History of the 316th Regiment of Infantry in the World War, 1918

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HISTORY

OF THE

3 1 6^ Regiment of Infantrj)

IN THE

WORLD WAR
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Table of Contents

PAGE

Citation of Regiment by the Commanding General 4

Preface 7

I. — The Formation of the Regiment at Camp

Meade 9

II. — The Voyage Overseas 20

III. — Training in France 24

IV. — Staging for the Front 27

V. — Montfaucon and Beyond 35

VI. — The Troyon Sector 45

VII.— Hill 378 53

VIII.— ''FiNiE LA Guerre" 85

IX. — Holding the Front 88

X.— In '' Vin-Blank" Land 95

XI. — Out of the War Zone 99

XII.— Home 105

Awards for Heroism 107

Notice to Members of the Regiment 109

Citation of Regiment

Headquarters 79th Division
Am. E. F., France.

27 November, 1918.
From: Commanding General.
To: C.O. 316th Infantry, through C.G. 158th Infantry

Brigade.
Subject: Commendation of Regiment.

1. In the final offensive on the heights East of the Meuse
and North of Verdun the task of breaking the enemy's
resistance at the Borne de Cornouiller (Hill 378) devolved
upon the 316th Regiment of Infantry. Stubbornly defended
by the enemy, this tactically strong point presented an
obstacle of the most serious character. In spite of all
difficulties the Regiment succeeded after three days heavy-
fighting, November 4th to 6th, in capturing and finally
holding the Borne de Cornouiller, in breaking the enemy's
resistance and contributing materially to driving the enemy
from the heights East of the Meuse a few days later.

2. Numerous authenticated instances of gallantry, tena-
city and endurance have come to the Comimanding General's
notice, proving beyond question that the Regiment acquitted
itself with the greatest credit and in a manner worthy of the
best American traditions.

3. The Conomanding General takes great pride in the
achievements of the Regiment and directs that you bring
this letter to the attention of your command.

Joseph E. Kuhn,

Major General, U.S.A.
JEK-ep

1ST IND.

Hq. 158th Infantry Brig., American E.F., 28 November,
1918. To: Commanding Officer, 316th Infantry.
1. Transmitted. It is with pleasure that the Brigade Com-
mander transmits this well-deserved letter of commendation
from the Division Commander. Now that the immediate
fighting would appear to be over, it should be an incentive

4

to every officer and soldier of the 316th Infantry to maintain
under existing conditions, by its appearance, training and
discipHne, the high standard gained on the field of battle.

Evan M. Johnson,
Brigadier General, Commanding.

2D IND.

Headquarters 316th Infantry, A.E.F., 29 November, 1918.

To all Battahon Commanders and Commanding Officers

of Headquarters Co., Machine Gun Co., Supply Co., and

Sanitary Detachment.

1. The present Commanding Officer of the 316th Infantry
takes pleasure in transmitting this letter of commendation
from the Commanding General, together with the indorse-
ment of commendation added by the Brigade Commander,
to the members of the command. He congratulates Colonel
George Wilhams and Lieutenant-Colonel George E. Haedicke,
who successively commanded the Regiment at the Borne de
CornouiUer, and all the officers and men who participated in
the combat of November 4th to 6th, on the excellent work
they performed at that time, and on the splendid name they
won for the Regiment. The high standard set in combat
will be the standard aimed at in training for combat.

Garrison McCaskey,
Colonel, 316th Infantry.

Preface

On the shell-torn slopes of the Borne de Cornouiller —
amid the ghostly ruins of the Bois de Beuge beyond towering
Montfaucon — in the toilsome marches of weary nights
through the black wreckage of a devastated France — there
is written the real history of the 316th Infantry Regiment.
The Meuse and the Argonne spell its glory.

The roll of its dead and maimed proclaims the measure of
its sacrifice. The ordeals of their living comrades attest its
devotion. The sum of their efforts is inscribed in the annals
of victory — a page in the immortal book of the American
Expeditionary Forces.

No thought of self-emulation inspires the record here set
forth. It is a plain narrative of one American regiment —
its trials and triumphs.

TKe H

onor

Roll

Meuse-Argonne Offensive (Montfaucon)

Killed Wounded Missing Prisoners Total

Officers.. 10 27 0 0 37

Men 126 711 125 0 962

Officers.
Men . . .

Troyon Sector

Killed Wounded Missing Prisoners Total

0 10 0 1

5 106 0 0 111

Grande Montagne Offensive (Hill 378)

Officers. .

Killed

7

Wound*

15

id Missing

0

Prisoners

3

Total

25

Men

151

491

108
Total

50

800

Officers. .

KUled

17

Wounded Missing

43 0

Prisoners

3

Total

63

Men

282

1,308

233

50

1,873

Grand Total,

1,936

I

The Formation of the Regiment at Camp Meade

On a sultry day in early September, 1917, a wanderer on
the flatlands that stretch away into tangled woods near a
cluster of houses marked Admiral, Md., on very elaborate
maps only might have noted a curious sight, and if he had
listened very attentively, heard sounds still more curious.

A group of perspiring men appeared to be going through
military evolutions, but on their shoulders seemed to be
insignia generally associated with officers of the United
States Army. Yet, here they were going through the vulgar
maneuvers generally believed to be reserved for buck privates
and '' candidates." And as they columned and turned, under
their breaths they muttered imprecations addressed to
strange deities and fearsome prayers to a smiling heaven.

Officers all! Brand new officers, hot from the frying pan
of the first R. 0. T. C, at Fort Niagara, New York, marking
time until that day when the villages and farms and cities
should spill into the lap of Mars the human material that
was to crush an empire. ''Marking time " is strictly accurate,
for, obeying War Department Orders, they had, on August
29, 1917, reported at this then desolate spot, and were now
by command of Colonel Oscar J. Charles, commanding
officer of the 316th Infantry, National Army, engaged in
practicing those things which they were soon to inffict on
unsuspecting thousands.

Forgive them the imprecations and the prayers! A
Maryland sun beat down on a Maryland sand lot, and they
were tired, very tired from the fifteen days exhaustive
dancing in the celebrated cabarets of awakened Philadel-
phia— and long nights of last farewells to the ''finest girl in
the world."

So they drilled — right face, left face, squads right, squads
left — for an interminable fortnight while about them sprang
up a magic city, much as towns used to arise overnight in
the gold rush of '49. When they arrived at this wilderness,
called Camp Meade, only a handful of buildings bared their
roofs to the bhstering sun. Other officers — hundreds of

them — arrived at the same time, and they were crowded for
sleeping purposes, head to head, and side by side, in a
barracks designated as 35-A, away over on that site where
later the colored troops were established. Rations were
meager and they ate sparingly what a horde of angry flies
agreed to leave them. Nights were long, but the W. B. & A.
did not run into camp then and it was a long, tiresome walk
to Admiral, so they spent the nights studying their Uttle
I. D. R. — as all good officers should — and waiting for the
dread task ahead of them. They had wedded a new pro-
fession and felt just about as forlorn as the proverbial
bridegroom.

On August 30, General Orders No. 2, Headquarters 316th
Infantry, had informed them of their future companies,
then non-existent, just as General Orders No. 2, Head-
quarters 79th Division, had assigned them to the Regiment.
It was not until September 19 that the first contingent of
men arrived — about sixty to a company — from the central
and southeastern portions of Pennsylvania. Farmers, miners,
steel-workers, mechanics, clerks, village cut-ups and ministers*
sons, teachers, and laborers unsullied by contact with the
alphabet — all sorts and conditions of men, all somewhat
dazed by this sudden change in the current of their even
lives, but all stirred by a vague something that told them
they were part and parcel of the greatest epoch in history.

How good that material was, later developments showed
to an amazed world. Now it needed shaping and tempering
and forging in the stern school of the army that was to make
soldiers out of civilians. Came then the casting away of
"cits" — many of them destined for destitute Belgium, and
the donning of "O.D." Presto! change! At 9 a. m. Civihan
Jim — at 9.15, Private Jones.

The officers earned their pay those days — drilling, march-
ing, teaching; organizing a company out of a mob; training
a shipping clerk to know the difference between a service-
record and an invoice; raising an iron-moulder to be a supply
sergeant; and turning a star pugilist into a mess-sergeant.
Busy days, but gradually order out of chaos. The military
**sir" began to replace *'yeah," and saluting became a
habit, much to the salute's own surprise.

Aladdin kept rubbing the lamp, and the wonders city
kept growing so that by the time the fourth or fifth contingent
arrived — there was a new one about every two weeks — a
good sized town stood where once a desert lay. Each incre-

10

ment meant a vast amount of paper work and hours spent in
equipping and reorganization. Chevrons flourished — an
army of non-commissioned officers was created ahnost over
night, and most of them made good, a great number eventu-
ally winning commissions.

On December 15 a flock of new officers, graduates of the
second training camps, arrived, and for a few weeks or
longer, many companies had as high as double their quota
of officers. The new arrivals were welcomed to Meade in
three notable addresses by Colonel Charles, the then Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Knowles, and Brigadier-General Hatch. The
first convinced them that the knowledge of a second camp
graduate was extremely, oh very extremely, limited and his
place in life mighty humble; the second showed them that
their first impressions were too lenient to themselves, and the
third completed their disillusionment.

Among later arrivals were officers from southern and other
cantonments, including Lieutenant Francis D. Johnson who
had started as a private in the engineers, although long past
draft age, and who was destined to win a captain's bars
before his heroic death at 378. *' Alaska" Johnson he was
called by his friends, and he was one of the best loved officers
in the Regiment.

Christmas, 1917, was a right }oyiu\ holidaj^ with thousands
of Meade men on leave, fully aware that it might be their
last Christmas in the States, and getting every ounce of
enjojonent out of it possible. A few companies were held in
quarantine, but with the aid of company funds managed to
feast well, if not hilariously. New Year's Day passed in
much the same manner with the W. B. & A. again taxed
beyond its capacity, and the streets of Baltimore, Phila-
delphia, and a score of smaller towns swarming with khaki.

And now, even with the winter snows upon the ground,
came the first vague whispers of sailing. Rumor is a hardy
bird and waits not for balmy days to spread its wings. The
79th, it seemed according to Lieutenant Laytreen, was to
depart some time in February — or was it May? Strangely
enough, commanding officers seemed to place no credence in
this report, for drilling, schools, fatigue, assault course
building, gas training, and all those things that make a
camp a regular rest resort, kept on with unabated fervor,
despite howling winds and swirling snow, and a winter that
old Uncle Josh Odenton himself admitted not having seen
the like of for many a year.

11

The stamina that was to stand men in such good stead in
later days amid other scenes was now developed by work on
an elaborate trench system with all modern conveniences,
including open plumbing. This trench system was a marvel
to behold. The Kriemheld Stellung was a dingy ditch beside
it. It was a masterpiece, a work of art, and, of course,
nobody thought of profaning it by using it. So there it lay
in lonesome grandeur in those Meade woods and plains, the
apple of the engineer's eye, too sacred for a vulgar doughboy
to desecrate, except when it needed fixin'. Classes in field
fortification, under Captain Dorrance Reynolds (later a
major on the General Staff) used to go out and view it in
silent awe. Not so grand and vast, but sweeter and neater,
a thing to catch a maiden's eye of a Sunday afternoon, was
the assault course, planned, executed and execrated, tenderly
nursed and violently cursed, tended like a fairy garden by
the 316th, all by itself, just beyond the Sahara Desert.
Across a nice convenient swamp lay this course, with its
nursery and trick-balancing runs, its Chinese walls and
terraced lawns, its murally decorated butts — and every-
thing. Through many a bitter winter day the 316th labored
on this masterpiece, matching log for log, with an eye to
color effect that would have delighted an artist; transplanting
sod to hide the rude earth; massaging away unsightly creases,
cutting down a forest to get limbs guaranteed to tickle a
Sunday promenader's fancy, scrupulously cutting an inch
from that trench and a millimeter from this to make 'em
even, until, as gentle spring waned and glorious summer
burst into bloom, this thing of beauty and joy forever bloomed
into rapturous being. A proud, glorious Sunday that, when
the 316th led its best girl to the entrancing scene and said
"Voila, mademoiselle" — or words to that effect.

Followed many days of tight-rope walking, wall scaling,
vaulting of strange obstacles, and a specially patented brand
of shooting, trademark registered, in which your rifle was
held in a vise and all you had to do was pull the trigger —
and up went the red flag. Meanwhile, daily guard mount,
impressive proceedings, usually carried out in fear and
trembling, for reasons good and suflicient. Followed also
exciting games of ''hide and seek" and "I spy" between the
man on No. 1 Post and the Commanding Officer, and much
shouting of "Turn out the guard" with the consequent
bustle in the guard house, then the inevitable "Never mind
the guard." Lung-developing days those, in which the

12

most shrinking private learned to bawl "Halt, who's there"
as stentoriously as GabrieFs horn — especially if the sentry
happened to be stationed near officers' barracks at two in
the morning.

And those never-to-be-forgotten bayonet drills in which
the proper, gentlemanly, sportsmanlike way to stick a Boche
was impressed with unending and elaborate detail. With
what emotions of chagrin and distress one received the
knowledge that pushing the gleaming blade into the Boche' s
innards and jerking it out — presto! — like that — was all
wrong, all wrong! Hand up, recite a verse from Evangeline
— look fierce — now — one, two, and ''on guard." Simple,
but marvellous. Technique, that was the magic password in
those days and under Lieutenants Bliss and McKeen and
Hoffman a system of bayonetting was evolved guaranteed to
muss up with expedition and despatch any Boche who came
near enough. The ungrateful Boche later spoiled this scheme
by ''Kamarading" when you got within a hundred yards
of him — but the system was great, just like a successful
operation in which the patient dies. Whether it killed Boches
or not, it developed, or was supposed to, that blood-lust
which the bayonet manual says lies latent in everybody, and
the meat ration had to be increased and cornwillie and
goldfish began to taste vapid and insipid. The will to kill —
br-r-r — it sets your teeth on edge to say it — sure did flourish
then. Saturday and Sunday foimd 'em as loving as she
pleased — but weekdays it was eat-em-alive — r-r-r! Oh, boy!

Flourished likewise a chain of schools — divisional, regi-
mental, company — teaching every conceivable thing that
anyone thought a soldier should know, from the sum of
sine plus cosine to the specific gravity of diethylsulphide —
whatever that is. Non-com schools, officers' schools, field
officers' schools, geometry, chemistry, engineering, close
order; reading, writing, arithmetic, close order; geography,
geology, close order; I. D. R., F. S. R., M. C. M., A. W., M.
F. F. 0. S. U., science, history, religion, ethics, and close
order!; Englishmen, Scotchmen, Frenchmen, Canadians,
even Americans, for teachers. Enough text-books to pave a
road from Baltimore to Aix-les-Bains!

The business of soldiering, it seemed, was a complicated
proposition. To kill or get killed, that sounded simple
enough; but it gradually sank into the 316th's consciousness
that before you get a Boche or he got you, one had to be a
professor, clairvoyant, pugilist and magician rolled together.

13

So they studied and worked, studied and drilled with growing
appetites and muscles, and out of the mob that arrived in
September, and later in May and June, gradually evolved an
army efficient, snappy and wise — oh, very wise. A lot of
this knowledge was later salvaged with the barracks bags,
but there*s enough right now to keep the U. S. A. going for
years and years.

Never was lost sight of the axiom that "All work and no
play makes Jack a dull boy, " and there were baseball, basket-
ball, football, volleyball teams, boxing bouts, wrestling bouts
galore — also a curious game played with two ivory squares
called "Baby needs a new pair of shoes.'' At Peuvillers and
Heippes and Orquevaux, "L.," "M.," Headquarters — and
maybe others — were still intent on seeing that this particu-
larly beloved infant didn't go barefoot. Who does that
child belong to, anyhow?

Company funds were growing steadily, despite steady
inroads for extras, ice-cream and cake and so on (there are
such things), and Captain Van Dyke spent part of bis ration
fund for a piano, much to the surprise of a finicky inspector
who hadn't known up to that time that pianos were edible.
The Regimental Exchange, under Lieutenant Dyer, did a
land office business in candy and cakes and boots and bevo
and queer-beer, and silk pillow tops and enough other things
to stock a general store in Lake Forest, Iowa.

Amidst all his multifarious duties, the Commanding
Officer managed to keep a fatherly eye on the band, and to
its leader gave suggestions and helpful hints not dreamed of
in that young man's musical philosophy. It was this paternal
solicitude which led the Commanding Officer to point out
the crude way in which the trombone players handled their
instruments — no cadence to their push and pull at all, at all,
make it one, two, three, four; one, two, three, four. It
was the same beautiful motive which led to the condemnation
of that system which allowed a little man to play a big bass
drum and a big man a tiny fife. So, expertly guided, the
band, like the rest of the Regiment, equaHzed, expedited, and
went ahead in earnest and with a mission.

Constantly the complexion of the Regiment changed, for
as early as October 15, great drafts of men were transferred
to southern divisions and special units throughout the
ijnited States. This constant flux continued until as late as
Jime, approximately 80,000 men being trained in the 79th,
of whom only about 28,000 were retained.

U

While at first the 316th was ahnost exclusively mid-
Pennsylvanian in makeup, by the time it sailed, New York,
Ohio, Connecticut, and Philadelphia had contributed a large
share to its composition. In its career overseas its com-
plexion changed to an even greater degree, forty-three states
being represented on the rolls when the outfit sailed for
home, a situation which pleased company clerks immensely —
ask 'em.

If there was one more beloved feature of life at Camp
Meade than another it surely was that mysterious rite
known as being ''inoculated." You couldn't belong to the
lodge without it. Immediately on arrival, every enlisted
man and officer was led gently but firmly to the regimental
infirmary where, with Major Cornwell or Lieutenant Bourque
or Lieutenant Gibbons murmuring an outlandish incantation
to a strange deity, each novitiate had his arm punctured
and injected with a serum guaranteed to fend off typhoid,
malaria, hives, flat feet, that tired feeling on Monday morn-
ing, coughs, colds, irritation of the mucous membrane,
tonsihtis, and all the ills which, up to this time, Mrs. Pinkham
was generally supposed to have the only cure for.

Later, as the learned medical profession discovered new
diseases, there were more inoculations. Life became one
damned inoculation after another. If there had been
wound stripes issued for inoculations, many men would have
needed four-sleeved blouses.

One year after America entered the war the Division had
been so depleted by constant drafts that it was far from the
imposing mass that sailed abroad, but the remnant paraded
the streets of Baltimore on April 6. As the review by General
Pershing may be considered the climax of the 79th's career
in France, so the review by President Wilson may be con-
sidered the chmax of its fife in the States. The hike to and
from Baltimore was the first real test of endurance the
Division experienced, and the men stood it like veterans.
None more so than the 316th, the only Regiment to make the
return trip imder full packs.

The great adventure was still ahead, the haze of glory hung
undimmed by contact with war's horrors, and it was a swing-
ing, unwearied column that marched, bayonets fixed, through
the crowded streets, with their cheering thousands. No sign
in that martial gait of the weary kilometers tramped the
day before. The 79th was the first division to be reviewed
by the President. It was the first time the pubhc had a

15

real look at the National Army in war array, and the tre-
mendous ovation, the unsparing encomiums, the high praise
of the President, and his party, gave emphatic evidence that
the Division *' looked good," looked like the fighters they
later proved to be. Baltimore said "They'll do." There
was widespread comment, tinged with justified amazement,
at the wondrous change that had been wrought in the men
taken a few months before from all walks of civilian life.

One of the hardest ordeals of that march, by the way, was
the constant barrage of remarks from the sidelines. By
April 6 there wasn't a girl in Baltimore not deformed who
didn't have at least one caller from Meade to make hfe less
gloomy. And they were all out for the parade. Solomon
was not arrayed as one of these, but they were there to be
heard as well as be seen. It was a test of discipline, a cruel
test, to run the gauntlet of remarks — *'0h, you Fred!" **0h!
doesn't Jim look grand!" ''Why, there's that fat lieutenant
who danced with me!" "Hello, John, don't forget tonight!" —
to run that gauntlet and keep faces straight, eyes to the front,
heads erect, never a smile or wink. But they did it; every
man in the 316th looked at the back of the neck of the man
in front of him and snapped to eyes right as the lines swept
by the President.

Now that parade seems Uke a minor event in the history
of the Regiment against the background of the Bois de
Beuge and 378, but then it was a great happening, a red-
letter day. The sun beat down that day with a June intensity,
the pavements underneath were hard and jarring, marching
at attention for four or five hours is no jest under the easiest
conditions, but the high morale that prevailed was indicated
that evening in a grand scramble for " passes " and an hilarious
night in Baltimore. The dance halls showed doughboys who
looked fatigued not at all, and Jim learned from her own
fair lips just how grand he did look. Happy days.

The Regiment camped in a city park and all the gayety
wasn't downtown, for there was an avalanche of visitors, all
loud in their admiration. That garden-like camp, with its
geometric rows of pup-tents and spotless company streets
was somewhat different from Camp de Normandie — or Rupt
— or Hannonville — or Malancourt. The Regiment slept on
the ground that night, and some there were who thought
this was hardship. Later on they were to realize what a
luxury a pup-tent can be.

And the next day the hike back — twenty-three miles or so

16

of straight tramping under an unsparing sun over sandy-
roads that choked the lungs and made eyes smart and feet
burn and ache. Even in the midst of the hardest days of
the campaign in France, that was still voted to have been
''some hike." Few, very few, fell by the wayside, a remark-
able record under the circumstances, and one that spoke
volumes for the hardy condition of the troops.

The following weeks found the Regiment busy on the
rifle range, a long mile from the camp. Keen interest was
displayed. Orders from G. H. Q. across the seas had warned
American commanders to allow nothing to overshadow the
importance of the rifle as the infantryman's main rehance
in combat. Many men had never fired a rifle before, but
an excellent average was maintained, and, as the Philadel-
phia Ledger remarked, commenting on the 316th's showing,
it was again demonstrated that the Yank is the best natural
shot in the world. The McNab system, which was later to
play so large a part in range work, had not then appeared,
but both in rapid and slow fire, at 100, 200, 300, 500 and 600,
marks worthy of a regular army organization were made.
The so-called Enfield got a real try out and made good,
particularly at the shorter ranges.

Again rumors and more changes. Hundreds of men were
transferred to other cantonments, many to sail almost
immediately for France. In May that feeling which indi-
cates a long, long journey, as the fortune tellers say, was
strong. Other National Army divisions had gone or were
about to go. The 79th was known to be highly thought of
at Washington, and the sailing date, everybody thought,
was only a matter of weeks. Replacements began coming
in by the thousands — first from Philadelphia, then Ohio,
New York, Connecticut, and lastly from the divisional
artillery, so that by July the Regiment, receiving its pro-rata
share, was brought to almost war strength on the new basis
of 250 men and six officers to a company. Long before this
most of the second camp officers had been transferred
elsewhere, so that it was for the most part officers who had
been with the outfit from its organization who prepared it
for sailing and took it across.

June witnessed a riot of rumors, an orgy of ''I heards.''
It was an absolute fact— oh, absolutely beyond peradventure
of a doubt, that the 79th was going to Italy. Smiles in the
Italian contingent — well represented in the 316th — and
scowls among those who thought France meant Paris. Then

17

the destination was switched to Russia, with a wealth of
minute detail that forbade any doubt. Happiness in the
Slav contingent — horror among the boys accustomed to
steam heated flats in Williamsburg or South Philadelphia.

The advance party, Major Atwood, Major Dodge, Captain
Loane, and a score of others from the 316th, sailed, and rumor
halted. It was France, and the Western Front. Followed
then a frenzy of preparations, day and night. A war depart-
ment expert solemnly informed the assembled officers that
unless every service record had every i dotted and every t
crossed; every qualification record, medical record, pay
card, range record, Form 88, 170, 95 and so forth and so
on, arranged exactly like this, and not like that, in a pine
box cut from a tree grown by a one-legged farmer on a tax-
free and unencumbered plot in Hill Valley, Arizona — and
unless this box was precisely five feet 8.2836 inches long,
one foot 6.7985 inches wide and two feet 4.5329 inches high —
why the 79th might as well think of getting on a transport at
Hoboken as of flying across the Atlantic. It just couldn't
be done. And then about the records, gentlemen, those
papers must be exact, minute, precise! — and here General
Kuhn interrupted to observe that paper work was all right
but if it kept on at the present rate, who in the dickens was
going to do the fighting? Only, of course, the General didn't
use those very words. Well, the expert was sure it was all
very, very simple, and anyhow, once in France, no more
paper work. (Baron Munchausen here turned over in his
grave).

Bustle — all day long and many nights. Marking of all
equipment, this was absolutely essential. It gives distinction
to a salvage pile to have things marked. You know whose
stuff you're getting then. Inspections, all kinds and varieties,
until that last, final one when everything was laid out for
the inspectors who counted it and checked it and re-checked
it and counted it, and then used their records to start a fire
with — which they did very well indeed. But before that,
requisitions, extra everything, especially shoe laces, without
which, beheve the inspector, the Kaiser could positively not
be hcked. More requisitions until everybody was decorated
like a Christmas tree and rarin' to go.

And all this, of course, strictly on the Q. T. The Boche
had long ears in those days and everybody was solemnly
warned that he had 'em open for news of the 79th. Every-
thing was done in strict secrecy. Of course, a miUion or so

18

home folks saw everything packed that last Sunday ; "to-rent"
signs on the barracks, and the trains waiting on the sidings.
A million more saw the convoy glide out of Hoboken after
other thousands in Baltimore and Philadelphia had cheered
the departing heroes — but aside from those few exceptions
it was very, very secret.

And so, on Simday, July 7, 1918, good bye to Meade.
The sun was sinking behind deserted barracks when the
first trains, regular passenger cars, pulled out. An all night
trip, much singing and cheering, and Jersey City in the gray
dawn. Then by ferry to Hoboken, and France suddenly
loomed on the horizon. It was a sobered crowd that, with
delicious Red Cross buns under their belts, filed aboard
the waiting liners at the Hamburg-American piers, past an
inspector who asked few questions and gave barely a glance
at service records or boxes or equipment or inoculation
records. That was a bitter blow — all that work and all those
inoculations — and not a look. Such is life.

A night then aboard ship, M and Supply Companies on
La France^ the rest of the Regiment on the Agamemnon ^
formerly the Kaiser Wilhelm II. The Mount Vernon,
America and Orizaba, all in weird camouflage, made up the
remainder of the convoy. The Leviathan, giant of all trans-
ports, had sailed the day previous with the 315th Infantry.
Colonel Charles was in command of the Brigade and troop
conomander aboard the Agamemnon.

The subway was filling with its evening rush crowd, the
commuter was jamming the ferries to Jersey; the lights of
Manhattan were barely awakening into radiance; the
thoughts of some millions of busy humans were turning
once more to home in tenement or flat or mansion as the
Agamemnon, with a hoarse blast of its siren, left its dock and
floated down the river, past the crowded ferries, past the
figure of Liberty, out into the wide Atlantic.

Behind lay the imposing sky-line of New York, a mass of
majestic ghosts in the twihght — ahead, France, and the
Western battle front.

10

II

The Voyage Overseas

La France had left a few hours earUer with Colonel
Jervey as troop commander, engineers being in the pre-
ponderance. The following morning saw the convoy united
and well out on the Atlantic. The armed escort dropped
away as the first ''danger zone" — for the U-boats had
invaded the western Atlantic — was left behind. For the
majority of men it was the first ocean trip, and it took them
some hours to get their sea-legs and learn the difference
between stern and bow, starboard and port. A big liner is
a mirror maze to the average landlubber, and there were
many laughable instances of being lost for hours trying to
find one's way about the intricate passageways. All things
considered, there was comparatively little seasickness.

From the beginning a rigid discipline was instituted. Life
belts were worn at all times, and ''Abandon ship" drills
were held regularly. Submarine audacity was at its height at
that time, and matter-of-fact as things might appear on the
surface, out somewhere on the horizon lurked possible death.
No one was inclined to shirk drills, and it took no urging to
make men quit their bunks promptly and line up along the
rail. A constant, if suppressed, feeling of danger kept the
trip from getting monotonous. Sleeping aboard the Aga-
memvon had to be done in shifts because of the limited
conditions, but otherwise the vessel, as far as convenience
for the men went, was far superior to La France which was
making its first trip as a transport. For, on the Agamemnon,
the food was plentiful and substantial, a bounteous canteen
supplied extras of all kinds, but on La France some one had
miscalculated, and the first few days meals were irregular
and scanty and not of the best, even in limited quantities.
It was their first contact with French ways and customs, and
to tell the truth it wasn't a favorable introduction. La
France was French controlled and manned, and preparations
were apparently not all they should have been, although a
valiant efifort was made to remedy the situation. At first

20

carrying parties in queues that crowded the hatches had to
wait for hours so that breakfast sometimes became lunch
and lunch supper, but finally a system was evolved. The men
on La France got the jump on the rest of the Regiment in one
respect, for here they made their first acquaintance with
**vin blanc" at a dollar (no francs those days) a bottle, a
lead by the way which in later days both M and Supply
Companies had a hard time keeping.

For the first few days the trip was uneventful — drills,
setting-up exercises, sleep — and a bit of that uneasy feeling
which a rolling ship will develop in the most hardened of
stomachs — not seasickness, oh dear no! Then, as mid-
Atlantic was passed appeared one day far off on the horizon
a tiny speck dead ahead — another on the port side — another
way over there to starboard — specks which took on shape
and substance with astonishing rapidity — and there they
were — Uncle Sam's own — grim destroyers in their war
paint, the Nemesis of the U-boat — the guardian angel of the
troop laden transport. That was the first real thrill of the
trip and many a man slept slightly better that night.

The convoy under this armed escort sailed on with new
confidence, first one ship ahead, then another. La France
usually in the rear and the clumsy Orizaba struggling to
keep up with the procession. The event of the voyage is
still shrouded in mystery, for those were the days of rigid
censorship, but on a dark night the America cut an English
chpper square in two and just missed a collision with La
France. That much was soon general knowledge, but to
most just how many men were lost and how many saved
remained a closed book. And a day later came the first real
submarine scare, after days of fruitless watching over endless
seas and constant straining of eyes. There was a deal of
libeling inoffensive dolphins, and even a harmless flying
fish was now and then taken for a bloodthirsty agent of the
Kaiser, but until this real scare, the natty little guns on each
liner's deck had kept silent. Finally they spoke, for out
1,000 yards to port the skipper of La France had seen a
bobbing periscope. A shouting of French commands, a
bustle of movement, a sudden crowding to the rails — the
neat little cannon barked angrily — and, if you believe the
skipper, one German submarine went where it belonged,
another souvenir for Davy Jones. And to make that twice
assured a destroyer circled about, dropped a depth bomb
or two, and sped on. Everybody cheered — first glimpse of

21

war. A deck is a much nicer place to watch a war from than
a shell-hole, when all's said and done.

Of course there were other submarine scares. Lieutenant
Renshawe saw a whole fleet of 'em and he had a lot of com-
petition. Field glasses were mighty popular.

Customary scene:

A bright cloudless day. An intent lieutenant gazing
earnestly through a pair of double E's. Naught but dancing
waves. Suddenly:

" I see one, by Jiminy. Look, Shorty.''

Shorty takes the glasses, stares a long moment and hands
them back in disgust.

''Thunder," he says, scornfully, ''another one of them
fool dolphins."

Follows a heated argument until the spouter comes into
plainer view, and an "I told you so" ends the incident.

With the exception of one day when a choppy sea and a
sudden storm made things a bit uncomfortable, the weather
throughout the trip was as nearly ideal as could be desired,
and when the convoy, minus armed escort, sighted Brest,
the sun shone brilliantly overhead and the great American-
ized port presented a surpassingly beautiful scene — sunny
France indeed!

On July 18 the Regiment debarked, and then began a
weary, toilsome march through the backyard of Brest, over
laborious hills, between scampering gamins who shouted a
strange word of welcome that sounded Uke "cigaret" and
another that resembled "chocolat." Later, marches like
that became a thing to smile at, but with their land legs not
recovered, and packs encumbered with all manner of useless
articles, this comparatively short hike was a real ordeal for
most of the men. The "rest camp" — a volume could be
written about that — was finally reached, and in a pouring
rain, camp was pitched. It rains 300 days out of the 365
in Brest, and the time the 316th spent there was not part
of the 65. The American organization was just about in the
midst of its tremendous task in those days, and there were a
lot of rough edges on Brest that hadn't been polished. The
"rest camp" was one, and a biUion million flies didn't help
matters any.

Here also came the first experience with French trades-
men— or rather, tradeswomen. In their quaint Breton
costmnes, the peasant women, who soon flocked to the camp,
as a bee flies to honey, looked demure and unsophisticated.

22

But beneath that simple exterior lay a sharp sense of oppor-
tunity— golden opportunity. Figs, twenty cents for two,
or was it three? dates, a quarter for a half dozen; cake, a
piece as big as your forefinger for a dime; mangy oranges, a
dime apiece — no matter what the price, rations were a bit
slim, and what good's money, anyhow, when you're going to
war. So the men bought recklessly and prices rose steadily,
as they always will, in the good old U. S. A. just as well as in
France.

In the yards at Brest, piled high with three million unsorted
trunks, bedding rolls, barrack bags, ice-making plants,
rolling kitchens, and all the paraphernalia of a nation at
war, special details worked valiantly to recover the Regi-
ment's freight and baggage. And for the most part it was
obtained — although a great many barrack bags and some
freight went to unhonored graves or some salvage pile.

More packing, more hiking, and on July 21, trains bearing
the queer inscription: "Hommes 40 Chevaux 8" — (oh, to
be a chevaux!) — were boarded, with the 12th Training Area
as the destination. American railroad service got a big
boost then and there. After riding on a French cattle car,
trying to sleep with Jim on one leg, Jack on the other, and
Tom leaning up against his back. Private Doughboy decided
that never again would he say a word against the B. & 0.
or even the W. B. & A. The trip across France lasted three
nights and four days — and when they weren't too tired to
look, even the men from the garden spot of Pennsylvania
admitted it was ''some beautiful coimtry." Right through
the heart of France, St. Brieue, Rennes, Laval, Angers,
Tours, with a glimpse of the lovely valley of the Loire-
Nevers and its Red Cross nurses and hot coffee, Dijon and
Is-sur-Tille, another symbol of America awake, where a
halt of several hours was made for a canteen meal and a
wash.

The journey was an eye-opener, a liberal education. It
revealed to these thousands of Americans the great part
their country was playing and the enormous organization
needed to play that part effectively; it was their first intro-
duction to their brothefs in arms — Poilus and Yanks — of
whom there were thousands along the route, and it gave
them a better sense of true proportions to realize how small
a factor even a division was in all this immensity.

28

Ill

Training in France

At the last moment the 316th's destination was changed,
the 10th instead of the 12th Training Area being assigned
to the 79th, and on July 24th the Regiment reached the
Prauthoy Area, in the Department of Haute Marne, detrain-
ing at Vaux-sous-Aubigny, and the various organizations
took up the march for their several destinations.

Choilley was chosen for Regimental Headquarters, but
Chassigny, assigned to the Third Battalion and the Machine
Gim Company, was probably the most conamodious village
in the entire district. The First Battalion occupied Percey-
le-Grand and Percey-le-Petit; the Second BattaHon, Cusey,
Isome, and Dardenay; the Supply Company, Dommarien —
all very much alike with red-roofed, ancient gabled houses
and the ever-present church keeping watchful guard over a
contented flock. Old-fashioned places, these, but pictiu*-
esque with a charm all their own. It didn't take many days
for the men to make themselves at home; to call Therese
and Madelon by their first names, and wheedle Madame
into preparing heaping dishes of "French fried" and omelets
and other dishes that these folks do know how to prepare,
whatever the doughboy may think they lack in other respects.

Like most of France, this section of the Haute Marne
bears many marks of past wars. The history of the age-
long struggle to stem the invader is written large in crumbling
Roman ruins, once the outposts of Caesar's legions. At
Cusey stands a castle which popular report said was con-
nected by subterranean passageways with a fortress at
Montsaugeon, three miles away. No one ever verified this,
just as no one ever verified Captain Feuardent's continual
discoveries of new ruins. Every fence that turned back an
inoffensive cow or made a maneuvering doughboy swear
was, if you believed the Captain, a rampart behind which the
Gaul had sought to halt Imperial Rome's advance. The
skepticism with which some of these discoveries were received
by i^evefe^t Yauks pained the good Captain greatly.

The Regiment had barely arrived in its training area when
the j&rst tragedy tinged its career in France. At Percy-le-
Petit, Sergeant Ray C. Berner, of D Company, seeking
to rid himself in the canal nearby of the dust of travel, was
drowned before the eyes of his comrades, who tried frantically,
but in vain, to save him as he cried for aid and sank from
view. Three other deaths from drowning followed in rapid
succession, and then the maintenance of a constant guard
and rigid regulations governing swimming in the canals
averted further fatalities. Swimming became then one of
the joys of life. The canal thereabouts is not exactly a limpid
stream, but no Atlantic City beach was ever more appre-
ciated after a hard morning's drill.

Billets were soon cleaned up and converted into quite
comfortable houses, much to the surprise of the cows and
chickens, and within a few days the Regiment was hard at
work under an intensive drill schedule that called for reveille
at 5.15, and laid out a program of work that made the days
at Meade look like a picnic. But with the real thing soon to
come, there was genuine zest in the drilling, and rapid prog-
ress in the new formations was made. That little red book
called ''Offensive of Small Units" came into prominent use,
and new deployments, grenade throwing, the tactical use of
the Browning automatic, the use of cover, and the advantage
of wide intervals — all the lessons which allied experience
had learned — were impressed and digested with a fervor that
augured well for future performance. The 79th was the
first division to be equipped with the Browning, and it was a
case of love at first sight. French veterans. Captain Feuard-
ent and Lieutenant Castel, gave valuable advice and super-
vision in the maneuvers and repeatedly expressed satis-
faction with the rapid assimilation of the "new" tactics.
Company M gave a demonstration of the new formations
before General Kuhn and division officers, and was com-
phmented on its efficiency.

Lieutenant-Colonel Knowles was assigned to command of
the 315th Regiment, and Major Meador was promoted to
take his place. Major Dodge was transferred to the post of
making the boys behave in London, and Captain Parkin was
soon wearing the gold leaf. Colonel Charles remaining in
command of the Brigade, Lieutenant-Colonel Meador headed
the Regiment. On August 14, Brigadier-General Robert
H. Noble took over the Brigade, and Colonel Charles returned
to the Regifljent.

26

The greenback began vanishing into the mysterious realm
of nowhere, and in no time at all men were talking of francs
as though they had never heard of the dollar — but as for
the sou and centime, in the financial lexicon of the dough-
boy, there never was "any such animile.'' The "Y" was
soon selling candy and cigarettes and other odds and ends,
and occasionally an entertainment with the ever-present
Slim Kellum, once a 316th man, helped relieve the tedium of
the evenings. The French civilians enjoyed these shows as
much as the men in khaki, even if they couldn't understand
the jargon, just as Private Buck seemed to have no difficulty
establishing the entente cordiale, though the only French
word he knew was *'Bon jour." It was some time before he
acquired *' Promenade avec moi,'^ and still later before he
mastered "Voulez-vous donner moi une baisser" — but then,
conversation never was essential in that game — neither in
Chassigny, nor Marietta, nor Timbuctoo.

The contingent of officers and non-coms in the "advance
party" sent ahead from the States had been detailed to
school, and in August returned with a mass of valuable
knowledge — the lessons of the Chdteau Thierry Battle
and the methods that stopped the Germans at the Marne.
In the same month a second detail of officers and non-coms
was sent to the Second Corps School at Chatillon, and
when they returned the Regiment had moved forward into
the battle area.

26

IV

Staging for the Front

Rumors of a move to the front had been multipljdng
during the first week in September, and the Supply Officer
and the Regimental Surgeon, by their accmnulation of
suppHes brought indisputable evidence that something was
in the wind. Meantime, training continued under high
pressure, and an elaborate maneuver, distant over a day's
march, was planned. The whole Regiment hiked one fine
Sunday toward Champlitte and bivouacked in the open
fields near the village of Piemont, preparatory to Monday's
maneuver, and several officers were sent ahead to reconnoiter
the ground. When they returned at dusk to the scene of the
bivouac not a pup-tent was to be seen. The Regiment had
received sudden orders to return to billets, no reason given.
The next day. Labor Day, the routine schedule continued,
and suddenly, the following Saturday afternoon, September
7, the march orders were received. Within two hours the
Third BattaHon, under Major John B. Atwood, marched out
of Chassigny in a pouring rain and inky black, bivouacking
at midnight.

Sunday is ''moving-day'' for the 316th, however, and the
remainder of the Regiment marched early on the Sabbath,
September 8, tramping a long road through Coublanc,
Grenant, Saulles, and Belmont to Genevrieres, where the
Headquarters and Supply Companies and the Second Bat-
talion bivouacked for the night, in a driving rain and high
wind which blew down the pup-tents over the men's heads.
The First Battalion pushed straight through to Pierrefaites
and Monterson to the entraining point at La Ferte-sur-
Amance, where they bivouacked in the mud beside the
Third Battalion. This first real night of roughing it made a
great impression on the men, especially when the rainy
morning showed their heap of rations, only half-covered by
stingy paulins, soaked through. All that day other organ-
izations were entraining, and, meantime, the remainder of
the Regiment arrived, footsore and weary. On the night of

27

the 9th and early morning of the 10th the Regiment entrained
in three separate trains, after distributing rations and board-
ing horses and freight in the downpour and darkness.

The route was northward on the Paris-Belfort Line, and
there was considerable speculation as to the destination;
no one knew exactly. Finally the Marne Valley was reached,
a beautiful, grassy country, where cattle grazed in peaceful
meadows, but the mere sound of the word *' Marne" brought
curious sensations to the soldiers. Near Chaumont the city
where General Pershing had Great Headquarters, a train of
troops from the front was passed. They were loaded on
flat-cars, and their knocked-up wagons and battered tanks
and, most of all, their superior air and bantering remarks,
gave the tenderfoot additional food for thought. Finally,
in the afternoon, the Regiment arrived in the raihoad yards
of Revigny, in the Department of the Meuse, north of St.
Dizier and a trifle northwest of Bar-le-Duc. Revigny had
been entered by the Germans for a short while, and the
buildings showed the marks of bombardment. There was
little time for sight-seeing, however, for, despite rain, mud,
and approaching darkness, the hike commenced at once for
billets. Long after nightfall, while the troops were trudging
along silently, an Italian division *' coming out'' was passed
on the road. ''Hello, John," was the greeting from the
American column, and many a surprising answer was
returned, like, "John yom-self, old fellow; I'm from Brook-
lyn; what burg are you from? "

Late in the night the Regiment reached its area, in the
neighborhood of Robert Espagne, in the towns of Tremont,
where Regimental Headquarters was located, and Lisle-en-
Rigault, BriUon and Combles. The morning of the 11th
brought a little sunshine, and the view of a richer and more
citified region than the tiny farmland villages of the Haute
Marne, and the soldiers had visions of a few weeks of this
staging game. On that evening, however, a great fleet of
allied aeroplanes passed overhead, flying eastward, probably
a bombing party, and visions of war displaced thoughts of
vin rouge. It took two days to thaw out the chill and
stiffness of the recent heavy hikes and nights of sleep on the
sodden earth, and on the evening of the 13th orders came to
be prepared to ''go in." Barrack bags filled with surplusage
had been stored in the training area, but this departure
saw a new sloughing of equipment thought necessary before
those days of hiking, and before dusk the Regiment was

28

ready. A long column of outlandish camions drew into the
towns, driven by Chinese from the French Asiatic possessions.
The motor trucks were quite large, holding twenty-two men,
by pinching, but their structure looked light compared with
the great American trucks; and the French blue war color
and the fur-coated Chinese, drooping on their seats from
lack of sleep, surely made a scene from Mars for the saucer-
eyed doughboy.

On the road to Bar-le-Duc, after dark, the whole train
assembled, over four hundred camions, and snaked along
through the darkness. Not a light was allowed, not even a
cigarette, and this latter discomfort gave the first taste of
the harshness of war. The city of Bar-le-Duc was shrouded
in darkness, being a target for enemy bombing expeditions,
and few of the soldiers even knew they were passing through
the home of gooseberry jam. From Bar-le-Duc the long
convoy took the main Verdun highway through Issoncourt
and Heippes, villages which they later learned to know so
well. Many a one will long remember the chilly night ride,
bumping around from one side of the truck to the other,
while the Chinese drivers droned their continual sing-song
on the seat ahead. Several trucks were ditched that night,
but fortunately there were no casualties. The supply
trains took a road practically paralleling to the west the
main highway, and Captain Christensen led his train and
the one-pounders via Vavincourt, Ippecourt, Marats-la-
Grande, Chaumont-sur-Aire, St. Andre and Brabant-en-
Argonne. The troop column branched off the main highway
north of Souilly, turning westward through Nixeville to
Bier court, on the Paris-Metz Highroad.

This highway, which in this section runs west from
Verdun into the Argonne Forest, was the main lateral
communication behind the lines which the Division was to
take over. The name, Blercourt, had been whispered about
the day before as the destination of the train, but no one
then knew that Blercourt lay only twelve kilometers south-
west of Verdun. The Argonne, to the west, was a strange
word to the Regiment, and the Meuse, running northwesterly
through Verdun, was only a geographical name. Hill 304
and Le Mort Homme, which lay in the sector the 79th
Division was to take over, were well known to every Amer-
ican, but perhaps it was well on that chilly morning of
September 14 that no one knew of these historic places ahead.

The desolation which the dawn brought to view was

29

sufficient shock for one day. As soon as light broke in the
gray skies, the train stopped, the men were tumbled out
into the main road, and the long train stole away, before the
enemy aeroplanes could learn that thousands of troops were
concentrating between the Meuse and the Argonne. All
about was devastation and ruin, and not a sign of the culti-
vation which had been so lovely in the Haute Marne.
Muddy paths ran in every direction through the open fields,
always into the woods, where the troops had to conceal
themselves from aerial observation. With scarcely time to
get their bearings, the men were marched to cover, the
Second Battalion to the hillside northeast of Blercourt and
the First Battalion into Brocourt Wood, south of Dombasle.
The Third Battalion, which did not arrive until the following
day, was placed in the Camp de Sivry in the woods north of
Blercourt. Headquarters and separate units moved on the
first morning from Blercourt to Dombasle several kilometers
west, and then northward into a valley camp in the woods.
The column hastened to reach cover before it was discovered.
In these woodland camps the Regiment had its first
experience of "life at the front." The huts and shacks,
half underground, built of tar paper on boards or corrugated
iron, may have been vacated only a day before by the
French, but they had the deserted appearance of a year of
abandonment, bare, cheerless shelters. On the path leading
to one of the camps was a French military cemetery, with its
blue-painted crosses and white, blue and red tin rosettes.
The supply train had not yet arrived, and the men had only
their reserve of corned-beef and hard bread to eat. No
water near at hand, no place to sit down, no bunks — it was
all new and cold and strange. Captain Feuardent and
Lieutenant Castel, the French officers attached to the
Regiment, and Interpreter Berkowitz, however, felt at
home, and the men were not slow in learning from them.
First of all came a scurry and scramble through the huts for
a pan, a stove, a piece of pipe, a bucket, anything, and then
came the search for water. "It is necessary to make one's
self comfortable, '' remarked Captain Feuardent, lugging a
small wooden table into the luxurious 6 by 8 quarters of
Colonel Charles. The next experience was watching aero-
planes, which were very active over this front. Troops were
not allowed on the roads at all by day. As soon as an
enemy plane appeared, the anti-aircraft guns opened on
them, flecking the sky with puffs of smoke.

30

During the ensuing days several changes in location of
battalions were made, in order to bring the Regiment into
more advantageous positions. Regimental Headquarters
was established at Dombasle-en-Argonne, near the head-
quarters of the 158th Infantry Brigade, and the First Bat-
taUon, which had been bombed on the first night in Brocourt
Wood, was moved north of Dombasle to Camp de Normandie.
The Second Battalion was moved close by into Le Deffoy
Wood, and the Third Battalion was marched on the night of
the 14th, the day of its arrival, into the Bois de Dombasle,
near the Supply Company. On the 18th, Regimental Head-
quarters was also moved into that wood, into a French
camp called du Fer a Cheval. Finally, on September 20, with
the Second Battalion still in Camp Deffoy, the Regiment
concentrated in Camp de Normandie, about six kilometers
behind the front lines. This was a most noisome place,
on account of its proximity to the front, and especially
because of the continual rains. There were a number of
deep gallery shelters or dugouts, each holding several hundred
men, but they were so foul and chilly and damp, dripping
with water and overrun with rats, that the men preferred to
pitch pup-tents in the wet grass of the woods. In these
nights of waiting, and in the daytime too, the Regiment had
its first experience with bombing and shell-fire, although
there were no casualties. Several night gas-alarms were
given, perhaps passed along from the front lines or neigh-
boring sectors by the night sound of a gong or Klaxon.
Interpreter Berkowitz became very angry after the first
rude awakening: ''Gas! Eet is im-poss-se-bil; there was no
burst of shell."

The interpreter was not the only one who finally decided
that it was ''im-poss-se-bil." The very first night had
demonstrated that all is not gas that growls. An anxious
lieutenant, seeking the cause of the alarm and all the
wild alarum, came across three M. P. sentries grinding
their Klaxons like mad. The lieutenant, of course, had his
gas-mask on, but not so the M. P.'s. They were having the
time of their lives. The "loot," chagrin mixed with annoy-
ance, pulled his mask off and asked where in the the

gas was and what the dickens was all the noise about.

"Oh," said the M. P.'s calmly, "we aint smelt no gas, but
orders is to pass on the alarm and we're doin' it."

After that many a man, as he heard the raucous call,
simply turned over in his hole and said drowsily to his

31

equally indifferent buddie, "Bill, if there's really gas wake
me up, but darn them Klaxons."

However, more cautious brothers slept all night in gas-
masks, and some few learned to like it.

Between Camp de Normandie and the American lines
stretched many a winding boyau through the thick woods,
reminiscent of the mighty days of Verdun. In there many
units snatched a bit of hasty training and got something of
the ''feel" of the trenches — which, no matter how apparently
simple they look on a map, are always a strange and inextri-
cable maze to the novice. Through these woods also ran
miles and miles of wire and some hurried experience in cutting
lanes and tracing their puzzling course was obtained. There
was little realization then that the Regiment was to go into
a great drive without a turn in the trenches, but oppor-
tunities at hand to "get acquainted" were not wasted.

Those first trips were eye-openers. Camp de Normandie,
with its thick foliage and sturdy trees, gave a sense of security
to green troops — ostrich-like as that feeling may have been.
But as one emerged from the forest into the rocky, rugged
boyau to the front lines — the trenches ahead and No Man's
Land beyond lay bare and exposed under the summer sun.
No Man's Land — grim phrase — menacing and sinister it
looked to the unaccustomed eyes of officers and non-coms
sent forward to familiarize themselves with the sector held
by the 315th. This sector was officially called the "Hill 304
Sector," but to the Americans it was known as the "Avo-
court-Malancourt Sector" because the lines stretched
between those towns. Avocourt lay within the American
lines — Malancourt within the German. Hill 304, held at
such frightful cost by the French, was on the right and within
the Divisional Sector. The 315th Infantry, with head-
quarters at Cote 309, had taken over the lines of the 157th
French Division.

Around the railhead at Dombasle and Blercourt vast
stores of military material had been observed, but suspicion
that a great drive was impending did not crystallize until
after the Regiment reached Camp de Normandie, in the
neighborhood of which, heavy cannon and naval guns were
being emplaced. The Regiment fully expected after a few
weeks to relieve the 315th Infantry and take a turn in the
Hill 304 Sector for purposes of trench training. The expected
relief was commenced on the night of September 24-25,
when the First Battalion and the Machine Gun Company

32

of the 316th relieved corresponding units of the''315th in the
trenches west of the village of Esnes and of Hill 304. Major
Harry D. Parkin, commanding the First Battalion, had his
headquarters in a small trench dugout called *'P. C.
Copinard."

That very first night suspicion became pretty certain that
a drive was about to take place; for large details were sent
out into the front lines to cut wide gaps in the barbed wire
entanglements in front of the trenches. On the following
day, the 25th of September, the certainty of a great drive
was increased; for captive balloons were moved forward
close behind the trenches. Tanks rumbled all day up the
road from Dombasle, past Camp de Normandie, and heavy
guns mounted on tractors were moved into position. On
that afternoon Colonel Charles assembled the battalion
conamanders at the headquarters of the 315th Infantry
which had now become the headquarters of the 158th
Brigade, under Brigadier-General Robert E. Noble, and in
that place a conference of all the field officers of the Brigade
was held, outlining the plans for the drive of September 26.

Even at the meeting of the field officers of the Brigade on \
the afternoon of September 25, the day and hour of the
attack were not announced. The orders were merely to |
attack at "H hour on D day.^* The scheme for the move- ,
ment, however, was carefully elaborated. The 145th \
Regiment of the 37th Division was to attack on the left, and j
the 4th Division was to attack on the right. For the 79th
Division, lying between, the 157th Infantry Brigade with
the 313th Infantry on the left and the 314th Infantrj'^ on
the right, were to lead the advance, followed at 1,000 meters
by the 316th and the 315th Regiments. The assault was to I
be preceded by an unprecedented artillery preparation, there
being at the disposal of the 79th Division alone 23 batteries
of light field artillery, 12 batteries of heavy artillery, and 12
heavy trench mortars. The 316th Infantry was to be
disposed with the Third Battalion under Major John B.
Atwood on the right and with the First Battalion under
Major Parkin on the left. The Second Battalion, under
Captain Alan W. Lukens, was assigned to Brigade Reserve,
and was to follow the advance until called upon. The
Regimental Machine Gun Company, under Captain Laur-
iston E. Knowlton, and Company C, 312th Machine Gun
Battalion, were attached to the assaulting battalions, together
with the three one-pounder guns from the Headquarters

33

Company under Lieutenant Herbert V. Lindsay. E Com-
pany was designated to act as a combat contact patrol with
the 37th Division on the left, and A and I Companies were
named as Regimental Reserve, the latter being split up to
furnish pioneer and carrying details. Five platoons of F
Company were separated to be moppers-up behind the
advancing battalions. The battahons were to be ''echeloned
in depth" in approach formation. The 343d Tank Company
of the 15th French Battalion, with two wireless tanks,
was to be attached to the Regiment for duty. Lieutenant
Robert B. Miller and Lieutenant Howard G. Nichols were
sent to the 37th Division as liaison officers and Lieutenant
Michael D. Clofine, Lieutenant William S. Hager, and
Lieutenant George E. Geiser, Jr., were sent to the two Bri-
gade Headquarters to maintain liaison with the Regiment.

At dusk the troops commenced moving from Camp de
Normandie toward the front, the Second Battahon dropping
off in the Bois de Chattancourt, near Division Headquarters,
as brigade reserve. The Third Battalion advanced, follow-
ing their guides through the Bois d'Esnes, which was scarcely
more than a scanty patch of underbrush after the inter-
mittent shelling of several years, up to a position behind the
First Battalion. Meantime, Regimental Headquarters was
estabhshed in P. C. Copinard, the First Battalion forming
itself in the trenches ready for the jump-off.

34

V

Montfaucon and Beyond

The Meuse-Argonne offensive, to commence on the
morning of September 26, is of tremendous historical impor-
tance. The German Hnes, from Switzerland to the North Sea,
were still practically intact, and in the great allied drive
which ended the war, the hinge of the whole operation was
assigned to America, to break the main enemy communi-
cations through Montmedy and Sedan, and thus imperil the
whole German army. On the right of the movement, running
south through Verdun, was the Meuse River, and on the
left, the Argonne Forest, whose ravines, hills, and elaborate
defenses concealed by dense thickets had been considered
impregnable. In the American lines, the 79th Division held
a place of honor, facing the formidable citadel of Montfaucon.

Throughout the memorable night of September 25-26,
P. C. Copinard had been a bee-hive, crowded with battalion
and company commanders who assembled to receive copies
of the Field Orders and to have maps, which had just been
distributed, marked with sector lines for the advance. It
was only at that time that it was learned that the formidable
stronghold of Montfaucon, the famous hill citadel, was
inamediately in the sector of the Regiment. From the front
line trenches, Montfaucon lay distant over six kilometers
beyond the wild tangle of No Man's Land, the impregnable
system of German wire entanglements and trenches, and a
series of easily defended hills and patches of woods. As the
ofl&cers studied their maps it seemed like an impossible
objective.

At 11 H, while the officers worked in the dugout, digesting
maps and orders, the brooding silence outside was suddenly
shattered. On the right, on the left, from far behind the
line, the American heavy artillery had opened — a steady
fire that smashed what remnants of Malancourt may still
have remained; that shattered strongholds on Montfaucon
Hill, and poured pitiless destruction into a hundred strategic
enemy points located by the diligent work of French and
American intelligence staffs.

35

It was not until 2 H 30 in the morning, however, that the
real bombardment began. Then all the guns in the greatest
concentration of artillery the world had ever known up to
that time, joined in a monstrous chorus of destruction. The
316th was on the roads by that time, groping its way forward,
still but faintly conscious of the immensity of the struggle
about to open. Like a hundred rending volcanoes, the
American and French 75's right behind them, tore away the
black veil of night in thunderclaps of flame. It was the first
time these men had been in front of the fire of their own guns.
For a dazed moment there was a gasp of something like panic
— scores dropped into the gutters beside the road — and then
the true nature of all that cataclysm dawned on them, and
somewhat sheepishly they rose to view in awe the spectacle
imfolded. A thousand gorgeous sunsets — extinguished in a
second, recreated in a moment — unceasing rolls of thunder,
a night indelibly written in memory.

And meantime, without interruption, the company com-
manders were busily at work placing their men for the
jump-off, the Third Battalion moving into position on a line
with the right of the First, the men shoulder to shoulder in
the trenches.
\ Promptly at 5 H 30 the American fire lifted and became a
I rolling barrage, and the 313th Infantry went over the top
' into No Man's Land. Zero hour had arrived — the American
doughboy for miles to east and west was opening the Meuse-
Argonne Drive and lifting the curtain on the last act of
history's greatest drama. The German giins, which up to
that moment had remained ominously silent, now burst
forth on the American hues. The 316th in support, kept its
eyes on the advancing lines, waiting for the 313th to gain the
slated 1,000 meters. The sharp tac-tac-tac of machine guns
cut through even that frightful din. A colunm of small
tanks, hke ugly ducklings, waddled its way through the
waiting lines, clumsily but efficiently crossing shell-hole
craters and trenches. The assaulting column moved on.
: At 6 H 00 the required 1,000 yards had been gained, and
the 316th stepped out into its first real baptism of fire.
No Man's Land was everywhere torn and gashed with great
shell-holes, 15 to 20 feet deep, many of them tangles of
briar. No roads — no paths of any kind — were here to serve
as landmarks, and maintaining contact became at once a
trying problem. The compass was the only guide, and the

36

line advanced slowly, with company commanders striving
constantly to keep liaison.

'^Boyau 6" winds through the Bois de Malancourt, and
part of the Regiment struggled forward over its rocky bottom
as the 313th, now well out in front, moved on. At a turn in »
the boyau, as the head of the column approached, there lay
a group of grotesquely huddled figures in American O. D.
The man in the lead putting his hand to the shoulder of one
of these figures drew it away sharply in swift enlightenment —
murmured a barely audible, ''Dead!" and stumbled on.
The column followed. It was the 316th's first sight of
grim horror. War had all at once taken on a new meaning.

In No Man's Land for a goodly distance the Regiment
moved on without loss — undisturbed save by artillery
shelling, usually wide of its mark. As the Boche part of the
Bois de Malancourt was neared, there was a queer bzz-zz-zz
overhead, an instant's puzzled speculation as to what the
devil that might be — and then that much taught lesson in
the little red book on the importance of "keeping down"
was being graphically illustrated.

The assaulting regiment, moving steadily ahead, had
unsuspectingly passed by a nimiber of concealed machine-
gun nests, and the Boche gunners were now demonstrating
to the 316th that being in support meant nothing — just less
than nothing in the way of immunity. Followed a speedy
issuing of orders to platoon commanders, cautious flank
movements, and the Regiment was sending back its first
prisoners, casting a hasty glimpse at its first war trophies,
and leaving behind, sprawled under a torrid sun now high in
the heavens, its first dead and wounded. It was this char-
acter of fighting which marked the entire Meuse-Argonne
action. Concealed machine gunners, allowing the first lines
to pass on, opened up on the second, and either bravely
fought to an inevitable finish or shouted ''Kamarad" in time
to save their lives.

The Regimental Headquarters was established by noon in
the Tranch^e de Cuisine, the French name for the German
front line. Nearby, at the entrance to a dugout, lay a
number of dead Germans, surprised at their posts by the
sudden American bombardment. At this P. C, Captain
Feuardent entered the dugout with an empty pistol on an
excursion of curiosity, and brought up three Germans,
piteously crying "Kamarad." By mid-afternoon the Regi-
ment had left the Bois de Malancourt, crossing Golfe de

37

Malancourt, an open space heavily wired and entrenched
around a strong redoubt, and had entered the Bois de Cuisy,
where they had overcome some machine gun and sniper
resistance. In these woods Captain Frederick A. Van Dyke
was wounded by a sniper bullet, which put a hole through
his identification tag and tucked it away, underneath his
collar bone.

In the late afternoon a reorganization of the line was
effected in this old German line of main resistance about the
Golfe de Malancourt, and the Regiment spent the night with
the First Battalion around the Regimental Headquarters on
the southeastern edge of the Bois de Cuisy and the Third
Battalion in German trenches west of Malancourt. The
Second Battalion, still in Brigade Reserve, was nearby in
the Bois de Cuisy. Detachments of the Third Battalion
followed the 313th Infantry until 18 H 35 toward Mont-
faucon, running into various minor engagements. That
night was very cool and a light rain commenced to fall,
chilling the men to the bone. All the canteens were empty,
the American fire had broken the elaborate system of German
water pipes, and no water was to be found.

At 6 H 45 on September 27 the advance was resumed, the
Regiment still in support of the 313th. Two hours later
notice was received at Regimental Headquarters that the
313th and 316th Regiments now composed the 157th Infantry
Brigade, the 316th being thereby shifted from the 158th
Brigade in a provisional reorganization of brigades.

With dawn of the 27th the men had explored the German
trenches and found a number of dugouts with peeled potatoes
in kettles on the stoves, ready for boiling, pots of acorn
coffee, already brewed, cheese, and small bags of musty,
tasteless biscuit. There were many valuables left behind
by men who had fled in a hurry, but the men knew the weight
of a pack, and had not yet acquired the souvenir habit. For
water the men had to collect rain in their mess kits.

At 9 H 08 Major Parkin reported that the 313th Infantry
was attacking Montfaucon. Emerging from the Bois de
Cuisy, the town of Montfaucon, a kilometer and a half to
the north, dominates the skyline. It crowned the crest of a
hill commanding the whole countryside, and had long held
the name of being an impregnable stronghold. The ground
lay entirely open and exposed from the woods up to the town,
and any advance would have to descend an open slope, cross
a valley, and then ascend the wired and entrenched citadel.

38

Observation from the town was perfect. Most of the houses
in the town had been leveled by American artillery fire, but
the church, later completely ruined, on September 27 still
reared a proud silhouette against the sky.

The 313th Infantry fought its way through this strong-
hold, with the First Battalion of the 316th in close support,
the Third Battalion holding the right of the sector and follow-
ing up to the east between Fayel Farm and the eastern edge
of the town. At 12 H 50 Colonel Sweezey, commanding the
313th, despatched a message asking for a battalion of the
316th to protect his Regiment from counter-attack while he
reorganized. The First Battalion was immediately closed up
in the town, and Companies G and H of the Brigade Reserve
sent to join it. Major Atwood reported at 13 H 00 that the
First and Third Battalions were following the 313th, which
had passed beyond Montf aucon, and that the lines were under
heavy artillery fire. The First Battalion reported at 14 H 37
that it was organizing defensive positions in shell-holes
along the northern base of the town, with the 313th fighting
in the open groimd immediately north of them. Captain
Fatzinger and Captain Hewit, with two platoons from C and
F Companies, went forward with the 313th in the attack
against the Bois de Beuge on that afternoon.

The advance was halted in the open fields north of Mont-
faucon by the Germans, who were strongly organized with
machine guns and mortars in the Bois de Beuge, lying ahead,
and who had responsive artillery support. The American
lines on that night lay in the open ground between Mont-
faucon and the Bois de Beuge, the outposts moving up to the
embankment of a railroad skirting the woods on the south.
The 316th Infantry lay in the immediate rear of the 313th
at the northern base of Montf aucon, along the road to
Cierges, the road to Nantillois and back of Bois de Bigors.
The Regimental P. C. remained in a German dugout a
thousand meters south of Montf aucon.

At 2 H 30 on the morning of September 28, the Intelligence
Officer of the 313th came from Brigade Headquarters with
verbal orders for the 316th to relieve the 313th at Mont-
f aucon and to attack at 7 H 00 on September 28. Colonel
Charles with his staff immediately went forward to the top
of the hill, and at the church in Montfaucon gave personal
instructions to his battalion commanders for the attack on
that date. At 4 H 00 Regimental Headquarters was estab-
lished with the headquarters of the 313th in the graveyard just

39

below the church on the eastern slope of the hill. At 5 H 00
the German artillery fell heavily on the American hnes, and
headquarters was driven to the eastern base of the hiU
where it was located at the beginning of the attack. Mont-
faucon had fallen, but ahead to the north lay in succession
three wood-crowned hills, Bois de Beuge, Bois 268 and Bois
250. To approach all these it was necessary to cross open
valleys with no shelter whatever, and then ascend the slope
to the woods, subject to sweeping machine-gun fire. The
ground lent itself easily to observation by the enemy of any
movement that might be attempted.

At 7 H 00 the attack was launched, the troops immedi-
ately falling under heavy artillery fire. As soon as the
advancing lines came within range of machine-gun fire from
the edge of Bois de Beuge, a terrific rain of bullets descended
upon them. The lines dropped, automatics opened a
sputtering reply, here and there a group rushed, dropped and
crawled cautiously; the lines crept on — forward; delayed,
harassed, terribly punished — but on, their dead behind them,
their tortured wounded moaning to the winds that most
heartbreaking cry of the battlefield: "First aid, this way;
first aid, this way." German artillery, some of it from
beyond the distant Meuse, dropped a hail of shrapnel and
high explosives; machine guns spewed the ground with a
deadly shower — the Regiment crawled on.

At 8 H 51 Major Atwood sent the following message:
''Our troops now entering southern edge of Bois de Beuge."
Nine minutes later he was killed.

The advance into this woods had cost the Regiment
heavily. It had stripped many companies almost completely
of their officers and in the ranks had taken a ghastly toll.
The morning of September 28 gave the 316th full reali-
zation of war in its grimmest reality. In the inevitable
confusion many units were almost entirely isolated, despite
the imflagging efforts of runners to re-establish contact.

L Company thus for a time found itself virtually alone, and,
like other units, struggled on beyond the general line into
withering flanking fire. Its leader. Captain Charles E.
Loane, Jr., was wounded, and among its platoon leaders.
Lieutenant Albert C. Wunderlich was killed and Lieutenant
Clarence W. Renshawe incapacitated by shell shock. Among
the Regiment's killed that morning were Major Atwood,
Captain Percy F. Burrage, Lieutenant John H. Fox; among
the wounded. Captain Robert C. Fatzinger, Lieutenant

40

Burrlie M. Odom, Lieutenant Norman L. Botsford, Lieu-
tenant Earle P. Burdick, Lieutenant Daniel J. Dougherty,
Lieutenant John J. Sheridan, Lieutenant Charles M. Sincell,
Lieutenant Robert P. Stout, Lieutenant Arlington B. Evans,
Lieutenant Charles E. McKillips, Lieutenant Phillipus
Miller, Lieutenant Eastman M. Sanborn, Lieutenant James
M. Hamilton, Lieutenant Thomas M. Rikeman, Lieutenant
Hank Welling and Lieutenant Charles J. Hurley, Jr.

The Bois de Beuge was very dense with underbrush, being
almost impenetrable, excepting by several narrow paths,
through which the troops pushed. On the northern edge
was a great German P. C. covered with heavy steel plates,
but there was no time to explore. In spite of unabated
artillery fire over the whole front, and in spite of another
open approach to wood-crowned '*268", the advance con-
tinued. At 13 H 42 Captain John McI. Somers, commanding
the Third Battalion after the death of Major Atwood,
reported, ^' We are at 10.2-8L8, on assigned sector, with right
on the Nantillois-Cunel Road." This line was on the crest
running through Bois 268, the second wood beyond Mont-
faucon to be captured that morning. One platoon of G
Company under Lieutenant Chambers succeeded in crossing
the next open space over the crest, reaching the tip of the
next woods, near Madeleine Farm.

The First Battalion was in Woods 268 on the left half of
the sector, and the Second Battalion lay in the valley immedi-
ately south of it. In the afternoon the Regiment was
reorganized in these woods, the Regimental P. C. being
established on the southeastern tip. The French Tank
Company, which had followed the troops in the attack
through Bois de Beuge, maneuvered west of Nantillois and
then retired to Montfaucon.

All day the German artillery violently shelled the entire
area, including Montfaucon and the road south of it. It was
here while with the Regimental Supply Train that Lieutenant
Romaine Shepard was mortally wounded.

The reconnaissance of the ground ahead of 268 showed
another open space of about 500 meters and then a wedge-
shaped wood called *'250." To the east of this wood, just
off the regimental sector and along the Nantillois-Cunel
Road, in an open space of the Bois des Ogons, lay Madeleine
Farm, marked with a great Red Cross. To the west of
*'250" lay an open draw studded with a few patches of

41

brush concealing machine-gun nests, and behind them lay
Cote 250 and then the town of Romagne.

At dark Lieutenant Chambers' platoon was drawn out of
Woods 250, and the Regiment spent the night on the northern
tip of Bois 268 in a heavy rain, being harassed by machine-
gun fire and occasional shelling.

On Sunday morning, September 29, the fourth day of the
drive, the 316th was ordered to attack from Bois 268. As
the troops debouched from the woods they were met on the
brow of the slope by terrific machine-gun fire from the
woods ahead and crossfire from the flanks, the bushes in the
open valley to the northwest, and from Madeleine Farm,
with its red-cross flag. Captain Benjamin H. Hewit, Lieu-
tenant Daniel S. Keller, Adjutant of the First Battalion, and
Lieutenant Fitzharris, Third Battalion Intelhgence Officer,
were killed a few hundred yards ahead of "268." Lieutenant
Ivan L. Lautenbacher was mortally wounded, and Lieutenant
Richard Y. Naill, Intelligence Officer of the First Battalion,
Lieutenant John J. Pickard, and Lieutenant Charles M.
Hoffman were wounded. The lines were greatly depleted by
severe losses, and the advance on the left, exposed to fire
from front and flank was checked 300 meters north of *'268."
On the right, however, a number of men dashed into the edge
of the woods, about fifty in number, under Captain Somers,
Lieutenants Murdock, Home and Bliss. This heroic group
fought ahead through the woods, struggling hand to hand
with machine gunners, and established a scattered defensive
line just inside the northern edge of Woods 250, holding this
position all day. Meantime, orders arrived from the 157th
Brigade for a reorganization and a second attack in the
afternoon with the reorganized 313th Infantry in the advance
and the 316th Infantry, consolidated as one battalion under
command of Major Parkin, following at 600 meters. The
attack was launched at 14 H 00, and again through the
enemy barrage the troops advanced across the open into the
thick underbrush of Woods 250. The 313th Infantry had
received orders to withdraw, and Major Parkin's men, alone,
pushed ahead into the woods, joining the small band that had
been in the northern edge since morning. The woods were
swept by heavy enemy artillery fire which killed a great
many of the men. It was in these woods that Captain Alan
W. Lukens met his death.

The artillery barrage of the enemy also inflicted heavy-
casualties in the vicinity of Regimental Headquarters on the

42

edge of 268. Shortly after the attack commenced, a bursting
high explosive killed Regimental Sergeant-Major Harold
H. Bair, and Colonel Charles, who was dictating a message
to him at the time, was wounded in the thigh. Lieutenant-
Colonel Robert L. Meador was given temporary command of
the Regiment.

At 15 H 50 a message was received from Brigade Head-
quarters to reorganize and establish a defensive line on the
northern edge of the Bois de Beuge. At various intervals
messages were sent forward into the woods to the First
Battalion, but the runners never lived to deliver their
messages. The First Battalion remained in the woods,
penetrating them against snipers and machine guns, to the
very tip of the Bois de Cunel, where the dead bodies of
members of the Regiment were found later by the Graves
Registration Service. The regiments on the right and left
had faUed to reach the line of the woods, and there the
battalion remained, without support. At dusk, Lieutenant
Goetz, who had been in the woods with Major Parkin,
returned to the Regimental P. C. with the news that the
unit was still in the woods, never having received orders to
withdraw. An officer was sent to the artillery to postpone
fire which might be directed upon the woods, and Lieutenant
Goetz returned to Major Parkin with orders to withdraw
after dark, finding his way across the battlefield to the lone
battalion. At 21 H 00, Major Parkin started back from the
woods with 160 men, and a few minutes later, shells from the
American artillery commenced dropping in the woods behind
them. That night a defensive line was thrown out in shell-
holes several hundred yards in front of the Bois de Beuge,
with the 145th Infantry on the left and the 315th on the
right.

All day Monday the Regiment held this position in the
Bois de Beuge, the companies reorganizing to permit more
effective defense. The enemy harassed the woods with shell
fire.

Meanwhile relief had become imperative, not only on
account of constantly mounting losses, but because of the
impossibility of getting food and water to the men. The
road to the supply dumps was choked and jammed to a dead
standstill, holding up ammunition and supplies of every
description, and tying up many ambulances with their
loads of wounded. At 16 H 00 the veteran Third Division
appeared behind the hill of Montfaucon and, in unwavering

43

lines of section columns, advanced through heavy fire and
effected the relief.

The Regiment was then led back under a fire of high explo-
sive, shrapnel and gas, which inflicted several casualties,
including the wounding of Captain James P. Montgomery.
South of Montfaucon the column was reorganized, and the
Regiment marched as a unit into Malancourt, reaching that
devastated village after dark. The whole Division was
concentrated in the vicinity, and the troops spent the night
in the open, without blankets, in shell-holes amid the barbed
wire entanglements southwest of the ruined town. The
enemy kept dropping heavy shells into Malancourt all night.

The following morning, October 1, the cold, weary men,
who had not seen more than a few cans of corned beef with
a little hard bread since September 25, commenced the
march back to Camp de Normandie. The road, built
immediately after the advance across No Man's Land by the
Engineers, from Malancourt to Avocourt, was followed, the
infantry worming their way through the congestion of trucks,
ambulances and artillery, which plowed hub deep through
the mud. In nmnerous places the roadway had been blown
up by mines left by the retreating enemy. In the middle of
the afternoon the men dragged themselves into their old
camp of the week before. Without waiting for hot food to
be prepared, they gulped their bread, molasses, and coffee
and went to sleep under the sky with minds far from the
din and roar of battle. They little gloried that they had
participated in the greatest drive of the war, and that
although inexperienced and untried, they had forged ahead
thirteen kilometers to the very tip of the Bois de Cunel,
broken a line of trenches thought impregnable, assisted in the
downfall of Montfaucon, the great prize of the 79th Division,
and captured and consolidated the Bois de Beuge, making
safe the conquered citadel.

44

VI

The Troyon Sector

The Regiment remained in Camp de Normandie and
Camp Deffoy, to the south of it, until the evening of
October 3, when a march to the south was ordered. Visions
of billets and "Repos," about which they had read, entered
the soldiers' minds as they trudged silently through the
darkness. The march proceeded via Banth^ville, Sivry la
Perche, and then across the Blercourt Road via Nixeville
and the Bois de Nixeville, which was reached at 2 H 00 on
the following morning. After marching through the roads,
knee deep in mud from recent rains, the troops bivouacked
in the sodden woods. On the afternoon of that day, October
4, the Regiment, depleted to 1,858 men and worn out from
the Montfaucon operation, marched via Lempire, Dugny,
Ancemont, where it crossed the Meuse, and proceeded via
Dieue and Genicourt to Rupt-en-Woevre, arriving there
after a most wearisome hike at midnight. Utterly exhausted,
the men crept into any billet whatever, and slept like logs
on the floors or in rude bunks without straw. The comfort of
a roof was blessing enough.

On October 5 the Regiment rested, and washed, and
exercised itself only to the extent of fighting for the few
sticks of firewood in the village, which had been badly dam-
aged by enemy fire. That night the enemy planes whirred
overhead, feeling with their bombs for the railhead at
Rattentout, a few kilometers distant, and the doughboys
decided that, after all, *'Repos'' is not quite the same as
advertised. This conviction grew the next morning, when
two hours of *' Squads Right" were ordered, and the happy-
go-lucky soldier took great pleasure when a formation in the
streets was broken up by the appearance of an enemy plane
in the heavens, and everyone scurried for cover. When the
first sergeants tried to find their companies they found them
all "under cover," where they remained the rest of the day.
While here Colonel Oscar J. Charles, who had been wounded
north of Montfaucon, was relieved of command, which
passed to Lieutenant-Colonel Robert L. Meador.

The general pleasures of "Repos" were abruptly ended on
the evening of October 6, when the Regiment was concen-
trated after dark for a hike to the front, through the rain.
With the recollection of Montfaucon fresh in mind, the
soldier plodded through the pitch black up a slippery hill
road, through Mouilly to the Grand Tranch^e de Calonne
Road, which ran several kilometers behind the lines roughly
parallel to the new front, which had been but recently won
in the St. Mihiel drive. The whole Regiment bivouacked
again that night in Le Chanot Bois, near Dommartin la
Montague.

^' Muddy Monday," October 7, was spent in Le Chanot
Bois, waiting to effect a relief that night of units of the 26th
Division. The wood occupied had been recently taken from
the enemy in the St, Mihiel drive, and the men, skirmishing
through its paths, found great stores of anununition left by
the Germans in their hasty retreat. The concrete dugouts
were a marvel to behold. During the day details of officers
were sent forward to reconnoiter the new front, the Troy on
Sector, so named from the town to the rear on the Meuse
River, which was the seat of Division Headquarters. The
sector lay on the northwestern part of the St. Mihiel advance,
and Colonel McCaskey, who was later to join the Regiment,
had, with the 104th Infantry, driven the Germans out of this
very front. As Montfaucon lay about twenty kilometers
to the northwest of Verdun, the Troyon Sector lay a bit over
twenty kilometers to the southeast of Verdun, on the pro-
longation of a line from Montfaucon through Verdun.

The line of main resistance ran from northwest to south-
east along a remarkable line of wooded cliffs, the Cotes de
Meuse, which ran fingers out into the plains of the Woevre.
These hills dropped precipitously over one hundred and
fifty feet to the open plains below, and observation was
perfect. Consequently, to overcome the disadvantage
against them the Germans held their lines about six kilo-
meters away from the base of the hills, and the American
outpost line had to lie in the flats about five kilometers
ahead of the line of main resistance. It was a peculiar
situation, but at the time, the policy on this front was purely
defensive, and the distant outposts, far from food and
assistance, simply had to bear their lot.

A nmnber of villages nestled at the base of the cUffs,
Herbeuville, Hannonville, and Thillot lying in the regi-
mental sector, with Saulx and Wadonville out in the plains

46

in the line of outposts. Just beyond lay the German defense
in Marcheville, St. Hilaire, Butgn^ville, and Harville, which
were strongly wired and entrenched. East of Wadonville
were the Bois de Warville, occupied by the enemy. Some
thirty-five kilometers away in Lorraine, slightly north of
east, lay Metz.

On the night of October 8, again in the rain, the Regiment
moved into this front, relieving the 101st and 102d Infantry
Regiments of the 26th Division, the sector of each regiment
being taken over by one battahon, the First, under Major
Parkin, on the left, with P. C. at Herbeuville, and the
Second, under Captain Paul D. Strong, with P. C. in a
German concrete shelter on the hUlside above Hannonville.
The Third Battalion, under Captain John McI. Somers,
remained in Le Chanot Bois in reserve. To the left of the
Regiment was the 313th Infantry, the 314th and 315th
Infantry Regiments being in Divisional Reserve in billets
west of the Meuse. Regimental Headquarters was first
established in the woods about two kilometers south of
Dommartin, along la Grande Tranch^e de Calonne Road.
Inmiediately across the road was Brigade Headquarters and
**P. C. Cox,'' the headquarters of the 115th Artillery, which
supported the Regiment on this front.

This, then, was the scene of the expected rest, a "quiet
sector," in which by "tacit understanding" there would be
no fighting. The first proof of this dream came in the shape
of enemy shells, which constantly harassed the whole area,
morning, noon and night. Then came a drenching of Hannon-
ville with mustard gas, putting Lieutenant Dwight C. Cook
and eighty-five men out of action in one night. Observation
posts were established on the cliffs, O. P. Fitzharris, O. P.
Oberlin, and O. P. Hart, and the observers here recorded any
evidence of movement in the enemy lines, and counted the
shells landing in the vicinity, a common report for one night
being "1,200 H. E. and gas shells in Hannonville, 77's and
150's; OCK) gas shells in Herbeuville," and so on throughout
the sector.

Little movement, however, could be observed in the enemy
lines because of haze in the valley, and because almost all
movement on both sides was done at night. The Germans,
however, kept up observation balloons off in the distance in
all clear minutes, and any indiscreet exposure of troops on
the roads or the cliff was promptly followed by a shower of
shells. The restfulness of this sector was also shown in the

47

pleasure of "carrying parties" to the outpost troops. The
railhead was almost ten kilometers to the rear by roundabout
road from the cliff road, the Supply Company being unable
to haul rations and supplies over the miry deeps of the
direct road through the valley of Longeau Farm. Every
night the wagons made this long haul, traveling separately
to avoid unnecessary casualties, and every night carrying
details took great burdens by hand from the top of the
cliffs, down the steep and winding paths to the plains, and
then made the long and perilous trip out over the plains, over
the shelled roads, on through the soft, marshy lowlands.
Awkward marmites of coffee and slum were slung on poles,
and carried by two men, stumbling about in the darkness.
The men in the lines had the glorious work, however, lying
in the mud flats with scarcely any protection at all, under
clumps of willow bushes, seeking concealment on the open
ground.

Enemy aeroplanes might encircle overhead at any odd
moment, trying to ascertain the exact locations of the front
Unes. Another interesting featiu-e of this sector developed
when the artillery produced its calculations for the barrage
line of defense. Of course, there were barrages to be laid
in front of Saulx or Wadonville, to be called for in case of
attack by star signals shot from the front line, but the normal
barrage in case of enemy attack in force was laid just along
the base of the hills, meaning that the troops in the outpost,
several kilometers out in the plains, would have to fight for
their own salvation. However, this defensive scheme was
necessary owing to the peculiar terrain confronted.

On several occasions there were alarms of expected attack
issued from Division Headquarters, and the outposts were
drawn back during the night, a distance of one kilometer,
and kept at the alert all night to receive any attacks that
might develop.

The main work of the sector was patrolling, which was
carried out night after night into No Man^s Land and the
enemy lines to keep him worried and to obtain information
concerning his front. In this patrol work Lieutenant Harry
S. Gabriel, who, immediately upon joining the Regiment
in this sector, was made Intelligence Officer of the First
Battalion, and Lieutenant Mowry E. Goetz, Regimental
InteUigence Officer, figured most actively. Night after
night they went out, crossing No Man's Land from Saulx
or Wadonville with a small select group of men and prowled

48

about the enemy outpost, bringing back in the morning,
dog tired from the night of long distances covered and tense
night activity, information of the enemy outpost positions
about Marcheville or St. Hilaire.

On one evening a combat patrol was sent out under Lieu-
tenant Goetz with a supporting machine gun under Lieu-
tenant Ira E. Lady, but the enemy had been tampered with
too much by this constant night harassing and met the
troops stealing up in the darkness with a sudden fusillade of
machine guns. The patrol had accomplished its mission,
and returned with the definite information of the location of
the enemy front between Marcheville and St. Hilaire. This
night patrolling, which requires more real courage and
backbone than any other phase of modern warfare, was
carried to the Nth degree in the Troyon Sector. No Man's
Land truly became Yankee Land, due to the untiring
heroism of the men of the Regiment especially selected for
this work; and when the Regiment was drawn away from
the sector it had sufficient information concerning the
enemy, his location, strength and outpost dispositions to
plan raids on a large scale.

Many thrilling tales of those black nights are handed down
in the Regiment, and also many amusing incidents. Color
Sergeant Edward C. Hohm, who was invariably selected for
these missions, swears to this day that he heard ducks
quacking beyond Wadonville at 3 H 00 in the morning.

On the night of October 17-18, the front already wide,
was extended to a length of about seven kilometers, a regi-
ment of French Chasseurs-a-pied moving out of the ThiJlot
sector to the right of the Regiment, and the Third Battalion,
under command of Captain Somers, was moved in, with
headquarters at Avillers, a company at St. Maurice, which
lay at the base of the hills in back of Avillers, and a company
in the outpost around the village of Doncourt. This widen-
ing of the front increased the diflSculties of liaison and supply
and led to some curious happenings. Captain Strong figured
out, mathematically, that with the number of men avail-
able for outpost duty there could be only two men for every
150 meters, leaving a perfect sieve for enemy patrols. One
morning the artillery regiment had a good laugh at the
expense of the infantry, for, although several kilometers
behind the front lines, they picked up three deserters who
had wandered through the thin outpost unchallenged.

The Germans in the hurried "retreat" from the St. Mihiel

49

front had been forced to abandon untold stores of ammu-
nition, guns, supplies, and comforts of every description —
but, worst of all, the greatest, healthiest and most active
army of cooties up to that time in captivity. These cooties,
well trained in the ways of Prussian *'Kultur," turned on
the American victors with a demoniac ferocity worthy of
their Boche sires. Mountain climbers with a skill equal to
a Colorado goat; underground workers surpassing the
well-known mole, they invaded shell-hole and hill-side
dugout, making life for the 316th a nightmare of frenzied
scratching. This was the Regiment's first real experience
with German cooties, and it was admitted that Prussian
efficiency had evolved a species which made all others pale-
blooded weaklings by contrast.

However, there were compensating features. The Germans
had considered that section of France part of the Vaterland
forever, and no end of comforts for the troops — baths, hot,
cold and medium; billiard rooms; dance halls; schools;
recreation huts; vegetable gardens; real culinary outfits,
and all manner of delicacies in such quantities that even the
thrifty Yanks of the 26th Division hadn't been able to get
away with it all, and the 316th profited accordingly.

The outpost towns were a constant target for the Boche's
heavy artillery, but in Saulx, the left flank, the men felt
perfectly secure during the day, the shelters in that village,
thanks to German ingenuity and tirelessness, being abso-
lutely shell proof. By some freak of fortune, the doors in
these shelters faced the rear and not the front, as usual.
With only a handful of men on guard, it was a welcome
sensation to be in a comfortable bunk, of which there were
plenty, and listen to the whine and crash of shells overhead
and know they were harmless. Night, however, it was a
different story — then it was a case of lying on your belly in
the mud with not the slightest shelter and not even a shell-
hole to afford protection against shrapnel. It had been
decided to make this line a line of men only, with no mark
to distinguish it when vacated in the daytime and to fire
only in case of absolute necessity As a result of rigid adher-
ence to this scheme the line before Saulx was never located,
and barrages directed against it fell short or far behind.
D Company, under Lieutenant Fouraker, and later under
Lieutenant Clofine, suffered not a single casualty; B Com-
pany, under Captain Knack, and A Company, under Lieu-
tenant Dyer, being almost equally fortunate.

50

Outpost duty in the Saulx sector was in many respects
easier than duty in the support, for on the hills behind
Herbeuville there was not sufficient shelter for all, and one
company at least was compelled to be in mud always a foot
high, with little protection against rain — roughing it at its
maximimi.

On the night of October 21 the Regimental Headquarters
was moved nearer to the line of cHffs, into a French P. C,
called P. C. Thillot, one and one-half kilometers west of St.
Maurice.

At this time desertions from the enemy into the American
lines became quite frequent, principally from Austro-Hun-
garian regiments sandwiched between German troops, but
also from among the German troops themselves. Most of
the German deserters in this particular front happened to
be Prussians. A number of the deserters had in their pockets
copies of ''Wilson's Answer" or the General Orders concern-
ing American treatment of prisoners, which, printed in
German, had been dropped over the enemy lines by allied
planes. The Austro-Hungarian troops were very filthy and
ill fed and gave conclusive evidence of morale which had
reached the breaking point. They had been kept in the lines
for several months without relief, and were no longer allowed
leaves, perhaps on account of the low man power of the
enemy, but, as they themselves said, to prevent opportunity
for men given leave to remain at home. Practically all of
the deserters when questioned gave extensive and accurate
information concerning machine-gun and artillery emplace-
ments within their lines and location of outposts.

In this sector there was one very eventful night, October
23, when a full company of Austro-Hungarian troops of the
51st Regiment, 35th Division, made a raid on the outpost at
Wadonville. The raid was preceded by a heavy barrage on
the village, followed by a sudden rush, lasting about five
minutes.

Because of an intense barrage laid by the Germans with
surprising accuracy directly on the outpost positions, the
line had been withdrawn that night and the men placed in
dugouts.

Suddenly above the din of shelling a voice was heard
yelling :

** Everybody out — Germans in the village — everybody
out."

A dugout door was opened and in a moment there was

51

pandemonium. For an Austrian had done the shouting,
and as the door opened, grenades were hurled into the
crowded room, wounding thirteen men. The survivors
rushed for the door in a frenzy of blood-lust, scattered the
raiders like a cyclone and the Austrians fled, leaving behind
prisoners and dead. Others were, undoubtedly, wounded.

On that same night, Company I was to be relieved from a
week of outpost duty around Doncourt, but suspecting that
an enemy patrol might try to enter the lines by gaps cut in
barbed wire on a previous night, left an ambush patrol
ahead of the town. The enemy actually came over, opening
an assault with grenades on our lines, but Lieutenant Bliss'
ambush was prepared for them and drove them off by a
fusillade from automatic rifles, killing four, and wounding
others who managed to escape in the dark.

This eventful night also brought a few more deserters into
the line.

Finally, on the night of October 24, when the Regiment
had accustomed itself to the ''quief pastimes of the Troyon
sector, a relief was effected by the 33d Division.

VII

Hill 378

Tired out from watchful days and nights in the mud flats
of the Woevre, lean from the irregular and meager meals
carried out to the lines by carrying details, and with nerves
frayed by the enemy gas and high explosives, the Regiment
felt great relief when news came that the 132d Infantry (33rd
Division) was to take over the hnes. The relief was accom-
plished during the night of October 24, and the Regiment
marched by battalions to a concentration point north of
Rupt, where a hot meal was served at noon from the rolling
kitchens. The march was resumed, bringing the Regiment
at dusk to Les Monthairons on the east banks of the Meuse.
The First Battalion was billeted in Genicourt, and part of
the Third Battalion marched into Les Petits Monthairons.

Although the village was bare, with not a stick of wood
for a fire, with scarcely a door or window, yet the men saw
a few women and children, recently returned to their old
homes, and felt that here again was civilization. Everyone
expected a rest of at least several weeks, and scurried around
to find comfortable bunks and to salvage water pails. A
small '^epicerie" was found, selling fresh butter, Httle round
tins of sardines and minced meat, and, best of all, thin turkish
towels. It was bought out in half an hour by a line of
soldiers who fought for places for the mere pleasure of buying.
Just at dark about five hundred replacements, fully equipped
and fresh, joined the Regiment. The new men had strange
feelings at becoming part of a '^ combat outfit," just come
from the trenches and shell-fire.

Everyone thought that these new troops were the first
sign of a complete reorganization of the Regiment, but the
long expected rest did not materialize. On the afternoon of
the 26th, orders came to move into Verdun. Colonel George
Williams, commanding the 158th Infantry Brigade, and
also assigned to the Regiment since October 20, Lieutenant-
Colonel Robert L. Meador being in temporary command,
called at Les Monthairons in the afternoon. At 17 H 00
the march commenced, the Regiment concentrating on the

53

Dieue-Faubourg Pav^ Road. Major Parkin brought the
First Battalion up the eastern bank of the Meuse from
Genicourt, and then took command of the column, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Meador having been transferred from the
Regiment that afternoon.

Darkness fell quickly, and the men tramped along the
road in pitch black. Trucks without lights rumbled by
ceaselessly, and artillery was encountered on the way. There
had been no opportunity to reconnoiter the roads ahead,
and the billeting parties were just a few hours in front of the
column, and without transportation. At Faubourg Pave,
just across the Meuse from Verdun, the column halted in the
darkness, disengaging the Second Battalion and the Machine
Gun Company which were to billet there for the night. The
rest of the Regiment pushed in through the ancient walled
gates of Verdun to the citadel.

There are two outstanding names in the Great War —
Marne and Verdun — and around the latter is centered the
316th's history. It is difficult to realize, with the memory
of seemingly endless miles of marching still keen, that this
citadel of French hopes was never more than a few hours —
by Cadillac — from the scene of the Regiment's activities.
The Bois de Beuge lies a scant 25 kilometers northwest;
the Troyon front some 28 kilometers to the southeast, and
Hill 378 is only 20 kilometers to the northeast.

History is not measured in kilometers. A meter here may
be more vital than a kilometer there. To one who has fought
through the deadly tangles of the Grande Montague, step
by step, it is inconceivable that from crumbled Consenvoye
to that group of bare crosses on the Borne de Corneuiller is
not as far as from Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, to Willow
Grove Park. You may show all the maps you please to
veterans of the Argonne, but never will they be convinced
that a mile in the States is a mile in France. They are right,
too — as right as the child who knows, despite what cynical
elders may say, that there is more than visible stuffing in a
rag doll.

So, too, there are cities — and there is Verdun. The silent,
ominous walls that loomed spectre-like before the creeping
battalions of the 316th on the night of October 26 held a
significance not missed by the dullest in that trudging column.
This was the heart of France, whose blood poured out in
heroic prodigality, restored the waning faith of a world.
War — actual conflict — deadens the emotions. Fine frenzies

54

are all very well for the crowd before a bulletin board. The
front begets callousness — nights of marching dull the keenest
enthusiasm. But few there were whose spirit was not
quickened in this Holy of Holies, and something of uncon-
scious reverence marked the hushed entry into the Sacred

Hushed — save for the clattering of hobnails on ringing
cobbles, the boom of a vagrant cannon, the crash of an
occasional shell, and the solemn striking of the hour in the
battered cathedral, invisible in the dark. Slowly the column
wound its way between gaping houses, and all the usual
grimness of a ruined city, past the still upright Hotel de Ville,
and on into the massive citadel whose sheltered galleries and
sturdy walls gave an unaccustomed sense of security to men
inured to shell-holes and deceptive dugouts. Once within,
Verdun was no longer a Holy of Holies, but a place to stretch
out and sleep. It was only in later months that the Regi-
ment came fully into the proud feeling of having had shelter
in the very heart of the military defense of France.

Regimental Headquarters was established in Casemate D,
Gallery E, and there Colonel Williams spent the night with
the Regiment, although still in command of the 158th
Brigade.

On the morning of the 27th the men strolled through the
ruined streets of Verdun, truly curious American sight-seers,
despite the march of the night before, and the occasional
shrapnel which burst overhead. On that afternoon a staff
reconnaissance was made of the western side of the Meuse
to the Bois de Forges, which was to be the destination of the
next stage of the march. Thierville, with its cold barracks,
kept somewhat intact despite the continual shelling of
Verdun, was soon passed, and then came that most desolate
of all regions, the hills about Fort de Marre, Marre, Chattan-
court, Cumieres, and Forges. An American battery had
placed a sign at the cross-roads in the latter place, "This was
Forges," and that truly described the ruined village. There
remained not a single stone standing, merely a leveled bed
of crumbled sand. The hills about were almost bare of
vegetation, the few trees still standing looking like scare-
crows. In this area, now secure from the enemy, the
captive balloons were sent up, and numerous French batteries
were emplaced, heavy artillery, bivouacked on the open
hillsides. The map was difficult to follow because the original
roads were not to be found among the shell craters, and the

56

woods were ghosts. A French battery commander helped
out with poHshed English, saying, "Yes, ahead lies the Bois
de Forges." The automobile reconnoitering pushed ahead
through axle-deep mud, over logs and stones heaped into
the holes in the road as the Americans had pushed the
enemy out of the woods several weeks before.

That night there w^as delay in receiving the march orders.
The Regiment concentrated at 19 H 00, according to warning
notice, and was then dismissed, while the men unrolled packs
for an extra snatch of sleep. At 23 H 00 the march com-
menced, Captain Knack leading the column, with Captain
Goetz as guide. The Second Battalion and Machine Gun
Company in Faubourg Pav^ remained there for the night,
it being decided that they could not reach the cover of the
woods by daybreak. With Major Parkin in command, the
column felt its way along in pitch darkness, creeping through
mud and shell-holes, and half by guess and half by luck, the
way was followed, and at dawn the Regiment was in the Bois
de Forges. There were a few German "elephant shelters"
and a few filthy dugouts, but practically all the men merely
moved off the road into the bushes, rolled up in blankets and
slept. It had been a frightful march, the third night of it.
The trees had been so cut up by artillery fire that there
remained no leafage to protect the men from aeroplane
observation. When German planes hovered overhead the
men just had to huddle in the underbrush and keep their
faces down. Without doubt, the presence of the Regiment in
the woods was discovered by the enemy; for in the after-
noon they began shelling the area, and killed several engineers
in the vicinity. One happy recollection, however, of the Bois
de Forges, is a meal of bacon, coffee, bread, and jam, truly a
treat.

In the afternoon a reconnaissance of the sector to be taken
over was made by several officers, and they returned to the
Regiment with jaws set. The roar of artillery fire had been
heard all afternoon, and American heavy artillery was near
Gercourt and Drillancourt, just north of the woods. Again
the 316th was to participate in the Meuse-Argonne offensive,
fighting east of the Meuse to Armistice Day, the end, even
as it had fought in the Argonne commencing September 26,
the beginning.

In the few moments of an afternoon such as this, when a
man is not sleeping, or carrying water, or thinking of his
f e^t, he may possibly indulge in a few tdioughts as to what is

56

next. As a matter of fact, there is very little speculation at
such times as to the future. It is food, feet, and work to be
done, and the night will come soon enough.

From the crest of the hill, just north of the woods, one
could see the spire of the Chapel of Saint Pantaleon, north
of Bois de Consenvoye, but little could one realize what
that sector was going to bring to the Regiment. After
dark the column started moving, north to Gercourt, then
eastward to the Meuse, and back to Consenvoye, where a
long wooden bridge crosses the marshy flat of the river.
The Germans continually felt for that bridge with their high
explosives. In the ruins of Consenvoye the guides from the
115th Infantry (29th Division) were found, and they led
the way up the hill into the Bois de Consenvoye to effect
the relief. Perhaps the enemy knew of the relief, and per-
haps it was chance, but hell cut loose as the Regiment
stretched out over the road to Molleville Farm. The sharp
bark of our own 75's, a terrifying sound when one is nearby,
was most welcome to the ear as the Regiment marched up
through our supporting artillery — faithful friends indeed.
The stench of dead horses filled the air, and then the enemy
put over gas. Already blinded with sweat, the men cursed
their gas-masks, one of the many "best-friends" that the
soldier has, and stumbled on through the darkness, God
knows where. It was a pleasant reception for troops looking
for rest.

At the top of the hill northeast of Consenvoye was a patch
of woods, the Bois de Consenvoye. The Consenvoye Road
and a cleared guUey, at the bottom of which lay Molleville
Farm, were the dividing line from the Bois de la Grande
Montague. The latter wood gave the official name to the
ensuing operations, the Battle of Grande Montague, and
that name is written in the service records of the men in the
Regiment, and is graven on the silver band of the regimental
colors. The lines of the 26th and 29th Divisions stretched
through the woods from west to east, then bent to the south-
east, enclosing Molleville Farm.

The 316th took over the hnes of the 115th and 116th
Regiments (29th Division), a front of about 1,800 meters.
The French were in the woods to the left, behind St. Panta-
leon Chapel, and the 315th Infantry was on the right, to the
northeast of Molleville Farm. This sector was cut in half
by a road almost north and south which runs from Brabant-
sur-Meuse up over Hill 378. Several hundred yards behind

67

the front lines at right angle, this road is cut by the Consen-
voye-Etraye Road, a crossroad to the east of which was
the P. C. of the battalion on the right, the Third. Several
hundred meters to the east of the crossroads, in the woods,
in an old German dugout, was the P. C. of the left battalion,
the First. The lines were merely small holes scooped in the
ground, sheltered from observation by brush and leaves.
The men not actually on duty found shelter in a line of old
deep German dugouts with their tunneled entrance directly
open to enemy fire.

Regimental Headquarters was established in an old Ger-
man P. C. about 500 meters south of the crossroad, and
about 100 meters east of the road, just across from the
cleared valley sloping down to Molleville Farm. A duck-
board path led past several elephant-iron shelters, half
underground, and covered with rock and sand, back to an
attractive little hut with scroll woodwork along the edge of
the roof. The Germans believed in comfort at tl:e front,
but, evidently when their lines were pushed back from
Verdun, they had piled trees and long steel rails against the
side of the hut facing the allied lines, and most luckily,
they had dug a deep dugout nearby, steep stairway and
several narrow galleries, which became ''Invent P. C.", the
code name for Regimental Headquarters.

On the night of October 28, Major Parkin, P. C. command-
ing the Regiment, relieved the Commanding Officer of the
115th Infantry. The P. C. dugout was crowded with runners
and signalmen and officers, and the party of Major Parkin
could scarcely press into the crowded gallery, to take over
the maps and learn as much as possible about the sector
in the few hours before dawn when the 115th Headquarters
should leave. The talk centered on a hill lying just ahead of
the lines. Hill 378, which several attacks had failed to take.
The officers and men of the 115th were gaunt and haggard
and eye-weary from days and nights of incessant labor, and
the sector promised bitter business. A short way north of the
P. C. was a commodious concrete dugout built by the
Germans along the road, and here the Headquarters staff
and runners snatched a few hours sleep until the 315th
Infantry took the place over for its headquarters.

The 29th of October was a beautiful autumn day, but it
showed to the Regiment only a scene of desolation and
carnage. The great trees of the woods were shattered and
torn, and the ground was gashed everywhere by ghell-fire.

58

The open land across the road, sloping into the ravine of
Molleville Farm, was pock-marked with enemy fire, and
the farm at the bottom was a crumbled heap of stone. On
the far side of the ravine, both to the east and the north, the
Germans held the woods, and had the P. C. and the road
leading northward to the crossroad under perfect obser-
vation. This death-dealing road was lined with broken
water carts, dead horses, ammunition boxes, empty marmite
cans, and every description of equipment left by men killed
while carrying supplies up to the lines.

The night firing had died down, and the Operations Officer
of the 115th served breakfast in the chalet at the top of the
dugout, hot corned beef, bread, and syrup from the can.
He pointed at the hole in the roof, a direct hit, gave friendly
advice as to the favorite enemy hours for firing, and alto-
gether, it was a most delightfully nervous breakfast. He
then conducted several of the Headquarters officers on a
reconnaissance of the line, up to the crossroad, down the
German narrow-gauge line, past the row of dugouts used by
the First Battalion, out to the Battalion P. C.

The woods roundabout had numerous crow-nest obser-
vation posts in the trees, left by the Germans. They knew
the land well, knew where their old dugouts were that the
Regiment was occupying, and knew the lay of all the paths
through the woods. As the Operations Officer led the
reconnaissance back toward the Regimental P. C., the
Germans opened their morning shelling in the path just
ahead of the party. Hit after hit landed on the path and all
about, and splinters whistled through the air. He started
running for a nearby dugout, and when all were in it,
remarked, ''Don't stand on pride in this sector; when they
open up, hunt shelter and rest a bit so that you can make
speed during the lulls."

The lines on the left lay on the slopes of a deep, thickly
wooded hollow, the Ravine de Moyemont. On the far side
of the ravine, one could see through the trees the bald
rounded top of Hill 378, perfectly bare of trees or brush.
There was the German stronghold, and it was the trenches
and machine-gun nests on this hill that had broken up the
previous American attacks. From hidden observation
posts on the hill they could see any movement made along
the paths on the front, or any advance down the single,
narrow, muddy path of the ravine, which had to be used to
approach the base of the hill.

59

This, then, was the setting — lines through thick woods
under constant shell-fire, and ahead a forbidding stronghold
which dominated the thoughts of everyone. At the time,
however, it was not realized that this hill was the main
center of German observation for the Meuse Valley to the
west and northwest, and that the advance of the allied arms
could not proceed eastward until this point was taken. It
guarded the valley roads leading eastward to the plains
through valleys stretching eastward like fingers into Etraye,
Reville, and Ecurey which were great German camps,
harboring divisions of troops, railheads for supplies, and
vast stores and ''materiel."

From October 29 to November 3 the Regiment held its
ground, strengthening a defensive organization, and feeling
out the enemy at night by small patrols into the woods.
The first and second day the men dug holes in the ground in
the woods along the front, as some slight protection against
shell-fire, and then began work on a genuine defensive
scheme of strong points surrounded by barbed-wire entangle-
ments. On November 2, the First Battalion was stretched
over the whole front, the Third Battalion remaining in the
immediate rear in close support. No attempt was made at
digging a continuous line of trenches. The Regiment is
rather proud of the American habit of not staying long enough
in any one place to dig a trench or a dugout.

Major Parkin of the First Battalion commanded the Regi-
ment until the arrival of Colonel George Williams on October
31. Captain Louis C. Knack of B Company, commanded
temporarily the First Battalion, and Captain Somers com-
manded the Third. The Second Battalion under Captain
Strong, in Regimental Reserve, lay in the woods immediately
south of Regimental Headquarters, in the vicinity of the
kitchens; and the Supply Company was located at Brabant,
on the main Meuse road to the south. The Machine Gun
Company had its guns emplaced in the woods just north of
the P. C, overlooking the valley of Molleville Farm.

All work and all communications had to be made under
the constant menace of shell-fire, which would break out
unexpectedly, sprinkling sensitive places for several hours
at a time. Every man who went down the ravine to Molle-
ville Farm to fill his canteen; every man who went to the
rolling kitchens for a cup of coffee and some "cornwillie";
every runner who took the winding path through the woods
to the First Battalion, or the main road to the Third Bat-

60

talion P. C. ; and every signalman who went out along the
wires to repair the many breaks, was in constant danger of
death. Some men would start running when the shelh'ng
started; others would plod along at the same gait, philo-
sophic dare-devils. But if a plate of beans outweighed to
a hungry man the danger of a chance shell at the kitchens,
so much more did duty operate to keep the men at their
work — the faithful cooks at the rolling kitchens, whose
location was undoubtedly known to the enemy from the
smoke by day and fire by night, despite all efforts to conceal
the spot; the runner-chain to Brigade Headquarters, sta-
tioned every several hundred yards along the road, which
was constantly shelled; and, above all, the men on duty in
the front lines, who seldom are thought of when danger is
mentioned, but who lie for hours in open shell-holes, exposed
to fire. Visitors to the front since the armistice have
remarked, ''How did you men ever come out of that place
alive?" and now the doughboys themselves are beginning
to wonder the same thing.

A story is handed down of a certain beloved commander
on that front who saw a big truck standing in the open cross-
road below the Third Battalion P. C. He became very
angry and demanded of the driver what he was doing up
there.

" Reconnoitering for brigade" came the answer.

Whereupon the irate commander repHed, ''You had
better reconnoiter yourself out of here." The shells com-
menced dropping in the road a minute later.

On account of this incessant shelling it was an order never
to travel alone in the sector, and all the runners went in
pairs. A few days after entering the sector a guard was
escorting four German prisoners back from the Third Battal-
ion, and all were close together. A shell landed in their midst,
killed the guard and three prisoners and wounded the fourth.
On the 29th, the first day in the sector, several of the staff
found a beautiful German dugout across the road from the
crowded hole in the ground, and it was decided to move the
P. C. It was only half underground, and was open to the
enemy, but had three large rooms and a roof five feet thick,
layers of concrete covered with iron rails, great logs, heavy
stone and earth. Four of the staff were in an end room
working on maps, and two, who had been lying in the middle
room resting from a dose of gas, had just gone out for fresh
air when a "250" landed a square hit, clove through rock

61

and logs, split the rails, and dropped the roof in the middle
room. The officers in the end room were trapped and had to
dig out through a little aperture. The P. C. was not changed
after all, but the other end room became the colonel's mess,
and was the scene of subsequent quick lunches.

One afternoon a runner was wandering about head-
quarters looking for his ''elephant shelter"; it had been
utterly demolished during his absence. The rolling kitchens,
too, witnessed a horrible toll of casualties. Several were
''put out of action" completely, and after a shell scattered
a load of rations over a hundred yards, the bread and corned-
beef were dumped and kept in several separate piles.

Private Steckel, of the Supply Company, must not be
forgotten. For over a week he stayed continually on the
ammunition dump as guard and distributor. Color Sergeant
Spellman slept under the Headquarters wagon at Brabant
night after night, and faithful drivers stayed out in the
open, watching the picket line where horse after horse was
killed. On the afternoon of November 5, when Lieutenant-
Colonel Haedicke was returning from the front lines to take
command of the Regiment, his runner, ten paces in front of
him, caught a full explosion of shrapnel and had his head
blown off. A group of officers who slept in a thin-roofed
elephant shelter recall the nights when shelling would open
up in their neighborhood. After the first burst, Lieutenant
Henri Castel, of the Alpine Chasseurs, attached to the
Regiment, would be heard sliding his helment across the
floor in the darkness to put it on. Castel had been fighting
for four years from Italy to Belgium, and the other officers
soon learned to follow his example.

In this sector gas too played a large part. The woods
were soaked all the time with a light concentration, and
everyone was breathing it. It was only when a gas-shell
burst near at hand, spreading heavy concentration, that
gas-masks were used, however, for one cannot work all the
time in a gas-mask. It was the gas at night that was the
most wicked — to be wakened out of a deep sleep, or even a
half-doze by a muffled cry of "Gas" from one's comrade
who was already struggling into his mask. A hundred
incidents of this sort might be told.

Nevertheless, in spite of casualties from gas and high
explosive, the routine work of the sector went on, the con-
solidation of the front, and the arduous task of bringing up
ammunition, supplies, water and food. The carrying

62

parties, that carried heavy and bulky boxes of ''Cahbre
.30" and great marmite cans of coffee or slum from the
kitchens to the front lines, falling into shell-holes in the
darkness, stumbling over logs and slipping in the mud of
the narrow paths of the woods, performed heroic labors.

On November 3, Captain Lauriston E. Knowlton, com-
manding the Machine Gun Company, was wounded, and on
the following day, Lieutenant Brunk of the Dental Corps,
who had been doing a surgeon's work for days, had his leg
broken by a shell fragment.

Various incidents of importance also took place showing
the active presence of the enemy. On the night of October
29-30, the second night in the lines, the Germans sent a
silent patrol through the woods against the right, which
dropped a grenade on a post, killing one man of Company L
and capturing his comrade. Another patrol sent by the
enemy to reconnoiter its new opponents furnished the first
prisoners. Company C drove off a patrol on the left in the
Ravine de Moyemont, at the base of Hill 378, and captured
two of them. These men, of the 228th Division, 48th
Regiment, stated that the 207th Regiment was also on the
front, with the 35th in reserve, and that the companies were
only about thirty men strong, but that each company had
three machine guns.

On the night of October 30-31, Lieutenant Gabriel took out
a patrol into the Ravine de Moyemont, feeling out the enemy
front. The following night the French Second Colonial
Corps Regiment on the left of the 316th effected a relief,
and no patrols were sent out on the left, but the Third
Battahon sent out patrols on the night of October 31-Novem-
ber 1, and also on the following night, the latter patrol
encountering an enemy party, killing at least one man.
The operations report of the patrol reads as follows:

''One patrol of two officers and twelve men left our
right company outpost and proceeded due east until a
noise was located at 25.85-82.2. When at 25.75-82.33,
an enemy party of four was discovered at 3 H 40 and allowed
to walk up on the patrol. Two men of the patrol fired
prematurely when a grenade was thrown, and others fired.
One enemy screamed, others shouted, several fell, one
ran. Fire of light machine guns opened up on our patrol
from 25.8-82.65 and 25.92-82.25. Flares went up con-
tinuously for half an hour from 25.85-82.17, and a signal

63

I'ocket of 8-10 .stars, which was followed almost immedi-
ately by a barrage on our lines. The patrol was forced by
heavy machine-gun fire to withdraw. Patrol reports
sounds of wiring and a new single wire fence on enemy side
of cleared space where skirmish took place. Report work
along 25.8-82.65; 25.8-82.33; 25.8-82.64."

During this time, Colonel George Williams commanded
the 158th Infantry Brigade, and Major Parkin directed the
Regiment from his P. C. with the First Battalion. Captain
William Sinkler Manning, Adjutant, was made major
October 29, but remained at Regimental Headquarters until
October 31, when Colonel Williams joined the Regiment.
On that day Major Manning was assigned in command of
the Third Battalion, and inomediately went up to take com-
mand. From that day the Third Battalion P. C. was called
"P. C. Manning," a code name naturally given it by the
telephone operators.

Of Major Manning it may be said that never was there a
man more completely enwrapped in the cause he had
espoused. From the moment that front line work was at
last his allotted task, he was supremely content. The fre-
quently routine character of an adjutant's work had doubtless
fretted him, although he gave it his scrupulous attention
and, of course, never uttered a word of his innermost desires.
But when finally he was made a troop commander, a burden
seemed to fall from his shoulders — the order was wine to
his soul. Out in front lay his duty — all else was petty and
immaterial. This feeling of elation and liberation he expressed
in verse, printed later, after his death, in ''The Stars and
Stripes." And never was man more sincere.

The same day that marked Major Manning's assignment
to battalion command. Captain Carl E. Clock was made
Adjutant, Captain Mowry E. Goetz, Operations Officer and
Lieutenant Harry S. Gabriel, Intelligence Officer.

Finally, on the morning of November 3, real business
began, an "offensive reconnaissance." Orders emanating
from the XVII Corps, French, came through Division and
Brigade Headquarters to send out reconnaissance detach-
ments in the direction of Borne de Cornouiller "to develop
the enemy's strength and consolidate the objective reached."
The 15th Colonial Division on the left was to effect a similar
reconnaissance. Three groups of two platoons each were
ordered, a section of machine guns attached to each, and the

64

attack, preceded by a heavy artillery preparation, was to
commence at 6 H 00. During the night, while the platoons
were concentrating at the Third Battalion P. C, near the
crossroads, the enemy commenced a terrific fire on the whole
area. At 2 H 10 the following message was received at
R,egimental Headquarters :

"Lady, Co. E. P. C— November 3, 1918. 2 H 10— To

C. O. 316th Inf., By Runner.

Caught in box barrage by H. E. and phosgene at corner
of trail to Headquarters from 1st Bn. P. C. and public
roads. Half men gassed. Am waiting orders. Thirty
men from E Company gassed. Two wounded. Mr.
McCoy gassed. Lady."

It was almost 3 H 00 when this message was received and
Colonel Williams immediately dispatched an officer from
Regimental Headquarters to gather together the remnant
of the group and lead it to P. C. Manning. They were found
at the Second Battalion, and led through the muddy paths
of the woods, in single file, to the point of concentration.
Shells burst all about in the darkness; the air was filled with
gas, and several men were hit during the march. At P. C.
Manning the other groups were gathered, and in the black of
the night there was considerable confusion. Ammunition
had to be issued, automatic rifle magazines distributed more
equally, and the three groups separated and moved to their
respective points of jumping-off. Luckily, not a shell fell
immediately in the crowd of men stretched along the narrow-
gauge track between the dugouts and woods by P. C. Man-
ning.

At 5 H 30 our own artillery opened up, and the whistle of
our 75's and 155's overhead mingled with the terrific shell-
bursts of the enemy shells. At 6 H 00 three groups jumped-
off, the left group under Captain Francis D. Johnson and
Lieutenant Ira E. Lady aiming straight for Hill 378, called
Borne de Cornouiller by the French; the center group under
Lieutenant Harry S. Gabriel and Lieutenant Rudolph E.
Peterson, moving into the thick woods to the east of the Hill
378 Road, heading for Cote 320 and the ridge beyond it;
and the third group under Lieutenant Frank A. Stevens,
moving northeasterly through dense woods to a point north
of the lines of the 315th Infantry. Captain Strong directed
the whole movement from P. C. Strong, a tiny shelter just
east of the Hill 378 Road and north of P. C. Manning.

05

Intelligence reports of November 3 gave evidence of enemy
retirement, but the infantry gave no credence to them. In
the neighborhood of one of our machine-gun batteries the
enemy dropped 1,200 shells, and over the whole front the fire
was in the same intensity. The left group was met by terrific
machine-gun fire from nests in trenches on Hill 378 when it
emerged from the woods part way up the hill. Lieutenant
Lady was wounded and Captain Johnson killed, heroically
leading their men to the capture of the nests of concealed
machine guns and snipers. Lieutenant AUston of the 312th
Machine Gun Battalion, who commanded the machine-gun
section of the left group, took command, and fought inces-
santly until noon, capturing a batch of prisoners and cleaning
out several machine-gim nests.

At 10 H 00 a message came back from the center group:

"Second Objective. Advanced 1,200 meters. Ran into
strong machine-gun opposition which bends on a semi-
circle back from our lines. Have cleaned out six machine-
gun nests. Opposition very strong; heavy casualties.

Gabriel."

Lieutenant Gabriel then drew back to reorganize, the
few men he had left being scattered through the woods, and
he moved forward again on the middle objective. Cote 370.
After noon the following message was sent by him to Captain
Strong.

"From Lt. Gabriel, 3 Nov. ^18—13 H 15. At 25.1-83.4.
To Captain Strong.

Advanced thru woods east of road 300 yards. We
skirted several machine guns, but they bunched and tried
to surround us. After losing 3 men, 5 wounded, I returned
to road. Machine Gun Lieutenant asked me to help him
and I have moved up to top of Hill 370. Gabriel. '^

And at 14 H 25 Captain Strong sent in the following report:
"One Company 1st Bn. reported in position 14 H.

Present Disposition of Troops.
Co. B, 1st Bn. French on left connecting with right of
our line at 24.7-83.3. Troops of 1st objective and 2d
objective under comjnand of Lt. Gabriel, 24.7-83.3;
25.0-83.2; 25.0-82.8.

Hill 370 is covered with wood and heavy undergrowth.
It is at present strongly held by German machine guns
who have come up since withdrawal of our troops. It
will require a barrage to clear these woods out. Strong/'

06

In the dense woods, with heavy losses, it was impossible
to keep the men together, and as soon as the small attacking
groups moved ahead, the enemy penetrated back into the
vacated ground. They knew the paths perfectly. Accord-
ingly in the afternoon. Lieutenant Gabriel moved the remnant
of his heroic group to the west of the road to the assistance
of Lieutenant Allston, and consolidated a position in the
captured German trenches on the southeastern shoulder of
Hill 378. In the early afternoon. Captain Knack was sent
forward with B Company to reinforce the combat recon-
naissance and emerged from the left front on the south-
eastern shoulder of the hill. The following messages were
received from him:

'^From Capt. Knack. At Top of Hill. 3 Nov. '18. 13 H 30;

to Major Parkin. By runner.

Arrived at top of big hill under heavy machine-gun j5re
from our left front. Am short distance from trench and
church. Am out of reach of machine-gun captain and do
not have co-ordinates. Knack."

^' From C&pt. Knack. At 83.24-24.0. 3 Nov. '18. 17 H

00; to Major Parkin. By runner.

Am in touch with French on our left. I have no support
company. All on line. Knack."

Captain Knack's timely support assisted greatly in main-
taining the foothold on Hill 378 gained by the dogged
persistence of the earlier attacks.

The third group, off on the right, encountered an almost
impenetrable tangle of underbrush on the steep hillside and
was not able to make any progress.

On the whole, the offensive reconnaissance entirely accom-
plished its mission, for it developed the enemy strength and
the nature of his defense, showing that the woods east of the
road were infested with machine guns, with paths radiating
in all directions down which they fired, that the activity of
the guns was very mobile, the enemy very frequently chang-
ing position and moving back into ground unoccupied. On
Hill 378 the fight uncovered a strong system of machine-
gun defense in trenches on the north slope, which covered
any attempt at issuing from the woods at the base, from the
Ravine de Moyemont. Moreover, it was learned that the
enemy had a perfect system of observation and liaison with
their artillery, and could bring down a barrage in a moment
on any spot. Besides this information, some eleven machine

67

guns were captured and the crews killed or taken prisoner, at
least nine having been sent to the rear. The cost was fright-
ful, but a real foothold was obtained on Hill 378, the lines
now lying along the edge of the woods at the base of the hill,
from Magenta Farm, joining the French, over through the
southern edge of the German trench system, into the woods
east of the road behind Cote 370, and then bending south-
eastward to the old line of the 315th Infantry.

Throughout the afternoon the ground taken was held and
consolidated. Consolidation on this front meant that the
men lay where they were, finding a shell-hole if possible,
enlarging it a bit with a German shovel from a convenient
corpse or with an empty ''cornwillie" tin. Bayonets do
not make very good shovels, but they too were used.

At Regimental Headquarters, late that afternoon, Novem-
ber 3, arrived Lieutenant-Colonel George E. Haedicke,
just assigned to the Regiment. He came up the shelled
road from Brigade Headquarters alone, and one minute
after his arrival, before taking off his trench-coat, he was at
work on the maps of the unknown front. And the very night
of his arrival the momentous orders came to attack Hill 378.

Field Orders No. 12, Headquarters 158th Brigade, dated
3 November, 1918, 26 H, reached Regimental Headquarters
about 1 H on November 4, and part of paragraph 3 reads as
follows:

''The 158th Infantry Brigade, Brigadier-General John-
son commanding, will capture and occupy the Borne de
Cornouiller, maintaining close combat liaison with the
15th French Colonial Division."

The 316th Infantry was chosen to accomplish the mission.
Major Parkin and Major Manning were immediately sum-
moned to "P. C. Invent" (the code name for Regimental
Headquarters) for a conference. Both wires to the battalions
''were out," having been broken by shell-fire, and runners
had to carry the messages. In the small hours of the morning
Colonel Williams worked over the plans with the battalion
commanders, who then returned to the front. At five
a. m., November 4, artillery opened fire on the hill and the
woods on the east, intermittent concentration from 5 H 00
to 6 H 00; then a rolling barrage for several hundred meters,
followed by a harassing barrage until 8 H 00. A heavy
machine-gun barrage was also thrown on the hill. The left
battaUon under Major Parkin jumped off from the line of

68

the day before, his sector being west of the Hill 378 Road
directly behind the hill. The right battaUon under Major
Manning, moved into the woods to the east of the road, the
region of Cote 370, explored the previous day by the offensive
reconnaissance, the eastern shoulder of Hill 378.

On the right the attack went well. At 7 H 13 the following
telephone message was relayed back from Major Manning:

''From Major Manning. At 7 H 13, 4 Nov. '18. Over
'phone.

Everything going well. We have captured 7 machine
guns and 39 prisoners. Left of center company of regi-
mental line (Co. I) at 25.0-83.5. Right of right com-
pany's line at (26.0-82.8). Exact position of center of
line not known, but line is practically straight.

Manning."

And at 7 H 35, the following, from "P. C. Strong" :

"From P. C. Strong. Repeated by 'phone by Inventing

11, 4 Nov. '18. 7 H 35.

"Things are going along as reported before. Ten more
prisoners, one machine gun. Enemy artillery has not
increased in its fire. Hill 370 practically in our hands as
far as the 365 contour. Manning."

A heavy fog shrouded the woods that morning, and with
enemy shells bursting about them, and American shells and
machine-gun bullets whistling above them, the skirmish
line and combat groups crashed through the dense under-
brush, shouting to one another to maintain contact. The
troops walked out of the fog upon the enemy outposts and
machine-gun nests at less than fifty yards, and took them on
a rush at the point of the bayonet, bringing in a fine toll of
prisoners and captured guns. The enemy killed in those
woods are not recorded. Soon the skirmish line got as far
as the American barrage and had to wait for it to lift, mean-
time trying to connect up with troops on the right and left.
Company I, under Lieutenant Bliss, commanding, and
Lieutenant Bostick, held the advance outpost, stretching
along the road just back of the east crest of Hill 378, through
the woods to Cote 370. The line was then continued by K
and M companies under Lieutenant Ferris — Captain Somers
and Lieutenant Sayres having been wounded — and Company
L under Lieutenant Erickson, and Sergeant Miller after
Lieutenant Erickson was wounded, back to 26.0-82.8, near

d9

the Etraye Road. In this attack Captain Claude C. Cun-
ningham received a fatal wound.

The left battalion under Major Parkin had the Borne de
Cornouiller (Hill 378) directly in its front. The concen-
tration for the jump-off had to be effected through dense
woods and the steep slope of the Ravine de Moyemont and
the Vaux de Mille Mais. The companies had to advance from
the line of resistance by a single file down a narrow path,
deep and sticky with mud. Just before the advance a
message came from Major Parkin — ''Heavy machine-gun
fire sweeping my front. Came through heavy shelling."
The bottom of the ravine has an elevation of 240 meters,
and then comes the slope, wooded at first, to the bare top
of Hill 378. The Germans were intrenched in a hastily dug,
but complete, system of trenches the whole length of the
southern slope of the hill, and could fire point-blank on
troops emerging from the woods. The fog was thick, how-
ever, and the attack started. The machine guns opened up
from the trenches, and then the troops clashed in the fog and
mist. It was hand to hand work, and soon a few prisoners
were sent to the rear, bringing the toll for the day up to some
seventy, but many of the enemy died at their machine guns.
At 7 H 55 the following message was sent :

''From Major Parkin, 4 Nov. '18. 7 H 55. By Runner.

To C. 0. 316th Inf.

"My right is on the objective. My left approaching
under machine-gun fire. Am protected by heavy fog.
Expect to be shelled if fog lifts. Line crosses Hill 378
and extends to right and left. Am in touch with 3d En.
on my right. Have patrol on left to keep in touch with
French but cannot see whether I am in touch. Would
ask for counter-battery if fog lifts. Parkin."

This was the last definite message to be received from the
First Battalion. Major Parkin, who had been commended
for his brilliant leadership north of Montfaucon by the
Commanding General, had driven the enemy over the crest
of 378, the German strategic stronghold east of the Meuse,
and was even then engaging them on the summit in terrific
battle. Brigade Headquarters, however, received some little
information from the French on the left:

"FromFrenchUnit on Left. To C. 0. 316 Inf. Received

by 'phone from Italy at 9 H 20, 4 Nov. '18.

"The Americans have progressed on our right and have

70

taken 10 machine guns and 40 prisoners. The battalion
Gillet will progress in liaison with the 316th Infantry from
9 o'clock on. No artillery fire will be made on Hill 378.
There will be nothing but machine-gun fire on sight. The
movements of the battalion wiU, therefore, be done by the
right. It is very important to take a foothold on the crest
of Le Haut Chene so as to encircle Villeneuve Farm."

At 10 H 30 a message of congratulation was sent to the
two battalion commanders:

"From C, O. 316th Inf. At P. C, 4 Nov. '18. 10 H 30.
By runners. To Major Parkin and Major Manning.
''Brigade commander congratulates you on the work
you have done, to which I add mine. As soon as you
have reached your objectives, consolidate and hold. Send
nothing forward stronger than patrols of line shown to you
last night. Get information to me whenever possible.

Williams."

Meantime, however, no additional messages came from
the battahon on Hill 378, and the feehng at Regimental
Headquarters grew tense. The frightful bursts of enemy
shells on the hill could be heard, interspersed with the
constant crackling of rifles and machine guns. In the mists
shrouding the hill a lone battle was raging, but no runner
succeeded in coming out of it. Even the wires up to First
Battalion P. C, which had been used during the attack to
relay runner messages to the rear, were broken by the bom-
bardment. No men, no news. At noon the Commanding
Officer ordered Lieutenant-Colonel Haedicke, just arrived
the previous night, to gather together the First Battalion
Reserve, D Company, under Lieutenant Maxwell McKeen,
and to take it forward to reinforce the front, taking command
of the lines in person. Lieutenant McKeen had just rejoined
the Regiment the day before from the hospital.

Another hour, and still no news — and at 13 H 30 Captain
Clock was sent forward with two machine guns, going toward
the hill by way of the First Battalion to comb in every
available man for reinforcement. At 13 H 43 a message
came over the repaired wires from the First Battalion P. C.
Major Parkin had sent a runner at 12 H 10 from the top of
the hill with a verbal message. ''Am being outflanked"
was all the runner could remember. He thought it was
from both flanks, but he was nearly dead from excitement
and exhaustion, and could tell nothing further.

71

From Regimental Headquarters Lieutenant-Colonel Hae-
dicke set off to assemble the sixty men of D Company, and
then advanced along the Hill Road on the edge of the woods.
It was during the advance that Lieutenant McKeen received
a mortal wound from a sniper's bullet. The first report from
this group along the road reads as follows:

''From 1 Bn. Comdr. At 24.85-83.80. 4 Nov. '18. 15 H 40.

By Captain Bothwell (also by 'phone) to CO. 316th

Inf.

Company C had to fall back to position 24.80-83.90 to
24.70-83.70, consisting of shell-holes and shallow trenches
which they are holding. Four machine guns in support of
C Company. Total strength Company C, 25 men. Lieut.
Symington shot thru leg by M. G. bullet. Co. B entirely
lost sight of. Was last seen at 11 H 30 on crest of Hill
378 on left of C Company. Co. I position extreme left
24.80-83.90. Heavy artillery barrage from edge of woods
at 24.80-83.90 to along crest of hill in westerly direction
from 3.20 p. m. to present time. Contact entirely lost on
our left flank. There is a gap of about 1,000 meters. Crest
of Hill 378 left half occupied by enemy. Company D (65
men) is used to hold present line. Need reinforcement
immediately. Need ammunition for machine guns. At
3.30 p. m. heavy enemj^ M. G. fire in sector held by
Company I. Haedicke.

Captain Clock and Lieutenant Foight, who had gathered
together about sixty men, went forward following the line of
Major Parkin's advance in the morning through the Ravine de
Moyemont. Enemy aeroplanes sighted the small groups of re-
inforcements, and laid down a barrage both on the road and the
ravine. The group in the hollow, as it filed through the narrow
path in the tangle, lost seven men from this shell-fire within a
few minutes. As the men crept up the lower slopes of the hill
an enemy plane swooped close over their heads, opening its
machine gun on them. After a brief concealment in a patch
of underbrush, they resumed their slow advance, and in the
trenches on the hill found the dead left by the morning
attack. But there remained not a living soul, not one man
of the battalion that had swept up the hill in the morning.
Creeping from shell-hole to shell-hole, the men filtered up
the hill into the gap in the lines, and at dusk joined up with
the northern outpost of I Company's thin line, which stretched
southward into the woods from the southeastern shoulder of

72

378 toward Cote 370. There were not enough men in the
reinforcement to fill the whole gap between I Company and
the French far to the left, and the line merely zigzagged east
and west in shell-hole groups of two and three just back of
the open crest of the hill, ignorant of the fate of the First
Battalion that morning, and awaiting into the night the
fortunes of war.

It was not until later that the story of the morning attack
was learned. Major Parkin's battalion had forged through
the Ravine de Moyemont in spite of the gas and high-explo-
sive barrage, breasted the sweep of machine-gun fire which
met it as it emerged onto the lower slopes of 378, and then
clashed hand to hand with the enemy in his hillside trenches.
A short delay, the trenches mopped-up, and the small
battalion fought the enemy back over the brow of the hill.
Then the Germans grazed a murderous band of machine-
gun fire over the crest, and Major Parkin halted his men in
shell-holes behind the crest to reorganize. In the fog, still
dense, it was impossible to see more than fifty yards. The
flank patrol on the left, sent to maintain liaison with the
French, who were likewise attacking, sent one message that
it had not yet been able to find them, and then it was heard
of no more. Scouts on the flank, however, reported seeing
in the valley to the west, around Villeneuve Farm, soldiers
in blue or gray uniform. About this time Major Parkin was
very seriously wounded, and the next in command. Captain
Louis C. Knack, was killed. The fog commenced lifting,
and German aeroplanes came out and hovered overhead,
gaining perfect information of the small numbers opposing
them. They flew northward, and in a few minutes the enemy
fire suddenly ceased. From the valley to the left, from in
front of the French, several companies of German infantry
swarmed out of the mist and surrounded the remnant of the
battalion on the crown of the hill. They had concentrated
in the fog, moved through the valley back of Villeneuve
Farm, and when the planes stopped the German fire, rushed
the hill with grenades. The little group fought desperately,
until, surrounded five to one, the few left living were rushed
northward into the German lines.

The account of the French attack on the left, which had
been unable to advance its lines at all that day, is contained
in their own report sent to the Regiment on November 5:

"Bulletin of Liaison with 316th Infantry — Received

73

from French Unit — Translated by Lieutenant Castel:

"November 4 — 9 H — The First Battahon reached the
Ridge Chapelle Pantaleon-Ferme Magenta. The enemy
who had instructions to resist at all costs (this information
received from prisoners) made a strong resistance.

"17 H — Our covering patrols reached outskirts of Ville-
neuve Ferme where they now are in face of short range
fire of enemy machine guns. This patrol was flanked by
machine-gun fire from Hill 378 and troops were obliged to
draw back of a line marked by ridge from Chapelle Panta-
leon-Magenta Ferme.

"18 H — A dark night stopped all infantry operations.
The First Battalion takes position in the outpost line on a
line indicated by a bush, which is the point of liaison with
the 316th Infantry. During the night the enemy tried
counter-attacks aided by violent artillery fire to repulse
our advanced elements. These counter-attacks were
repulsed."

To resume the narrative of operations, the situation
presented on the night of November 4 was a thin shell-hole
defense across Hill 378, and extending back on the right
to Cote 370, occupying the conquest of that morning. Soon
after dark the enemy became very active over the whole
front, dropping rifle-grenade and minenwerfer shells, and
opening up sudden and alarming bursts with machine guns,
keeping up this fire intermittently all night. At about
20 H 00 a large combat patrol of over fifty men came up
along the Hill Road from the German "lager" on the northern
slope, but Lieutenant Foight's two machine guns in the
woods at the edge of the road covered the approach perfectly,
and drove them off with a steady fusillade at short range.
An hour later a silent patrol dropped a "potato masher"
upon one of these machine guns, killing the gunner, wounding
one, and putting the gun out of action. The gun was replaced
by a German machine gun found in the vicinity. The bare
hilltop was alive with patrols, and the men could not refrain
from premature fire. One daring German patrol, however,
got within fifty feet of the outposts before it was fired on,
and four of the party were killed, including a lieutenant of
the 48th Infantry. One of the outposts also picked up a
prisoner from the 92d Regiment who had become lost from
a food-carrying party. He reported two fresh German
battalions just north of the hill. The enemy sent up flares

74

constantly from the northwest shoulder of the hill, lighting
up the skyline, and causing the loss of the one patrol.

After midnight Lieutenant Harry S. Gabriel was sent up
to assist Lieutenant-Colonel Haedicke, whose headquarters
was a shell-hole north of P. C. Strong, and the Gas Officer,
Lieutenant Robert M. Laird, and the Liaison Officer, Lieu-
tenant James M. Guiher, were sent up to Captain Glock,
bringing the news that Major Manning was to attack the
following morning, and that the troops on the hill were to
join the assaulting columns as they pushed over the hill.
While waiting for morning and the attack, the troops on the
hill had several brushes with the enemy, holding up and
forcing the surrender of four Germans in the woods near the
German lager.

November 3 marks the offensive reconnaissances, Novem-
ber 4 marks the sweeping of the hill by Major Parkin, and
November 5 marks the attack of Major Manning. At
8 H 30 the American artillery opened up a beautiful barrage,
which fell just 200 meters over the crest of the hill. The
men waiting on the hill could feel the swish of the passing
shells just over their heads. Shortly before 9 H Major
Manning's Provisional Battalion, consisting of L Company,
a group from mixed companies, and K Company, 315th
Infantry, under Captain Carroll, was seen advancing up
the hill. The group waiting behind the crest then drew
over to the right in order to be abreast of the battalion as
it jumped off over the brow. During the concentration of
the battalion at the base of the hill, and during the advance
up the slope it was met by terrific artillery fire. The casual-
ties were severe, and the depleted lines wavered. Major
Manning strode in front of his line, cane in hand, and by
his words of exhortation and by his brave example and
leadership, drew the men after him. They reached the
crest, disposing of a group of enemy on the northwest
shoulder, and there, in the very forefront of his battalion.
Major Manning was struck by a bullet and instantly killed.
His heroic deed was rewarded posthumously by a D. S. C.
A few minutes after his death Lieutenant Lawrence Ayers
was mortally wounded.

The fragments of the command, now joined on the right
by the men who had spent the night on the hill, filtered over
the crest and down the bare northern slope. From the left,
at Sillon Fontaine Farm, from the nests along the Sivry-
Reville Road, at the very base of the slope, from Solferino

75

Farm, a cluster of stone houses on the opposite slope of the
valley, and from the woods to the east, the Bois de la
Grande Montagne, a hail of machine-gun fire broke out.
From the Bois d'Ecurey and the Reville Valley the enemy
poured high explosive upon the scattered troops, who were
gradually dwindling to nothing. German aeroplanes were
now overhead, observing the effect of the German fire.
Soon there would be no one left to protect the right flank
beyond I Company against attack from the woods. The
French had made no progress on the left, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Haedicke, who was on the road at the top of the
hill, directing the movement in person, ordered the few
score remaining troops to assemble and consolidate in the
woods on the east shoulder of the hill, and again to swing
a shell-hole defense along the crest of the hill. Captain
Strong, who had led the Second Battalion in support of the
Provisional Battalion, and who had rallied the troops on
the crest of the hill, was directed to form his lines back of
the crest in support. Company K of the 315th Infantry,
and Company L, under Lieutenant Erickson, were on the
left of the front line. The fragments of Captain Clock's
Provisional Battalion, with Lieutenants Laird, Gabriel,
Dreher and Foight, were on the right of the hill, joining with
I Company in the woods.

In this position the lines remained, the men in shell-holes
in small groups, awaiting further orders. The enemy kept
dropping shells on the hill all afternoon and all that night.
Lieutenant Erickson was wounded, and also Lieutenant
Guiher, the Liaison Officer, who had joined K Company
under Lieutenant Ferris. While reconnoitering the flank
with Lieutenant Clofine, a sniper's bullet had wounded
Lieutenant Guiher severely. Lieutenant Botsford, who had
just rejoined the Regiment from the hospital, where his
Montfaucon wound had sent him, resumed duty with the
battalion on the hill.

The men had had no food for two days, and no water except
that collected in shell-holes, and no men could be sent to
the rear as carrying parties. Effort to bring supplies from
the rear was not successful, except that reinforcements for
K Company, where a counter-attack was greatly feared,
brought along a good supply of rations for that part of the
line.

Meantime, Colonel Williams, suffering from gas and the
ceaseless labors of day and night, became ill. He had moved

76

his Regimental Headquarters up to P. C. Manning at
7 H 00 that morning, and when he heard of Major Manning's
death, and from the French of a threatened counter-attack
by the Germans, he tried to go up himself to the front lines.
At the entrance to the P. C. he fell and had to be carried to
a bunk. The Regimental Surgeon and Battalion Sergeant-
Major Davitt were alone at P. C. Manning, and they tele-
phoned to General Johnson. Captain Lindsay of the Head-
quarters Company, who came in later, was put in command
temporarily until Lieutenant-Colonel Haedicke was brought
from the lines. Captain Lindsay had been working night
and day as the Commanding Officer's personal representative
on the lines, and was well acquainted with conditions at
the front.

Just before Colonel Williams' collapse, occurred one of
those incidents that the directors of war movies revel in.
Wires were cut in all directions; the Advance P. C. was
virtually isolated, when the message came in by runner
announcing the death of Major Manning, and adding that
a counter-attack was forming, concluding with a request
for a barrage at once. Shelling in the area about the P. C.
was at this moment intense, making it impossible for runners
to get through alive. It was absolutely essential that word
get back to the artillery to lay on the German lines and
quickly. But with no wires, and runners blocked, it looked
as if the message would not get back at all, when Sergeant-
Ma j or Davitt bethought himself of a lone pigeon still avail-
able. Colonel Williams hurriedly wrote the message, it was
tied to the pigeon's leg — and, unmindful of shelling, the bird
was off and away to the cote at Division Headquarters in
Vacherauville. Within a remarkably short time a deadly
barrage was curtaining the Americans from German attack.

In compliance with brigade orders, Lieutenant-Colonel
Haedicke, who had reached P. C. Manning at about 18 H 00,
went back to the old P. C. in the dugout above Molleville
Farm to confer with the commanders of the Second Battalion
of the 313th Infantry and the Third Battalion of the 315th
Infantry, who were to attack on November 6, 1918, and
relieve the 316th Infantry.

Field Orders No. 15, Headquarters 158th Brigade, states
in paragraph 3, "The detachment will step off from the
line on Hill 378 now occupied by our troops, at 8 H 30,
6 November, 1918." Upon the passage of lines on the hill
crest, on line 24.0-84.0 to 25.0-84.0, the Commanding Officer

77

of the 316th was to give orders to have the troops on the
hill withdrawn for reorganization, excepting Companies I,
K and a portion of L, which were to remain holding their
position in the woods.

Meantime the troops on the hill held their ground. The
words of the Commanding Officer, ''Hold the hill at all
cost," took a new significance for these men who had lain
in shell-holes under constant fire, many of them having had
nothing to eat since the morning of the fourth. All that
night they watched, listening to the moan of heavies, destined,
perhaps for Verdun, and the next morning they waited for the
advancing troops to pass through their lines.

But early in the morning the enemy artillery came down
on the hill and the woods to the rear, and the troops were
not to be seen. At 10 H 55 a platoon of E Company of the
313th Infantry came up the hill just to the west of the
road in perfect platoon column, despite the bursting shells.
A sergeant was in command, and upon inquiry, said he had
lost contact with his right and left, but had kept going. His
platoon was joined to the front lines on the crest of the hill
to await his company. The day wore on, and the enemy
planes came out, hovering over the hill with their black
crosses showing plainly, the pilot peering down at the
shell-holes and shooting his machine gun from an elevation
of 200 yards.

At about noon a small enemy patrol emerged from the
woods on the northwestern slope and was driven back in a
lively little skirmish. Meantime, runners had located the
relieving battalions in the woods about a kilometer back of
the hill and led the commander of the leading battalion up
to "P. C. Glock." He explained that the terrific enemy fire
had shaken his lines and he planned to go over at 14 H 00.
A message requesting a barrage sent to Regimental Head-
quarters at 12 H 35 was received at P. C. Manning at
13 H 10, and the artillery brought down a barrage on the
advance slopes of Hill 378. It was a splendid piece of work.
Again, however, the enemy planes circled overhead and
brought down heavy fire, breaking up any attempt at an
advance.

In the middle of the afternoon a strong combat patrol was
discovered moving through the woods from the northwest
upon the outposts. Perhaps this was part of a general
counter-attack which later intelligence reports mention as
having been broken up by artillery fire. The combat group

78

opened fire on the outposts with automatic rifles, and the
affair looked serious, but they were driven off by automatics,
and the German machine guns which had been set up by
the extreme outpost. In the shelling which the enemy put
down at this time, Lieutenant Dreher, who had been in the
fray from the beginning, and Lieutenant Botsford, the latter
having come to the lines from the hospital only the night
before, were wounded and evacuated.

The lines held their ground on top of the hill, however,
and at 17 H 00 a relief was commenced by the Second
Battalion of the 313th Infantry, behind which the Third
Battalion of the 315th Infantry moved in support. The
relief was completed after dark, the hill troops reaching P. C.
Manning at 18 H 45. During the relief the enemy kept
firing flares from the valley north of the hill, but there was
very Httle firing, his activity having died down considerably
in the late afternoon. The companies in the woods to the
east of the road, I under Lieutenants Bliss and Bostick,
K under Lieutenant Clofine, and L, now under Lieutenant
Ferris, held their ground under orders, and the cdnmiand of
the Third Battalion was tm-ned over to Captain J. Edgar
Murdock.

Major H. Harrison Smith had reported to Lieutenant-
Colonel Haedicke at 16 H 15, and was inomediately sent
forward to make a survey and report on the situation, and
again that night he and Captain Lindsay were sent forward
to carry orders for the attack of the next day to the battalion
commanders on the hill. The plans for this attack were
the same as for the previous day, except that the lines were
to step-off at 8 H 10.

Lieutenant-Colonel Burt of the 315th Infantry had been
sent forward on November 6 to get in touch with the situa-
tion and to assist Lieutenant-Colonel Haedicke. At 8 H 15
on the morning of the 7th, when the two battalions of the
313th and 315th moved forward, the command of the
advance passed to Lieutenant-Colonel Burt. The 316th
Infantry, however, turned over its non-commissioned staff
to the provisional organization and maintained the complete
system of liaison from the top of the hill back to P. C.
Manning with its headquarters runners and with a telephone
line under Sergeant Walter S. Fisher of the signal platoon
which ran forward to *'P. C. Clock.*'

The advance was preceded by a barrage and at 11 H 00
report was received that the first objective had been taken,

79

the railroad line in the valley north of Hill 378. Company
E of the 313th Infantry reported, "Company E has taken
objective; no resistance," and Company F reported,
''Have reached objective with 20 men — No casualties
reported." The American artillery was helping magnifi-
cently, weakening the enemy machine-gun fire, and by mid-
afternoon a reorganization was effected to proceed against
the second objective, the Tranch^e des Clairs Chines, a
thousand meters ahead of the first objective. At 15 H 00
the second movement was launched, and at 18 H 30 word
came that the lines were at the Tranch^e des Clairs Chenes.

During the day of the 7th the Regiment rested. Captain
Goetz being placed in provisional command of the First
Battalion and Captain Murdock in provisional command of
the Third.

The night of the 7-8 November, the companies of the Third
Battalion remained on the line in the woods which they had
held since November 3. The non-commissioned staff and
liaison system were still at the disposal of the Provisional
Regiment under Lieutenant-Colonel Burt. Lieutenant Col-
onel Haedicke took vigorous measures to get food to the
men in the lines, and those resting in the dugouts, and
Lieutenant Detwiler of the Supply Company started hot
food in the rolling kitchens, with orders to have ''chow"
ready, hot and steaming, at all hours of the day and night.

Company F, under Lieutenant Harris, carried food, water
and ammunition to the companies still in the woods, the
carriers exchanging their filled canteens of water for the
empty ones of the men in the line. Lieutenant Furey, the
Liaison Officer from the 315th Infantry, who had been fighting
with the 316th since November 4, and who had sustained a
wound, took companies C and D to carry food to Lieutenant-
Colonel Burt's men.

Major Corn well, the Regimental Surgeon, scoured the
woods for any wounded and Chaplain Wright and Chaplain
McNary continued their work of burying the dead. Also,
the heroic labors of Lieutenants Bourque and Harding in
caring for the wounded will never be forgotten.

Hill 378 — Cornwilly Hill, as the doughboys dubbed it,
distorting the French Cornouiller, and aptly expressing his
dislike of the place, had been won. To the 316th Infantry,
as General Kuhn in his tribute later wrote, had fallen the
task of removing an "obstacle of the most serious character,
breaking the enemy's resistance and contributing materially

80

to driving the enemy from the heights east of the Meuse a
few days later." The task had been accompHshed, the
Regiment had written an immortal page in history, acquitting
itself, as the Commanding General noted, ''with the greatest
credit and in a manner worthy of the best American tradi-
tions." The whole backbone of German resistance on this
front had been smashed. The soldier's creed is that victory
is worth the cost. The 316th knows how great was the
price paid, for not in mere total of dead and womided,
appalling as that was, is its loss to be reckoned. On 378 lie
buried a devoted band — among the bravest and the best.

Meantime the orders issued from Brigade Headquarters for
the attack of November 8. The line of attack was now to
swing eastward toward Etraye, Reville and Ecm*ey. The
315th Infantry on the right was to execute a passage of the
lines of the Third Battalion, 316th Infantry, in the woods to
the east of the Hill 378 road, whereupon they were to stand
relieved. The Machine Gun Company of the 316th was
attached to the 315th for the movement. On the left
Lieutenant-Colonel Burt's provisional detachment was to
move upon Reville. Even now the work of the 316th was
not ended, for Captain Strong, with a provisional battalion,
composed of Companies E and G, and of A and B Companies,
under Lieutenant Gabriel, was sent into the woods just back
of Hill 378 in the early morning hours of November 8 as
Brigade Reserve for the movement of November 9.

Throughout that day the part of the Regiment not engaged
worked at burying its dead and reorganizing its companies.
The heavy losses of the preceding days of fighting and the
exhaustion of battle had to be overcome in order to pursue
the enemy. About noon the lines of the 315th passed through
Company I in the woods, southeast of Hill 378, and at 15
H 00 they passed through L Company and at 15 H 15
through Company K. For five days these Third Battalion
troops had held this strip of woods along the east of the
road, and with scarcely any food or water, suffering a gradual
extermination from enemy patrols and enemy fire, they
protected this exposed flank facing the wooded stronghold
of the Bois de la Grande Montagne, while the rest of the
Regiment took and occupied Hill 378.

The relieved companies moved into the old First liattalion
dugouts for the night. Captain Strong moved his battalion
for the night as Brigade Reserve north of Hill 378 into the
Reville Valley. At Regimental Headquarters Major Elliott

81

with a battalion of the 313th and a machine gun company
moved into the Bois de Consenvoye in the evening and had
a piping-hot meal from Lieutenant Detwiler's kitchens.
Also, that night, the Regiment received one hundred and
fifty replacements, all new men, who were promptly appor-
tioned out to the depleted companies.

In the small hours of November 9, orders came for the
Regiment to march at 6 H 00 down the Etraye Valley.
Captain Strong's battalion was to rejoin the Regiment,
which was to move as Brigade Reserve, following the advance
of the 315th. The Machine Gun Company, which had oper-
ated with the advance battalion of the 313th on the 6th,
was attached on the morning of the 9th to the support
battalion of the 315th, which had spent the night in the woods
northwest of Etraye. For the march down the Etraye
Valley the 316th had attached Companies A and C of the
312th Machine Gun Battalion.

The march down the Etraye Valley will never be forgotten.
The Regiment concentrated at the crossroads by P. C.
Manning just after dawn. A light rain was falling and the
road was ankle deep with mud. There was not a sound of
artillery fire and the men kept bunching up, despite the
constant efforts of the few officers to keep them separated
against possible shell-fire. The march commenced at 6 H 00,
and first passed through the old German lines, their dead
lying in the gutter by the road. Part way down the wooded
valley a great "lager, " or camp, was passed, long clusters of
buildings with bath houses and amusement halls. The paths
through the woods were carefully covered with camouflage,
and where they opened into the road had gates with rustic
arches. The havoc wrought by the shell-fire of the American
guns on this "lager" and the whole valley below to Etraye,
brought cheer to the hearts of the infantry, and remains with
them as a memorial to the excellence of the American
artillery.

Near the "lager" the Germans, in their retirement, had
felled a large tree across the road, and pioneers worked franti-
cally sawing it up while the infantry passed around it. As
the column emerged from the ravine before reaching Etraye,
the enemy artillery opened upon the road, several hundred
meters ahead. The men stopped munching the round loaves
of bread which were suspended around their necks by shoe
strings through the middle, but, seeing that the shells were
not creeping up the road, plodded along.

82

The head of the column reached Etraye at 9 H 45, but
immediately the Regiment, less Major Strong's battalion,
was disposed in double lines on the hill south and southeast
of Etraye. Orders were to follow the attack at 2,000 meters
as Brigade Reserve, and the Regiment was disposed in readi-
ness to follow when the advancing elements gained their
distance. At 10 H 30 the 315th Infantry called upon the
316th for a battalion to serve as a reserve to the First
Battalion of the 315th, which was to attack from Etraye.
The Third Battalion, under Captain Murdock, was placed
at their command, and Captain Murdock reported to Major
Pierson for orders. Shortly after Major Pierson issued orders
to hold the troops in readiness where they were, he was killed,
and Captain Murdock maintained his position, awaiting the
call to use his reserve.

Captain Strong's battalion was attached to the 315th
Infantry, and went ahead in support of the attacking troops,
which had Romagne sous les Cotes as their objective. This
town was protected by four hills rising out of the plains,
heavily wired and intrenched and fortified with a machine-
gun defense. The advance was checked and at 16 H 30
Major Strong established a P. C. in Wavrille, with his men
disposed along the railroad and road running from Damvillers
to Crepion. After more than a week of fighting it is not
surprising that he wrote the following message:

''From Captain Strong— Nov. 9, '18. At Wavrille— 16

H 30. To Invent 1. By runner —

"P. C. at Wavrille. Am himgry, thirsty and in need
of candles. Strong."

This appealing message was answered by a detail of men
from the Regimental Band which, under Lieutenant Gabriel,
felt its way in the darkness over unknown ground, laden
down with hard bread, salmon and corned beef.

The Machine Gun Company of the 316th also participated
in the action of November 9, stopping for the night to dig
in along the railroad running from Damvillers to Crepion.

On the morning of November 10, Colonel George Williams
reported back to the Regiment from the hospital and again
took command.

For one more day Captain Strong's battalion and the
Machine Gun Company of the 316th were employed under
the 315th Infantry. On November 10, the rest of the
Regiment being in reserve, including an attached battalion

83

of the 315th under Major H. Harrison Smith, he attacked
from the railroad at 7 H 30, and advanced through the fog
toward Gibercy and the valley between Cote 319 and Cote
de Morimont. The enemy laid down an artillery barrage,
but could not use his machine guns to great advantage. At
this time Lieutenant Spencer S. Large, commanding B Com-
pany, was wounded. La Thinte Ruisseau, a small but deep
stream running north and south, was crossed by means of
litters, no logs being available. When the fog lifted, the
battalion, advanced almost a kilometer east of Gibercy to
a crossroad at the base of Cote 328, found itself flanked by
the hills, with advance or retirement cut off by the enemy
machine guns concealed on the hillsides. They dug in where
they were; and the Machine Gun Company, following along
in the rear, withdrew in the night to the railroad embank-
ment from where it could fire upon the formidable hills.
At 4 H 00 on the morning of the 11th, the Machine Gun
Company was relieved and Captain Orr reported back to
the Regiment. The battalion under Captain Strong was
relieved at about 7 H 30 on the morning of the 11th and
returned to German dugouts on the hillside above Etraye.

84

VIII

" Finie la Guerre '*

Through the haze of battle rumors, ghostly intangible
rumors, had been floating about the lines of an impending
German collapse, of the flight of the Kaiser, the assassination
of the Crown Prince, the proclamation of a German republic,
the request for an armistice — oh, a hundred and one reports
which the battle-tired men of the 316th discussed with that
skepticism born of many disappointments. Reports of peace
amid the angry buzz of machine gun bullets, the constant
roar of artillery, seemed like fantastic, wild dreams. Few
credited them. News from the outside world in those tre-
mendous days was a crazy patchwork of fact and fancy.
The collapse of Turkey, the conquest of Bulgaria, the down-
fall of Austria — generally known to have been accomplished —
seemed to make Germany's defeat certain, but that that
defeat was a matter of hours few dared to believe. The
attempt to conceive that stupendous conflict at an end, all
those belching guns hushed, was too staggering for the
average man's imagination. He gave it up without trying,
busying himself instead in getting what rest he could in the
shell-holes about Etraye. Rest to the 316th on November
1 1 was synonymous with heaven, for the Regiment was dog
tired. Its spirit was far from gone, but it ached in every
muscle and grabbed with avid enjoyment the opportunity
to relax. Tomorrow it might be — and was expected to be —
"forward" — today it was suflicient to burrow into the wiet
earth and stretch under a slicker, perchance to sleep.

Out beyond DamviUers the guns thundered, and from
behind, the American cannon growled their reply — a constant,
uninterrupted fire. The 316th lay in its holes virtually
undisturbed, for few of the shells fell in its immediate area.
To be out of the zone of heavy shelling was blessing enough
for a day.

At 10 H 00 on November 11 the shelling steadily increased
to a frenzied crescendo of violence. A doughboy in L Com-
pany turned to his bunkie. "Armistice," he said with deep
disgust, "Armistice, hell. Listen to that."

85

And then at a few minutes before 11 H 00 the great news
came m the form of an official message through Regimental
Headquarters to Battalion Headquarters and then to Com-
pany Commanders:

"From Invent 1— At P. C. Date: 11 Nov. '18— Hour:
10 H 15— How Sent: Runner— To Bn. Cmdrs.
*'The following has just been received from Brigade Head-
quarters. You will see that these instructions are strictly-
complied with. The runner bringing this will give you the
correct time. Quote — From Itasca 1 (Through Italy 1)
Date: 11 Nov. '18— Hour 9 H 00— How Sent: Telephone
— To Italy 1: Hostilities on the whole front after 11 H 00
will cease today, French time. Until that hour the opera-
tions previously ordered will be pressed with vigor. At
11 H 00 our line will halt in place, and no man will move
one step backward or forward. All men will cease firing
and dig in. In case the enemy does not likewise suspend
firing, firing will be resumed, but no further advance per-
mitted. No fraternization will be allowed. Brigade and
other Commanders concerned with the importance of
transmitting these orders to the troops and securing their
strict enforcement. Rockets and other signals may be
used to notify the front line of the arrival of the eleventh
hour. Itasca 1 — Quote. Continued from Italy 1 — Quote.
In order to carry out at once the foregoing, notify your
Battalion Commanders and through them all, troops of
your Regiment. The Battalion at front has been ordered
back. Place it in position well forward of crest of hill just
in rear of Wavrille — Johnson, Brigadier-General, Com-
manding Quote. Williams, Colonel."
Per C. E. Clock, Capt. 316th Inf. Adjt.

Company commanders lost no time giving the news to
their men. Most of them contented themselves with the
brief announcement, "Firing ceases at 11 H 00. Hold your
positions and dig in," and most of the men received the news
with a wan smile which expanded into wide-eyed amazement
as suddenly all the clamor of those thousand guns ceased
and a vast, almost unearthly quiet ensued. It was uncanny,
eerie, as of another world, that quiet, and for a long moment
the stunned infantry waited breathless for they knew not
what.

And then it began to dawn on them, the war was really,
actually 'fini/' and a smile the length of the Regiment — the

86

length of the battle line for that matter — the smile of a tired
child — displaced that first expression of total amazement.

A smile— that's all. As far as the 316th is concerned there
was no cheering, no shouting, no overflowing of spirits. In
the valley below, the artillerymen set up a giant shout of
exultation and floated Old Glory to the winds. But on the
hills of Etraye quiet reigned.

Followed a vast lassitude as of a spent runner who has
made his goal. The Regiment rested. Gradually it emerged
from its holes. Slowly it realized there was no need longer
to hve like the mole, and methodically it set about getting
comfortable for the night, taking over what elephant huts
and sheds were available. For the first time, that night
cigarettes glowed in the dark without a growl from the
''top," and camp fires shed a cheerful warmth over shell-
hole and shelter half. That was the extent of the 316th's
celebration, and that was enough. But not so thought the
Germans, and the night of the eleventh saw the Boche Hne
aflame with all the accumulated pyrotechnics of a campaign.
A thousand Fourth of July's reeled into one — that display.
It lighted the leaden heavens in a dazzle of radiant color,
and drew from the Yanks unbegrudged admiration. Gradu-
ally the American and French fronts followed suit until for
miles a constant ascension of starshells and rockets of every
description followed. A fitting finish to the greatest day in
history. The 316th slept that night.

The next day the Regiment passed under command of
Colonel Garrison McCaskey who was to inject into it new
life, new vim, new "pep" and make it look like a victorious
army should, but, alas, rarely does.

87

IX

Holding tKe Front

The shell-hole period was over. Outwardly the same
muddy, tired, strained, but still sturdy, doughboys of Hill
378 — inwardly a quiet, vast content — overhead a smiling
sun — the 316th, now 1,600 men strong and reinforced by new
increments of officers, moved forward on November 13
under the invigorating leadership of Colonel McCaskey to
hold its part of the post-armistice front. It was the same
France as two days before, but many a man brushed his
eyes in something like amazement as the battaUons marched
out in column of squads. The hills about Romagne rose
serene and imposing in the distance, the woods glistened
with a new radiance, the valleys lay under a bcjeweled
blanket of dew — and everywhere that still, extraordinary
quiet broken now by only the singing of a myriad of birds.
Nature was celebrating the arrival of peace, but the unpoetic
man in the ranks attributed all this sunshine and fragrance
to the ending of the artillery fire.

The Division Orders were that the 158th Brigade would
take over 'Hhe sector now occupied by the 13th Colonial
French Division" and the relief was carried out with war
time precision and promptness. The relief order bore Uttle
of the breath of peace in its words. The enemy was out there
somewhere in front. He had given his word to ''get out"
and that quickly, but precaution was still the watchword.
Machine guns and artillery were deposed with a careful eye
to the tactical requirements, and while the larger part of
the command was arranged with a view to improving the
physical condition of the men and perfecting supply and
equipment, all were held in instant readiness for an advance,
obeying General Kuhn's strict instructions.

The Third Battahon, under Captain Charles E. Loane, Jr.,
who had been wounded in the Bois de Beuge, but who had
since returned from the hospital, was placed in the outpost
line, reheving units of the 32d Division, for, the Frenchmen,
supposed to be there, had quickly ''parteed" to other
parts. The battaiion occupied a bundle of huts that looked

88

like palaces just then, east of the Damvillers-Peuvillers
Road. Outposts were quickly established by Company M,
liaison maintained with the 315th Infantry on the right and
the 128th on the left, and "watchful waiting" inaugurated.
In rear the rest of the Regiment disposed itself about R^ville,
and proceeded to make itself "comfortable" — a word which
had suddenly taken on new meaning. Mechanics' tools were
resurrected, the woods beyond the Damvillers-Peuvillers
Road proved a vast storehouse of cots and stoves, lumber
and fuel. The woods, as Lieutenant-Colonel Haedicke
observed, were full of 'em. Those Boches certainly did
believe in comfort for themselves — and a period of reconstruc-
tion and clean-up began.

The First Battalion under Major Smith was located in
what had apparently been a German prison-camp — a vile,
indescribably filthy pen. But the 316th's reputation at
Meade as the cleanest regiment in the division, had not
been idly earned, and the place was soon transformed into a
quite habitable spot. The Second Battalion under Captain
Strong emulated the mountain goat in the "cliffs" about
the Regimental P. C, and rapidly got into form for that
notable day when, at Issoncourt, they were declared to be
the neatest, tidiest, prettiest outfit on the Rue Nationale —
or words to that effect.

While keenly "watching" it was not all "waiting" out
in front. Headquarters decided to make assurance doubly
sure, and a patrolling system was instituted on November
17. Daily for the next few days one platoon under an officer
went out into the former enemy territory, through Romagne,
Mangienne, Merle, and the intervening woods in search of
Boches and straying ex-prisoners of war and other things.
These "other things" were not mentioned in the lieutenant's
report to headquarters but they burdened the mails later,
for right there certain platoons got a running start in the
great sport of souvenir hunting which saw its palmiest days
in the weeks that followed "finie la guerre." Aside from
directing prisoners and weary civilians, the patrols had Kttle
to do except hike — and hunt — on these thirty kilometer
missions. Not a sign of a hving Boche an3rwhere — but
everywhere indications of the indefinite stay he had expected
to make in those parts. Cots — stoves — lumber — fuel — in
vast quantities throughout the Bois de Damvillers and the
woods and towns all about. Streams of repatriat€d prisoners
came trudgjcg^ back and were eecorted to headquarters by

89

Third Battalion details. Slowly civilians crept into the
ruined towns, backs bent under huge burdens, a deal of woe
in their eyes as they viewed for the first time the wreck
wrought by the Prussians, but that indomitable courage in
their hearts which won the everlasting respect of any who
saw its manifestation.

A typical report of one of the patrols was that sent by
Lieutenant Richard Ferries. It read: ''Three French
prisoners found and six American souvenir hunters turned
over to proper authorities." These souvenir hunters, not
being members of the 79th, were probably, or should have
been, shot at sunrise. This neck of the woods was "closed"
territory and sacred to the victors of Hill 378. No compe-
tition allowed — but there was lots of it just the same, and
they learned to be mighty wary of patrols and such. Thus,
one report by Lieutenant George Bliss candidly admits:
"Saw three Americans, but they dodged into the woods and
we were unable to find them."

In the meantime, drill and cleaning up were keeping the
men busy, and visions of home began to loom large. The
Germans having plainly decided not to stage a come-back,
the American forces turned their attention to that stiU
peskier foe — the cootie — and from then on until the Regi-
ment sailed for home it was war to the death, with disastrous
results for the cooties, although a few snipers held out until
the very end. Regular bathing was instituted and rigid
inspections — the joy of the private's heart — became the
order of the day. The famous Gold-Dust Twins had nothing
on the Old Dutch Cleansers in the 316th, and it was a well-
nigh spotless outfit that lined up for battalion, regimental,
division and C, in C. "once-overs" ever so often, and some-
times oftener.

The progress made in a few weeks was well demonstrated
in the R^ville area at a review before the Brigade Com-
mander. New brooms sweep clean, and it was plainly
manifest that under Colonel McCaskey and Lieutenant-
Colonel Haedicke the Regiment had set itself new standards
and was proceeding to attain them. There was an unwonted
briskness as the battalions marched by General Johnson in
column of companies and a smartness of appearance at the
inspection that showed the fatigue of battle was fast vanishing.

From that day on it was a case of steady progress. Colonel
McCaskey^s idea was that each day's goal must be surpassed
on the morrow. This spirit prevented any relaxation and

90

kept the Regiment's standard of efficiency always at top-
notch.

Whatever monotony might have been in that period was
reheved by the avalanche of rmnors that suddenly descended
out of nowhere and multiplied Hke a healthy cootie. The
Division was to go home in December, January, February,
March, April, May, — any month you pleased, according to
whether you believed in the judgment of Major Corn well or
Captain Christensen or Lieutenant Cole, or the Colonel's
orderly who told it to Private Whatshisname who repeated
it — and so on. Then it was scheduled for Siberia, Poland,
Czecho-Slavia, Japan, Mexico, the Phihppines, etc., etc.,
according to whether you hked your rumor hot or cold,
sunny side up or "turned-over." These were busy days for
old Mrs, Rumor — the busiest since those June days at
Meade. The fever attacked privates and officers alike, and
from Damvillers to Reville one could, in a day's walk, gather
enough news to stock a dozen extras for a yellow journal.

Wounded officers, who now began returning in a steady
stream, added to the supply. Lieutenant Rikeman had been
told by a Red Cross nurse who knew a '*Y" girl who knew
the driver for a Ueutenant in the Medical Department who
had operated on an S. O. S. general's orderly for an enlarged
tonsil — well, anyhow, he had it straight that the Division
was slated to sail January 17 as escort to Mrs. Wilson.
The great day came and passed — but Mrs. Rumor kept
at her old trade unabashed, now ably assisted by men return-
ing from the leave areas. For it was while on this "front"
that the first leaves were granted, and the 316th began to
realize there were other things in France besides mud and
ruins and misery. The first contingent had an unlucky
start — in a pouring rain at 1 H 00, and a twenty-kilometer
hike to Verdun — but they came back with wonderful tales
of Aix-les-Bains, where it appeared there was "bow-koo"
this and that — especially that. Leave contingents became
a regularity after that, and "combien" became one of the
best known words in the doughboy's dictionary. Fortu-
nately, it is pronounced the same in Nice and Paris as in
Aix-les-Bains.

This plague of rumors came to a grand climax in mid-
December with the announcement that the 79th was to
start "toot sweet" for Germany to join the actual Army of
Occupation. A terrific bustle of preparation started at
once. Everybody began brushing up on how to say "vin

91

blank'' or *'biere, encore" in Boche, and looking up maps
to see where Schmeerkaese von Limburger am Rhine was
located — for, of course, it took just no time for rumor to
have the exact spot the Regiment was to occupy fixed. The
boys from Pennsylvania started to polish the Dutch out of
their German pretzels, and great big steins with the old
familiar foam atop of 'em started to appear in dreams;
*'Nein" and "Yah" began to be commonplaces of conversa-
tion; Headquarters Company and a few other outfits actu-
ally packed up, rarin' to go — and then, blooie; old Mrs.
Rumor laughed a loud, boisterous horse laugh and the move
was over before it began.

Christmas, 1918, found the 316th Infantry comfortably
settled, spick and span and in high morale, despite that
homesick feehng which wouldn't down. Orders to move had
arrived — the direction was south — one step nearer home, or
so it seemed in everyone's mind — and the thought helped
make the holiday more cheerful. Two months before, that
Christmas would have seemed a wild dream. True, there
was no turkey, there were no cranberries or pumpkin pie —
but the ''Y" and company funds had provided heapfuls of
tasty substitutes and that same reverent feeling of gratitude
which pervaded Thanksgiving Day was again present
beneath the surface of things. None realized better than
the men who had been in the thick of the fighting the wonder-
ful fortune that was theirs; and under the boisterous exterior
was a spirit devout and humble. That spirit filled the church
at Peuvillers when Chaplain Goodwin held services Christmas
morning and echoed in the carols of a doughboy choir.

There is a stone outside the church of Peuvillers inscribed
in German characters. The subscription caught the eye of
General Evan M. Johnson, Brigade Commander, as he was
leaving the church, and in a somewhat amazed tone he read
it aloud:

''To friends and foe, who died for their country, this stone
is dedicated. May they be united in death," and under it
the name of a German regiment.

"A sentiment worthy of any true fighting man," said the
General.

Christmas brought a cheering message from the Division
Commander and a promise of "home soon." This message
was conveyed in a neatly printed folder which will be a prized
souvenir years from now as a memento of a memorable
holiday. It showed the Division Ck>mmandBr not unmindful

92

of the fact that home was once again in the minds of all.
General Kuhn wrote:

"To the Officers and Men of the 79th Division:

"This, the second Christmas in the life of the 79th Division
finds you far from home and friends in a foreign land. Your
thoughts are with those near and dear to you across the water
as their thoughts are with you. This Christmas setting is
indeed a strange and unusual one for many of you who for
the first time in your lives are not celebrating the holiday
season with your families.

"Your presence here is in a just and righteous cause and
the sacrifices you have made and are still making are for the
benefit of all civilization and future generations. The Dawn
of Peace has come and with it the time of your return to
your country and home draws near.

"In wishing you one and all a Merry Christmas and a
Happy New Year your Division Commander desires to
express his appreciation for your gallant conduct in battle
and for your faithful services, both at home and abroad.

"Your conduct has been excellent, even under trying
conditions, and your Division Commander trusts that one
and all will strive to maintain the high reputation justly
earned by the 79th Division."

Two days later found the command on the move — away
from the front and its searing memories — toward billets and
vin shops and mayhap "oofs." Whenever in the distant
years the 316th Infantry thinks of battle and sudden death
its thoughts will turn first to Montfaucon and 378, and then
to that road of desolation stretching from DamvUlers to the
hills of Verdun. That road runs through a land bathed
in French and American blood — a section that tourists wiU
view with much the same feeling as Americans view Gettys-
burg. "On ne passe pas" is written in valley and hill — the
landscape for miles around bears witness in a myriad shell-
holes, in slaughtered forests and macerated villages, to the
unconquerable spirit that stemmed the hordes of the Crown
Prince and tumbled autocracy to its ruin. The struggles of
over four years are written there as plainly as the characters
in a child's spelling book. Innumerable graves on both sides
of the road; bare remnants of once contented villages —
Vacherauville, where Division Headquarters was located,
with its collection of German guns, testifying to American
victories, and now a huddle of crushed stones with naught

93

but a crudely painted sign to tell that here a town once
flourished; Samogneux, a dreary rock-strewn blank of
misery, as if a giant chemist had ground it to powder and
strewn it to the four winds; Bras, eloquent in every ruin of
French heroism and devotion; and finally Verdun and the
Jardin Fontaine barracks in Thierville, whose halls still echoed
the tramp of thousands of France's bravest. That march
will not soon be forgotten. Along its route was epitomized
all of war. There is a sign along that same road which
pointing to the front says, ''Glorieux'' and to the rear,
*' Regret." It indicates two towns, but to American soldiers
marching by, it seemed significant of the whole soul of the
allied cause — ''Glory, ahead; regret, behind."

After a night in the Jardin Fontaine barracks the march
was resumed the next morning. It's an axiom that when
the 316th hikes it rains, and it did that day — a cold, pitiless,
driving torrent that mocked at slickers and field shoes. It
was a wet and weary lot that tumbled into the Souilly area
billets (midway between Verdun and Bar-le-Duc) but it was
a step nearer home, and that thought kept morale high.
The front was at last definitely put behind, and with genial
Miss Vin Blanc to help, the command again started to make
itself comfortable. If some day, back in Reading or Colum-
bia, you get tired of life and want to make a speedy exit to
the next world, step up behind a couple of ex-doughboys and
say in a loud voice (just like a lieutenant): "Fall out on
the right of the road and make yourself comfortable" — but
that's another story.

94

X

In **Vin-Blank" Land

From Peuvillers and R^ville to Heippes was a transition
from Boche barracks to French. The front — our front — was
put behind, but there were fleeting signs in the Souilly area
that said as plainly as the shell-holes at Verdun, "Here once
passed the Boche." For it was in this area that the German
pincers in 1914 failed to close and the plan to cut off Verdun
frustrated. Crosses mark the hillsides all about Souilly and
Heippes and Rambluzin. The old lady from whom one
seeks ''quelque chose a manger" remembers quite vividly
those few days when Prussians were her unwelcome guests,
and here and there a house lies in solitary ruin.

So the end of the year found the Regiment once more
maldng spotless towns — this time out of Heippes, Rambluzin,
Issoncourt, Seraucourt, Rignaucourt and Deuxnouds. Build-
ing, rebuilding, scouring, cleaning — rapidly the Regiment
took on new vigor and snap, while a veritable flood of
theatricals and unprecedented "Y" activity sent morale
soaring. Company K, which under Lieutenant Sheridan's
guidance had started the theatrical ball a-roUing at Peu-
villers, soon had emulators in Headquarters Company, the
First Battalion and Second Battalion troupes. And of
outside shows there were no end, artillery, machine gun,
engineer and pioneer outfits supplying entertainments that
rivaled in vivacity and *'pep" the best on Broadway, or, at
any rate, seemed to. It looked as if the A. E. F. was plumb
full of actorines in those days, and a lot of them were good,
judged even by professional standards. Mrs. Maude Balling-
ton Booth and her daughter brought messages to the men
from the women of America, and captured for themselves a
place in the hearts of the Regiment.

Drilling and cleaning up and theatricals did not interfere
with the relentless war on the cootie, a particularly vicious
species being found in the barracks and billets that once
had been occupied by Soldats Fran^ais. An ordinary hot
bath, and an immersion of equipment in torrid water, seemed
merely to mildly amuse the cooties of Heippes, and hardly

95

annoy his brother at Issoncourt. Rules of international
warfare were discarded, and against gasoline attacks and
anti-cootie tanks the cootie army finally began to waver
so that by the time the next move was made the keenest of
Major Corn well's sleuths were unable to find a single one
on American territory. This victory — one of the most no-
table in the war — gave great satisfaction to Lieutenant-
Colonel Haedicke. It demonstrated that his insistence on
range work, shooting morning, noon and afternoon (including
one mournful Saturday) had so developed the eyes and accu-
racy of the 316th that not even a cootie could escape them.

As to range-work, the Regiment went to it with a vim
under the guidance and constant encouragement of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel Haedicke who was now in command, Colonel
McCaskey taking the brigade. Ranges were constructed
by each battalion, and target practice was carried out with
an earnestness that converted many a hitherto poor shot
into an expert. The good results obtained were early indi-
cated in the fact that on the Divisional Team the 316th
had far more than pro-rata representation.

About this time also the salute began to figure in memo-
randa and bulletins, and occasionally in orders. Elbows that
had grown a little bit rusty at the front and hadn't quite
recovered were given an extra dose of oil and polish and
soon were in fine working order, so that even First Army
inspectors passing through in March were impressed by the
snap and precision and unfailing regularity with which
officers and men of the 316th Infantry — and other 79th
Division units — rendered the military salute.

It may have been the approach of spring, which in civil
life turns a young man's fancy to thoughts of love, or visions
of home, but whatever it was, the Regiment, with the passing
of winter assumed a brisker, snappier appearance than ever
before. In January the six months gold stripe made its
appearance, joining in many instances a more exclusive
brother on the right. The homesick feeling had no outward
effect on morale which was higher than ever. Athletic events
proved the high spirit prevailing, the Regiment winning the
divisional meet by a half point — half a point being as good
as a mile. No New England housewife could have done a
more thorough job than Captain Christensen performed with
the Regiment's transportation. Under the Supply Company's
ministrations, vehicles were changed from old to new over
night, and kept that way by daily baths and massages, just

96

like a theatrical queen. Horses, that when turned over to
the Regiment looked as if they would die on the morrow,
blossomed out in sleek and shiny coats with the latest thing
in haircuts. Equipment was cleaned like the front steps
of a Philadelphia house, and in the horse shows and trans-
portation shows that followed, the 316th won high commenda-
tion. In the brigade motor show the Regiment won almost
every first, and by this time the Regiment's reputation for
being *'some outfit" was well estabhshed. There was a
snappy alertness, a vigorous on-the-job-ness about the entire
Regiment that spoke volumes for the methods introduced
by Colonel McCaskey and ably emulated by Lieutenant-
Colonel Haedicke.

All the while, of course, the ordinary routine of the soldiers'
life was not neglected. Maneuvers and terrain exercises were
numerous, and umpires noted, with something like surprise,
the interest displayed and the expert manner in which they
were carried out. There was mighty little of the naturally
expected ** peace time" lassitude. Hill 321 near Heippes was
taken with as much vim as though Boche had held it, and
the woods round about were cleaned up as if a German
lurked behind every tree. Experience — the greatest of
teachers — had impressed his lesson well. The sharp, sinister
tat-tat-tat of the machine gun was simulated by the raucous
rattler, but there was no simulation about the advance of
the 316th battalions. They were the real thing — as officers
would have liked to see them performed under fire and as
the men now realized they should have been.

Maneuvers finally, to a great extent, gave way before a
veritable epidemic of schools that began to rage all through
the A. E. F. and did not spare the 316th. Knowledge — all
kinds — how to build a sewer and how to write a poem about
your best girl's eyes — how to say *'I love you" in French,
and the difference between cents and centimes — how to
raise grapefruit on Third Avenue, Manhattan, or genuine
Cuban tobacco in Lancaster — knowledge, wisdom, learning,
all kinds and degrees, how it did flourish those spring months
in battalion schools, regimental schools, divisional schools,
A. E. F. schools, French and Enghsh universities, etc., etc.
Also the school of the soldier and the squad, for about this
time the New I. D. R. made its appearance, and the Yanks
learned with sorrow and surprise that hereafter the "top"
stood six paces in front of the company instead of three,
and other vital changes like that.

97

o

The Regiment on March 1 numbered 2,647 men and 109
oflScers — many of these representing returns from hospitals.
A good percentage of this 2,647 attended the specialty schools,
and a large number was usually on leave. Three-day per-
mits to the French capital were available, and the waiting
list was always as long as the week before pay day. It was
about this time Paw and Maw over in the States began to
wonder how they were going "to keep him down on the farm
after he had seen Paris" — some problem, what? The trips
to Paris — and to Nice for that matter — were part of the
A. E. F/s educational course, although it didn't say so on
the program. This particular education came high, but
officers, non-coms, and bucks, all agreed it was worth it.

Schools, entertainments, athletics, leaves — none of them
interfered with details — road, stone, water, kitchen, etc., etc.
The period the 316th spent in the Souilly area will in future
French history be known as the time of the Great Scourge —
when the God of Cleanliness vented his wrath on the vener-
ated accimiulations of ages. Major Corn well was the prophet
of this deity and Major Strong of the First Battalion, Major
Gwynn of the Second, and Major Macrorie of the Third,
able disciples. By some mysterious and sacred system the
standing of each organization was announced weekly, and
competition was keen, with honors about even. Manicures
in the U. S. A. will do a flourishing business with the K. P.'s
and mess sergeants, if the lessons of the medical inspectors
are remembered.

The approach of the end of March saw the Regiment once
again packing up for another lap on the road toward home
and mother. Some 100 kilometers of strenuous hiking
loomed ahead, but it was a cheerful, singing, spick and span
aggregation that pulled out on the morning of March 28 for
the Andelot area— for the gently rolling stretches of beauty
in the northern Haute Marne, as the ''Lorraine Cross"
remarked, optimistically saying naught of the mud that
lay between these vistas of loveliness.

XI

Out of the War Zone

There could have been no better demonstration given of
the vast strides in fitness and morale which the Regiment
had made under Colonel McCaskey and Lieutenant-Colonel
Haedicke than that march to the Andelot Area, near Chau-
mont and ''G. H. Q." It was a veteran, high stepping outfit
that knew its worth and looked it, which left the Souilly
Area, and five days of exhausting marching in rain and
sleet failed to dampen its ardor or crush its spirit. Through
that string of towns, 104 kilometers long from Heippes to
Orquevaux, they marched as became a victorious army
going home, gaining the commendation of the Division and
Brigade Commanders and critical army inspectors who
reported with unreserved admiration on the splendid march
discipline and the constant evidence of high morale. They
left along that winding trail through Rembercourt, Vavin-
court, Naives, Stainville, Bure, and a score of other villages,
a famine in ''oofs" and "pom freet" and ''vin blank," but
a last impression that will leave a picture in the minds of all
French who saw it not unworthy of American traditions.
That one of the principal lessons of battle experience — the
importance of liaison — had been well learned was shown in
the prompt reports of arrivals and departures made to
higher headquarters by the Regimental Commander. This
attention to detail gained special praise from Brigade and
Division. There was during that march an indefinaible
something present which made a jest of sleet and snow and
mud — that elated spirit which every able commander strives
to instil into his troops and which the 316th possessed to an
extraordinary degree.

The entire division won praise for this truly remarkable
march, and the Brigade Commander, Colonel McCaskey,
expressed special commendation for the 316th in the following
letter : .

99

"Headquarters 158th Infantry Brigade, A. E. F.

4 April, 1919.
From Commanding Officer, 158th Infantry Brigade.
To Lt.-Col. George Haedicke, Commanding 316th Infantry.
Subject — March to new area.

1. The Brigade Commander desires to express his apprecia-
tion of the splendid showing made by your command in its
recently completed march from the Souilly Area to the
Andelot Area. At all times when the troops of your command
were under his observation, all standing orders were being
compHed with, resulting in excellent march discipline, and
the high morale existing among both officers and men in
spite of adverse weather conditions is splendid evidence of
the esprit of the Regiment.

Very truly yours,

Garrison McCaskey,

Colonel, Infantry, U. S. A."

That hike was a vivid contrast to the march from Dam-
villers, for as the column drew away from Bar-le-Duc the
imprints of war seemed gradually to roll back like a receding
wave, and when on April 1 camp was established in the
Andelot Area, it was in a district free from the scars of
Mars. Orquevaux, Regimental Headquarters, nestles like
a fairy village amidst majestically clad hills, with princely
chateaux overlooking green valleys through which run as
limpid streams as ever dazzled a fisherman's eye. All about
this gem of a village the land lies serene and calm as though
the breath of four years of war had touched it as little as the
smiling valleys of Lebanon. For the first time since those
days in the woods beside historic Verdun, the 316th looked
not on decaying signs of war. Trampot, Chambroncourt,
Leurville, and Busson all had comfortable barracks.

But as brilliant a spectacle of war as any ardent painter
might desire was staged in this domain of peace within the
next few days; for on April 17 came the review of the
Division by General Pershing — the climax of the 79th's
sojourn in France. There has been much wailing and
gnashing of teeth by popular writers over the vanishing of
the picturesque in modern war, but it took a jaded spirit
indeed to view without a thrill that march-by of the hosts
under General Kuhn, bayonets flashing and bands blaring.
Every private, every officer had made frantic preparations
to meet the high standards known to be set by the American

100

Commander-in-chief. Every bayonet blade gleamed like a
flash of subdued flame unquenchable in the rain, helmets
gleamed spotless as a careful housewife's pans; uniforms
showed little of the wear and tear of campaign days.

Of course, it rained. But it would have taken more than
all the torrents in all the heavens to spoil that review, and
the downpouring rain seemed only to add to the impressive-
ness of the scene. The Regiment was lined up in a line of
battalions in close column, each company in a column of
platoons. The Third Battalion under Captain van Dyke
(Major Macrorie being at school) was on the right; then the
Second under Captain Kirkpatrick (Major Gwynn being on
a special mission) and the First under Major Smith (the
former Commander, Major Strong, attending artillery school) .
The command caught its first glimpse of their chief as a
blare of bugles heralded his approach with his personal staff,
all mounted. This is not the place for a eulogy of the Com-
mander-in-chief, but it is not amiss to say that every man
in the Division, as he later viewed that erect, gallant, striding
figure, sensed something behind those keen eyes, and saw
in their leader the American army personified and idealized.
After a breakneck gallop around the entire Division, General
Pershing started his dismounted inspection of the line
troops, the 316th being the first infantry regiment to be
inspected.

As Colonel McCaskey, in command of the Brigade,
advanced to report, the Commander-in-chief, with a demo-
cratic ''Hello, McCaskey," stretched his hand forth for a
hearty handclasp — as befitted a meeting of old campaigners.
In turn Lieutenant-Colonel Haedicke and the First Battalion
commander reported, and the inspection of the companies
began— the platoons being in open ranks faced toward each
other for the occasion. There was never a more auspicious
start, for, as Lieutenant Charles M. Sincell of Company K
fell into step, General Pershing remarked heartily, "Lieu-
tenant, your personal appearance is a splendid example to
your men."

At a swift pace that made company commanders hustle to
keep up, the inspection continued. With a swift glance of
appraisal, General Pershing commented on this man or
that who particularly caught his eye, paying especial atten-
tion to men with wound chevrons and questioning many
of them.

101

" In what action did you get that?" he would ask, and when
the reply came, add, ''Be proud of it — as we all are — the
symbol of America's sacrifices," or similar words of encour-
agement or praise.

Thus to the Second Battalion and to the front, every
unit passing the inspection with flying colors and making a
marked impression on the veteran generals who accom-
panied the Commander. There is one man in G Company
who won't forget that day for many years, for General
Brewster, of the Inspector-General's Department, stopped
before him and said so that all could hear, ''The best looking
soldier I have seen in the American army."

The decoration of the colors with the battle ribbons and
the presentation of Distinguished Service Crosses followed.
And then the march-by! Never a braver sight than those
massed columns — 16 platoons abreast — surging with steady
step through a sheet of mist, for the rain had lifted for a
moment, heads erect, shoulders back, eyes straight to the
front except as they passed the reviewing stand and came
to a smart "eyes right," then front, and double time and
away. A spectacle not to be forgotten and one that moved
to admiration even the cynical camera-man, nonchalantly
turning the crank that registered the glory of that march for
future generations. The might of a righteous cause trium-
phant arrayed in all its armor, a panorama to inspire a
Walter Scott.

General Pershing was generous in his praise of the Divi-
sion's splendid showing in his address to the officers at the
conclusion of the review. He conveyed the thanks of the
A. E. F. and the nation at large, as well as his own, to the
division for the heroic part it had played in the Meuse-
Argonne battle, and declared that the day's demonstration
convinced him that if called upon again the 79th would
make an even finer record.

"Impress upon your men," he said, "that each and every
one who did his part no matter how humble, shares in the
glory of the great accomplishment. Let each view the work
of the whole and let none hereafter discount the sum of
America's part in this war. America won the war; it was
the arrival of you and your comrades at a time when allied
leaders were beginning to doubt their ability to crush Ger-
many, that turned the scales and sealed the doom of
autocracy."

102

In conclusion General Pershing hoped the Division would
soon be home to receive the acclamation of their countrymen,
which, he added, was so well deserved.

Three cheers for the Commander-in-chief were given with
a will, at General Kuhn's signal, and the climactic event of
the 79th's stay in France was at an end.

April 13th, the day after the review, General Pershing
sent the following letter to General Kuhn, giving credit for
all time to the 79th Division for the capture of Montfaucon :

''My dear General Kuhn:

''It afforded me great satisfaction to inspect the 79th
Division on April 12th, and on that occasion to decorate
the standards of your regiments, and, for gallantry in action,
to confer medals on certain officers and men. Your trans-
portation and artillery were in splendid shape, and the
general appearance of the Division was well up to the
standard of the American Expeditionary Forces. Through-
out the inspection and review the excellent morale of the
men and their pride in the record of their organizations was
evident.

"In the Meuse-Argonne Offensive the Division had its
full share of hard fighting. Entering the line for the first
time on September 26th as the right of the center corps,
it took part in the beginning of the great Meuse-Argonne
Offensive. By September 27th it had captured the strong
position of Montfaucon, and in spite of heavy artillery
reaction, the Bois de Beuge and Nantillois were occupied.
On September 30th it was relieved, having advanced ten
kilometers. It again entered the battle on October 29th,
relieving as part of the 17th French Corps, the 29th Division
in the Grande Montague Sector to the east of the Meuse
River. From that time until the Armistice went into effect,
it was almost constantly in action. On November 9th,
Crepion, Wavrille, and Gibercy were taken, and in con-
junction with elements on the right and left, Etraye and
Moirey were invested. On November 10th, Chaumont-
devant-Danvillers was occupied, and on November 11th,
ViUe-devant-Chaumont was taken, a total advance of 9H
kilometers.

103

''This is a fine record for any division, and I want the
officers and men to know this, and to realize how much
they have contributed to the success of our arms. They
may return home justly proud of themselves and of the
part they have played in the American Expeditionary Forces.

Sincerely yours,

John J. Pershing.'*

104

XII

H

ome

After the grand review, '* Let's go" became the regimental
watchword, and on April 26th and 27th the Regiment bade
farewell to its charming villages about Orquevaux, and
marched without packs to Rimaucourt to entrain. This
was soldiering de luxe, to step forth unburdened, and then
to find man-size American box-cars. The Augean task of
cleaning Rimaucourt entailed a slight delay, but even this
was forgotten when finally the *' captured" German pianos
of the companies were ''jazzing" aboard the box-cars.

A two-day trip carried the Regiment through the garden-
spot of France, the Loire-Inferieure, into the Nantes Area,
headquarters being estabUshed in CUsson. The short time
spent in this beautiful region was most profitably devoted
to sprucing up for the Inspector, but also to high-living,
^'oof " sandwiches being available for seventy-five centimes.
Several new officers were assigned to the Regiment, and
well-deserved promotions were made among the officers
and men. It was here that Lieutenant John G. Kerlin,
aid to Colonel McCaskey while he commanded the 158th
Brigade, died of pneumonia, to the great sorrow of the
Regiment.

All the numerous inspections were easily passed, and on
May 15th the Regiment entrained for the neighboring port of
St. Nazaire, arriving the same afternoon. At Camp No. 1
the delousing plants steamed until midnight on stowaway
cooties, and the final rigorous physical inspection was held.
All the inspectors were loud in their praises of the 316th,
for appearance, efficiency and speed. On the morning of
the 16th the men marched to the port, and that very
afternoon boarded the U. S. S. Texan, excepting part of
the Third BattaHon, which boarded the Kroonland, At
dusk, while the chimes of St. Nazaire were sounding the
Angelus over the waters, the Regiment moved out to sea.
Homeward bound! It was really true. Behind, mud and
rain and battle, but withal, lovely France; ahead, America,
wonderful America, and home.

105

The good ship Texan fared badly at the start, making
only ninety-six miles in a storm the third day out, but
Colonel McCaskey, who had returned to the command of
the Regiment, said the transport comforts were the best
he had ever seen. The tense waiting of the voyage reached
a climax of emotion on May 29th, when the Regiment
sailed up the Delaware, and passing League Island Navy
Yard, docked at 3 p. m. at Snyder Avenue Wharf in Phila-
delphia.

The Red Cross served an abundance of ice cream, cake,
and coffee, the first ice cream the men had had for a year.
Yes, it was America. At five in the afternoon the Regiment
was aboard trains for Camp Dix, New Jersey, and at eight
were marching into barracks. The wind-up at Camp Dix
was far from dramatic; but it was the efficient and matter-
of-fact conclusion of a good work well done. To the great
joy of the men, they were allowed to see their relatives and
friends, and even to leave the Camp. Surplus equipment
was turned in, final delousing and inspections were undergone,
and all discharge papers prepared. The prayers of Phila-
delphia for a parade by the Regiment could not compete
with the attraction of the home fires, and the parade propo-
sition was voted down. On June 3d western contingents
were entrained for western camps, and between June 7th and
9th, the demobilization of the Regiment was completed.

The 316th is dead, but nay, long live the 316th! Less
than two years before it had come to life. Only a year
before, with newly recruited ranks, it had gone overseas, an
untried National Army Regiment. Followed the Argonne
and the Meuse, and out of the furnace of battle and death
came gold. As the Regiment had come together without
blare of trumpet, so it separated without parade and pagean-
try. But it is not dead. Its spirit is consecrated to Eternity
in the fields of France, and its spirit walks abroad in the
land in stalwart American manhood, the spirit to fight for
America and a just cause, even unto death.

106

Awards for Heroism

In any battle a hundred brave deeds go unsung to one
that wins the acclaim which is its due. But that is in no
sense a depreciation of those whose merit does gain attention.
The Distinguished Service Cross and Croix de Guerre awards
in the 316th Infantry represent honors deserved — honors
won by lofty adherence to the highest traditions of the
battlefield. But none know better than the winners that
many a man lies buried in the Bois de Beuge or on Hill
378 — or marched in the column to bid adieu to France —
equally valorous, equally worthy of honor. They know that
honor paid to them is honor paid to the Regiment, and
their comrades share their just pride. The awards made in
the 316th Infantry are as follows:

DISTINGUISHED SERVICE CROSS

Major William Sinkler Manning (deceased).

Captain Benjamin H. Hewit (deceased).

Sergeant Grover C. Sheckart, Company C, 316th Infantry.

Sergeant Harold P. Rumberger, Company B, 316th In-
fantry.

Sergeant Samuel E. Phillips, Company B, 316th Infantry.

Corporal Charles H. Kidd, Company E, 316th Infantry.

Corporal Guy M. Habecker, Company I, 316th Infantry.

Corporal Herman G. Paustian, Company D, 316th
Infantry.

Corporal John Wilkins, Machine Gun Company, 316th
Infantry.

Private First Class Clarence Frey, Headquarters Company,
316th Infantry.

Private First Class Thomas Morris, Company I, 316th
Infantry.

CROIX DE GUERRE

Major Paul D. Strong, 316th Infantry.
Captain Carl E. Clock, 316th Infantry.
Captain Mowry E. Goetz, 316th Infantry.

107

First Lieutenant Harry S. Gabriel, 316th Infantry.

Corporal Guy M. Habecker, Company I, 316th Infantry.

Corporal Herman G. Paustian, Company D, 316th
Infantry.

Corporal John Wilkins, Machine Gun Company, 316th
Infantry.

Private First Class Clarence Frey, Headquarters Com-
pany, 316th Infantry.

108

Notice to Members of the Regiment

Many letters accompanying orders for this book speak in
favor of some form of permanent 316th Infantry Association.
The purpose of this association would be to facilitate the
members of the Regiment in keeping in touch with each
other, and to perpetuate its history and the memory of its
honored dead. The possibility of future reunions is also
mentioned toward the same end, and a grand initial meeting
suggested in Philadelphia on September 26, 1925. There
is no desire to conflict with larger associations, such as the
American Legion, but rather a purpose to perpetuate the
identity of the Regiment in the causes named above.

In order to have immediately a bureau of information
and a clearing-house for suggestions, the undersigned offers
his services as Temporary Secretary. Numerous inquiries
have come from parents and relatives of our dead comrades
seeking information, and these letters deserve the most
solicitous attention. Many men are also seeking the
addresses of friends. Moreover, now is the time, while
recollection is still fresh, to record interesting historical data
of personal experiences, and to collect photographs. Accord-
ingly the undersigned solicits letters which relate interesting
anecdotes of marches, billets, patrols, battles, and so forth,
for file in the Regimental Archives. So very many notices
for this book have gone astray in the mail that the under-
signed requests occasional notice of change of address in
order to keep the Roster up to date.

It was beyond the scope of the present book to collect
herein personal experiences, however interesting they might
be. Since there was no fund at all to finance the publication,
it was also not feasible to include maps and photographs
nor to print a roster of the Regiment. An enriched edition,
however, may sometime be possible. Whether a surplus or
a deficit will remain from the publication of this edition is
still problematical. A surplus, if any, and any contributions
toward an association, will be held in trust to defray expenses
of correspondence and of occasional notices. Members
seeking information please enclose return postage.

109

Extra copies (additional to one seventy-five cent copy for
each man) may be procured until the exhaustion of the edition
for $1.00. The book will also probably be on sale at George
W. Jacobs and Company, 1628 Arch Street, Philadelphia, Pa.

The undersigned desires to thank Lieutenant Michael D.
Clofine and Battalion Sergeant-Major Charles J. Davitt for
their invaluable collaboration in the preparation of this book.

Yours in the 316th,

Carl E. Glock,
1107 De Victor Place, E. E.,
Pittsburgh, Pa.
(Formerly Captain and Adjutant.)

110

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