for the
purpose of occupying it.
The battle of Camden
In the meantime Cornwallis, having been apprised of the au^. 16,1780
advance of the American army, left Charleston with a large Mcm'oira,
re-enforcement, and reached Lord Rawdon at Camden on ***'
the 14th. In that extremely hot season it was convenient
to make military movements at night rather than in the day.
At ten o'clock on the night of the 1 5th Cornwallis set his troops
in motion with the purpose of attacking Gates at early dawn.
Gates had ignored the value of cavalry, and knew nothing
of Cornwallis's movements. Assuming that Rawdon's force
620 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
JJ*Z was largely inferior to his own, on the same night, the 15th,
August he marched with confidence, taking no precautions. About
half-past two o'clock that night, while leisurely on the
march, his army came unexpectedly in collision with the
British force that had moved out to surprise him. The
meeting was unexpected to both. The British quickly
routed Armand's troop of a hundred horse, in the advance,
which recoiled at the unexpected discharge, became dis-
ordered and retired. Close behind were Porterfield's corps
on the right and Major Martin Armstrong's light infantry,
North Carolina militia, on the left. These resolutely with-
stood the enemy and brought them to a halt, but unhappily
the gallant Colonel Porterfield fell in this first encounter.
Prisoners being taken on both sides, the commanding gen-
erals soon became aware of the unexpected situation. The
two armies remained through the night, excited, ardently
looking for the apprpach of day, anxious for the conflict.
Gates arrayed his army promptly, Maryland and Delaware
continentals under Gist on his right, North Carolina militia
under Caswell in the centre, Virginia militia under Stevens
on the left. The First Maryland Brigade under Small-
wood formed the reserve. De Kalb took post on the right,
while Gates placed himself between the line of battle and
the reserve. Cornwallis's right wing under Webster, com-
posed of disciplined regulars, at dawn made a furious assault
on the Virginia militia, and the brave Stevens had to endure
the mortifying spectacle of his brigade seeking safety in
flight, throwing away their arms without exchanging more
383R * XV' tnan one fire w*tn tne enemy. Caswell's militia in the centre,
now threatened both in front and flank, soon followed this
shameful example. Stevens, Caswell, and Gates struggled
hard to rally the fugitives, but in the entire absence of
cavalry the attempt was hopeless and the panic continued.
General Rutherford acted with distinguished gallantry,
but received a musket ball through his thigh, which disabled
him, and he fell prostrate on the field. General Butler vainly
endeavored to keep the centre of the North Carolina line
Rams«y'» in position, but it quickly gave way. General Gregory on
Hist.
isay s
. U. SM
11*350 ' tne right was more fortunate. His courageous example was
Gregory followed by a large part of his brigade, and he stoutly
DEFEAT AT CAMDEN 621
maintained his position and adhered to the Maryland line; lJ^Z
but he, too, was wounded in the thickest of the fight. In- a^!
deed, twice was he wounded by the bayonet, and many of
his brigade had no other wounds than from the bayonet. But
the odds were too heavy. On the American right the
continentals and Major Hal Dixon's regiment of North Hal Di*on
Carolina militia stood their ground with devoted courage.
They made stubborn resistance. Indeed, they not only re-
pelled the attack, but drove the enemy back from their
first advanced position. Although greatly outnumbered,
resorting to the bayonet, they rushed the enemy before
them, taking many prisoners. Smallwood, advancing, cov-
ered their left flank, but soon was borne down by Corn-
wallis's heavy columns. De Kalb made one last resolute £||ei/a1,iof
attempt for victory, and fell with eleven wounds. Again
the bayonets of bloody butchers were about to pierce him,
when his aide-de-camp, Colonel Du Buysson, covered the
prostrate general with his own body and received the bayonets
thrust at his friend. The old hero poured out his life blood
for American liberty and shortly expired, honored by his
foes and lamented by his friends. The Delaware regiment
was nearly annihilated. More than one-third of the con-
tinentals were killed and wounded and a hundred and sev-
enty taken prisoners. A hundred of the North Carolina
militia also fell on the field, and three hundred were cap-
tured. Rutherford, badly wounded, was taken, and for a
time North Carolina lost his valuable services. As resolute
and courageous as were this brave man and General Greg-
ory, neither won higher commendation than Major Dixon.
"None/* says Lee in his *' Memoirs " "can withhold applause £fes .
' J ' rsr Memoirs,
from Colonel Dixon and his North Carolina regiment of ***
militia. Having their flank exposed by the flight of the
other militia, they turned with disdain from the ignoble
example. ... In every vicissitude of the battle this regiment
maintained its ground, and when the reserve under Small-
wood, covering our left, relieved its naked flank, forced
the enemy to fall back." Dixon's troops emulated the noble
ardor of their leader.
Dr. Hugh Williamson, who was surgeon-general on s. rmxv,
Caswell's staff, attended the prisoners, of whom, however,
622
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1 780
Booth Boote
Gates's ride,
Wheeler,
HUt. North
Carolina, II,
«94
Graham's
Graham,
•43
The
disaster,
Ramsay's
Hist. U. SM
H. 351
S. R., XIV,
569* 570
no satisfactory returns could be obtained, as the British
commissary of prisoners was, says the doctor, "one Booth
Boote, whose character does not appear to be diversified
by a single virtue, and who would never do anything that
would prove acceptable to us."
General Gates hardly waited to learn the issue of the
battle. Not succeeding in rallying the Virginia militia, al-
though he and General Caswell made a third and last at-
tempt, more than half a mile distant from the battle, he
made no new dispositions, gave no further orders, but aban-
doning his army and his stores, he made such hot haste that
at only a few miles from the field he was the first, except
alone one frightened horseman, to meet Major .Davie, then
advancing to unite with the army. He was the first to give
Davie information of the disaster. Davie proposed to pro-
ceed and bury the dead. "Let the dead bury the dead!"
exclaimed the excited hero of Saratoga as he resumed his
speedy way, attended by General Caswell and some mem-
bers of his staff. About eleven o'clock on the night of the
16th Gates reached Charlotte, seventy-two miles distant from
the battle ground, bringing the news of his sad reverse. He
did not stop, but pressed on to Salisbury, and thence to
Hillsboro.
Caswell, however, remained a day at Charlotte, giving
some directions for the movements of the eastern regiment,
that fortunately had not reached his camp in time to join
the army, and ordering out the militia of Mecklenburg and
Rowan and Lincoln counties ; and then, like Gates, he rode
on to Hillsboro.
In the action every corps was broken and dispersed. The
fugitives, pressing down the main road, were pursued some
miles by Tarleton's legion, and the way was covered with
arms, baggage and wagons. Many took to the woods and
sought to escape into the swamps. It was a painful rout,
the men without officers, without provisions or baggage, and
great numbers without arms, the wounded and sick borne
along without conveniences, and the weather extremely op-
pressive. The suffering was intense. Indeed, the horrors
of that fearful rout cannot be adequately portrayed.
Soon Charlotte became crowded with troops in retreat
DEFEAT AT CAMDEN
623
1780
from the disaster and with militiamen who were hastily col-
lecting. Neither the officers nor soldiers of Gates's army, A«gust
however, remained at Charlotte, but kept moving toward
Salisbury. General Smallwood, whose brigade was the last Smaiiwood
on the field, being hotly pressed, turned from the road, and
it was supposed that he was either killed or taken, but on
the third day after the battle he arrived in Charlotte, to the
great joy of every one. His conduct gained for him the con-
fidence not merely of the regulars, but of the militia, and he
was at once consulted as to what action should be taken.
He encouraged the militia to embody and to make strenuous
resistance if the enemy should advance. On the 20th, how-
ever, he and all the other officers and men who had come in
set out for Hillsboro.
On learning the woeful news, Davie, realizing Sumter's Summer
danger, at once despatched a courier to inform that kindred
spirit, who had been so recently associated with him in dar-
ing enterprises, of the catastrophe. Sumter had been en-
tirely successful in his last undertaking, and had captured
forty wagons of booty and nearly three hundred prisoners.
He immediately decamped, but Cornwallis hurried Tarleton ljte%
in pursuit. On the night of the 17th Sumter halted at Rocky Mjmoirt,
Mount, thirty miles from Camden, and the next morning
proceeded eight miles farther, when, because of the heat
and the fatigue of his troops, he again rested, ignorant of the
pursuit. His arms were stacked, his troops scattered, many
asleep, he himself asleep under a wagon, when Tarleton,
having gained his rear unperceived, fell upon the unsus-
pecting Americans, who were seized with consternation at
the assault. There was but slight resistance and then gen-
eral flight. Out of eight hundred men, only three hundred
and fifty escaped; while Tarleton recovered the British
wagons, stores, and provisions, and took Sumter's artillery,
arms, and baggage, killed many and preserved some
prisoners.
When information was received of the catastrophe that Graham's
had befallen Sumter's corps, the people of Mecklenburg, p™ham'
alarmed at their exposed position, held a meeting to deter-
mine on a course of action. It was resolved that Colonel
Irwin, the colonel of that county, should form a camp some
624 N AS ITS ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
g*> seven miles to the south of Charlotte, and Davie's cavalry
should patrol toward Camden. In a few days Colonel Locke
arrived with some militia from Rowan ; and Governor Nash,
learning that Rutherford was a prisoner, commissioned
Colonel Davidson as temporary brigadier-general and Major
Davie as colonel of cavalry, and every exertion was made to
offer resistance.
The spirit of the people
Severe indeed was the disaster, and for it Grates was vig-
orously condemned. "There are three capital . . . errors
ascribed" to General Gates, wrote Davis to Willie Jones.
"First, in not ordering a place of rendezvous in case of a de-
g2^Ma feat; secondly, in not having the baggage secured, it re-
\ t r iv^gi11**" ma*n^n§ a^ the while with the army ; and thirdly, in quitting
\ * : d«5j) the field of action some time before the regulars gave way.
ji p and riding post to Hillsboro, two hundred and thirty miles
&*•• in seventy-five hours. He is . . . execrated by the officers,
J "i unrevered by the soldiers and hated by the people."*
* i" Not only was the large army that had been collected at
great pains and expense destroyed, but all the artillery, two
thousand stands of arms and nearly all the military stores
■ > sent to the south by congress fell into the hands of the
enemy. Following so swiftly on the loss of the entire con-
tinental line at Charleston, this blow was an immeasurable
calamity to the State. The dark hours that try men's souls
had indeed come. The loss of brave and courageous soldiers
at the north and the annihilation of the continental bat-
talions robbed the State of thousands of her choicest spirits.
But those who remained did not falter ; the resolution of the
North Carolina patriots never wavered, and their courage
rose higher and higher under the calamities that had be-
fallen them. As deplorable and distressing as the situation
was, it was bravely met. Immediate preparation was made
♦On the other hand, consider the opinion of Lee, a soldier, and
compare it with Davis, the civilian: "This rapid retreat of General
Gates has been generally supposed to diminish his reputation. Not
so, in truth. It does him honor, as it evinced a mind capable, amidst
confusion and distress, of discerning the point most promising to
renew with expedition his strength ; at the same time incapable of
being withheld from doing his duty, by regarding the calumny with
which he was sure to be assailed." (Lee's Memoirs, 100, ed. 1827.)
t
SUPPLIES FROM ABROAD
625
to resist the invasion that was now imminent; but for the lJ^
moment North Carolina was defenceless and lay open to the
conqueror.
Fortunately, other supplies were within reach. Trade import*.
between our ports and the West Indies was never entirely tIons
arrested, and many valuable cargoes continued to be im-
ported ; nor had the practice ceased of sending out privateers
to prey on British commerce and make prizes of merchant-
men. So it happened that several vessels came in just about
the time Gates lost his stores, bringing cargoes tending to
supply those losses. In particular, on September 4th there
arrived in the Cape Fear two prizes made by the privateer 70,7a
General Nash, one cargo being invoiced at £10,000 and the
other at £40,000 sterling, the latter being one of the most
valuable captures made during the war, and having on board
nearly everything desired for the soldiers. About the same Enterprise
.,, » * t* • 1 ««-*t ▼-» • • on ",e water
time the Marquis of Bretigny also reached New Bern, bring-
ing a quantity of powder, four hundred stands of arms,
pistols, saddles, and accoutrements; while Dr. Guion's
schooner likewise arrived with additional supplies. In fact,
the enterprise displayed by the merchants was no less
remunerative to them than beneficial to the State. It was
also harassing to the enemy. Governor Nash in December
mentioned in a letter to General Washington : "The enemy
have not been entirely free of trouble off Charleston; and
on the coast in that quarter during this summer they have
suffered very considerably by our privateers, particularly
by open rowboats. These boats, with forty or fifty men
aboard, take almost everything that comes in their way.
Two that went out in company returned here this week after
a leave of about twenty days, in which time they took and
sent in twelve valuable prizes, besides burning, I think,
four."
All now was activity in the State. Smallwood established
a camp at Salisbury, where the sick and wounded were
assembled. Such ammunition and stores as remained at
Mack's Ferry were speedily brought to the same point, and
there began the nucleus of a new organization. General
Harrington, with several companies of militia from Duplin,
Onslow, Bladen, Cumberland and some of the Albemarle
626
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1780
Sumner
given a
rigade
S. R., XIV,
573
counties, aggregating in all four hundred and fifty men. kept
a vigilant watch and guarded the stores at Fayetteville. In
his front, toward the coast, was Marion with a few horse-
men, and over in Anson Colonel Kobb,* while down the
Peedee the brave and energetic Kenan, of. Duplin, patrolled
with his squadron of horse. Farther to the west Davie and
Davidson kept watch and ward.
Governor Nash had called the Assembly together to meet
at Hillsboro on August 12th, but a quorum of members
had not reached there on the 23d. Time being precious, the
members who had convened united in recommending that
the governor should call out one-half of the militia of the
State and direct the commanding officers to appoint com-
missioners to obtain the necessary supplies, either by pur-
chase or impressment. Accordingly, the militia was directed
to assemble at Hillsboro, Salisbury, and Charlotte. Gen-
eral Caswell despatched messengers to intercept the militia
regiments of Jarvis, Exum, and Pasteur, and to direct them
to Ramsey's Mills, in Chatham, where a few days later he
himself arrived, the strength of the brigade being some eight
hundred men. To command it Governor Nash assigned
General Sumner, as the most experienced officer of the State.
On September 3d Caswell and Sumner proceeded with the
brigade by way of Pittsboro to the encampment at Salisbury.
S R
XXIV, 344
The Assembly acts
When the Assembly met, and it was not until Septem-
ber 5th that a quorum was assembled, it addressed itself
with vigor to preparations of defence. Responding to the
recommendation of the governor, it levied a tax in kind to
be at once collected out of the abundant harvest. For every
£100 value of property each inhabitant was required to fur-
nish one peck of Indian corn or three pounds of good pork,
♦Colonel Kobb was afterward murdered by the Tories. "Among
the many murders and house burnings perpetrated by this banditti,"
says Lee in his Memoirs, page 553, "that of Colonel Kobb was
singularly atrocious. A party of them, led by a Captain Jones,
surprised the colonel on a visit to his family. He defended his house
until he was induced by a promise of personal safety to surrender
as a prisoner of war, when he was immediately murdered in the
presence of his wife and children and his house burned."
BOARD OF WAR ORGANIZED
627
or other provisions enumerated in the act, except that the lJ^
inhabitants of Carteret might deliver instead a gallon of September
salt; and the Quakers, Moravians and "non-jurors" were to
pay their entire tax in provisions. A loan of £1,000,000
was also directed to be made, while for the present the
confiscation act was suspended. Many persons being in
custody on the charge of opposing the State in its defence,
for the "speedy trial of traitors" the magistrates of the
different counties were given authority to try them, no
counsel being allowed either for or against any prisoner,
who, however, was at liberty to make his own defence, and
should have reasonable time to prepare for trial ; and there
was to be no arrest of judgment in any case if the proceed-
ing was of sufficient substance to convict.
Trial of
Tories
The Board of War
Governor Nash had reported to the Assembly that the
members of his council did not attend its meetings and gave
him no aid; and he urged that other appointments should
be made; and he also recommended that a Board of War
should be created, who would share with him the responsi-
bility of conducting military matters when the Assembly
was not in session. Accordingly the Assembly created, a
Board of War, composed of Colonel Alexander Martin,
John Penn, and Oroondates Davis, investing it with great
powers, especially for concerting a general plan of opera-
tions for the defence of the State and carrying it into execu-
tion. General Harrington had somewhat earlier been ap-
pointed brigadier-general of the Salisbury district during the
absence of General Rutherford, and now that Rutherford
had fallen into the hands of the enemy the Assembly elected
Colonel Davidson to that position. Harrington promptly
tendered his resignation, but nevertheless, because of the
emergency, he continued to act under his commission as
brigadier, rendering efficient service on the southeastern
border. General Smallwood, of the Maryland line, was en-
joying a high reputation because of his admirable conduct
at Camden, quite in contrast with the prevalent idea of the
conduct of Gates and Caswell ; and the Assembly tendered
him the position of major-general and commander-in-chief
Board of
War
S R
xxiv. 355:
XIV. 376;
XV, 139-141
Gen.
Davidson
Smallwood
supersedes
Caswell
628 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
lj^ of all the militia of the State, thus superseding Caswell, and
giving Smallwood precedence over all the officers in the
southern army except alone General Gates. This action
virtually retiring him, Caswell indignantly resented; and
he returned to his home at Kingston. A month later he
wrote to Governor Nash, reminding him that "in the spring
he had not only been appointed major-general to command
the militia, but as well a member of the board to conduct
s. r., xv, trade in behalf of the State ; and that as the Assembly had
131 been pleased to dismiss him from the command of the militia,
it is probable it would have dismissed him also from the
Board of Trade had it occurred to them that he had been
appointed a member of that board"; and so with some
warmth he tendered his resignation of this latter position.
For a time he remained entirely quiet.
1. Joseph Winston
2. Joseph Graham
8. Joseph McDowell (Quaker Meadows) 4. William Polk
CHAPTER XXXVI
Nash's Administration, 1780-81 — Continued
Cornwallis moves to Charlotte.— Davie's gallant defence—The
activity of the Mecklenburgers. — Governor Martin's proclamation. —
Movement on Augusta. — Ferguson marches westward. — The fron-
tiersmen assemble.— Battle of King's Mountain.— Death of Chronicle.
— The victory gives great joy. — Its effects. — Cornwallis retires. — His
gloomy outlook. — Leslie in Virginia. — Moves to Camden. — Gates
moves forward. — Corn wall is* s disappointment. — Arrival of Greene.—
His activity. — His forward movement. — The new year. — The Council
Extraordinary. — Caswell reinstated. — Four new continental battal-
ions.— No party divisions. — During Caswell's administration. — Nash's
administration.— Dr. Burke's zeal to correct abuses. — Sam Johnston
declines the presidency of congress.
Cornwallis moves to Charlotte
After the rout of Gates's army Cornwallis occupied him-
self at Camden arranging for the administration of civil
and military affairs in South Carolina, and then the time
being at hand for him to invade North Carolina, he moved
to Waxhaw on September 8th, resting there for the Tories
to embody and join him. Tarleton was thrown on his left
toward Ferguson, who was operating on the frontier. At
first while the British army lay at Waxhaw Colonel Davie
alone was at its front. With a command not exceeding
one hundred and fifty men, that enterprising officer on Sep-
tember 20th, by a circuitous march, fell on a detachment of
some three hundred of the enemy at Wahab's plantation,
routed them and brought off ninety-six horses, a hundred
and twenty stands of arms, returning to his camp that same
evening, having marched in less than twenty-four hours no
less than sixty miles. On the same day Sumner and David-
son reached his camp with a thousand militia. Four days
later Cornwallis renewed his movement, advancing on
Charlotte, and Sumner and Davidson fell back toward
Salisbury.
1780
Lee's
Memoirs,
193-106
Wahab's
Sumner at
the front
S. R.,
647
XIV,
630
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1780
sTr., XIV,
380,410,661,
778; XV, 89
New forces
concentrate
S. R., XIV,
41a
Davidson turned to the west, while Sumner took post at
McGowan's Creek, where early in October General Butler's
brigade of seven hundred joined him. General Jones with
the Halifax brigade had been ordered to join Harrington
in front of Campbellton, but he, too, was now marching with
all haste to Sumner's camp. Colonel William Washington
had enlisted some hundred troopers also in the eastern
counties, and he with other partisan leaders were concen-
trating at Salisbury. General Smallwood and Colonel Mor-
gan already in high reputation on October 7th, left Hillsboro
for the front. Everywhere there was displayed the same
energy and spirit. It was estimated that there were five
thousand men concentrating for defence. The Board of
War, however, was emphatic in directions that a general
engagement was to be avoided, for a second defeat at that
time would have had a most disastrous effect on the inhabi-
tants and on the spirit of the militia, who had now in some
measure rallied from the depression caused by the disaster
at Camden.
Graham's
Graham,
251
Sept., 1780
Davie's gallant defence
Davie with his troop of horse, now augmented by a few
volunteers under Major Joseph Graham, remained to ob-
serve the enemy. On the night of the 25th he took a num-
ber of prisoners, and then himself retired to Charlotte.
Early the next morning Tarleton's legion with some light
infantry was seen advancing, followed by the main body.
Determined to make a defence, Davie disposed of his small
force advantageously at the court-house, and when the
At charlotte enemy, sounding a charge, advanced at a full gallop, he
opened fire and drove them back with great precipitation.
A second and third charge was similarly repelled; but at
length the infantry turned his flank, and in good order
Davie withdrew his companies, each in turn covering the
other, and made a successful retreat. The enemy followed
cautiously for some distance, when they ventured to charge
the rear guard. They were stubbornly resisted and driven
Locke killed off, but unfortunately not without loss; Lieutenant Locke
and four privates were killed, and Major Graham and five
DAVIE'S DEFENCE OF CHARLOTTE 631
others were wounded.* The following day after this brilliant lJ^
affair at Charlotte Davie joined the army at Salisbury, but September
on the union of some mounted infantry from Granville under
Colonel Taylor with his corps he felt strong enough to
return to the immediate front of Cornwallis, who estab-
lished himself at Charlotte.
The activity of the Mecklenburgers
As trying as were the difficulties which beset the Ameri-
can commanders for the want of provisions, the troubles of
Cornwallis on the same score were much greater. His
foraging parties brought in but little, and they were so
sorely harassed by Davie that the British army fell into
sore distress for want of forage and supplies.
At Charlotte there were but a few houses, but it was a Graham's
desirable location for an army because of the numerous 3^SS%
mills in the immediate vicinity, at which corn and wheat
could be ground for the use of the troops. At Polk's Mill, p0ik»8Miii
two miles distant from Charlotte, Cornwallis stationed a
detachment of fifty men, and on September 28th Major
Dickson with sixty cavalrymen made the entire circuit
around Charlotte and attacked that post. He was repulsed,
but the assault added to the disagreeable position of the
British commander. Five days later he despatched a de-
tachment of four hundred and fifty infantry, sixty cavalry
and forty wagons under Major Doyle toward the fertile
fields of Long Creek, some ten miles to the northwest of
Charlotte, to bring in forage and supplies. At Mclntyre's Mcintyre's
farm a party of a hundred men and ten wagons was left
to gather forage, while the others continued on. Captain
James Thompson and thirteen of his brave neighbors reso-
lutely attacked this party, and so vigorously that eight of
them were killed and twelve wounded. Doyle was so
alarmed by this unexpected assault that he hastened back,
picked up his dead and wounded and then fled precipitately,
having obtained only forage enough to load four wagons.
*In this encounter at the Cross Roads, St. George Locke, a son of
General Matthew Locke, was literally cut to pieces in a most bar-
barous manner, while Captain Joseph Graham, in addition to being
wounded three times with balls, received six sabre cuts and was
left on the field for dead.
632
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
X780
October
Graham's
Graham,
264,165
ioseph
lartin
Lee*s
Memoirs,
108, aoo
S. R., XV,
94
Garden Hill
S. R., XIV,
424
Governor Martin's proclamation
Accompanying Cornwallis was the royal governor, Josiah
Martin, who now entered the State for the first time since
he departed from the Cape Fear in May, 1776. Hoping
much from the Tories and disaffected inhabitants, who he
conceived were attached to him personally, on October 3d
he issued an earnest address seriously and solemnly calling
on the faithful subjects of his Majesty with heart and hand
to join and unite with the army, and exhorting all the
young men to testify their loyalty and spirit by enlisting in
a provincial corps to be under his immediate command ; and
offering a bounty of three guineas, full pay and free grants
of land at the end of the rebellion. Couriers were at once
sent off to disseminate this proclamation both to the wrest
and the east, but before it could have operation came the
news of the destruction of Ferguson's corps, which
effectually suppressed all Tory risings.
Movement on Augusta
Although the southern Indians adhered to the British,
looking to the king of Great Britain for protection against
the inroads of the colonists, intercourse with them was con-
stantly maintained by Colonel Joseph Martin, specially em-
ployed in that service, and he managed with such skill,
wisdom and prudence, that during that critical period of the
war, they remained quiet, and the western borders were not
menaced with the peril of a savage warfare.
This fortunate circumstance left the frontiersmen free to
take the field away from home when called upon. Some-
what earlier than Cornwallis's advance several detachments
had embodied under local leaders with the purpose of attack-
ing Augusta, where a large supply of arms, ammunition,
blankets, salt and other commodities intended as the annual
present to the Indians was then stored. Eventually all these
united under Colonel Clarke, who marched toward Augusta.
The British commander, Colonel Browne, having informa-
tion of their approach, retired toward Ninety-six, but was
overtaken at Garden Hill, where he fortified and gallantly
defended himself, awaiting relief. After four days of siege
relief came, and Colonel Clarke was forced to retire, carry-
DEFEAT OF FERGUSON
633
ing with him, however, a large amount of the Indian goods lj£
that had fallen into his hands. In the meantime other September
movements had been made among the frontiersmen, even
as remote as Watauga and western Virginia.
Ferguson marches westward
To counteract these movements Cornwallis had detached
Major Ferguson, an accomplished officer, with three hun-
dred regulars and a small body of Loyalists, to proceed
toward the frontier, arouse the Tories, collect provisions
and suppress the Whig inhabitants. He was not only
supplied with ammunition, but carried with him a thousand
stand of arms for the Loyalists who were expected to join
his force. Marching through upper South Carolina and
then into North Carolina, Ferguson himself stopped at Gil-
bert Town, but a detachment penetrated as far as Morgan-
ton, and word was spread that he proposed to destroy all
the Whig settlements. This information, instead of acting
as a deterrent, aroused the Whigs of the frontier, who were
already embodied ready for action. On September 14th
Gen. William Lee Davidson ordered Armstrong, Cleveland
and Locke to unite their forces and arrest Ferguson's prog-
ress ; and the other Whig leaders were also moving. They
resolved on Ferguson's destruction. Campbell, from Virginia,
joined Shelby and Sevier at Watauga, their united forces
numbering nine hundred men, and on September 25th
crossed the mountains, where they were met by Colonel Mc-
Dowell with a hundred and sixty others, and on the 30th,
on the banks of the Catawba, they were reinforced by Cleve-
land with three hundred and fifty men of the counties of
Wilkes and Surry. Marching south on the evening of Octo-
ber 6th, they were joined near Cowpens by Colonel Wil-
liams's force of four hundred. There information was re-
ceived that Ferguson was near the Cherokee ford of Broad
River, about thirty miles distant. A council of the principal
officers was held, and it was thought advisable to set out
that night with nine hundred of the best horsemen, leaving
the others to follow as fast as possible. Marching all night,
at three o'clock the next afternoon they reached the vicinity
of Ferguson's corps.
s. R.,
163
XV,
Davidson1!
orders
S.R.,
615
XIV,
The corps
unite
S. R.. XV,
94
S. R., XV
106
634
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
X780
King's
Mountain,
Oct. 7th
S. R., XV,
116, 164
S. R., XV,
164
Death of
Ferguson
The victoi y
Ferguson, having information of the approach of a Whig
column, had taken a strong position on the top of King's
Mountain, twelve miles distant from the ford, and in full
confidence that he could not be forced from a post possess-
ing such natural advantages. The assailants were formed
into three divisions, and coolly ascended the mountain from
different directions. The day was wet, and their approach
being fortunately undiscovered, the Whigs easily took the
British pickets. As the column was arranged, the Washing-
ton and Sullivan regiments, gaining their positions first,
began the attack on the front and left flank ; to the North
Carolinians under Winston, Sevier and Cleveland was
assigned the attack on the rear and other flank. Campbell
on the centre opened a destructive fire, but Ferguson re-
sorted to the bayonet and forced him back. At that instant,
however, Shelby poured in a volley, alike effective. Fergu-
son turned furiously on this new foe, advancing with the
bayonet; but Shelby, having reached the summit of the
eminence, drove the British along the ridge to where Cleve-
land commanded, and his brave men stopped them in that
quarter. Undismayed by this unexpected resistance, Fergu-
son now made a grand rally, his men fighting desperately;
but all the Whig divisions acting in co-operation, the Tory
force could make but slight impression. Ferguson used the
Shelby, Sevier, Hambright, and Winston, and Major Shelby,
and for an hour the battle raged without abatement. At
length the British commander sought to escape on horse-
back, but fell dead trying to force his way.
The fire of the beleaguered Tories now slackened, and
soon there was unconditional surrender. Of Ferguson's
force 300 were killed or wounded; ioo regulars and 700
Loyalists were taken, and 1500 stands of arms fell into the
possession of the Whigs. The loss of the assailants was
small, but among the killed was Colonel Williams,* of South
Carolina, distinguished as one of the most active and reso-
♦Colonel James Williams, a native of Granville County, N. C,
then resident in South Carolina, on application had been allowed by
North Carolina $25,000 to raise troops for the defence of North
Carolina. He had under him troops raised in North Carolina, as
well perhaps as in South Carolina. (S. R., XXI, 75; Graham's
Graham, 263.)
DEFEAT OF FERGUSON 635
lute of the partisan leaders, and Major William Chronicle, x*°
whose loss was greatly lamented. It was night before the
prisoners were all secured, and the victors slept on the bat-
tlefield ; but early the next morning they set off northward
with their prisoners under the command of Colonel Camp-
bell.
Later, General Gates directed that the eight hundred s. r.,xv,
prisoners should be conveyed to Fincastle, Va. ; but on
reaching Surry County they were turned over to Colonel
Martin Armstrong, and within two months all but a hun- priaeoncrt
dred and thirty of them were either dismissed, paroled or
enlisted in the military service for three months. There
was great hope of using these prisoners for the purposes
of exchange to set free an equal number held by the British,
and much disappointment was felt when this design was
frustrated by Colonel Armstrong's inexpedient conduct; nor s^rmxvii,
did he escape without severe and indignant criticism, and
the Assembly deprived him of his commission.
The victory gives great joy
The movement of the Whigs at the west was not unknown
to Davie, Sumner, and Gates, and they were in anxious
expectancy.
Three days after the battle the news of the victory was & *■• XIV»
brought by a courier to Sumner at his camp on the Yadkin, xv, u7
who forwarded it to Gates at Hillsboro. Whatever com-
ment might be made on General Gates's course up to this
period, and he was thoroughly execrated by the people, it
appears that in adversity he rose to the height of the occa-
sion. With resolution and promptness he was preparing Gates1 spirit
to renew the conflict. With joy and hope he hurried an
express to Jefferson, then governor of Virginia, bearing
"the great and glorious news" ; and, urging forward prom-
ised help, he said : "We are now more than even with the
enemy. The moment the supplies for the troops arrive ... I
shall proceed with the whole to the Yadkin." Smallwood
and Morgan were already on their way, Morgan with his
light infantry then eighteen miles beyond Guilford Court
House and Smallwood with the cavalry was following fast.
A new inspiration pervaded every heart, and when the xvii',697
(
636
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1780
Eflfct is of
the victory
tt
S. R., XIV,
698-8
S. R., XV,
285
Assembly met, with grateful eulogium on their patriotism
and heroism, it resolved that Colonels Cleveland, Campbell,
Shelby, Sevier, Hambright, and Winston, and Major Shelby,
should each receive an elegantly mounted sword for their
voluntary, distinguished and eminent services.
Indeed, the victory at King's Mountain was no less ex-
traordinary as a feat of arms than potent in its results.
That undisciplined and unorganized volunteers operating
under neither state nor continental authority should have
achieved such a victory over a force equal in numbers, amply
supplied with ammunition, ably commanded and so advan-
tageously posted, attested the fighting qualities of the un-
trained inhabitants and gave new hope to those who had
been disappointed at the conduct of the militiamen on other
fields. It buoyed the hearts of the patriots in that dark
hour and nerved them to greater efforts for resistance;
while, on the other hand, not merely were the eight hundred
Tories who had joined Ferguson eliminated from the con-
test, but all of the disaffected inhabitants west of the
Catawba were suppressed during the remainder of the war.
Ramseur's Mill was a disaster to the western Loyalists, but
King's Mountain was their conquest.
Nor was this the only catastrophe that befell them.
Colonel Wright, a zealous Loyalist, embodied three hundred
of the disaffected at Richmond, in Surry County, and began
his march to unite with Cornwallis at Charlotte ; but Sumner
and Davidson hurried detachments against them, routed
and dispersed them.
Cornwallis retires
^Cornwallis was so hemmed in at Charlotte jhat for some
days he received no information of the battle of King's "*
Mountain. Indeed, he was also in utter ignorance of what
was passing in South Carolina, as for nearly three weeks
he had no intelligence from Camden, every express for him
having been taken by the active partisan bands in his rear.
No wonder he declared Mecklenburg "the most rebellious
section of America," and that Tarleton spoke of it as "a
veritable hornet's nest."
When the information reached him of Ferguson's death
EFFECTS OF FERGUSON'S DEFEAT
637
1780
and the complete annihilation of that corps, he was no less t
shocked than grievously disappointed. Not only did it un- /October
settle all his plans, but it rendered his own situation alarm- /
ing. Realizing that he could not rely on the assistance from fg8* is? V'
the inhabitants which he had confidently expected, and 1
apprehending that Ninety-six would be at once attacked, he \
determined to immediately retire from North Carolina. \
Sc on the evening of October 12th he abandoned Charlotte \
and turned toward the south. So far the tide of good for- j
tune had rushed on without interruption, bringing him vie- 1
tory and well-earned fame, but now began a series of /
mishaps that led step by step to irretrievable disaster and /
ultimately to the final abandonment of British hopes of sub- /
jugation and an acknowledgment of the independence of the /
colonies.
Forced by untoward circumstances to retire from his ad-
vanced position, Cornwallis found South Carolina ready to
rise against British rule. In its dire extremity that State
had offered to remain neutral during the contest and to abide
by the general result of the struggle elsewhere. Clinton,
not content with such a submission, required the subdued
inhabitants to enroll themselves as Loyalist militia and take
up arms for the king. Many now determined to throw off
this yoke and fight, if they must, for the success of the
American cause ; and partisan leaders were drawing around
themselves corps of determined patriots that were a menace
to British occupancy.
Contemporaneously with the departure from Charlotte a £.rm xv,
rainy season set in, and the troops suffered severely from
sickness, while Cornwallis himself became so ill that he
had to relinquish the command of his army, committing
it to the care of Lord Rawdon. It was not until Oc-
tober 29th that he reached the country lying between
Camden and Ninety-six, making his camp at Winnsboro
the more readily to support those two principal posts.
Lee's
Memoir*,
162, 163
/Partisan
f corps
Sumter
Marion
♦87
Leslie in Virginia
As there was expectation that North Carolina would be
subjugated and held, as had been the fate of Georgia and
South Carolina, it was designed that after that event Corn-
638 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1780 wallis would continue his victorious march into Virginia.
To keep the Americans from concentrating against the Earl,
General Leslie with a considerable force had been despatched
&m?ei!ed from New York to the Chesapeake. During the month of
October Leslie had penetrated down the Blackwater to
*\*\%£y% South Quay, and, nearer the coast, to the Great Bridge.
General Benbury at once embodied his brigade and marched
to oppose him. After the battle of Camden General
Gregory returned home to the Albemarle section, and now
he gallantly took the field with his militia and checked Les-
lie's advance, repulsing the British with some loss on
November 8th at Great Swamp.
% Rii?v' Defeated in his purposes, Cornwallis now desired Leslie's
a9a-a99.*307 aid at the south, but hesitated to order him to come to
his relief. Clinton, however, left him free to co-operate
with the southern army, especially as he had been sent to
the Chesapeake to make a diversion in favor of Cornwallis's
J^for operations. Leslie, knowing that Cornwallis hoped much
Wilmington from the Loyalists on the upper Cape Fear, and that taking
possession of Wilmington would encourage them to rise,
determined to transfer his operations to that region. He
Oct. ai, 1780 therefore sailed from the Chesapeake on November 23d for
Wilmington. Cornwallis being ill and the situation of his
army dangerous, Rawdon, in temporary command, des-
patched vessels to intercept the fleet at Frying Pan Shoals
and direct Leslie to come to his immediate assistance. So
it happened that the corps lately operating near Norfolk
made an unexpected appearance at Camden. Still further
to ease Cornwallis, Clinton now hurried a new army under
General Benedict Arnold to the Chesapeake; but for per-
sonal reasons, as he was obnoxious to the people, Arnold
soon retired, leaving the command with General Phillips.
Gates moves forward
s. R., xv, j Quickly following Cornwallis's withdrawal, Gates moved
"5». »&> I kjs continentals, numbering a thousand, to Charlotte, while
Smallwood, who had superseded Sumner, much to the
latter's disgust,* took post with the militia and Morgan some
♦Sumner, like Caswell, resented the appointment of Smallwood a<
major-general of the militia and declined to serve under him, so
when Smallwood reached his camp Sumner returned home.
MILITARY MOVEMENTS
639
fifteen miles farther to the front, calling his camp New
Providence. General Stevens with five hundred Virginia
troops, almost naked and unarmed, remained at Hillsboro.
In the meantime, as the consequence of Gates's misfortune
at Camden, congress had directed Washington to commit the
Southern Department to another general, and Washingtoi
appointed Nathanael Greene to that command. Accom-
panying Greene to the south were Baron Steuben and Lightl
Horse Harry Lee with his corps of dragoons, three hundred
in number. The baron was, however, left in Virginia to
conduct operations in that State, which was within Greene's
department.
The Board of War organized at Hillsboro on Septem-
ber 12th, but soon all the members left except John Penn,
who for some time conducted military affairs without any
aid. The board relieved Governor Nash largely of his re-
sponsibilities, and in a measure encroached on his powers.
It was active in giving direction and stimulating the county
officers to renewed exertions, and zealously co-operated with
General Gates and afterward with General Greene in pre-
paring for defence.
Cornwallis was thoroughly disappointed with the result
of the campaign. He had been led to invade North Caro-
lina at that time because of the difficulties of a defensive
war, and the hope that the Tories in North Carolina, who
were said to be very numerous, would be active in aiding
him. The defeat at King's Mountain, however, suppressed
all Tory risings at the west, while to the east Harrington
and the state militia kept the disaffected much in check ; so
Cornwallis found that their friendship was only passive,
and he derived little assistance from their co-operation. He
reported that only about two hundred had been prevailed on
to join his camp. His chief difficulty, however, was the
absence of supplies. These could not be furnished from
abroad, and his army necessarily had to subsist on the
country ; and in this matter such Loyalists as engaged with
him were found very efficient and a great help to his dis-
tressed troops.
1780
Smallwood
at New
Providence
Greene
S. R.,XIV
376
Board of
War
Cornwall!*'*
disappoint-
ments
Tories
passive
>73
640 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
'780 Arrival of Greene
s.r., xv, General Greene reached Charlotte on December 2d, and
at once Gates departed northward. The new general imme-
diately began to take measures for the organization and
efficiency of his army.
Greene in | His presence inspired zeal and confidence. Colonel Lee,
command
who accompanied him, in his "Memoirs" says: "This illus-
trious man had now reached his thirty-eighth year. In
person he was rather corpulent, and above the common size.
His complexion was fair and florid ; his countenance serene
and mild, indicating a goodness which seemed to shade anJ
soften the fire and greatness of its expression." Every ele-
ment combined to commend him to the good-will and affec-
tions of his soldiers,
s. r., xv«8 The neighboring country was so bare that General
Greene's first step was to request the Board of War not to
call out any more militia until satisfactory arrangements
were made to subsist the troops. Writing to Washington,
he reported that: "Nothing can be more wretched and dis-
tressing than the condition of the troops, starving with cold
and hunger, without tents and camp equipage. Those of the
Virginia line are literally naked. A tattered remnant of
some garment, clumsily stuck together with the thorns of the
locust tree, forms the sole covering of hundreds, and we
have three hundred men without arms, and more than a
thousand are so naked that they can be put on duty only in
case of desperate necessity." To facilitate his purpose of
transporting supplies he caused the Dan, the Yadkin, and
the Catawba to be explored, hoping to utilize water trans-
portation. He established a hospital at Salisbury, and the
osnaburgs and sheetings in store were distributed among
the women to be made into shirts for the soldiers. Colonel
Polk, who was the commissary-general, retired, and Greene
asked the Board of War to appoint Colonel Davie to that
most important position,
s. rmxv. Desiring to cover Cross Creek, Greene directed Colonel
x84 Kosciusko, of the engineers, to select a camp on the Peedee
where provisions could be obtained, and after some delay,
caused by terrible rains and bitter cold, on December 20th
i. R., XV,
84, 185
MILITARY MOVEMENTS 641
he broke camp and moved his army to a location at the U*l
Cheraws.
Morgan had already been advanced beyond the Broad January
with a detachment of three hundred Maryland regulars and
the Virginia militia and Washington's dragoons, along with
some four hundred militia embodied in the adjacent counties
of North Carolina and some others from South Carolina and
Georgia. General Small wood, whose appointment to the
command of the militia had resulted in the retirement of
Caswell and Sumner, now himself returned to Maryland in
order to hasten on re-enforcements and supplies from that
State, and also to have settled a question of rank between /
himself and Baron Steuben. \
The opening of the new year was not without a bright
lining to the clouds that had overcast the skies. There was
at least a rainbow of hope in the heavens. Greene was now
in command, Morgan in the advance, the State was again
free from the presence of a hostile army, and renewed zeal
was apparent among the inhabitants of every section.
The General Assembly was to have met at Halifax early
in January, but the members arrived so slowly that it was
the 26th before a quorum appeared. The Board of War,
however, was in session and had control of military affairs.
The army had suffered much from the inefficiency of the
commissary department. In each district there was a com-
missary to obtain supplies, but no general head. General s. r., xiv,
Greene had urged the appointment of Colonel Davie to be 49°
commissary-general for the State, but the Board hesitated
to make such an innovation, not warranted by the act of
Assembly ; but finally, on January 16th, it conferred on that
active and accomplished young officer the office of "super- Davie
intendent commissary-general." Difficult as was the task general5**7"
imposed on Colonel Davie he performed it with a capability
that rendered him one of the most useful men in the army,
but it removed him from that branch of the service where
he had won much fame by his daring exploits.
The Council Extraordinary
On the meeting of the legislature, Governor Nash com- fan., ,7s,
plained bitterly that the Board of War had encroached on fj3*7*VI1,
642 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
l£L his powers and duties as governor, and he offered to resign.
xxiv 8 ^e Assembly thereupon dispensed with that board and sub-
stituted a Council Extraordinary, electing Governor Caswell,
Colonel Alexander Martin, and Allen Jones as members.
* Caswell was now a member of the house, and Small wood
having left the State, it was proposed to restore Caswell to
s.r.,xvii, his former command as major-general of the militia. Indig-
* 7 nant at his former treatment, he, however, was not in-
clined to be complacent; and to placate him the Assembly
1 passed a resolution declaring the reasons which had induced
the appointment of General Smallwood, "and the high sense
the Assembly then had and still have of the merits of General
1 Caswell, and of the singular services by him rendered this
I j s. r., State" ; and he was appointed again to command the militia,
[ ; ' and as president of the Council Extraordinary to conduct
J,; military affairs.
;-, His health, however, was poor, and his operations lacked
j his former energy. He established a camp near Halifax,
f and ordered out the various militia brigades, but the zeal
and force that earlier distinguished his actions were not now
i so apparent.
\ He was directed by the Assembly to raise a regiment of
light horse in the Wilmington and New Bern districts, and
I General Butler one in the Hillsboro district. Colonel Mal-
> medy was appointed to command the latter and Colonel Read
j. the former. Both of these officers later served in South
Carolina,
s. r., xv. There were many continental officers in the State unem-
ployed, and as Sumner was the ranking continental Greene
urged him to have these officers to repair to the camp and
assist Caswell in organizing the militia. Sumner tendered
his own services, and Colonel Ashe and Major Murfree also
reported to Caswell and placed themselves at his disposal.
But in addition to the indisposition to put the militia under
the continental officers, the militia officers themselves held
out for their own privilege of commanding their organi-
zations; so that while a few experienced officers were em-
ployed, such as Major Dickson as inspector-general, Major
Armstrong with the forces at Salisbury, and Colonel Read
as commander of a regiment of horse, the services of many
4«5. 4»6
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS
643
of the most efficient regulars were not utilized by the State. 'Jl1
Sumner hoped for the command of a brigade of militia, but
met with disappointment. The General Assembly, however,
made provision for four new regiments of continentals, and
extraordinary measures were devised for filling up the ranks.
In order to raise these battalions, the Assembly offered xxiv,369
a bounty of i2,ooo, and promised to every person who should
enlist and serve one year "one prime slave . . . and six hun-
dred and forty acres of land" ; and provision was made for a
draft from the body of the militia for the continental ser-
vice. A tax in kind was levied, a large issue of bills was
authorized, and the confiscation act was further suspended.
No party divisions
All seemed to vie in patriotic resolve. Indeed, during the
period of the war, when every nerve was strained to ac-
complish success, all the public men were in accord, and
there does not seem to have been any party divisions, except
between Whigs and Tories. That there were differences in
council based on policy and expediency is probable, extend-
ing to matters of finance and of taxation and to the treat-
ment of the disaffected inhabitants ; and certainly there were
clashings arising from the natural ambitions of the leading
men. But amid the turmoils and alarums of war it is not
likely that there were discussions between candidates on
the hustings, and no newspapers were published at that time ^spa
in North Carolina. One of the differences among the *n**i
people arose from the uncertain value of the currency, which
depreciated because of excessive issues. Traders and spec-
ulators took advantage of the condition of affairs, still fur-
ther depreciating it, and these became odious among the
more patriotic inhabitants; but probably none of the public
men were concerned in such proceedings.
The course of political action appears to have been influ-
enced merely by natural considerations. If any divisions
were evolved at the time of the formation of the State
constitution, they do not seem to have been fostered and
perpetuated. They passed away. Caswell and his council
tendered appointments to Sam Johnston and other con-
servatives, as well as to their Democratic friends. Allen
newspapers,
34
The public
men
644 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
*fr Jones was year by year honored by the Assembly, while his
brother, Willie, received no particular mark of its confi-
dence, although Jones County was named for him. Iredell
was appointed to the bench, and when he retired Maclaine,
s.r.,xiv, certainly a conservative, was elected. He declined, recom-
mending John Williams, who was in high favor with the
Assembly. On Avery's resigning the office of attorney-
general, Iredell was elected to that position. The officers
first appointed were generally re-elected to the same posi-
tions. The senate continued year after year of the same
mind, while Benbury was constantly re-elected speaker of
the house. In 1780 Willie Jones and Sam Johnston, sup-
posed to be in antagonism, were elected delegates to the
Continental Congress. Caswell, while governor, was not on
good terms with Penn, nor later with Governor Nash. The
Assembly, after Camden, deprived him of his command,
and creating a Board of War, made Penn a member of it ;
and Caswell indignantly withdrew from all public employ-
ment. Six months later the Assembly smoothed his ruffled
feathers, displaced Penn from the board and restored Cas-
well to power as major-general commanding the state forces
and as president of the Council Extraordinary charged with
the direction of military affairs. Next to him, Colonel
Alexander Martin was apparently the favorite among the
representatives. On the promotion of Howe he had become
colonel of the Second Battalion, but was charged with bad
conduct in battle, of which, however, he was subsequently
acquitted. He resigned, and was chosen speaker of the
senate, next in succession to the governor, and made presi-
dent of the Board of War.
Harnett, one of the prime favorites earlier, had been com-
pelled to withdraw from public employment because of
impaired health ; and General Ashe, still more advanced in
years, likewise was a great sufferer, but continued as treas-
urer until 1 78 1. Many of the first men in talents and in
energy, having entered the military service, had become
separated from the civil administration, while death had
made considerable inroads in the ranks of the patriot leaders.
During Caswell's administration three years passed with-
out invasion ; and except local manifestations of disaffection
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS
645
and the great efforts made to sustain the army and to send ^
assistance to South Carolina, it was a period of repose, if
not of peace. The inhabitants were measurably engaged in
their customary vocations, the fields were tilled, the courts
were held, the churches were open, schools kept, and the
people lived much as usual. In general, the inhabitants su?einthe
reared in the forests had always been dependent on their 177* to 1780
own exertions for the comforts of life. But few articles
had been imported from abroad, and the isolation of war
brought no great change in the mode of living. Indeed, com-
merce was still continued, and necessary goods to some ex-
tent were imported; the spinning- jenny and the hand-loom
were constantly employed, and the people were dressed in
fabrics of their own manufacture. Salt was made on the
coast, and iron, another essential, was forged at the Gulf,
in Chatham County, in Johnston, in Nash, in Surry, Lincoln
and other counties. The dividing line between Virginia and
North Carolina had been run to the mountains by commis-
sioners, those on the part of Virginia being General Joshua
Fry and Peter Jefferson, and on the part of North Caro-
lin, Daniel Weldon and William Churton; but population
had extended into the wilderness beyond that line, and in
1779 commissioners were appointed to continue the line, sep-
arating Washington County from Virginia, and later Sul- 233/224,300
livan County was laid off. These two counties were to
extend west to the Tennessee or Ohio River — for even then
the course of those streams was not accurately known.
James Davis continued to publish his newspaper at New 1776-78
Bern, to print the laws and disseminate information; and
for the speedy transmission of intelligence posts were estab-
lished between New Bern and the several counties, while s. r., xv,
on special occasions horsemen were employed to carry news "3
with despatch.
s. R.,
XXIV,
During Nash's administration the surrender of Charleston Nash's
and the disaster at Camden and the invasion of Mecklenburg tion,n$lra*
caused distress, and the extraordinary efforts made to or-
ganize a new army and sustain the troops in the field bore
hard on the people and brought them to realize more fully
than ever the dire calamities of war and the doubtful nature
of the struggle in which they were engaged. As the years
0^6 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
lJ^ passed many began to despair and grow weary of the sacri-
fices they were constantly called on to make. The successive
drafts, the heavy taxes, the worthless currency, the impress-
ments and the privations of the war disheartened hundreds
who had once been zealous in the American cause.
Dr. Burke's zeal to correct abuses
SjR .. xv, In July, on the return of Dr. Burke to his home in Orange
County from the Continental Congress, he found the troops
who had recently arrived from the north in great distress
for the want of food and forage, and that the quarter-
masters were committing the most wanton destruction of
property. "Every mouth was filled with complaints, every
countenance expressing apprehension, dejection, indigna-
tion, and despair had the place of the animated zeal" which
he had before observed. Immediately he interposed to
check the abuses, and he undertook that all who should vol-
untarily furnish supplies should be paid without depreciation
July, 1780 ancj should be protected from all violence and injury. Much
of the situation he attributed to ill-advised acts of the
Assembly passed to restrain speculation, which prevented
retailers from purchasing from the merchants and put a
stop to importations. Natural trade and commerce, made
the more necessary by the prevalent conditions, were totally
arrested, and this evil he sought to remedy.
s r., xv, The State had ordered out eight thousand militia, one
division of which was already in the field, and the other was
on its march to the general rendezvous ; but the men were
without arms, and none were procurable. At that time Gov-
ernor Nash was at the east, and Dr. Burke urged him to
come to Hillsboro, attended by his council, where he would
be in more close communication with the army and could
better deal with the important matters of the day. Even
after the return of General Gates from Camden Dr. Burke
was pressing on that general to correct the irregularities of
his quartermasters in their dealings with the people. His
interposition to protect the inhabitants from unnecessary
exactions was greatly appreciated, spread his fame and in-
creased his popularity, and at the next election he reaped his
reward by being chosen governor.
77». 773
JOHNSTON IN THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS 647
Sam Johnston declines the presidency of Congress ^
In the fall of 1780 Willie Jones attended the Continental
Congress, but returned home on the opening of winter. On
December 29th Samuel Johnston took his seat. The articles
of confederation, having been agreed to by all the other
States, were finally accepted by Maryland on March 1, 1781,
and on the day following they were ratified in the Continen-
tal Congress by all the delegates from the several states, who
then signed them on behalf of their respective states, and
the confederation went into effect. For North Carolina they
were signed by Burke, Sharpe, and Johnston. Samuel
Huntington, of Connecticut, had been the president of the
congress under the old system. On July 9th an election
for president took place under the new system. Although
Samuel Johnston had been but six months a member of the
body, such was his recognized capacity, his learning and
high patriotism that he was chosen by the Continental Con-
gress its first president under the articles of confederation.
Unfortunately, circumstances forbade his accepting the high fe
honor, and on the following morning he declined "for such VII«"s
reasons as the congress regarded satisfactory." The day
following Johnston found himself constrained to return to
North Carolina. His family had fled from Edenton, and
the inhabitants of his immediate section were in such dis-
tress that he felt compelled to hasten home and share their
fortunes or aid in repairing them.
ournals of
ngress,
CHAPTER XXXVII
Nash's Administration, 1780-81 — Continued
The battle of Cowpens.— Cornwallis pursues Morgan. — The death
of Davidson. — Invasion of the State—Greene crosses the Dan. —
The endurance of the troops. — Cornwallis at Hillsboro. — On the
Cape Fear. — The movements of the armies. — Pyle's massacre-
Greene at Troublesome Creek. — Battle of Guilford Court House.
— Cornwallis moves east and Greene pursues.— Cornwallis reaches
Wilmington, Greene goes to South Carolina. — Craig occupies
Wilmington. — Death of Harnett. — Cornwallis' s plans. — Cornwallis
marches to Virginia. — The inhabitants distressed. — At Edenton. —
The Whigs rally. — Greene in South Carolina. — Death of Major
Eaton. — Cartel of exchange agreed on. — Atrocities lead to threats
of retaliation. — Gregory defends the Albemarle region.
The battle of Cowpens
l£l Strengthened by the arrival of Leslie's regiments, and
Memoirs pressed for provisions, Cornwallis with the opening of the
aw-*** ia7 new year determined on renewing his campaign. Engaging
s.rT,'xvu, Greene's attention with Leslie's corps, he threw Tarleton
98X1 a9a on Morgan, while he prepared to advance, hoping to sep-
arate the American columns and beat them in detail. On
January 17th Tarleton, confident of easy victory, came up
with Morgan at the Cowpens, near the North Carolina line,
some forty miles west of Charlotte; but after a stubborn
contest of fifty minutes his famous corps, that had been
regarded as invincible, was broken and dispersed and the
larger part of it taken prisoners. In arranging for the
battle Morgan established at his front two light parties of
militia, one hundred North Carolinians under Major
McDowell, of Burke County, and about fifty Georgians
under Major Cunningham. To these picked riflemen were
given orders to feel the enemy as he approached and to
maintain a well-aimed fire, and then, when they fell back,
to renew the conflict along with the first line of battle. This
main line was composed of about two hundred North Caro-
1. Banastrk Tarlbton
8. Daniel Morgan
2. Horatio Gates
4. Charles, Marquis Cornwalus
THE VICTORY AT COW PENS 649
lina militia and near a hundred South Carolinians, and was 2jl
under the command of General Andrew Pickens. Further
to the rear, on the crown of an eminence, were posted the
three hundred Maryland regulars and two companies of
Virginia militia and a company of Georgians, all commanded
by Colonel Howard, of Maryland. Washington's cavalry,
reinforced by a company of mounted militia, was held in
reserve. The field of battle was a sparse, open pine forest,
and the bright beams of the rising sun heralded the opening
of a glorious day.
Tarleton on reaching the ground impetuously rushed on
to strike his prey. On being attacked, the advanced riflemen,
after some skirmishing, fell back and joined the main line
under Pickens. The enemy, shouting, rushed forward, but
were received by a close and heavy volley; their advance
was not checked, however, and resorting to the bayonet, they
drove Pickens's line from its position. A part of that corps
took post on Howard's right, and as Tarleton pushed for-
ward he was received with unshaken firmness. The contest
became obstinate, each party, animated by the example of
its leader, nobly contending for victory. Outflanked, how-
ever, Howard's right began to yield, and the line retiring,
Morgan directed it to retreat to the cavalry. There a new
position was assumed with promptness. Mistaking this
movement for flight, the British rushed on with impetuosity
and disorder. As they drew near Howard faced about and Howard
poured in a close and murderous volley. Stunned by this
unexpected shock, the advance of the enemy recoiled in con-
fusion, and Howard's continentals rushed upon them with
the bayonet. The British reserve, having been brought close
to the front, shared in the destruction of the American fire,
and there was no rallying point offered for the fugitives.
At the rear the battle also went well. Two companies of
Tarleton's cavalry having made a detour to cut off the
Americans, Washington struck them with his dragoons and
drove them before him. Thus simultaneously the British
infantry and cavalry engaged were routed. Morgan with
promptness and resolution urged his victorious troops to
renewed efforts, and the pursuit became vigorous and gen-
eral. Colonel Washington having dashed forward fully
650
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
I781
Wheeler,
Hi»t. N. C,
II, 186
thirty yards ahead of his troops, Tarleton, in the rear of his
own, attended by two officers, turned and advanced to meet
him. Here a personal contest ensued between these two
heroes of the battlefield. Both, however, escaped the im-
minent peril. An anecdote has been preserved that some
months later, when Tarleton was at Halifax, he remarked
to the wife of Willie Jones that he understood that redoubt-
able leader, Washington, could not write, whereupon Mrs.
Jones replied: "You at least, sir, can bear witness that he
can make his mark," referring to a wound Tarleton re-
ceived on his hand in that encounter. Turning then to Mrs.
Ashe, the colonel said that he had never had the pleasure of
meeting Washington, and she answered quickly : "Had you
looked behind you at Cowpens you would have seen him."
The loss of the Americans was comparatively small, the
British, it was supposed, shooting too high — only n killed
and 61 wounded. The British suffered much more severely ;
150 were killed, 200 wounded, and 400 prisoners, chiefly
infantry. The artillery, 800 muskets, 2 standards, 35 bag-
gage wagons and 100 dragoon horses, besides the prisoners,
fell into Morgan's possession.
A part of Tarleton's horse that had early fled from the
field of battle carried information of the disaster to Corn-
wallis. That general fully realized the reverse following so
quickly the destruction of Ferguson's corps. A peer of the
British realm, trained from early youth to arms, now in his
forty-second year, a man of great ability and self-poise,
always accustomed to independent action and relying on his
own judgment, he was quick to decide the course to be
pursued. He resolved by celerity of movement to regain
his prisoners or to cut off Morgan's force before it could
be joined by the other part of Greene's army. On being
joined by Leslie he moved with despatch toward the fords
of the Catawba.
Lee's
Memoirs,
»33
Cornwallis pursues Morgan
Immediately after the engagement Morgan had hurried
a messenger to Greene with news of his victory, and that
general, comprehending the situation, on the 25th directed
General Huger to conduct the army to Salisbury, while he
997
MOVEMENTS OF CORNWALUS 651
himself with a few dragoons hastened to the, scene of active ljf*
operations.
Morgan, intent on evading pursuit, despatched his prison- s.R.,xvii,
ers under guard of General Stevens and the militia north- "~"
ward beyond the South Mountains toward Morganton.
Reaching the state road, Stevens turned eastward, crossing
the Catawba at Island Ford ;* and thence the prisoners were
conveyed beyond the Dan into Virginia. The general him-
self with his continentals pursued a lower route, and forded
the Catawba at Sherrill's. On the 28th Cornwallis reached
the vicinity of Beattie's Ford, ten miles below, and there
rested. He now determined to convert his army into light
troops by destroying his baggage. He set the example him-
self by committing to the flames the baggage of head-
quarters. Everything save a small supply of clothing, hos-
pital stores, salt, ammunition, and conveniences for the sick
was destroyed.
On the afternoon of the 31st General Greene arrived at
Beattie's Ford, where by appointment General Morgan was
waiting for him. By Greene's direction, General Davidson,
who had collected about five hundred militia, divided his
force and stationed some at different fords, of which there
were several to be guarded. He himself with about two
hundred infantry took post at a horse ford some two miles
distant from Cowan's Ford, where a small picket force was
stationed.
The death of Davidson
At dawn of February 1st the British army began to cross. S.R..XVH,
The first movement was by way of Cowan's Ford, and the ™*
pickets there gave speedy notice by their prompt firing.
Davidson hurried to the scene with his infantry, he himself
being on horseback. The enemy's vanguard had already
reached the eastern bank before his arrival, and there was
desultory firing while he was placing his men in position.
The British advance now pressed on Davidson's unformed g^^
line, and that practised officer ordered his men to withdraw ^3
about fifty yards to the cover of some trees, where they could
fight to better advantage. Hardly had he given his order
♦In the vicinity of Statesville.
652 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781 when he fell, pierced by a rifle ball. He was a trained con-
tinental officer, courageous, efficient and enterprising, and
he was much beloved by the inhabitants of his section and
greatly esteemed throughout the State. His death was a
great loss to the American cause and was widely lamented,
the Continental Congress itself ordering a monument to be
erected as a memorial of his distinguished worth.
The invasion of the State
Having effected a crossing, Cornwallis hurried toward
Salisbury, hoping to overtake Morgan, who had moved the
evening before. While the opposition to his crossing had
not delayed him, it had been so strenuous that the next day
in general orders he made his warmest acknowledgments
to the cool and determined bravery of the advance column
in accomplishing it.
CornwaiHs'. On entering North Carolina his Lordship issued frequent
inr cr t orders forbidding excesses by any of his troops. No negro
otdNo'di* was to be allowed to have arms. The strictest discipline was
w*ls*i. to be enforced, and there was to be no wanton destruction
of property or any unnecessary exactions from the inhab-
itants. He came, he said, to establish and maintain the
rights of the people as British subjects, and his army should
not be disgraced by any outrages. He required the punish-
ment of any soldier or camp follower who should disobey
his orders in this respect.
In the meantime Huger had been directed by Greene to
move on to Guilford Court House or the fords of the Yad-
kin and there await further orders. At midnight of the 1st
. Greene left the Catawba for Salisbury. An anecdote is
related in Johnson's "Reminiscences" that on his arrival at
the tavern in that hamlet, in reply to inquiries of Dr. Read,
the general could not refrain from answering: "Yes,
fatigued, hungry, alone and penniless." The benevolent
landlady, Mrs. Steele, overheard this remark, and hardly
was the general seated at a comfortable breakfast when
she presented herself, closed the door, and exhibiting a small
bag of specie in each hand, said : "Take these, for you will
want them, and I can do without them." Such was the
MOVEMENTS OF GREENE
653
spirit that had ever animated the patriotic women of lJs*
Salisbury.
There had been heavy rains on February 1st, and Mor-
gan's continentals passed the Yadkin at Trading Ford,
seven miles from Salisbury, just before the stream rose
rapidly from the flood.
Some of the militia, being the rear detachment, were over- graham'*
taken after night at the river bank by General O'Hara, who 300
was in hot pursuit, and a slight skirmish ensued. While
the Americans succeeded in escaping, the wagons and bag-
gage of that detachment fell into the hands of the enemy.
The river being impassable, Greene, now safe, rested on the H"v* . .
tiii 1 \, ri , unites with
eastern bank and then moved toward the upper fords, where Greene
he knew Cornwallis must go in order to cross. The British
commander, debarred from crossing lower, also turned
northward and pursued the road on the western side of
the river. Time having been thus afforded for Huger's
arrival, Greene marched eastward and reached Guilford
Court House on the 7th, where Huger joined him later on
that day.
Greene crosses the Dan
The united force of Americans, including five hundred
militia, somewhat exceeded twenty-three hundred men,
of whom nearly three hundred were excellent cavalry.
Cornwallis's army was estimated at twenty-five hundred
trained veterans. At a council of war held by Greene Lee's
it was determined not to give battle, but to cross the Dan ^I™1*??.
and await the arrival of more militia. Colonel Carrington
was directed to collect boats for the passage at Irwin's Ferry,
some seventy miles distant and well to the eastward; and
in order to delay pursuit a light corps of seven hundred
men was organized, the command of which was offered to
General Morgan. General Morgan had been in retirement
from illness when, at the instance of congress, in October
he accepted employment at the south, and the exposure to
which he had been subjected now resulted in an attack of
rheumatism, which incapacitated him for this active duty.
He therefore declined the command, and retired to his home
in Virginia. Colonel Otho Williams was then selected to
654 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
*J** f conduct the operations of that corps. He so manoeuvred
that the British commander mistook his detachment for
Greene's main body, and he delayed the pursuit until
Greene on February 13th succeeded in crossing the Dan.
Thepurauk More than once was Williams's rear guard, Lee's legion,
within musket shot of O'Hara's van, and it was with diffi-
culty that the men were restrained from bringing on an
engagement; but that was no part of Williams's purpose.
Eventually he, too, about three o'clock on the evening of
the 13th, reached the vicinity of the ferry, and by sunset
his infantry gained the river and were transported. Lee
had been left to keep the enemy in check, and about dark
he succeeded in withdrawing his cavalry, and between eight
and nine o'clock that night his men embarked in the boats,
making the horses swim the stream. Thus ended this long,
arduous and eventful retreat. "No operation during the
war," says Lee in his "Memoirs," "more attracted the public
attention than this did ; not only the toils and dangers en-
countered by a brave general and his brave army interested
the sympathy of the nation, but the safety of the South
hanging on its issue, excited universal concern." "When
we add the comfortless condition of our troops in point of
clothing — the shoes generally worn out, the body clothes
much tattered, and not more than one blanket for four men —
the rigor of the season, the inclemency of the weather, our
short stock of ammunition and shorter stock of provisions —
the single meal allowed us was always scanty though good in
quality and very nutritious, being bacon and corn meal —
and contrasted with the comfortable raiment and ample equip-
ment of the enemy, ... we have abundant cause to honor
the soldier whose mental resources smoothed every difficulty,
and ultimately made good a retreat of two hundred and
thirty miles . . . without the loss of either troops or stores."
This tribute to General Greene is but the expression of
the universal praise which has been bestowed upon that
great commander, not only by his countrymen but by the
agreeing voices of all men ; and yet something, too, is to
be said of those suffering patriots who constituted the rank
and file of his gallant army. Their endurance, their un-
flagging zeal, their spirit of self-sacrifice, entitle them to
CRAIG OCCUPIES WILMINGTON 655
unstinted praise and the grateful remembrance of pos- 'J*1
lerity.
Writing to Washington immediately on his arrival at
Irwin's Ferry, Greene himself said: "The miserable situa-
tion of the troops, the want of clothing, has rendered the
march the most painful imaginable, many hundreds of the
soldiers tracking the ground with their bloody feet. Your
feelings for the sufferings of the soldiers, had you been with
us, would have been severely tried."
Cornwallis, baffled in his purpose, yet apparently master J^Hiifiboro
of the situation, took post at Hillsboro, where he erected
the king's standard with great formality, saluting it with
twenty-one guns, and Josiah Martin, who had accompanied
him, once more essayed to enter upon the administration of
his office as royal governor. But neither the commander nor
the governor was to receive much comfort.
The British on the Cape Fear ^^
While these matters of moment were passing at the west,
the east as well had become greatly disturbed. Although
General Leslie had in November been diverted from occupy-
ing the lower Cape Fear, that purpose was not abandoned,
and contemporaneously with Arnold's invasion of the Chesa-
peake and Cornwallis's advance, such a movement was
undertaken. With a fleet of eighteen sail, carrying four
hundred regulars, artillery and dragoons, Major James H.
Craig was despatched to occupy Wilmington. His vessels
reached the harbor toward the last of January, and on
the 28th he approached the town. Taking possession, he at «781
once began to fortify by erecting batteries on the hills to 423 M
the north and south, and so strengthened himself that he
could not be attacked with any hope of success. At that
time it was also apprehended that there would be a move-
ment in the interior from Camden, and such stores as the
Americans had to the southward were moved across the
Cape Fear River. Aroused by the presence of their British
friends, the Tories of Bladen and Anson became active, and
it required strenuous efforts on the part of the local leaders
to suppress them. General Lillington at once called out the
militia of that section, but so many of them had been taken
656
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
lJf*. at Charleston and were on parole, and the country had been
so drained of adherents of the Whig cause, that but a small
force could be collected. To keep Craig in check, General
Caswell was ordered with the New Bern brigade and Gen-
eral Butler with the Hillsboro brigade to the assistance of
Lillington. Such was the situation when Cornwallis was
pursuing Greene across the western part of the State and
invading the western counties.
Graham's
Graham,
3"
S R
xxii', 123
Graham*t
Graham,
3*7
S R
xxii', i4t
Lee's
Memoirs,
»53
S R.
xxii', 1*4
Graham's
Graham,
3>9
Movements of the armies
After Davidson's death, although the militia of the west-
ern district had no commander, some seven hundred of them,
all horsemen, collected in the rear of the British army, and
in the absence of a brigadier chose General Andrew Pickens,
of South Carolina, as their commander. In the troop was
a company under Captain Graham that subsequently became
greatly distinguished. They followed the route taken by
Cornwallis through Salem and Guilford Court House, and
reached Hart's Mills, near Hillsboro, about the time that
Cornwallis established himself at that place.
There,on February22d, Lee's corps was joined to Pickens's
brigade, all under the command of the brigadier-general.
Other re-enforcements of North Carolina militia were also ex-
pected, and to facilitate their union and re-establish confidence,
three days after Cornwallis entered Hillsboro Greene himself
crossed the Dan and passed to the west of his adversary. In
response to Cornwallis's call, the Tories began to embody, and
some two hundred of them were collecting under Dr. Pyle
in Chatham and western Orange when Lee and Pickens were
advancing into that section. Tarleton, hearing that the
Whigs proposed to suppress the Tory rising, moved out
to protect Dr. Pyle and his recruits. Ignorant of the move-
ment of the Tories, Lee pursued his way to the southward,
and on the 24th, at a point south of the Haw, near the site
of the present town of Burlington, accidentally met the
Tories in the road, who, expecting Tarleton, and with no
information of the presence of any Whig force, arranged
themselves along the road to allow their supposed friends
to pass. As soon as Lee's dragoons had reached the ex-
tremity of the Tory line, the character of the Loyalists being
RE-ENFORCEMENTS FOR GREENE 657
discovered, a signal was made for an onslaught, and Pyle's *J^
unsuspecting men were quickly despatched. Ninety of them February
were killed outright and most of the survivors were Massacre of
wounded. Those not thrown to the ground dispersed in Toif«
every direction, but were not pursued. Lee lost in this
slaughter only one horse — not a single man. At the time
Tarleton was hardly a mile distant, but he was not advised
of the encounter or of the presence of a Whig force until
some fugitives brought him information.
Greene established himself between Troublesome Creek P.«eneat
and Reedy Fork, in the vicinity of Guilford Court House, someCreek
having his light corps interposed between his main army
and Cornwallis. His report of men fit for duty on the 17th
indicated a thousand continentals, less than two hundred
cavalry and a hundred mounted infantry — an effective force
of some fourteen hundred men ; but he was expecting a
regiment oT regulars from Virginia that had been hurried
forward and several thousand militia to join him. Gen-
eral Butler's brigade, that had been despatched to the assist-
ance of Lillington was ordered to return to the west, and
the Halifax brigade was collecting for the march. Gen-
eral Allen Jones, having to return, invited Sumner to take saR- xv»
command, but General Eaton claimed the right and refused
to relinquish it. Colonels William Campbell and Preston, Re-enforce-
of Virginia, were also hurrying to Greene's camp, as well
as smaller detachments under Majors Winston and Arm-
strong. General Stevens, too, who had conveyed the prison- mS^*,
ers taken at Cowpens to a place of security, was now return- a69
ing with his brigade of Virginia militia. To prevent the
junction of these re-enforcements and to strike Greene before
he was further strengthened, on February 26th Cornwallis
himself marched to the westward, establishing his head-
quarters at Hawkins's, to the west of Alamance Creek.
Doubtless he also hoped for accessions from the Tories. One
band of Loyalists from Deep River, consisting of about a
hundred, approached his camp on a night march. But GrahaS!"
Graham's company had been so bold and daring, even in 339
the vicinity of the British headquarters, that a troop of Tarle-
ton's dragoons, discovering the approach of an unknown
body of men at night, thought them Graham's troop, and fell
65«
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781
S.R.,XVII,
101 1
Graham's
Graham,
399
Lee's
Memoirs,
■65
on them and hacked up about thirty of the Loyalists before
the mistake became known. As Pyle's Tories had suffered
by mistaking Lee for Tarleton, so this party from Deep
River suffered at Tarleton's hands by being mistaken for
Graham's company. These mishaps tended to dissipate the
zeal of the Tories, so that but few united with the British
army. Indeed, Cornwallis was so disappointed at the luke-
warmness of the Regulators, from whom he had expected
much aid, that he wrote to Clinton: "I could not get one
hundred men in all the Regulators1 country to stay with us
even as militia."
To avoid a battle until ready, Greene directed the several
detachments of his army to be constantly in motion, chang-
ing their location every night, so that Cornwallis would not
know where to strike. During the period of manoeuvring
there were several affairs between the cavalry and Tarleton's
legion : one at Clapp's Mill on March 2d, followed by sev-
eral minor collisions the next day; and at Whitsell's Mill
on March 6th there was a hotly contested battle. In these
encounters Pickens's brigade, embracing Graham's troopers,
participated with much credit.
But the time of that brigade expired on the 3d, and after
remaining a few days longer, the men were dismissed and re-
turned to their homes.
Lee's
Memoirs,
17a
Battle of Guilford Court House
Finally, about March 7th, the British commander moved
farther west, near the Quaker settlement at New Garden;
and four days later Greene, having been joined by sufficient
reinforcements, prepared to give him battle. Several im-
portant highways met at Guilford Court House, and on the
14th (ireene took post on the New Garden, or Salisbury,
road leading to the west from that hamlet. He had carefully
selected his ground ; indeed, it is thought that on his hasty
march some weeks before he had chosen that battlefield.
For his first line he placed on the right of that road Eaton's
militia, and on the left Butler's, both being protected by a
rail fence that skirted an open field which lay in their front.
On either Hank there were stationed some three hundred
regulars to give stability to the militia. In the rear of this
1. Guilford Court House Battlefield To-day
2. Nathanael Greene
NASH'S CONTINENTALS
659
line there was a woodland, in which three hundred yards
distant he posted the Virginia militia under Lawson and
Stevens; while the continentals were reserved for his main
line some five hundred yards still farther to the rear.
The British moved with precision, being well-trained vet-
erans. Cornwallis's own regiment was renowned and had
fought many battles. The Welsh Fusiliers, distinguished by
having the Prince of Wales nominally for its colonel, was
commanded by Colonel Webster, one of the most accom-
plished officers in the army. The Seventy-first Scotch High-
landers, known in the annals as the Black Watch, had a
record of great glory; and the Queen's Guards, com-
manded by Colonel Stuart, was a famous corps. The
field pieces, as usual, began the engagement. As the
British regulars advanced with fixed bayonets, they gained n
the open field and approached within forty yards before
perceiving the North Carolina militia behind the fence. For
a moment the two lines stood in silence, then Webster, as
gallant in action as wise in counsel, ordered a charge, and
his troops rushed forward, receiving a hot fire from the
American line. Dreadful was the havoc on both sides at
this initial point of the conflict. The fire on the right was
deadly, some of the Americans fighting like heroes. The
militia, however, speedily broke before the British bayonets,
Eaton first, then Butler's, and retreating, passed through the
Virginians posted in their rear, throwing them into con-
fusion. Lawson's Virginians likewise gave way, but
Stevens's brigade made a firm stand. Eventually they, too,
were pressed back on the continentals. Here the Second
Maryland Battalion, a new organization, never before under
fire, followed the example of the militia ; but the First Mary-
land, after a well-directed volley, charged with the bayonet,
routed the enemy and pursued them. Bloody and fierce now
was the battle, the continentals and Washington's cavalry
fighting with courage and resolution seldom surpassed. The
British loss bears witness to the valor of their foe. Greene's
army had, however, been severed into detached fragments,
and he feared to risk a prolongation of the contest. The
enemy rallying and threatening his rear, he prudently and
skilfully withdrew his forces from the field.
1781
March 15th
Lee's
Memoirs,
277, 280
Lamb's
Hist. Am.
Rev., 361
Schenck's
North
Carolina,
1780-81, 345
McRee's
Iredell, I,
493
S.R..XVII,
1003
66o
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781
Great
slaughter
Lee's
Memoirs,
984
The terrible
night
A similarity is to be observed on the American side be-
tween the arrangement of the troops in this and in the battle
of Cowpens, and also in the course of events during the
progress of the battles up to the breaking of the Second
Maryland Continentals. But on the British side there was
much difference. At Cowpens the action of Tarleton's corps
was not comparable to the steady conduct of the regulars
in this great battle, comprising some of the most famous or-
ganizations in the history of the British army. Apparently
they might have been destroyed, but could not have been
driven from the field.
The American loss was 14 officers and 312 of the con-
tinental troops killed, wounded and missing. Many of the
militia were missing, although no prisoners were taken. Of
the militia, 4 captains and 17 privates were reported killed,
a dozen officers and 60 privates wounded, as was also Brig-
adier-General Stevens. The slaughter of the British was
much greater. The official report states their loss at 532, of
whom 93 were left dead on the battlefield. Colonel Stuart
and Lieutenant O'Hara, brother to the general, and many
other officers, were killed outright ; but few escaped without
wounds. Many, among them Colonel Webster, died of their
wounds. Seldom has an army suffered so severely. At the
outset there was terrible slaughter, the Highlanders being
piled upon each other. In the progress of the battle Corn-
wallis himself was unhorsed, his guards lay weltering in
their blood, the gallant Webster on the ground, O'Hara
disabled by his wounds, Tarleton with a rifle ball through
his hand, Howard borne off the field, and Stuart still in
death. The rank and file suffered alike. But the culmina-
tion of the carnage was in the final encounters of that fate-
ful day. It was the immolation of an army of veterans
intent on victory. The battle being joined, Cornwallis re-
solved on destruction rather than defeat; and while he
gained the victory, he lost his army.
The night succeeding this day of blood was dark and
cold, much rain falling. The dead lay unburied, the wounded
unsheltered, and the groans of the dying and the shrieks
of the living cast a deeper shade over the gloom of nature.
Fatigued as the British troops were, without discrimination
CORN W ALU S'S RETREAT
661
s.r.,xviii.
In Parha- k»7
pursues
Coi
rnwallis
they took the best care of the fallen soldiers the situation ]£l
admitted ; but without tents and the houses being few, many
of both armies were exposed to the deluge of rain, and it
was said that not less than fifty died during the night. The
next morning was spent in burying the dead and in provid-
ing comfort for the wounded, Cornwallis paying equal atten-
tion to friends and foes. He was a man of generous and
lofty spirit, and rancor was foreign to his nature
ment he had been a friend of America and had opposed the
measures of the ministry. Now he treated the fallen with-
out discrimination. The dead being buried, he returned to
New Garden, leaving some seventy of his wounded, incapa-
ble of being moved, to the humanity of General Greene.
There on the 18th he issued a proclamation calling on the
Loyalists to return actively to their duties and contribute to
the restoration of government.*
On the 1 8th he began to move eastward by easy marches,
having care for the comfort of his wounded, and being pJJ;eu™
obliged to subsist on the country. Greene at once notified
Colonel Lee: "I mean to fight the enemy again, and wish
you to have your legion and riflemen ready for action on
the shortest notice." But it was not until the 20th that he
could move, for ammunition had to be supplied, cartridges
made and provisions collected. In the meantime Lee's legion
and Campbell's riflemen pressed the rear of the British
commander, who dared not hazard another encounter.
Willie Jones, who after the battle was appointed lieu-
tenant-colonel of Read's militia regiment, while on the pur-
suit wrote : "We expect to come up with them in a day or two 499
and to take a part, if not the whole British army." The
men were now in fine spirits, and were so resolute that
had Greene overtaken Cornwallis the British army would
doubtless have been destroyed and Ramsey's Mills would
have been an historic spot.
On the night of the 22d the British army lay at Dixon's
Mills, on Cane Creek, in Chatham County. From there it
♦Cornwallis wrote to Clinton: "Many of the inhabitants rode into
camp, shook me by the hand, said they were glad to see us, and to „£"*
hear that we had beat Greene, and then rode home again."
McRee's
Iredell, I,
662
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781
London,
Revo. Hist.
Chatham
County
Lee's
Memoirs,
•90
S.R.,XVII,
101 1
1781
Greene goes
south
McRee's
Iredell, I,
497
S. R., XV,
434. 440, 443
marched to Pittsboro, and thence to Ramsey's Mills.* Here
Cornwallis found it necessary to build a bridge and to collect
supplies to carry him across the barrens to Campbellton. So
quick had been his pursuers on the track that while he was
yet at Ramsey's Greene reached Rigsden's Ford, on Deep
River, twelve miles above, but hesitated to cross, uncertain
of Cornwall is's intentions. The bridge completed, the Brit-
ish commander, finding himself in peril, decamped with such
speed that he left some of his dead unburied, and was unable
to burn the bridge behind him. The next day, the 28th,
Greene's main force arrived; but it was considered impos-
sible to subsist his army in the wake of CornwalhYs, and the
pursuit was reluctantly discontinued.
At Cross Creek Cornwallis suffered another disappoint-
ment in finding that his Loyalist friends were yet passive
and had not brought in supplies for his army. He remained
there several days, and then departed for Wilmington, where
he arrived on April 7th. On the way it became his painful
duty to bury the remains of the lamented Colonel Webster,
who, borne on a litter between two horses, was found dead
near Elizabethtown. The interment was on the plantation of
Colonel Waddell.
Greene rested his army for a week, dismissed nearly all
of his militia, and just as Cornwallis was entering Wilming-
ton set out to recover South Carolina. At his camp on
Deep River he left General Butler, who remained for some
weeks on duty at that post. But notwithstanding Greene's
departure" from North Carolina, there was no relaxation in
efforts to strengthen his army. The council ordered that
those of Butler's and Eaton's brigades who had abandoned
their posts at the battle of Guilford Court House should be
drafted into the continentals for twelve months; and four
days after Greene marched Butler sent forward two hun-
dred and forty of these twelve months' continentals, and
on the same day Major Pinketham Eaton received in Chat-
ham a hundred and seventy of Eaton's brigade and con-
ducted them to the south. This corps, reduced somewhat
by desertions, under Major Eaton, later performed excellent
service, especially at Augusta.
♦Now Lockville.
BRITISH IN WILMINGTON
663
Arriving in South Carolina, Greene, divining the probable Ijjl
movement of Cornwallis, directed Sumner that if the British
general should come south to the relief of Rawdon he should
hurry with every available man to his assistance; but if
Cornwallis marched to Virginia, then Sumner with his con-
tinental drafts should go to the aid of Baron Steuben.
Greene, as commander of the department, had direction of
operations in Virginia as well as in the Carolinas, and he
ordered Steuben to be very cautious and conservative and
not to hazard a battle unless under very favorable cir-
cumstances.
Craig at Wilmington
The approach of the British fleet bearing Major Craig's
detachment caused the greatest consternation among the
Whigs of Wilmington, and many families hastened to leave
the town, seeking safety with friends in the country, while
others thought it more prudent to trust to the humanity
of the British officers. At that time Brunswick, which con-
tained about sixty houses, was entirely deserted, and Wil-
mington, where there were about two hundred houses, con-
tained but a thousand inhabitants. At the first information
of peril Bloodworth, the receiver of the tax in kind, stored 6^4 "'
his commodities on a vessel, which he hurried up the North-
east Branch of the Cape Fear ; but Craig made pursuit, over-
took and burned the vessel some twenty miles from the
town. Of the inhabitants a considerable proportion were
disaffected, and soon a petition was circulated for all to sign,
praying to be received as British subjects, and those who
declined this abasement fell under the ban of displeasure.
Hardly had Craig settled himself on shore before squads Dealh of
of troopers were scouring the country to arrest those who Harnett
were particularly obnoxious to the British, and the leading Bio«. Hist,
patriots fled for safety. Harnett had withdrawn to Onslow °^.c.,ii,
County. He had a considerable quantity of public funds
in his care, and he hastened to place it in safe hands, and
then proceeded to Colonel Spicer's. There he was seized
with a fit of his malady, the gout, and became unable to
travel farther. His place of refuge was betrayed by some
Loyalist, and he speedily was captured and, notwithstanding
S R
XXH, 543
163
664
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781
Lillington at
Heron
Bridge
Dickson's
Letters, 3
S. R., XXI,
829
McRee's
Iredell, I,
53«
Bloodworth
his illness, was conveyed with indignity to the British quar-
ters. He suffered much ill-treatment, which his enfeebled
frame could not endure, and a few weeks later died, about
April 30, 1 781. Thus passed away "the Pride of the Cape
Fear," who from the beginning had been the ardent advo-
cate of his country's freedom.
Similar efforts were made to capt'ire every Whig of con-
sequence, and many were taken by the Tories and British
dragoons. But the patriot leaders, while beset by difficulties,
were not dismayed. General Lillington, having embodied
his militia, took post at Heron Bridge, ten miles up the
Northeast River, where he was joined by Kenan with the
Duplin militia and Moore with a detachment from Bruns-
wick and some companies from Onslow; while Colonel
Brown sought to hold in check the Tories of Bladen. The
brigades of Caswell and Butler were at first ordered to his
aid, but Cornwallis's operations at the west required that
all the militia possible should be withdrawn to reinforce
General Greene, and for a time Lillington was left to his own
resources.
About the end of February Craig advanced to dislodge
him, making a night attack. Lillington's advanced guard
was surprised and dispersed, and a smart skirmish occurred
at the bridge, the British using their artillery on the Whig
entrenchments on the farther side of the river. The militia,
however, maintained their position, and at the end of two
days Craig retired to Wilmington. He had occupied the
McKenzie place, known as Mount Blake, and when he with-
drew a party of the Whigs crossed the river and burned that
residence. Lillington continued quietly in his camp, with
headquarters at the Mulberry plantation, near by, keeping
watch and ward. For a time Craig busied himself in con-
structing fortifications around Wilmington; but numerous
were the forays of the British troopers, and often murderous
in their execution. Tradition still survives of the massacre
at the ''eight-mile house," where butchery as a pastime added
to the horrors of warfare. Some of the Whigs, too, dis-
played boldness and enterprise. Bloodworth had kept the
ferry from Point Peter across the mouth of the Northeast
River in the outskirts of Wilmington, and was familiar with
CORNIVALLIS'S PLANS 665
that locality. Taking post within a large hollow tree on the 2^
Point he fired day after day, across the river, at the troopers
as they brought their horses to water, several victims fall-
ing at the unerring hand of their unseen and mysterious foe.
Finally a party being sent to dislodge him, Bloodworth suc-
cessfully escaped.*
ComwalhYs plans
When the wounded of Cornwallis's army reached Wil-
mington the church building there was converted into a
hospital, and later it is said was used by Craig's cavalry.
Although Cornwallis had succeeded in avoiding a second
battle with Greene, he now found himself in a fearful
dilemma. The generalissimo at the south could not remain
inactive. He must move either in one direction or the other.
Conflicting indeed must have been his emotions when reflect-
ing on his painful situation. He found himself under the
necessity of abandoning Lord Rawdon to his fate, and almost
in despair he resolved to seek his own safety in Virginia. loi^'ioao
"By a direct move toward Camden," he wrote, "I cannot
get time enough to relieve Lord Rawdon; and should
he have fallen [back] my army would be exposed to the
utmost danger." He dwelt on the exhausted state of the
country, the numerous militia, the almost universal spirit
of revolt and the strength of Greene's army, whose con-
tinentals alone were as numerous as his own force. Still
he hoped to draw Greene back from the game of war in
South Carolina by threatening the interior of North Caro-
lina. He resolved to march by Duplin Court House, point-
ing toward Hillsboro, expecting that this might lead to
Greene's return ; and yet with his depleted ranks he feared
to meet Greene again in battle. Ultimately he had in view
to form a junction with General Phillips. But he realized
that the attempt would be exceedingly hazardous and might
prove wholly impracticable, and he warned that commander
not to take any steps "that might expose your army to the
danger of being ruined."
On April 23d he wrote to Clinton : "Neither my cavalry
♦According to the tradition as the author heard it in 1847, Blood-
worth, a gunsmith, used a long conical ball for his rifle on that
occasion. The minie ball came into note some years later.
666
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781
sTr.,xvii,
1018, 1019
The effects
of Guilford
Court
House
S. R..XVII,
19a!
Cornwall!*
inarches to
Virginia
or infantry are in readiness to move ; the former are in want
of everything, the latter of every necessary but shoes ; . . . I
must, however, begin my march to-morrow. . . . My present
undertaking sits heavy on my mind ; I have experienced the
distresses and dangers of marching some hundreds of miles
in a country chiefly hostile, without one active or useful
friend, without intelligence and without communication with
any part of the country. The situation in which I leave
South Carolina adds much to my anxiety, yet I am under
the necessity of adopting this hazardous enterprise hastily
and with the appearance of precipitation, as I find there is
no prospect of speedy reinforcement from Europe and that
the return of General Greene to North Carolina . . . would
put a junction with General Phillips out of my power." To
Phillips he said: "My situation here is very distressing.
Greene took advantage of my being obliged to come to this
place, and has marched to South Carolina."
Indeed, Cornwallis's discomfiture at Guilford Court House
altered the situation so greatly that Clinton wrote to Phil-
lips that, it has "considerably changed the complexion of
our affairs to the southward, and all operations to the north-
ward must probably give place to those in favor of his
Lordship, which at present appear to require our more im-
mediate attention." Phillips had with him in Virginia thirty-
five hundred men, and Clinton embarked seventeen hundred
more to strengthen that corps for the benefit of Cornwallis.
After a fortnight's rest at Wilmington, the remnants of his
shattered regiments again fell into ranks and began their
march to the northward. Gloomy indeed must the outlook
have been to the commander-in-chief of the British armies
at the south when, baffled, disappointed, defeated, and dis-
tressed, in the closing days of April he bade farewell to
Major Craig and Josiah Martin, the whilom governor of
North Carolina, and with a heavy heart once more essayed
the chances of doubtful war.
His progress was unopposed. When information of this
movement was despatched to Governor Nash at New Bern
he directed Lillington to fall back to Kinston, where Major-
General Caswell, the commander-in-chief, had his head-
quarters, and the governor sent Baron Glaubeck to the front
CORNWALLIS MOVES NORTH 667
to watch the enemy. He ordered the militia of Halifax and ^
of the neighboring counties to assemble at Tarboro, and he J^c. Uni.
himself hastened to that point. *i*&ss) *
On reaching Kinston, presumably under the orders of
Major-General Caswell, Lillington disbanded his militia, ex-
cept one company retained to guard the artillery and stores,
and the men returned to their respective homes to protect
their families from marauders.
The inhabitants distressed
The march of the British column was slow and delib-
erate. The Whigs, unable to resist, scurried into the swamps
or fled to a distance. The disaffected rose in numbers and
gave every manifestation of loyalty. They now wreaked
vengeance on their neighbors for all they had suffered since
the beginning of the Revolution. The track of the army was
a scene of desolation, and the Whig settlements were
scourged as by the plagues of Pharaoh.
In Duplin the whole country was struck with terror,
almost every man leaving his habitation and his family to the
mercy of the merciless enemy. Horses, cattle and every kind
of stock were driven off from every plantation, corn and
forage taken, houses plundered, chests and trunks broken,
and the clothing of women and children, as well as that of
the men, was carried away. These outrages were com-
mitted for the most part by the camp followers, who, under
the protection of the army, plundered the distressed inhab-
itants. There were also many women who followed the
army in the character of wives of the officers and soldiers,
a certain number of women being allowed for each company.
These were generally mounted on fine horses and were Dickson*,
dressed in the best clothes that could be taken from the ers,IS
inhabitants as the army marched through the country.
On May 6th Cornwallis reached Peacock's Bridge, on s. r.,xv,
the Cotechney, and there was the first clash of arms. Colonel 4*6
Gorham with four hundred militia made a stand at the
bridge, but Tarleton by a bold dash drove him off, and there
was no further opposition. All the stores and the men
drafted for the continentals and the militia were moved to
the westward, and Governor Nash and General Sumner, in
668 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
,7^ Warren, listened for news of the British progress. Glau-
beck, trained from early youth a soldier, was seeking to
procure arms for the men assigned to his command, and in
the absence of swords, improvised weapons made of hickory
clubs. With these he hung on the outskirts of the British
lines and kept in check the barbarous camp followers. In
Nash a squad of Tories, who had risen on their neighbors,
were roughly handled and hotly pursued.
S6,R",XV* "Not a man of any rank or distinction, or scarcely any
man of property," wrote Colonel Seawell, "has lain in his
house since the British passed through Nash County. We
are distressed with all the rogues and vagabonds that Corn-
wallis can raise to pest us with. ... A certain Robert Beard
with fifteen others on Friday last seized the person of John
Ferrell, I sham Alford and Robert Melton, together with
seven horses and I think three guns, . . . and carried them
all off. Our men after collecting, pursued them; but night
coming on, and drawing near the enemy's lines, they re-
turned without any luck."
On May 10th Cornwallis entered Halifax, and after a
short rest marched on to Petersburg, where he arrived on the
20th, finding to his sorrow that a week earlier General Phil-
lips had died from disease. His departure, however, was
not followed by a calm. From Heron's Bridge to Halifax
the Tories had their day of rejoicing, and the Whigs fled
to hiding places, their farms ravaged and the sanctity of
their homes often violated. For days and weeks the Tory
bands held high carnival, and no Whig dared sleep in his
house for fear of capture. Many were seized and carried
to Wilmington, where some were thrown into irons and sub-
jected to cruel indignities.
i?e*iM Terrible were the reports that were spread of the horrible
s«4 ' ' misdeeds of the soldiers and camp followers. Plantations
were despoiled, women outraged, even members of some of
the best-known families of the State. The most painful
apprehensions were excited because of their shameful con-
duct. The culmination of these outrages occurred in the
vicinity of Halifax, where, says Stedman, "some enormi-
ties were committed that were a disgrace to the name of
WAR IN THE EAST
669
man"; and Tarleton states that there "a sergeant and a 'Jl1
dragoon were executed" for their crimes against society. JiVmoin
4«3
At Edenton
The Albemarle region was swept over by a storm of fears. }j££jf 'J
The near approach of the British from the Chesapeake, 506-511
the passage through neighboring counties of Cornwallis,
rumors that a body of two thousand negroes had been sent
to forage and collect supplies for the British army, the in-
vasion of the sound by boats belonging to privateersmen
too strong to be resisted, caused widespread alarm, and the
inhabitants of Edenton dispersed. Edenton itself was McRee's
raided, vessels taken, some burned and others carried off.
But quickly the people recovered their resolution, and parties
were formed to rid the sound of the raiders. The enemy
was driven out, one of the British galleys taken and some of
the vessels recaptured. "The inhabitants in general and the
sailors turned out unanimously. I never saw, nor could even
hope to see," wrote Charles Johnson in the midst of that
turmoil and confusion, "so much public spirit, personal cour-
age and intrepid resolution. I am convinced that was the
measure adopted of fitting out one or two armed vessels
we might laugh at all attempts of the enemy's plundering
banditti."
Iredell, I,
515
The Whigs rally
In other sections also the same spirit was displayed, and
the Whigs rallied and beat down the Tories and re-estab-
lished the authority of the State.
James Armstrong, writing from Martinboro at the end
of May, said : ''We have been alarmed for ten days past by
the Tories embodying about us, but they seem to drop off.
Thirty horse from this county and a few from Craven . . .
went up to Edgecombe, took Benjamin Vichous, one of their
ringleaders, and twenty-one head of cattle, which they had
collected for "the British army; since, they wrote to me for
peace, and was granted it provided they gave up their arms."
In Duplin, wrote Mr. Dickson, "the Tories rose and took
several of our leading men and carried them to Wilmington.
There were numbers of our good citizens, thus betrayed,
s. R., xv,
467
670 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
781 who perished on board prison ships. This so alarmed the in-
M»y habitants that none of us dared to sleep in our houses for fear
of being surprised. Matters being thus in confusion, there
was no subordination among men, but all the proprietors
raised and commanded their own little parties and defended
themselves as they could. At length, however, Colonel
Kenan embodied some four hundred of the militia, and quiet
was restored." Many inhabitants because of these disturb-
ances removed their families to the west, and even to Vir-
ginia, abandoning their plantations entirely. In New Han-
over it was still worse. That county was measurably de-
populated and a scene of universal desolation. It was at
this time that General Ashe was wounded and captured and
imprisoned at Wilmington, where he contracted the small-
pox. This plague generally accompanied the British camp
Death of and became a fearful scourge. When convalescent, broken
in health, Ashe was paroled in October only to die a few
days later at Colonel Sampson's in Duplin County. The
first to take up arms in North Carolina, he passed away
ignorant of Cornwallis's surrender, and without a view of
. the promised land of independence.
/ Greene in South Carolina
^ After breaking camp on Deep River, Greene hurried across
the barrens and soon reached the bountiful region of the
Peedee. He lost no time in striking his blows. On
April 20th he approached Camden, taking post at Hobkirk's
i^e'i Hill, where on the morning of the 25th Lord^JtewrJon
Memoin, attacked him, both suffering severely. The loss of each was
somewhat more than two hundred and fifty, about one-fourth
Hobkirk's of their respective commands. In this battle, except those
attached to Colonel Washington's cavalry, there were only
about two hundred and fifty North Carolinians, being a
militia battalion commanded by Colonel James Read; and
these, having been placed in the reserve, although they gal-
lantly and bravely marched forward to relieve the retreating
continentals, were not in the thickest of the engagement.
Their conduct, however, won them encomiums.
On May 10th, by Greene's strategy, Rawdon was com-
pelled to abandon Camden, so that only Ninety-six and
Hill
RAW DON FORCED INTO CHARLESTON
671
Memoirs,
357
1781
Augusta were retained as British posts in_ the interior. **"
Quickly Greene determined to drive the enemy entirely
from the country and to hedge them in at Charleston. With
this view, he detached Colonel Lee's and Major Eaton's con-
tinentals, who had just joined him, to attack Augusta, then Augusta
held by Colonel Browne and Colonel Grierson, in whose uken
honor one of the forts was named. Fort Grierson was
the one first attacked. In the assault the American loss Lee's
was trivial, a few wounded and fewer killed. But unhappily
among the latter was Major Eaton, who had endeared him-
self to both officers and soldiers, and who fell gallantly at
the head of his battalion in the moment of victory.* The gSm0'
siege of Augusta was then continued until June 5th, when
Colonel Browne capitulated. During its continuance the
North Carolina continentals behaved with the utmost gal-
lantry. Greene's prisoners now numbered eight hundred,
and he sent them to Salisbury, guarded by a detachment
under the command of Major Armstrong and other con-
tinental officers.
In May Greene had himself undertaken the siege of ^riS?**
Ninety-six, a strong fort admirably defended. Lord Raw-
don, having received considerable re-enforcements at Charles-
ton, now pressed forward to relieve that garrison, and on the
near approach of this superior force Greene resolved if
possible to carry the fort by assault.
On June 18th he led his army to the attack. A desperate June 18
conflict ensued, but without avail, and the next morning
Greene withdrew beyond the Saluda, proposing if pressed
to seek safety in North Carolina. Rawdon, however, deter-
mined to abandon Ninety-six and retire to Charleston, and
Greene returned, taking post on the high hills of the Santee
awaiting re-enforcements from North Carolina, for North
Carolina was now his only dependence.
Cartel of exchange agreed on
On the Peedee on May 3, 1781, Colonel Carrington, on
the part of General Greene, and Captain Cornwallis, on the
*Major Eaton commanded the new continentals, composed largely
of men from Butler's and Eaton's brigades who had behaved badly at
Guilford Court House.
672
NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
1781
part of the Earl, had a meeting and agreed on an exchange
of all prisoners. Pursuant to their action, the commissaries
of prisoners at once gave notice that all militia taken on
either side were absolutely exchanged, and were liberated
from their paroles. This set free such of the North Caro-
lina militia as had been captured at Charleston, at Camden
and elsewhere, and tended somewhat to strengthen the militia
force of the State. The continentals, officers and men, had
to suffer longer delay, but it was agreed that the delivery
would begin toward the end of June, and these prisoners
were to be conveyed to the James River and then be at
liberty to return to military service.
Painful indeed had been the period of their captivity and
distressing the mortality among the men, which perhaps was
quite equal to that horrid record of the hulks off Long
Island, which shocked humanity. Many of the exchanged
officers late in the summer were able to take their places
in the continental battalions and served with Greene until the
end of the war.
McRee's
Iredell, I,
5*7
S. R ,
XXII, 1024
Atrocities lead to threats of retaliation
The excesses and atrocities of the Tories were intolerable,
and the animosity which was felt against them assumed the
character of ferocity. Many of them, when taken, were
summarily executed as murderers and robbers. "I heard/'
wrote Mrs. Blair toward the end of May, "that some of the
people about New Bern who had intended joining Lord Corn-
wallis had been taken and nine executed. The man who
brought the account said he saw one of them hanged. Cap-
tain Pasteur, one of the party who made the capture, while
riding with a prisoner behind him, was fired at in passing
through a swamp and so badly wounded that he survived
but three days." On June 20th Major Craig addressed
Governor Nash on "the inhuman treatment" of the king's
friends, the deliberate and wanton murders committed on
them, which called for vengeance. "Had I listened only to
the first emotions excited by the account of Mr. Caswell'scon-
duct in murdering five men at Kinston, . . . Mr. Samuel Ashe
and his comrades, who were put in irons for the purpose,
would have become the immediate victims to his unwarrant-
CRUELTIES AND RET ALIA TION 673
able cruelty." Major Craig threatened that if the acts he l£l
described were continued he would give the people who June
had taken arms in the king's favor ample revenge, and
"I shall not hesitate to deliver over to them those prisoners
who from character or situation are most likely to gratify
them in those sentiments." This communication was re-
ceived by Governor Burke, who had just been elected suc-
cessor to Governor Nash. It appears that Major Ashe, his
younger brother and others taken by scouting bands of
Tories, had been thrown into irons, confined on shipboard
and threatened to be delivered up to the Tories for their
vengeance. Burke answered with resolution: " Should you . . .
continue your treatment of those citizens or listen to any
emotions which may dictate any measure against them on
the ground of retaliation, ... I shall find myself under the ^R.^ ^
unhappy necessity of taking similar measures against British
prisoners, though all such measures are utterly repugnant
to my disposition." "There are at present," he added,
"some prisoners in my power."
Burke's threatened retaliation resulted in checking Craig
in his measures of revenge. Many of these prisoners, not
taken on the field of battle, were, however, conveyed to
Charleston and paroled to James Island, where were congre-
gated a large number of Tory refugees, men driven from
their homes, animated by a relentless hostility toward the
Whigs, some of desperate and despicable characters, who
were a menace to the lives of these unfortunate captives.
But Craig, foiled in his purpose as to Major Ashe, con-
ceived the design of wreaking vengeance on the person of
Burke himself should the occasion arise. He devised the
capture of the governor, and planned to hold him for pur-
poses of retaliation in case any of his Tory lieutenants
should fall into the hands of the Whigs and be severely
dealt with.
Gregory defends the Albemarle region
While attention was centred on the larger movements at
the south and west, the Albemarle region was constantly
threatened.
In the fall of 1780 there was sharp skirmishing, with some
674 NASH'S ADMINISTRATION, 1780-81
*2?* loss of life, between Leslie's foraging parties and the militia
n.°& *iv' unc*er General Gregory, who had taken post near the Great
144 " ' Bridge. And early in 1781, when Arnold's corps arrived,
Gregory again was quickly in service. It was about the end
of February that a circumstance occurred from which it ap-
peared that a British officer sought to place the American
general in the light of a traitor, but the affair afterward was
shown to be a joke and without foundation. Still, to have
been suspected of being a traitor grated terribly on the feel-
ings of that sterling patriot. Despite his mortification, he
continued to hold his camp at the Northwest Landing, and
although once compelled to withdraw, he soon occupied it
again. One of the few who won honor at Camden, his good
fame was never tarnished by an unworthy action,
myitis "During the winter and spring," wrote Dr. Hugh Will-
iamson, "I had not so much as an assistant ... in General
Gregory's camp." "Nothing but frenzy could have tempted
the general to . . . remain a minute in his camp, after the
enemy had arrived at McPherson's" ; but he added : "Gen-
eral Gregory has again taken possession of his camp with all
his cannon and stores." All the spring and summer the
general remained on guard, but toward the end of August,
the British having abandoned Portsmouth and proceeded to
Yorktown, General Gregory deemed it unnecessary for the
militia to continue in service longer than to reduce some of
the disaffected to terms, and then he dismissed his men,
who had so effectively protected the Albemarle region.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
Burke's Administration, 1781-82
Conditions in North Carolina. — Major Craig at Wilmington. — The
Assembly meets. — Burke governor. — Action of Assembly.--Governor
Burke's zeal. — Fanning embodies the Tories. — Pittsboro taken. — Con-
ditions in Bladen. — Wade's victory. — Cornwallis's plans. — South Quay
captured. — New continental battalions. — Craig invades the eastern
counties. — Lillington forbidden to fight. — New Bern taken. — Tory
atrocities. — Battle of Elizabethtown. — Governor Burke's plans. — Fan-
ning defeats Wade. — The governor captured. — The battle of Cane
Creek. — Butler surprised at Brown Marsh. — The battle of Eutaw
Springs. — The gallantry of the North Carolinians.
Conditions in North Carolina
General Sumner had been directed by General Greene to ffi
remain in North Carolina and organize the men drafted into
the continental service, and he was during the spring active April,
in the performance of this duty. Every thirtieth man had
been called out for this service, but they were to be selected
in their respective neighborhoods and clothing provided for s R xv^
them, and progress was slow. In April these drafts were 465
assembled at Harrisburg,* doubtless with the view of co-
operating with Steuben in Virginia; but later General
Greene ordered such as were then ready to join him in South
Carolina, and May 26th Major Armstrong sent forward one
hundred and eighty from Salisbury. There was much delay
incident to the fearful times. About the middle of June
Captain Doherty, writing from Duplin Court House, said
that the "tumults in this part of the country have been the
cause of the delay in collecting the men, but at present some
little respite from the cursed Tories, but cannot say they are
entirely subdued. More than half the draft made in Duplin
have been among the Tories, or of men so disaffected that
they will not appear. The men have been so harassed by
"'Near Oxford.
676
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
1781
S. R., XV,
487
being kept in arms that hitherto they could not attend to
providing the clothing, and without clothing they cannot
march."
Colonel Joseph Hawkins, a zealous officer, with his regi-
ment of light horse was at the same time on the head of
Black River among the Tories; the people there, except
one family, he reported "as being all disaffected." "The
Tories," he said, "continued to carry great quantities of
beef from that part to the enemy at Wilmington." He
himself sent a detachment in and brought off fifty-two
beeves and six prisoners.
s. R., xv,
5"
Ruther-
ford's Mills
S. R., XV,
496
Craig in
Onslow
Major Craig at Wilmington
Major Craig was a very efficient officer. He sought by
strenuous endeavors to restore royal authority. Proclaiming
that the inhabitants, being British subjects, were Loyalist
militiamen, early in July he directed that they should be
enrolled as such, and he issued commissions to zealous
Tories as officers of their counties. He fixed August ist
as the last day of grace for those who would not obey, and
all not then returning to their allegiance were to be harried
as rebels. While the Whigs had measurably neither arms
nor ammunition, he bountifully supplied the Tory bands
with both, and inspired them to zealous activity by giving
them special marks of favor.
The Scotch especially responded to his calls and up the
Northwest strong detachments of Loyalists held the coun-
try. To the northward he threw out the British dragoons,
and he established a post at Rutherford's Mills, some seven
miles east of Burgaw, and there he constructed a bastion
fort, whose outline still remains in perfect preservation, a
memorial of those historic times. Lillington, who had after
the passage of Cornwallis returned to the vicinity of Heron
Bridge, now stationed himself at Richlands, in Onslow
County ; and on June 28th, when a British column advanced
in that direction, called on the Duplin horse and foot
to assemble at the rendezvous with despatch. However.
before opposition could be made, Craig's troopers penetrated
into Onslow, and secured in that fertile section needed sup-
plies ; but when the people collected, finding that warm work
DOMESTIC AFFAIRS
677
was to be expected, they hastily returned to their strong-
hold.
The movements of Cornwallis, the perils threatened by
Craig, the defection of the Loyalists, and the drafting of
men in every part of the State caused a deep gloom to en-
shroud the people, and public affairs were thrown into
great confusion.
In the midst of all this turmoil and distress the General
Assembly met on June 23d at Wake Court House. The ses-
sion was held in the old Lane residence, still standing in
the suburbs of Raleigh. So threatening were the bands of
Tories that a regiment of militia was stationed in the
vicinity to protect the body during its sitting. Alexander
Martin was chosen speaker of the senate, and Benbury
again presided over the house. Governor Nash declined a
re-election because of ill health, but perhaps there were other
reasons as well. The creation of the Board of War and
later of the Council Extraordinary had divided power and
responsibility and had resulted unfortunately, so that the
government had lost much of its efficiency. The council had
ordered that one-fifth of the provisions upon every farm
should be taken for the public use, and heavy taxes in kind
had been imposed. Impressments having been resorted to,
Major Murfree toward the end of May impressed, at Pitch
Landing, two thousand gallons of rum, nine hundred weight
of sugar, a thousand of coffee, six or seven hundred yards
of canvas, a small quantity of ammunition and other com-
modities, which the merchants had imported. Much dis-
satisfaction resulted from these measures, tending to ren-
der the administration unpopular, while the currency, both
continental and state, had become almost worthless, and the
feebleness of the military arm in checking the Tories and
the scarcity of ammunition, guns and clothing for the
soldiers were causes of adverse comment and grave appre-
hensions. To succeed Governor Nash, the Assembly chose
Dr. Burke, who qualified on June 26th.
On accepting the office of governor, Burke communicated
to the Assembly with emphasis that he did not wish a con-
tinuance of the Council Extraordinary, but that he himself
would discharge the functions of commander-in-chief. The
1781
S.R..XV1I,
The Assem-
bly meets at
Wake Court
House
McRee's
Iredell, I,
S?7R., XV,
475
S. R.,
XXII,
1038, 1041
Burke
governor
678
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
1781
June
Measures of
defence
S. RM XV,
533; xvn,
93o*97S
The
depreciated
currency
council therefore ceased, but General Richard Caswell re-
mained nominally as major-general in command of the
state forces. The Assembly acted with promptness and
vigor. The Marquis of Bretigny, having offered his ser-
vices to the State, was appointed a special agent to procure
a fast sailing vessel, and go to the French islands in the
West Indies and obtain five thousand stands of arms, ten
thousand pounds of powder and other military supplies,
twenty thousand pounds of tobacco being placed at his dis-
posal for the purpose. A regiment of state troops was di-
rected to be raised, and Benjamin Williams was chosen the
commander, Joel Lewis first major, and Baron de Glaubeck,
who had been so active and efficient, was appointed major
of horse. In view of the condition of affairs in Chatham,
Cumberland, and Randolph, it was resolved that a company
of light horse should be raised for two months in each of
those counties. An exception was made in the operation of
the confiscation act of all persons, theretofore disaffected,
who should serve with General Sumner in the continental
battalions for the term of ten months.
The militia that had acted badly at Guilford Court House
having been drafted into the continentals, the Assembly now
requested the governor to recommend to General Greene to
discharge them "whenever the situation of affairs would
admit of such an act of benevolence." Samuel Johnston,
Charles Johnson, William Sharpe, and Ephraim Brevard
were on July 12th elected delegates to the Continental Con-
gress. The value of the currency had now fallen so low
that the Assembly rated a day's work at $250, allowed Joel
Lane £15,000 for the use of his house and pasturage for one
month, and paid $12,000 for a single horse. On July 14th,
the body adjourned to meet again in November at Salem,
more removed from the seat of war.
Governor Burke's zeal
Undismayed by the adverse circumstances of that unhappy
period, when Burke assumed the reins he was all activity.
Three days after his election he directed General Butler to
post five hundred men between the Cape Fear and the
Neuse, covering the lowest fords on each, and to patrol with
CIVIL WAR 679
cavalry toward the enemy's lines, requiring daily reports of lJ^l
the situation. He lost no time in urging the Assembly to s.r.,xvii,
action. "I perceive," said he, "the country everywhere un- June
prepared for defence ; without arms, without discipline, with-
out arrangements, even the habits of civil order and obedi-
ence to laws changed into a licentious contempt of authority
and a disorderly indulgence of violent propensities. Indus-
try is intermitted, agriculture much decayed, and com-
merce struggling feebly with almost insuperable difficulties.
The public money is unaccounted for, the taxes uncollected
or unproductive," the individual creditors of the public un-
paid for years, "and the treasury totally unable to make
payment." Dark indeed was his portrayal of the situation. The
And to that were to be added the perils and dangers of that condlS
gloomy period when the British were threatening the State
from the north, the sounds and coast infested with pri-
vateersmen bent on spoils, and from Guilford to Brunswick
civil war raged, its horrors heightened by passion, butcheries
on either side being of daily occurrence.
Even before the adjournment of the Assembly Governor Burked
Burke began to move from point to point in the State, in-
spiring confidence by his presence and assuming direction.
He had full power to act, and his known energy and reso-
lute will brought new hope to the Whigs in the terrorized
sections. While urging the Assembly on he busied himself
supervising operations; and he began to plan a movement
not merely to suppress the Tories, but to drive Craig out of
his stronghold on the Cape Fear. Indeed, he was aroused
to the utmost exertions by the earnest appeals that con-
stantly came for immediate assistance.
General Lillington, writing from the Trent on July 6th, jy*-
complained most bitterly that no aid had been furnished his
district by the other counties. He represented that the TheCape
.... , . . * * * . , Fear region
Whigs of that region, distressed as they were, felt that they
were to fall a sacrifice to the enemy; expelled from their
homes, their plantations ravaged, their negroes carried off,
and those caught compelled to accept allegiance or to go
into captivity. His own immediate section was desolate and
deserted, and doubtless the iron had entered into the soul
68o
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
1781
S R
XXII. 543
of the old veteran, whose heart bled for the misfortunes
of his friends and kindred.
From Bladen, Cumberland, and the upper Cape Fear,
also, came cries for help that appealed most strongly to the
governor for prompt and effective action.
Fanning'*
Narrative in
S R
xxi i\ 180
1781
Fanning embodies the Tories
Although Cornwallis suffered continuous disappointment
while at the south from the passiveness of the North Caro-
lina Loyalists, yet after his departure from the State they
became very active. While many of their partisan leaders
attained great prominence, chief among them was David
Fanning, a native of Johnston County, but from boyhood a
resident of South Carolina. In the fall of 1780 he came to
Deep River and made himself acquainted with many per-
sons who had received commissions from Colonel Hamilton
the preceding July. He watched and waited. He was con-
cerned with Dr. Pyle in the raising of that band of Tories
that Lee cut to pieces in February, 1781, but was not him-
self present at the massacre. Immediately afterward he be-
gan to collect another body, and he gave information to
Cornwallis, and was with him on his march to Ramsey's
Mills, accompanying him to Cross Creek. At that time
Cornwallis's plans were not matured, and he expected that
he might return to Hillsboro. Fanning established himself
with some seventy Loyalists at Coxe's Mill* and interfered
with Greene's communications in North Carolina. Shortly
afterward he attacked a detachment under Colonel Dudley,
of Virginia, coming from Greene's camp with baggage,
drove off the guard, capturing the baggage and nine horses.
Colonels Collier and Balfour, of Randolph, embodied one
hundred and sixty men, and on June 8th reached his vicinity,
but he made a night attack on them, and then sought safety
in concealment. A few days later Fanning contrived a gen-
eral meeting of the Loyalists, who selected him as their
commander. Accordingly he repaired to Wilmington and
obtained on July 5th from Major Craig a commission as
♦Coxe's Mill is on the western side of Deep River, at the mouth
of Mill Creek, in Randolph County, about five miles from the
Chatham line.
THE RISE OF DAVID FANNING
681
colonel of the Loyalist militia of Randolph and Chatham
counties. A week later he had a general muster at Coxe's
Mill and organized a force of a hundred and fifty men.
There had been appointed by Colonel Hamilton captains and
other officers for seven companies in Randolph County, for
six in Chatham, two in Orange, four in Cumberland, and
three in Anson. These all were more or less in touch with
Colonel Fanning, affording means of embodying men and
directing their movements that rendered his operations very
effective. On the same day that he held his muster on Deep
River there was a court martial and Whig muster at Pitts-
boro, some twenty-five miles distant. Fanning determined
to strike them a blow. By seven o'clock the next morning
he reached the hamlet and surrounded it. The members of
the court had dispersed for the night to country homes. As
they approached the village in the early morning Fanning
successively took them prisoners, among them being all the
militia officers of the county except two, a captain of the
continentals and three members of the General Assembly, his
captives numbering fifty-three. He paroled most of them,
but conducted fourteen of the most prominent and influential
Whigs to Major Craig, at Wilmington. Among those taken
were Herndon Ramsey and James Williams. Excesses com-
mitted by Major O'Neal, Colonel Robeson, of Bladen;
Wade, of Anson; Phil Alston, and other vigorous patriot
leaders, which the Tories complained of as being "barbarous
murders," led Fanning and his associates to practise retalia-
tion, and these Chatham prisoners, when they reached Raft
Swamp, were threatened with execution. They apprehended
they were to fall victims to partisan rancor. Accordingly,
their "situation being very unhappy," from that point they
addressed a letter to Governor Burke detailing the com-
plaints made by the Tories and asking that Tory prisoners
"may be well treated in future." In view of this interces-
sion, their lives were spared, and after a month's detention
at Wilmington some of them were paroled, while others
were conveyed to Charleston.
On his return to Deep River Fanning received informa-
tion that Colonel Alston with a party of twenty-five was
watching for him. He surprised Alston at his house, and
1781
July
Pitt.sboro
taken
iuly 18, 1781
F. C. Unl.
Mag., II,
80
O853)
S R
x'xii* 550
N. C. Unl.
Mag., II,
83
XXII,
*>3. 557
682 BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
^781 in an action lasting several hours killed four and wounded
July all the rest except three, when they surrendered. His own
loss was but two men killed and four wounded. Again
did Colonel Balfour make an effort to capture him, but
without success.
While Fanning was operating in the Deep River country
two active Tories in Bladen, McNeil and Ray, collected the
Loyalists lower down, and proved much too strong for the
local Whig leaders.
xxit On July 10th Colonel Robeson wrote to Governor Burke
f^Bfidin548 °* tne situation in Bladen: Distressed by a large body of
Tories and robbers, who range through the county from
Wilmington up to Drowning Creek and the waters of the
Little Peedee as far as Richmond — a hundred miles in
length and fifty across — a country much encumbered with
very large swamps and thick places, difficult for a small
party of troops to be of much service; and the friends to
their country that live in this part so distressed by their
property being taken from them daily, and they in constant
danger of their lives by a set of Tories and robbers protected
by the British, that if we can't have assistance, we must
unavoidably fall a prey to those villains — must in a very
short time be obliged to leave our homes ; and at this time
obliged to leave our habitations every night to take our rest.
The inhabitants of the county consisted of fifteen com-
panies, and now there can't be raised more than seventy or
eighty men that dare move in behalf of their country.
Five days later he again wrote to the governor that there
were but fifty men to oppose some four hundred under
McNeil and Ray, and McLaurin Colvill* appointed colonels
of Bladen County ; that Colvill had said he would have three
hundred more men from the lower part of the county and
one hundred from Brunswick; that August 1st was the
time limited for the people to come in by the proclamation
of General Clinton and Arburthnot, which had been indus-
triously spread among the people, and if they did not go
in they were to be destroyed. McNeil was encamped at
McFalls Mill, between Drowning Creek and Raft Swamp,
and Colvill was ordering a general muster at Elizabethtown.
♦Called by Dickson Maturin and generally so written.
CIVIL WAR ON THE CAPE FEAR 683
Colonel Brown was the commanding officer of Bladen lJ^
County, but it was impossible to get men to join him with- July
out assistance. Colvill, however, did not live long to enjoy
his new honors. Colonel Emmett wrote to the governor on
the 19th : "A small party of our people in Bladen, . . . with-
out orders, went to the house of Mr. Colvill, who had ac-
cepted from the English a coloners commission, killed him,
and plundered the house of what property was to be found
in it."
On July 30th Colonel Brown and Colonel Robeson joined
in a pathetic letter to Governor Burke, which was borne
by Colonel Owen himself, urging help. For six months they
said they had been seeking to defend themselves and prop- s. rm
erty, but the Tories were largely increasing, and robbers XX11*,°*3
were "daily plundering and destroying our stock of cattle
and our houses of everything, . . . and now at this time old
Hector McNeil is encamped with a large body of men
within eight or ten miles of our court-house, and is increas-
ing in number very fast, and Colonel Duncan Ray is en-
camped in another part of our county with a large body of
men and is giving out notice to the inhabitants that all that
do not come in by August 1st will have all their properties
destroyed and laid waste ; and we, being but few in number
that stand in behalf of our country, are not sufficient or able
to stand in our own defence without immediate assistance.
. . . Our number is not one hundred ... to oppose be-
tween four and five hundred. . . . We shall be all broke
up and obliged to give way and leave the place, which will
be greatly to the advantage of our enemy and will still in-
crease their number."
Wade's victory
As Colonel Owen passed through Campbellton, Colonel
Emmett, commanding in Cumberland, sent by him a similar
letter advising the governor that there were four or five ^0RmXV'
hundred Tories embodied at McFall's Mill, on Drowning
Creek, thirty-five miles from Campbellton, and that unless
Campbellton itself were occupied by the State, the Tories
would take it. In the meantime, however, Colonel Wade,
of Anson, was not inactive. Ascertaining that these Loyal-
684
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
17*1
August 4th
Wade's
Report,
Graham's
Graham,
376
ists were engaged in disarming the settlers within twenty
miles of the Peedee and carrying off men fit for duty and
driving off all stock over Drowning Creek into what they
called "protected land," where McNeil and Ray had their
"flying army," Colonel Wade called out half his regiment,
and was joined by parties from Montgomery and Richmond,
and proceeded into that territory. On Saturday, August 4th,
he came up with them at Beattie's Bridge, on Drowning
Creek, and after a sharp engagement, lasting until twelve
o'clock at night, the Tories drew off. A dozen of them
were killed and some fifteen wounded, while Wade suffered
no other loss than four men wounded.
s. R., xv,
S. R., XV,
54*550, 55 «.
556» 557
South Quay
captured
S. RM XV,
560
S R., XV,
535
Cornwallis's plans
In the middle of July news came from Virginia that was
at once disquieting and hopeful. Lafayette wrote that a part
of the British troops were designed to embark for New
York; the rest "will garrison Portsmouth; but from their
number of cavalry I imagine they will push to the south-
land." Other developments led to the belief that Tarleton
with a large force of cavalry would pass through the in-
terior of the State to the aid of Rawdon. And preparations
were made to harass if not destroy him should the movement
be undertaken.
Governor Burke at once directed the commanding officers
of Granville, Orange and Caswell to collect all their rifle-
men and march to Boyd's Ferry, on the Dan, and Kemp's
Ferry, on Roanoke, to drive back Tarleton's cavalry. But
Cornwallis changed his plan, were it ever contemplated to
send that corps to the southward.
A party of the enemy pushed from Suffolk to South Quay
on July 1 6th and destroyed all the stores and warehouses
at that place. The next day they came within twelve miles
of Murfree's Landing, burning dwellings and storehouses;
and also at Weyanoke they destroyed large quantities of
rum, sugar, coffee, and other articles stored by the mer-
chants. They threatened Pitch Landing, but Major Murfree
having raised some seventy men and taken post at Skinner's
Bridge, on Meherrin River, they retired to Suffolk.
At the south, Craig, too, was displaying energy. He
RE-ENFORCEMENTS TO GREENE
685
rebuilt the Heron Bridge, and announced his intention of
giving no more paroles, but would seize and sell the prop- August
erty of every man who did not join him. Many of the
Whigs were overawed. From Cumberland came the report :
"We had a muster on Monday last, where the third and
fourth numbers were ordered to meet in order to march
after the Tories; but there were neither officers nor men
met— only eight or ten; the colonel never came at all."
And Lillington reported to the governor that he had not
three rounds of ammunition, and knew not where to apply.
1781
S. R., XV,
569
New continental battalions
In South Carolina General Greene, always prudent, was
chafing at his enforced inactivity because his force was in-
adequate to renew hostilities. He was anxiously awaiting
the arrival of more men before risking another battle.
Urged by his repeated calls, Major Armstrong hurried for- s r., xvt
ward two hundred of the continental drafts; while on 53°«533
July 14th General Sumner wrote to Greene from Salisbury :
"I arrived here Wednesday last with about five hundred
rank and file badly equipped; however, I have ... re-
ceived near three hundred good arms, . . . which I have
put in the hands of some good men, who will march to join
you under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Ashe early
to-morrow morning." To Colonel Ashe he gave orders that
on his arrival at General Greene's camp he was to take
charge of all the continental troops of this State and incor-
porate them as the First Regiment.
Ten days later Sumner himself marched, leaving Arm-
strong, Hogg, and Blount to organize and bring forward the
drafts from the districts of New Bern, Halifax, Edenton,
and Wilmington, all of whom were still delayed. When as-
sembled, these were formed into the Second Battalion.
At that time General Greene had in contemplation the re-
lief of North Carolina by carrying the garrison of Wilming-
ton, and then to hasten on to Virginia, and to once more try Wilmington
conclusions with Cornwallis. With this view, on August 2d
he gave orders for Lee's Legion, Kirkwood's Delawares,
and Handy's Maryland continentals, to prepare for an ex- l^,
pedition against Wilmington
Greene
proposes to
take
Secrecy and despatch were Memoirs,
686
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
X781
August
S. R., XV,
569.593
Rattle of
Rock Creek
Dickson's
Letters, 17
Aug. a, 1781
S R
XXII, 568
necessary elements of success. Captain Rudolph, with a
small party of the legion, was hurried to the Cape Fear to
acquire information and to collect boats to cross that river.
His mission was entirely successful ; but at the moment when
Greene was about to strike the blow he received information
from General Washington that required a change of plans.
Ordering Lafayette to continue his cautious conduct, he
again addressed himself to driving the British into Charles-
ton. Washington planned to capture Cornwallis himself.
Craig invades the eastern counties
All inhabitants had been required by Major Craig to come
into the British camp and give in their adhesion by August
1st, and those failing to do so were to be regarded as enemies
subject to the death penalty and to having their homes plun-
dered. The alternative was fearful to those within his
power. The dog-days of August indeed ushered in a period
of horror and relentless warfare. The British commander
issued his proclamation that the Loyalists should be ready
to march with him, and on August ist he began a tour
through the eastern counties. Colonel Kenan with a hun-
dred and fifty of the Duplin militia had taken post at Rock
Creek (some two miles east of Wallace), and now was
joined by a detachment of a hundred and eighty from the
brigade of General Caswell, and two hundred under Colonel
Brown of Bladen. On the approach of Major Craig with
two hundred and fifty regulars and about eighty Tories,
Kenan proposed to contest his passage. His ammunition,
however, was soon exhausted; and on being charged the
militia broke and fled, closely pursued by the British light
horse, who succeeded in taking some twenty or thirty
prisoners.
For ten days the British column lingered in Duplin, living
on the country, embodying the Tories, exacting allegiance
of the people and carrying out the programme announced
in Craig's proclamation. The moderate and conservative
policy of Cornwallis at his entrance into the State was no
longer enforced ; on the contrary, fire and sword now took
the place of conciliation and regard for the inhabitants as
subjects of Great Britain. Those who did not attach them-
CIVIL WAR IN THE EAST
687
selves to the British camp were held outside of the pale of
protection and given over to the vengeance of the Tories.
Having thoroughly harried Duplin, the column, now in-
creased by the accession of three hundred Loyalists, turned
its head toward New Bern, and General Lillington, who
was encamped at Limestone Bridge, in Duplin, moved his
force on the road to the Trent to intercept its progress.
1 78 1
August
Lillington forbidden to hazard a battle
General William Caswell with a party of one hundred and xxai\
sixty horse operated on the enemy's lines, and before Craig 564. 565
had reached Kinston had a skirmish with about fifty of the
dragoons. He found, however, that his mounted militia
could not stand a charge ; the gleaming swords of the enemy
terrified them. Craig hastened on to surprise Lillington,
who would have given him battle if permitted. But under
orders, he avoided a meeting. Yet again were the British
horse attacked, and with some loss. Caswell reported to the
governor on the 17th: "General Lillington is between New
Bern and the enemy, and I am fearful will risk an action.
... I have done everything in my power to prevent it, and
have let him have a sight of your Excellency's letter, wherein
you mention that no general action must take place." Gen-
eral Lillington's force was about six hundred, drawn from
Onslow, Jones, Craven, Dobbs, and Pitt, while Caswell com-
manded one hundred and fifty horse. The crying need was
for ammunition, and arms were very scarce. It is probable
that the want of ammunition determined Governor Burke
to order that no general engagement should be risked. Lil-
lington had taken position at Webber's Bridge, on the
Trent, had removed the planks and had placed a strong
guard to hold it. At that point there was a slight collision
with a reconnoitring party, three of the enemy being killed
and five wounded. On the evening of the 19th Craig
reached New Bern. In his progress he had ravaged every
Whig plantation and brought ruin and distress on the in-
habitants of the country. On leaving Wilmington he had
with him only about eighty Tories, but as their route lay
through a country much disaffected, many inhabitants
New Bern
occupied
sufc:.,78x
XXII,
564, $66, 568,
569
688 BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
lJ^l joined them. Those above fifty years of age were required
August t0 take an oath of allegiance, while the younger men were
prevailed on to enroll in their ranks, and their numbers were
augmented by hundreds. General Caswell was apprehensive
that almost all of the inhabitants in the vicinity of New Bern
and most of those in Beaufort and Hyde counties would
enlist with Craig. "What force we can raise and arm,"
he said, "will not be superior to the Tories," and arms could
not be had for the men they could raise. He proposed to
establish a post at Webber's Bridge and at Bryan's Mills, on
the Neuse. General Lillington, now quite old and much
fatigued, was to leave the camp the next day.
Lillington was resolute, and doubtless eager for a battle,
but it appears that he was restrained by the prudent orders
of the governor from making a stand against the British
force. His plantation and those of his friends at Rocky
Point had been desolated, their negroes carried off, and
themselves reduced to poverty. Some of his friends had
been captured and subjected to inhuman ill-usage, and he
doubtless chafed that he was not permitted to strike a blow
at the enemy, even though he might not hope for absolute
victory.
Death of On entering New Bern, the British met with a cordial re-
ception from some, but the patriotic citizens sought to es-
cape. As Dr. Alexander Gaston with his wife and two small
children were about to depart in a boat one of the Tories
ruthlessly shot Dr. Gaston down, and the son, afterward
the eminent jurist, was literally baptized into patriotism in
?nf.'c.|*h, tne Moocl °f h*s murdered father. After despoiling the
99; vn, in town, robbing the citizens, burning vessels and committing
S.R., xv, other excesses, Craig with his Tory followers departed
toward Kinston.
Tory atrocities
s. r., ' v, He rapidly advanced to Bryan Mills, on the Neuse, where
Colonel Gorham commanded a detachment. There a skir-
mish ensued, but Gorham was easily driven off.
The British remained at that point one night, burning the
CIVIL WAR IN THE EAST
689
houses of General Bryan, William Heritage, William Coxe,
and Longfield Coxe, and much distressed and abused their
families. Their intention was to proceed further into the
interior, but General Wayne with a body of continental
troops, who was operating against the British near Suffolk,
now drew near to North Carolina, and a report spread that
he was at Halifax. Craig, receiving this information, turned
to the southward, crossed the Trent and moved to Rich-
lands, thence returning to his fortifications at Wilmington.
His loss on this raid was about fifteen killed and captured
and about the same number wounded. The great scarcity
of ammunition prevented much skirmishing on the part of
the Americans. The destruction of the residences at Bryan
Mills led to severe retaliation ; the inhabitants who had suf-
fered raised a party and burned up all the houses of the
Tories in that vicinity. General Caswell ordered such
troops as could be raised in Duplin, Wayne and Onslow to
fall in the rear of the retreating enemy, and to annoy them
on their return to Wilmington. But without serious opposi-
tion Craig regained his fortifications. In this foray he
carried into effect the terms of his proclamation. The Tories
especially were jubilant. They burned houses, seized many
negroes and destroyed many farms. In retaliation, the
Whigs devastated the plantations of their Tory neighbors,
and a reign of terror and relentless warfare was inaugurated.
William Dickson, of Duplin, writing three years later, says :
"The enemy stayed several days in Duplin — the first week
in August, 1 781. The Royalists gathered together very fast,
and we were now reduced again to the utmost extremity. . . .
Some men collected and formed a little flying camp, and
moved near the enemy's lines, and made frequent sallies on
their rear flanks. . . . The Tories in Duplin and other coun-
ties . . . become more insolent than ever ; but Craig having
returned to Wilmington, the Whigs again resumed their
courage, and determined to be revenged on the Loyalists,
our neighbors, or hazard all. Accordingly, we collected
about eighty light horse and . . . marching straight into the
neighborhood where the Tories were embodied, surprised
them ; they fled, our men pursued them, cut many of them
to pieces, took several and put them to instant death."
1 781
S. R., XvT
6a7; XXII,
593
August
Craig
returns to
Wilmington
Retaliation
Dickson's
Letters,
17-19
Tories
massacred
690
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
I781
sTr.,
XXII,
904, 305, 567
Dickson's
Letters, 19
S R
XXH,9o5
Wheeler,
Hist. N. C,
II. 41
N. C. Uni.
Mag., IV,
3»8 (1855)
Battle of Elizabethtown
While Major Craig was harrying the Whigs of the eastern
counties, Fanning and the other Tory leaders were devastat-
ing the settlements on the Northwest Branch of the Cape
Fear. On August nth Fanning, Slingsby, McNeil, and
Ray all met, with their respective forces, at Cross Creek,
and together they scourged the country on either side of
the river, taking prisoners, ravaging plantations and desolat-
ing the Whig settlements. Colonel Slingsby on the assassi-
nation of Colvill had been appointed to command the Bladen
Loyalists, and when Fanning, toward the last of August, re-
turned from Wilmington, he found Slingsby with his com-
mand at Elizabethtown in possession of many Whig pris-
oners.
Colonels Brown, Owen, Robeson, Morehead, Irwine and
others who had been forced to abandon their homes by these
Tory bands, had been anxiously seeking aid and re-enforce-
ments to return and drive them from Bladen. But the
people of Duplin and the neighboring counties were them-
selves harassed by troopers from Wilmington and the
Tories of their own section, so that assistance could not be
obtained. At length, however, they collected some one hun-
dred and fifty Bladen men, who like themselves had been
expelled from their homes, and on the night of August 29th
they forded the river in the vicinity of Elizabethtown, and
just before daybreak made an attack on Slingsby's post.
Although the garrison, consisting of four hundred, largely
outnumbered the small party of assailants, this night attack
resulted most fortunately. In the camp were many Whig
prisoners, and this circumstance probably contributed to in-
duce the early flight of the garrison. The Whigs, by a sud-
den and violent onslaught, just before daybreak, threw the
surprised Tories into disorder ; and as their principal officers
sought to marshal them, they soon fell before the unerr-
ing fire of the resolute assailants. Deprived of their leaders,
the Tories, in consternation, precipitately fled, many of them
leaping pell-mell into a deep ravine, which has since been
known as "Tories' Hole.,, "In this action," wrote Archi-
bald Maclaine from Sampson Hall some three weeks later,
"we had only one man wounded ; killed, wounded and taken
BATTLE OF ELIZABETHTOWN
691
of the enemy, nineteen. Slingsby since dead of his wounds." *j£
Colonel Godden fell dead in his tracks, as did most of the August
other officers of the garrison. Knowing that their small
numbers could not successfully resist the Tories in an open,
pitched battle, the Whigs collected the arms and stores in
the camp and retired to the other side of the river, carrying
their booty with them.
This battle of Elizabethtown,* as it was one of the most
daring in conception, was one of the most brilliant in the par-
tisan warfare of that region, so remarkable for its many bold
encounters. In its results it was equally important as it
was successful. Not only were the Loyalists of Bladen dis-
heartened and suppressed, but the supply of arms and ammu-
nition obtained by the Whigs equipped them for larger
operations, and the Tories of that part of Bladen made
head no more.
Governor Burke's plans
During all that heated season the efforts of the governor s. r.,
were untiring. In August he was mollifying the outraged ^"^-m
merchants of Edenton, whose commerce had been arrested
by the impressment of their cargoes, and then at Halifax he
was preparing to delay the progress of Cornwallis should
he again turn southward, escaping from Virginia to reunite
with Rawdon in South Carolina. Certain information had
come that in consequence of the arrival of the French fleet,
Cornwallis was moving from York to Jamestown, intending
to cross the James River, and hoping to pass unopposed
through North Carolina. Perhaps it was to facilitate that
possible movement that Craig had made his inroad into the
eastern counties somewhat earlier. Now Burke was busy s. rm xv,
securing the boats on the lower Roanoke and embodying the
militia to obstruct the expected march of the enemy until
♦There has been some confusion as to the date of this battle. It
was evidently after Major Craig had passed through Duplin; and
Fanning says in his Narrative that it was two days before the defeat
of Colonel Wade, which was on September 1st. Dickson says
Colonel Brown was in command of the attacking party (Dickson's
Letters, pp. 17 and 19. Machine's Letter. Univ. Mag., 1855. Fan-
ning's Narrative). Fanning, ignorant of the assault by the Whigs
under Brown and Robeson, ascribed the affair to the uprising of the
Whig prisoners Slingsby had in his camp.
630
692
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
1781
September
McRee's
Iredell, I,
Ma
S. R , XV,
595
The
situation
Lafayette and Steuben and Wayne might bring him to battle.
On August 24th he ordered out the militia of all the coun-
ties; those in the east to oppose Cornwallis; those of the
centre and west to suppress the Tories on the Cape Fear.
The detachments from Granville and Wake were to assemble
at Wake Court House; from Caswell, Randolph, Chatham,
and Orange, at Ramsey's Mills. It is said he was projecting
a great movement and intended to lead the militia himself.
The danger of Lord Cornwallis's situation being evident,
it was not doubted that he would endeavor to make good his
retreat through the State. Governor Burke resolved to put
the whole force of North Carolina in motion to act as the
occasion might require, either to oppose Cornwrallis or to
attack Craig or to re-enforce General Greene so as to give
hjm a decisive superiority. Realizing that everything de-
pended upon prompt execution, he gave his personal exer-
tions, influence and authority to accomplish his design, and
early in September moved toward Salisbury, where he
proposed to complete the dispositions he had directed at the
West.
He spent the early days of September in Granville and
then set out on his journey to Salisbury. On the way he
stopped a day or two at Hillsboro. He was constantly re-
ceiving and answering appeals for military aid made by
the distressed inhabitants of the Cape Fear section. But
insurmountable obstacles and difficulties met him on every
side. There was pressing need for the continental drafts to
be hurried to Greene's aid in South Carolina, and calls were
made by General Steuben for both continentals and militia
to assist him in Virginia. General Rutherford and Colonel
Isaacs, who had been conveyed as prisoners to Florida, had
just returned from their confinement; Davidson was dead,
Colonel Locke had marched a detachment to the southward.
William Caswell in the east and General Butler at the west
were the main reliance for active work. Butler early in
September was gathering a force on the Haw and the Deep
to hold in check the formidable bands of Tories that were
scourging that region. Next to Rutherford he was the
most efficient of the brigadiers.
CIVIL WAR ON THE CAPE FEAR 693
Fanning defeats Wade Hjl
On his return from Wilmington, with a fresh supply of
ammunition, Colonel Fanning after passing Slingsby at
Elizabethtown continued to McFall's Mills, about sixty l^,*
miles distant. There he received information of the disaster *os. 584
to his friends at Elizabethtown, and he despatched ninety of
his men back to render assistance; but it was too late, the
Whigs had gathered their booty and had retired. He like-
wise received information that Colonel Wade was marching
to attack Colonel McNeil in the vicinity of Raft Swamp, and
he set out to re-enforce that Loyalist partisan, whom he joined
in the morning of September 1st.
He found that Wade had crossed the bridge to the eastern
side of Drowning Creek, and had taken post on the highland
near a mile distant from the bridge, the intervening road
being a narrow causeway. Fanning directed McNeil to
turn down the swamp to cut off Wade's retreat in that direc-
tion, and, confident of victory before midday, began the
battle. At Wade's first fire eighteen horses of Fanning's men
were killed, but the Tories at once dismounted and made
a deadly assault, continuing to fire as they advanced; and
when they approached to within twenty-five yards of Wade's
line the Whigs broke and fled in the utmost confusion. Had
McNeil obeyed directions closely Wade's force would have
been entirely destroyed; but he did not take the position
assigned him, and the causeway and bridge were open for a
safe retreat. Fanning pursued some seven miles, and took
fifty-four prisoners, four of whom died that night, while
nineteen of the Whigs lay dead on the ground. He states
his own loss at only one killed and a few wounded. Having
taken two hundred and fifty horses, he distributed them
among those of his troops who were not mounted in the
action. The prisoners were paroled, except thirty, who were
sent to Wilmington ; and then Fanning returned to McFall's
Mills, where he was joined by the detachment he had sent
to Slingsby's assistance. The misfortune that befell Wade's
force in this encounter had a dampening effect on the ardor
of the Whigs ; but General Butler, Colonel Balfour, Colonel
Mebane, Colonel Collier and their associates redoubled their
694 BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
fjjl efforts to restore confidence and bring the militia together
to make head against the aggressive Loyalists.
The governor is captured
While Fanning was at Wilmington toward the end of
tem er August, that bold partisan agreed with Craig that Gov-
ernor Burke should be captured ; and after defeating Wade,
Fanning resolved to carry the design into execution.
On September 9th he was joined by Colonel McDougal, of
Cumberland, with two hundred men, and Hector McNeil
with a detachment from Bladen, and more than four hun-
dred others had responded to his call for the Loyalists to
embody. He thus found himself at the head of several hun-
xxji, w ^red ac^ve partisans. Marching directly toward Coxe's Mill
as if to attack General Butler, who was in that vicinity, he
suddenly changed his route, pushed on during Septem-
ber nth and all the following night, and reached Hillsboro
in the early morning. His presence in that vicinity was not
at all suspected.
Governor Burke on September 10th received information
s r. xvi °f tne movement of Fanning toward Butler's camp, and
ia $t\eq. ' sent a warning to the general to be on his guard. Little did
he suspect that the object of the enterprising partisan was
nothing less than his own capture. On the night of the nth
no particular precautions were taken by the detachments at
At Hillsboro Hillsboro. The little hamlet was rejoicing in the presence
of his Excellency and those who attended him, and its sense
of security was not at all disturbed by the movements of
the enemy. Hillsboro was in a measure the seat of govern-
ment, and there were stored some cannon, supplies and pro-
visions, and it was the headquarters of the continentals at
that time, a number of whom were congregated there pre-
paring to march to the southward. Suddenly the next morn-
ing, a foggy, disagreeable morning, it was rudely awakened
from its peaceful repose. A clap of thunder from a clear
sky would have been no greater surprise. At seven o'clock
SePt.ia,i78x on the morning of the 12th Fanning's Tories entered the
town in three divisions. Several shots were fired from dif-
ferent houses upon the invaders, but without inflicting any
FANNING CAPTURES BURKE 695
serious loss. "We killed fifteen of the rebels," said Fan- lj^
ning, "and wounded twenty, and took upward of two hun- s^R^
dred prisoners. Among them was the governor, his council,
a party of continental colonels, captains and subalterns, and
seventy-one continental soldiers taken out of a church. We
proceeded to the jail and released thirty Loyalists and British
soldiers, one of whom was to have been hanged on that day."
He took the guns from the guard and put them in the
hands of the prisoners, and turned the guard into the prison
quarters. It was there that most of the Whigs were killed.
Battle of Cane Creek
Colonel Mebane made good his escape during the
melee, and hastened to advise General Butler. Seeking to
intercept Fanning on his return, Butler took post at John
Alston's mill, near Lindsay's, on Cane Creek.
The Tory commander, having secured the object of his
expedition, hastened away with his prisoners, thinking by
celerity of movement to escape without molestation. By
twelve o'clock he began his march. That night he reached
the vicinity of Cane Creek, and the next morning the march
was resumed. His force was composed chiefly of two
bodies, one, several hundred Scotchmen, under McNeil and
McDougal; the other, loyal inhabitants, not Scotch, under
Fanning and militia officers. The Scotchmen were in the
advance, while Fanning's Tories were in the rear with the
prisoners. Butler had posted his men along the high banks
on the south side of the stream, where the road coming from qJJ"^^
the ford skirted through a narrow piece of low ground. As state, 1,
McNeil advanced along this open roadway the Whigs from
the brow of the hill delivered a deliberate fire with murder- s. r.,
ous effect. The Scotchmen, utterly surprised, at once re-
coiled. Fanning hastened to send his prisoners off under a
detachment so as to secure them at all events, and then
crossed the stream higher up, and a desperate and bloody JJ^ff'i
conflict ensued. By Fanning's attack from an unexpected quar- 545
ter the Whigs were thrown into momentary confusion, but
soon rallied, and nearly every Whig killed in the action fell
at this time. The engagement lasted four hours, resulting in
696
BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-82
1781
September
Fanning
disabled
Caruthers,
I,ai4
S. R., XV,
651
Butler
surprised at
Hrown
Marsh
Graham's
Graham,
365
Bio*. Hist,
of N. C, V,
36
Martin
actum
governor
the retreat of the Whigs. The loss of the Tories was twenty-
seven killed, sixty so badly wounded that they could not be
moved, and thirty others wounded, who, however, con-
tinued with the main body. The loss of the Whigs, while
great, was not so heavy. Several of the highest officers on
both sides were killed. Among the slain were Colonel Lut-
terell and Major John Nails ; while on the Tory side John
Rains, Edward Edwards, Colonel Dushee Shaw, and Colonel
Hector McNeil, the elder, fell dead on the field. At the
very end of the battle Colonel Fanning received a wound in
his arm that shattered the bone and disabled him. It is
related that Colonel Robert Mebane signalized himself by a
bold and deliberate act of courage in the hottest of the battle.
The ammunition of the Whigs was about expended, and he
advanced along the line slowly distributing powder and ball
to the men as needed, a target for every man in the Tory
ranks. Fanning, being unable to travel, was conveyed to a
secret place on Brush Creek, and for some weeks was dis-
abled by his wounds. At his request, Colonel McDougal
assumed command and hurried toward Wilmington, suc-
cessfully delivering, on September 23d, the person of Gover-
nor Burke to Major Craig, who had advanced to Livingston
Creek to receive his distinguished and valuable prisoner.
Fearing to be overtaken, the Tories made such haste that
although General Butler hotly pursued them even to the
vicinity of Wilmington, it was without avail. However,
he had a slight engagement at Hammond Creek, and he then
took post at Brown Marsh, in Bladen County. There about
October 1st the British marching from Wilmington in the
night surprised him, attacking his camp with some suc-
cess; and he retired toward Campbellton. And now for a
time the State was left without a head, but Colonel Alex-
ander Martin, as speaker of the senate, quickly assumed the
reins of government and began an energetic administration.
Governor Burke was regarded as a political prisoner and
not a prisoner of war. He was denied the right of exchange,
and was held at Major Craig's suggestion as a hostage for
the safety of Fanning, should that venturesome Tory fall
into the hands of the Whigs.
GREENE FIGHTS AT EUTAIV 697
/ The battle of Eutaw Springs ^81
/ Greene had now received considerable re-enforcement from September
L^ North Carolina. The continentals led by Colonel Ashe were
formed into the First Battalion; those brought by Major
Armstrong and General Sumner about the close of July be-
came the Second Battalion; and toward the middle of
August Major Blount arrived with such other continental
drafts as had then been embodied and provided with arms.
These became the Third Battalion. They were all thrown
into a brigade commanded by General Sumner in person.
There had also reached camp two battalions of North
Carolina militia commanded by Colonel Malmedy, a French
nobleman, trained to arms, who was appointed by the As-
sembly early in July for that purpose. Taking into account
those North Carolinians who had enlisted with Colonel Will-
iam Polk, of Mecklenburg, Colonel Wade Hampton, and
Colonel Hill, and in other corps then with Greene, North
Carolinians formed one-half of Greene's entire army.
Strengthened by these accessions, Greene resolved to take
the initiative and put an end to his enforced inactivity. At
last, at the very time when Fanning was compassing his
great stroke against his enemies — the capture of the gover-
nor, Greene brought on the battle of Eutaw Springs on Sep-
tember 8th. As before, the militia was placed at the front ;
those from North Carolina, under Colonel Malmedy. The Lee's
second line was composed of continentals, the North Caro- 46C7m°irs%
linians now under Sumner on the right. The British army
was drawn up in a single line. The militia advanced with
alacrity, and the battle became warm. The fire ran from
flmk to flank, the American line still advancing; but after a
fierce contest the militia, having fired seventeen rounds,
eventually gave way, and Greene instantly ordered Sumner
to fill the chasm. He came handsomely into action, and the
battle grew hotter and hotter, the British being driven back i,ee\
to their first position. The American line persevered and 468mo,ri'
advanced, and the fire became mutually destructive, when
General Greene, determining to strike a conclusive blow, McRee.R
brought up his reserves, and all pressing forward with a ^cdeii, 1,
shout, the battle raged with redoubled fury. The conquer-
ing Americans pressed the advantage they had gained, pur-
698 BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-S2
**l suing the foe, and possessed themselves of the British camp,
which was yielded without a struggle. The British line gave
way, and in the pursuit the Americans took three hundred
prisoners and two pieces of artillery. The British general,
however, later restored his broken line and advanced; and
the action was renewed, the battle terminating in the British
re-possessing their camp, taking two field pieces, the Ameri-
The bloody cans in turn retreating. For three hours it was a fierce con-
ballIc test, every corps in each army bravely supporting each
other. It was one of the bloodiest of the great conflicts in
the course of the war. More than one-fifth of the British and
one-fourth of the American army were killed and wounded.
The British took sixty prisoners, while the Americans cap-
tured about five hundred. Of the six commandants of con-
tinental regiments, only Williams and Lee escaped unhurt
The gallantry of the North Carolinians
When Sumner moved forward, the battalions of Ashe,
Armstrong and Blount so promptly filled the gap with such
admirable and soldierly precision that Greene in a burst of
enthusiasm exclaimed : "I was at a loss which most to ad-
mire, the gallantry of the officers or the good conduct of their
men." These men had just been raised as new drafts, and
were in part the very militia who under adverse circum-
stances had retired disorderly at Guilford Court House, and
had been enrolled by the Council Extraordinary into the
continental service for one year on that account. Now they
were drilled and disciplined, themselves had bayonets and
had been taught how to use them. They had officers trained
and experienced, and they gave to the world an example of
courage and endurance that reflected the highest credit on
American soldiery. The loss of North Carolina was particu-
\\tf£\ Iarly heavy in that sanguinary battle. Of her continentals,
l*R?5kv three captains and one lieutenant were killed, and one cap-
63« ' ' tain and five lieutenants were wounded. Major James Ruth-
erford, son of General Griffith Rutherford, was killed, and
Captains Goodwin, Goodman, Porterfield, and Lieutenants
Dillon and Polk, and Ensign Lamb were killed. The militia
as well as the continentals suffered severely both in killed
and wounded.
CHAPTER XXXIX
Martin's Administration, 1781-83
Rutherford marches to Wilmington. — Cornwallis surrenders. —
Wilmington evacuated. — Rutherford disbands his army. — Fanning not
suppressed. — The Assembly at Salem. — The Tories active. — Governor
Martin's action. — The return of Burke. — He assumes the administra-
tion.— Fanning's brutality. — Progress of events. — Burke seeks a
re-election. — Alexander Martin chosen. — New legislation. — The Mora-
vians.— Depreciation of the currency. — The Continental Line. — Indian
hostilities renewed. — Leslie remains at Charleston. — The deplorable
condition of the army. — Charleston evacuated. — The number of troops
furnished by North Carolina. — The capture of Lord Montague. — The
condition in 1783. — Governor Martin's address. — The sovereign State.
Rutherford marches to Wilmington
Although the abduction of the head of the commonwealth 1781
disorganized the administration and threw matters of state ~^
into disorder, it did not entirely disarrange the plans Gov-
ernor Burke had set on foot to subdue the Tories and expel Graham's
the British from Wilmington. In August General Ruther- £r6aham'
ford, having returned from his captivity in Florida, resumed
command in his district. His zeal had not been quenched by
his misfortunes, but rather the remembrance of the suffer-
ings he had endured inspired him with a firmer resolution.
Conformably to the governor's programme, he quickly called
out a part of his brigade, and asked volunteers to meet him
at Little River, in Montgomery County, by September 15th,
urging as many as possible to bring their horses and act
as cavalry. Governor Burke was on his way to Salisbury in
connection with this movement when he was captured, and
doubtless this startling, shocking event caused some delay
in the assembling of Rutherford's troops. A fortnight was
passed in organizing the companies and in training the cav-
alry, the command of the horsemen being assigned to
Colonel Robert Smith, assisted by Major Joseph Graham
and Captain Simmons and others who had served under
7oo MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
1781 Major Davie in previous operations. Rutherford, intent on
October victory, took every precaution to bring his raw levies up to
Bio HUt a state °* efficiencv- On October 1st he broke camp and
n. c., 111', moved by slow marches toward Campbellton, being joined
35 constantly by new accessions. At that time General Butler,
who had shortly before suffered discomfiture at Brown
Marsh, had withdrawn from below and was in the vicinity
of Cross Creek ; and later he united his force with the new
levies. On reaching Rockfish on October 15th, Rutherford's
cavalry had a slight engagement with a detachment of
Tories, and from prisoners information was obtained that
a body of six hundred Loyalists under Colonels Elrod, Ray,
^x*-» McNeil, and McDougal then lay in Raft Swamp. Fanning
was still in hiding on Brush Creek, in the Deep River sec-
tion, his wounds not yet healed ; but he had so far regained
his strength that somewhat earlier he despatched messengers
to Wilmington for a supply of ammunition, which Major
Craig sent him on October 13th, and he was preparing to
take the field again. The corps of Tories then at Raft
Swamp was, however, a part of those who had been with
him in the expedition for the capture of the governor and
their leaders were wily and astute. In order to expel them
from their stronghold, Rutherford arranged his men in a
single line, five steps apart, and beat through the swamp,
but without avail. The game had flown. The vigilant
Tories made good their escape.
Graham,* Rutherford encamped at Brown Marsh, some fifteen miles
36^ south of Elizabethtown and thirty miles from Wilmington,
as General Butler had done several weeks before. While
there, Colonel Alexander Martin, who had succeeded to the
office of governor, visited the camp, remaining several days
with the soldiers, and enthusing them by his presence. Gen-
eral Rutherford now determined to divide his force, leaving
on the south side of the river Colonel Robert Smith with the
mounted infantry and dragoons, some three hundred in num-
ber; while with the infantry he himself should invest Wil-
mington on the north side. Carrying this plan into effect,
on October 23d he crossed the Cape Fear at Waddell's
plantation and proceeded into New Hanover. Colonel Smith
at once drew near to Wilmington, had several brushes with
RUTHERFORD ATTACKS WILMINGTON 701
parties of the enemy, and found that some fifty of the regu- 2jf
lars occupied a brick house about two miles from the town, November
while a hundred Tories were encamped at Moore's planta-
tion close by. He proceeded to attack the latter, and was so
favored by fortune that twelve of them were killed outright
and some thirty wounded ; while on the part of the Whigs
neither man nor horse was hurt. Finding the brick house* {^"don
well garrisoned, protected by abattis, and the doors and win-
dows barricaded, Colonel Smith despaired of reducing it
without heavy loss, and after a fruitless attack retired be-
yond Livingston Creek.
When Rutherford reached the bridge over the North-
east River, ten miles north of Wilmington, he had a slight
engagement with a British garrison established there, easily
driving them off. He established his camp on the adjacent
sand-hills, near the river swamp, and cut off all approach
to the town from the northward. While investing Wilming-
ton on the north and west Rutherford received information
that Craig was obtaining provisions by boats from Lock-
wood's Folly.f He therefore directed Major Graham to
make an excursion to cut off that source of supplies. Major j*™^
Graham having proceeded in that direction, encamped after
a cold, rainy clay at Seven Creeks, not far from the South
Carolina line. During the night his detachment was aroused Graham's
by a full volley discharged into their camp by a band of f™ am'
Tories under Major Gainey, a noted partisan of that section.
The enemy, however, fired too high, and only one of the
men was wounded. Quickly the Whigs turned out and a
night encounter ensued, but the attacking party successfully
escaped into the neighboring swamp. The loss to the Whigs
was Lieutenant Clark killed and three others wounded. Of
the Tories, only one was killed.
On November 17th, while Rutherford was still hemming
♦The brick house was still in existence in 1857, its walls indented
by balls, within sight of the town, on the rise of the hill just beyond
Brunswick River, on the right of the Fayetteville road leading over
Eagles Island from Wilmington (McRee's Iredell. I, 562).
fLockwood's Folly, some ten miles west of Southport, was the
scene of a settlement made by a man named Lockwood many years
before the permanent settlement of the Cape Fear. But he incurred
the enmity of the Indians, and the settlement had to be 'abandoned.
7o2 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
U** }n the British garrison, Light Horse Harry Lee* arrived in
camp on his way to General Greene, bringing the great news
Oct. 19, 1781 that on October 19th Cornwallis and his entire army had
dSEfwaiiis0 surrendered at Yorktown; and that General Wayne and a
considerable number of troops were marching to the south to
aid in bringing the war to a close. With joy and gladness
the news was proclaimed, and Rutherford drew up his army
and peal after peal of musketry resounded through the
neighboring country as he heralded the glad tidings in a
"feu de joie" On the same day came the information that
Major Craig was evacuating Wilmington, and Rutherford
moved down to Shaw's, four miles from the town. The fol-
lowing morning, November 18th, all the British troops
boarded the vessels which were then falling down the river.
While they were yet in sight General Rutherford and a part
mraaiSr °* *"s trooPs arrived and took possession. Thus swiftly fol-
Nov. 18,1781 lowing Cornwallis's surrender, the last British soldier was
expelled from the soil of North Carolina and the dominion
of the enemy was over.
T*»e. . It is impossible to describe the enthusiasm and happiness
rejoicing r *
these events diffused among the Whig inhabitants of the
State. It is narrated that when the news that Cornwallis was
taken was announced to the congress, an officer of that
body fell dead with joy. Throughout the State there was a
ifedeM, season of great rejoicing. Even grave and reverend seignors
563 gave a loose rein to hilarity. "One reason why I did not
come to Edenton last term, as I promised," wrote Judge
Williams to Iredell, "was that upon the confirmation of the
news of the capture of Cornwallis we were all so elated that
the time elapsed in frolicking." In the Cape Fear region,
where there had been such a protracted reign of terror, the
exaltation of the Whigs must have been unbounded.
*Early in October General Greene, hoping that after. Cornwallis
should have been taken Washington would despatch a force to his
aid, sent Colonel Lee to Virginia to represent the situation of affairs
in South Carolina. Washington assented to the suggestion and pro-
posed that the French admiral should convey a detachment under
Lafayette to the Cape Fear; but eventually the admiral found it
inconvenient to delay his departure from the coast longer, and the
plan was abandoned. General Wayne, however, marched some troops
from Virginia to the south and operated in Georgia (Lee's Memoirs,
P. 5i8).
EXCESSES IN WILMINGTON 703
But the distresses of the people of Wilmington were not jjj
quite over. They had grave complaints to make of the November
spoliation of their property at the hands of Rutherford's
militia, who appear to have regarded that the town had been
captured and was subject to plunder. The depredations
were inexcusable. When requested, however, guards were
placed by the general to protect the homes of the inhabi-
tants. Such salt as the British had left was seized, and that
being insufficient to load all the wagons, an additional supply
was taken from the storehouses of the merchants, for that
was a commodity of prime necessity, and was greatly
needed at the west. When the army returned home, as it
arrived at the place where a company was mustered out, the
salt was distributed, one bushel to each man as his com-
pensation, and it was of more real value than the auditor's
certificates which they subsequently received for their ser-
vices. General Rutherford, quiet being restored, marched
his army to the interior, having first given orders to Major
Graham to take all the dragoons and mounted infantry and
effectually disperse such Tories as were still embodied along S^*"'*
the South Carolina line. 374
While the investment of Wilmington was in progress, rjmn|n re-
Fanning, having received a supply of ammunition, toward neW$opera-
the close of October gathered around him a hundred Tories
and renewed his operations on Deep River. The Whigs,
however, soon embodied and marched against him. On their
approach he gave them battle, at first driving them off,
but on their returning to the attack he himself retreated, and
made good his escape. Fearing utter discomfiture if he
maintained a large camp, he then separated his men into
small parties, and these bands passed here and there through
the Whig settlements, committing many depredations.
The Assembly at Salem
The Assembly had adjourned to meet at Salem in Novem-
ber, and on the 8th of that month Colonel Martin, the act-
ing governor, arrived, bringing with him two companies
of soldiers. General Caswell and sixty-three members of
the legislature also appeared, but twenty-eight members of
the house and ten members of the senate were absent. Two
7°4
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
1 781
November
Cleweirs
Wachovia,
«58
S R
XXII* an
Tories not
suppressed
S. R
XX lK 608
weeks passed in listless inaction. Then on the night of
November 24th the alarming news was received that a large
body of Tories was approaching with the purpose of seizing
the person of Governor Martin. It was a cold November
night, rain falling; and all night long the two companies
were in anxious expectancy.
However, no attack was made ; but the peril and the hope-
lessness of profiting by longer delay led to an adjournment,
and on November 27th, without having transacted any busi-
ness, the legislature adjourned to meet again on Jan-
uary 25th.
Deep River was still the scene of great disturbance, for
although Fanning had certain intelligence of Craig's depar-
ture, he and his lieutenants continued their depredations and
murders, until at length on December 10th Colonel Elijah
Isaacs, who had been taken at Camden and was Rutherford's
companion at St. Augustine, "came down from the moun-
tains" with a party of three hundred men and established his
camp at Coxe's Mill, in the settlement where the Tory bands
had their headquarters. For some weeks he remained there,
but although his presence had some effect, he was unable to
entirely suppress the roving bands, whose appetite for blood
and plunder seemed insatiable. Nor, notwithstanding the
departure of Craig's regulars and the operations of General
Rutherford, were the Tories of the lower Cape Fear entirely
subdued. In Bladen they still gave trouble. General Marion
had made a truce with Colonel Gainey, a South Carolina
Tory, in June, 1781, establishing a large truce-ground ad-
joining Anson and Bladen, in which the Tories could live in
a state of neutrality, not to be interfered with, they under-
taking to commit no depredations. Toward the end of
January many coming from Gainey 's truce-land did much
mischief in Bladen, and Colonel Robeson wrote to Governor
Martin that the worst of the Bladen Tories continued to
stand out and would not surrender, "and I am of the opinion
won't until they can be beaten or killed." Further, about
a hundred of these irrepressible sympathizers of the British
had gone over to the truce-land, and were a menace to that
part of North Carolina. Colonel Robeson urged that the
State regiment should be stationed on Raft Swamp and
TRIALS FOR TREASON 705
Ashpolc, as a means of repressing them, but that regiment lj^
was not then fully organized, and was not sent.
Governor Martin's action
In order to hasten a restoration of normal conditions,
Governor Martin, considering that an end ought to be put
to all hostile operations now that there was no longer any
British force to contend with, determined to enforce the civil
law while offering the olive branch of peace.
He ordered that special terms of court should be held for
the trial of the prisoners in jail, and such other criminals as
might be captured; and on Christmas day he issued a
proclamation pardoning all who had taken up arms against
the State who should surrender before March 10th, on con-
dition that they would enlist in the continental battalions for
a term of twelve months; but such as had been guilty of
murder, robbery or housebreaking were excepted from this
offer.
Those inhabitants who had taken sides against their coun-
try were regarded by the administration as mere law-
breakers and amenable to punishment in the courts. On
January 17th a session of the court was begun at Hillsboro. 178a
Four culprits were arraigned for high treason, and con-
victed ; one of them, Thomas Dark, had figured as a captain xxii\ 9t0
in Fanning's band, and was as enterprising and nearly as
dangerous as Fanning himself. From his cruelty to pris-
oners, in cutting, hacking and wounding them, he had ac-
quired among his followers the name of "young Tarleton."
At that term of the court Colonel Alfred Moore conducted Tories tried
the prosecutions on behalf of the State, and gained great Evicted
reputation for legal acquirements. At Wilmington court
others were tried and convicted; and at the March term
of Salisbury court Samuel Bryan, John Hampton, and
Nicholas White were likewise found guilty of high treason
and condemned to death. These men were the leaders in
the Tory movement in June, 1780, escaping Rutherford and
joining Major McArthur with the British dragoons at An-
son Court House, then occupied as a British post. The '268,270
judges in a statement made to the governor said that
Bryan and Hampton were generally considered as very
7o6 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
f78a honest men; and it did not appear to the court that they
had on their march through the State committed any unusual
violence, there being no proof that they had been guilty of
any murder, or house-burning, or even plundering except for
the use of the army. Governor Burke at once reprieved the
prisoners until May 10th, when the Assembly might deter-
mine on the proper course to pursue with regard to them,
or they might be exchanged ; and as some of the people about
Salisbury were threatening violence against these prisoners,
he directed Major Lewis, who was in command there, to be
very attentive and prevent any interference with them.
The return of Governor Burke
Toward the close of October, Governor Burke, who had
been held a close prisoner at Wilmington, was conveyed to
Charleston, and was at first confined in a fort on Sullivan's
Island; but on November 6th he was paroled to James
s. r., xvi. Island, then infested by desperate refugees, full of hatred
ijafifi*' toward those who had expelled them from their homes.
They had been accustomed to murder Whigs without com-
punction, and Governor Burke was often threatened and
considered himself every moment in danger of assassination.
At length a party of revengeful Loyalists fired on a small
group who were at the governor's quarters, killing one man
on one side and wounding another standing on the other side
of him. The next morning the governor wrote to General
Leslie portraying the perils of his position and requesting
a parole within the American lines, or that he might be re-
moved to a place of safety. General Leslie took no notice
of this reasonable request. Finding that he was to be sacri-
ficed to the rage of the exasperated Tories, whenever his
assassination could be effected, and that he was not held as
a prisoner of war, Governor Burke determined that he was
perfectly released from all obligations to remain on James
Island. His situation involved mutual obligations to which
weaves, General Leslie seemed indifferent. Having resolved to es-
jan. 16,178a cape, he succeeded in doing so on January 16th. He reached
General Greene's headquarters safely, and at once wrote
to General Leslie asking to be exchanged, and saying that
he would return on parole provided General Leslie would
BURKE RESUMES THE ADMINISTRATION 707
pledge himself to treat him not differently from the conti- x*te
nental officers. General Leslie acceded to neither of these
propositions. At the end of January the governor there-
fore returned to North Carolina.
On the day fixed for the meeting of the Assembly, Gov- cieweir*
ernor Martin and a number of members arrived at Salem ; w*chov,a,
but a quorum did not attend. Five days later, January 30th,
while the members were still lingering in hope of additional
arrivals, Governor Burke unexpectedly appeared on the
scene. At the election in March, Colonel Martin would
cease to be the speaker of the senate and therefore it was
argued he could not act as governor after that date. This
consideration induced Governor Burke to assert his right to
resume the administration; and the next day, January 31st,
Colonel Martin delivered to him all the papers in his pos-
session as governor, and gave him all the information possi-
ble about public matters. As no quorum appeared, the As-
sembly then adjourned.
He resumes the administration
Entering promptly on the administration, Governor January 3i$t
Burke immediately undertook to remedy the great derange-
ment of public affairs, and applied himself to the work of
establishing peace in the State and making the people secure
in their homes. His attention was first given to the condi-
tion of supplies and provisions for the army, and to the
accounts of those in charge of public property. But he was
not unmindful of the Tory bands. On February 5th he di-
rected General Butler to send parties into the disaffected
settlements, for Fanning was gaining strength and it was
feared that he would seize Butler himself and other prin-
cipal officers. To form the nucleus of an army Burke di- s r., xvi,
rected the state drafts to rendezvous immediately at Hillsboro. 5°°
Indeed he was now all energy and acted with spirit. Having
ordered Glaubeck to meet him at Halifax, and Glaubeck not
attending, he at once put him under arrest ; and similar ac-
tion was taken as to others who were not prompt in observ- R xyj
ing his directions. Calling his council together, it was deter- 181, '1*96, 540
mined that the general plan the governor had in mind at the
time of his capture should be now carried into effect, and a
708 BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1782
f78a strong and efficient force should be marched into the dis-
affected region and the Tories quieted or expelled from the
State. And inasmuch as it was thought that the regulations
restricting exportations had worked to the injury of the
State, he by proclamation gave permission for the free and
unlimited exportation of all commodities, and otherwise
sought to re-establish commerce in its natural channels.
Some of those who had been convicted of treason by the
courts he allowed to be executed, but he pardoned others on
condition that they should serve twelve months in the con-
tinental service, they being thereafter regarded as citizens
of the State.
Major Bennet Crofton was the senior officer of the state
battalion authorized by the last Assembly, among the other
officers of that battalion being Captain George Farragut,
a native of Minorca.* Governor Burke did not think
Major Crofton equal to the command of the expedition
which he had in mind, and so selected Major Hogg of the
Ih^s,™* continentals for that duty. Major Crofton, however, refused
to abdicate, and although the governor placed him under ar-
rest, his disobedience of orders interfered so seriously with
the collection of the drafts that the proposed expedition came
to naught.
Fanning's brutality
To the proclamation of Governor Martin offering pardon,
Fanning made some objections, and proposed other terms,
saying that if his terms were not agreed on his sword
would be continually unsheathed, as he was determined he
would not leave one old offender alive that had injured any
of his Majesty's friends. The general conduct of this re-
lentless partisan at this time is well illustrated by some ex-
tracts from his diary : "We wounded two of them mortally
and several slightly. . . . The day following we pursued them
to Cumberland County, and on my way I burned Captain
Coxe's house and his father's. On my return to Little
River, . . . fell in with one of Captain Golson's men who had
been very assiduous in assisting the rebels. I killed him . . /
And I went with a design of burning Captain Golson's
♦Afterward the father of Admiral David Glasgow Farragut
DAVID FANNING
709
house, which I did, and also two others. In my way I fell
in with a man, . . . and on observing me that day he at-
tempted to escape, but I shot him." Pending negotiations,
however, Fanning remained more quiet; and eventually in
February he and his officers made a proposition for a truce
to last at least six months, and not to exceed twelve, similar
in terms to the truce granted to Colonel Gainey in South
Carolina by Marion the preceding June: the truce-land to
be from Cumberland County twenty miles north and south,
and thirty east and west, to be kept totally clear of light
horse. Every man who had been in arms in behalf of the
British Government was to have a right to withdraw him-
self into that district, and to have free trade with any port,
but not to carry arms.
After making his proposition for a truce, for a time Fan-
ning remained passive ; but having heard of the execution of
some of his men under the sentence of the court, he could
control himself no longer, and wrote to the governor: "I
understand that you have hung three of my men, and have a
captain and six men under sentence. If the effusion of blood
is not stopped and the lives of these men saved, I will retal-
iate, blood for blood, and tenfold for one; and there shall
never an officer or private of the rebel party escape that falls
into my hands hereafter, but they shall suffer the pain and
punishment of instant death. If my request is not granted
by March 8th, I shall fall upon the severest and most inhu-
man terms imaginable." March 8th came and his proposi-
tion for a truce-ground had not been agreed to ; and, more-
over, he had heard that Colonel Balfour, of Randolph
County, had said that there should be no "resting place for
a Tory's foot on the face of the earth." This excited his ire,
and, accepting the challenge, he wreaked a fearful vengeance.
Having equipped a party, he set out for Balfour's plantation.
Margaret Balfour, the colonel's sister, has preserved an ac-
count of that affair: "On March 10th," she wrote, "about
twenty-five armed ruffians came to the house with the inten-
tion to kill my brother. Tibbie and I endeavored to prevent
them, but it was all in vain. The wretches cut and bruised
us both a great deal, and dragged us from the dear man.
Then before our eves the worthless, base, horrible Fan-
178a
S R
XXli',ai3
Negotia-
tions with
Fanning,
Feb., 1782
Balfour
killed.
Mar. 10,178a
Hiop. Hist.
N. C, II,i8
710 BURKE'S ADMINISTRATION, 1782
»782 ning shot a bullet into his head, which soon put a period to
March the life of the best of men and most affectionate and duti-
ful husband, father, son and brother. The sight was so
shocking that it is impossible for tongue to express any-
thing like our feelings ; but the barbarians, not in the least
touched by our anguish, drove us out of the house, and took
everything they could carry off, except the negroes, who
£tncheni happened to be all from home at the time." Fanning, de-
tailing the adventures of that raid, writes in his diary : "We
also wounded another of his men. We then proceeded to
their colonel's (Collier), belonging to the said county of
Randolph. On our way we burned several rebels' houses,
and catched several prisoners. ... It was late before we got
to Collier's. He made his escape, having received three balls
through his shirt. But I took care to destroy the whole of
his plantation. I then . . . came to one Captain John Bryan's.
... I told him that if he would come out of the house, I
would give him parole, which he refused. . . . With that I
immediately ordered the house to be set on fire. ... As soon
as he saw the flames increasing, he called out to me, and
desired me to spare his house for his wife's and children's
sake, and he would walk out with his arms in his hands.
I immediately answered him that if he walked out his house
should be saved for his wife and children. When he came
out he said, 'Here, damn you, here I am.' With that he re-
ceived two balls through his body. He came out with his
gun cocked and his sword at the same time. ... I proceeded
on to one Major Dugin's house, and destroyed all his prop-
erty, and all the rebel officers' property for a distance of
forty miles."
Such were some of the scenes of the barbarous warfare,
waged even after the surrender of Cornwallis, in the Deep
River region.
Progress of events
178a A new election occurred in March, and the Assembly con-
vened at Hillsboro on April 13th. Conditions had greatly
changed. The surrender of Cornwallis, the successes of
Greene, and the departure of Craig, put a new aspect on the
face of affairs. The end of the long struggle was now in
EFFORTS FOR PEACE 711
sight. Indeed, although then unknown in America, Parlia- J-Jf
ment had declared for peace. On February 27, 1782, it was f^j^JJ1
moved and carried in the British House of Commons that the king
the war ought to cease. The king, however, was not of that
mind. He was still eager to press hostilities notwithstand-
ing the apparent hopelessness of victory, and his answer to
the address of the House was so unsatisfactory that on
March 4th that body solemnly resolved that "it would con-
sider as enemies to the king and to the country all who
should advise a further prosecution of the war." This lan-
guage could not be misunderstood. Sullenly and reluctantly
George III yielded when he could contest no further. Lord
North resigned, the ministry was changed, and Rocking-
ham came into power on the principles of a restoration of
peace. Unhappily he soon died, but his policy had prevailed,
and now it was only a matter of negotiation. His atti- h£nking*
tude toward the colonies struggling for independence had NortJT1111
been so humane and based on such high principles, that three Caro"n*
years after his death North Carolina erected a memorial in
his honor by creating a new county and bestowing upon it
his name.
But while it seemed that the victory had been won, North
Carolina did not abate her efforts to maintain an army in the
field so long as any British troops remained on the borders
of the State.
Indeed both General Washington and the Continental
Congress apprehended from information received from Eu-
rope that King George was seeking to form foreign alliances,
and would again prosecute an active campaign; and great
pressure was made on the State to fill up her continental bat- toSThen'
talions. Moreover, General Greene gave alarming intelli-
gence that a force consisting of four vessels was preparing
in Charleston to plunder and destroy the town of Beaufort,
where there was a large quantity of public and private
stores, and then perhaps intending to enter the sound and
take New Bern and Edenton. Apprehensions of this in-
vasion led to renewed activity ; and Governor Burke ordered
General Caswell and General Jones each to raise five hun-
dred men and protect the coast.
7i2 BURKES ADMINISTRATION, 1782
178a Besides, in March the Tories to the southward gave signs
Man.h of renewed hostility. They embodied to the number of five
s. r., xvi, hundred, and were very bold. They threatened to march on
553 Wilmington, and it was supposed that their purpose was to
plunder the inhabitants of that town. The Whigs quickly
embodied, and Colonel Kenan hastened with the Duplin
militia to the aid of Colonel Robeson, and together they con-
fronted the hostile malcontents. It developed, however,
that the object of the Tories was merely to possess them-
selves of some vessels in the river and make their escape
from the country. Defeated in their purpose, they retired to
the truce-ground in South Carolina, and this was the last of
their formidable demonstrations in that quarter.
Further in the interior Fanning continued his operations,
fie*"' XV1, an<^ was irrepressible. Indeed his audacity was such a men-
ace that Governor Burke deemed it necessary to have a party
of both horse and foot at Hillsboro to secure the safety of
the Assembly when it should meet. When the Assembly
convened, it was therefore protected by a military force un-
der the command of Major McCauley. Quietude reigned
until April 30th, when a report gained credence that the fear-
ful Fanning was approaching, and the members and the gov-
ernor thought themselves in danger of being carried off into
captivity. In the emergency the members took arms and
_ . bravclv paraded ; but happily the alarm was without founda-
Fanmng . * * . r l r ... . , ,
departs, tion, and the session of the Assembly was not interrupted by
ay* ,7 2 any untoward event. Fanning's proposition for a truce
land was rejected by the Assembly, and in May he deter-
mined to abandon the contest and leave the State. He mar-
ried a girl on Deep River, whose father had been useful to
him when in distress, and found a refuge in the truce land
in South Carolina.*
s. r., xvi, As the election for governor was coming on, Colonel Mar-
534 tin began to court popularity with great avidity. Burke had
gained popular favor the preceding year by the stand he had
taken against the excesses of forage masters and those im-
*In June this redoubtable partisan leader, whose boldness, enter-
prise and resolution, had he been on the patriot side, would have
ranked him high in American annals, made his way to Charleston,
and later he passed some time in Florida, but eventually settled in
Nova Scotia, where he lived to a green old age.
MARTIN DEFEATS BURKE 7*3
pressing and seizing provisions for the army; now Martin ^
sought popularity by a severe attitude toward disaffected APril
persons. Governor Burke apparently desired a re-election. b«^«
Major McCauley was a friend of the governor's, and on re-election
Sunday morning, April. 14th, he visited the different rooms
occupied by the members of the Assembly, and gathered
from their conversation their views about the approaching
election. He reported to the governor that Samuel Johns-
ton, William Sharpe, and Colonel Martin, as well as him- s R XVI
self, were much talked of ; but that he was supposed to be 593
still under parole, and that the way he had left Charleston
was much debated. However, he said : "Your friends are
very steadfast, and with a little of your assistance when a
house is made I doubt not but to have success/'
But Burke saw that sentiment was against him. He Alexander
ceased his efforts to secure the election, and when the As- chSen
sembly was organized, in an elaborate address he referred
to his financial embarrassment and the necessity he was
under of devoting his attention exclusively to his private
affairs. However, doubtless with the hope of softening the
adverse opinion that prevailed because of his breach of his
parole of honor, he laid before the Assembly all the corre-
spondence relative to his flight from Charleston. Although
some steadfast friends still adhered to him, he was not a
candidate for the office. Samuel Johnston, William Sharpe,
and John Williams were among those voted for, but Colonel
Alexander Martin, who had so recently been the acting gov-
ernor, won the prize.
On being elected governor, Colonel Martin on April 22d s. r., xvi,
made a spirited address to the Assembly, declaring that *" *97
"British pride, long supported by riches and power, late
drunk with the idea of conquest of these states, with reluc-
tance at last must bend to superior force." But he called
on the Assembly to maintain the army, and be prepared for
any emergency. He recommended mercy to those citizens
who having been in revolt had surrendered themselves to
the justice of the State; and in particular he said : "The edu-
cation of your youth demands your serious attention ; savage
manners are ever attendant on ignorance, which, without
correction in time, will sap the foundation of civil govern-
7H
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
v*9 ment. Those states who want knowledge and wisdom in
April their councils have generally fallen a prey to their wiser
neighbors, or require their guardianship. This will never
be our fate while those seminaries of learning now estab-
lished be further supported by your authority, and others
created when they are wanting." Although not the father
of the university, he broke ground in favor of education
before the echoes of the war had even subsided.
Courts of
Equity
S. R..
XXIV, 441
S R
XXIV, 474
The
Moravians
New legislation
The Assembly now proposed to carry into effect its pur-
pose of establishing a permanent seat of government near
the centre of the State, and resolved that thereafter the legis-
lature should always hold its sessions at Hillsboro; but a
year later this action was annulled. The pahce at New
Bern was directed to be repaired, rented out, or sold.
When the superior courts were established in 1777, equity
jurisdiction was denied to the judges on the ground that all
issues of fact should be tried by a jury. Session after ses-
sion the lawyers combated this view and urged that the
judges should have the powers of a chancellor, and now at
the end of the war this change was made, and the title of
the courts became "Superior Courts of Law and Equity."
A new judicial district was created, embracing Washington
and Sullivan counties across the mountains, and Lincoln,
Burke, and Wilkes on the eastern side ; and while terms of
court were to be held at Morganton, two sessions a year
were directed to be held west of the mountains.
Because of the impoverished condition of the people in
the Wilmington district, who had suffered so much from the
depredations of the Loyalists, those inhabitants of that sec-
tion who should be excused by the county commissioners
were exempt from the payment of taxes ; and the residents of
Bladen were required under penalty of fine to carry with
them their arms and six rounds of ammunition whenever
they attended courts or elections or any public meeting, for
the Tories were not yet entirely subdued in that region.
The Moravians had been fearful that their lands would be
regarded as subject to the confiscation acts. In 1778 they
applied for some alteration in the form of the oath of
READJUSTMENT- 715
allegiance, and that they might on the payment of the regu- lj^
lar tax be exempt from military service. At first their re-
quest was not favorably considered, and without some relief,
under the orders of the court of Surry County, they would
have been compelled to abandon their homes in sixty days
should they further delay taking the prescribed oath.
Mr. Hooper befriended them when all seemed dark in the
Assembly, and satisfactory legislation was obtained. Still
doubts were entertained lest their lands were subject to the
confiscation act, and at this session all uncertainties were
finally removed.
April, 178a
The depreciation of the currency
The public accounts being in great confusion, the office of
Comptroller of Accounts was created, and Richard Caswell
undertook its duties. The depreciation of currency was such
that while in December, 1778, the decline in value was only
5 per cent., a year later it was 30 per cent. During the fol-
lowing year it went by leaps and bounds, until in December,
1780, it fell 200 per cent., and the next December its value
had declined 725 per cent. No greater depreciation than
800 per cent, was, however, recognized by the Assembly.
The value of a Spanish milled dollar was fixed at 8 shillings,
making a shilling in North Carolina \2l/2 cts. A tax was s. r ..
laid by the Assembly of one penny on the pound of value 438,485
of all property embracing land and negroes ; but two-thirds
of this tax could be paid in commodities. Quakers and other
non-combatants were, however, subjected, as they had been
during the war, to a threefold taxation. Inasmuch as there Mayi I?8a
were many worthy citizens of the State still confined on
prison ships and suffering the most cruel hardships, the
legislature directed the governor to send Samuel Bryan and Tor5es
others under sentence of death to be exchanged for militia «>"hansed
officers of similar rank, and that he should cause a sufficient
number of Tories to be sent on to General Greene's camp
to be exchanged for the citizens held by the British, send-
ing also the wives and families of the Tories ; and the gov-
ernor was directed to continue to do this from time to time.
And if General Leslie would not carry out in good faith
7i6 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
«78a this proposition, the treason laws of the State were to be
rigidly enforced.
^J^ a The Assembly addressed itself to giving effect to its con-
fiscation acts, and appointed commissioners to sell the prop-
erty of those who had adhered to the enemies of the State.
Provision, however, was made for unfortunate families, and
where a wife or widow or children of a Tory remained in
the State, the county courts were directed to set aside so
much property, both real and personal, as would provide
them adequate support.
The Continental Line
On March 30th a board of officers of the North Carolina
line had held a meeting to arrange the continental officers of
the State to command the four continental battalions which
1783 had been provided for. Thomas Clark was assigned to com-
mand the First Battalion; Colonel John Patten the Second;
Lieutenant-Colonel Selby Harney the Third, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Archibald Lytle the Fourth. There were ninety-
six officers embraced in this arrangement. Some, Colonel
James Armstrong, Colonel James Thackston, and Captain
Francis Childs, were allowed to retire on half pay. The
Assembly approved of this arrangement, and the officers
took the commands assigned them.
While under the exchange many officers as well as men
were returned to duty, yet as late as November Colonel
Clark, Major Nelson, six captains and eight lieutenants of
the North Carolina line were still unexchanged, although
paroled.
xx1! v ^e Assembly was not indifferent to the hardships endured
419-4" by the soldiers, and took measures for their relief ; while in
order to manifest its appreciation of their patriotic service,
it granted to every soldier who should continue in the ranks
until the end of the war 640 acres of land, and to every
officer a larger quantity according to his rank, a colonel re-
ceiving 7200 acres; a brigadier, 12,000 acres, while to Gen-
eral Greene was given 25,000 acres. This land was set aside
for the soldiers in the wilds beyond the mountains, now in
The Indians the State of Tennessee.
hMtiiities T'ie Indians had long been quiet, and General Greene
CHEROKEES AND TORIES 717
on taking command of the Southern army had made a par- lJ^
ticular treaty with them to preserve their neutrality, but now,
although the British cause no longer wore a hopeful out-
look, they were suddenly inflamed to renew hostilities. They
were active in Georgia and in South Carolina, and against
the inhabitants of Washington County, where, under the di-
rection of the legislature, lands intended for the soldiers were
to be located. In July Martin Armstrong wrote : "The In- f;7R"' XV1,
dians are very troublesome in this side of our new county."
Colonel Crawford with four hundred and eighty men was
totally defeated by them, aided by the British Tories.
A year later, in August, 1783, Governor Martin, under-
standing that there were still some Cherokee prisoners held
in Rutherford and Lincoln counties, directed General Mc-
Dowell to have them given up to Colonel Joseph Martin, in
command across the mountains, that he might send them to
the Indian nation in exchange for the white prisoners the
Indians held.
Nor were the Tories pacified ; even in October they made
a demonstration in Bladen. When the judges issued war-
rants against some rioters in that county they threatened to
disturb the court, and Governor Martin felt that the menace
was so great as to require General Lillington to protect the
court with his militia.
After the battle of Etitaw, on September 8th, the British ['™£al
commander, Colonel Stuart, took post at Monk's Corner, and chiri^ton
Greene on the high hills of the Santee. Lord Rawdon, having 178a
previously sailed for Europe, General Leslie, then serving in
Virginia, was appointed by Cornwallis to command in the
Carolinas, and he soon made his headquarters at Charleston. '
Although there were some slight conflicts, a period of inac-
tivity set in between the contending armies. Greene took
post at Camp Round O, on the Edisto, about forty miles
from Charleston, hemming the British in to the coast. In the
spring of 1782 General Leslie proposed a cessation of hos-
tilities, which, however, was not agreed to. Not supplied
with provisions from abroad, Leslie was forced, in order to
relieve the distress of his troops, to forage on the country as
far as he could make incursions, but his field of operations
was so restricted that only an insufficient supply could be ob-
7i8 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
»j8a tained. His troops suffered severely, and so did those in
the Whig camp,
adorable Indeed, the condition of the army in South Carolina was
condition of deplorable. No clothing or provisions could be obtained
from Virginia or Maryland, while South Carolina was ut-
s. rm xvi, terly unable to supply their necessities. North Carolina was
518,634,645, t^ejr on|v resource# Colonel Dixon reported to General
Sumner in February that "some of our officers are so bare
of clothes that they cannot mount guard or keep company
with decency.,, On May 15th Colonel Murfree wrote that
the men were almost naked, and a great many were returned
not fit for duty for want of clothes. Officers felt compelled
to resign because they could get no pay and could not live.
The legislature having taken steps to keep the ranks of
the battalions filled, all during the year drafts were being
collected and sent forward. General Greene had urgently
requested that at least three thousand head of cattle should
be sent to camp, together with some rum and salt, for the
army was in great distress for the want of these neces-
saries. And in August Governor Martin wrote to General
Bryan, the superintendent-commissary for the New Bern
district, that General Greene is still in great distress for beef.
44 Must General Greene/' said he, "retreat before a conquered
and despairing enemy, abandon all his conquest, give up
s.^r., xvi, South Carolina for the want of food, and return to this
State ? . . . Rather than he should be compelled to this alter-
native, which would disgrace the State to eternity, I would
through all opposition drive to him everything in the shape
of a cow or steer" to be found in North Carolina. Truly,
the situation of the army at that period was most distressing ;
not merely were the troops ragged and without decent cloth-
ing, but subsistence was scarce, and their deprivations exces-
sive and heartrending. .
All during the summer the opposing forces in South
Carolina watched each other, waiting for some development.
At length, in August, General Leslie announced in general
orders his intention of evacuating Charleston. To stop the
further effusion of blood, he addressed General Greene, ask-
ing permission to purchase from the country such supplies as
mi^ht be furnished him until he should be readv to sail. As
NORTH CAROLINA'S QUOTA 719
desirable as this practical suspension of hostilities was for J&?
the advantage of the naked and destitute American soldiers,
General Greene felt constrained to refuse the accommodation.
How deplorable was the situation of the army was portrayed Lee*.
by General Greene in a report: "For upward of two months JJa1"0'"'
more than one-third of our army was naked, with nothing
but a breech-cloth about them, and never came out of their Sl^^f1
tents. . . . Our condition was little better in the articles of
provision." In September the preparations for evacuation
were apparent ; but autumn passed without action, and it was
not until December 14th that the British, having embarked, Dec. x4,
took their departure. General Greene with his continentals x?8a
at once occupied the city, which the next day was restored
to the civil authorities.
The number of troops furnished by North Carolina
It is impossible to ascertain with entire accuracy the num-
ber pi North Carolinians who were in the field during the
war for independence. There were originally six battalions
of continentals of 500 men each, and later the battalions of
Colonel Hogun, of Williams, and Sheppard marched to the
north, so that 4500 continentals might be computed for
these. There was Vance's artillery company and Dickinson
and Ashe's cavalry, and Phifer's cavalry, numbering about
400. In the spring of 1779 there was a battalion of conti-
nentals with Lincoln and in the fall General Sumner had a
brigade of new continentals in South Carolina, altogether
1500. All these disappeared on the surrender of Lincoln.
Major Eaton's battalion in the early summer of 1781 num-
bered about 400; Sumner's brigade at Eutaw Springs, 1000.
The returns of this brigade in April, 1782, showed 1000 on
the roll. The Assembly of April, 1782, directed that every
thirtieth man in the State should be drafted for eighteen
months to fill up this brigade, and these drafts were being
sent forward in May and later. They were calculated to
raise 2000 men, and even in September selections from the
militia were being made to complete these drafts, so that
probably 1000 new men became continentals after the
summer of 1782. These figures aggregate 8800 continen-
tals. On the reorganization, in 1781, the new battalions
720 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
'783 were numbered the First, Second, Third, and Fourth, the
former ones having been obliterated.
There were originally 3000 six-months' minute men : 500
militia marched in the "Snow campaign" ; 1500 with Ruther-
ford against the Cherokees. Colonel Williams had 300 with
the Virginia troops at the same time. There were probably
3000 militia besides minute men and continentals on the
Cape Fear in the Moore's Creek campaign, and in May,
when the British fleet was in the harbor; for it is stated
that the number of troops in arms at that time was 9400.
In the fall of 1776 General Allen Jones's brigade was in
South Carolina, numbering, say, 600. General Rutherford
carried 700 and Ashe 2000 to the aid of General Lincoln;
to take their place, Butler carried 700 to Lincoln in June.
Early in 1780 Lillington carried, say, 800 to Charleston,
where Colonel Lytle already had a detachment of two regi-
ments, numbering perhaps 400. A thousand North Carolina
militia were surrendered by Lincoln. General William Cas-
well marched to the relief of Charleston with 800. At Cam-
den, under Richard Caswell, there were 1600. In June General
Rutherford had his brigade of, say, 800 and Davie, say, 200.
The First Brigade commanded by Sumner, three regiments,
800; Butler's brigade, assigned to Sumner, 800; Harrington,
450; the North Carolina detachments at King's Mountain,
1000; General Gregory, in defence of the Albemarle section,
600; with Morgan at Cowpens, 300; Davidson's brigade,
after his death commanded by Pickens, 700; Lillington,
near Wilmington, 600 ; Eaton's brigade and Butler's, at Guil-
ford Court House, 1600; Colonel Kenan, 400; General Cas-
well, 150; General Lillington, in August, 600; Colonel Haw-
kins's cavalry, 150; Wade, Brown, Robeson, 800; Malmedy,
at Eutaw Springs, 600; Rutherford, Butler, Smith, and
Graham, in October, 1200; Colonel Isaacs, 300; State troops,
500; sailors and companies stationed at the forts on the
coast, 600. These aggregate 27,800. Certainly there were
many duplications; how many is a mere matter of conjec-
ture. It is to be remembered that the inhabitants of the
State were divided into militia companies, and these com-
panies into five classes, and when a draft of militia was made
for three months, the regular term, one of these classes only
NORTH CAROLINA'S QUOTA 721
was embraced in the draft, until all the five drafts, being all i£*
the militia, had been called out into service, so that the error
of duplication is largely minimized. Indeed, first and
last it would seem that every man, not a Tory, in the
State capable of bearing arms was at one time or another
called into active service, although for only one tour of duty.
It has been computed that there were 22,000 different names
on the muster rolls of the North Carolina troops. Prob-
ably that is a correct statement. Were there no duplica-
tions the number would be 36,600.
Except in the territory where the Highlanders and the Regu-
lators resided, and in Tryon County, there was but little dis-
affection. In Bladen fifteen companies of the militia out of
eighteen were inclined to the British; in Cumberland and
Anson, at least one-half of the people were disaffected, and
similarly in the Deep River country. Elsewhere the propor-
tion was not near so great.
On January 29, 1783, Captain Eve brought the ship The capture
Dawes, bound from Jamaica to New York, which was still Montligue
held by the British, into Wilmington. Lord Charles Mon- f4*' XVI'
tague, lieutenant-colonel of a British regiment, Captain Mon-
tague, and four or five other British officers had taken pas-
sage for New York. When well at sea, Captain Eve in-
formed these officers that they must consider themselves his
prisoners, and he brought them into the Cape Fear and de-
livered them to General Lillington. It was at once reported
to Governor Martin that the regiment raised for Lord
Charles Montague was chiefly composed of captive conti-
nentals taken at Charleston, who were compelled to enlist
into the British service, under Montague's own direction, on
the pain of severe penalties. For this conduct Governor
Martin thought that Montague should suffer some punish-
ment. The other officers were paroled as prisoners, but al-
lowed to go abroad, while his Lordship was paroled only to
North Carolina. There was some delay in communicating
these circumstances to General Greene, and before he was
informed of Governor Martin's purpose to deal with his
Lordship differently from other prisoners, General Greene
paroled him with permission to go to New York. On in-
quiry General Greene found that Lord Charles did enlist
722 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
,7*3 American soldiers into the British service, but it was said
that it was by the voluntary act of the prisoners themselves.
The punishment in contemplation by the North Carolina au-
thorities was thus defeated, as the parole by General Greene
could not be annulled.
The condition in 1783
The eight years that had elapsed since the first provincial
convention assembled in August, 1774, had brought
many changes. Harvey had died while the colonists were
just entering on the struggle to maintain their rights as Brit-
ish subjects, and year by year the leaders who had set in
motion the ball of revolution mourned the loss of some of
their number. James Moore, Francis Nash, James Hogun,
Harnett, Hewes, Buncombe, Davidson, John Ashe, Gideon
Lamb and many of their associates had perished without be-
holding the glorious consummation of their patriotic desires
and unselfish sacrifices. It is to be observed that among the
North Carolinians who had enrolled themselves under the
banner of the American cause there was not a single deser-
tion during the whole course of the conflict. The contest
had been doubtful. It brought many vicissitudes and much
suffering. The state as well as the continental currency had
ceased to have value. Many families had been utterly im-
poverished. Misery and desolation were diffused through
innumerable households. Civil war and carnage had raged
from Surry to Brunswick. Murder and pillage had stalked
through a large section of the State, and families expelled
from their homes had sought asylums in distant parts, and
were too impoverished to return. Many mothers and chil-
dren were bereft of their last support, their sacrifices in the
cause of independence being irreparable. In the desolated
region of the Cape Fear even the wealthiest of the patriots
were mined by the ravages of the war. They had cheer-
fully laid their all on the altar of their country. Hard had
been the conflict, but in the darkest hours the brave hearts
of the North Carolina patriots became still more courageous,
and in their adversity they bore their sufferings with resolu-
tion and fortitude. At length the storm-clouds passed
away, the sky was no longer obscured, and hope gave
PEACE
723
place to assurance. The ardent longing became a joyful
realization.
On September 21, 1782, Lord Shelburne being then at
the head of the administration, the King of Great Britain
acknowledged the independence of the American States, and
authorized Oswald, the British commissioner at Paris, to
make a treaty of peace, which, however, was not to be opera-
tive until agreed to by France also. On November 30, 1782,
preliminary articles were drawn up requiring a cessation
of hostilities, and on January 20th France gave her assent.
The war was over. Independence had been won. The long
and arduous struggle had closed, and everywhere, in the
household of every patriot, there was great rejoicing. But
in the bosoms of many there burned a strong resentment
against the detested Tories.
At the next session of the Assembly Governor Martin in
his opening address said : "With impatience I hasten to com-
municate the most important intelligence that has yet ar-
rived in the American Continent/' the acknowledgment by
Great Britain of the independence of the American States
and the appointment of commissioners to conclude a treaty
of peace, which was signed on January 20th. He continued :
"Nothing now remains but to enjoy the fruits of uninter-
rupted constitutional freedom, the more sweet and precious
as the tree was planted by Virtue, raised by Toil and nur-
tured by the Blood of Heroes. To you, gentlemen, the repre-
sentatives of this free, sovereign, and independent State, be-
longs the task, that in sheathing the sword, you soften the
horrors and repair those ravages which war has made, with
a skilful hand, and thereby heal the wounds of your bleeding
country." He recommended an act of pardon and oblivion,
with some exceptions, and said: "Let the laws henceforth
be our sovereign; when stamped with prudence and wis-
dom, let them be riveted and held sacred next to those of
Deity. . . . Happy will be the people, and happy the ad-
ministration when all concerned . . . contribute to this
great end."
Governor Martin's re-election was strenuously contested
by Governor Richard Caswell, but without avail, Martin's
majority being 17. There were those who never forgave
1783
s R., XVI,
75a
Governor
Martin's
address,
April 18,
1783
Preliminary
Treaty,
Jan. ao, 1783
S. R,
140
XIX,
724 MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION, 1781-83
*j83 Caswell for withdrawing from the service of the State in
April the dark hours after the battle of Camden, although he con-
tinued to wield a great influence, and later again enjoyed
the gratification of directing the affairs of the common-
wealth.
Although the last British soldier had departed from the
The southern states, General Greene continued to hold the rem-
SatT^ nant of his army together at Charleston. The regiments,
s. rm xvi, however, constantly grew smaller by the expirations of en-
725 listments. By January 5, 1783, all the North Carolina
battalions except one had been sent home on furlough;
and finally on April 23d Greene was instructed to furlough
his troops, and the last of the North Carolina continentals,
relieved from further service, returned to their homes.
After much delay, in September, 1783, the Definitive
Definitive Treaty of Peace was signed. By it Great Britain formally
Sept., 1783 acknowledged the United States, naming North Carolina and
each of her sister States separately and particularly, to be
"free, sovereign, and independent States," and relinquished
all claims to any right in them. And thus North Carolina
' entered on her career as a separate, distinct, and sovereign
State.
1
f