M.
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY
3 1833 00560 9760
^c 979,3 B22hi
Bancroft. , HLibert Howe? ,
1832-1918.
History of Alaska s
1730-1885
/
im-f?:-: â– 1-"'. ;
'^'
m-,,
?!*«'
THE WORKS
OF
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
THE WORKS
.fc'*
HUBERT HOWE BANCROFT.
VOLUME XXXIII.
HISTORY OF ALASKA.
1730-1885.
SAN FRANCISCO :
A. L. BANCROFT & COMPANY, PUBLISHERS.
1886.
Allen County Public Ubl«|
900 Webcter Street
?Srt'«a,'oN4680V2270
Entered according to Act of Congress ia the Year 1886, by
HUBERT H. BANCROFT,
In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington.
All Riglds Reserved .
1210579
PREFACE.
On the whole, the people of the United States have
not paid an exorbitant price for the ground upon which
to build a nation. Trinkets and trickery in the first
instance, followed by some bluster, a little fighting,
and a little money, and we have a very fair patch of
earth, with a good title, in which there is plenty of
equity, humanity, sacred rights, and star-spangled
banner. What we did not steal ourselves we bought
from those who did, and bought it cheap.
Therein we did well, have that much more to be
proud of, and to confirm us in our own esteem as a
great and good nation; therein lies the great merit —
the price we paid. Had it been dear, as have been
some meagre strips of European soil, over which
France, Germany, and the rest have fought for cen-
turies, spending millions upon millions of lives and
money, all in the line of insensate folly, and for that
which they could not keep and were better off with-
out — then we would cease boasting and hold our
peace. But our neighbors have been weak while we
are strong ; therefore it is not right for us to pay them
much for their lands.
Ignoring, as we do, the birthright of aboriginal
races, that have no Christianity, steel, or gunpowder,
we may say that the title to the Mississippi Valley
(V)
vi PREFACE.
was settled, and the Oregon Territory adjudged to be
ours by divine right. Texas came easily; while one
month's interest, at the then current rates, on the gold
picked up in the Sierra Foothills during the first five
years of American occupation would repay the cost of
the Mexican war, and all that was given for California
and the adjoining territory.
In the case of Alaska we have one instance where
bluster would not win; fighting was not to be thought
of; and so we could pay for the stationary icebergs
or let them alone. Nor with money easy, was Alaska
a bad bargain at two cents an acre. It was indeed
cheaper than stealing, now that the savages receive the
teachings and diseases of civilization in reservations.
In 1867 there were few who held this opinion, and
not one in a hundred, even of those who were best in-
formed, believed the territory to be worth the pur-
chase money. If better known to-day, its resources
are no better appreciated; and there are many who
still deny that, apart from fish and fur-bearing ani
mals, the country has any resources.
The area of Alaska is greater than that of the
thirteen original states of the Union, its extreme
length being more than two thousand miles, and its
extreme breadth about fourteen hundred; while its
coast-line, including bays and islands, is greater than
the circumference of the earth. The island of Una-
laska is almost as far west of San Francisco as San
Francisco is west of the capital of the United States ;
while the distance from the former city to Fort
St Michael, the most northerly point in America
inhabited by the white man, is greater than to the
city of Panamd.
PREFACE. vu
With the hmits of the continent at its extreme
north-west, the Hmit of the history of western North
America is reached. But it may be asked, what a
land is this of which to write a history? Bleak,
swampy, fog-begirt, and almost untenanted except by
savages — can a country without a people furnish ma-
terial for a history? Intercourse with the aborigines
does not constitute all of history, and few except sav-
ages have ever made their abiding-place in the wintry
solitudes of Alaska; few vessels save bidarkas have
ever threaded her myriad isles; few scientists have
studied her geology, or catalogued her fauna and flora;
few surveyors have measured her snow-turbaned hills ;
few miners have dug for coal and iron, or prospected
her mountains and streams for precious metals. Ex-
cept on the islands, and at some of the more accessible
points on the mainland, the natives are still unsubdued.
Of settlements, there are scarce a dozen worthy the
name ; of the interior, little is known ; and of any cor-
rect map, at least four fifths must remain, to-day,
absolutely blank, without names or lines except those
of latitude and longitude. We may sail along the
border, or be drawn by sledge-dogs over the frozen
streams, until we arrive at the coldest, farthest west,
separated from the rudest, farthest east by a narrow
span of ocean, bridged in winter by thick-ribbed ice.
What then can be said of this region — this Ultima
Thule of the known world, whose northern point is
but three or four degrees south of the highest lati-
tude yet reached by man?
Such is the general sentiment of Americans con-
cerning a territory which not many years ago was
purchased from Russia, as before mentioned, at the
Hist. Alaska. 2*
viii PREFACE.
rate of about two cents an acre, and was considered
dear at the price.
To answer these questions is the purpose of the
present volume. This America of the Russians has
its little century or two of history, as herein we see,
and which will ever remain its only possible inchoation,
interesting to the story of future life and progress on
its borders, as to every nation its infancy should be.
Though it must be admitted that the greater por-
tion of Alaska is practically worthless and uninhabit-
able, yet my labor has been in vain if I have not made
it appear that Alaska lacks not resources but develop-
ment. Scandinavia, her old-world counterpart, is pos-
sessed of far less natural wealth, and is far less grand
in natural configuration. In Alaska we can count
more than eleven hundred islands in a single group.
We can trace the second longest watercourse in the
world. We have large sections of territory where the
average yearly temperature is higher than that of
Stockholm or Christiania, where it is milder in win-
ter, and where the fall of rain and snow is less than in
the southern portion of Scandinavia.
It has often been stated that Alaska is incapable of
supporting a white population. The truth is, that her
resources, though some of them are not yet available,
are abundant, and of such a nature that, if properly
economized, they will never be seriously impaired.
The most habitable portions of Alaska, lying as they
do mainly between 55° and 60° n., are in about the
same latitude as Scotland and southern Scandinavia.
The area of this portion of the territory is greater than
that of Scotland and southern Scandinavia combined;
and yet it contains to-da}^ but a few hundred, and
PREFACE. ix
has never contained more than a thousand white
inhabitants; while the population of Scotland is about
three millions and a half, and that of Norway and
Sweden exceeds six millions.
The day is not very far distant when the coal meas-
ures and iron deposits of Scotland, and the mines and
timber of Scandinavia, will be exhausted ; and it is not
improbable that even when that day comes the re-
sources of Alaska will be but partially opened. The
little development that has been made of late years
has been accomplished entirely by the enterprise
and capital of Americans, aided by a few hundred
hired natives. Already with a white population of
five hundred, of whom more than four fifths are
non-producers, the exports of the territory exceed
$3,000,000 a year, or an average of $6,000 per capita.
Where else in the world do we find such results ?
It majT- be stated in answer that the bulk of these
exports comes from the fur-seal grounds of the Pry-
bilof Islands, which are virtually a stock-farm leased
by the government to a commercial company; but the
present value of this industry is due mainly to the
careful fostering and judicious management of that
company; and there are other industries which, if
properly directed, promise in time to prove equally
profitable. Apart from the seal-islands, and apart
from the trade in land-furs that is diverted by the
Hudson's Bay Company, the production of wealth
for each white person in the territory is greater than
in any portion of the United States or of the world.
This wealth is derived almost entirely from the land
and pelagic peltry, and from the fisheries of Alaska;
for at present her mines are little developed, and
X PREFACE.
her forests almost intact. And yet we are told that
the country is without resources !
It may be supposed that for the history of such a
country as Alaska, whatever existing information
there might be would be quite accessible and easily
obtained.
I have not found it specially so. Here, as elsewhere
in my historic fields, there were three classes of mate-
rial which might be obtained : first, public and private
archives; second, printed books and documents; and
third, personal experiences and knowledge taken from
the mouths of living witnesses.
Of the class last named there are fewer authorities
here than in any other part of my territory north of
latitude 32°, though proportionately more than south
of that line; and this notwithstanding three distinct
journeys to that region by m}^ agent — a man thor-
oughly conversant with Alaskan affairs, and a Rus-
sian by birth — for the purpose of gathering original
and verbal information. All places of historical im-
portance were visited by him, and all persons of his-
torical note still living there were seen and ques-
tioned. Much fresh information was thus obtained;
but the result was not as satisfactory as has been the
case in some other quarters.
The chief authorities in print for the earlier epochs
are in the Russian language, and published for the
most part in Russia; covering the later periods, books
have been published — at various times in Europe and
America, as will be seen by my list of authorities —
and have been gathered in the usual way.
The national archives, the most important of all
PREFACE. xi
sources, are divided, part being in Russia and part in
America, though mostly in the Russian language.
Some four or five years were occupied by my assist-
ants and stenographers in making abstracts of mate-
rial in Sitka, San Francisco, and Washington. For
valuable cooperation in gaining from the archives of
St Petersburg such material as I required, I am spe-
cially indebted to my esteemed friend M. Pinart, and
to the leading men of letters and certain officials in
the Russian capital, from whom I have received every
courtesy.
OOl^TEl^TS OF THIS VOLUME,
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
FAOB
Russia's Share in America — Physical Features of Alaska — Configuration
and Climate — The Southern Crescent — The Tumbled Mountains —
Volcanoes and Islands — Vegetation — California- Japan Current — Arc-
tic Seaboard and the Interior — Condition and Character of the Rus-
sians in the Sixteenth Century — Serfs, Merchants, and Nobles — The
Fur Currency — Foreign Commercial Relations — England in the
White and Caspian Seas — Eastern Progress of the Russian Empire —
The North-east Passage 1
CHAPTER II.
THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
1578-1724.
Siberia the Russian Canaan — From the Black and Caspian Seas over the
Ural Mountains — Stroganof, the Salt-miner — Visit of Yermak —
Occupation of the Ob by the Cossacks — Character of the Conquer-
ors — Their Ostrog on the Tobol — The Straight Line of March thence
to Okhotsk on the Pacific — The Promyshleniki — Lena River Reached
— Ten Cossacks against Ten Thousand — Yakutski Ostrog — Explora-
tion of the Amoor — Discoveries on the Arctic Seaboard — Ivory ver-
sus Skins — The Land of the Chukchi Invaded — Okhotsk Estab-
lished — Kamchatka Occupied — Rumors of Realms Beyond 14
CHAPTER III.
THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
1725-1740.
Purposes of Peter the Great — An Expedition Organized — Sets out from
St Petersburg— Death of the Tsar — His Efforts Seconded by Cath-
erine and Elizabeth — Bering and Chirikof at Kamchatka — They
Coast Northward through Bering Strait and Prove Asia to be Sepa-
rated from America — Adventures of Shestakof — Expeditions of Hens,
( xiii )
CONTENTS.
PAjQB
Fedorof, and Gvozdef — America Sighted — Organization of the Sec-
ond General Expedition— Bibliography — Personnel of the Expedi-
tion — Bering, Chirikof, Spanberg, Walton, Croyfere, Steller, Miiller,
Fisher, and Others — Russian Religion — Easy Morality — Model Mis-
sionaries — The Long Weary Way across Siberia — Charges against
Bering — Arrival of the Expedition at Okhotsk 35
CHAPTER IV.
DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
1740-1741.
The Day of Departure — Arrival of Imperial Despatches — They Set Sail
from Okhotsk — The Sv Petr and the Sv Pavel — Bering's and
Chirikof 's Respective Commands — Arrival at Kamchatka — Winter-
ing at Avatcha Bay — Embarkation — 111 Feeling between Chirikof
and Bering — The Final Parting in Mid-ocean^Adventures of Chiri-
kof — He Discovers the Mainland of America in Latitude.55° 21' —
The Magnificence of his Surroundings — A Boat's Crew Sent Ashore
— Another Sent to its Assistance — All Lost! — Heart-sick, Chirikof
Hovers about the Place — And is Finally Driven Away by the Wind
— He Discovers Unalaska, Adakh, and Attoo — The Presence of Sea-
otters Noticed — Sickness — Return to Avatcha Bay — Death of Croyfere
— Illness of Chirikof
CHAPTER V.
DEATH OF BERING.
1741-1742.
Discovery by Rule — The Land not where It ought to be — The Avatcha
Council should Know — Bering Encounters the Mainland at Mount
St EHas — Claims for the Priority of Discovery of North-westernmost
America — Kyak Island — Scarcity of Water — The Return Voyage —
Illness of Bering — Longings for Home — Kadiak — Ukamok — Sickness
and Death — Intercourse with the Natives — Waxel's Adventure —
Vows of the Dane — Amchitka, Kishka, Semiche, and other Islands
Seen — At Bering Island — Wreck of ihe Sv Petr — Death of Bering
— Gathering Sea-otter Skins — The Survivors Build a Small Sv Petr
from the Wreck — Return to Kamchatka — Second Voyage of Chirikof. 75
CHAPTER VI.
THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
1743-1762.
Effect of the Discovery in Siberia — Hunting Expeditions in Search of
Sea-otters — Voyages of Bassof, Nevodchikof, and Yugof — Rich Har-
vests of Sea-otter and Fur-seal Skins from the Aleutian Archipelago
CONTENTS. XV
PAGE
— The Cunning Promyshleniki and the Mild Islanders — The Old
Tale of Wrong and Atrocity — Bloodshed on Attoo Island — Early
Monopolies — Chuprof's and Kholodilof's Adventures — Russians De-
feated on Unalaska and Amlia — Yugof's Unfortunate Speculation
— Further Discovery — The Fate of Golodof — Other Adventures 99
CHAPTER VII.
FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI,
1760-1767.
Tolstykh's Voyage— Movements of Vessels — Stsehlin's Map— Wreck of
the Andreian i Natalia — Catherine Speaks — A Company Formed
— Collecting Tribute — The Neue Nachrichten — Voyage of the Zak-
har i Elizaveta — Terrible Retaliation of the Unalaskans — "Voyage
of the Sv Troitska — Great Sufferings — Fatal Onslaught — Voyage
of Glottof — Ship Nomenclature — Discovery of Kadiak — New Mode
of Warfare— The Old Man's Tale— Solovief 's Infamies— The Okhotsk
Government — More St Peters and St Pauls — Queen Catherine and the
Merchant Nikoforof — End of Private Fur-hunting Expeditions 127
CHAPTER VIII.
IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
1764-1779.
Synd's Voyage in Bering Strait — Stsehlin's Peculiar Report — The Grand
Government Expedition — Promotions and Rewards on the Strength
of Prospective Achievements — Catherine is Sure of Divine Favor —
Very Secret Instructions — Heavy Cost of the Expedition — The Long
Journey to Kamchatka — Dire Misfortunes There — Results of the
Effort — Death of the Commander — Journals and Reports — More Mer-
cantile Voyages — The Ships Sv Nikolai, Sv Andrei, Sv Prokop, and
Others — The Free and Easy Zaikof — His Luck 157
CHAPTER IX.
EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
1770-1787.
Political Changes at St Petersburg — Exiles to Siberia — The Long Weary
Way to Kamchatka — The Benyovski Conspiracy — The Author Bad
Enough, but not So Bad as He would Like to Appear — Exile Regula-
tions — Forgery, Treachery, Robbery, and Murder — Escape of the
Exiles — Behm Appointed to Succeed Nilof as Commandant of Kam-
chatka — Further Hunting Voyages — First Trading Expedition to the
Mainland — Potop Zaikof — Prince William Sound — Ascent of Copper
xvi CONTENTS.
PAQl
Slver — Treacherous Chugaches— Plight of the Russians— Homeof the
Fur-seals — Its Discovery by Gerassim Pribylof — Jealousy of Rival
Companies 175
CHAPTER X.
OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
1773-1779.
Russian Supremacy in the Farthest North-west — The Other European
Powers would Know What It Means — Perez Looks at Alaska for
Spain — The Santiago at Dixon Entrance — Cuadra Advances to
Cross Sound — Cook for England Examines the Coast as Far as Icy
Cape— Names Given to Prince William Sound and Cook Inlet— Rev-
elations and Mistakes — Ledyard's Journey — Again Spain Sends to
the North Arteaga, Who Takes Possession at Latitude 59° 8' — ^Bay of
La Santisima Cruz — Results Attained 194
CHAPTER XI.
COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
1783-1787.
First Attempted Settlement of the Russians in America — Voyage of Gri-
gor Shelikof — Permanent Establishment of the Russians at Kadiak —
Return of Shelikof— His Instructions to Samoilof, Colonial Command-
er — The Historic Sable and Otter— Skins as Currency — Trapping
and Tribute-collecting — Method of Conducting the Hunt — Regula-
tions of the Peredovchiki— God's Sables and Man's— Review of the
Fur-trade on the Coasts of Asia and America — Pernicious System In-
troduced by the Promyshleniki — The China ISIarket— Foreign Ri-
vals and their Method — Abuse of Natives — Cook's and Vancouver's
Opinions of Competition with the Russians — Extirpation of Ani-
mals 222
CHAPTER Xn.
FOREIGN VISITORS.
1786-1794.
French Interest in the North-west — La P6rouse's Examination — Discov-
ery of Port des Fran9ais — A Disastrous Survey — English Visitors —
Meares is Caught in Prince William Sound — Terrible Struggles with
the Scurs'y — Portlock and Dixon Come to the Rescue — Their Two
Years of Trading and Exploring — Ismailof and Bocharof Set Forth
to Secure the Claims of Russia — A Treacherous Chief — Yakutat
Bay Explored — Traces of Foreign Visitors Jealously Suppressed —
Spain Resolves to Assert Herself — Martinez and Haro's Tour of In-
vestigation — Fidalgo, Marchand, and Caamaiio — Vancouver's Expe-
dition 255
CONTENTS. xvu
CHAPTER Xni.
THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
1785-1793.
FAOl
Flattering Prospects— Costly Outfit— The Usual Years of Preparation —
An Expectant World to be Enlightened — Gathering of the Expedi-
tion at Kamchatka — Divers Winterings and Ship-building — Prelim-
inary Surveys North and South — At Unalaska and Kadiak — Russian
Rewards — Periodic Promotion of Billings — At St Lawrence Island —
Billings' Land Journey — Wretched Condition of Russian Hunters —
End of the Tribute System — Result of the Expedition — Sarychef 's
Surveys — Shelikof's Duplicity— Priestly Performance 282
CHAPTER XIV.
ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
1787-1795.
Shelikof's Grand Conception — Governor-general Jacobi Won to the
Scheme — Shelikof's Modest Request — Alaska Laid under Monopoly
— Stipulations of the Empress — Humane Orders of Kozlof-Ugrenin
— Public Instructions and Secret Injunctions — Delarof's Administra-
tion— SheLkof Induces Baranof to enter the Service of his Com-
pany — Career and Traits of the New Manager — Shipwreck of Ba-
ranof on Unalaska — Condition of the Colony — Rivalry and Other
Troubles — Plans and Recommendations — Engagement with the Kal-
jushes — Ship-building — The Englishman Shields — Launch and Trib-
ulations of the Phoenix 305
CHAPTER XV.
STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
1791-1794.
The Lebedef Company Occupies Cook Inlet — Quarrels between the Lebe-
def and Shelikof Companies — Hostilities in Cook Inlet — Complaints
of Kolomin against Konovalof — War upon Russians and Indians
Alike — Life of the Marauders — Pacific Attitude of Baranof — His Pa-
tience Exhausted — Playing the Autocrat — Arrest of the Ringleaders
— Effect on the Natives — Baranof's Speech to his Hunters — Expedi-
tion to Yakutat — Meeting with Vancouver — The Lebedef Company
Circumvented — Troubles with Kaljushes— Purtof 'a Resolute Conduct
— Zaikof's Expedition ;. 334
CHAPTER XVI.
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
1794-1796.
Mechanics and Missionaries Arrive at Pavlovsk — Ambitious Schemes of
Colonization — Agricultural Settlement Founded on Yakutat Bay —
Shipwreck, Famine, and Sickness — Golovnin's Report on the Affairs
xviii CONTENTS.
PAQK
of the Shelikof Company — Discontent of the Missionaries— Com-
plaints of the Archimandrite— Father Makar in Unalaska— Father
Juvenal in Kadiak— Divine Service at Three Saints†” Juvenal's Voy-
age to Ilyamna — His Reception and Missionary Labors — He Attempts
to Abolish Polygamy — And Falls a Victim to an Ilyamna Damsel —
He is Butchered by the Natives 351
CHAPTER XVII.
THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY.
1796-1799.
Threatened Exhaustion of the Seal-fisheries— Special Privileges Given to
Siberian Merchants — Shelikof Petitions for a Grant of the Entire
North-west — He is Supported by Rezanof — Muilnikof 's Enterprise —
The United American Company — Its Act of Consolidation Confirmed
by Imperial Oukaz — And its Name Changed to the Russian Ameri-
can Company — Text of the Oukaz— Obligations of the Company 375
CHAPTER XVin.
THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
1798-1801.
Baranof 's Difficutties and Despondency — Sick and Hopeless — Arrival of
the Elizaveta — An Expedition Sails for Norfolk Sound — Loss of
Canoes— The Party Attacked by Kolosh— Treaty with the Sitkans—
Yankee Visitors— A Fort Erected— The Yakutat Bay Settlement—
Baranof Desires to be Relieved — His Official Tour of the Colonies —
The Chief Manager's Piety — His Complaints of Foreign Encroach-
ments — ^British Aggressiveness 384
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SITKA MASSACRE.
1802.
Rumors of Revolt among the Kolosh— They Attack Fort Sv Mikhail —
Testimony of Abrossim Plotnikof — And of Ekaterina Lebedef —
Sturgis' Equivocal Statement — Captain Barber as a Philanthropist —
Khlebnikof's Version of the Massacre— Secret Instructions to Bara-
nof — Tidings from Unalaska — Further Promotion of the Chief Man-
ager — He Determines to Recapture Sitka — Preparations for the Expe-
dition 401
CHAPTER XX.
SITKA RECAPTURED.
180^-1805.
The Nadeshda and Neva Sail from Kronstadt — Lisiansky Arrives at
Norfolk Sound in the JVeva^Baranof Sets Forth from Yakutat —
His Narrow Escape from Shipwreck — He Joins Forces with Lisiansky
CONTENTS. xix
PAGE
— Fruitless Negotiations — Defeat of the Russians — The Fortress Bom-
barded — And Evacuated by the Savages — The Natives Massacre
their Children — Lisiansky's Visit to Kadiak — His Description of the
Settlements — A Kolosh Embassy — A Dinner Party at Novo Arkhan-
gelsk — The Neva's Homeward Voyage — Bibliography 421
CHAPTER XXI.
bezanof's visit.
1804-1806.
Voyage of the Nadeshda — A Russian Embassy Dismissed by the Japan-
ese — Rezanof at St Paul Island — Wholesale Slaughter of Fur-seals —
The Ambassador's Letter to the Emperor — The Envoy Proceeds to
Kadiak — And Thence to Novo Arkhangelsk — His Report to the
Russian American Company — Further Trouble with the Kolosh —
The Ambassador's Instructions to the Chief Manager — Evil Tidings
from Kadiak — Rezanof's Voyage to California — His Complaints
against Naval Officers — His Opinion of the Missionaries — His Last
Journey 443
CHAPTER XXn.
SEVEN MORE YEARS OF ALASKAN ANNALS.
1806-1812.
Ship-building at Novo Arkhangelsk — The Settlement Threatened by
Kolosh — A Plot against the Chief Manager's Life — The Conspira-
tors Taken by Surprise — Arrival of Golovnin in the Sloop-of-war
Diana — His Description of the Settlement — Astor's Vessel, the
Enterprise, at Novo Arkhangelsk — Negotiations for Trade — Golov-
nin's Account of the Matter — Famum's Journey from Astoria
to St Petersburg — Wreck of the Juno — SuflFerings of her Crew .... 461
CHAPTER XXIII.
rOREIGN VENTURES ANI> THE ROSS COLONY.
1803-1841.
Baranof's Want of Means — O'Cain's Expedition to California — And to
Japan— The Mercury at San Diego — Trading Contracts with Ameri-
can Skippers — Kuskof on the Coast of New Albion — The Ross
Colony Founded — Seal-hunting on the Coast of California — Ship-
building — Agriculture — Shipments of Cereals to Novo Arkhangelsk —
Horticulture — Stock-raising — Losses Incurred by the Company —
Hunting-post Established at the Farallones — Failure of the Enter-
prise — Sale of the Colony's Effects ^. 476
XX CONTENTS.
CHAPTEE XXIV.
FtTETHER ATTEMPTS AT FOREIGN COLONIZATION.
1808-1818.
PAQS
Hagemeister in the Sandwich Islands — Baranof Again Desires to be Re-
lieved — Eliot Sails for California in the Ilmen — His Captivity —
Kotzebue in the Riirik in Search of a North-east Passage — His Ex-
plorations in Kotzebue Sound — He Proceeds to Unalaska — And
thence to California and the Sandwich Islands — King Kamehameha
— A Stonn in the North Pacific —The Rurik Returns to Unalaska
— Her Homeward Voyage — Bennett's Trip to the Sandwich Islands —
Captain Lozaref at Novo Arkhangelsk— His Disputes with the Chief
Manager — Sheffer Sails for Hawaii — And thence for Kauai — His
Agreement with King Tomari — Jealousy of American and English
Traders— Flight of the Russians 490
CHAPTER XXV.
CLOSE OF BARANOF's ADMINISTRATION.
1819-1821.
Hagemeister Sails for Novo Arkhangelsk — He Supersedes Baranof —
Transfer of the Company's Effects — The Accounts in Good Order —
Sickness of the Ex-manager — Baranof Takes Leave of the Colonies —
His Death — Remarks of Khlebnikof and Others on Baranof — Kora-
sokovsky's Expedition to the Kuskokvim — Roquefeuil's Voyage —
Massacre of his Hunters— Further Explorations — Dividends and In-
crease of Capital — Commerce — Decrease in the Yield of Furs — The
Company's Servants 510
CHAPTER XXVI.
SECOND PERIOD OF THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY'S OPERATIONS.
1821-1842.
Golovnin's Report on the Colonies — The Company's Charter Renewed —
New Privileges Granted — Mouravief Appointed Governor — Alaska
Divided into Districts — Threatened Starvation — Chistiakof Super-
sedes Mouravief — Foreign Trade Prohibited — The Anglo-Russian
and Russo- American Treaties — More Explorations — Wrangell's Ad-
ministration — He is Succeeded by Kuprianof — Disputes with the
Hudson's Bay Company— Their Adjustment — Fort Stikeen — Etholen
Appointed Grovernor— A Small-pox Epidemic— Statistical 630
CHAPTER XXVn.
THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY'S LAST TERM.
1842-1866.
The Charter Renewed— Its Provisions— The Affair at Petropavlovsk —
Outbreaks among the Natives— The Nulato Massacre— A Second
Massacre Threatened at Novo Arkhangelsk — Explorations — Tho
CONTENTS. xxi
FA.ac
Western Union Telegraph Company — Westdahl's Experience — The
Company Requests Another Renewal of its Charter — Negotiations
with the Imperial Government — Their Failure — Population — Food
Supplies — The Yield of Furs — Whaling — Dividends — Trade — Bib-
liographical ^ 568
CHAPTER XXVni.
ALASKA AS A UNITED STATES COLONY.
1867-1S83.
Motives for the Transfer by the Russian Government — Negotiations Com-
menced — Senator Cole's Efforts — The Treaty Signed and Ratified —
Reasons for and against the Purchase — The Territory as an Invest-
ment — Its Formal Cession — Influx of American Adventurers — Meas-
ures in Congress — A Country without Law or Protection — Evil Effect
of the Military Occupation — An Emeute at Sitka — Further Troubles
with the Natives — Their Cause — Hootchenoo, or Molasses-rum — Rev-
enue — Suggestions for a Civil Government — Want of Mail Facilities
— Surveys and Explorations
CHAPTER XXIX.
COMMERCE, REVENUE, AND FURS.
1868-1884.
Imports and Exports — Cost of Collecting Revenue — The Hudson's Bay
Company — Smuggling — The Alaska Commercial Company — It Ob-
tains a Lease of the Prybilof Islands — The Terms of the Contract
— Remuneration and Treatment of the Natives — Their Mode of Life
— Investigation into the Company's Management — Statements of
Robert Desty— And of the Secretary of the Treasury — Increase in
the Value of Furs— Remarks of H. W. Elliott— Landing of the Fur-
seals — Their Combats — Method of Driving and Slaughtering — Cur-
ing, Dressing, and Dyeing — Sea-otters — Land Peltry ^. . . 630
CHAPTER XXX.
FISHERIES.
1867-1884.
Salmon Packing— Price and Weight of the Raw Fish— Yukon River
Salmon — Alaskan Canneries — Domestic Consumption and Waste —
The Cod-banks of Alaska — Large Increase in the Catch of Cod-fish
and Decrease in its Value — The Halibut-fisheries — Herring and Her-
ring-oil — Mackerel — The Eulachon or Candle-fish — Value and Pros-
pects of the Alaskan Fisheries — Whaling Enterprise — The North
Pacific Whaling Fleet — Gradual Decrease in the Catch — Threatened
Exhaustion of the Whaling-grounds 660
xxii CONTENTS.
CHAPTEE XXXI.
SETTLEMENTS, AGRICULTURE, SHIP-BUILDETO, AND MINING.
1794-1884.
BAGS
Sitka during the Russian Occupation — The Town Half Deserted — Social
Life at the Capital — The Sitka Library — Newspapers — Fort Wran-
gell — Tongass — Harrisburg — Settlements on Cook Inlet — Kadiak —
Wood Island — Spruce Island — Three Saints — Afognak — The Aleutian
Islands — Volcanic Eruptions and Earthquakes — Saint Michael — Fort
Yukon — Agriculture— Stock-raising — Timber — Ship-building — Coal-
mining — Petroleum, Copper, Quicksilver, Lead, and Sulphur — Silver
and Gold 671
CHAPTER XXXn.
CHURCHES, SCHOOLS, AND HOSPITALS.
1795-1884.
The First Churches in Russian America — A Diocese Established — Veni-
aminof — The Sitka Cathedral — Conversion of the Indians — The Clergy
Held in Contempt — Protestant Missions — Schools — The Sitka Semi-
nary — The General Colonial Institute — Meteorological — Diseases —
Hospitals — The Company's Pensioners — Creoles — Bibliographical 699
CHAPTER XXXin.
ALASKA AS A CIVIL AND JUDICIAL DISTRICT.
1883-1885.
The Organic Act — A Phantom of Civil Government — Proposed Indian
Reservations — Educational Matters — Appointment of United States
Officials — Report of Governor Kinkead — His Successor Appointed —
Schwatka's Voyage on a Raft — Everette's Exploration — Stoney's
Expedition — Mining on the Yukon and its Tributaries — The Takoo
Mines— The Treadwell Lode— Fisheries— Commerce and Navigation 717
AUTHOEITIES QUOTED
IN
THE HISTORY OF ALASKA.
Acta Petropolitana, 1750 et seq. In Librarj- of Congress.
Akademie der Wissenschaften Sitzungsberichte und Abbandlungen. Berlin,
1859 et seq.
Alaska, Archives from Unalaska and St Paul. MS.
Alaska, Army Sketches by an Officer of the U. S. Navy. In Army and
Navy Journal, 1868-9.
Alaska, History of the Wrongs of. San Francisco, 1875.
Alaska, Report of the Icelandic Committee. Washington, 1875.
Alaska, Traders' Protective Association. San Francisco, 1869.
Alaska Commercial Company, Alaska Fur-Seal, n.pl., n.d.; By-laws. S. F.,
1870; Extraordinary Developments in regard to the Monopoly. n.pI.,L d.
Alaska Commercial Company, Taylor vs A. C. Co. [12th Dist. Court, 187^].
MS.
Alaska Fur-Seal Fisheries, Letter of the Secretary of the Treasury [41sfc
Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc, 129]. Washington, 1870.
Alaska Scrap Book, 1868-76, by Agapius Honcharenko. 2 vols.
Alaska Ship Building Company, Petition praying for grant of certain lands.
[43d Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Mis., 13.] Washington, 1875.
Albany (Or.) RegJIter.
Alegre (Francisco Javier), Historia de la Compafiia de Jesus en Nueva Espauia..
Mexico, 1841. 3 vols.
Alturas (Cal.), Modoc Independent.
Alvarado (Juan Bautista), Historia de California. MS. 5 vols.
American Greographical and Statistical Society. New York, 1850 et seq.
American Quarterly Review. Philadelphia, 1827 et seq.
American State Papers. Boston, 1817-19. 12 vols.; Washington, 1832-4;
1858-61. folio. 39 vols.
Anaheim (Cal.), Gazette.
Anderson (Adam), Historical and Chronological Deduction of the Origin of
Commerce. London, 1801. folio. 4 vols.
Anderson (Alexander C), Northwest Coast History. MS.
Andei-son (Alexander C), Notes on Indian Tribes of British North America.
In Historical Mag., vii. 73.
Annals of Congress. [1st to 18th Congress.] Washington, 1834-56. 42 vols.
Antioch (Cal.), Ledger.
Apost61icos Afanes de la Compania de Jesus. Barcelona, 1754.
Arab, Log-book. 1821-5. MS.
Archive del Arzobispado de San Francisco. MS. 5 vols.
Hist. Alaska. 3* (xxiii)
xxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Archive de California. MS. 273 vols., and a great mass of loose papers.
Documents preserved in the U. S. Surveyor-general's office at San Fran-
cisco. Copies in my Collection. Divided as follows: Prov. St. Pap.;
Prov. Rec. ; Dept. St. Pap.; Dept. Rec.
Archivo de las Misioncs. MS. 2 vols.
Archivo del Obispado de Monterey y Los Angeles. MS.
Archivo de Santa Bdrbara. MS. 1 1 vols.
Armstrong (Alexander), Personal Narrative of the Discovery of the North-
west Passage. London, 1857.
Arteaga (Ignacio), Tercera Exploracion, 1779. MS.
Astoria (Or.), Astorian.
Atahualpa. Journal of the Ship. MS. In Library of Department of State.
Washington, D. C.
Atlantic Monthly. Boston, 1858 et seq.
Azanza (Virey), Ynstruccion, 1800. MS.
Baer (Karl Fr. von). See Wi'angell (Contre Admiral V.), Statistische, etc.
Baird (Spencer F.), Fish and Fisheries [41st Cong., 2d Sess., Sen. Mis. Doc,
108; 45th Cong., 2d Sess, Sen. Mis. Doc, 49]. Washington, 1870, 1877.
Balbi (Adi'ien), Introduction a I'Atlas ethnographique du globe. Paris, 1826.
Bancroft (Hubert Howe), History of the Pacific States of North America.
San Francisco, 1882 et seq. 28 vols.; Native Races of the Pacific States.
New York, 1875. 5 vols.
Bancroft Library, MS. Scrap-books, containing classified notes used in writ-
ing Bancroft's works.
Baranova (Alek. A.), Shizneopisanie. [Biography.] St Petersburg, 1835.
Barber (Jolin), and Henry Howe. History of Western States and Terri-
tories. Cincinnati, 1867.
Barrington (Daines), Miscellanies. London, 1781.
BaiTOw (J.), Cook's Voyages of Discovery. London, 1871.
Bashmakof (Feodor), Papers relating to Trial for Sorcery, 1829. MS.
Bayly (William), The Original Astronomical Observations made by Capt.
Cook and Lieut. Jas. King, 1770-80. London, 1782. 4to.
Beaman (C. C), Our New Northwest. In Harper's Monthly. July, 1867.
Beardslee (L. A.), Report on condition of affairs in Alaska [46th Cong., 2d
Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc, 105]. Washington, 1880.
Beechey (F. W. ), Narrative of a Voyage to the Pacific, etc., in 1825-8.
London, 1831, 2 vols.; Philadelphia, 1832.
Beechey (F. W.), Zoology of Voyage. See Richardson (J.) etal.
Belcher (Edward), Narrative of a Voyage round the World in 1836-42. Lon-
don, 1843. 2 vols.
Bell (James), A System of Geography. Glasgow, 1836. 6 vols.
Bell (W. C), The Quiddities of an Alaskan Trip. Portland, Or,, 1873.
Belmont (Nev. ), Courier.
Benton (Thomas H.), Abridgment of Debates in Congress, 1759-1856. New
York, 1857-63. 10 vols.
Benyovski (Maurice A.), Memoirs and Travels. London, 1790.
Berens (Evgeni A.), Puteshestvie korablaR. A. Kompaniy Nikolai. [Voyage
of the Russian American Company's ship Nikolai, 1837-9.] In Zapiski
Hydr. viii.
Berg (Vassili), Khronologicheskaia Istoria. [Chronological History of the
Discovery of the Aleutian Islands.] St Petersburg, 1820.
Berry (M. P.), Developments in Alaska. MS.
Bidwell (John), California, 1841-8. MS.
Bigland (John), A Geographical and Historical View of the World. London,
1810. 5 vols.
Blachke (L.), Topographia modica portus Novo-Archangelscensis. Petropoli,
1842-8.
Blagdon (Francis William), The Modern Geographer. London, n.d. 5 vols.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxv
Blake (Theodore A. ), General Topographical and Geological Features of North-
western Coast of America [40th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc, 177.]
Washington, J 868.
Blake (William P.), Geographical Notes upon Russian America. Washing-
ton, 1868.
Blodgett (Loring), Alaska, what is it worth ? In Lipprncott's Mag. i. 1868.
Bloodgood (C. D.), Eight Months in Sitka. In Overland Monthly, Feb. 1869.
Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Comento de la Navegacion, 1775. MS.
Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Navegacion y Descubrimiento, 1779.
MS.
Bodega y Cuadra (Juan Francisco), Segunda Salida, 1779. MS.
Bodega y Cuadra (.Juan Francisco), Viage de 1775. MS.
Boone (J. H. A.), Russian America. In Atlantic Monthly, June, 1867.
Boston (Mass.), Daily Advertiser, Evening Transcript, Herald.
Boston in the Northwest, Solid Men of. MS.
Brockett (L. P.), Our Western Empire. Philadelphia, etc., 1881.
Brooks (Charles Wolcott), Japanese Wrecks in North Pacific Ocean. San
Francisco, 1876.
Bi-oughton (William R.), A Voyage of Discovery at the North Pacific Ocean.
London, 1804.
Browne (J. Ross), Lower California. See Taylor, Alex. S. ; Report upon the
Mineral Resources of the States and Territories West of the Rocky
Mountains. Washington, 1867; Washington, 1868; San Francisco, 1868.
Bryant (Charles), and H. H. Mclntyre, Report on Alaska. [41st Cong., 2d
Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. 32.] Washington, 1869.
Burke (Edmund), An Account of the European Settlements in America.
London, 1760. 2 vols.; Id., 1770. 2 vols.
Burney (James), Chronological History of North Eastern Voj'ages of Dis-
covery. London, 1819.
Buschman ( Joh. Carl), Die Pima-Sprache und die Sprache der Koloschen, etc.
[Berlin, 1856.] 4to.
Busse, Jurnal Fiir Russland. St Petersburg, 1794.
Bustamante (Cdrlos Maria), Suplemento d Los Tres Siglos de Cave Jalapa,
1870.
Butler (William F.), The Wild North Land. Philadelphia, 1874.
California, Establecimiento y Progresos de las Misiones de la Antigua Cali-
fornia. In Doc. Hist. Mex. , serie iv. torn. iv.
California, Journals of Assembly and Senate, 1st to 24th sessions, 1850-81;
with Appendices — 103 volumes in all.
Calvo (Charles), Recueil Complet des Trait^s de I'Am^rique Latine. Paris,
1862-9. 16 vols.
Camp (David W.), American Year Book. Hartford, 1869.
Campbell (Archibald), A Voyage round the World from 1806-12. Edinburgh,
1816; Roxbury, 1825.
Campbell (.Joseph B.), Letter concerning importation of breech -loading rifles.
[44th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 83.] Washington, 1876.
Cancelada (Juan Lopez), Ruina de la Nueva Espaua. Cadiz, 1811; Teldgrafo
Mexicano. Cadiz, 1813 et seq.
Carr (John A.), Communications to Sec. of War in relation to illicit tralfic in
liquor. [43d Cong., 2d Sess. Sen Docs. 24, 27.] Washington, 1875.
Carson City (Nev.), State Register.
Cartas Edificantes, y Curiosas. Madrid, 1753-7. 16 vols.
Cartography of the Pacific States. San Francisco, 1873. IMS. 3 vols.
Castaiiares (Manuel), Coleccion de documentos relativos al departamento de
Calif ornias. Mexico, 1845.
Castro (]Manuel), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS. 2 vols.
Castroville (Cal.), Argus.
Catald (Magin), Carta sobre Nootka, 1794.' MS.
xxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Chamisso (Louis Charles A. tou), Adelbert von Chamisso's Werke. Vierte-
Auflage. Berlin, 1856. 6 vols. ; Reise included in preceding.
Chappe d'Auteroche, Voyage en Sib6rie. Paris, 1768. 3 vols.; Amsterdam,
1770. 2 vols.
Chateaubriand (F. A.), Voyages en Am6rique. Paris, 1865.
Chicago (111.), Inter-Ocean, Tribune.
Chirikof (Alexei), Zhurnal Puteshestvia. [Journal of Voyages. ] In Imperial
Naval Archives. St. Petersburg. Bundle xvi.
Chistiakof (Peter Y.), Puteshestvie korabla R. A. Kompaniy ^EJZewa. [Voyage
of the Russian American Company's ship Elena 1824-6.] In Zapiski
Hydr. viii.
Choris (Louis), Voyage Pittoresque autour du Monde. Paris, 1822. folio.
Clavigero (Francisco Saverio), Storia della California. Venezia, 1789. 2
vols.
Cleveland (Richard J.), Narrative of Voyages. Cambridge, 1842. 2 vols.;
Boston, 1850.
Coffin (James Heniy), Winds of the Globe. Washington, 1875.
Coleccion de Documentos In^ditos para la Historia de Espaua. Madrid,
1842-80. 71 vols. [S. F. Law Library.]
CoUinson (R.), Accotmt of the Proceedings of H. M. S. Enterprise from Beh-
rkig Strait to Cambridge Bay. In Lond. Geog. Soc, Jour. xxv. 194.
Columbia, Department of, General Orders. 1865 et seq.
Colyer (Vincent), Bombardment of Wrangell. Wash., 1870; Fur-seal Fish-
eries of Alaska [41st Cong. 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 144.] Wash., 1870^
Report on Indian Affaii-s. n.pl., n.d.
Conant (Charles T. ), Letter concerning the killing of fur -bearing animals. In
S. F. Bulletin, March 12, 1877.
Congressional Globe. Washington, 1836 et seq. 4to.
Congressional Record. Washington, 1874 et seq.
Cook (James), Ti'oisi^me Voyage h 1 'Ocean Pacifique 1776-80. Paris, 1785.
4to. 4 vols.
Cook (James), Voyage to the Pacific Ocean 1776-80. London, 1784. 4to. 3
vols, plates in folio; London, 1784, 4to. 4 vols.; Philadelphia, 1818, 2
vols.
Cooley (W. D. ), Maritime and inland discovery. London, 1830-1. 3 vols.
Coues (Elliott), The Fur-bearing Animals of North America. Boston, 1877;
also inU. S. Geol. Surv. of the Territories. Hayden, Mis. Pub. viii.
Coxe (William), Account of tlic Russian Discoveries between Asia and Amer-
ica. Loudon, 1787.
Crespi (Juan), Diario de la Expedicion de Mar., 1774. In Palou, Not., i. 624.
Cronise (Titus Fey), Natural Wealth of California. San Francisco, 1868; Id.
•with illustrations and corrections.
Dall (William Healey), Alaska and its resources. Boston, 1870; Is Alaska a
paying investment. In Harper's Monthly, Jan., 1872; Letter concerning
General Thomas' Alaska report. , In Boston Daily Advertiser; Letter to
Elliott and Maynard on condition of affairs in Alaska. Wash., 1875; On
the relative value of Alaska to the United States. In Wash. Philosop.
Soc. Bull., May 1871; Report upon the agricultural resources of Alaska.
Wash., 1869; Report on Mt. St. Elias. In U. S. Coast Survey Rpt, 1875.
Dallas (A. G.), San Juan, Alaska and the north-west boundary. London,
1873.
Dalles (Or.), Mountaineer.
Daly (Charles P,), Aimual Address Jan. 25, 1870. In American Geog. and
Stat. Jour., vol. ii., pt. ii. Ixxxiii.
Davidof (Gavrila I.), Dvukratnoie Puteshestvie. [Two Voyages to America.]
St Petersburg, 1810. 2 vols.
Davidson (George), Coast Pilot of Alaska. Wash., 1869; Directory for Pacific
Coast. Wash., 1868; Scientific Expedition to Alaska. In Lippincott'a
Mag., 1868, Nov. 467.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxvii
Davis (Horace), Record of Japanese vessels driven upon Northwest Coast.
Worcester, 1872.
Davis (William H.), Glimpses of the Past in California. MS. 2 vols.
Dawson (George M,), Note on some of the most Recent Changes in level of
the Coast. Montreal, 1877.
Dease (Peter Warren), and Thomas Simpson, Account of Recent Arctic Dis-
coveries. In Lond. Geog. Soc, Jour. viii. 213.
Delafield (John Jr. ), An Inquuy into the origin of the Antiqiiities of America.
Cincinnati, 1839.
Departmental Records. MS. 14 vols. In Archivo de Cal.
Departmental State Papers. MS. 20 vols. In Archiv^o de Cal. ; Id. Benicia
Custom-House. 8 vols.; Id., Benicia Military, vols. 53 to 87.
De Poletica (Pierre de). Correspondence with Sec. of State, Ap. 2, 1822. In
Annals of Cong. 1822, ii. 2142.
De Smet (P. J.), Missions de I'Oregon. Gand. n.d. ; Oregon Missions. New
Yoi-k, 1847; Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses. Lille, 1859.
Directories, Pacific Coast Business, Langley 1871-3; Puget Sound. Murphy
and Haruet.
Disturnell (J.), Influence of Climate in North and South America. New
York, 1867.
Dixon (George), Remarks on the Voyages of John Meares, Esq. London,
1790; Voyage autour du Monde 1785-8. Paris, 1789. 2 vols.; Voyage
round the World 1785-8. London, 1789. 4to.
Dobbs (Arthur), Account of the Countries adjoining to Hudson's Bay. Lon-
don, 1744.
Dodge (Wm. Sumner), Oration at Sitka July 4, 1868. San Francisco, 1868.
Dokhturof (Pavel A.), Puteshestvie Kronshtadta do Amerikanskikh Kolo-
niakh. [Voyage from Kronstadt to the Colonies 1820-2.] In Zapiski
Hydr. viii.
Doklad Komiteta ob Ustroistvo Russkikh Amerikanskikh Koloniy. [Report
of Committee on Reorganization of Russian -American Colonies.] St
Petersburg, 1863-4. 2 vols.
Douglas (Sir James), Journal 1840-1. MS.
Douglas (Sir James), Private Papers, 1st and 2d series. MS. 2 vols.
Douglas (Sir James), Voyage to the Northwest Coast. In Id, Journal MS.
Douglass (William), Summary, Historical and Political, etc. of the British
Settlements in North-America. Boston, 1755. 2 vols.
Downieville (Cal.), Mountain Messenger.
Du Hailly (Edouard), L'Exp6dition de Petropavlosk. In Revue des deux
Mondes, 1858.
Duhaut-Cilly (A.), Viaggio intorno al Globo. Torino, 1841. 2 vols.
Dunn (John), The Oregon Territory and the British N. American fur>trade.
Philadelphia, 1845.
Edinburgh Review. Edinburgh, 1802, et seq.
Elisa (Francisco), Salida de los tres buques para Nootka ailo de 1790. MS.
Elisa (Francisco), Tabla diaria de los buques para el puerto de Nootka, 1790.
MS.
Elisa (Francisco), Voyage 1791, Extracts from. In Papers relating to Treaty
of Wash, v., 176; also in Reply of the United States, 97.
Elliot (George H.), The Presidio of San Francisco. In Overland, iv. 336.
Elliott (Henry Wood), The History and Present Condition of the Fishery
Industries. Wash.. 1881; Report upon condition of affairs in Alaska
[44th Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 33.] Wash., 1875; Ten Years
acquaintance with Alaska. In Harper's Monthly, 1877.
Ellis (W.), Authentic Narrative of a Voyage in search of a North-west Pas-
sage in 1776-80. London, 1784. 2 vols.
Engel (Samuel), Geographische und kritische Nachrichten und Anmerkun-
gen liber die Lage der nordlichen Gegenden von Asien und Amerika.
Mitau, 1772.
xxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Erman (A.), Arcliiv fur wissenchaftliche Kunde von Rnssland. Berlin, 1848.
Etholin, Extracts from letters to the Board of Managers of the Russiaa
American Company, concerning Ross Colony. 1841. MS.
Eureka (Cal. ) Northern Independent, West Coast Signal.
Evans (Elwood), History of Oi-egon. MS.
Extracts from Accounts of Russian American Company concerning Ross-
Settlement in 1847 and 1850. MS.
Falconer (Thomas), On the Discovery of the Mississippi. London, 1844; The
Oregon Question. London, 1845.
Farnham (J. T. or Thos. J.), Life, Adventures and Travels in Cal. Pictorial
ed. New York, 1857.
F6dix (P. A.), L'Or^gon et les cotes de I'Ocdan Pacifique. Paris, 1846,
Fernandez (Jose), Cosas de California. MS.
Fernandez (Jos6), Documentos para la Historia de California. MS.
Fidalgo (Salvador), Tabia de Descubrimientos de 1790. MS.
Fidalgo (Salvador), Viage de 1790. MS.
Filatof (Nikander I.), Puteshestvie na korabli Aiahs na Severo-zapadnom
beregu Amerike. [Voyage of the Aialcs toward the north-west coast of
America. 1821.] In Zapiski Hydr., viii.
Findlay (Alexander G.), Directory for the Navigation of the Pacific Ocean.
London, 1851. 2 vols.
Finlayson (Roderick), Vancouver Island and the Northwest Coast. MS.
Fischer (J. Eberhard), Sibirische Geschichte. St Petersburg, 1768. 2 vols.
Flint (Timothy), History and Geography of the Mississippi Valley. Cincin-
nati, 1832. 2 vols.
Forbes (Alexander), California, A History of. London, 1839.
Forster (John Reinhold), History of Voyages and Discoveries made in the
North. London, 1786. 4to.
Franchere (Gabriel), Narrative of a Voyage to the Northwest Coast of
America, 1811-14. Redfield, 1854.
Freimann (G.), Letters. In Zapiski Russk. Geogr. Obshestvo, i.
Galaxy (The). New York, 1866 et seq.
Gmelin (Johann), Flora Siberica sive historia plantarum. St Petersburg,
1751-2. 4 vols. Voyage en Sib^rie. Paris, 1767. 2 vols.
Goddard (Frederick B.), Where to Emigrate, and Why. New York,. 1869.
Gold Hill (Nev.), News.
Goldschmidt (Albert), See Cartography of the Pacific Coast.
Goidstone (Louis), Memorial relative to Alaska seal fishery. [42d Cong. 1st.
Sess., H. Mis. Doc. 5.] Washington, 1873.
Golovnin (V. M.), Puteshestvie na shloope Kamchatka^ 1815-19; [Voyage of
the Kamchatka.'] In Materialui, pt iv. ; Review of Russian Colonies; In
Russ. Am. Col., iii. 2; Zapiski. [Letters on condition of Russian Amer-
ican Colonies.] In Materialui, pt. i.
Gordon (.James Bentley), Historical and Geographical Memoir of the N.
American Continent. Dublin, 1820. 4to.
Grass Valley (Cal.), Foot Hill Tidings, National, Union.
Greenhow (Robert), History of Oregon and California. Boston, 1844; London,
1844; New York, 1845; Boston, 1845; Boston, 1847; Memoir, Historical
and Political, on the Northwest Coast of North America. [26th Cong.
1st Sess., Sen. Doc. 174.] Wash. 1840.
Grewingk (C), Beitrag zur Kenntnissder orographischen, etc., der Nordwest
kiiste Amerikas. St Petersburg, 1850.
Habersham (A. W.), North Pacific Surveying and Exploring Expedition.
Philadelphia, 1858.
Hansard (T. C), Parliamentary Debates from 1803. London, 1812-77. [S..
F. Law Library. ]
Harper's New Monthly Magazine. New York, 1856 et seq.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxix
Hartford (Conn.), Courant.
Harvey (Mrs. Daniel), Life of John McLoughlin. MS.
Haswell (Robert), Voyage of the Columbia Rediviva, 1787, 1791-2. MS.
Hazlitt (Wm. Carew), British Columbia and Vancouver's Island. London,
1858.
Healdsburg (Cal.), Russian River Flag.
Heceta (Bruno), Diario del Viage de 1775. MS.
Heceta (Bruno), Espedicion Maritima. In Palou, Not., ii. 229.
Heceta (Bruno), Segunda Exploracion, 1775, MS.
Heceta (Bruno), Viage de 1775. MS.
Hines (Gustavus), Oregon: Its History, Condition, etc. Buffalo. 1851.
Historical Magazine and Notes and Queries. Boston, etc., 1857-69. 15 vols.
Hittell (John S.), The Commerce and Industries of the Pacific Coast. San
Francisco, 1882. 4to.
Hodgedon (D. B.), Report of Ascent of Makushin Mountain. [40th Cong.,
2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 177.] Washington, 1869.
Holmberg (H. J.), Ethnographische Skizzen iiber die Volker des Russischen
Amerika. Helsingfors, 1855.
Honolulu, Friend, 1843 et seq.; Polynesian, 1857 et seq.; Sandwich Island
Gazette, 1836 et seq.; Sandwich Island News, 1846 et seq.
Honcharenko (Agapius), Address to the People of Alaska. In Alaska Her-
ald 1868; Commercial Correspondence to Oppenheim & Co. of London
from Oct. 1868 to Jan. 1873; Scrap Book, see Alaska.
Hooper (W. H. ), Ten Months among the Tents of the Tuski. London, 1853.
Howard (0. 0.), Report of Tour in Alaska, June 1875. [44th Cong. 1st
Sess., Sen. Doc. 12.] Washington, 1876.
Hudson's Bay Company, Report from special committee. London, 1857.
Humboldt (Alex, de), Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne.
Paris, 1811. folio. 2 vols, and atlas.
Hunt's Merchant's Magazine. New York, 1839 et seq.
Hutchings' Illustrated California Magazine. San Francisco, 1857-61. 5 vols.
Imperial Naval Archives. St Petersburg, 1704 et seq.
Imray (James F.), Sailing Directions for the West Coast of North America.
London, 1868.
Intercolonial Correspondence of Sitka. Office of Russian American Com-
pany, in Sitka Archives. MS. vols, i.-xxiii.
International Review. New York, 1881 et seq.
Irving (Washington), Astoria. New York, 1860»
Islenief, Nouvelle carte des d6couvertes faites par des vaisseaux Russiens.
Moscow, 1773.
Ismailof (Stepan), Zhurnal. [Journal.] MS. In Library of Department of
State. Washington, D. C.
Ivashintsof (N.), Russkia krugosvetnuia puteshestvie. [Russian Voyages
round the World.] In Zapiski Hydr., vii. viii.
Jackson (Sheldon), Alaska, and Missions on North Pacific Coast. New
York, 1880; Alaska and its inhabitants. In American Antiq., ii. Oct.,
Dec. 1879. 105; Education in Alaska [47th Cong. 1st Sess., Sen. Ex.
Doc. 30]. Washington, 1881.
Jacksonville (Or.), Reveille, Sentinel.
Jenkins (John S.), U. S. Exploring Expeditions. Auburn, 1850.
Jewitt (John R. ), Narrative of his Adventures. Ithaca, 1849.
Journal and Proceedings of the Imperial Academy of St Petersburg from
1780 to 1867.
Juarez (Cayetano), Notas sobre Asuntos de Cal. MS.
Juvenal, Journal, 1796. MS.
Kadnikof (Nikolai K.), Puteshestvie korabla R. A. Kompaniy iV/i-ofeJ, 1839-
41. [Voyage of the Russian American Company's ship Nikolai, 1839-41.]
In Zapiski Hydr., viii;
XXX AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Kamchatka, Archives, 1792-1804. MS. and print.
Kamchatka, History of. Glocester, 176i.
Kamchatka, des Isles Kurilski et des conti-ees voisines, Histoire de. Lyon,
1767. 2 vols.
Kane (Thomas L.), Alaska and the Polar Regions. New York. 1868.
Karta Vkhodof K. Novo Arkhangelskomu Forty, etc., 1809, 1833, 1848.
Kelly (Walter), History of Russia. London, 1854. 2 vols.
Kerr (Robert), General History and Collection of Voyages. Edinburgh, etc.,
1824. 18 vols.
Khlebnikof (K.), Zapiski o Amerika. [Letters about America.] St Peters-
burg, 1861.
Khramtzof (A.), Diary. MS. In Library of Department of State. Wash-
ington, D. C. ; also printed in Morskoi Sbormik.
Khromtchenko, Puteshestvie v Rossiyskom Araeriku. [Voyage to Russian
America.] In St Petersburg Archives of History, 1824.
Khru'shchef (Stepan), Puteshestvie Voiennago shloopa Apollon, 1821-24,
[Voyage of the Apollon, 1821-24.] In Zapiski Hydr., viii.
Kirby (W. W.), Journey to the Yukon. In Smithsonian Rept., 1864, 416.
Kislakovski (Ivan M.), Puteshestvie iz Kronshtadta do Sitkhi, 1821-2.
[Voyage from Kronstadt to Sitka, 1821-2.] In Zapiski Hydr., viii.
Kittlitz (F. H.), Denkwiirdigkeiten einer Reise nach dem Russischen Amer-
ika. Gotha, 1858. 2 vols.
Klochkof (Efim A.), Puteshestvie iz Khronhstadta do Sitkhi, 1821-2. [Voy-
age from Kronstadt to Sitka, 1821-2.] In Zapiski Hydr., viii.
Knox (Thomas W.), The Russian American Telegraph. In Excelsior Mag.,
1. No. 7, 1869.
Kohl (J. G.), A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North Amer-
ica. Portland, 1869; Popular History of the Discovery of America,
London, 1862. 2 vols.
Konny-gcn (Ivan), Statement in regard to Nulato Massacre. MS.
Kostlivtzof (N.), Vuadomost o nastoiastchem polozheniy rossiysko-Ameri-
kanskikh Koloniy. [Report of present condition of Russian American
Colonies.] St Petersburg, 1860.
Kostromitin (Peter), Early Times in the Aleutian Islands. MS.
Kotzebue (Otto von). Voyage of Discovery into the South Sea and Beering's
Straits. Berlin, 1819, and London, 1821. 3 vols.
Kotzebue (Otto von). New Voyage round the World. London, 1830. 2 vols.;
Voyage of Discovery. London, 1831. 3 vols.
Krasheninnikof (Stepan P.), History of Kamchatka. Glocester, 1764.
Kruger (Alfred), Reminiscences. MS.
Krusenstern (A. J. von). Voyage round the World, 1803-6. London, 1813.
2 vols. ; Worter-Sammlungen. St Petersburg, 1813. 4to.
La Harpe (Jean F.), Abrt5g6 de I'Histoire G^n^rale des Voyages. Paris, 1816.
24 vols, and atlas.
Langsdorff (G. H. von), Voyages and Travels, 1803-7. Lond., 1813-14, 2
vols.
La Pcrouse (J. G. F, de). Voyage autour du Monde, Paris, 1798, 4 vols,
atlas folio; Voyage round the World, 1785-8. Lond., 1798. 3 vols.;
Boston, 1801.
Laplace (C. P. T.), Campagne de Circumnavigation. Paris, 1841-54. 6 vols,
Latham (Robt. G.j, The Native Races of the Russian Empire. London, 1854,
Lazaref (A.), Opis puteshestvia vokrug svieta na shloope Ladoga, 1822-4.
[Description of a Voyage round the World in the sloop Ladofja, 1822-
24.] In Materialui.
Ledyard (John), A Jounial of Capt. Cook's last Voyage to the Pacific Ocean.
Hartford, 1873.
Lessei:>s (Jean B. B. ), Journal historique du voyage dans I'expedition de la
P(5rouse. Paris, 1790. 2 vols.; Travels in Kamtschatka, 1787-8. London,
1790. 2 vols.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xjod
Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses. Lyon, 1819. 14 vols.
LippirKjott's Magazine. Philadelphia, 18GS et seq.
L'Isle (J. N. de). Explication de la Carte des Nouvelles Decouvertes au Nord.
Paris, 1752. 4to.
Lisiansky (Uri), A Voyage round the World, 1803-6. London, 1814. 4to.
Log Books of Vessels of Russian- American Company. In Sitka Archives.
MS. 15 vols.
London, Daily Graphic, Globe, Times.
London Geographical Society Journal. London, 1831-70. 40 vols.
Los Angeles (Cal.), Express, News, Star.
Liitke (Feodor P.), Puteshestvie vokrug svieta, etc., Seniavln, 1826-9. [Jour-
ney round the World on the sloop Seniavin, 1826-9.] St Petersburg,
1835; Voyage autour du monde sur la corvette le Seniavine. Paris,
1835-6.
McCabe (James D.), A Comprehensive View of our Country and its Resources.
Philadelphia, etc. n.d.
McDonald (J. L.), Hidden Treasures, etc. Gloucester, 1871.
McFarlane (James), The Coal-regions of America. New York, 1873.
McGregor (John), The Progress of America. London, 1847. 2 vols.
Mackenzie (Alexander), Voyage from Montreal to the Frozen and Pacific
Oceans, 1789-93. London, 1801. 4to; New York, 1814.
McKonochie, A Summary View of the Statistics, etc. , of the Pacific Ocean.
London, 1818.
Macpherson (David), Annals of Commerce. London, 1801. 4to. 4 vols.
Malaspiiia, Disertacion sobre la legitimidad de la navegacion hecha en 1588.
In Col. Doc. In6d., xv. 228; Viaje, 1795. In Navarrete, Viages.
Maldonado (Lorencio Ferrer), Relacion del Descubrimiento del Estrecho de
Anian. In Pacheco and Cdrdenas, Col. Doc. , v. 420; Voyage de la Mer
Atlantique d I'Ocean Pacifique. Plaisance, 1812. 4to.
Malte-Brun (V. A.), Precis de la Geographic Universelle. Bruxelles, 1839.
6 vols, and atlas.
Manglave (Eug6ne de), Resum6 de I'Histoire de Mexique. Paris, 1826.
Marchand (Etienne), Voyage autour du Monde, 1790-2. Paris, n.d. 5 vols.
Markof (Alexey), Ruskie na Vostotchnom, Okeane, etc. [The Russians ou
the Eastern Ocean.] St. Petersburg, 1856.
Marmier (Xavier), En Am6rique et en Europe. Paris, 1860.
Martin (R. M.), The Hudson's Bay Ten-itories, etc. London, 1849.
Martinez (Est6van Jos6), and Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, Cuarta Exploracion,
1788. MS.
Marysville(Cal.), Appeal, California Express.
Massachusetts Historical Society. Proceedings, 1863-4. Boston, 1864.
Materialui dla Istoriy Russkikh Zasseleniy. [Material for the History of
Russian Settlements.] â– St Petersburg, 1861. 4 parts.
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Compendio de Noticias, Viage de, 1774. MS.
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Diario del Viage dela Sonora. 1775. MS.
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Journal of a Voyage in 1775. London, 1780.
Maurelle (Francisco Antonio), Navegacion, 1779. MS.
Maury (M. F.), The Physical Geography of the Sea. New York, 1855; Id.,
1856; Id., 1857, many other editions.
Mayer Manuscripts. A collection of 30 copies from Mex. archives.
Maynard (Washburn), Report on Alaska seal-fisheries [44th Cong., 1st Sess.,
H. Ex. Doc, 43]. Washington, 1875.
Meares (John), Account of Trade between North West Coast of America and
China. In Meares' Voy.. ed. London, 1790, Ixvii. ; Answer to ISIr George
Dixon. London, 1791; Voyages in 1788-89 from China to the N. W.
Coast of America, London, 1790. 4to; Id., 1791. 2 vols.
Melanges Russes Tires du Bulletin Historico Philologique. St Petersburg,
1858.
xxxu AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
J^Inanie Gosudarstvennavo sovieta, 1865 and 1866. [Opinion of Imperial
Council.] MS. copies.
Mofras (Eugene Duflot de); Exploration de I'Or^gon, des Calif ornies, etc.
Paris, 1844, 2 vols, and atlas.
Mohan (H.) et al., Pen Pictures of our Representative Men. Sac, 1880.
Morris (William G.), Report upon the resources of Alaska [45th Cong., 3d
Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc, 59.] Wash., 1879.
Morskoi Sbornik. [Marine Miscellany.] St Petersburg, 1848 et seq.
Miiller (Gerhard F. ), Sammlung russischer Geschichten. St Petersburg, 1732-
64. 9 vols.; Voyages from Asia to Amei-ica. London, 1761; Voyages et
d^couvertes faites par les Russes. Amsterdam, 1766.
Muravief (Matvei I.), Puteshestvie korabl. R. A. Kompaniy Elena iz Sitkhi.
[Voyage of the Russian American Company's ship Elena from Sitka,
1826.] In Zapiski Hydr., viii.
Murphy (T. G. ), History of Alaska. In Alaska Times.
Murphy and Harnet. See Directories. Puget Sound.
Murray (Hugh), Historical Account of Discoveries and Travels in N. Amer-
ica. London, 1829. 2 vols.
Nanaimo (B. C), Free Press, Gazette.
Napa City (Cal. ), Napa County Reporter, Register.
Narrative of Occurrences in the Indian Countries of N. America. London,
1817.
Navarrete (Martin Fernandez), Introduccion. In Sutil y Mexicana, Viage;
Viages Apocrifos. In Col. Doc, In^d., xv.
Neue Naclirichten von denen neuentdekten Insuln in der see zwischen Asien
und Amerika. Hamburg, etc., 1776.
Nevada (Cal.), Journal, Transcript.
New Helvetia, Diary of Events in 1S45-8. MS.
"Nev,- York, Commercial Journal, Forest and Stream, Graphic, Herald, Illus-
trated Christian Weekly, Journal of Commerce, Post, Sun, Sunday
Times, Times, Tribune.
Nicolay (C. G.), The Oregon Territory. London, 1846.
Niles' Register. Baltimore, etc, 1811-49. 76 vols.
Nordenskjold (A. E. ), The Voyage of the Vega. New York, 1882.
North American Review. Boston, 1819 et seq.
Northern Passage, Summary Observations and Facts to Show the Practicabil-
ity of Success. London, 1776.
Notice sur la Cal6dome Occidentale. In Nouv. An. Voy., xiv. 47.
Nouvelles Anuales des Voyages. Paris, 1819-60. 168 vols.
Novosti Literatura. [Literary Novelties.] St Petersburg, 1823 et seq.
Oakland (Cal.), News, Press, Transcript.
Ogorodnikof (Ivan), Ot Niu Yorka do San Francisco. [From New York to
San Francisco.] St Petersburg, 1869.
Olafsson (J(jn), Alaska Lysing a landi og Lands-Kostum, etc. Washington,
1875.
Olympia (Wash.), Commercial Age, Echo, Pacific Tribune, Puget Sound
Courier, Territorial Republican, Transcript.
Overland Monthly. San Francisco, 1868-75. 15 vols.
Pacheco (Joaquin F.), and Cardenas et al., Coleccion de Documentos In6di-
tos relativos al Descubrimiento, Conquista y Colonizacion de las Pose-
siones Espanolas en America. Madrid, 1864-81. 34 vols.
Pacific Medical and Surgical Journal. San Fi-ancisco, 1858 et seq.
Pallas (Peter S.), Russiyskikh Olkrytiakh, etc. [Description of Northern
Archipelago.] In Sobranie, Nordische Beitriige. St Petersburg, etc.,
1781-96. 7 vols.; Reise durch verschiedene provinzen der Russischen
Reichs. St Petersburg, 1771-6. 3 vols.
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. sxxiii
Palmer (A. H.), Memoir, Geographical, Political, and Commercial, on the
present state, etc., of Siberia. [30th Cong., 1st Sess., Sen. Mis. Doc. 80.1
Wash., 1848.
Palou (Francisco), Noticias de la California. Mexico, 1857. In Doc. Hist,
Mex., ser. iv. torn, vi.-vii. ; San Francisco, 1874. 4 vols.; Relacion His-
torica de la Vida etc. de Junipero Serra. Mexico, 1787.
Papers relating to the Treaty of Washington. Vol. v. Berlin Arbitration.
Washington, 1872.
Patterson (Samuel), Narrative of Adventures and Sufferings in Pacific Ocean.
Palmer, 1817.
Payne (John), A New and Complete System of Universal Geography. New
York, 1798. 4 vols.
Peirce (Henry A.), Journal of Voyages, 1839-42. MS.
Peirce (Henry A.), Plough Sketch. MS.
Pelham (Cavendish), The World. London, 1808. 4to. 2 vols.
Pena (Tomas), Diario de Viage de Perez, 1774. MS,
Pereleshin (Nikolai), Doklad. [Report.] In Morskoi, Sbomik.
Perez (Juan), Relacion del Viage, 1774. MS.
Perez (Juan), Tabla Diaria. 1774. MS.
Perry (M. C. ), Narrative of the Expedition of an American Squadron to the
China Sea. Washington, 1850. 4to. 3 vols.
Petaluma (Cal.), Argus, Crescent, Journal and Argus.
Petit-Thouars (Abel), Voyage autour du Monde, 1836-9. Paris, 1840-4.
5 vols.
Petrof (Ivan), Alaska as it is. In International Review. Feb. 1881; Limit
of the Innuit Tribes on the Alaska Coast, In American Naturalist, July
1882; Population and Resources of Alaska. [46th Cong., 3d Sess., H. Ex.
Doc. 40.] Wash., 1881.
Petrof (Ivan), The Management of the Russian American Company. MS.
Philadelphia, Inquirer,
Picolo (Francisco M.), Memorial sobre el estado de las misiones nuevamente
establecidas en la California. In Cartas Edificantes, iii. 257.
Pinart (Alphonse), Les Almontes et leur Origine. In Revue Orientale, xii.
155; La Caverne dAkauank He d'Ounga. Paris, 1875; Eskimaux et
Koloches Id^es Religieuses, etc. Paris, 1873; Notes sur les Koloches.
Paris, 1873; Note sur les Atkahs. Paris, 1873; Voyages k la Cote Nord
Ouest de I'Amerique. Paris, 1875. folio; La chasse aux ammaux marins
et les p6cheries chez les Indigenes de la cote N. 0. Boulogne, S. M., 1875.
8vo.
Pinkerton (John), General Collection of Voyages and Travels. London,
1808-14. 4to. 17 vols.
Pioche (Nev.), Record.
Placerville (Cal.), Mountain Democrat.
Plestcheief (Sergi I.), Survey of the Russian Empire. London, 1792.
Politofsky (N.), Kratkoie Istoricheskoie Obozranie Obrazovanie y Deistvie
Rossiysko-Amerik., etc. [Brief historical review of origin and transac-
tions of Russian American Company.] St Petersburg, 1861.
Ponafidin (Zakiiar I.), Puteshestvie iz Kallao do Sitkhi 1816-18. [Voyage
from Callao to Sitka, 181G-18.] In Zapiski Hydr. vii.
Portland (Or.), Bee, Bulletin, Commercial, Deutche Zeitung, Herald, Oregon
Herald, Oregonian, Standard, Telegram, West Shore,
Portlock (Nathaniel), Voyage round the World, 1785-8. London, 1785-8, 4to.
PortTownsend (Wash.), Argus, Democratic Press, Message.
Potechin (V.), Settlement of Ross. St Petersburg, 1859,
Poussin (G. T.), Question de I'Or^gon. Paris, 1846; The United States.
Philadelphia, 1851.
Prescott (Ariz.), Arizona Miner.
Quarterly Review. London, 1809^ et seq.
xxxiv AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Radio (L.), Einige Nachrichten iiber die Sprache der Kaiganen. St Peters-
burg, 1858.
Randolph (Edmund), Oration before Society of Cal. Pioneers, Sept. 1860.
In Hutchings' Mag., v. 263.
Raymond (Charles W.), Report of Yukon River and island of St Paul. Jan.
1, 1870 [41st Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 112]. Washington, 1870.
Raynal (G. T.), Histoire Philosophique. Paris, 1820-1. 12 vols, and atlas.
Recherches Philosophiques sur les Americains. London, 1770. 2 vols.
Red Bluff (Cal.), Independent, Sentinel.
Revilla Gigedo (Virey), Informe de 12 Abril, 1793. In Bustamante Suple-
mento, iii. 112.
Revue des Deux Mondes. Paris, 1839 et seq.
Revue Orientale et Americaine. Paris, 1859 et seq.
Richardson (Sir John), Arctic Searching Expedition. London, 1851. 2 vols.;
The Polar Regions. Edinburgh, 1861.
Richardson (J.) et al., Zoology of Beechey's Voyage. Lond., 1839-40.
Ridpath (John C), A Popular History of the U. S. New York, 1877.
Rivinus (Edward F. ), Atlantis, Journal des Neuesten und Wissenswiirdigsteu
â– etc. Leipzig, 1827.
Rocky Mountain Presbyterian. Denver, 1877 et seq.
Rogers (Commander John), Letters on Surveying Expedition to North Pacific
Ocean, Berings Straits, and China Seas, Aug. 1854 to June 1855. MS.
2 vols. In U. S. Navy Department. Washington, D. C.
Roquefeuil (Camille), Journal d'un Voyage autour du Monde, 1816-19. Paris,
1823. 2 vols. ; Voyage round the World, 1816-19. London, 1823.
Roseburg (Or.), Western Star.
Ross (John), Narrative of a second voyage in search of a N. W. Passage.
London, 1835.
Ross Colony, Documents relating to. In Russian Amer. Col. v.
Rossi [L'Abb6), Souvenirs d'un Voyage en Oregon et en Califomie. Paris,
1864.
Rotchef (Alex.), Deed of Ross to Sutter, 1841. MS.
Rothrock (Joseph T.), Flora of Alaska. In Smithsonian Report 1867. 433.
Rouhaud (Hippolyte), Les Regions Nouvelles. Paris, 1868.
Russia. Imperial Geographical Society. St Petersburg, etc., 1863 et seq.
Russia, Official Documents. Department of Foreign Affairs; Ministry of the
Interior; Ministry of War.
Russia, Treaty with. Report of Committee of Foreign Affairs, May 18, 1868.
[40th Cong., 2d Sess., H. Report 37.] Washington, 1868.
Russian America, A Collection. 7 vols. MS.
Russian America, Message of the President of the U. S. Feb. 17, 1868. [40th
Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 177.] Washington, 1868.
Russian American Company, Archives. St Petersburg, 1799-1867.
Russian American Company, Charters of 1799, 1821, 1842. In Tikhmenef
1st. Oboz. and Materialui.
Russian American Fur Company, Accounts, 1847-50. MS.
Russian American Telegraph, Statement of the Origin, Organisation, etc,
Rochester, 1866.
Sacramento (Cal.), Bee, Record, Record-Union, Reporter.
Saint Amant (M. de). Voyages en Califomie et dans FOr^gon. Paris, 1854,
Saint Petersburg, Archives of History.
Salem (Or.), Capital, Chronicle. Mercury, Oregon Statesman, Record.
Salt Lake City, Herald.
Salvatierra (Juan Maria), Cuatro Cartas sobre misiones en Californias, Nov.
1697.^ In Doc. Hist. Mcx., serie ii., torn. i. 103; Informe al Virey, May
25, 1705. In Venegas, Noticia ii.
Sammlung aller Reisebeschi-eibungen. Leipzig, 1747-74. 4to. 21 vols.
San Francisco Newspapers. Alaska Appeal, Alaska Herald, Alaska Tribune,
Alta California, Argonaut, Call, Christian Advocate, Chronicle, Com-
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxv
mercial Herald and Market Review, Evening Bulletin, Examiner, Golden
Era, Herald, Journal of Commerce, Mining and Scientific Press, News
Letter, Occident, Pacific Churchman, Pacific Rural Press, Post, Scientific
Press, Stars and Stripes, Temperance Advocate, Times, Tribune.
San Jos6 (Cal. ), Argus, Mercury, Patriot, Santa Clara Argus.
Sankt Petersburger Kalender 1750, et seq.
San Luis Obispo (Cal.), Tribune.
Santa Barbara (Cal.), Press.
Santa Clara (Cal.), News.
Santa Cruz (Cal. ), County Times, Sentinel.
Sarychef (Gavrila A.), Puteshestvie i korabl Othrytie. [Voyage of sloop
Otkn/tie.] St Petersburg, 1802. 4to. 2 vols.
Sauer (Martin), Account of a Geographical and Astronomical Expedition to
the Northern Parts of Russia. London, 1802.
Scala (Comte de). Influence de I'Ancien Comptoir Russe en California. In
Nouv. An. Voy., cxliv. 375.
Scamnion (Charles M. ), Cod-Fishery, in Overland, iv. 436; Fur Seals, in
Overland, iii. 393; Whaling, Northern, in Overland, v. 548; A Russian
Boat- Voyage, in Overland, xv. 554.
Scherer (Jean B.), Recherches Historiques et Geqgraphiques sur le Nouveau
Monde. Paris, 1777.
Schlozer (August L.), AUgemeine Geschichte von dem Norden. Halle, 1771.
Schmcilder (Capt. B.), Neuer Praktischer Wegweiser fiir Nord-Amerika.
Mainz, 1849.
Seattle (Wash.), Intelligencer, Pacific Tribune, Piiget Sound Dispatch.
Seeman (Berthold), Narrative of the Voyage of the Herald 1845-51. Loudon,
1853. 2 vols.
Seward (William H.), Communication upon the subject of an intercontinental
telegraph. Wash., 1864; Our North Pacific States (Speeches), Aug. 1869.
Wash., 1869.
Sgibnef (Alex. S.), Istoricheskie Ocherki. [Historical Sketches.] In Morskoi
Sbornik, vol ci-ciii.
Shabelski (Achille), Voyageaux colonies russes 1821-23. St Petersburg, 1826.
Shaw (Francis A.), Brief History of Russia. Boston, 1877.
Shelikof (Grigor), Pervoie Stranstvovanie, etc. [First Voyages of the Russian
Merchants, 1783 and 1787.] St Petersburg, 1790; Proilolshenie [Further
Voyages 1788]. St Petersburg, 1792; Puteshestoie [Voyages]. St Peters-
burg, 1812.
Sibir Zolotni Dno. [Siberia's Golden Soil.] St Petersburg, 1768 et seq.
Sibirskaia Istoria. [History of Siberia.] St Petersburg, 1759 et seq.
Sibirskye Viestnik [Siberian Messenger]. St Petersburg, 1818 et seq.
Simmonds (P. L.), Sir John Franklin and the Arctic Regions. Buffalo, 1852,
Simpson (Sir George), Narrative of a Journey round the World. London,
1847. 2 vols.
Sitka, Alaska Times, MS. and print; Post, MS. and print.
Sitka Archives. In Library of Department of State, Washington, D. C.
1802-67. 182 vols. MS.
Smithsonian Institution, Annual Reports. Washington, 1853 et seq.
Sobranie Sochinenie (Literary Collections). St Petersburg, 1760 et seq. *
Soci6t6 de Geographic, Bulletin. Paris, 1825 et seq.
Sokolof (Alexander), Bering and Chirikof. St Petersburg, 1849; Istoria
Severn j'ikh Puteshestviy [History of Northern expeditions 173.3-43], in
Zapiski Hydr. ix. ; Khvostof and Davidof, in Zapiski Hydr. x. ; ProVsk-
hoshdenie Okhotska [Origin of Okhotsk], in JNlorskoi Sbornik; Zame-
clianiy o Severnikh Ekspeditziy 1738-43 [Remarks on the Account of
the northern expeditions of 17.S3-43], in Morskoi Sbornik; Russische
Entdeckungsreisen nach dem nordostlichen Asieu, etc. Berlin, 1855.
Sokolof (Vasili), Voyage of Alexander Markoff from Okhotsk to Cal., 1835.
MS.
Sonora (Cal.) Herald, Union Democrat.
xxxvi AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Southeastern Alaska, Memorial of the people to the President and Congress
of the U. S. Aug. 16, 1881. n.pl., 1881.
Southern Quarterly Eeview. New Orleans etc., 1842 et seq.
Spanberg, Journal, in Tobolsk Archives, quoted by Sokolof. In Zapiski Hydr.
Sparks (Jared), Life of John Ledyard. Cambridge, 1828.
Staehlin (J. von), An Account of the New Northern Archipelago. London,
1774.
State Papers, Sacramento. MS., 19 vols, in Archivo de Cal. ; Id., Missions
and Colonization. 2 vols.
Steller (George W.), Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka. Frankfurt,
etc., 1774; Reise von Kamtschatka nach A merika. St. Petersburg, 1793.
Stevens (Isaac I.), Northwest America, address Dec. 2, 1858. Washington,
1858.
Stockton (Cal.), Gazette, Herald, Independent, San Joaquin Republican.
Sturgis (William), Northwest Fur Trade. In Hunt's Merch. Mag., xiv. 532.
Sturgis (William), Remarks on Northwest Coast. MS. [In possession of
Dr Emil Bessels. ] Washington, D. C.
Sumner (Chai'les), Speech on the Cession of Russian America to the U. S.
Washington, 1867.
Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las Goletas. Madrid, 1802.
atlas. 4to.
Sutter (John A.), Examination of the Russian Grant. Sacramento, 1860.
Sutter (John A.), Personal Recollections. MS.
Syn Otechestva. [Son of the Fatherland.] St Petersburg, 1820 et seq.
Synd, see Berg (Vasili), KhronologicheskaTa Istoria, etc. St Peterburg, 1820.
Taylor (Alexander S.), Historical Summary of Lower California. In Browne's
Min. Res.; Specimens of the Press. [In S. F. Mercantile Library.]
Taylor (James W.), Northwest British America. St Paul, 1860.
Tchitchinof (Zakahar), Adventures of an Employ^ of the Russian American
Fur Company. 1802-78. MS.
Tebenkof (MikhaTl D.), Atlas of the Northwest Coast of America. St Peters-
burg, 1852.
Teleskop (The Telescope). Moscow, 1825 et seq.
Thornton (J. Quinn), Oregon and California in 1848. N. Y., 1849. 2 vols.
Thomas (George H.), Report of tour in Alaska, 1869. [41st Cong., 2d Sess.,
H. Ex. Doc. 1.] Washington, 1869.
Tikhmenef (P.), Istoricheskoie Obozranie Obrazovanie Rossiysko Amerikan-
skoi Kompaniy [Historical review of the origin of the Russian American
Company]. St Petersburg, 1861, 1863. 2 vols.
Tilling, Reise un die Welt. Aschaffenburg, 1854.
Tobolsk Archives. In Zapiski Hydr.
Tooke (William), View of the Russian Empire. Dublin, 1801. 3 vols.
Truman (Benjamin C), Occidental Sketches. San Francisco, 1881.
Tulubief (Irenarkh), Puteshestvie shloo-pa. ApoUona, 1821-24. [Voyage of the
Apollun, 1821-24.] In Zapiski Hydr., viii.
Tuscarora (Nev.), Times Review.
Tuthill (Franklin), History of California. San Francisco, 1866.
Twiss (Travers), The Oregon Question. London, 1846; The Oregon Terri-
tory, New York, 1846.
Tyler (Robert 0.), Revised outline descriptions of the posts and stations of
troops in the military division of the Pacific. San Francisco, 1872,
Tytler (Patrick Eraser), Historical View of the Progress of Discovery, Edin-
burgh, 1833; New York, 1855.
Ukiah (Cal.), Democratic Dispatch, Mendocino Democrat, Mendocino Her-
ald.
Umfrevllle (Edward), The Present State of Hudson's Bay, London, 1790.
Unionville (Nev.), Register,
AUTHORITIES QUOTED. xxxvii
United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, C. P. Patterson Supt. Pacific
Coast Pilot, Alaska. Washington, 1879.
United States Exploring Expedition [Wilkes]. Philadelphia, 1844-58. 4to,
17 vols.; folio, 8 vols.
United States Geological Surveys of the Territories, F. V. Hayden. Annual
Reports, BuUetius, Miscellaneous Publications, etc. Washington, 1872
ct seq.
United States Geological and Geographical Surveys, J. W. Powell. Contri-
butions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 1876.
United States Government Documents. Agriculture, Bureau of Statistics,
Census, Coast Survey, Commerce and Navigation, Commercial Relations,
Education, Finance, Indian Alfairs, Interior, Land Office, Navy Report
of Secretary, Postmaster General, Secretary of War, Signal Service Re-
ports, Treasury. Cited by their dates.
United States Government Documents. House Exec. Doc, House Journal,
House Miscel. Doc, House Reports of Com., Message and Documents,
Senate Exec. Doc, Journal, Miscel. Doc, Repts. Com. Cited by con-
gress and session. Many of these documents have, however, separate
titles, for which see author or topic.
Vallejo (Jose de Jesus), Reminiscencias Hist6rica. MS.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Correspondencia Historica. MS.
Vallejo (Mariano G.), Documentos para la Historia de California, 17G9-1850,
MS. 37 vols.
Vancouver (George), Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean. Lond., 1798.
3 vols. 4to. atlas in folio; Lond., 1801. 6 vols.; Voyage et Decouvertes
d rOc^an Pacifique, etc. Paris, An., viii. 3 vols. 4to. atlas in folio.
Vassilief (Ivan P. ), Vuipiski iz Zhurnale etc. [Extract from log-book of ship
Finland.] In Novosti Literatura, 1823, vi.
Vassilief (Mikhail N.), O plavanie, etc. [Voyage of Otkruitie and Dobroie
Namerenie.] In Syn Otechestva, 1820.
Venegas (Miguel), Noticia de la California y de su Conquista Temporal, etc.
Madrid, 1757. 3 vols.
Veniamiuof (loann), Sclireiben aus Kamtschatka [from the Moskow Viedo-
most]; Zapisky ob Ostrovakh Oonalashkinskago Otdiela [Letters on
Islands of Unalaska District]. St Petersburg, 1840. 2 vols.
'Veritas,' Examination of the Russian Grant, n.pl., n.d.; Is the trade of
Alaska to be wrested from general competition, etc. San Francisco,
1871.
Viagero Universal (El). Madrid, 1796-1801. 43 vols.
Viages en la Costa al Norte de Californias. Copy fK)m Spanish Archives.
MS. [From Prof. Geo. Davidson.]
Victoria (B. C), British Colonist, Chronicle, Express, Standard.
Villavicencio (Juan J.), Vida y Virtudes de el venerable P. Juan de Ugarte.
Mexico, 1752.
Virginia (Nev.), Evening Chronicle, Territorial Enterprise.
Voyages, Historical Account of, round the World. Lond., 1774-81. 6 vols.;
New Collection. London, 1767. 7 vols.
Wallace (D. Mackenzie), Russia. New York, 1878.
Walla Walla (Wash.), Statesman.
Ward (James C), Three Weeks in Sitka. MS.
W^ashington (D. C.), Capital, Chronicle, Critic, Evening Star, Morning News,
Post, Tribune.
Westdahl (Ferdinand), Alaska. MS.
White (J. W.), A Cruise in Alaska [40th Cong.,. 3d Sess., Sen. Ex. Doc 8],
Washington, 1869.
Whitney (J. D.), Notice of the Mountain Heights in the U. S^ San Fran-
cisco, 1862.
xxxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Whymper (Frederick), Journey from Norton Sound to Fort Yukon. In Loud.
Geog. Soc. Jour., xxxviii. 219; Travel and Adventure in the Territory of
Alaska. New York, 1869; Voyage et Aventures dans I'Alaska. Paris,
1871.
Wilkes (Charles), Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition. Philadel-
phia, 1844, 4to. 3 vols. ; Philadelphia, 1845, 5 vols, j London, 1845.
Woodland (Cal.), News, Yolo Democrat.
Wrangell (Ferdinand P.), The Americans of Upper California. In Teleskop,
1835, Sketch of a Journey from Sitka to St Petersburg. St Petersburg,
1836; Statistische und Ethnographische nachrichten liber die Russischen
Besitzungen. St Petersburg, 1839; Voyage to the northern shores of
Siberia, etc., 1820-24. St Petersburg, 1841.
Wythe (W. T.), Cook's Inlet. In Overland, xiii. 64; Kodiak and Southern
Alaska. In Id., viii. 505.
Yermolof (M. ), Extrait d'une note sur I'Amerique russe. In Nouv. An. Voy.,
cxL
Yezhemesiechnaie Sochinenie [Monthly Magazine]. St Petersburg, 1759
et seq.
Yreka (Cal.), Journal, Union.
Yuba City (Cal.), Sutter Banner, Sutter County Sentinel.
Zabriskie (James C), The Public Land Laws of the U. S. San Francisco,
1870; Supplement. San Francisco, 1877.
Zagoskin (A.), Pieshekhodnaia Opis Ohasty Russkikh Vladeniy v Ameriku
[Pedestrian Exploration of Parts of the Russian Possessions in America,
1842-4]. St Petersburg, 1847, 2 vols.
Zaikof (Stepan), Kratkoie obozranie puteshestviy na Ostrovakh, etc. [Sum-
mary of the voyages to the islands situated between Asia and America. J
In Sobranie Soch.
Zapiski Admiralteistkago Departamenta. [Journal of the Admiralty Depart-
ment.] St Petersburg, 1807 et seq.
Zapiski Hydrograficheskago Departamenta. [Journal of Hydrographic De-
partment.] St Petersburg, 1842 et seq.
Zapiski Russkago Geograticheskago Obshestva. [Publications of the Russiaa
Geographical Society.] St Petersburg, 1838 et seq.
Zapiski ucheuago komiteta morskago shtaba. [Journal of Committee on In-
struction of Naval Staff.] St Petersburg, 1828 et seq.
Zarembo (Dionis F. ), Puteshestvie iz Khronshtadta do Sitkhi, 1840-41. [Voy-
age from Kronstadt to Sitka, 1840-41.] In Zapiski Hydr. viii.
Zavalishin (Dmitri I.), Dielo o Koloniy Ross (Affairs of the Ross Colony).
Moskow, 18G6.
Zcloniy (N.), Correspondence. In Sitka Archives, MS., vols, i.-vii.
Zhumal departamenta narodnago prosvieshchenia. [Journal of the Depart-
ment of Public Instruction.] St Petersburg, 1822 et seq.
:<l_:::ji
xxxviii AUTHORITIES QUOTED.
Whymper (Frederick), Journey from Xorton Sound to Fort Yukon. In Lona.
Geog. Soc. Jour., xxx^^ii. 219; Travel and Adventure in the Territory of
Alaska. New York, 1S69; Voyage et Aventures dans I'Alaska. Paris,
1871.
Wilkes (Charles), Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition. Philadel-
phia, 1844, 4to. 3 vols.; Philadelphia, 1845, 5 vols.; London, 1845.
Woodland (Cal.), News, Yolo Democrat.
Wrangell (Ferdinand P.), The Americans of Upper California. InTeleskop,
1835, Sketch of a Journey from Sitka to St Petersburg. St Petersburg,
1836; Statistische und Ethnographische nachrichten iiber die Russischen
Besitzungen. St Petersburg, 1839; Voyage to the northern shores of
Siberia, etc., 1820-24. St Petersburg, 1841.
Wythe (W. T.), Cook's Inlet. In Overland, xiii. 64; Kodiak and Southern
Alaska. In Id., viii. 505.
Yermolof (M. ), Extrait d'une note sur I'Amerique russe. In Nouv. An. Voy.,
cxL
Yezhemesiechnaie Sochinenie [Monthly Magazine]. St Petersburg, 1759
et seq.
Yreka (Cal.), Journal, Union.
Yuba City (Cal.), Sutter Banner, Sutter County Sentinel.
Zabriskie (James C), The Public Land Laws of the U. S. San Francisco,
1870; Supplement. San Francisco, 1877.
Zagoskin (A.), Pieshekhodnaia Opis Cliasty Russkikh Vladeniy v Ameriku
[Pedestrian Exploration of Parts of the Russian Possessions in America,
1842-4]. St Petersburg, 1847, 2 vols.
Zaikof (Stepan), Kratkoie obozranie puteshestviy na Ostrovakh, etc. [Sum-
mary of the voyages to the islands situated between Asia and America.}
In Sobranie Soch.
Zapiski Admiralteistkago Departamenta. [Journal of the Admiralty Depart-
ment.] St Petersburg, 1807 et seq.
Zapiski Hydrograficheskago Departamenta. [Journal of Hydrographic De-
partment.] St Petersburg, 1842 et seq.
Zapiski Russkago Geogi-aticheskago Obshestva. [Publications of the Russian.
Geographical Society.] St Petersburg, 1838 et seq.
Zapiski uchenago komiteta morskago shtaba. [Journal of Committee on In-
struction of Naval Staff.] St Petersburg, 1828 et seq.
Zarembo (Dionis F. ), Puteshestvie iz Khronshtadta do Sitklii, 1840-41. [Voy-
age from Kronstadt to Sitka, 1840-41.] In Zapiski Hydr. viii.
Zavalishin (Dmitri I.), Dielo o Koloniy Ross (Afifairs of the Ross Colony).
]\Ioskow, 1866.
Zcloniy (N.), CoiTespondence. In Sitka Archives, MS., vols, i.-vii.
Zhumal dei^artamenta narodnago prosvieshchenia. [Journal of the Depart-
ment of Public Instruction.] St Petersburg, 1822 et seq.
â– â– w:/
^
HISTORY OF ALASKA.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
Russia's Share in America — Physical Features of Alaska — Configura-
tion AND Climate — The Southern Crescent— The Tumbled Moun-
tains — Volcanoes and Islands — Vegetation— California- Japan Cur-
rent — Arctic Seaboard and the Interior — Condition and Charac-
ter OF the Russians in the Sixteenth Century — Serfs, Merchants,
AND Nobles— The Fur Currency— Foreign Commercial Relations —
England in the White and Caspian Seas— Eastern Progress of
the Russian Empire — The North-east Passage.
In the great seizure and partition of America by
European powers there was no reason why Kussia
should not have a share. She was mistress in the
east and north as were France and Spain in the west
and south; she was as grasping as Portugal and as
cold and cruel as England; and because she owned so
much of Europe and Asia in the Arctic, the desire
was only increased thereby to extend her broad belt
quite round the world. It was but a step across from
one continent to the other, and intercourse between
the primitive peoples of the two had been common
from time immemorial. It was but natural, I say, in
the gigantic robbery of half a world, that Russia
should have a share; and had she been quicker about
it, the belt might as well have been continued to
Greenland and Iceland.
Geographically, Alaska is the northern end of the
long Cordillera which begins at Cape Horn, extends
(1)
2 INTRODUCTORY.
through the two Americas, and is here joined by the
Nevada-Cascade range; the Coast Range from Lower
CaHfornia breaking into islands before reaching this
point. It is not always and altogether that cold and
desolate region which sometimes has been pictured,
and which from its position we might expect. Its
configuration and climate are exceedingly varied.
The southern seaboard is comparatively mild and
habitable; the northern frigid and inhospitable.
Standing at Mount St Elias as the middle of a cres-
cent, we see the shore-line stretching out in either
direction, toward the south-east and the south-west,
ending in the former at Dixon Inlet, and in the latter
sweeping off and breaking into mountainous islands as
it continues its course toward Kamchatka. It is a
most exceedingly rough and uncouth country, this
part of it; the shore-line being broken into fragments,
with small and great islands guarding the labyrinth of
channels, bays, sounds, and inlets that line the main-
land. Back of these rise abruptly vast and rugged
mountains, the two great continental chains coming
together here as if in final struggle for the mastery.
The coast range along the Pacific shore of Alaska
attains an elevation in places of eight or nine thou-
sand feet, lying for the most part under perpetual
snow, with here and there glistening white peaks four-
teen or sixteen thousand feet above the sea. And the
ruggedness of this Sitkan or southern seaboard, the
thirty-miles strip as it is sometimes called, with the
Alexander archipelago, continues as we pass on, to
the Alaskan -Mountains and the Aleutian archipelago.
It is in the Alaskan Range that nature assumes the
heroic, that the last battle of the mountains appears
to have been fought. The din of it has as yet hardly
passed away; the great peaks of the range stand
there proudly triumphant but still angry; grumbling,
smoking, and spitting fire, they gaze upon their fallen
foes of the archipelago, giants like themselves, though
now submerged, sunken in the sea, if not indeed
PHYSICAL FEATURES.
hurled thence by their victorious rivals. These great
towering volcanic peaks and the quaking islands are
superb beyond description, filling the breast of the
beholder with awe. And the ground about, though
cold enough upon the surface, steams and sweats in
sympathy, manifesting its internal warmth in geysers
and hot springs, while from the depths of the sea
sometimes belches forth fire, if certain navigators may
be believed, and the sky blazes in northern lights.
All along this sweep of southern seaboard Euro-
peans may dwell in comfort if so inclined. Even in
midwinter the cold is seldom severe or of long dura-
tion. An average temperature is 42°, though ex-
tremes have been named for certain localities of from
19° to 58°, and again from 58° below zero in January,
to 95° in summer. Winter is stormy, the winds at Sitka
at this season being usually easterly, those from the
south bringing rain and snow. When the wind is from
the north-west the sky is clear, and the cold nights
are often lighted by the display of the aurora borealis.
Winter breaks up in March, and during the clear cold
days of April the boats go out after furs. Yet, for a
good portion of the year there is an universal and dis-
mal dampness — fogs interminable and drizzling rain;
clouds thick and heavy and low-lying, giving a w^ater
fall of six or eight feet in thickness.
Much of the soil is fertile, though in places wet.
Behind a low^ wooded seaboard often rise abruptly icy
steeps, with here and there between the glacier canons
broad patches of sphagnum one or two feet thick, and
well saturated with water. The perpetual snow-line
of the Makushin volcano is three thousand feet above
the sea, and vegetation ceases at an altitude of twenty-
five hundred feet. Grain does not ripen, but grasses
thrive almost everywhere on the lowlands. Berries
are plentiful, particularly cranberries, though the sun-
light is scarcely strong enough to flavor them well.
Immense spruce forests tower over Prince William
Sound and about Sitka. Kadiak is a good grazing
4 INTRODUCTORY.
country, capable of sustaining large droves of cattle.
On the Aleutian Islands trees do not grow, but the
grasses are luxuriant. In a word, here in the far
north we find a vegetation rightly belonging to a much
lower latitude.
The warm Japan current which comes up along
tne coast of Asia, bathing the islands of the Aleutian
archipelago as it crosses the Pacific and washing the
shores of America far to the southward, transforms
the whole region from what would otherwise be inhos-
pitable into a habitation fit for man. Arising off the
inner and outer shores of Lower California, this stream
first crosses the Pacific as the great northern equa-
torial current, passing south of the Hawaiian Islands-
and on to the coast of Asia, deflecting northward as
it goes, and after its grand and life-compelling sweep
slowly returns to its starting-point. It is this that
clothes temperate isles in tropical vegetation, makes
the silk-worm flourish far north of its rightful home,
and sends joy to the heart of the hyperborean, even
to him upon the strait of Bering, and almost to the
Arctic sea. It is this that thickly covers the steep
mountain sides to the height of a thousand feet and
more with great growths of spruce, alder, willow,
hemlock, and yellow cedar. It is the striking of this
warm current of air and water against the cold shores
of the north that causes nature to steam up in thick
fogs and dripping moisture, and compels the surcharged
clouds to drop their torrents.
Chief among the fur-bearing animals is the sea-
otter, in the taking of whose life the lives of thou-
sands of human beings have been laid down. Of fish
there are cod, herring, halibut, and salmon, in abun-
dance. The whale and the walrus abound in plsfces.
Go back into the interior if you can get there,, or
round by the Alaskan shore north of the islands,
along Bering sea and strait, which separate Asia and
America and indent the eastern border with great
bays into which flow rivers, one of them, the Yukon,
RUSSIAN CHARACTER. 5
liaving its sources far back in British Columbia; ascend
this stream, or traverse the country between it and the
Arctic Ocean, and you will find quite a different order
of things. Clearer skies are there, and drier, colder
airs, and ice eternal. Along the Arctic shore runs a
line of hills in marked contrast to the mountains of
the southern seaboard. Between these ranges flow
the Yukon with its tributaries, the Kuskokvim, Sela-
Avik, and other streams.
Mr Petrof, who traversed this region in 1880,
says of it: " Here is an immense tract reaching from
Bering strait in a succession of rolling ice-bound
moors and low mountain ranges, for seven hundred
miles an unbroken waste, to the boundary line between
lis and British America. Then, again, from the crests
of Cook's Inlet and the flanks of Mount St Elias
northward over that vast area of rugged mountain
and lonely moor to the east, nearly eight hundred
miles, is a great expanse of country ... by its position
barred out from occupation ' and settlement by our
own people. The climatic conditions are such that
its immense area will remain undisturbed in the pos-
session of its savage occupants, man and beast."
Before speaking of the European discovery and
conquest of Alaska, let us briefly glance at the con-
dition and character of those about to assume the
mastery here.
It was in the middle of the sixteenth century that
the Russians under Ivan Vassilievich, the Terrible,
threw off the last yoke of Tartar Khans ; but with the
independence of the nation thus gained, the free cities,
principalities, and provinces lost all trace of their
former liberties. An empire had been wrung from
the grasp of foreign despots, but only to be held by a
despotism more cruel than ever had been the Tartar
domination. Ignorance, superstition, and servitude
were the normal condition of the lower classes. The
nation could scarcely be placed within the category
6 INTRODUCTORY.
of civilization. While in Spain the ruling spirit was
fanaticism, in Russia it was despotism.
Progress was chained; if any sought to improve
their lot they dared not show their gains lest their
master should take them. And the people thus long
accustomed to abject servility and concealment ac-
quired the habit of dissimulation to a remarkable
degree. There was no recognition of the rights of
man, and little of natural morality. It was a prees-
tablished and fundamental doctrine that the weaker
were slaves of the stronger. In feudal times the main
difference between the lowest class in Russia and in
other parts of Europe was that the former were not
bound to the soil. Their condition however was none
the less abject, their slavery if possible was more com-
plete. And what is not a little singular in following
the progress of nations, Russia, about the beginning
of the seventeenth century, introduced this custom of
binding men to lands, just when the other states of
Europe were abolishing it. Freemen were authorized
by law to sell themselves. Insolvent debtors became
the property of their creditors. And howsoever bound,
men could obtain their liberty only by purchase.
Women, even of the better class, were held in ori-
ental seclusion, and treated as beasts; husbands and
fathers might torture and kill them, and sell the off-
spring, but if a wife killed her husband she was buried
up to the neck and left to starve.
Pewter was unknown ; only wooden dishes were in
use. Each man carried a knife and wooden spoon tied to
the belt or sash. Bedding was scarcely used at court;
among rich and poor alike a wooden bench, the bare
floor, or at the most a skin of bear or Avolf, sufficed
for sleeping. The domestic ties were loose; since the
crimes of individuals were visited upon the whole kin-
dred the children scattered as soon as they were able.
The lower classes had but a single name, which was
conferred in baptism, consequently the nearest rela-
tives soon lost sight of each other in their wandering
CUSTOMS OF THE RUSSIANS. 7
life. Subsequently the serfs were attached to the
soil, but even to the present day an almost irresistible
disposition to rove is noticeable among the Russian
people.
The nobles, reared by a nation of slaves, were scarcely
more intelligent than they. But few of the priests
understood Greek ; and reading and writing even among
the nobles was almost unknown; astronomy and anat-
omy were classed among the diabolic arts ; calculations
were made by means of a string of balls, and skins of
animals were the currency. Punishments were as
barbarous as manners. The peculator was publicly
branded with a hot iron, then sent back to his place,
thus dishonoring himself and degrading his office.
When a person was punished for crime, all the mem-
bers of his family were doomed to suffer likewise.
Every Russian who strayed beyond the frontier be-
came a rebel and a heathen.
Nobles alone could hold land; the tillers were as
slaves. True, a middle or merchant class managed
amidst the general disruption to maintain some of
their ancient privileges. The gosti, or wholesale deal-
ers, of Moscow, Novgorod, and Pleskovo might sit at
table with princes, and go on embassies; they were
free from imposts and many other exactions. Even the
small traders preserved some of the benefits which had
originated in the free commercial cities. _ The priests,
seeing their influence at court declining, cultivated the
merchants, and married among their families.
Thus all combined to strengthen the trading class
as compared with the agricultural. Taxes and salaries
were paid in furs; in all old charters and other docu-
ments penalties and rewards are given in furs. The
very names of the early coins of Novgorod point to
their origin ; we see there the grivernik grivnui, from
the mane or long hairs along the back; the oushka
and 2^oloushka, ear and half-ear. This feature in the
national economy explains to a certain extent the
slow spread of civilization over the tsar's dominions.
8 INTRODUCTORY.
In a country where furs are the circulating -medium,
and hence the great desideratum, the people must
scatter and lead a savage life.
The same cause, however, which impeded social
and intellectual development furnished a stimulus for
the future aggrandizement of the Muscovite domain.
For more than two and a half centuries the Hanseatic
League had monopolized the foreign trade; but the
decline of Novgorod, the growing industry of the
Livonian cities, and the appearance of the ships of
other countries in the Baltic were already threatening
the downfall of Hanseatic commerce, when an unex-
pected discovery made the English acquainted with the
White Sea, which afforded direct intercourse with the
inland provinces of the Russian empire. The Hanse,
by its superiority in the Baltic, had excluded all other
maritime nations from Russian commerce, but it was
beyond the reach of their power to prevent the English
from sailing to the White Sea. In 1553, at the sug-
gestion of Sebastian Cabot, England sent three vessels
under Sir Hugh Willoughby in search of a north-east
passage to China. Two of the vessels were lost, and
the third, commanded by Richard Chancellor, entered
the White Sea. No sooner did he know that the
shore was Russia than Chancellor put on a bold face
and said he had come to establish commercial rela-
tions. The tsar, informed of the arrival of the stran-
gers, ordered them to Moscow. The insolent behavior
of the Hanse League had excited the tsar's displeas-
ure, and he was only too glad of other intercourse
with civilized nations. Every encouragement was
offered by the Russian monarch, and trade finally
opened with England, and special privileges were
granted to the so-called Russia Company of English
merchants.
The English commercial expeditions through Rus-
sia, down the Volga, and .across the Caspian to Persia,
were not financially successful, though perhaps valu-
able as a hint to the Portuofuese that the latter did
RUSSIAN FUR-TRADE. 9
not hold the only road to India. To Russia, also,
this traffic proved by no means an unalloyed blessing.
The wealthy merchants of Dantzic and other Hanse
towns along the Baltic, who had enjoyed a monopoly
of Russian commerce, looked on with jealousy, and it
was doubtless owing to enmity in this influential
quarter that Ivan failed in all his attempts to secure
Esthonia and Livonia, and gain access to the Baltic
seaports. On the other hand, English enterprise
brought about commerce with different nations, and
introduced the products of north-western Europe into
the tsar's dominions. Further than this, the Musco-
vites copied English craft, and became more proficient
in maritime affairs. An incident connected with this
traffic may be considered the first link of a long chain
of events which finally resulted in Russia's stride
across the Ural Mountains, and the formation of a
second or reserve empire, without which the original
or European structure might long since have fallen.
On the return of an English expedition from Persia
across the Caspian, in 1573, the ship was attacked by
Cossacks, who gained possession of vessel and cargo,
setting the crew adrift in a boat furnished with some
provisions. The Englishmen made their way to Astra-
khan, and on their report of what had befallen them
two armed vessels were sent out. The pirates were
captured and put to death, while the cargo, worth
between 30,000 and 40,000 pounds sterling, was safely
landed at Astrakhan. The tsar then despatched a
numerous land force to destroy the nest of robbers
infesting the Lower Volga and the Caspian. His
army spread dismay. The Cossacks saw that sub-
mission was death, and many leaped from the blood-
stained deck of their rude barks to the saddle, being
equally familiar with both. Then they banded under
determined leaders and set out for countries beyond
the reach of Russia's long arm. Yermak Timofeief
headed one of these bands, and thus the advance of
the Slav race toward the Pacific began. Rude and
10 INTRODUCTORY.
spasmodic as it was, the traflSc of the EngHsh laid
the foundation of Kussian commerce on the Caspian.
Previous to the appearance of the EngHsh the Rus-
sians had carried on their trade with Bokhara and
Persia entirely by land; but from that time they
began to construct transport ships on the Volga and
to sail coastwise to the circumjacent harbors of the
Caspian.
Before following the tide of conquest across the
Ural Mountains, it may be well to cast a brief glance
over the contemporaneous efforts of English and Dutch
navigators to advance in the same easterly direction
by water, or rather to thread their way between the
masses of floating and solid ice besetting the navigable
channels of the Arctic, demonstrating as they do the
general impression prevalent among European nations
at the time, that the route pursued by Columbus and
his successors was not the only one leading to the in-
exhaustible treasures of the Indies, and to that Cathay
which the Latin maritime powers were making stren-
uous efforts to monopolize.
The last EngHsh expedition in search of the north-
east passage, undertaken in the sixteenth century,
consisted of two barks which sailed from England early
in 1580, and were fortunate enough to pass beyond the
straits of Vaigatz, but made no new discoveries and
brought but a moderate return to their owners. The
Russians meanwhile kept up a vigorous coasting-
trade, their ill-shaped and ill-appointed craft generally
being found far in advance of their more pretentious
competitors.
In 1594 the states-general of Holland offered a
premium of twenty-five thousand florins to the lucky
navigator who should open the much desired high-
way. A squadron of four small vessels commanded
by Cornelis Nay was the first to enter for the prize.
A merchant named Linschoten, possessed of con-
siderable scientific attainments, accompanied the ex-
THE NORTH-EAST PASSAGE. U
pedition as commercial agent, and Willem Barentz,
who commanded one of the vessels, acted as pilot.
They sailed from Holland on the 15th of June 1594,
and arrived safely at the bay of Kilduyn, on the
coast of Lapland. Here they separated, Nay heading
for Vaigatz Straits and Barentz choosing a more
northerly route. The latter discovered and named
Ys Hoek, or Ice Cape, the northern extremity of
Novaia Zemlia, while the other vessels passed through
the straits, where they met with numerous Bussian
lodkas, or small craft. This southern division entered
the sea of Kara, called by Linschoten the sea of Tar-
tary, on the 1st of August. Wooden crosses were
observed at various points of the coast, and the inhab-
itants bore evidence of intercourse with the Bussians
by their manner of salutation. The Samoiedes had
come in contact with the advancing Muscovites in the
interior as well as on the coast.
On the 11th of August, when their astronomical
observations placed the vessels fifty leagues to the
eastward of the straits, with land still in sight toward
the east, this part of the expedition turned back, evi-
dently apprehensive of sharing the fate of their Eng-
lish predecessors, who had been unfortunate in those
latitudes. The two divisions fell in with each other
on the homeward voyage, and arrived at Amsterdam
on the 25th of September of the same year.
A second expedition sailed from Amsterdam on the
same errand in 1595. It consisted of not less than
seven vessels. Willem Barentz was chief in com-
mand, assisted by Heemskerk, Linschoten, and Cor-
nells Bijp. The departure of this squadron was for
some reason delayed until July, and after weather-
ing the North Cape a few of the vessels sailed di-
rectly for the White Sea to trade, while the others
proceeded through the straits of Vaigatz. They met,
as usual, with Bussian lodkas, and for the first time
definite information was obtained of the great river
Yenissei, which the Bussians had already reached
12 INTRODUCTORY.
by land. After prolonged battling against ice and
contrary winds and currents, the expedition turned
back on the 15th of September and made sail for
Amsterdam.
After this second failure the states-general washed
their hands of further enterprise in that direction,
but the city of Amsterdam still showed some faith in
ultimate success by fitting out two ships and intrust-
ing them respectively to Barentz and Rijp. This
expedition made an early start, sailing on the 2 2d of
May 1596. Their course was shaped in accordance
with Barentz' theory that more to the north there
was a better chance of finding an open sea. On the
9th of June they discovered Bear Island in latitude
74° 30'. Still keeping on their first course they again
encountered land in latitude 79° 30', Spitzbergen, and
in July the two vessels separated in search of a clear
channel to the east. On the 26th of August Barentz
was forced by a gale into a bay on the east coast of
Novaia Zemlia, on which occasion the ice seriously
damaged his vessel. Here the venturesome Hol-
landers constructed a house and passed a winter full
of misery, a continued struggle with famishing bears
and the deadly cold. Toward spring the castaways
constructed two open boats out of remnants of the
wreck, fitted them out as well as they could, and put
to sea on the 14th of June 1597. Six days later
Barentz died. In July the unfortunates fell in with
some Russian lodkas and obtained provisions. They
finally reached Kilduyn Bay in Lapland, one of the
rendezvous of White Sea traders. Several Dutch
vessels were anchored there, and one of them was
commanded by Bijp, who had returned to Amster-
dam and sailed again on a private enterprise. He
extended all possible aid to his former companions and
obtained passage for them on several vessels. This
put an end in Holland to explorations in search of a
northern route to India, until the attempts of Hudson
in 1608-9. The problem was partially solved hy
THE FEAT ACCOMPLISHED. 13
Deshnefs obscure voyage in 1648, and after another
failure by Wood in 1676, Russia made the attempt,
Vitus Bering starting from Kamchatka; afterward
were the efforts of Shalalirof and of Bilhngs. Finally
a Swedish expedition under Nordenskjold accom-
plished the feat in 1879, after wintering on the Arc-
tic coast.
CHAPTER II.
• THE CENTURY- MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
1578-1724.
Siberia the Russian Canaan — From the Black and Caspian Seas over
THE Ural Mountains — Stroganof, the Salt-miner — Visit of Yer-
MAK — Occupation of the Ob by the Cossacks— Character of the
Conquerors — Their Ostrog on the Toeol — The Straight Line of
March thence to Okhotsk on the Pacific— The Promyshlesiki —
Lena River Reached— Ten Cossacks against Ten Thousand — Ya-
kutski Ostrog — Exploration of the Amoor — Discoveries on the
Arctic Seaboard — Ivory versus Skins — The Land of the Chukchi
Invaded— Okhotsk Established— Kamchatka Occupied — Rumors op
Realms Beyond.
While the maritime nations of north-western Eu-
rope were thus sending ship after ship into the Arctic
ice-fields in the hope of finding a north-eastern passage
to India, the Russians were slowly but surely forcing
their way over Siberian rivers and steppes, and even
along the Arctic coast from river-mouth to river-
mouth, and that not in search of any India, or other
grand attainment, but only after skins, and to get far-
ther and farther from parental despotism. Their an-
cient homes had not been abodes of peace, and no
tender reminiscences or patriotic ties bound them to
the soil of Russia. It was rather a yearning for per-
sonal freedom, next after the consideration of the
sohol, that drew the poor Slav farther and farther
through forests and swamps away from his place of
birth; he did not care to band for general indepen-
dence. Rulers were of God, the church said, and he
would not oppose them, but he would if possible es-
cape. In view of these pecuhar tendencies the open-
A CENTURY SABLE-HUNT. 15
ing of the boundless expanse toward the east was a
blessing not only to the oppressed but to the oppress-
ors. The turbulent spirits, who might have caused
trouble at home, in early times found their way to
Siberia voluntarily, while later the ' paternal ' govern-
ment gathered strength enough to send them there.
A century sable-hunt half round the world this re-
markable movement might be called. It was at once
a discovery and a conquest, which was to carry Cos-
sack and Russian across the vast continent, and across
the narrowed Pacific to the fire-breathing islands,
and the glistening mountains and majestic forests of
Alaska. The shores of the Black and Caspian seas
was the starting-point. Russia's eastern bound was
then the Ural Mountains. Anika Stroganof set up
salt-works there, and the people at the east brought
him furs to trade. They were pretty little skins, and
yielded the salt-miner a large profit; so he sent his
traders as far as the great river Ob for them. And
the autocrat of the empire smiled on these proceed-
ings, and gave the salt-merchant lands, and allowed
his descendants to become a power and call them-
selves counts.
In 1578 the grandson of the first Stroganof received
a visit from a Cossack chieftain or ataman, named
Yermak Timofeief, who with his followers had in
Cossack fashion led a life of war and plunder, and
was then flying from justice as administered by Ivan
Vassilievich II.
Yermak's mounted followers numbered a thousand,
and Stroganof was anxious they should move on; so
he told them of places toward the east, fine spots for
robber-knights to seize and settle on, and he sent
men to guide them thither. This was in 1578. At
the river Ob the Cossacks found a little Tartar sover-
eignty, a fragment of the great monarchy of Genghis
Khan. The warlike spirit with which Tamerlane had
once inspired the Tartars had long since fled. Their
little kingdom, in which cattle-herding, the chase, and
16 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
traffic were the only pursuits, now remained only
because none had come to conquer them. The Cos-
sacks were in the full flush of national development.
They had ever been apt learners from the Tartars,
against whom they had often served the Muscovites
as advance guard. Now Yermak was in a strait.
Behind him was the wrathful tsar, to fall into whose
hands was certain death. Though his numbers were
small, he must fight for it. Attacking the Tartars,
in due time he became master of their capital city,
though at the cost of half his little army. And now
he must have more men. Perhaps he might buy
friendship of the tsar. A rich gift of sables, with in-
formation that he had conquered for him the kingdom
of Kutchum Khan, accomplished the purpose. Re-
enforcements and confirmation of rulership were the
response. Thus was begun the long journey of the
Russians across the continent.
Vast as is the area of Siberia its several parts are
remarkably similar. Plants, animals, and men; cli-
mate, conditions, and custonls, are more alike than on
the other side of the strait of Bering. The country
and its contents are upon a dead level. A net-work of
navigation is formed by the upper branches of rivers
flowing into the frozen sea through the tundras, or
ice-morass, of the north, so that the same kind of boats
and sledges carry the traveller across the whole coun-
try. The fierce and cunning Cossacks of Russia were
in marked contrast to the disunited semi-nomads of
Siberia, busy as they were taming the reindeer, hunt-
ing with dogs, or fighting with the bow and arrow and
lance ; and if they could conquer the Tartars of the
Ob there was no reason why they could not march
on to the Pacific.
They were a singular people, brave as Spaniards
and tough as gypsies. Their weapons, the later Eu-
ropean kind, of iron and gunpowder, gave them a vast
superiority over the tribes of Siberia, and their boats
THE SIBERIAN LINE OF OSTROGS. 17
and horses seem to have been made for the purpose.
The latter were small and enduring, adequate to the
long day's march, and like their masters accustomed
to cold, hunger, thirst, and continuous fatigue. Like
the chamois and reindeer they would scrape off the
snow from their scanty nourishment, or if grass was
wanting they were glad to get frozen fish to eat.
The invaders found it well to divide their forces,
and advance in small scattered bodies, a dozen war-
riors sometimes subjugating a tribe; then again some
hundreds were required for the occupation of a river-
territory or a kingdom. There was no need of a large
united army, or of any great discipline. This also
suited Cossack ideas and habits, as they were repub-
lican in their way. Born equal, they everywhere met
on a common footing. They chose their atamans and
sotniks, or centurions, who, if they did not rule to suit,
were quickly deposed and others elected. The highest
position was open to the humblest aspirant.
It was on the Tobol that the Cossacks and Rus-
sians built their first ostrog, or fort, which later became
Tobolsk, the head-quarters of their organized govern-
ment, and the starting-point of their expeditions.
Thence their conquering march was straight through
the middle of Siberia, the line being equidistant from
the mountains of the south and the morasses of the
north, and it later became the principal line of traffic.
On this line, cutting through the various river re-
gions, the chief colonies of the country were founded.
Eastward from Tobolsk, in the territory of the river
Ob, the city of Tomsk; eastward from this, on the
Yenissei, the city of Yenisseisk; then Irkutsk and
Yakutsk in the Lena district, and finally, on the
shores of the Pacific, Okhotsk, which stands upon
about the same parallel as that of the starting-point.
These cities grew successively one out of the other,
and for every new river province the last served as
a 2^oint cVappui for the various enterprises, military
Hist, Alaska. 2
18 THE CENTURY-^IARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
or commercial. At every important river a halt was
made, during which they settled themselves more
firmly, and organized their new territory. They built
boats, explored up the rivers, and down them even
to the frozen ocean, where they founded little settle-
ments.
The Cossacks themselves were a light troop, but
they were preceded by a still lighter, a flying advance
guard, called the promyshlenihi, a kind of Russian
coureurs des hois. They were freebooters w^ho hunted
on their own account and at their own risk. No one
could control them. They flitted everywhere in the
v/oods and morasses, companions of wild beasts. They
made the several first discoveries in Siberia, and
brought home the earliest information of hitherto
unknown parts.
In the spring of 1628 the Cossacks reached Lena
River. The party consisted of ten men under Vassili
Bugor, who had crossed over from the Yenissei on
snow-shoes. Arrived at the Lena, the great central
stream, lying midway between the beginning and end
of their century-march, they built a boat and went
down and up the river for some distance, spreading
dismay and collecting their tribute of sable-skins.
Ten Cossacks against the inhabitants of that great
valley 1 I know of nothing in x\.merican history that
equals it. After making the people swear submission,
Bugor posted two of his men at the middle point on
the river, and two each at points two hundred miles
above and two hundred miles below. After three
years of bluster and traffic Bugor returned to the
Yenissei. In 1632 a Cossack chieftain named Beke-
tof sailed far down the Lena and built the first ostrog
on this river, among the Yakut nation. -This was
the Yakutski Ostrog, out of which rose later the city
of Yakutsk, the capital of eastern Siberia, and which
finally served as head-quarters for expeditions to the
Arctic and to the Pacific. From the Lena, Siberia
FROM EIVER TO RIVER.
19
extends, gradually narro\vin<
about five or six hun-
dred leao^ues further to the east. The lenj^th of the
rivers decreases with the breadth of the land, and the
mighty Lena is followed by the smaller Yana, Indi-
girka, Kolima, and at last, in the farthest corner by
the Anadir which empties into the Pacific. The dis-
F.RIOA ,-_
Eastern Siberia.
covery of these more distant rivers of Siberia began
in 1638. Some Cossacks, under the leadership of a
certain Busa, reached the Yana by water from the
mouth of the Lena, while others, under the sotnik
Ivanof, penetrated on horseback to its sources from
20 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
Yakutsk. Here they heard of the Indigirka, and the
year following they trotted on to the river.
In 1639 the rugged mountains on the eastern bor-
der of Siberia were crossed on horseback and on
snow-shoes, and an ostrog was built on the sea-shore
to which the name of Okhotsk was given. Thus the
Pacific Ocean was first reached by the Russians on
the shore of the Okhotsk Sea, a place destined to play
an important part in the advance toward America.
The discovery was achieved by Andrei Kopilof, a
Cossack leader, who made his way thither from the
Lena at the head of a small party, thus completing
the march across the continent of Asia, in its broadest
part, in about sixty years from the time of Yermak's
visit to Stroganof
The ascent of the Lena brought the Russians to
Lake Baikal, and showed them another route to the
Pacific, through China by way of the Amoor. The
rich silver deposits in that quarter drew poj^ulation
from the north-western ostrogs, something after the
manner of a California mining rush. The Mantchoo
Tartars were most of them absent from home at the
time, completing their conquest of the celestial empire,
which left the Amoor region comparatively defence-
less. On the return of the Tartars the Russians were
obliged to relinquish some of their pretensions, though
they retained their hold on the mines, and continued
trade with China. In 1643 Vassili Posharkof set out
from Yakutsk with one hundred and thirty- two men,
and following the course of the Amoor to its mouth,
and thence proceeding north and westward some dis-
tance along the coast, returned to Yakutsk in 1646
by a different route, and one direct from the Okhotsk
Sea.
Sixteen Cossacks on the Indigirka took captive the
ruling prince of the country. On their neighing steeds
EASTERN SIBERIAN SEABOARD. 21
they charged his forces, armed with only bows and
arrows, and vanquished them with great slaughter.
In 1640 they had completed the conquest of the whole
river, eight hundred miles long. Forthwith they again
began to listen to tales of new streams in the east, of
the Aliseia and the Kolima. Strengthened by addi-
tional troops they proceeded in 1646 to subdue this
region. East of the Kolima, where Siberia approaches
its termination, dwelt the warlike Chukchi, the Tschuk-
tschi of German writers. Their land did not allure
with sables or silver-mines, but a new attraction was
found for the European. Dating existence from pri-
meval revulsions, were found on the shores and along
the banks of rivers vast deposits of fossil ivory, the
tusks of the ancient mammoth elephant. Similar de-
posits had been found before in other parts of Siberia,
iDut the largest were in the far north-east along the
shores of the land of the Chukchi. This substance,
which was called precious and a staple, exercised a
powerful influence in the conquest of Siberia and in
-a.ttracting emigrants to the north. Even at the pres-
ent day it plays an important part in Siberian trafiic,
and is also found in the northern regions of America.
Isai Ignatief, with a company of promyshleniki,
set out in search of mammoth tusks toward the Chuk-
chi country. From the mouth of the Kolima he
proceeded a short distance along the Arctic seaboard
in boats. The natives were shy at first, but after
some traffic they told the Russians of a large moun-
tainous land which lay westward and toward the north
pole, and the outline of whose coasts could be seen
from time to time from the Siberian shore. This land,
they said, was rich in ivory, and there were the most
beautiful tusks heaped up there in huge banks and
mounds. Many believed that it was peopled and
connected with Novaia Zemlia in the west and with
America in the east.
With a daring which the well prepared Arctic ex-
plorer of our time can scarcely understand, the Rus-
22 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
sians committed themselves to their fragile lodki, or
open sail-boats, of rough planks tied together with
thongs, and struck out for that land of ivory toward
the north pole. They sailed without compass out
into that sea; they battled with the ice found there;
their barks were shattered ; they were frozen in at sea
hundreds of versts from land. They even wintered
there that they might advance a little farther the fol-
lowing summer. What can science or modern adven-
ture show as a parallel ? Lost on a wilderness of ice,
all w^armth departed, hungry, ill-clothed, with scarcely
any shelter, yet still determined to achieve the land of
ivory. Perhaps some of them did reach it; let us hope
so, and that they obtained their fill of ivory. Nearly
two centuries later the first light concerning this land
came through the travels of Baron Wrangell, when it
was recognized as a group of islands and named New
Siberia.
Ignatief could hardly be said to have made the
acquaintance of the Chukchi, so eager had he been
after ivory. But better success attended the efforts
of the Bussians a little later. By order of the tsar
Alexis, seven Jcotches, a small decked craft, were sent
along the shore in search of the mouth of the river
Anadir, whose head-waters had been sighted by the
venturesome promyshleniki. The expedition set out
from the mouth of the Kolima June 20, 1648. Of
four of these vessels nothing further is mentioned; but
we know that the remaining three were commanded
respectively by Simeon Deshnef and Gerassim Anku-
dinof, Cossack chiefs, and Fedot Alexeief, peredovchik,
that is to say, leader of promyshleniki. Deshnef, who
forwarded a detailed account of his adventures to
Yakutsk, speaks but incidentally of what happened be-
fore reaching Cape Chukotsk. Then he says: "This
isthmus, is quite different from that which is bound by
the Biver Tschukotschia west of the Biver Kolima.
It lies between the north, and north-east, and turns
DESHNEF'S VOYAGE. 23
circular towards the river Anadir. On the Russian,
that is, the west side of it, there falls a brook into
the sea, by which the Tschuktschi have erected a
scaffold like a tower of the bones of whales. Over-
against the isthmus (it is not mentioned on Avhich
side) there are two islands in the sea, upon which
were seen people of the Tschuktschi nation, thro'
whose lips were run pieces of the teeth of the sea-
horse. One might sail from the isthmus to the river
Anadir, with a fair wind, in three days and nights,
and it might be travelled by land within the same
time." The kotche commanded by Ankudinof was
wrecked at the cape, but the inmates were saved by
the other vessels. On the 20th of September Desh-
nef and Alexeief made a landing and had an engage-
ment with the Chukchi, during which Alexeief was
wounded. After this the two ketches lost sight of
each other and did not meet again. Deshnef drifted
about until October, and at last he was also wrecked,
as it appears, some distance to the south of the Ana-
dir, in the vicinity of the river Olutorsk. He had
only twenty-five men left, and with these he set out
by land in search of the Anadir; but having no guide,
he wandered about for ten weeks and at last reached
its banks not far from the mouth. One half of his
command started up the river, but hunger comj^elled
them to return. The following summer Deshnef as-
cended the Anadir in boats. He met with a tribe
called the Ananli, made them tributary after con-
siderable resistance, and founded the settlement of
ostrog Anadirsk. Here he remained till 1650, when
he was joined on the 23d of April by the Cossack
Motora with a volunteer expedition from Kolimsk.
Another expedition under Mikhail Stadukhin followed
immediately after; but the latter, jealous of the suc-
cesses already achieved by the others, went more to
the southward for further discoveries and was never
heard of again. Deshnef subsequently encountered a
Yakut woman who had been with Fedot Alexeief
24 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
and was told by her that Fedot and Ankudinof had
been wrecked and that both had died of scurvy among
the Koriaks.^ No mention is made by any of this
party of having seen the American continent, though
it is not impossible that some of them did see it.
They were obliged to hug the Asiatic shore, and the
opposite coast can be seen from there only on a clear
day.
Another account of Deshnef's voyage places it at
a still earlier date, between 1580 and 1590, but the
inaccuracy of this is evident.^
Last of all this region to be unveiled was that
narrow south-eastern strip of Siberia, the Kamchatka
peninsula, which, about the size and shape of Italy,
projects six hundred geographical miles from the con-
tinent into Bering and Okhotsk seas. The Cossack
Luka Morosko started from Anadirsk in 1669 with
a roving band and penetrated far to the southward,
but what he saw was not known until some time after-
ward. The name Kamchatka was known in Yakutsk
by report from 1690. Some years later the first party
of riders set out thither under the leadership of the
Cossack colonel, Atlassof, who passes for the actual
^ The voyage of Deshnef was almost forgotten when Mnller found a
record of it in Kolimsk. Morshoi Sbornik, 1764, 37-49; Jefferys' Muller's
Voy., v.-ix.
^ An anonymous article in a literary monthly published in St Petersburg
in 1769 contains the following: 'The honor of having taken the first steps
toward the discovery of these new islands (which on account of their number
may justly be termed an archipelago) belongs to the tsar Ivan Vassilievich
II. After having conquered the whole of Siberia he desired to know its
boundaries north and east, and the tribes inhabiting those far-off regions.
For this purpose he sent out an expedition, which only returned during the
reign of his son and successor, Tsar Feodor Ivanovich, bringing the first news
of the existence of the Polar Sea on the noi'thern shore of Siberia, and another
vast ocean in the east. In some of the old Siberian archives documents have
been discovered which prove that the above-mentioned expedition made some
important discoveries in the Arctic Sea, and, following along its shores to
the north-east, one of the smaller vessels finally rounded the extreme point,
Cape Chukotsk, and arrived safely on the coast of Kamchatka. The troubled
times which came over Russia after this achievement during the lawless reigns
of the usurper Boris Godunof, and of the False Dmitri after him, made it
impossible to think of further explorations of the Kamchatka country, and
even the name was almost forgotten after the lapse of a few years.' Yeshe-
miansachnaia Sochineiiin, March, 1769, 336-7.
THE RUSSIANS ON THE PACIFIC. 25
discoverer and conqueror of Kamchatka. The Rus-
sians found in Kamchatka Japanese writings and even
some Japanese sailors cast ashore there by shipwreck.
From the latter they learned that the land stretched
far away to the south, and were at first induced to
believe that Kamchatka reached as far as Japan, as
indeed it is laid down on the oldest maps.
Like the Spaniards in Mexico, the first Russians in
Kamchatka were highly honored, almost deified, by
the natives. That the aboriginal Americans should
have ascribed divinit}^ to the first Spaniards is not
strange. They came to them from off the limitless
and mysterious water in huge white-winged canoes,
in martial array, with gaudy trappings and glittering
armor; they landed with imposing ceremonies; their
leaders were men of dignified bearing and suave man-
ners, and held their followers in control. The first
appearance of the Russians in Kamchatka, however,
presents an entirely different aspect; surely the Kam-
chatkans of that day were satisfied with ungainly
gods.
The Cossacks who came with Atlassof were rough-
looking fellows, of small size, clad in furs like the
Kamchatkans, most of them the offspring of unions
between half Tartars and women from the native
tribes of Siberia. They were filthy in their habits,
and had just completed a weary ride of many months
through the wilderness. They were naturally cruel
and placed no restraint on their beastly propen-
sities; nevertheless they were called gods by beings
of a lower order than themselves, and it were well
to propitiate them. Indeed, they did possess one
attribute of the deity: they could kill. A few rusty
firelocks, a few pounds of powder, and they were
omnipotent. Gods are prone to quarrel as well as
men, but can they die? The Kamchatkans thought
not; so when they saw one of Atlassofs men struck
down by another, saw the warm red blood gush from
a mortal w^ound to stain the virgin snow, the spell
26 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
was broken. These were no gods; and thenceforth
the Russians had to fight for the supremacy. After
many expeditions and many battles, for these people
were in truth brave and lovers of liberty, the Rus-
sians, in 1706, reached the southern extremity of
the Kamchatka peninsula, where the}^ saw the north-
ernmost islands of the Kurile chain which points to
Japan.
Thus did the Russians, after the lapse of a century
full of toil and ravages, reach the extreme end of the
Old World.. At the beginning of the eighteenth
century they found themselves on a separate strip of
coast, twelve hundred miles long, facing another
twelve hundred miles' strip, the north-west end of
America. It was hardly to be expected that they
would rest contented where they were.
The natives of Kamchatka did not appear to have
any knowledge of America, so that the Russians were
left to learn of the holshaia zemlia, or 'great land'
toward the east, slowly and as they were able. Tall
trunks of fir and other trees which did not grow in
Kamchatka were thrown from time to time by cur-
rents upon the shores along the east side of that
country. Large flocks of land-birds came to the coast
occasionally from the east and disappeared again in
the same direction. Whales came from the east with
spear-heads in their backs different from any used in
Kamchatka; and now and then foreign-built boats
and other unusual objects were washed upon the
eastern coast. Even the waves carrying these tokens
did not have as long a swell as those to the south.
Hence they said this land must front a sea wholly
or partially enclosed, and that toward the north the
sides must be nearest together. Surely the Chukchi
should know something about it. Indeed, often in
their fights with these people the Russians had taken
captives with pieces of walrus ivory thrust through
their lips and cheeks, and speaking a language differ-
ent from that of the Chukchi. And the story was
THE ' GREAT LAND ' TO THE EAST. . 27
that the great land was no island, but had rivers and
chains of mountains without end.^
About this time the stolnik knias, Yassili Ivanovich
Gagarin, was present at Yakutsk, sent thither by his
uncle, the governor, Prince Matvei Petrovich Gagarin,
to make discoveries. He issued several orders to the
voivod, or nobleman, Trauernicht, who commanded in
that section, one of them being that he should " make
diligent inquiry about the islands situated opposite the
mouth of the river Kolima, and the land of Kam-
chatka; what people inhabited them; under whose
jurisdiction they were; what was their employment;
' iSIatvei Strebykhin, commander of the ostrog of Anadirsk, was instructed
in 1711 to collect information concerning the Chukchi and an island or conti-
nent lying to the eastward of their country. One of the results of this inves-
tigation was a deposition- made and sworn to by the Yak out Cossack Peter
Elianovich Popof, the promyshlenik Yegor Vassilievich Toldin, and the newly
converted Yukagir Ivan Vassilievich Tei'eshkin, and dated Anadirsk, Sept.
2, 1711. It was to the effect that on the 13th of January 1711 Popof and
the two others, who served as interpreters, were sent out by Governor Fedor
Kotovskoi to visit the A-alley of the Anadir and * eceive tribute from some of
the Chukchi tribes. This done they were to proceed to the cape, Chukotskoi
Noss, in order to persuade the Chukchi living there to become tributary to
Russia. Popof met everywhere with a peremptory refusal to pay tribute.
The Chukchi said that formerly the Russians had come to their country in
ships, and they paid no tribute then, and therefore they would not do it now,
and Popof must expect no hostages from them. The Chukchi who dwell
near the cape keep tame reindeer, and in order to tind pasture for their animals
they frequently change their habitation. Opposite tlie cape on either side,
in the sea of Kolima as well as in that of Anadir, islands have been seen,
which the Chukchi call a large country, and they say that the people living
there liave large teeth in their mouths, projecting through the cheeks. Popof
found ten of these men, prisoners among the Chukchi, with their cheeks still
disfigured by the projecting ivory. In summer time they sail across to the
Great Land in one day, and in the winter a swift reindeer team can make it
in one day over the ice. In the other land there are sables, wolves, and bears.
The people are, like the Chukchi, without any government. They have the
wood of cedar, larch, and fir trees, which the Chukchi sometimes obtain for
their bidars, weapons, and huts. About 2,000 people live at and near the
cape, but the inhabitants of the other country are said to be three times
that number, which is confirmed not only by prisoners but also by one of the
Chukchi, who has often been there. Another statement was essentially as
follows: Opposite the cape lies an island, within sight, of no great extent,
devoid of timber, and inhabited by people resembling the Chukchi, though
they speak their own language. It is half a day's voyage to the island from
the cape. Beyond the island there is a large continent, scarcely to be seen
from it, and that only on very clear days. In calm weather one may row
over the sea to the continent, which is inhabited. There are large forests,
and great rivers fall into the sea. The inhabitants have fortified dwellings
with ramparts of earth. Their clothes are the skins of sable and fox. The
Chukchi are often at war with them. Yeshemiassachnaia Sochinenia, 1786,
152-6; IluUer's Voy., 24^6.
28 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
how large the islands were and how distant from the
continent." The commanders and Cossacks ordered
to those regions were all commissioned with such in-
quiries, with the promise of special rewards for such
service from the emperor, who should be informed of
any discoveries by express as soon as any authentic
report was forwarded to Yakutsk.
Orders had been issued as early as 1710 to the
commanders of Ust-Yana and Kolima to give these
discoveries their special attention. In answer, a dep-
osition was sent in by the Cossack Yakov Permakof
of Ust-Yana, stating that he once sailed from the
Lena to the River Kolima, and that on the east side
of Sviatoi Noss he had sighted an island in the sea,
but was unable to ascertain if it was inhabited. There
was also an island situated directly opposite the river
Kolima, an island that might be seen from the conti-
nent. Mountains could be seen upon it, but it was
uncertain whether it was inhabited.
The voivod Trauernicht was further encouraged,*
and prepared two expeditions, one from the mouth of
the river Yana and one from the Kolima, simultane-
ously to search for the supposed island; for which
purpose the men were either to go in boats or travel
on the ice till it could be definitely ascertained if such
an island existed. Concerning the first-named expedi-
tion, which was begun by Merkuri Vagin, a Cossack,
Miiller found several reports at Yakutsk, but in his
opinion the documents did not deserve much consid-
eration.
Vagin departed from Yakutsk during the autumn
of 1711, with eleven other Cossacks, and in May
* Knias Matvei Gagarin wrote to the voivod, under date of January 28,
1711, as follows: 'I have heard by Cossacs and Dworanes from Jakutzk
that you intend to send a party of Cossacs and volunteers to the new coun-
try or island opposite the mouth of the river Kolima, but that you hesitated
about doing it without orders; therefore I have found it necessary to tell you
that you should bj' no means neglect to do it; and if other islands may be
discovered, you will be pleased to do the same with respect to them. But
above all things the expedition is to be made this present year, 1711. This
I write to you by order of his Czarish Majesty.' Muller'x Voy., Intr., xv.-xvi.
EASTERN EXPLORATIONS. 29
1712 he made a voyage from Ust-Yanskole Simovie
to the frozen sea. On this occasion the Yakov Per-
makof, previously mentioned, served as his guide.
The party used sledges drawn by dogs, and after fol-
lowing the coast to Sviatoi Noss, they emerged upon
the frozen ocean and travelled directly north. They
came to a desert island, without wood, which Vagin
estimated to be from nine to twelve days' travel in
circumference. From this island they saw, farther to
the north, another island or land, but as the spring
was already too far advanced, Vagin dared not pro-
ceed, and his provisions running short the whole party
returned to the continent, to provide themselves with
a sufficient supply of fish during the summer. The
point where he reached the coast was between Sviatoi
Noss and the river Khroma. A Cossack had formerly
erected a cross there, and after him it was named Ka-
taief Krest. Being out of provisions, they failed in
an attempt to reach the Khroma, and were compelled
to eke out an existence on the sea-coast, devouring
even the sledge-dogs. Vagin, however, still intended
to prosecute his explorations ; but his Cossacks, remem-
bering their sufferings, to prevent a repetition, rose
against their leader and murdered him, his son, the
guide Permakof, and one promyshlenik. The crime
w^as revealed by one of the accomplices and the of-
enders were brought to justice. During the trial it
appeared that the guide Yakov Permakof did not
believe the supposed large island to be really an island,
but only vapor.
The other expedition, that from the Kolima, met
with no better success. It consisted of a single vessel
commanded by the Cossack Vassili Stadukhin, with
twenty -two men. He merely observed a single prom-
ontory, extending into the sea to the east of Kolima,
surrounded by ice, impenetrable by their vessels.^
^ They used shitihl, or boats, the planks of which were fastened together
with rawhide straps and thongs. They measured about 30 feet in length and
12 feet broad, with a flat bottom, calked with moss. The sails consisted of soft.
30 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
Another expedition was undertaken by a Cossack
named Amossof. He started in 1723 ^Yith a party
to search for an island reported to extend from the
mouth of the Yana beyond the mouth of the Indigirka.
He proceeded to the Kohma, and was prepared to
sail in July 1724. According to his account he found
such shoals of ice before him that he changed his
course and sailed along the coast eastward to the so-
called habitation of Kopai, which he reached on the
7th of August. Here again ice drove him back, and he
returned to the Kolima. The dwelling of Kopai was
about t\^'0 hundred versts east of that river. Amossof
also mentioned a small island situated near the conti-
nent, and during the following winter he made another
journey, with sledges, of which he sent an account to
the chancellery of Yakutsk. The report was to the
effect that on the 3d of November 1724 he set out
from Nishnoie Kolimskoie Simovie, and met with
land in the frozen sea, returning to Kolima on the 23d
of the same month. Upon this land he saw nothing
but old huts covered with earth; it was unknown
to what people the}^ belonged, and what had be-
come of them. Want of provisi(3ns, and especially
of doo^-food, had oblisfed him to turn back without
making any further discoveries. This journey was
also impeded by ridges of ice piled to a great height,
which had to be crossed with the sledges. The place
where Amossof left the continent to go over to the
island is .between the Chukotcha and the Aliseia
rivers. It was an island, in circumference about a
day's travel with dogs, and about the same distance
from the continent, whence its high mountains can
easily be seen. To the north were two other islands,
likewise mountainous and separated by narrow straits.
These he had not visited and did not know their ex-
tent. The first \yas without trees ; no tracks of animals
dressed reindeei--skin, and in place of ropes, straps of elk-skin were used. The
anchors were pieces of wood, to which heavy stones were fastened. MuUer^a
Voy., Introd., xviii.
KAMCHATKA REACHED BY SEA. 3]
were seen but those of reindeer, which live on moss.
The old huts had been constructed of drift-wood and
covered with earth. It is probable that they had
been made by Yukagirs or Chukchi, who had fled
before the first advance of the Russians, and subse-
quently returned to the continent.^
Kopai, mentioned in Amossofs narrative, was a
chief among the Shelages, living at the mouths of the
Kolima and Aliseia rivers. He first paid tribute to
Russia at the request of Vilegin, a promyshlenik, and
in 1724 he paid tribute to Amossof Subsequently,
however, he broke his allegiance and killed some of
Amossofs party.
The first passage by sea from Okhotsk to Kam-
chatka took place in 1716. One of the sailors, a
native of Hoorn in Holland, named Bush, was alive
when Miiller visited Yakutsk in 1736, and he related
to him the circumstances. On the 23d of May 1714
a party of twent}^ Cossacks and sailors arrived at Ok-
hotsk under command of Kosma Sokolof These were
followed in July by some carpenters and shipwrights.
The carpenters built a vessel for sea-service, resem-
blino^ the Russian lodkas in use between Arkhans^el,
Pustozersk, and Novaia Zemlia. The vessel was du-
rable — fifty-one feet long, with eighteen feet beam, and
drew when laden only three and a half feet of water.
Embarking in June 1716, they followed the coast
north-easterly till they came to the mouth of the river
Ola, where a contrary wind drove them across the sea
to Kamchatka. The land first sighted was a promon-
tory north of the river Tigil, where they cast anchor.
Some went ashore, but found only empty huts. The
Kamchatkans had watched the approach of the vessel
and fled to the mountains. The navigators again
set sail, passed the Tigil, and arrived in one day at
^ Miiller does not seem to have placed much faith in Amossofs report.
He expresses the opinion that it was framed to sei-ve private purposes and
subsequently altered to suit circumstances. Voy., Introd., xx.
32 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
the mouth of the httle river Kharinzobka, in the
vicinity of two small islands. From Kharinzobka
they went the following day to the river Itcha, keep-
ing the sea at night and making for the land in the
morning. Here, again, some men were put ashore,
but they could find neither inhabitants nor houses.
They soon returned and the vessel sailed down the
coast till they came to the river Krutogorova. They
intended to make this river, but missed its mouth,
and finding a convenient bay a little to the south
they anchored. On searching the country, they met
with a girl who was gathering edible roots in the
field, and she showed them some huts, inhabited by
twelve Kamchatka Cossacks, stationed there to receive
tribute. The Cossacks were sent for, and served as
guides and interpreters. The vessel was then brought
to the mouth of the river Kompakova, and it was
resolved to winter there. ^
Earl}^ in May 1717 they put to sea, and on the
fourth day became lodged between fields of ice, and
were held there for over five wrecks. At last they
regained the coast of Okhotsk between the river Ola
and Tanisky ostrog, Avhere they stayed several days,
and then returned to Okhotsk about the middle of
July. From that time there was constant navigation
between Okhotsk and Kamchatka.
In 1719 the.Kussian government sent two naviga-
tors or surveyors, Ivan Yevreinof and Fedor Lushin,
to make geographical observations, and specially to
find, if possible, among the Kurile Islands the one
from which the Japanese were said to obtain gold and
silver. They arrived at Yakutsk in May 1720, crossed
over to Kamchatka the same summer, and returned
to Yakutsk in 1721.^ Yevreinof left Lushin in Sibe-
' During the stay of Sokolof and Bush on the Kompakova, a whale was
cast ashore, which had in its body a harpoon of European make, marked with
Roman letters. Midler's Voy., In trod., xUJ.
^ The results Avere kept secret and Miiiler could not get access to their in-
structions, so that nothing more is known about this voyage. Muller's Voy.y
Introd., xliii.
THE AMERICAN SIBERIA. 33
ria and proceeded to Russia to report to the tsar, tak-
ing witli him a map of the Kurile Islands as far as he
had explored them. For the next three years, that is
to say to 1724, rumors and ideas concerning the east
assumed more and more definiteness in Kamchatka,
and at Okhotsk, Yakutsk, and other Russian settle-
ments, at last reaching Moscow and St Petersburg,
there to find attentive listeners.''
Obviously the Great Land opposite, if any such
there was, would present aspects quite difi'erenfc to the
tough Cossacks and to the more susceptible Europeans
from the south. The American Siberia, this farther-
most north-west was once called, and if to the Amer-
ican it was Siberia, to the Siberian it was America.
The eastern end of Asia is lashed by the keen east-
ern tempests and stands bleak and bare, without
vegetation, and the greater part of the year wrapped
in ice and snow. The western shores of America,
though desolate and barren enough within the limits
of Bering sea, are wonderfully different where they
are washed by the Pacific and protected from the east
by high chains of mountains. Here they are open to
the mild westerly winds and warm ocean currents;
they have a damper climate, and, in consequence, a
more vigorous growth of trees and plants. In com-
paratively high latitudes they are covered with fine
forests down to the sea-shore. This is a contrast
which repeats itself in all northern countries. The
ruder Sweden in the east contrasts in a like manner
with the milder Norway in the west; the desolate
^ Miiller relates ' that in the year 1715 there lived at Kamchatka a man of
a foreign nation, who, upon account of the Kamchatkan cedar-nuts and the
low sl\nibs on which they grow, said that he came from a country to the east
where there were large cedars which bore bigger nuts than those of Kam-
chatka ; that his country was situated to the east of Kamchatka ; that there
were found in it great rivers where he lived which discharged themselves
westward into tlic Kamclia,tkan sea; that the inhabitants called themselves
Tontoli; they resembled in their manner of living the people of Kamchatka
and made use of skin boats or haklares like those of the Kamchadales. That
many years ago he went over with some more of his countrymen to Karag-
inskoi ostrow where his companions were slain by the inhabitants, and he
alone made his escape to Kamchatka,' Voy., Introd., xxviii.
Hist. Alaska. 2
34 THE CENTURY-MARCH OF THE COSSACKS.
eastern coast of Greenland buried in polar ice, with
its western coast inhabited, and at times gay with
flowers and verdure. Thus the great eastern coun-
try, the holshaia zemlia, rich in harbors, shelter,
woods, and sea and land animals, might well become
by report among the north-eastern Asiatics a garden
of paradise.
1210579
CHAPTEK III.
THE KAJ^ICHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
1725-1740.
PuBPOSES OF Peter the Great— An Expedition Organized — Sets out
PROM St Petersburg — Death of the Tsar — His Efforts Seconded
BY Catherine and Elizabeth— Bering and Chirikof at Kamchat-
ka — They Coast Northward through Bering Strait and Prove
Asia to be Separated from America — Adventures of Shestakof —
Expedition of Hens, Fedorof, and Gvozdef — America Sighted— Or-
ganization OF the Second General Expedition — Bfeliography — â–
Personnel of the Expedition — Bering, Chirikof, Spanberg, Walton,
Croyere, Steller, Muller, Fisher, and Others — Russian Religion —
Easy Morality —Model Missionaries — The Long "Weary Way across
Siberia— Charges against Bering — Arrival of the Expedition at
Okhotsk.
The excessive curiosity of Peter the Great extended
further than to ship-building, astronomy, and general
geography. Vast as was the addition of Siberia to
the Russian empire there lay something more beyond,
still indistinct and shadowy in the world's mind, and
the astute Peter determined to know what it was.
The sea of Okhotsk had been found, and it was in the
same latitude as the Baltic; the ostrog of Okhotsk
had been built, and it stood upon almost exactly the
same parallel as St Petersburg. Might not there be
for him an American Russia, as already there was a
European and an Asiatic Russia ? And might not
this new Russia, occupying the same relative position
to America that the old Russia did to Europe, be
worth more to him than a dozen Siberias? He would
see. And he would know, too, and that at once,
whether the continents of Asia and America joined.
36 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
This would be a good opportunity likewise to try his
new ships, his new discipline, and see what the skilled
fentlemen whom he had invited from Austria, and
*russia, and Holland could do for him. There were
many around him whom his enthusiasm had inspired,
and who wished to try their mettle in strange ad-
venture.
Such were the thoughts arising in the fertile brain
of the great Peter which led to what may be called
the two Kamchatka expeditions; that is, two prin-
cipal expeditions from Kamchatka, with several sub-
ordinate and collateral voyages, the first of which
was to ascertain whether Asia and America joined or
were separate, and the second to thoroughly explore
eastern Siberia, to discover and examine the American
coast opposite, and to learn something more of the
Kurile Islands and Japan. Both explorations were
under the command of Vitus Bering, a Danish cap-
tain in the Russian service, who was engaged on the
first about five years, the second series occupying
some sixteen years, not wholly, however, under this
commander.
For the guidance of his admiral. Count Apraxin,
the tsar drew up instructions with his own hand.
Two decked boats were to be built at Kamchatka,
and, to assist Bering in the command, lieutenants Mar-
tin Spanberg and Alexei Chirikof were appointed.
Other officers as well as ship-builders and seamen
were chosen, and on February 5, 1725, the expedition
set out overland through Siberia. Three days there-
after the monarch died; but his instructions were
faithfully carried out by his successors, Catherine the
wife and Elizabeth the daughter.
Much trouble was experienced in crossing the con-
tinent, in obtaining provisions, and in making ready
the ships; so that it was not until the 21st of August
1727 that Bering with Chirikof set sail in the Fortuna,
from Okhotsk, for the southern end of the Kamchat-
kan peninsula, where by July of the following year
BERING'S FIRST VOYAGE. 37
they had ready another vessel, the Gavril, or Gabriel.
Leaving the river Kamchatka the 20th of July, they
coasted the eastern shore of the peninsula northward,
till on the 8th of August they found themselves in
latitude 64° 30', at the river Anadir. The Chukchi
there told them that after rounding East Cape the
coast turned toward the west. Continuing, they
passed and named St Lawrence Island, and the
16th of August they were in latitude 67° 18', having
passed the easternmost point of Asia, and through the
strait of Bering. There the coast turned abruptly
westward, as they had been told. If it continued in
that direction, as was more than probable, Asia and
America were not united.^ Bering's mission was ac-
complished, and he therefore returned, reaching Kam-
chatka in September.
In connection with this first voyage of Bering, two
expeditions were undertaken in the same direction
under the auspices of Afanassiy Shestakof, a chief of
the Yakutsk Cossacks. This bold man, whose energy
was of that reckless, obstinate type that knows no
defeat, went to St Petersburg and made several pro-
posals to the senate forthe subjection of the independent
Chukchi and Koriaks and the unruly Kamchatkans.
The eloquence with which he advanced his scheme
procured him applause and success. He was appointed
chief of an expedition in which to accomplish his heart's
desire.
The admiralty appointed a Hollander, Jacob Hens,
pilot; Ivan Fedorof, second in command, Mikhail Gvoz-
def, '"geodesist," or surveyor; Herdebal, searcher of
ores, and ten sailors. He was to proceed both by
land and by sea. From the arsenal at Catherineburg,
Siberia, he was to be provided with small cannons and
mortars, and ammunition, and a captain of the Siberian
regiment of dragoons at Tobolsk, Dmitri Pavlutzki,
^ Miiller, Voy. 4, is in error when he says that 'the circumstances on which
the captain founded his judgment were false, he being then in a bay which,
although one shore did trend to the west, the opposite shore ran again to the
east.' Bering's suppositions were coi-rect in every particular.
38 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
was ordered to join him, each receiving command
over four hundred Cossacks, ^Yhile at the same time
all the Cossacks stationed in ostrogs and simovies, or
winter-quarters, in the Chukchi district, were placed
at their disposal. With these instructions Shestakof
returned to Siberia in June 1727. At Tobolsk he re-
mained till late in November, wintered on the upper
Lena, and arrived at Yakutsk the next summer. There
a dispute arose between Shestakof and Pavlutzki,
which caused their separation. In 1729 Shestakof
went to Okhotsk and there took possession, for the
purposes of his expedition, of the vessels with which
Bering had lately returned from Kamchatka. On the
1st of September he despatched his cousin, the syn-
hoyarsJci,ov bastard noble, Ivan Shestakof, in the Gavril
to the River Ud, whence he was to proceed to Kam-
chatka and begin explorations, while he himself sailed
in the Fortuna. This vessel was wrecked near Taniski
ostrog, and nearly all on board perished, Shestakof
barely saving his life in a canoe. With a small rem-
nant of his men and some friendl}^ Tunguses and Kor-
iaks he set out for Kamchatka on foot, but on the
14th of March 1730 he was overpowered near the
gulf of Penshinsk by a numerous body of Chukchi
and received a mortal wound. Only three days before
this Shestakof had sent orders to Taniski ostrog that
the Cossack Tryfon Krupischef should embark for
Bolsheretsk in a sea-o^oing^ vessel, thence make his
way round the southern point of the peninsula, touch
at Nishekamchatsk, and proceed to the river Ana-
dir. The inhabitants of the "large country lying
opposite to this river" he must ask to pay tribute to
Russia. Gvozdef, the navigator, was to be taken on
board if he desired, and shown every respect.
After battling with adverse winds and misfortunes
for about two years, the explorers passed northward
along the Asiatic shore, by the gulf of Anadir, noting
the Diomede Islands, and perhaps catching a glimpse
of the American shore. The leaders were quarrelling
WHAT MIKHAIL GVOZDEF SAW.
W ' ^
"" 7 §//lv .
1
't^
1
1
^1 ' >.;l^
g ^
1
1
1? ^
1 r- te^
>
m
f
5 '' '^ (
^1 !â– 1 4
1
1
1
- ' i
en
n <
: *
y ~^
r
;-
1
1
li
lulu"-''
1
-
M
^ . _ ^
- -- '^ ^ ^1
40 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
continually, and Fedorof, the navigator in command,
was lame and confined to his bed during nearly all
the voyage. On their return to Kamchatka they made
the most contradictory statements before the author-
ities. From Gvozdef s report we are told that at some
time during the year 1730 he found himself between
latitude 65° and 66°, "on a strange coast, situated
opposite, at a small distance from the country of the
Chukchi, and that he found people there, but could
not speak with them for want of an interpreter."^
The land expedition was more successful. In Sep-
tember 1730 Jacob Hens, the pilot, received intelli-
gence from Pavlutzki, dated at Nishnekolimsk, to
the effect that Shestakof s death would not delay the
expedition. Hens was to go with one of the ves-
sels left at Okhotsk by Bering, to the river Anadir,
to the head-waters of which Pavlutzki was shortly to
march. Whereupon Hens proceeded in the Gavril to
the mouth of the Kamchatka, where he arrived in
July 1731, and was told that a rebellious band of
Kamchatkans had come to Nishnekamchatsk ostrog,
killed most of the Russians there, and set fire to the
houses. The few remaining Russians took shelter in
the vessel, and Hens sent men and reduced the Kam-
chatkans to obedience. This, however, prevented his
going to the Anadir River.
^Muller's Voyages, 8-11. Of the commander of this expedition, Ivan
Fedorof, we have but little information beyond the fact that he died in
February 1733, and that he had been -with Shestakof's expedition in 1727;
that he had been ordered to join him together with the mate Hens, and
the surveyor Gvozdef. His companion and assistant, and finally successor
in command, Mikhail Spiridonovich Gvozdef, l^egan liis education in 1716, at
the school of navigation, and in 1719 attended the St Petersburg Naval
Academy, being in the surveying class. In 1721 he was sent on government
duty to Novogorod, where he remained till 1725. In 1727 he graduated as
surveyor, and was sent to Siberia to join Shestakof. After his exploration in
Bering Strait, he was arrested in 1735 by the governor of Siberia at Tobolsk,
upon an erroneous accusation, and sent back to Okhotsk in 1736. In 1741
he explored and surveyed the Okhotsk coast for 200 versts southward, and in
1742 he accompanied midshipman Sc^ielting to the Shantar Islands, at the
mouth of the Amoor. After the disbandment of the Kamchatka expedition
he remained in Siberia till 1754, when he was appointed teacher in the naval
corps of cadets. The date of his death is not known. Zapishi, Hydrocjrafi-
cheskar/o Dej>artamenta, ix. 78-87.
It is possible that Gvozdef's voyage was of greater importance than the
HENS AND PAVLUTZKI. 41
Meanwhile Pavlutzki had arrived at Anadirskoi
ostrog in September 1730, and the following year he
undertook a campaign against the obstinate Chuk-
chi. On the 12th of March 1731 he put in motion
his column, composed of 215 Russians, 160 Koriaks,
and 60 Yukagirs, moving along the head- waters of
some of the northern tributaries of the Anadir, and
then turninaf northward to the coast of the Arctic.
After marching two months at the rate of about
ten versts a day, stopping frequently to rest, Pav-
lutzki arrived at the frozen sea, near the mouth
of a river. For two weeks he travelled eastward along
the coast, mostly upon the ice and far from the shore.
This was done, probably, for the purpose of avoiding
an encounter with the natives, but at last, on the 7th
of June, a large body of Chukchi was seen advancing,
writers of that period ascribed to it. lu the year 1743 Captain Spanberg of
Bering's expedition was commissioned by the imperial government to inves-
tigate the results of this voyage. In case of a failure to obtain satisfactory
information, Spanl^erg was to take command of another expedition to review
and correct the work of Gvozdef and Fedorof. Spanberg evidently entered
upon this duty with his usual energy, and as upon his report the order for a
new expedition was countermanded from St Petersburg, we may suppose
that Spanberg at least was satisfied that the information obtained by Gvozdef
and Fedorof was satisfactory. Spanberg found in addition to two depositions
made to Gvozdef on the subject an original journal kept by Fedorof alone,
'for his own personal remembrance.' With the help of this document a chart
was compiled by Spanberg under Gvozdef's supervision, illustrative of the
voyage in question. The chart was finally transmitted to the admiralty
college, where copies were executed, but the original can no longer be found.
In his journal we find, after a detailed accurate description of the Diomede
Islands, leaving no room for doubt as to their identity, an entry to the eflect
that after sailing from the mouth of the Anadir River they steered in an east-
erly direction, and after sailing five days with favorable wind, they saw land
on their left side (northerly side), and hoped to find it an island. They made
directly for this land, but when they had approached within half a verst,
they saw that it was not an island, but a continent. The coast was sand and
there were dwellings on the shore, and a number of people. There was also
timber on this land, spruce and larch. They coasted along this land, keeping
it on the left side for five days, and then, not seeing the end of it, they did
not dare to go any farther in that direction because the water became too
shallow for their small craft. The same statement was confirmed in the
deposition of Shurikhin, a member of the expedition, also examined by Span-
berg. Gvozdef, Fedorof, and Shurikhin agree in the statement that the
natives of the 'continent' used skin boats covered on top or the Eskimo's
kiak, which is found only on the American side of the strait. The descrip-
tion of the land would fit well the country about Norton Sound, the only
point on all that coast where the timber approaclies the shore. The shallow
water found going to the southward, would also indicate that they approached
the remarkable shoals lying off the mouths of the Yukon Eiver. Sokolqf,
Istoria; Morskoi Ssboruik, passim.
42 THE KAJilCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
and as they would not listen to Pavlutzki's summons
to obedience, he attacked and put them to flight.
About the last of June another battle was fought
and with the same result. After a rest of three days
the march toward Chukotskoi Noss was resumed, but
another larger body of natives was met with there and
a third battle ensued, during which some articles were
recovered which had been in possession of Shestakof.
Pavlutzki claimed this engagement, also, as a victory
and declared his total loss in the three battles to have
been but three Russians, one Yukagir, and five Ko-
riaks killed. But the Chukchi were by no means
subdued. After reaching the cape the expedition re-
turned across the country in a south-easterly direction
and in October reached ostrog Anadirskoi.^ Pav-
lutzki finally died at Yakutsk with the rank of voivod.
His explorations were carried on with indomitable
courage and rare ability, and altogether his achieve-
ments furnish a worthy prelude to those of Bering
and Chirikof a few years later. The feat of marching
across the country of the warlike Chukchi was not
repeated till half a century later, when a party under
Billings, not as an army defying interference, but as
an humble expedition, were suffered to pass by the
insolent natives, who robbed them at every step with
impunity.
The second Kamchatka expedition, under the
auspices of the empress Elizabeth, was the most
brilliant effort toward scientific discovery which up
to this time had been made by any government.* It
* Mutter's Very., 11-15; Coxe's Russian Discoveries, 237; Burney's Chron.
Hist, 128-37, 196etseq.
* The sources of information concerning this expedition are numerous, but
not altogether satisfactory. The first account, brief and wholly unreliable,
was published by the Parisian geographer De LTsle, in 1752, in a pamphlet
entitled Explication de la Carte des Nouvelles Decouvertcs au Nord de la Mer
du Sud. In 1753 there was printed at Berlin, also in French, and immedi-
ately translated into English and German, though never published in Russian,
a Letter of a JRussian Naval Officer, which was ascribed to Miiller, who con-
tradicted the statements of De LTsle, and gave his own version. Engel, in
his Geoyraphische und Kritische Nachrichten, ii. 44, 47, endeavors to prove
ARCTIC GEOGRAPHY. 43
must be borne in mind that Siberia, discovered and
named by the Cossacks in the sixteenth century,
was in the earher part of the eighteenth but httle
known to European Russia, and the region round
Miiller to be the author of the letter. In 1758 Miiller published a volume
entitled Voyages and Discoveries of the Hussians in the Arctic Sea, and the
Eastern Ocean, in both German and Russian, which was translated into Eng-
lish in 1771, and into French in 1776. The volume is accompanied by maps,
and covers the entire ground, without, however, going into minor details, and
without doing justice to the vast work performed by the attendant scientists.
This was the chief authority until Sokolof took up the subject in a lengthy
communication to the Zapiski Hydrograficheskago Departamenta in 1851.
In 18'20 another brief description of the expedition was furnished by
Sarychef, under the title of Voyages of Eussian Naval Officers in the Arctic
Seas, from 1734 to 1742, printed in vol. iv. of the publications of the Russian
admiralty department. In the mean time other publications connected with
or resulting from the expedition, though not treating of it, appeared at vari-
ous times, such as the Flora Siberica, by Gmelin, published serially between
17-49 and 1769; A Voyage through Siberia, also by Gmelin, in 1752; A his-
tory of Siberia, under the title of Sammlung russischer geschichten, by Miiller,
in 1732-6; Description of the Kamchatka Country, by Krashennikof, in 1755;
History of Siberia, by Fisher, in 1768 (this was in German, the Russian
translation appearing only in 1774); Description of the Kamchatka Country,
by Steller, in 1774; Journcd of a Voyage from Kamchatka to America, also by
Steller, published in 1793, in Pcdlas, Neue Nord. Beitr. ; A Detailed Descrip-
tion of the Voyages from the White Sea to the Gulf of Obi appeared in the
Foiir Voyages of Lutke, in 1826; in 1841 Wrangell published a Voyage in
Siberia, with frequent allusions to the second Kamchatka expedition. A
few articles on the results of the expedition in the fields of natural history,
astronomy, and history appeared in papers of the Imperial Academy of Sci-
ences, and the documents collected by Miiller from the Siberian archives for
his history of Siberia have been published from time to time in the proceed-
ings of the imperial Russian historical and archceological commission. The
most reliable source of information upon this subject has been found in the
archives of the Russian naval department. The documents concerning the
doings of the Bering expedition comprise 25 large bundles of over 30,000
pages; these documents extend over a period of 17 years, between 1730 and
1747. The archives of the hydrographic department of the Russian navy
contain the journals of navigation of nearly all the vessels engaged, all in
copies only. The original journals and maps were sent in 1754 to Irkutsk
and placed in the hands of Miatlef, governor of Siberia, with a view to a
resumption of the labors of the expedition; thence the papers were trans-
ferred in 1759 to Governor Saimonof at Tobolsk, and they were finally given
to Sokolof, above mentioned, by N. N. Muravief, governor general of eastern
Siberia, for the purpose of writing an account of the expedition. The greater
part of these documents were copies made by pupils of the naval corps of
cadets and of the nautical academy, and though written clearly and care-
fully, they are full of egregious errors. The collection comprises over 60
manuscript volumes. The copies of the original maps accompanying the
journals were also carelessly made. In the" archives and library of the
imperial academy there exists the so-called 'Miiller Portfolio,' containing a
large number of reports, letters, and journals of members of the academy
accompanying the expedition, wi-itten in Russian, French, German, and Latin.
The only naval journal found in this collection was kept by Master Khitrof,
and is the most valuable thing in the portfolio. Sokolof's account of the
second Kamchatka expedition begins with the following dedication of his
work to Peter the Great: ' To thee I dedicate this work, to thee without
U THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
Kamchatka scarcely at all. The maps of the day
were problematical. The semi-geographical mission
of the surveyors Lushin and Yevreinof to the Kurile
Islands in 1719-21 had been barren of results. The
first expedition of Bering from 1725 to 1730 had
advanced along the river routes to Okhotsk, thence
by sea to Kamchatka, and northward to the straits
subsequently named after him, but made few discov-
eries of importance, determining the astronomical
positions of points and j)laces only by latitude without
longitude, but revealing the trend of the Kamchatka
coast to the northward. The expedition of Shestakof
from 1727 to 1732 was more of a military nature,
and resulted in little scientific information. The ex-
ploration of Hens, Fedorof, and Gvozdef, made about
the same time, was scarcely more satisfactory in its
results, thouofh it served to confirm some thino^s re-
ported by Bering during his first voyage.
Russia wished to know more of this vast uncovered
region, wished to map its boundaries, and mark off
her claim. The California coast had been explored
as far as Cape Mendocino, but over the broad area
thence to the Arctic there still hung the great North-
ern Mystery,^ with its Anian Strait, and silver moun-
tains, and divers other fabulous tales. The northern
provinces of Japan were likewise unknown to the
enlightened world; and now the Muscovite, who had
sat so long in deep darkness, would teach even the
Celt and Saxon a thing or two.
Soon after the return of Bering from his first expe-
dition, namely, on the 30th of April 1730, the com-
mander presented to the empress two letters called
by him, " Proposals for the Organization of the
•whom it would not exist, since the discoveries described in the same are the
fruit of the great ideas conceived by thee, the benefactor, father, and organizer
of this vast empire; to thee are thy subjects indebted for law, good order, and
influence within and without, as well as for morality, knowledge, and every-
thing else that makes a nation fortunate and important.' Zajnski Hydrograji-
cheskaijo Departamenta, i.x. 199.
* For a full exposition of which see Hist. Northwest Coast, i. , and Hist. Cat. ,
i., passim, this series.
SCIENTISTS IN SIBERIA. 45
Okhotsk and Kamchatka country," and advised an
immediate discovery of routes to America and Japan
for the purpose of estabhshing commercial relations
with these countries. He also recommended that the
northern coast of the empire between the rivers Ob
and Lena be thoroughly explored.^ The organization
of the country already known, commanded the first
attention of the empress, to which end she issued, on
the 10th of May 1731, an oukaz ordering the former
chief ])rokuror, or sergeant-at-arms of the senate,
Skorniakof Pisaref, then in exile, to assume control of
the extreme eastern country, and be furnished with
the necessary means to advance its interests. The
residence of the new official was to be Okhotsk, to
which point laborers and settlers were to be sent from
Yakutsk, together with a boat-builder, three mates,
and a few mechanics.^ The exile-governor did not
however long hold his position. Scarcely had he
assumed office when the second Kamchatka expedi-
tion was decided upon and Vitus Bering received the
supreme command of all the territory included in his
explorations.
At that time several circumstances combined to
carry forward the plans of Bering to their highest
consummation. The empire was at peace and the
imperial cabinet was presided over by Count Oster-
mann, who had formerly been secretary of Admiral
Cruce, and had devoted considerable attention to naval
affairs. In the senate the expedition Avas earnestly
supported by the chief secretary Kirilof ; in the ad-
miralty college Count Golovin presided as the ruling
^Appendix to Sokolof 's Second Expedition. Zapislci Hydrograjicheshago
Departamenta, ix. 434.
' Grigor Skorniakof Pisaref was appointed to command Okhotsk as an in-
dependent district. His annual salary was fixed at 300 rubles, 100 bushels of
rye meal, and 100 buckets of brandy. This individual had a checkered
career. In 1715 he was a captain in the Preobrashenski lifeguards, and
attached to the academy of naval artillery; in 1719, he was made comman-
der of the naval academy; in 1720 he published a book, Practical Manual of
Statistics and Mechanics; in 1722 he was made 'chief prokuror' of the senate;
in 1723 he was relieved from the academy by Captain Narishkin; in 1727, he
was punished with the knout and sent to Siberia as an exile. Morshoi Sbor-
nik, i. 11, 17.
46 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
spirit, while the prokuror was Saimonof, the rival of
Kirilof. The foreign members of the Academy of
Sciences, in order to preserve their prestige, were
looking about for fields of activity, anxious to serve
their new fatherland. The spirit of Peter the Great
was yet alive among the leading subjects of the
empire; his plans were still fresh in the memory of
men, and all were eager to execute his progressive
purposes. And soon all Siberia was flooded with men
of science searchino^ out thinojs both laro-er and smaller
than sables, and throwing Cossack and promyshlenik
completely into the shade. By toilsome processes
the necessary means of subsistence and materials
were collected at the central stations throughout
Siberia, and along the thirteen hundred leagues of Arc-
tic sea-coast were placed at various points magazines
of supplies for explorers. From six to seven months
were sometimes occupied in transporting from the
forest to the seaports trees for ship-building. And
many and wide-spread as were the purposes, every
man had his place. To every scientist was given his
work and his field, to every captain the river he was to
reconnoitre, or the coast he was to explore. And when
the appointed time came there set forth simultane-
ously, from all the chief i^iver-mouths in Siberia, like
birds of passage, little exploring expeditions, to begin
their battle with the ice and the morass. Some brought
their work to a quick and successful issue; others
encountered the sternest difficulties.
But the adventures which chiefly concern us are
those pointing toward the American continent, which
were indeed the central idea of all these undertakings,
and by far the most important outcome from this
Siberian invasion by the scientists. Before embark-
ing on the first great eastern voyage of discovery, let
us glance at the personnel of the expedition.
Captain-commander Ivan Ivanovich Bering, so the
Bussians called him, notvyithstanding his baptismal
name of Vitus, was a Dane by birth, as I have said, who
PETER'S INSTRUCTIONS. 47
had been in the Russian naval service about thirty
years, advancing gradually from the rank of sub-lieuten-
ant since 1704. He was strong in body and clear of
mind even when nearly sixty; an acknowledged man
of intelligence, honesty, and irreproachable conduct,
though in his later years he displayed excessive care-
fulness and indecision of character, governed too much
by temper and caprice, and submitting too easily to the
influence of subordinates. This may have been the effect
of age, or of disease; but whatever the cause, he was
rendered thereby less fit to command, especially so im-
portant and hazardous an adventure in so inhospitable
a region as Siberia at the beginning of the eighteenth
century. He had been selected by Peter the Great
to command the first expedition upon the representa-
tions of admirals Seniavin and Sievers, because " he
had been to India and knew all the approaches to that
country."^ After his return he had advanced gradu-
^ In the archives of the admiralty council in St Petersburg there is still
preserved a manuscrijDt copy of the original instructions indited by Peter the
Great for the first Bering expedition. The instructions were finally promul-
gated by the admiralty college, or perhaps by Count Apraxin, and had been
corrected in the great tsar's own handwriting, to read as follows:
'1. To select such surveyors as have been in Siberia and have returned
thence; upon which, at request of the senate, the following surveyors were
ordered to the province of Siberia: Ivan Evreinof (died), Feodor Lushin,
Peter Skobeltzin, Ivan Svostunof, Dmitri Baskakof, Vassili Shetilof, and
Grigor Putilof.
' 2. To select from naval lieutenants or second lieutenants, such as are fit to
be sent to Siberia and Kamchatka. In the opinion of Vice-admii'al Sievers and
Contre-admiral Seniavin, the most desirable individuals of that class were lieu-
tenants Stanberg (Spanberg?), Zveref or Kessenkof, and the sub-lieutenants
Chirikof and Laptief. It would not be bad to place over these as commander
either Captain Bering or Von Verd; Bering has been to East India and knows
the routes, and Von Verd was his mate.
' 3. To select from the master-mechanics or apprentices such as are able to
build a decked boat according to our model used with big ships; and for the same
purpose to select four carpenters with their instruments, as young as possible,
and one quartermaster and eight sailors. The boat-builder apprentice, Feo-
dor Kozlof, has all the required qualifications, being able to draught plans of
decked boats and to build them. (In Peter the Great's own handwriting:
It is absolutely necessary to have some mate or second mate who has been to
North America. )
'4. The usual complement of sails, blocks, ropes etc., and four falconets,
with the necessary ammunition, should be increased by half — doubled, in
Peter's own handwriting.
'5. If such a mate cannot be found in the fleet it is necessary to write im-
mediately to Holland for two men, experienced navigators in the Northern or
Japan seas, and to forward them at once by way of Anadirsk. Vice-admiral
48 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
ally to the rank of captain-commander, and had re-
ceived a cash reward of a thousand rubles, an amount
commonly granted at that time to envoys returning
from distant countries. He was now anxious to ob-
tain the rank of contre-admiral for his long services
and discoveries. The admiralty college made repre-
sentations to that effect to the imperial cabinet, but no
reply was received.^
Next in command, appointed with Bering, and who
had served as junior officer on the first expedition, and
now a captain, was Alexei Ilich Chirikof, one of the
best officers of his day, the pride and hope of the fleet.
Russian historians are perhaps a little inclined to
Sievers promises to forward these men immediately if they can be found in
the imperial fleet Another addition in Peter's own handwriting: The rig-
ging may be omitted, the rest is all right. Signed on the 23d of December,
1724.'
^ Berg in his researches into Siberian history foimd several documents
giving biographical details concerning Bering and his family, which may be
of some interest to the reader. He had with him in Siberia his wife and chil-
dren, two sons named Thomas and Unos, who were still alive in the city of
Revel when Sokolof wrote his history of the expedition. The -wife, Anna
Matveievna. was a young and lively woman and apparently not without influ-
ence; possibly a little unscrupulous. At all events it is known that in conse-
quence of certain i-umors the senate issued an order in September 173S to
keep an eye on the wife of Captain-commander Bering, then on her way from
Siberia, as well as on other members of the expedition about to return, and
to detail for the pui-pose an 'able man.' This supervision was proved to be
necessary on the Siberian frontier, as it appeared that the lady carried in her
baggage a large quantity of furs and government property. However, on her
arrival at ISIoscow she surrendered everything, made a few presents to the
customs officials, and hurried to St Petersburg, where she informed the in-
spectors that she did not belong to Siberia but to St Petensburg. In 1744,
when she asked for a widow's pension, or the award of her husband's salary
for one year, she declared that she was 39 years of age; and in 1750, when she
again petitioned for a pension, her age was given as 40 — not an uncom-
mon mistake made bj' ladies. As characteristic of Bering's mind, Sokolof
produces a letter written by him to Lieutenant Blunting, who at that time,
1738, was quarrelling with the commander of the port of Okhotsk, Pisaref.
' You know yourself better than I what kind of a man Pisaref is, ' he writes.
'It is always better when a rabid dog is about, to get out of his way in order
not to be bitten when it is^none of our business. You are yourself somewhat
to blame, and perhaps you think that as an ofljcer you are exempt from pun-
ishment, but if Captain-commander Villebois was your commander, you would
have been punished' though you are an officer. I know not under what weak
commanders you have served to cause you to act as you do; remember this
and take care of yourself in the future, if you would avoid a sore head. No-
body knows his fate, perhaps you will be an admiral yet, as has happened
to Nikolai' Fedorovich Golovin, president of the admiralty college, but for-
meiiy he was only a sub-lieutenant under my command; and look at Shafirof,
what honors have been bestowed upon him, according to our latest letters.
Pisaref 's fate is fortunately hidden from him. That may be your consolation. '
Zap. Hydr., ix. 209-10.
BERING AND HIS OFFICERS. 49
magnify the faults of Bering the Dane as well as the
merits of Chirikof the Russian. The latter they say
was well educated, courageous, and straightforward,
bright of intellect as well as thoughtful, and whose
kind heart the exigencies of the cruel naval service had
never been able wholly to debase. He had graduated
from the naval academy in 1721, and had been at once
promoted to a sub-lieutenancy, skipping the rank of
midshipman. He was at first attached to the fleet,
but subsequently received an appointment at the naval
academy as instructor of the marines of the guard.
"While in that position he was presented to Peter the
Great by Sievers and Seniavin as one of the officers
selected to join the first Bering expedition. He was
placed under the immediate command of Bering, to-
gether with Spanberg, in 1725. Before setting out
he was promoted to lieutenant, and gave evidence
throughout the expedition of great courage and com-
mon-sense. On his return in 1730 he was made a
captain-lieutenant; two years later, in 1732, he was
again promoted and made full captain, " not by sen-
iority but on account of superior knowledge and
Avorth," as they said. At the time of his appoint-
ment he was on special duty at Kazan, and he re-
turned to St Petersburg only a few days before the
departure of the expedition in February 1733; but
he still found time to give most valuable assistance in
framing the final instructions.^*'
The third in command was Captain Martin Petrovich
Spanberg, a countryman of Bering, a native of Den-
^° It is remarkable that in all the accounts of quarrels between the heads of
the various detachments of scientists and naval officers serving under Bering's
command, the name of Chirikof is never found. He seems to have had the good-
will of every one and escaped all complaints from superiors; he had with
him in Siberia a wife and daughter. On his" return from the American coast
he lived in the town of Yenisseisk, suffering from consumption until 1746; in
that year he was ordered to St Petersburg, and upon his arrival was again
appointed to the naval academy. In the same year he was transferred to
Moscow to look after some naval affairs of importance, and on that occasion
he made several propositions for the organization of further exploring expe-
ditions. He died in 1747 with rank of captain-commander. Morskoi Sbor-
nik, iv. 213-14.
Hist. Alaska. 4
50 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
mark. It is not known when he entered the Kussian
service, but he accompanied the first expedition as
senior officer. He was ilhterate, with a reckless au-
dacity, rough, and exceedingly cruel, avaricious and
selfish, but strong in mind, bod}^, and purpose, of great
energy, and a good seaman. His bad reputation ex-
tended over all Siberia, and was long preserved in the
memory of the people. Sibiriaks feared him and his
wanton oppression. Some of them thought him a
great general, while othei-s called him an escaped ex-
ecutioner. He was always accompanied by a dog of
huge dimensions, which it was said would tear people
to pieces at his master's command. Chirikof thought
him possessed of some sparks of a noble ambition, but
all was put down by his subordinates to a love of
tyranny. His knowledge of the Russian language was
exceedingly limited. Having been made a captain-
lieutenant during the first expedition, he was now a
captain, like Chirikof, but higher on the list Little
is said of his share in the work performed by the expe-
dition, but his name occurs in hundreds of complaints
and petitions from victims of his licentiousness, cruelty,
and avarice. He was just the man to become rich.
On his return from Siberia he brought with him a
thousand yards of army cloth, a thousand bales of fur,
and whole herds of horses. He carried to Siberia
his wife and son, and they accompanied him at sea.^^
Such is the character of the man as presented by
Russian authorities, which are all we have on the
subject. Again it will be noticed that while Chirikof,
the Russian, is highly praised, Spanberg, the Dane,
is roundly rated, and we may make allowance accord-
ingly.
" He returned to St Petersburg from Siberia without orders in 1745, and
â– v^as promptly placed under arrest and remanded for trial. His sentence was
death, but in the mean time other charges had been preferred, based upon com-
plaints of the people of Siberia, and the sentence was postponed. After many-
delays he was released at the request of the Danish ambassador. In 1749 he
was given the command of a newly constructed man-of-war, which foundered
on leaving the harbor of Arkhangelsk; for this he was again tried by court-
martial and again acquitted. He died at last in 1761, with the rank of cap-
tain of the first class. Sokolof, in Zap. Ilydr., ix. 215-26.
THE GREAT MAP-MAKER. 51
Of the other officers of the expedition there is not
much to be said, as they were not prominently con-
nected with the discovery of the American coast.
Lieutenant Walton, the companion of Spanberg, was
an Englishman who had entered the Russian service
only two years before. Midshipman Schelting was an
illegitimate son of Contre-admiral Petrovski, a Hol-
lander. He was twenty-five years of age and had
been attached to the fleet only two years. Lieutenant
Lassenius, the senior officer of the Arctic detach-
ments, who was instructed to explore the coast beyond
the Lena river, was a Dane. He had also but recently
entered the Russian service. According to Gmelin
he was a skilful and experienced officer; later he was
relieved by Lieutenant Laptief, also an old lieutenant
who had been recommended to Peter the Great for
the first expedition as a considerate and courageous
man. The less said of the morals of any of these
mariners the better. Neither the age nor the nation
was conspicuous for justice or refinement. Drinking
and gambling were among the more innocent amuse-
ments, at least in the eyes of the sailors, among whom
were the most hardened villains that could be picked
out from the black sheep of the naval service. There
can be no doubt that an almost brutal discipline was
sometimes necessary, but the practice of it was com-
mon. In regard to honesty, we must not suppose that
the appropriation of public property by officers of the
government was then regarded as a greater crime than
Upon the request of the senate the imperial acad-
emy had instructed its member, Joseph de L'Isle,
to compile a map of Kamchatka and adjoining coun-
tries; but not satisfied with this, the senate demanded
the appointment of an astronomer to join the expedi-
tion accompanied by some students advanced in astron-
omy, and two or three versed in mineralogy. Two
volunteers for this service were found among the
52 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
academicians, Johann Gmelin, professor of chemistry
and natural history, and Louis de L'Isle de la Croyere,
a brother of the map-maker and professor of astron-
omy. These were joined by a third, Gerhard Miiller,
professor of history and geography. The senate
accepted these, but ordered further twelve students
from the Slavo-Latin school at Moscow to be trained
in the academy for the proposed expedition. The
admiralty college urged the necessity of extending
the exploration over the whole northern coast of
Siberia, and it was then that were appointed as com-
manders subordinate to Bering, Spanberg, and Chi-
rikof, one lieutenant, three sub-lieutenants, and a
command of servants and soldiers numbering one hun-
dred and fifty-seven in all. A few members of the
college proposed to send the whole expedition to the
coast of Kamchatka round the world by sea, the
earliest plan toward circumnavigation conceived by a
Russian; but their counsel did not prevail. ^^
The command of the proposed expedition to Japan
was given to Captain Spanberg, assisted by Lieuten-
ant Walton and Midshipman Schelting. The explor-
ation of the northern coast was intrusted to lieutenants
Muravief and Pavlof; lieutenants Meygin, Skuratof^
and Ovtzin were also appointed but subsequently re-
lieved by Masters Minnin, Pronchishchef, and Las-
senius. The two latter died and were replaced by two
brothers, the lieutenants Hariton and Dmitri Laptief.
Another detail consisted of three lieutenants, Waxel,
Plunting, and Endogarof, four masters, twelve master's
mates, ship and boat builders, three surgeons, nine
assistant surgeons, a chaplain, six monks, commissaries,
navigators, a number of cadets and sailors, all num-
bering five hundred and seventy men. From the
academy the final appointments were the naturalist
Gmelin and the historian Miiller, who were subse-
quently relieved by Steller and Fisher; the astronomer
^2 Both Berg, in his Lives of Admirals, ii. 238, and Gmelin, in his Voyage
in Siberia, make mention of these j)roposals.
SOMETHING OF THE SCIENTISTS. 53
De L'Isle de la Croyere, with five students, four sur-
veyors, who were increased in Siberia by four more,
an interpreter, an instrument-maker, two artists, and
a special escort of fourteen men. An engineer and
architect named Frederick Stael was also attached to
the expedition for the construction of roads and har-
bors, but he died on his way to Siberia.
Miiller and Gmelin were both young men, the first
being twenty-eight and the other twenty-four. They
were learned and enthusiastic German scientists who
had come to Russia several years before, one as a
doctor of medicine and professor of chemistry and
natural history, the other as professor of history and
geography. Both attained distinction in the scientific
world. De L'Isle de la Croyere was also well edu-
cated, though conspicuous rather as a lover of good
eating and drinking, than as a learned man."
Another scientific member of the expedition, who
joined it somewhat later, was George Wilhelm Steller.
He was born in Winsheim, Franconia, on the 10th
of March 1709, He studied theology and natural
science in the universities of Wittenberg, Leipsic, and
Jena, and settled in Halle, devoting himself chiefly
to anatomy, botany, and medicine. He proceeded to
Berlin and passed a brilliant examination, and in 1734
he joined the Russian army before Dantzic, doing
duty as staff-surgeon. In December he was sent to
St Petersburg with a ship-load of wounded soldiers.
Here he accepted the position of leib medicus, or body-
surgeon to the famous bishop of Novgorod, Theo-
phanos Prokopovich, a favorite of Peter the Great,
and with him he remained till his death, except when
serving in Siberia.
When Bering left St Petersburg to enter upon his
^^ According to Berg and Sokolof, Gmelin returned to his own country
shortly after returning from this expedition in the year 1749, having obtained
his final discharge from the Russian service. He died in 1755. Miiller was
appointed historian in the Academy of Science in 1747; from 1754 to 1765 he
was conference secretary of the academy; in 1705 he was appointed director
of the Foundling House of Moscow, and in 1766 he was placed in charge of
the Moscow archives of the foreign office. He died in 1783.
54 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
second expedition, Steller, then of the imperial acad-
emy, was ordered to join the expedition specially to
examine the natural history of Kamchatka. He
reached his new field in 1758. In 1740, after giving
ample proof of his ability and energy by making fre-
quent and valuable shipments of specimens for the
museum of the academy, he forwarded a petition to
the senate for permission to accompany Lieutenant
Spanberg on his voyage to Japan. While awaiting
an answer he was importuned by Bering to join his
expedition. Steller replied that in the absence of
orders he would draw upon himself the displeasure
of the authorities, but the commander said he would
assume all responsibility and provide him with an
official memorandum to that effect, and a regular ap-
pointment to take charge of the department of natural
science in his expedition. Steller finally consented,
and we are indebted to him for some of the most re-
liable information concerning the Russian discoveries
on the American coast. -^^
In consideration of distance and privations the
empress doubled every salary. The departure of the
expedition began in February 1733. Bering and
Chirikof were instructed to build at Okhotsk or in
Kamchatka, wherever it was most convenient, two
vessels of the class then called packet-boats, and then
to proceed, in accordance with the plans of Professor
De la Croyere, without separating, to the exploration
of the American coast, which was supposed to lie but
a short distance from Kamchatka. After reaching
that shore they were to coast southward to the forty-
fifth parallel, and then return to the north, crossing
'* These scientists had a way of marrying, with the view of throwing some
pai't of their infelicities upon their wives. Steller tried it, as MuUer and
Fisher had done, and as the rough old scca-captains used to do, but he found
his wife one too many for him. She was the widow of a certain Doctor Mes-
serchmidt, and daughter of a Colonel Von Bochler, and did not at all object to
become the wife of the rising young scientist, but to go to Siberia, Kamchatka,
perhaps to the north pole, was quite a different matter. True, she promised
him, but that was before marriage, which of course did not count. And the
sorrowful Steller was at last obliged to go wifeless to his ice-fields, leaving his
spouse to flirt the weary hours away at the gay capital. Mortikoi Sbornik, c. 145.
ACROSS SIBERIA. 55
back to Asia at Bering Strait. If the season proved
too short they were authorized to go into winter-quar-
ters, and conclude the work the following season.
Captain Spanberg was to proceed from Okhotsk in
the direction of Japan with one ship and two sloops,
beginning his explorations at the Kurile Islands. In
order to facilitate the progress of the expedition the
local Siberian authorities were instructed to erect on
the banks of the principal rivers, and on the Arctic,
beacons to indicate the location of the magazines of
provisions and stores for the various detachments, and
also to inform all the nomadic natives of Siberia and
the promyshleniki, that they must assist the members
of the expedition as far as lay in their power.
One important purpose of the expedition was to
discover a new route to the Okhotsk Sea without
passing Yakutsk, by going through the southern dis-
tricts of Siberia, and striking the head- waters of the
Yuda, which had been reported navigable. A warn-
ing was attached to the instructions against crossing
the Amoor, "in order not to awaken the suspicions of
the Chinese government," The academicians Gmelin
and Miiller were intrusted with the exploration of
the interior of Siberia and Kamchatka, assisting each
other in their researches, and making a general geo-
graphical survey with the assistance of the cadet en-
gineers attached to their detachment. Croyere, with
some of the students who had been in training at
the observatory of the academy for several years, was
to make astronomical observations along the route
of progress, and accompany Bering to the coast of
America. He was granted great liberty of action, and
furnished with ample means, the best instruments to
be obtained at that time, and a numerous escort of
soldiers and laborers.
It was an unknown country to which they were
all going, and for an unknown time. The admiralty
college had thought six years sufficient, but most
were going for sixteen years, and many forever. Be-
56 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
sides nearly all the officers, a number of the rank and
file were taking with them their wives and children.
Lieutenant Ovtzin and one naval officer were the first
to leave for Kazan in order to begin their prepara-
tions. Captain Spanberg with ten mechanics set out
next to erect temporary buildings along the road and
in the towns of Siberia, for the accommodation of the
expedition. In March 1733 other members took their
departure, followed by lengthy caravans loaded with
supplies from the storehouses of the admiralty. The
scientists from the academy tarried in St Petersburg
till August, and then proceeded to Kazan to join their
companions. At the beginning of winter the whole
force had advanced as far as Tobolsk, where they went
into winter-quarters. In the spring of 1734 the ex-
pedition embarked on small vessels built during the
winter on the rivers Ob, Irtish, and Yenissei. The
main body arrived at Yakutsk in the summer of 1735,
after having wintered at some point beyond Irkutsk.
Bering himself had proceeded by land from Tobolsk
and reached Yakutsk in October 1734, in advance of
nearly all his assistants. Here the winter was again
utilized for the construction of boats, and in the spring
of 1735 the lieutenants Pronchishchef and Lassenius
proceeded northward down the Lena Piver, with the
intention of sailing eastward along the Arctic coast.
The transportation of men and stores to Okhotsk
was accomplished partly in boats, and partly on horse-
back over a rugged chain of mountains. This proved
to be the most laborious part of the journey. Captain
Spanberg had been the first to arrive at Okhotsk,
having travelled in advance of the expedition; but
on arrival he discovered, to his dismay, that nothing
had been done by the local commander to prepare for
the reception of so large a body. Not a building had
been erected, not a keel laid, and the only available
logs were still standing in the forest. Spanberg went
to work at once with his force of mechanics, but lack
of provisions caused frequent interruptions as the men
YEARS OF PREPARATION AND TROUBLE. 57
were obliged to go fishing and hunting. After a
while the commander of the Okhotsk country, Skor-
niakof Pisaref, made his appearance. He offered no
excuse and his presence did not mend matters, Pisa-
ref and Spanberg had both been invested with extra-
ordinary powers, independent of each other, and both
were stubborn and inclined to quarrel. The former
lived in a fort a short distance up the river, while
the latter had built a house for himself at the mouth
of the river, where he intended to establish the port.
Each had his separate command, and each called him-
self the senior officer, threatening his opponent with
swift annihilation. Each lorded it over his dependants
and exacted abject obedience, and we may well im-
agine that the subordinates led a wretched life.
Bering at Yakutsk encountered much the same
difficulties as Spanberg, but on a larger scale. His
supplies were scattered along the road from the fron-
tier of Asia to Yakutsk awaiting transportation, and
the most urgent appeals to the Siberian authorities
failed to secure the requisite means.^^ It had been
the captain-commander's intention to facilitate his in-
tercourse with the natives of Kamchatka by means
of missionary labor. Immediately after his return
from the first expedition, he had petitioned the holy
^^ Sgibnef, in his History of Kamchatka, gives the reasons for the delay.
It would seem after all that government was none too rigorous in Siberia. It
appears that the quarrels between Spanberg and Pisaref were preceded by
petty altercations between the latter and the voivod in command at Yakutsk.
As early as 1732 Pisaref had been instructed to draw all necessary supplies
from Yakutsk, but the voivod Shadovski refused to give him anything.
Pisaref complained to the governor at Irkutsk and received an oukaz empow-
ering him to confine Shadovski in irons until he issued what was needed for
the jorosecution of work at Okhotsk. Subsequently another oukaz came to
Tobolsk ordering Shadovski to arrest Pisaref, which was no sooner done than
the order was revoked. Meanwhile working parties were forwarded to
Okhotsk evei'y year, but want of provisions forced them to desert before any-
thing had been accomplished. Numbers of these workmen died of starvation
on the road. Morskoi Sbornik, cv. 25-7. Under date of October 7, 1738, an
order was issued from the chancellery of Irkutsk providing for the preparation
of ' sea-stores ' for the Bering expedition in Kamchatka. The quantity was
determined to the pound, as well as the quality, and si^ecial instructions were
given for the manufacture of liquor from sarana, a kind of fern, and for its
preservation in casks. If necessary, the whole population of Kamchatka was
to be employed in gathering this plant, and to be paid for their labor in
tobacco. Sgibnef, in Morskoi Sbornik, ci. 137-40.
58 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
synod for missionaries to undertake the conversion of
the Kamchatkans. The senate promulgated a law
exempting all baptized natives of that country for ten
years from the payment of tribute to the government.
The first missionary selected for the new field was the
monk Filevski, a great preacher and pillar of the
church, but before reaching Kamchatka he was
arrested on the river Aldan, for assaulting and half
killing one of the monks of his suite, and for refusing
to hold divine services or to read the prayers for the
imperial family. Religion in Siberia had seemingly
run mad. After his arrival in Kamchatka he added
much to the general confusion by acts of violence and
a meddlesome spirit, which stirred up strife alike
among clergy and laity, Russians and natives.
The position of Bering was exceedingly trying; on
him must fall the odium attending the faults and
misfortunes of them all. Throughout the journey,
and afterward to the end, complaints were forwarded
to Irkutsk, Tobolsk, and St Petersburg. That he
was a foreigner made it none the less a pleasure for
the Russians to curse him. The senate and admiralty
college were exasperated by reason of the slow move-
ment, beiuH" is'norant of the insurmountable obstacles.
First among the accusers was the infamous Pisaref,
who charged both Bering and Spanberg with licen-
tiousness and "excessive use of tobacco and brandy."
He reported that up to that time, 1737, nothing had
been accomplished for the objects of the expedition,
and nothing could be expected beyond loss to the
imperial treasury; that the leaders of the expedition
had come to Siberia only to fill their pockets, not
only Bering, but his wife, who was about to return to
Moscow; and that Bering had received valuable pres-
ents at Irkutsk from contractors for supplies. An-
other officer in exile, a captain-lieutenant of the navy,
named Kozantzof, represented that Bering's force was
in a state of anarchy, that all its operations were
carried on at a wasteful expenditure, and that in his
ATTITUDE OF AFFAIRS IN OKHOTSK. 59
opinion nothing would come of it all. Spanberg him-
self began to refuse obedience to Bering, complaining
bitterly of the delay in obtaining stores for his voy-
age to Japan. Bering's immediate assistant, Chirikof,
received instructions from St Petersburg to inquire
into some of these complaints. Another of the officers
of the expedition, Blunting, being dissatisfied with
Bering's non-interference in his quarrel with Pisaref,
insulted the former and was tried by court-martial
and sentenced to the ranks for two months. To re-
venge himself, the young lieutenant sent charges
to St Petersburg, reflecting on Bering's conduct, one
of which was illicit manufacture of brandy and the
expenditure of powder in making fireworks, as well as
the "employment of the drum corps for his own amuse-
ment, though there was nothing to rejoice over."
The members of the academy also became dissatis-
fied and complained of abuse and ill-treatment on the
part of Bering, asking to be relieved from obedience
to him as commander. In 1738 the expense of the
expedition, which had not then left the sea-coast, was
over three hundred thousand rubles in cash paid from
the imperial treasury, without counting the great
quantities of supplies furnished by the various dis-
tricts in kind. At this rate Alaska would cost more
than it could be sold for a hundred years hence. The
empress issued an oukaz on the 15th of September
1738, instructing the senate and the admiralty col-
lege to review the accounts of the Kamchatka expe-
dition, and ascertain if it could not be carried on
without such a drain on the treasury. The senate
reported that the cost thus far made it necessary to
continue the work or all would be lost. Much time
was wasted in correspondence on these matters, and
only at the beginning of 1739 did the main body reach
Okhotsk. In July an officer named Tolbukhin arrived
with orders from the empress to investigate the "doings
of Bering." He was followed in September by Lari-
onof, another officer who had been ordered to assist
60 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
him. The supply of provisions at Okhotsk was alto-
gether inadequate to the large number of men stationed
there. During the winter following the suffering
became so great that Bering was obliged to send large
detachments away to regions where they could support
themselves by hunting. At that time the whole force
consisted of 141 men at Okhotsk, 192 employed in the
magazines and in the transportation of stores, 70 at
Irkutsk, 39 in attendance upon the various officers
Plan of Okhotsk.
and scientists, and 141 on the three vessels already
built, in all 583 men. Under Spanberg's active super-
vision two vessels had been built, the brigantine,^rM-
angel Mikhail, and the double sloop, Nadeshda, or
Hope; and two old craft, the Fortuna, reconstructed
in some degree from the first of that name, and the
Gavril, had been repaired. Spanberg was ready to
go to sea in September, but lack of provisions detained
him.^^ In October the sloop Fortuna was sent to Kam-
^^ According to Bering's report of November 29, 1737, the quantity of
provisions on hand in all his magazines in Okhotsk and Kamchatka consisted
of 10.4fl9 pounds of flour; 1,784 lbs. grits; 249 lbs. hard bread; G59 lbs. salt;
182 lbs. dried fish; 21 1 lbs. butter; 48 lbs. oil; and 683 buckets of brandy. At
the same time he forwarded a requisition tor 1738 for: 1,912 lbs. flour; 2,566
ALL EEADY. 61
chatka for a cargo of pitch for the ship-building at
Okhotsk. The mate Kodichef, and the surveyor
Svitunof, in charge, were instructed to carry the pro-
visions that had accumulated in the Kamchatkan
magazines to Bolsheretsk, as the most convenient
port from which to transfer them to the vessels of
Bering's expedition. The student Krashonnikof also
went to Kamchatka in the Fortuna. On the 13th
of October, when about to enter the river at Bol-
sheretsk, the wretched craft was overtaken by a gale
and thrown upon the shore. The future historian of
Kamchatka, Krashennikof, reached the land "clad in
one garment only."
Despite the apparently insurmountable difficulties
resulting from want of transportation and lack of sup-
plies, Bering and Chirikof found themselves in readi-
ness to go to sea in the month of August 1740. At
that time the number of men at Okhotsk belonging
to the expedition was 166, with 80 engaged in the
transportation of stores over the mountain trails.
During the summer the astronomer Croyere with
his suite had arrived at Okhotsk, accompanied by the
naturalist S teller. Toward the end of August an
event occurred that filled Bering and his officers with
joy. The great stumbling-block of the expedition and
its most persistent enemy, Pisaref, was relieved from
his official position by another exile, Antoine Deviere,
a former favorite of Peter the Great, and chief of
police of St Petersburg. ^^ According to Sgibnef,
Deviere was the first honorable and efficient com-
Ibs. meal; 2,369 lbs. hard bread; 1,026 lbs meat; 410 lbs. fish; 554 lbs. butter;
75 lbs. oil; and 320 buckets of brandy. For the year 1739 his requisition for
his own and for Spanberg's expedition was: 930 lbs. flour; 2,565 lbs. meal;
4,617 lbs. hard bread; 1,025 lbs. meat; 4l0 lbs. fish; 546 lbs. butter; 163 lbs.
salt, and 660 buckets of brandy. With the flour it was not only necessary
to make kvass, but to bake hard bread; the meal was oatmeal, which was
issued because pease and barley could not be obtained. Zap. Hydr., ix. 337.
1" It was in 1738 that Antoine Devifere was cliief of police of the Russian
capital, but falling into disgrace he M-as sent to Siberia. In 1741 he was
made commander of Okhotsk, and in 1742 recalled to St Petersburg by
Elizabeth, made a count, and restored to his former position. He died in
1745. Morskoi SborniL cv. 31, 33.
62 THE KAMCHATKA EXPEDITIONS.
mander of Okhotsk. He sold the property which his
predecessors had dishonestly obtained, and with the
proceeds paid the arrears of salaries. Under his
active supervision buildings were erected, a school
established, and everything arranged for a quick
despatch of the American expedition.^^
^^ It was at the suggestion of Bering that Devifere opened this the first
school in Kamchatka in 1741; it was located at Bolsheretsk and began its
operations with 20 pupils. Morskoi Sbornik, ci. 142.
CHAPTER IV.
DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
1740-1741.
The D^y of Departure — Arrival of Imperial Despatches — They Set
Sail from Okhotsk — The ' Sv Petr' and the * Sv Pavel'— Bering's
AND ChIRIKOF'S RESPECTIVE COMMANDS — ARRIVAL AT KAMCHATKA —
Wintering at Avatcha Bay — Embarkation — Ill-feeling between
Chirikof and Bering — The Final Parting in Mid-ocean — Adven-
TURr; OF Chirikof— He Discovers the Mainland of America in
Latitude 55° 21' — The Magnificence of his Surroundings — A
Boat's Crew Sent Ashore — Another Sent to its Assistance — All
Lost! — Heart-sick, Chirikof Hovers about the Place — And is
finally Driven Away by the Wind — He Discovers Unalaska,
Adakh, and Attoo — The Presence of Sea-otters Noticed — Sick-
ness — Return to Avatcha Bay — Death of Croyere — Illness of
Chirikof.
Six years the grand expedition had occupied in
crossing Siberia; no wonder subordinates swore and
the imperial treasurer groaned. But now the de-
voutly wished for hour had come, the happy consum-
mation was at hand. New islands and new seas should
pay the reckoning, while the natives of a new conti-
nent should be made to bleed for all this toil and
trouble.
The 15th of August 1740 had been fixed as the day
of departure, but just as they were about to embark
Captain Spanberg arrived from Yakutsk with the in-
telligence that an imperial courier was at hand with
despatches requiring answers. This delayed the ex-
pedition till the 1st of September, when the double
sloop with stores was despatched in advance. At the
mouth of the river she ran aground, and the transfer
(63)
64 DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
of cargo became necessary, after which she was again
made ready. On the 8th of September the expedition
finally embarked. Bering commanded the Sv Petr,
and Chirikof the Sv Pavel, the two companion vessels
having been named the St Peter and the St Paul.
Bering's second was Lieutenant Waxel, while with
Chirikof were lieutenants Chikhachef and Plunting.^
The double sloop was commanded by Master Khitrof
and the galiot by second mate Btishchef. Passengers
on the double sloop were Cro^^ere, Steller, the sur-
veyor Krassilnikof, and the student Gorlanof. The
vessels were all fitted out with jDrovisions for a year
and eight months, but the grounding of the double
sloop caused considerable loss in both provisions and
spare rigging.
In crossing the Okhotsk Sea the vessels parted com-
pany, but they all reached the harbor of Bolsheretsk
in safety about the middle of September. Here they
landed the two members of the academy for the pur-
pose of exploring the Kamchatka peninsula, and took
on board the mate Yelagin. The little fleet then
passed round the southern end of the peninsula to the
gulf of Avatcha, where the Sv Pavel arrived the 27th
of September, and the Sv Petr the 6th of October.
The sloop met with a series of disasters and was com-
pelled to return to Bolsheretsk on the 8th of October,
and to remain there for the winter. The galiot also
returned for the winter, unable to weather Cape Lo-
patka so late in the season, and this rendered it neces-
sary to transport supplies overland from Bolsheretsk
* With Waxel was a young son. The other officers of the Sv Petr were
Eselberg, mate; Yushin, second mate; Lagunof, commissary; Khotiaintzof,
master; Jansen, boatswain; Ivanof, boatswain's mate; Rossiliiis, ship's con-
stable; Feich, surgeon; Betge, assistant surgeon; Plenisner, artist and corporal
of Cossacks; and among the sailors the former Lieut. Ovtzin, who had been
reduced to the ranks. In Kamchatka the force was increased by Khitrof, the
marine, and Johann Synd, a son of Feich, the father returning to St Peters-
burg on account of ill-health. On the Sv Pavel were : Dementief , master;
Shiganof and Yurlof, second mates; Chaglokof, commissary; Korostlef,.
master; Savelief, boatswain; Kachikof, ship's constable; the monk Lau, who
also served as assistant surgeon ; the force being further increased in Kam-
chatka by Yelagin, mate, and the marine Yurlof. The second mate Shigaaiof,
and Yurlof, were subsequently promoted in Kamchatka.
DE L'ISLE'S CHART. 65
to Avatcha during the winter, an operation attended
with great difficulties and loss.^ Bering approved of
the selection of Avatcha Bay as a harbor, by Yelagin,
it being the best on the coast. A few buildings had
been erected, and to these the commander proceeded
at once to add a church. The place was named Pe-
tropavlovsk.^
Beaching^ his vessels for the winter, Bering^ secured
the services of the natives for the transportation of
supplies from Bolsheretsk, and then distributed his
command in small detachments, requiring them to
live for the most part on such game and fish as they
could catch. Removed from the interference of local
authorities, which had been troublesome at Okhotsk,
Bering passed a quiet winter and concluded the final
preparations for sea in accordance with his plans.
Croyere and Steller joined him in the spring; and
with the opening of navigation, in accordance with
instructions, on the 4th of May 1741 the commander
assembled his officers, including the astronomer, for
general consultation. Each present was to give his
views, and a majority was to decide. All were of
opinion that the unknown shore lay either due east
or north-east; but this sensible decision, the adoption
of which would have saved them much suffering and
disaster, was not permitted to prevail. Science in
Bussia was as despotic as government. The renowned
astronomer De L'Isle de la Croyere had made a map
presented by the imperial academy to the senate.
2 The sloop finally reached Avatcha the following summer but only after
two exploring vessels had gone to sea. According to Steller a supply-ship
met the vessels of the expedition in the outer harbor, and the greater portion
of the cargo was transferred to the Sv Petr. Steller, Beschreibung von Kam-
tschatka,i. 112. The galiot returned to Okhotsk during the summer in charge
of second mate Shigonof , and carrying as passengers Krashennikof , with a valu-
able collection of notes as the result of his investigations. Zap. Hydr., ix. 371 .
^ According to Miiller the church was dedicated to the apostles Peter and
Paul, and the harbor derived its name therefrom; but subsequent investiga-
tions of the local archives by Sokolof and Polonski seemed to indicate that
the church, a small wooden structure, was erected in memory of the bu'th of
the virgin, and that the harbor was named after the two ships. Its name
occui's on the earliest pages of the journals of the expedition. Miiller, Samm-
liinfj russischer geschichten, i. 22; Sokolof, in Zap. Hydr., ix. 372.
Hist. Alaska. 5
66 DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
That august body had forwarded it to Bering, and
the author's brother, present at the council, also had
with him a copy. No land was set down upon this
chart toward the east, but some distance south-east
of Avatcha Bay, between latitudes 46° and 47°, there
was a coast extending about 15° of longitude from west
to cast. The land was drawn in such a manner as to
indicate that it had been sighted on the south side,
and the words Terres vues ]}aT dom Jean de Gama
were inscribed upon it. The absurdity of sending out
an expedition for discovery, requiring it to follow
mapped imagination, seems never to have occurred to
the Solons of St Petersburg, and this when they
knew well enough that the continents were not far
asunder toward the north.
The mariners thought it safer to go by the chart,
which after all must have some influence on the land,
the drawing having passed through such imperial
processes, and hence arrived at the fatal determination
to steer first south-east by east in search of the Land
of Gama, and after discovering it to take its northern
coast as a guide to the north-east or east; but if no
land was found in latitude 46°, then the course should
be altered to north-east by east till land was made.
The coast once found, it was to be followed to latitude
65°. The action of the several officers under every
conceivable emergency was determined by the council.
All were to return to Avatcha Bay by the end of
September.^ Yet with all the care, when put into
practice, their plans were found to be exceedingly de-
fective. Steller went on the Sv Petr, while Croyere
was attached to Chirikof's vessel. The crew of the
*It is not known who Juan de Gama was, nor when the pretended discov-
ery was made by him. In 1G49 Texeira, cosmographer to the king of Portu-
gal, published a map on which 10 or 12 degrees north-east from Jaj)an, in
latitude 44° and 45°, were represented a multitude of islands and a coast ex-
tending toward the east, labelled: 'Terre vue par Jean de Gama, Indien, en
allant de la Chine a la Nouvelle Espagne.' The situation of the 'Land of
Gama,' on Texeira 's maps, seems to be the same as the 'Company's Land'
discovered by the Kastrilom under Martin Geritzin de Vries, in 1643, or
perhaps earlier. Mullers Voy., i. 37-S; Buniey'n Chronol. Hist., 162-3.
IX MID-OCEAN. 67
Sv Petr numbered seventy-seven, and that of the Sv
Pavel seventy-five. Both ships had still provisions
]eft for five and a half months, with one hundred
barrels of water, sixteen cords of wood, and two boats
each.
On the morning of the 4th of June 1741, after
solemn prayer, the two ships sailed from Avatcha Bay
with a light southerly wind.^ . Noon of the second
day saw them thirty miles from Light House Point.
Chirikof, who was about five miles to windward of
Bering, noticed that the latter steered southward
of the course proposed. Signalling Bering that he
would speak with him, Chirikof proposed that they
should keep as near together as possible to avoid final
separation in a fog. He also spoke of the manifest
change from the agreed course, whereat Bering ap-
peared annoyed, and when later Chirikof signalled to
speak with him a second time the commander paid no
attention to it. As we proceed we shall find serious
defects in the character of both of these men. For a
commander-in-chief, Berino^ was becomino- timid, and
perhaps too much bound to instructions; for a sub-
ordinate, Chirikof was dogmatic and obstinate. About
noon of the 6th of June Bering ordered Chirikof
to proceed in advance, trusting apparently more to
his skill and judgment than to his own. On the 7th
of June the wind changed to the north and increased.
In the course of the next few days the two ships
approached each other occasionally and exchanged
signals, but Chirikof remained in the lead. In the
afternoon of the 12th they found themselves in lati-
tude 46,° and came to the conclusion that there was
no Gama Land such as given in the chart, and at 3
o'clock they changed their course to east by north.
On the 14th the wind drew ahead, blowing strong
° Details of Bering's voyage in the archives of St Petersburg consist of
reports and journals by Waxel, Yuskin, and Khitrof, the first two in copies,
the latter in the original. Of Chirikof 's voyage there are copies of journals
by himself and by Yelagin his mate. A few other details have been obtained
from Steller and Muller. Zap. Hydr., passmi.
68 DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
from the eastward, and compelling to a more north-
erly course for nearly two days, till they found them-
selves in latitude 48°, Bering keeping to the windward
of Chirikof on account of the better sailing qualities
of his vessel. Chirikof finally signalled for instruc-
tions, and asked how long the northerly course was
to be pursued. Bering's answer was to follow him
and he would see.
A few hours later the course was changed to the
southward. On the 15th the wind was a little more
to the south and the northerly course was resumed.
On the 18th, in the morning, Bering informed Chiri-
kof that as they were in latitude 49° they must turn
south, but Chirikof said that with the prevailing wind a
change was impracticable, and it would be best to con-
tinue the course east by north. The following day in
latitude 49° 30' the wind increased, blowing violently
from the east, and sails were shortened during the night.
Next morning Chirikof sighted the Sv Petr about
three leagues to the north, but Bering did not see
him, and thinking himself to the windward shaped his
course to the north-west. This manoeuvre completed
the separation of the vessels forever. Bering made
every effort to find the consort; he spent three days
between latitudes 50° and 51°, and finally sailed south-
east as far as 45°, but all in vain. Chirikof had taken
an easterly course and his subsequent movements were
entirely distinct from those of his commander.
First let us follow the fortunes of Chirikof, who
must ever be regarded as the hero of this expedition.
After losing sight of the Su Petr, which he thought
was to the northward, Chirikof allowed the Sv Pavel
to drift a while, so that his commander might find
him. Then he steered south-east in search of him,
and after making two degrees of longitude to the
eastward, on the morning of the 23d of June he found
himself in latitude 48°. A council of ofiScers decided
that it was folly to waste time in search of Bering,
ADVENTURES OF CHIRIKOF. 69
and that they would prosecute the object of the voy-
age, which was to find land toward the east. Hence
with light, favorable winds, the Sv Pavel went for-
ward, occasionally shaping her course a little more to
the north, until on the 11th of July signs of land
were seen in drift-wood, seals, and gulls. Without
slacking his speed, but casting the lead constantly,
Chirikof proceeded, and during the night of the 15th
he sighted land in latitude 55° 21.' Thus was the
great discovery achieved. The high wooded moun-
tains looming before the enraptured gaze of eyes long
accustomed to the tamer glories of Siberia, were at
once pronounced to belong to the continent of Amer-
ica.^
Day broke calm and clear; the coast was visible in
distinct outUnes at a distance of three or four miles;
the lead indicated sixty fathoms, and the ship was
surrounded by myriads of ducks and gulls. At noon
it was still calm, and an observation gave the latitude
as 55° 41'. A boat was lowered but failed to find a
landing-place. In the evening a light wind arose,
and the vessel stood north-westward along the shore
under short sails. Toward morning the wind increased
from the eastward with rain and fog, and the bright
green land which they had found was lost to them
again. At last, some time after daylight, high moun-
tains once more appeared above the clouds, and at
noon of the l7th the entrance to a great bay was
observed in latitude 57° 15'. The mate, Dementief,
was ordered to explore the entrance in the long-boat
manned with ten armed sailors.''
The party was furnished with provisions for several
days, with muskets, and other arms, including a small
® Sokolof declares emphatically that the poiut of land made was a slight
projection of the coast between capes Addington and Bartholomew of Van-
couver's map. Zaj:). Hydr., ix. 399.
' The mate, Abram Mikhailovich Dementief, is spoken of by Miiller in his
Letter of a Russian Naval, Officer, as a man of good family, young, good-look-
ing, kind-hearted, skilled in his profession, and anxious to serve his country.
Sokolof in his history of the expedition hints at a love affair at Okhotsk,
which had ended unhappily. Morskoi Sbornik, cv. 113; Zap. Hydr., iv. 400-1.
70 DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
brass cannon. Chirikof issued instructions to meet
probable emergencies, and explained how they were to
communicate with the ship by signals. The boat was
seen to reach the shore and disappear behind a small
projection of land; a few minutes later the precon-
certed signals were observed, and it was concluded
that the boat had landed in safety.^ The day passed
without further information from the shore. During
the next and for several successive days, signals were
observed from time to time, which were interpreted
to mean that all was well with Dementief At last,
as the party did not return, Chirikof began to fear
that the boat had suffered damage in landing, and on
the 23d Sidor Savelief, with some sailors, a carpenter
and a calker, was sent ashore to assist Dementief, and
repair his boat if necessary,^ The strictest injunctions
were issued that either one or both of the boats should
return immediately. Their movements were anxiously
watched from the ship. The small boat was seen to
land, but no preparation for a return could be observed.
A great smoke was seen rising from the point round
which the first crew had disappeared.
The night was passed in great anxiety; but every
heart was gladdened when next morning two boats
were seen to leave the coast. One was larger than
the other, and no one doubted that Dementief and
Savelief were at last returning. The captain ordered
all made ready for instant departure. During the
bustle which followed little attention was paid to the
approaching boats, but presentl}^ they were discovered
to be canoes filled with savages, who seemed to be as
much astonished as the Russians, and after a rapid
survey of the apparition they turned shoreward,
shouting Agail Agail Then dread fell on all, and
^ Sokolof omits in his account the mention of Dementief 's signal after reach-
ing the land, but the fact is confirmed by Chirikof's own journal in both the
original, and the translation in Sammhiiif/ al.ler Reisheachr., xx. 37"2.
^This date is differently given by different authors; in the Sammlung^
the date is the '2Ist; the number of Savelief's companions is also variously
placed at fi-om three to six. Midler's Voyaije, 41; Zap. Ilydr., ix. 401.
TWO BOATS' CREWS LOST. 71
Chirikof cursed himself for permitting the sailors to
appear on deck in such numbers as to frighten away
the savages, and thus prevent their seizure and an
exchange of prisoners. Gradually the full force of
the calamity fell upon him. His men had all been
seized and murdered on the spot, or were still held
for a worse fate.
He was on an unknown and dangerous coast, with-
out boats, and his numbers greatly reduced. A
strong west wind just then sprang up and compelled
him to weigh anchor and run for the open sea. His
heart was very sore, for he was a humane man and
warmly attached to his comrades. He cruised about
the neighborhood for several days, loath to leave it,
though he had given up the shore parties all as lost,
and as soon as the wind permitted he again approached
the point which had proved so fatal to his undertak-
ing. But no trace of the lost sailors could be discov-
ered. A council of officers was then called to deter-
mine what next to do.^°
All agreed that further attempts at discovery
were out of the question, and that the}^ should at
once make for Kamchatka. With his own hand
Chirikof added to the minutes of the council, "Were
it not for our extraordinary misfortunes there would
be ample time to prosecute the work." The Sv Pavel
was then headed for the north-west, keeping the coast
in sight. The want of boats prevented a landing for
water, which was now dealt out Jti rations ; they tried
to catch rain and also to distil sea-water, in both of
which efforts, to a certain extent, they were success-
ful.
On the 31st of July, at a distance of about eighteen
miles to the north, huge mountains covered with snow
were seen extending apparently to the westward. The
^" Sokolof gives the date of this council as the 26th, 11 days after the dis-
covery of land. Chirikof and Miiller, as well as the Sammlung, make it
the 27th. All accounts agree that the latitude obsei'ved on the day of the
council was 58° 21'. The quantity of water on hand was then 45 casks.
Mv>ller's Voyage, 42; Zap. Hydr., ix. 402.
72 DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
wind increased and veered to the westward, with rain
and fog. The course was changed more to the south-
ward, and on the 2d of August they again sighted
land to the westward, ^^ but it soon disappeared in
the fog.
On the 4th of September in latitude 52° 30^ they
discovered high land in a northerly direction, proba-
bly the island of Unalaska. Two days later, after
considerable westing with a favorable wind, land was
again sighted in latitude 51° 30'; and on the evening
of the 8th, while becalmed in a fog, they were alarmed
by the roar of breakers, while soundings showed
twenty-eight fathoms. Chirikof anchored with diffi-
culty owing to the hard rocky bottom, and the follow-
ing morning when the fog lifted he found himself in
a small shallow bay less than a mile in width and
surrounded by tremendous cliffs, probabl}^ Adakh
Island. The mountains were barren, with here and
there small patches of grass or moss. While await-
ing a favorable wind, they saw seven savages come
out in seven canoes, chanting invocations, and taking
no notice of the presents flung to them by the Rus-
sians. ^^ A few canoes linally approached the ship,
bringing fresh water in bladders, but the bearers re-
fused to mount to the deck. Chirikof in his journal
describes them as well built men resembling the Tar-
tars in features; not corpulent but healthy, with
scarcely any beard. On their heads they wore shades
made of thin boards ornamented with colors, and
feathers of aquatic birds. A few also had bone carv-
ings attached to their head-dress.'^^ Later in the day
the natives came in greater numbers, fourteen h/aks,
or small closed skin boats, surrounding the vessel,
11 Sokolof in Zap. Hydr. , ix. 403, insists that this land was the point dis-
covered by Bering 10 days before; but there can be but little doubt that it
was the island of Kadiak.
^^ Sokolof on the authoi'ity of Chikhachef asserts that these natives refused
beads, tobacco, pijies, and other trifles, asking only for knives, but how the
savages expressed this desire he does not explain, nor does he show how they
knew anything about iron implements. Zap. Hydr., ix. 404.
'^ Chiriko/^s Journ(d, in Imperial Naval Archives, xvi.
SEVERE SUFFERINGS. 73
which they examined with great curiosity, but they
refused to go on board. Toward evening by shp-
ping an anchor they got to sea, and on the 21st high
land was siglited again in latitude 52° 36V* probably
the island of Attoo, the westernmost of all the Aleu-
tian chain. Chirikof supposed that all the land he
saw hereabout was part of the American continent;
for when he pressed northward, indications of land
were everywhere present, but when he turned south-
ward, such indications ceased. The presence of sea-
otters was frequently remarked, though they could not
realize the important part this animal was to play in
shaping the destinies of man in this region. The 21st
of August orders were issued to cook the usual quan-
tity of rye meal once a day instead of twice, and to
decrease the allowance of water. As an offset an
extra drink of rum was allowed. ^^
Despite the scurvy and general despondency disci-
pline was rigidly enforced, and finally, when the water
for cooking the rye meal could be spared but once a
week, no complaints were heard. Yet cold, excessive
moisture and hunger and thirst were making con-
stant and sure inroads. By the 16th Chirikof and
Chikhachef were both down with the scurvy, and one
man died the same day. Five days later the captain
was unable to leave his berth, but his mind remained
clear and he issued his orders with regularity and
precision. Midshipman Pluntirig was also unable to
appear on deck. The ship's constable, Kachikof, died
the 26th, and from that time one death followed
another in quick succession. On the 6th of October
Lieutenant Chikhachef and one sailor died, and on the
8th Plunting's sufferings were ended. The sails were
'*In his description of the expedition the astronomer, Croy^re, becomes
confused, saying that after losing sight of land on the 4th, no more was seen
till the 20th, wlaen the ship came to anchor 200 fathoms from a mountainous
coast in latitude 51° 12', where 21 canoes appeared. Sammlung, xx. 395.
'^ From the journal of the mate Yelagin we learn that on the 14th there
remained only 12 casks of water, and that the rye mush was furnished once
a day, the other meals consisting of liard bread and butter. Salt beef was
boiled in sea- water. Naval Archives, xvi.
74 DISCOVERY OF ALASKA.
falling ill pieces owing to constant exposure to rain
and snow, and the enfeebled crew was unable to re-
pair them. Slowly the ship moved westward with
little attempt at navigation. The last observation had
been made the 2d of October, but only the longitude
was found, indicatino^ a distance of eleven decrees from
the Kamchatka shore. Fortune helping them, on the
morning of the 8th land appeared in the west, which
proved to be the coast of Kamchatka in the vicinity
of Avatcha Ba}^ A light contrary wind detained
them for two days, and having no boats they dis-
charged a cannon to bring help from the shore.
Of those who had left this harbor in the Sv Pavel
less than five months before, twenty-one were lost.
The pilot, Yelagin, alone of all the officers could appear
on deck, and he finally brought the ship into the har-
bor of Petropavlovsk, established by him the preced-
ing winter. The astronomer, Croj^ere, who had for
weeks been confined to his berth, apparently keeping
alive by the constant use of strong liquor, asked to be
taken ashore at once, but as soon as he was exposed to
the air on deck he fell and presently expired. Chiri-
kof, very ill, was landed at noon the same day.^^
1^ Sokolof with much national pride exults in the achievements of Chirikof,
a true Russian, as agamst Bering the Dane. ' And thus having discovered
the American coast 36 hours earlier than Bering, ' he writes, ' eleven degrees
of longitude farther to the east; having followed this coast three degrees
farther to the north; and after having left the coast five days later than
Bering, Chirikof returned to Kamchatka, eight degrees farther west than
Bei-ing's landing-place, a whole month earlier; having made on his route the
same discoveries of the Aleutian Islands. During this whole time the sails
were never taken in, and no supply of fresh water was obtained; they suffered
equally from storms, privations, disease, and mortality — the officei-s as well
as the men. How different were the results, and what proof do they not
furnislA of the superiority of the Russians in scientific navigation ! ' So the
learner is often apt to grow bold and impudent and despise the teacher. The
great Peter was not above learning navigation from Bering the Dane. Zap.
Hydr., ix. 407-8.
CHAPTER V.
DEATH OF BERING.
1741-1742.
Discovert by Rule — The Land not where It ought to be — The
AvATCHA Council should Know — Bering Encounters the Main-
land AT Mount St Elias — Claims for the PpaoRiTY of Discovery op
North-westernmost America — Kyak Island — Scarcity of Water —
The Return Voyage — Illness of Bering — Longings for Home—
Kadiak — Ukamok — Sickness and Death — Intercourse with the
Natives — Waxel's Adventure — Vows of the Dane — Amchitka,
KiSHKA, SeMICHE, and OTHER ISLANDS SeEN — At BeRING IsLAND —
Wreck of the ' Sv Petr' — Death of Bering — Gathering Sea-otter
Skins— The Survivors Build a Small *Sv Petr' from the Wreck —
Return to Kamchatka — Second Voyage of Chirikof.
We will now return to the commander. Possibly
we might imagine Chirikof easily reconciled to a
separation from his superior, who, instead of striking
out intelligently for the achievement of a purpose,
allowed himself to be carried hither and thither by
omnipotent winds and imperial instructions. But not
so Bering. With the loss of Chirikof and the Sv
Pavel his right arm was gone. For a whole day he
drifted in a strong gale under reefed sails before he
would leave the spot to take the direction in which
he supposed Chirikof to be. Then he was obliged to
lie to again, and on the morning of the 22d, finding
himself twelve leagues south of the point of separa-
tion, it was concluded in a council of officers to aban-
don further search and resume their course, not the
last course of east by north as it should have been,
but to the southward till latitude 46° was reached,
where they had already been and seen nothing. It
76 DEATH OF BERING.
was now evident that Bering was becoming incompe-
tent; that, deprived of the assistance of Chirikof's
stronger mind and sounder judgment, he intended to
follow strictly the resolutions of the Avatcha council.
He would steer south-east by east to latitude 46°,
then change the course to east by north, and thus
waste in mid-ocean the brief days of the short
northern summer. The 24th saw Bering at the
southernmost point named, where numbers of birds
seemed to indicate land ahead, and tempted him to
continue to latitude 45° 16', when finding nothing,
and convinced for a second time of the inaccuracy of
Croyere's chart, he again bent his course east by
north, which was changed the third day to north-
north-east to compensate for having gone below
latitude 46°. The wind changed repeatedly from
south-west to south-east, being always light and ac-
companied with clouds and fogs; but nothing special
occurred until the 9th of July, when a strong east-
erly wind compelled them to head more to the north
until they reached latitude 51° 30^ The wind then
changed, allowing them to steer north-east by east.
From time to time they were misled by land-floating
drift, and weeds, and marine mammals, but the lead
indicated a depth of between one hundred and ninety
and two hundred fathoms.
The second month was now at hand, and Bering
ordered a reduced allowance of water. From the 12tli
of July he was so firmly convinced of the close prox-
imity of land that he hove to at night lest he should run
aground. Five weeks had elapsed since the Sv Petr
had left Avatcha Bay and the ship's log showed that
forty-six degrees of longitude separated them from
their point of departure, and still the land remained
invisible. The wind became more favorable, blowing
from the west, and Bering concluded to change his
course to the northward in order to fall in the sooner
with the land.
•On the 13th, in latitude 54° 30', in a council of
DURING THE SEARCH.
77
78
DEATH OF BERING.
officers, another change to north-north-east was deter-
mined on. These frequent changes and the general
indecision in the management of the expedition proved
almost fatal; but about noon of the IGth, in latitude
58° 14', the lookout reported a towering peak and a
high chain of snow-covered mountains, without doubt
Mount St Elias, and the extending range. A north
1 , ! , !-
Scale in German Miles
iS to the deyree
^.vyf^W^(Wn/A^^!1^?TT?.
\
Kyak Island.
wind held them off from the point first seen, but on the
evening of the 20th they came upon an island in 59°
40V which was Kyak, but which they called St Elias
from the da v.
^ In his calculation of latitude Bering was seven minutes in error, while
in longitude he was eight degrees out of the way. Such a difference may be
accounted for on the ground that Bering's observations were based upon dead
THE FIRST DISCOVERER. 79
It will be remembered that Chirikof found land on
the night of the 15th while Bering saw Mount St
Elias at noon of the 16th, vrhich would give the former
priority in the honor of discovery by say thirty-six
hours.^ But even Chirikof, who amongst Russians
was the noblest and most chivalrous of them all, if
we may believe the story of Gvozdef, may not justly
set up the claim as first discoverer of north-western-
most America. True, Gvozdef saw only what any one
might see in sailing through the strait of Bering —
he says he saw or found himself on the land opposite
to Asia. Other Europeans had passed that way
before Gvozdef, and the savages had crossed and re-
crossed before ever Europeans were there; so we may
well enough leave out these two sides of the northern
strait, and call Chirikof the first discoverer of land
opposite Kamchatka, which it was the object of this
imperial expedition to find, and which he certainly was
the first to achieve.
After these years of preparation and weeks of
tempest-tossing we should expect to see the Dane de-
lighted on reaching the grand consummation of the
united ambitions of monarchs and mariners. But if
reckoning, without allowing for the ocean and tidal currents which in those
waters often cause a gain or loss of seven leagues a day. The identity of
Kyak is established by comparing Bering's with Cook's observations which
would be enough even if the chart appended to Khitrof's journal had not
been preserved. At first both Cook and Vancouver thought it Yakutat Bay,
which they named after Bering, but both changed their minds. As late as
1787 the Russian admiralty college declared that the island of Tzukli (Mon-
tague of Vancouver) was the point of Bering's discovery, but Admiral Sary-
chef, who examined the journals of the expedition, pointed at once to Kyak
Island as the oidy point to which the description of Bering and Steller could
apply. Sarychef made one mistake in applying the name of Cape St Elias
to the nearest point of the mainland called Cape Suckling by Cook. Zap.
Hydr., ix. 383-4.
^ The date of Bering's discovery, or the day when land was first sighted
by his lookout, has been variously stated. Muller makes it the 20th of July,
and Steller the ISth; the 16th is in accordance with Bering's journal, and
according to Bering's observation the latitude was 58° 28'. "This date is con-
firmed by a manuscript chart compiled by Petrof and Waxel with the help
of the original log-books of both vessels. 'The claim set up by certain Spanish
writers in favor of Francisco Gali as first discoverer of this region is based on
a misprint in an early account of his voyage. For particulars see Hist. Cal.,
i., tliis series.
80 DEATH OF BERING.
we may believe Steller, when his officers gathered
round with their congratulations Bering shrugged his
shoulders as he glanced at the rugged shore and said,
"A great discovery no doubt, and the accomplishment
of all our desires ; but who knows where we are, when
we shall see Russia, and what we shall have to eat in
the mean time?"^
Beating up with a light wind Bering succeeded in
gaining anchorage on a clay bottom under the lee
of the island in twenty-two fathoms. Two boats
were sent ashore, one under Khitrof to reconnoitre,
and another in which was Steller in search of water.
Khitrof found among the small islands in the gulf a
good harbor. He saw some rude deserted huts whose
owmers had probably retreated on the approach of the
Russians. The habitations were constructed of logs
and rough planks, and were roofed with bark and dried
grass. A few semi-subterranean structures of sods
evidently served as storehouses. On entering, the
Russians picked up some rough cordage, a whetstone
on which copper implements had been sharpened, a
small box of poplar wood, a rattle made of baked clay,
several broken arrows, and articles of household fur-
niture.^ In another place the men came upon a cellar
in which was a quantity of dried salmon. Of this
Khitrof took two bundles. There were several red
foxes which seemed not at all frightened at the sight
of the Russians. To compensate the natives for the
fish taken, some trifles of Russian manufacture, tobacco
and clay pipes, were left.
Steller's party landed on another island and found
a • cellar or subterranean storehouse with some red
salmon, and herbs dressed in a manner customary
with the Kamchatkans. He also found ropes made
of sea-weed, and various household utensils. Going
inland he came to a place where some savages had
been eating, and had left there an arrow and an in-
3 Steller's Diary, 190.
*For full description of these people see Native Races, i., this series.
STELLER'S DISAPPOINTMENT. 81
strument for lighting fire by friction. Steller also
gathered plants to analyze on shipboard. He regretted
that no more time was granted him in which to ex-
amine the American coast, his whole stay covering
only six hours, while the sailors were filling the water-
casks.^ The latter reported having found two fire-
places lately in use. They saw pieces of hewn wood,
and the tracks of a man in the grass; some smoked
fish was also brought on board and was found quite
palatable.
Early next morning, the 21st of July, contrary to>
his custom Bering came on deck and ordered anchor-
up. It was no use for the officers to call attention to
the yet unfilled water-casks, or beg to see something
of the country they had found. The Dane was deaf
alike to argument and entreaty. For once during
the voyage he was firm. He and a hundred others
had been working for the past eight years to the one
end of seeing that land; and now having seen it, that
was the end of it; he desired to go home. It would
have been as well for him had he tarried long enough
at least to fill his water-casks.
Dense clouds obscured the sky as Bering began his
return voyage, and rain fell incessantly. Dismal forces
were closing in round the Dane, to whom Bussia was
very far away indeed. By soundings a westerly course
was shaped along a depth of from forty to fifty
fathoms, by which means he was enabled to avoid the
coast he could not see. On the 25th the general
opinion in council was that by steering to the south-
^ Steller in vain begged the commander to let him have a small boat and a
few men with which to examine the place. Perched upon a steep rock the
enthusiastic scientist was taking in as much as possible of America when the
crusty Dane ordered him aboard if he would not be left. In his journal, edited
by Pallas, Steller describes the situation as follows: 'On descending the
mountain, covered with a A'ast forest without any trace of road or trail, I
found it impossible to make my way through the thicket and consequently
reascended; looking mournfully at the limits of my observation I turned my
eyes toward the continent which it was not in my power to explore, and
observed at the distance of a few versts a smoke ascending from a wooded
eminence. Again receiving a positive order to join the ship I returned mourn-
fully with my collection. ' Pallas, Steller's Journal, passim.
Hist. Alaska. 6
82 DEATH OF BERIXG.
west the coast of Kamchatka must be finally reached.
Easterly winds drove the vessel to within a short
distance of some shore invisible through the fog, and
the greatest caution had to be observed in keeping
away from the banks and shoals indicated by the
soundings. On the 26th land was made once more,
probably the coast of Kadiak, but an easterly wind
and shallow water prevented a landing. Too much
land now, to avoid which a more direct course south
was taken ; but progress was impeded by the numer-
ous islands which skirted the continent, hidden in im-
penetrable fog.
On the 30th an island was discovered which Bering
named Tumannoi, or Foggy Island, but no landing
was made.^ Little progress was made among the
islands in Aug^ust, owino^ to the thick mist and con-
trary winds. As the water gave out and scurvy came
the ship once more found itself among a labyrinth of
islands with high peaks looming in the distance. The
largest then in view was named Eudokia. A small
supply of water, consisting of a few casks only, was
obtained there, the heavy surf making the landing
dangerous. At a new council held the 10th, in lati-
tude 53°, to which petty officers were admitted, it was
determined that as it had been decided to return to
Kamchatka at the end of September, and it was then
already near the middle of August, and the harbor of
Petropavlovsk was at least 1,600 miles distant, while
twenty-six of the company w^ere ill, a further explora-
tion of the American coast had become impracticable,
and it was necessary to proceed to the parallel of
Petropavlovsk, and then sail westward to Kamchatka.
Now, it is very plain to one having a knowledge of
the currents that it was much easier to make such a
resolution than to carry it out. Further than this, all
® The charts of the imperial academy at St Petersburg, in the last quarter
of the eighteenth century, located this point variously as a portion of Kadiak
and as the island of Trinidad, of the Spanish discoverers. It is now kno\^Ti
that Foggy Island was Ukamok, named Chirikof Island by Vancouver, in
latitude 55' 48'.
ILLNESS OF THE COMMANDER. 83
attempts to proceed to the westward were baffled by
the barrier of land. Then the}^ must have water, and
so they anchored on the 30th, at a group of islands
in latitude 54° 48^ Here the first death occurred — a
sailor named Shumagin succumbed to scurvy. His
name was given to the island, and a supply of brackish
water was obtained.'
The commander now fell ill, and was soon confined
to his cabin. The Sv Pctr was at this place six days.
One night a fire had been observed on a small island
toward the north-east, and while the larger boats were
engaged in watering, Khitrof went there with five
men, but only, after a long pull, to find the people
gone. In attempting to return, a strong head-wind
threw them upon the beach of another island, and
kept them there till the 2d of September, when they
were relieved by the larger boat. During the next
two days several unsuccessful attempts were made
to proceed, for the ship's position was perilous. After
a violent storm, which lasted all night, loud voices
were heard on the nearest island on the morning of
the 5th. A fire was plainly visible, and to the great
joy of the discoverers two canoes, each containing a
native, advanced toward the ship. They stopped,
however, at a considerable distance displaying sticks
adorned with eagles' feathers; and with gestures in-
vited the Russians to come ashore. The latter, on
the other hand, threw presents to the savages, and
endeavored to induce them to approach the vessel,
but in vain. After gazing with mingled wonder and
dread for a time at the strange craft, the natives pad-
dled for the shore.
Lieutenant Waxel, accompanied by nine men well
armed, went to pay them a visit. They beckoned
them to come to the boat; the savages in return beck-
oned the strangers to disembark. At last Waxel
' Miiller states that the name was applied to the group, while an officer
of the navy, with the expedition, in a letter published anonymously, says that
only the island which furnished the water was named after the deceased sailor.
84 DEATH OF BERING.
ordered three men to land, among them the inter-
preter, while he moored the boat to a rock.^
Expressions of good-will were profuse on both
sides, the natives offering a repast of whale-meat.
Their presence on the island was evidently temporary,
as no women or children or habitation could be seen,
and for every man there was just one hidarka, or skin
canoe having two or three seats — the Kussian term
for an improved kyak. No bows, arrows, spears, or
any other weapons which might have alarmed the
strangers, were visible, and the Russians went about
freely among the natives, taking care, in accordance
with strict injunctions of Waxel, not to lose sight of
the boat. Meanwhile one of the natives summoned
courage to visit Waxel in the boat. He seemed to
be an elder and a chief, and the lieutenant gave him
the most precious thing he had — brandy; the savage
began to drink, but immediately spat it out, crying to
his people that he was poisoned. All AVaxel's efforts
to quiet him were unavailing; needles, glass beads, an
iron kettle, tobacco, and pipes were offered in vain.
He would accept nothing. He was allowed to go,
and at the same time Waxel recalled his men. The
natives made an attempt to detain them, but finally
allowed the two Russians to go, keeping hold of the
interpreter. Others ran to the rock to which the
boat was moored and seized the rope, which Waxel
thereupon ordered cut. The interpreter in the mean
time pleaded with the Russians not to abandon him,
but they could afford no aid. As a final effort to save
the interpreter two muskets were discharged, and as
the report echoed from the surrounding cliffs, the sav-
ages fell to the ground while the interpreter sprang
into the boat. As the ship was making ready to sail
next day seven of these savages came and exchanged
gifts. This was on the 6th of September. After a
® The interpreters accompanying the expedition belonged to the Koriak
and Chukchi tribes, and were of no use in conversing with the natives, but
they were bold and inspired the islanders with confidence, being in outward
appearance like themselves.
EXTREME SUFFERINGS. 85
very stormy passage land was sighted again on the
24th, in latitude 51° 11'? There was a coast with
islands and mountains, to the highest of which Bering
gave the name of St John, from the day.
The position of the ship was critical. Finally they
escaped the dangerous shore, only to be driven by a
storm of seventeen days' duration down to latitude 48°.
Disease spread. Every day one or more died, until
there were scarcely enough left to manage the ship.
*' The most eloquent pen," said Steller, " would fail to
describe the misery of our condition." Opinion was
divided whether they should seek a harbor on the
American coast or sail directly to Kamchatka. Bering
was profuse in his promises to celestial powers, slight-
ing none, Catholic or Protestant, Greek or German.
He vowed to make ample donations to the Russian
church at Petropavlovsk and to the Lutheran church
at Viborg, Finland, where some of his relatives re-
sided.
A northerly course was kept until the 22d of Octo-
ber, when an easterly breeze made it possible to head
the unfortunate craft for Kamchatka. Only fifteen
casks of water remained, and the commander was so
reduced by sickness and despondency that the burden
of affairs fell almost wholly on Wax el. On the 25 th
land was sighted in latitude 51° and named St Maka-
rius. This was the island of Amchitka. On the
28th another island in latitude 52° was named St
Stephen (Kishka). On the 29th in latitude 52° 30'
still another island was discovered and named St
Abram (Semichi Island). On the 30th two other
islands were sighted and mistaken by the bewildered
navigators as the first of the Kuriles. On the 1st
of November in latitude 54° they found themselves
within about sixteen miles of a high line of coast.
^ The latitude of the land was variously reported by Waxel, and subse-
quently by Chirikof from his examination of journals, at 51° 27', 52° 30', and
51° 12'. It is safe to presume that the St John's mountain of Bering was
situated either on the island of Umnak or on one of the Four Peaks Islands.
Sokolof was of the opinion that it was Atkha Island. Za'p. Hydr., ix. 393.
86 DEATH OF BERING.
The condition of the explorers still continued critical.
Notwithstanding sickness and misery the decimated
crew was obliged to work night and day, in rain, snow,
and cold; the sails and rigging were so rotten that
it was dangerous to set much canvas, even if the crew
had been able.^° At last, on the 4th, the lookout sighted
land. It was distant; only the mountain tops appear-
ing above the horizon; and though the Sv Petr was
headed directly for the land all day, they could not
reach it. An observation at noon made the latitude
56°.
" It would be impossible to describe," says Steller,
"the joy created by the sight of land; the dying'
crawled upon deck to see with their own eyes what
they would not believe; even the feeble commander
was carried out of his cabin. To the astonishment
of all a small keg of brandy was taken from some
hiding-place and dealt out in celebration of the sup-
posed approach to the coast of Kamchatka."
On the morning of the 5th another misfortune was.
discovered. All the shrouds on the starboard side
were broken, owing to contraction caused by frost.
Lieutenant Wax el at once reported to the commander,
who was confined in his berth, and from him received
orders convoking a council of officers to deliberate
upon the situation. It was well known that the fresh
water was almost exhausted, and that the ravages of
scorbutic disease were becoming more alarming every
day. The continuous wetting with spray and rain
became more dangerous and insupportable as the cold
increased, covering with a coat of ice the surface of
every object exposed to its action, animate or inani-
'"Miiller writes: 'The sickness was so dreadful that the two sailors who
used to be at the rudder were obliged to be led to it by two others who could
hardly walk, and when one could sit and steer no longer another in but little
better condition supplied his place.' Muller's Sammlung, 51. The commander
was still confined to his cabin; the ofiicers though scarcely able to walk, were
quarrelling among themselves; the crew were dying at the rate of one or two
every day; no hard bread, no spirits, and but very little water; dampness and
cold; and to all this was added the almost certainty of impending disaster.
Sokolof, in Zap. IJydr., ix. 395.
SHIPWRECK OF THE 'SV PETR.' 87
mate. Soon the council came to the conclusion that
it was necessary to seek relief at the nearest point of
land, be it island or continent/^ The wind was from
the north, and the soundings indicated between thirty
and forty fathoms over sandy bottom. After steering
south-west for some time the soundings decreased to
twelve fathoms, and the vessel was found to be only
a short distance from the shore. Then at the com-
mand of Waxel, over the bows of the doomed ship,
down went the anchors of the Sv Petr for the last
time. It was 5 o'clock in the afternoon. The sea
began- to rise, and in less than an hour a cable broke.
Then other cables were lost; and just as the despair-
ing mariners were about to bend the last one on board,
a huge wave lifted the vessel over a ledge of rocks
into smooth water of about four fathoms, but not
before seriously injuring the hull. This action of the
elements settled the fate of the expedition; there w^as
no alternative but to remain for the winter on that
coast, ignorant of its extent and location as they
were. It was on a calm moonlit night that the stormy
voyage of over four months was thus suddenly ter-
minated.^^
All able to work were landed to prepare for disem-
barking the sick. A preliminary shelter was con-
structed by digging niches into the sandy banks of a
small stream and covering them with sails. Drift-
wood was found along the shore, but there was no
sign of any timber which might be made useful. No
trace of human occupation was visible. On the morn-
^1 Steller maintains that Bering refused fo give the necessary orders, sup-
posing that it would still be possible to reach Avatcha, and that he was
supported in his opinion by Ovtzin ; but the contrary opinion of Waxel and
Khitrof prevailed. Sokolof, in Zap. Hydr., ix. 397.
'^ A letter of one of the officers says: 'In endeavoring to go to the west
we were cast on a desert isle where we had the prospect of remaining the
greater part of our days. Our vessel was broken up on one of the banks with
which the isle is surrounded. We failed not to save ourselves on shore, with
all such things as we thought we had need of; for by a marked kindness of
providence the wind and waves threw after us upon the shore the wreck and
the remains of our vessel, which we gathered together to put us in a state,
with the blessing of God, to quit this desolate abode. ' Burney's Chronol. Hist.,
172-.3. See also Sokolof, in Zap. Hydr., ix. 399.
88 DEATH OF BERING.
ing of the 8th preparations for landing the sick
were completed and the work began. Many of the
unfortunates drew their last breath as soon as they
come in contact with the fresh air, while others ex-
pired during the process of removal. During the day
following Commander Bering w^as carried ashore. He
had been daily growing weaker, and had evidently
made up his mind that he must die. Four men car-
ried him in a hand-barrow w^ell secured against the
air. Shortly afterward the last remnant of the unfor-
tunate ship was torn from its single cable and came
upon the shore. Steller searched in vain for anti-
scorbutic herbs and plants under the deep snow, and
there was no game or wild-fowl at hand. The only
animals visible on land were the pest si or Arctic foxes,
exceedingly bold and rapacious. They fell upon the
corpses and devoured them almost before the survivors
could make preparations for their burial. It seemed
to be impossible to frighten them away. The stock
of powder was small, and it would not do to waste
it on beasts; it must be kept for killing men. The
sea-otter was already known to the Russians from a
few specimens captured on the coast of Kamchatka,
and among the Kurile Islands. Soon the castaways
discovered the presence of these animals in the sur-
rounding waters. The flesh seemed to them most pal-
atable, and Steller even considered it as anti-scorbutic.
The skins were preserved by the survivors and subse-
quently led to the discovery of a wealth that Bering
and Chirikof had failed to see in their voyages of
observation.^^
Some relief in the way of provisions was afforded
by the carcass of a whale cast upon the beach. It
'^ At that time the Chinese merchants at Kiakhta paid from SO to
100 rubles for sea-otter skins; 900 sea-otters were killed on the island by
the crew of the Sv Petr; the skins were divided equally among all, but
Steller was most fortunate. In his capacity of physician he received many
presents, and he bought many skins, the property of persons who in the uncer-
tainty of living held them in light esteem. His share alone is said to have
amounted to 300 choice skins, which he carried with him to Kamchatka. Stel-
le7-'s Journal, 172, ITo, passim; Mullei; Samvihuuj, 54-5.
THE LAST HOUR. 89
was not very delicate food, but proved of great ser-
vice when nothing better could be had. It afforded
also the material for feeding lamps during the long
dreary nights of winter. No distinction was made in
the division of food between officers and men; every
one had a fair and equal portion. Lieutenant Waxel
was now recognized as general manager, the com-
mander being beyond duty. Misfortune and misery
had toned down the rough aggressiveness of the lieu-
tenant, and nearly all of the wise regulations there-
after adopted must be credited to him, though he
frequently acted upon Steller's advice. Both did
their utmost to give occupation to all who were able
as the only remedy against their mortal enemy, the
scurvy.
Toward the end of November Khitrof and Waxel
also were prostrated by disease, and the prospect
before the castaways was indeed a gloomy one. The
excursions to diiferent parts of the island in search
of food and fuel became more and more contracted,
and dull despair settled upon the whole community.
As for the commander, no wonder he had longed
to return; for it was now apparent to all, as it may
have been to him these many days, that he must die.
And we can pardon him the infirmities of age, dis-
ease, and temper; the labors of his life had been
severe and his death was honorable, though the con-
ditions were by no means pleasing. Toward the laso
he became if possible more timid, and exceedingly
suspicious. He could hardly endure even the pres-
ence of Steller, his friend and confidant, yet this
faithful companion praises his firm spirit and dignified
demeanor.
It was under such circumstances that Vitus Bering
died — on this cold forbiddino^ isle, under the sky of
an Arctic wmter, the 8th of December 1741, in a
miserable hut half covered by the sand which came
trickhng down upon him Jhrough the boards that had
been placed to bar its progress. Thus passed from
90 DEATH OF BERING.
earth, as nameless tens of thousands have done, the
illustrious commander of the expeditions which had
disclosed the separation of the two worlds and dis-
covered north-westernmost America.
On the 10th of December the second mate, Kho-
tiaintzof, died, and a few days later three of the sailors.
On the 8th of January death demanded another vic-
tim, the commissary Lagunof, making thirty-one up
to this time.^*
At length the survivors began slowly to improve in
health. The ship's constable, Rossilius, with two men,
was despatched northward to explore; but they learned
only that they were on an island. Later the sailor,
Anchugof, was ordered south ward, and after an absence
of nearly four weeks he returned half-starved, with-
out information of any kind. Another was sent west,
but with the same result. It was only then that many
would believe they were not on the shore of Kam-
chatka, and that it depended upon their own exertions
whether they ever left their present dwellings, cer-
tainly not very attractive ones, these excavations in
the earth roofed over with sails.^^ The foreigners
formed a separate colony in one large cavity. There
were five of these, Steller, Rossilius, Plenisner, Assist-
ant Surgeon Betge, and a soldier named Zand. Waxel
occupied a dwelling by himself and another private
domicile had been constructed by the two boatswains,
Ivanof and Alexeief All the others lived together
in one large excavation.
The provisions were by no means abundant, but
^* A list of the effects of Bering and the petty officers, preserved in the
naval archives, contains: 3 quadrants, 1 chronometer, 1 compass, 1 spy -glass,
1 gold watch, 1 pair of pistols, 8 copper drinking-cups, a few pipes, 11 books
on navigation, a bundle of charts, 2 bundles of calculations, 7 maps, and 8
dozen packs of playing-cards. With the exception of the playing-cards, all
were sold at auction in Kamchatka, and brought 1,000 rubles. Sokolof, in Zap.
Hydr., ix 10, 11.
'^ Nagaief , an assistant of Sokolof in the collection and digestion of docu-
ments concerning the expedition, states that he found original entries of Waxel
and Khitrof in the journal, to the efTect that after Bering's death the only two
remaining officers declared their willingaess- to temporarily resign their rank
and put themselves on an equality withthe men, but that the latter refused,
and continued to obey their superiors. Morskoi Sbornik, cvi. 215.
A NEW CRAFT BUILT. 91
great care was exercised in distributing them, keeping
always in view the possibiHty of a further sea- voyage
in search of Kamchatka. The principal food was the
meat of marine mammals killed about the shore, sea-
otters, seals, and sea-lions. Carcasses of whales were
cast ashore twice during the winter, and though in
an advanced state of putrefaction they yielded an
abundant supply to the unfortunates, who had ceased
to be very particular as to the quality of their diet.
In the spring the sea-cows made their appearance and
furnished the mariners with an abundance of more
palatable meat. The only fuel was drift-wood, for
which they had to mine the deep snow for eight or
ten miles round. The winter was cold and stormy
throughout, and the approach of spring was heralded
by dense fogs hanging about the island for weeks
without lifting sufficiently to afford a glance at the
surrounding sea.
A council was now held and some proposed sending
the single remaining ship's boat for assistance ; others
were of the opinion that the ship itself, though half
broken up, might still be repaired; but finally it was
determined to take the wreck entirely to pieces and
out of therfTconstruct a new craft of a size sufficient
to hold the entire company. A singular question
here presented itself to these navigators, accustomed
as they were to the iron discipline of the imperial
service, Would they not be punished for taking to
pieces a government vessel? After some discussion
it dawned on their dim visions that perhaps after
all the punishment of their dread ruler might be
no worse than death on that island. Hence it was
solemnly resolved to begin at once; the wreck was
dismantled, and in May the keel was laid for the
new vessel.
The three ship's carpenters were dead, but a Cossack
who had once worked in the ship-yard at Okhotsk
was chosen to superintei^ the construction, and he
proved quite successful in drawing the plans and
92 DEATH OF BERING.
moulding the frames/^ The lack of material and
tools naturally delayed the work, and it was the 10th
of August before the vessel could be launched. She
was constructed almost wholly without iron, and meas-
ured thirty-six feet in length at the keel, and forty-
one feet on deck, with a beam of twelve feet and a
depth of hold of only five and a half feet. She was
still called the Sv Petr. The vessel had to be provi-
sioned wholly from the meat of sea-animals.^''
On the 16th of August,^^ after a stay of over
nine months on this island, to which they gave the
name of Bering, at the suggestion of Khitrof, and
after protracted prayers and devotions, this remnant
of the commander's crew set sail from the scene of
suffering and disaster. On the third day out, as might
be expected from such construction, the vessel was
found to be leaking badly, and within half an hour
there were two feet of water in the hold. Some lead
and ammunition were thrown out, and the leak was
stopped. On the ninth day the hearts of the unhappy
crew were gladdened by a full view of the Kamchatka
shore, and on the following day, the 26th of August,
the juvenile Sv Petr was safely anchored in the bay
of Avatcha. The survivors were received by the few
inhabitants of Petropavlovsk with great rejoicing;
they had long since been given up as dead. They
remained at the landing-place to recuperate for
nearly a year, and finally proceeded to Okhotsk in
1743.'^^
"^ He succeeded so well in his undertaking that he received as reward from
the grateful empress the patent of nobility. Sammlung, xx. 394.
^^ Zap. Hydr., ix. 413. The author of t\\Q Sammlungen states that when
the sea-otters disappeared in March the llussians had recourse to dogs, bears,
and lions, meaning of course seals (seehund), fur-seal (seebdr), and sea-lions.
Samm/nitg. xx. 39.3.
i^Sokolof makes the date of departure the 12th. Zap. Hydr., ix. 413;
obviously an error on the part of some one.
^^ In the church of Petropavlovsk there is still preserved a memorial of
this event; a silver mounted image of the apostles Peter and Paul with the
inscription, ' An oiTering iu memory of our miraculous rescue from a barren
island, and our return to the coast of Kamchatka, by lieutenant Dimitri
Ovtzin, and the whole company, Augus^741.' Polonski, Kamchatka Archives,
MS., vol. xiii.
CHIRIKOF'S SUBSEQUENT VOYAGE. 93
Before he had fairly recovered from the effects of
his last voyage, Chirikof made another effort to see
something more of the American coast which he had
found. He commanded the >Si' Pavel again, but the
only officer of the former voyage now with him was
the pilot Yelagin.^" Sailing from Avatcha Bay the
25th of May 1742, he shaped his course due east.
His progress was slow, and on the 8th of June he
sighted the first land in latitude 52°. Only the snow-
covered tops of high mountains were visible above the
fog and clouds which enveloped the island called by
Chirikof, St Theodore, but which we know to-day as
Attoo. A series of southerly gales then set in which
carried the ship northward to latitude 54° 30'. On
the 16th of June, owing to the wretched condition of
the vessel, it was deemed best to return to Kamchatka.
On the way back the Sv Pavel passed within a short
distance of the island where at that moment Bering's
companions were still suffering. Chirikof sighted the
southern point of the island and named it St Julian.
The expedition reached Petropavlovsk the 1st of July. ^^
^"Miiller, Voyage, 112, maintains that Chirikof intended to search for
Bering; but Sokolof scouts the idea upon the ground that he could not have
had the faintest suspicion of his whereabouts ; it was then believed tliat Bering
and all his crew had perished. Solcolof, in Zajj. Hydr., ix. 414.
-^ As this last attempt of Chirikof ends the operations of the expedition
which accomplished the discovery of the American coast, the official list of
all those engaged in the enterprise in its various branches, taken from Bering's
private journal, will not be out of place. The names are arranged according
to rank as follows: Captain-commander, Vitus Bering; captains, Martin
Spanberg and Alexei Chirikof; lieutenants, Dmitri Laptief , Yegor Endogurof,
William Walton, Peter Lassenius, Dmitri Ovtzin, Stej^an Muravief, Mikhail
Pavlof, Stepan Malygin, Alexei Skuratof, Ivan Sukhotin, Hariton Laptief,
Ivan Chikhachef; midshipman, Alexei Schelting; mates, Sven Waxel, Vassill
Promchishchef, Mikhail Phmting, Andreian Eselberg, Lev Kazimerof, Ivan
Kashelef, Fedor Minin, Sofron Kliitrof, Abram Dementief; second mates,
Ivan Vereshchagin, Ivan Yelagin, Matvei Petrof, Dmitri Sterlegof, Semen
Cheliuskin, Vassili Rtishchef, Vassili Andreief, Gavril Rudnef, Peter Pazni-
akof, Marko Golovin, Ivan Biref, Kharlam Yushin, Moissei Yurlof, Andrei
Shiganof; marines, Vassili Perenago, Joann Synd, Andreian Yurlof; naval
cadets, Mikhail Scherbinin, Vassili Khmetevski, Ossip Glazof, Emilian
Rodichef, Andrei Velikopolski, Fedor Kanishchef, Sergei Spiridof, Sei-gei
Sunkof ; commissaries, Agafon Choglokof, Fedor Kolychef, Stepan Ivashenin,
Ivan Lagunof ; navigators, Ivan Belui, Alikhail Vosikof ; assistant navigators,
Dmitri Korostlef, Nikita Khotiaintzof; boatswains, Niels Jansen, Sidor
Savelief; boatswaua's mate, Fedor Kozlof; boat-builders, Andrei Kozmin,
William Butzovski, Henrich Hovins, Caspar Feich; assistant surgeons,
Ivan Stupin, William Berensen, Peter Brauner, Sim Gren, Thomas Vinzen-
94
DEATH OF BERING.
In the August following, and before the survivors of
Bering's party could reach that port, Chirikof sailed
for Okhotsk.
dorf, Henricli Schaffer, Elias Giinther, Kii'il Shemchushuykof, Moritz Ar-
menus, Andreas Heei', Ivan Paxin, Henrich Hebel, Mikhail Brant, Matthias
Betge, Johann Lau; academicians, Gerhard Miiller, Johaiin Gmelin, Louis
Croj'ere; Professor Johann Fischer; adjunct, George Wilhelm Steller; stu-
dents, Stepan Krashennikof, Fedor Popof, Luka Ivanof, Alexei Tretiakof,
Alexe'i Gorlonof; instrument-maker, Stepan Ovsiannikof; painter, Johann
Berkhan; draughtsman, Johann Lui'senino; translator, Ilia Yakhontof; sur-
veyors, Andrei Krassilnikof, Nikifor Chekin, Moissei Oushakof, Alexander
Ivanof, Peter Skobeltzin, Dmitri Baskakof, Ivan Svistunof, Vassili Shetilof,
Vassili Selifontof, Ivan Kindiarof, Vassili Somof, Mikhail Gvozdef ; assistant
surveyors, Mikhail Vuikhodzef, Fedor Prianishnikof, Alexei Maksheief,
Ivan Shavrigin; assay er, Simon Gardebol; mineralogists, Dmitri Odintzof,
Friedrich Weidel, Elias Schehl, Zakar Medvedef, Agapius Leskin, Ivan
Samoilof . There was also one parish priest, with six subordinate members of
the clergy. The following is the naval roster of Bering's command as dis-
tributed among the various divisions of the expedition.
EosTER OF Bering's Command in 1740.
Captain Commander,
Captains
Lieutenants
Midshipmen
Mates
Second Mates
Naval Cadets
Surgeons
Ass't Surgeons
Medical Cadets
Boatswains
Boatswain's Mates. .
Quartennasters
Commissaries
Buglers
Constables
Cannoneers
Writers
Navigators
Sailors
Rope-makers
Sail-makers
Carpenters
Coopers
Sergeants
Corporals
Privates
Drummers
Total
On the Ships of
Bering. Chin- Span-
" kof. berg.
61
On the Double
Sloops
of with
Span- Arctic
berg. Exped.
92
147
In the
White T^tal.
Sea.
52
94
1
2
8
1
4
12
7
3
9
4
2
12
12
3
4
10
28
7
2
50
27
25
30
22
6
2
250
3
546
INFLUENCE OF THE OTTER.
95
Call it science, or patriotism, or progress, there is
this to be said about the first Russian discoveries in
America — little would have been heard of them for
some time to come if ever, had it not been for the
beautiful furs brought back from Bering Island and
According to the ledgers of the admiralty college the expenditure in
behalf of the expedition up to the end of the year 1742 has been as follows:
Rubles.
K.
/
For pay and uniform
30,383
684
3,103
73
5,206
5i
For provisions
76
At St Petersburg ^
For transportation
54J
For scientific instruments
Total
39,451
4,754
1,107
10,801
554
At Kazan
Cash
At Arkhangelsk
Rigging, lumber, and provisions.
25i
Total
56,114
2,178
220,525
72,840
82J
At Ilinsk
73
In the Province of Siberia.
Cash, provisions, and stores ....
Sundry expenditure
33
79i^
Grand total
360,659
131
Sokolof, in Zap. Hydr., ix. 446-52.
Spanberg made a reconnoissance in the sea of Okhotsk in 1740. In Sep-
tember 174 J he crossed from Okhotsk to Kamchatka with the packet-boat
Sv loann, the 'hmg&ntine Arkhawjr-l Mikhail, the double sloop Nadeshda, and
the sloop Bolsherelsk, this being the beginning of an official expedition to
Japan. Although the squadron was so pretentious, and had on board many
learned men who were to expound the mysteries of those parts, nothing of
importance came from it. This was one branch of the explorations included
in Bering's scheme. Another was a survey of the coast of Okhotsk Sea by
Lieutenant Walton in 1741.
Explorations were also carried on along the Kamchatka coast. In 1742 Sur-
veyor Oushakof explored the coast from Bolsheretsk northward to Figil, and
from the Bay of Avatcha to Cape Kronotzkoi. A portion of this work had
previously been attempted by the pilot Yelagin in 1739, and maps prepared
by him are still preserved in the naval archives at St Petersburg, but for
some reason the later survey was adopted as authority. Steller and Gorlanof
continued their investigations in Kamchatka until 1744. In accordance with
instructions they also experimented in agricultural pursuits, meeting with no
success in their attempts. When the combined commands of Chinkof,
Waxel, and Spalding arrived at Okhotsk, they found orders awaiting them to
proceed to Yakutsk and remain there for further instructions. This order
virtually ended the expedition. The leaders claimed that all its objects
had been attained as far as possible. Many of the officers and scientists
96 DEATH OF BERING.
elsewhere, Siberia was still suflEicient to satisfy the
tsar for purposes of expatriation, and the Russians
were not such zealots as to undertake conquest for
the sake of conversion, and to make religion a cloak
had already returned before accomplishing their task; others were still
detained by sickness and other circumstances ; others again had died and the
force still fit for duty of any kind was very much reduced. The provisions
amassed with such immense labor and trouble had been expended, the rigging
and sails of ships were completely worn out, the ships themselves were unsea-
worthy, and the resources of all Siberia had been nearly exhausted. The
native tribes and convict settlers had been crushed by the most oppressive re-
quisitions in labor and stores, and even the forests in the immediate vicinity
of settlements had been thinned out to an alarming extent for the require-
ments of the expedition. In 1743 a famine raged in eastern Siberia to such
an extent that in the month of September an imperial oukaz ordained the
immediate suspension of other operations. The force was divided into small
detachments and scattered here and there in the more fertile districts of
Siberia. The temporary suspension of the labors of the expedition was fol-
lowed by an entire abandonment of the work. The Siberian contingents
returned to their proper stations, the sailors and mechanics belonging to the
navy were ordered to Tomsk and Yenisseisk. Through intrigues at the
imperial court the commanders were long detained in the wilds of Siberia;
Chirikof and Spanberg until 1746, "Waxel until 1749, and Rtishchef until
1754, when a new expedition was already on the tajAs. The original charts
and journals of the expedition were forwarded to Irkutsk only in 17o4, though
official copies had certainly been taken previous to that time. From Irkutsk
they were removed in 1759 to the city of Tobolsk, and agaua copied. No
reason was given for retaining the originals, but it is certain that they were
destroyed durmg a fire in Tobolsk in 1788. Zap. Hydr., v. 265. Records of
promotions conferred upon a few members of the expedition have been pre-
served. Ovtzin and Laptief were made lieutenants on Wax el's recommenda-
tion in 1743; Alexei Ivanof and Yelagin were promoted to the same rank on
Chu-ikof's recommendation in 1744. On the 20th of November 1749 an im-
perial oukaz bestowed a money reward upon all the survivors of Bering's
command on the Sv Petr, 'for having suffered many unheard of hardships.'
Khitrof was made a lieutenant and finally captain of the first rank. Waxel
was promoted to a captain of the second rank in 1744, while all his command
obtained a reward in money from the admiralty college. In 1754 the force
of Lieutenant Rtishchef at Tomsk consisted of 42 men, and that of Lieutenant
Khenetevski at Okliotsk, of 46 men; the last two officers evidently remained
in Siberia, as they are mentioned again in the archives of Okhotsk as captains
in 1773.
The marine Synd, who undertook the unfortunate expedition to Bering
Straits, also remained in Siberia, promoted to the rank of lieutenant, and
died at Okhotsk in 1779. Siberian Archives; Midler, 9th ser. ; Zap. Hijdr., v.
268. The young widow of the astronomer De la Croyere in 1774 married
Captain Lebedef, who was assigned to the command of Kamchatka. Sgilmef,
in Morakoi Sbornik; cii. 5, 55. The town of Okhotsk had received a great
impetus during the operations of the Bering expedition, for which it served
as the maritime base. A few rude vessels were constructed at Okhotsk
during the first decade of the eighteenth century, and official records are still
in existence of all the shipping constructed at that port from the year 1714
to modern times. Up to the time when Bering's exiDcdition left Okhotsk for
the interior of Siberia 19 vessels were enumerated in this list. The first of
these vessels was a lodka, a craft with one mast, half-decked over, 27 feet in
length, with 18 (!) feet beam, drawing with a full cargo only three feet and
a half of water. The keel was laid at Okhotsk in May 1714, and she was
HISTOniCiVL VESSELS. 97
for tlieir atrocities; hence, but for these costly skins,
each of which proclaimed in loudest strains the glories
of Alaska, the Great Land might long have rested
launched in May 1710. The builder was carpenter Kiril Plotniteki(?). The
vessel had a brief existence, for she stranded in 17-1, and was finally burned
for the iron in 17-7. The second vessel was of the same class. The keel was
laid in 1718 for the first Kamchatka expedition, but she was never finished,
and rotted on the stocks. The third was also a lodka, 54 feet in length by 18
in width; she was constructed at Oudsk, near Okhotsk, in 1719, by one Teta-
rinof. This craft also was never launched, and finally fell to pieces. The
fourth vessel, also a lodka, was begun by a carpenter named Kargopoltzof,
in 17-0, and laimched in 1723. Bcrmg caused her to be retimbered in 1727,
and in 1734 the vessel was beached as unseaworthy, but she was finally
repaired in 1741 and wrcckotl on the Kurile Islaiids in tlie same year. The
fifth, a lodka, was built near Okhotsk in 1724, but was never finished 'for
want of material.' The .sixth vessel constructed at Okhotsk was the shitika
Fortima, built in one year by a marine, Chaplin, probably an Englishman,
and launched in June 1727. In 1730 the Fortima was hauled up as unsea-
worthy, but in 1731 she was repaired once moi'e and finally retiml^ered in
1737, and wrecked in the same year near Bolsheretsk. The seventh on the
list, the Sv Gai-ril, was constructed under Bering's immediate supervision at
Nishekamchatsk in the year 1728. In 1737 she was retunbered by Lieu-
tenant opanberg at Okhotsk. In 1738 she was wrecked on the coast of Kam-
chatka, but again repaired in the follovvuig year, 1739. She was finally broken
up as unseaworthy in 1755. The eighth vessel constructed at Okhotsk was
the Vostochnid Gavril, or Eastern Gabriel, built in 1729 by Sphanef for Shes-
takof's expedition. After Gvozdef's voyage to Bering Strait the Eastern
Gabriel was wrecked in October 1739 by Fedoref near Bolsheretsk. The Lev
(Lion) was also built by Sphanef at Okhotsk in 1729, but was burned by the
hostile Koriaks in September of the sr^me year. A lodka built by Churckr.ief
iu 1729 is the tenth on the list. The navigator Moshkof used this craft for
an exploration of the Shantar Islands, but she proved unseaworthy and was
abandoned. Next on the list is the brigantine Arkhangel Mikhail, begun at
Okhotsk in 1735 and launched in 1737 for Bering's second expedition. The
builders were Rogachef and Kozmin, superintended by Spanberg himself.
The brigantine did good service, but was finally wrecked in 1753. The 12th
on the list is the double sloop Nadeshda, with three masts (?) and gaff-top-
sails. She was begun by the same builders at Okhotsk in 1735 and launched in
1737. This also proved a useful ci'aft, but she was finally wrecked in 1753
by one Naoumof on the Kurile Islands. The sloop Bolsheretsh was built by
Spanberg in 1739 of bii'ch timber, and provided with 18 oars. She was
declared to be unseaworthy in 1745. The galiot Okhotsk, the 14th on the
list, was built by Rogachef at Okhotsk in 1737. Ten years later she was
repaired, and wrecked the year after. The packet-boat *S'(' Petr, the vessel
in which Bering sailed, was also built by Rogachef and Kozmin in 1741.
She was wrecked and rebuilt on Bering Island in the same year, as we have
seen. The vessel of Chirikof, the big •S'l; Pavel, was built by the same per-
sons in Okhotsk and launched in 1740, and only four years later she was
abandoned as unseaworthy. The next on the list is the packet-boat /oan
Krest'del, or St John the Baptist, built in Okhotsk by Kozmin 1741, for Span-
berg's expedition, and wrecked near Bolsheretsk in October 1743, under com-
mand of Lieutenant Khmetevski. The sloop Elizaveta, the 18th on the list,
was built at Okhotsk bj' Kozmin, wrecked on the Kamchatka coast in 1745,
repaired, and wrecked again in 1755. The small Sv Petr, built on Bering
Island out of the remains of the larger vessel, was sunk on the coast of Kam-
chatka in 1753, but raised and beached in 1754. Okhotsk Archives; Syibnef,
Moiskoi Sbornik, 1S55, 12-210.
Hist. Alaska. 7
98 DEATH OF BERING.
unclisturbecl. Be that as it may, it was chiefly on the
voyages of Bering and Chirikof that Russia ever after
based lier claim to the ownership of north-western-
most America. ^'^
^- The voyages of Vitus Bering have funiished material for much learned
discussion. The French astronomer Dc LTsle de la Croy^re advanced the
claim of having been largely instrumental in their accomplishment, more so per-
haps than he was justly entitled to, though it cannot be denied that he had
much to say in the organization of the second expedition under Bering. With
the honor of having planned the expedition, he should not attempt to escape
the odium of having furnished it with such villainous charts, to which ihay be
attributed most of that suffering and loss of life which followed. Nor is he by
any means just to Bering, seeking as he does in his account to deprive him of
any part in the discovery, claiming that Chirikof's party made the only dis-
covery Avorthy of mention. He does not even state that Bering touched upon
the American coast at all; according to his narrative Bering ' sailed from Kam-
chatka, but did not go far, having been compelled by a storm to anchor at a
desert island where he and most of his companions perished.' An author
makes nothing by such trickery. His attempted deceit is sure eooner or
later to fall back upon his own lacad. Nor will it do to pretend ignorance.
Professor Miiller, of the imperial academy of science, accompanied Bering
on his last voyage. At the time De LTsle was writing his treatise Muller
Vv-as living in the same street in St Petersburg, and meeting as they must
have done daily, it would have been easy to ascertain the truth if he had
wished to knov/ it. That such wretched maps as Croyere's should have been
given to the world by Russia, or in her name, is all the more to be deplored,
because the Russians, though they had then scarcely gained a place among
seafaring nations, had made the most strenuous efforts at discovery in water?
so inhospitable that people less imu'ed to the rigors of climate, and less de-
spotically governed, would never have thought of navigating them. Others
may have furnished the idea which the Russians alone, who to be sure would
reap the first benefits from such discoveries, were possessed of power and
endurance to carrj' out.
CHAPTER VI.
THE SWAEMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKL
1743-1762.
Eft^ct of the Discovery in Siberia — HujSTIng Expeditions in Search
OF Sea-otters — Voyages of Bassof, Nevodchikof, and Yugof —
Rich Harvests of Sea-otter and Fur-seal Skins from the Aleu-
tian Archipelago — ^The Cunning Promyshleniki and the Mild
Islanders— The Old Tale of Wrong and Atiiocity— Bloodshed
on Attoo Island— Early Monopolies — Chuprof's and Kholodilof's
Adventures— Russlans Defeated on Unalaska and Amlia— Yu-
gof's Unfortunate Speculation — Further Discovery — The Fate of
GoLODOF — Other Adventures.
One would think that, with full knowledge of the
sufferings and dangers encountered by Bering's and
Chirikofs expeditions, men w^ould hesitate before risk-
ing their lives for otter-skins. But such was not the
case. When a small vessel was made ready to follow
the course of the Sv Petr and the Sv Pavel there was
no lack of men to join it, though some of them w^ere
still scarcely able to crawl, from the effects of former
disaster. As the little sable had enticed the Cossack
from the Black Sea and the Volga across the Ural
Mountains and the vast plains of Siberia to the shores
of the Okhotsk Sea and the Pacific, so now the sea-
otter lures the same venturesome race out among the
islands, and ice, and fog-banks of ocean.
The first to engage in hunting sea-otters and other
fur-bearing animals, east of Kamchatka, was Emilian
Bassof, who embarked as early as 1743, if we may
believe Vassili Berg, our best authority on the sub-
ject.^ Bassof was sergeant of the military company
' Berg, Khronologicheskdia Istoria Otiirytiy Aleutskikh Ostrovahh, 2, 3, i)a.s-
100 THE vSWArtillXG OF THE PEOMYSHLEN'IKI.
of lower Kamchatka, whose imagination had become
excited b}^ the wealth brought home by Bering's crew.
Forming a partnership with a merchant from Moscow,
Andrei Serebrennikof, he built a small shitika^ which
he called the Kapiton, sailed to Bering Island, passed
the winter there, and returned to Kamchatka in the
follo^\*ing year.^ A second voyage was made the fol-
lowing July,* with Nikofor Trapeznikof as partner,
the same vessel being employed. Besides Bering
Island, Bassof also visited Copper Island, and col-
lected 1,600 sea-ottere, 2,000 fur-seals, and 2,000 blue
Arctic foxes. From this trip Bassof returned on the
31st of July 1746. A third voyage was undertaken
by Bassof in 1747, from Avhich he returned in the
following year, and embarked for a last voyage in
1749."
sim. Most authorities are silent concemiDg this expedition, but Sgibnef,
Morshoi Sbornih, cii. 74, states that Bassof sailed on his first voyage in 1743.
^ The shitikas, from the E,^^ssian shi-'d, to sew, were vessels made almost
without iron bolts, the planks being 'sewed' together or fastened with leather
or seal-skin thongs.
* From pipers preserved in the chancellerj' of Bolsheretsk. See also Berg,
Khfonoloijlcheslcciia Istoria, 3, 4.
â– * The author of Xeue Nachrlrhten doubts the authenticity of these state-
ments. But, as Berg had access to all the arcliives, we may safely accept his
statement, though in the chronological table appended to his work the expedi-
tion of the Kapiton is omitted. Berg, Khronol. Istoria, Appendix. Sgibnef
states that Bassof formed a partnership with Trapeznikof in 1747 to undertake
' the second voyage,' from which they realized a return of 112,220 rubles.
Morsloi Sbornik, cii. -v. 74.
^ A report to the commander of Okhotsk with reference to the third voj'-
age was discovered by Prince >Shakhovskoi in the archives of Okhotsk. From
this document Berg gives the following extracts: 'Most respectful report of
Sergeant Emilian I3assof to the councillor of the port of Okhotsk : — After hav-
ing set out with some Cossacks upon a sea-voyage last year (1747), in search
of unknown islands, in the shitika Sv Petr, at our own expense, we arrived
at a previously discovered small island,' Copper Island. 'On the beach about
50 pounds of native copper was gathered. On the south-eastern side of the
same island we found some unknown material, some ore or mineral, of which
v.-e took a pound or two. Our men picked up 205 pebbles on the beach great
and small, and among them were two yellow ones and one pink. We also
found a new kind of fish. . .We brought with us to the port of Nishekam-
chatsk sea-otters male and female 970 skins, and the same number of tails,
and 1,520 blue foxes. These furs were all divided in sliares among those who
were with me on the above-mentioned voyage.. .Sergeant Emilian Bassof.'
Berg, Khronol. Istoria, 4. The ship Sv Petr, Captain Emilian Bassof, is like-
wise mentioned in Berg's tabular list of voyages under date of 1750. 'A for-
tunate event which occurred while I was engaged in collecting information
M'ith regard to these voyages,' says Berg, 'placed me in possession of papers
containing the names of owners of vessels and the furs shipped on those occa-
VOYAGES OF BASSOF. 101
All was still dark regarding lands and navigation
eastward. But when Bassof's reports reached the
imperial senate an oukaz was forwarded at once to
the admiralty college ordaining that any charts com-
piled from Bering's and Chirikof's journals, together
with their log-books and other papers, should be
sent to the senate for transmittal to the governor
general of Siberia. The admiralty college intrusted
the execution of this order to the eminent hydrog-
rapher Admiral Nagaief, who finally compiled a chart
for the guidance of hunters and traders navigating
along the Aleutian Islands,*'
Bassof was scarcely back from his first voyage and
it was noised abroad that he had been successful, when
there were others ready to follow his example. A
larger venture was set on foot early in 1745, while
Bassof was still absent on his second voyage, under the
auspices of Lieutenant Lebedef, he who had married
Croyere's widow. While in command at Bolsheretsk
he issued a permit for a voyage to the newly discov-
ered islands, on the 25th of February, to the mer-
chants Afanassi Chebaievskoi of Lalsk and Arkhip
Trapeznikof of Irkutsk. Their avowed purpose vras
to hunt sea- otters and make discoveries eastward of
Kamchatka, Associated with them were Yakof Chu-
sions: 1st, papers obtained from Court Counsellor Ivan Ossipovich Zelonski;
2d, some incomplete data compiled by myself while living at Kadiak from
verbal tradition and private lettei's; 3d, letters I found in Mr Shelikof's
archives; and 4th, letters I received between the years 1760 and 1785 from
the merchant Ivan Savicli Lapin, of Solikamsk.' The dates given of Bassof 'a
four voyages are 1743, 1745, 1747, and 1749, Bcrcj, KJtronol. Istoria, G.
'^ Morslcoi Sbornik, cii, 11, 55. The editor of the Sihirshj Viestnih (Sibe-
rian Messenger), G. I, Spasski, in 1822, devoted four numbers of his pub-
lication to a minute description of Copper Island, accompanied by a chart
indicating Bassof's occupation of the place, as on its northern side two bays
are named Bassofskaya and Petrofskaya respectively, after Bassof and one of
his vessels. From the description in the Viestnih "it is evident that Bassof
wintered on Copper Island in 1749, and obtained most of his furs there. A
cross which was preserved on the island for many j'cars, bore an inscription
to the effect that Yefim Kuznctzof, a new convert (probably a Kamchatka
native), wasadded to Bassof's command on the 7th of April 1750. It is probable
that the baptism of this convert took place on the island, and that the name
of the man was added to Bassof's list only when he became a Christian. ' Sih.
Viestnilc, 1S22, numbers 2 to 6, passim. Bassof died in 1754, leaving a
daughter with whom the merchant, Lapin, one of Berg's authorities, was per-
sonally acquainted. Khronol. Istoria, passim.
102 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
prof, Radion Yatof, Ivan Kholchevnikof, Pavel Kar-
abelnikof, Larion Beliaief, Nikolai Chuprof, Lazar
Karmanof, and Kiril Kozlof/ They built a large
shitika and named it the Yevdohia. As morekhod, or
navigator, they engaged a Tobolsk peasant named
Mikhail Nevodchikof, who had been with Bering, and
who was even credited by various authors with the
discovery of the Aleutian Islands.^ In these expedi-
tions the bold promyshleniki were ever the main-stay.
Nevodchikof was doubtless aware that Bassof had col-
lected his furs at Bering and Copper islands, but trust-
ing to his memory, or perhaps following the advice of
other companions of Bering, he passed by these isl-
ands, shaping his course south-east in search of the land
named by Bering Obmannui, or Delusive Islands, The
Yevdohia had sailed from the mouth of the Kam-
chatka on the 1 9th of September 1745,^ and after a voy-
age of six days the adventurous promyshleniki sighted
the first of the Blishni group of the Aleutian isles.
Passing by the first, Attoo, Nevodchikof anchored near
the second, Agatoo, about noon of the 24th. Next
morning over a hundred armed natives assembled on
the beach and beckoned the Russians to land, but it
was not deemed safe in view of their number; so they
threw into the water a few trifling presents, and in
return the natives threw back some birds just killed.
On the 26th Chuprof landed with a few men armed
with muskets for water. They met some natives, to
^ Bolfsheretsh Archives; Neve Nackr., 9, 10.
^ From the fact that Nevodchikof was called a peasant we must not infer
that he was an agricultural laborer, but simply of the peasant class, one of
the numerous castes into which Russian society was divided. The so-called
'civil classes' of society outside of government officials were merchants,
hiptzvi, again divided into lirst, second, and third guild; tradesmen, me.sh-
chaninui, and peasants, Jcrestlaninni; but many of the latter class were
engaged in trade and commerce. Ivan Lapin told Berg that he knew Ne-
vodchikof personally, and that he had served with Bering on his voyage to
America in 1741. Nevodchikof was a silversmith from Oustioug, and came
to Siberia in search of fortune. Meeting with no success he went on to Kam-
chatka, and there finding himself without a passport he was taken into the
government service. Lapin was in possession of a silver snuffbox, the work
of Nevodchikof. Khronol. Istorla, 7.
^Keue Nachr.y 10; Khronol. Jst., 7.
^^OLI:xcE axd elood. ics
%y1ic n.1 they gave tobacco and pipes, and received a stick
ornamented with the head of a seal carved in bone.
Then the savages wanted one of the muskets, and
when refused they became angry and attempted to
capture the party by seizing their boat. Finally Chup-
rof ordered his men to fire, and for the first time the
thundering echoes of musketry resounded from the
hills of Agatoo. One bullet took effect in the hand
of a native; the crimson fluid gushed forth over the
white sand, and the long era of bloodshed, violence,
and rapine for the poor Aleuts was begun. ^° As the
natives had no arms except bone-pointed spears, which
they vainly endeavored to thrust through the sides
of the boat, shedding of blood might easily have been
avoided. At all events the Russians could not now^
winter there, so they worked the ship back to the
first island, and anchored for the night.
The following morning Chuprof, who seems to have
come to the front as leader, and one Shevyrin, landed
Vv^th several men. They saw tracks but encountered
no one. The ship then moved slowly along the coast,
and on the following day the Cossack Shekhurdin,
with six men, was sent ashore for water and to recon-
noitre. Toward night they came upon a party of five
natives with their wives and children, who immedi-
ately abandoned their huts and ran for the mountains.
In the morning Shekhurdin boarded the ship, which
was still moving along the shore in search of a suit-
able place for wintering, and returned again with a
larger force. On a bluff facing the sea they saw fif-
teen savages, one of whom they captured, together
with an old woman who insisted on following the
prisoner. ^^ The two natives, with a quantity of seal-
"Wlien the natives perceived the wound of their comrade they threw off
their garments, carried him into the sea, and endeavored to wash off the
blood. Khronol. Ist.,S; Neue Nadir., 13. SeeN'ativeIiacei:,vol.i., this series.
'1 'Es gclang ihren auch, ungeachtet dor Gegeniwehr, welche die Insulaner
mit ihren Knochernen Spiessen leisteten, selbige herunter zu jagen nnd einen
davon gefangen zu nehmen, der sogleich aufs Schiff gebracht ward. Sie
ergiifl'en auch ein altes Weile, welche sie bis zur Hiitte verfolgt hatten, und
brachten auch diese, mit dcm zugleich erbeuteten Seehundsfett und Fellen,
Kum Schiff,' Neue Nachrichten, 14, 15.
104 THE SV7AEMI:N"G OF THE PEOMYSHLEXIKL
blubber found in the hut, were taken on board the
Yevdohia. A storm arose shortly after, during which
the ship was driven out to sea with the loss of an
anchor and a yawl.
From the 2d to the 9th of October the gale con-
tinued; then they approached the island and selected
a wintering-place for the ship. The natives were less
timid than at first, though they found in the hut the
bodies of two men who had evidently died from
wounds received during the scuffle on the bluff. The
old woman, who had been released, returned with
thirty-four of her people; they danced and sang to
the sound of bladder-drums, and made presents of
colored cla}^ receiving in return handkerchiefs, needles,
and thimbles. After the first ceremonial visit both
parties separated on the most friendly terms. Before
the end of the month the same party came again
accompanied by the old woman and several children,
and briuOTno;- mfts of sea-fowl, seal-meat, and fish.
Dancing and singing were again nidulged in.
On the 26th of October Shevyrin, Chuprof, and
Nevodchikof, with seven men, set out in search of
their new friends and found them encamped under a
cliff. On this occasion they purchased a hidar,^^ with
an extra covering of skin, for two cotton shirts. They
found stone axes and bone needles in use among the
natives, who seemed to subsist altogether upon the
flesh of sea-otters, seals, and sea-lions, and upon fish.
The reign of violence and bloodshed already inaug-
urated on the island of Agatoo was quickly established
on Attoo. Two days prior to his visit to the friendly
natives, Chuprof, anxious to acquire a more minute
knowledge of the island, sent out one of his subordi-
nates, Alexei Beliaicf, with ten men to explore. This
man discovered several habitations with whose in-
^^ 'Und fanclen sie unter einem Felsen {Utess), Kauften von ihnen ein
Baidar (ledernen Kahn) und eine Baidarenhaut, wovor sie ihnen zwey Hemden
gaben und zurukkehrten, ohne die gei-ingste Feindseligkeiterfahren zu liaben.'
Neue Nachr., 15. Tlie bidar was an open skin boat, and the largest of the
class.
FURTHER OUTRAGES. 105
mates he managed to pick a quarrel, in the course of
which fifteen of the islanders were killed. ^^ Even the
Cossack Shekhurdin, who had accompanied Beliaicf,
was shocked at such proceedings and went and told
Chuprof, who said nothing, but merely sent the
butchering party more powder and lead."
These and like outrages of the promyshleniki were
not known in Russia until after several years, and if
they had been it would have made little difference, ^^
Their efforts were successful; but we may easily
believe that the interval between December 1745 and
the day when the Yevdokia departed, which was the
14th of September 1746, was not a time of rejoicing
to the people of Attoo. To this day the cruelties
committed by the first Russians are recited by the
poverty-stricken remnants of a once prosperous and
happy people.
The return voyage was not a fortunate one; for six
wrecks the heavily laden craft battled with the waves,
^nd at last, on the 30th of October, she was cast upon
a rocky coast with the loss of nearly all her valuable
cargo. Ignorant as to their situation the men made
their w^ay into the interior, suffering from cold and
hunger, but finally they succeeded in finding some
" There ia little doubt that this encounter was wilfully provoked, and
the male natives slaughtered for a purpose. Berg merely hints that women
were at the bottom of it, but in the Neue Nachr. it is distinctly charged thr.t
Beliaief caused the men to be shot in ortler to secure the women. Some dis-
pute about an iron bolt that had disappeared, and which the natives could or
would not return, was seized upon as an excuse. Berg, Khronol. Id., 8, 9;
Neue Nachr., IG.
^*In the Neue Nachr., 16, Chuprof is accused of a plan for the destruc-
tion of a number of natives, by means of a porridge seasoned with corrosive
sublimate.
'â– '>An islander, Temnak, was carried away to Kamchatka on the Yevdohia.
He claimed to be a native of At (Attoo?). In 1750 he was sent to Okhotsk
with Nevodchikof, after having been baptized at Nishekamchatsk by the mis-
sionary Osoip Khotumzevskoi. He was fitted out with clothing at the ex-
pense of the government and named PaA'el Nevodchikof, the pilot having acted
as his godfather, and finally adopting him. 'Schon am 24sten October hatte
Czjuiyrotv zehn Mann, unter Anfiihrung des Lcirion Beajeiv zii kundschaften
ausgeschikt. Dieser fand verschiedene Ivrten (Wohnungen), der Insulaner
Und well er ihnen feindselig begegnete und die wenigen Insulaner sich daher
mit ihren Knochemen Lanzen zwi Wehre setzten, so nahm er daher Gelegen-
lieit alle Manner funfzehn an der Zalil zu erschiessen, un die zwriikgebliebe-
nen Weiber zur Unzucht gebrauchen zu Kcnnen.' Neue Nachr., 11.
106 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLE^TIKI.
human habitations. On questioning the natives they
learned to their consternation that they were not on
the mainland, but on the island of Karaghinski off
the coast of Kamchatka. The Koriaks were already
tributary to the Russians, and treated their visitors
kindly until Beliaief made advances to the wife of the
ycssaul, or chief, whose wrath was with difficulty as-
suaged. Finally in May 1747 a descent was made
on the island by an armed party of Olutor.iki, a war-
like tribe living near the mouth of the Olutorsk river
on the mainland.^*'
In a bloody fight during which many natives and
^8 The origin of the word alent may perhaps be referred to these people.
The first mention of the Olutorski tribe was in a report of the Cossack Atlas-
sof, the conqneror of Kamchatka, in 1700. He states tliat on the coast of
Kamchatka the Liiitortzi are called strangers by the surrounding Koriaks,
Vihom they much resembled. Morskoi Suonii/j, ci. 4-73. In 171-i Afanassi
retrof, a nobleman, built on the Olutorsk river an ostrog of the same name;
he was free'.y assisted by the natives. In the following year Petrof forvrarded
all the tribute he had collected, consisting of 1-il bundles of sables, of 40 skins
each, 5,G40 red foxes, 10 cross foxes, l.'^7 sea-otters, two land-otters, and 22
ounces of gold taken from a wrecked Japanese junk. Subsecjueutly the
natives revolted and killed Petrof and nearly all his followers. Morskoi
S')0)~)uk, ci. 4-82, 296. It is probable that when the Russians first encoun-
tered the natives of the Aleutian Islands, being already acquainted with the
Olutoi-ski, they applied that name, pronounced by them Aliutorski, to a race
that certainly resembles the latter. On the whole coast of Kamchatka these
Olutorski were the only whale-hunters, a pursuit followed also by Aleuts.
Russian authors generally derive the name from the Aleut word aUil\ What
dost thou want? If this phrase ever Mas in general use it has entirely dis-
appeared, and it certainly is no nearer the word Aleut, or Aleutski, as the
Russians pronounce it, than is Olutorski. Choris, pt. vii. 12. Engel, in Geo-
ijrapliinche mid Kritl-<che Nachrlchten, i. v. 6, 7; vi.-vii., lefers to an article
in the Leydatar Zeltuiiu, Feb. 26, 1765, where it is siid that 'the traders
from the Kovima (Kolima), sailed out of that liver and were fortunate
enough to double the cape of the Chukchi in latitude 74^; they then sailed
southward and discovered some islands in latitude 04°, v.-here they traded
with the natives and obtained some tine black foxes of which some speci-
mens were sent to the empress as a present. They named those islands
Alcyut, and I think that some of them adjoined America.' Engel then
goes on to say: 'These sailors called th^se islands "Aleyut;" the word seema
to me to be somewhat mutilated. JJuller says that the island situated
half a day's journey from Chukchi land, is inhabited by people named Ak-
hyukh-Alial, and it appears that these traders actually come to this island,
or perhaps to another one also situated in that neighborhood, the people of
which Muller calls Peckale ; he also speaks of a great country lying farther
to the east named Kitchin Aliat. I believe, therefore, that the said Aleyut
is nothing but the Aliat or Aeliat which forms the ending of both of the above-
mentioned names.' It is evident that Engel confounds the voyages of the
promyshleniki to the Aleutian Islands with the discovery of the Diomede
Islands in Bering Straits. The Kitchin Aliat may bear some relation to
either the Kutchin tribes of the American coast or more probably to the
luuuit or Eskimos.
NEVODCHIKOF, SUPERINTENDENT. 107
several Russians were killed, the invaders were de-
feated, and as they left the island the Olutorski declared
their intention to return with reenforcements and to
exterminate the Russians and all who paid tribute to
them. The prom^'shleniki were anxious to be off,
and the islanders freely assisted them in constructing
two large bidars. On the 27th of June they departed,
and arrived at the ostrog of Nishekamchatsk on the
21st of July with a little over three hundred sea-
otter skins, the remnant of the valuable cargo of the
Yevdokia}^
Immediately upon receiving information of the dis-
covery of the Aleutian isles, Elizabeth issued as pecial
oukaz appointing Nevodchikof to their oversight with
the rank of a master in the imperial navy, in which
capacity he was retained in the government service
at Okhotsk. In accordance with the old laws which
exacted tribute from all savage tribes, Cossacks were
to be detailed to make collections during the expedi-
tion that might be sent forth.
Meanwhile the several reports, and the rich cargoes
brought back by Bassof's vessels, had roused the
merchants of Siberia. ^^ In 1746 the Moscow mer-
chant Andrei Rybenskoi, through his agent, Andrei
^^ Some discrepancy exists in our authorities witli regard to dates and de-
tails of the latter part of this expedition. Berg briefly states that Nevodchikof
sailed from Attoo Sept. 14, 174G, and that his vessel was wrecked the 30th
of Oct. on an island, where he was obliged to pass the winter. Klironol. 1st.,
10, 11. A few lines farther on we are told that the party returned to Kam-
chatka in July 1746, with 300 sea-otters and with but a small portion of the
original crew, having lost 52 men on the voyage. The same author states
that on the strength of a report of the outrages committed upon natives, pre-
sented by the Cossack Shekhurdin, all the survivors were subjected to legal
process. To add to the coniusion of dates and data, Eerg subsequently tells
us that the value of the cargo brought back to Kamchatka by Nevodchikof
was 19,200 rubles (much more than 3C0 sea-otters would bring at that time),
and that the Ycvdolcia was wrecked in 1754! Khrovol. 1st., 11, 12. In the
Neue Nachr., 17, 18, the dates are less conflicting, and we are informed that
Nevodchikof 's party returned in two bidars with 320 sea-otters, of which they
paid one tenth into the imperial treasury. The number of lives lost during
the voyage is here placed at only 12 Russians and natives of Kamchatka.
^^ Making due allowance for the low prices of furs at that time, and the
comparatively high value of money, Bassof 's importations cannot be consid-
ered over-estimated at half a million dollars. Btrcj, Khronol. 1st., 11.
108 THE SWARMING OP THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
Vsevldof, also Feoclor Kholodilof of Totemsk, Nikofor
Trapeznikof, and Vassili Balin of Irkutsk, Kosma
Nerstof of Totma, Mikhail Nikilinicli of Novo Yaiisk,
and Feodor Shiikof of Yaroslavl/^ petitioned the com-
mander of Bolsheretsk for permission to hunt, and two
vessels were fitted out. The navigator selected for
I'lholodilof's vessel was Andrei Tolstjdih, a merchant
of the town of Selengisk, who was destined to play a
prominent part in the gradual discovery of the Aleu-
tian chain. The two vessels sailed from the Kam-
chatka River within a few days of each other. One,
the Su loann, commanded by Tolstykh, sailed the
20th of August manned by forty-six jDromyshleniki
and six Cossacks. They reached Bering, or Com-
mander, Island, and wintered there in accordance with
the wishes of Shukof, Nerstof, and otlier shareholders
in the enterprise. After a moderately successful hunt-
ing season Tolstykh put to sea once more on the 31st
of May 1747. He shaped his course to the south in
search of the island reported by Steller on June 21,
1741.20 J'ailing in this he changed his course to the
northward, and finally came to anchor in the road-
stead of Nishekamchatsk on the 14th of August.
During the voyage he had collected 683 sea-otters
and 1,481 blue foxes, and all from Bering Island.
Vsevidof sailed from Kamchatka the 26th of August
1746, and returned the 25th of July 1749, with a
cargo of over a thousand sea-otters and more than
two thousand blue foxes.^^
^^Nem Narhr., 18, 19; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 11, 12. These merchants de-
sired to build two vessels at their own expense ' to go in pursuit of marine
animals during the following year;' they also asked for permission to employ
native Kainchatkans and Russian mariners and hunters, and to make tempo-
rary use of some nautical instruments saved from a wreck. Neue Nachr., 20.
This Trapeznikof was evidently the same who was in partnership with Bassof
the preceding year.
'^â– 'StcUer's Journal, 1. 47.
^^ Bcr'j, Khronol. fd., app. It is probable that Vsevidof passed the winter
following his departure on Copper Island, as on the earliest charts a bay on
the north-eastern side of that island is named Vsevidof 's Harbor. In a descrip-
tion of Copper Island, published in the Slhlrsli Viestni!:, it is stated that on
the 2d of March 1747 two promyshleniki named Yurlof and Vtoruikh fell
from a cliff and died of tlieir injuries, Tliese men could only have be-
EFFORTS TOWARD MONOPOLY. 109
About this time a voyage was accomplished over
an entirely new route. Three traders in the north,
Ivan Shilkin of Solvichegodsk, Afanassi Bakof of
Oustioug, and one Novikof of Irkutsk, built a vessel
on the banks of the Anadir Kiver and called it Pro-
Izoj) i ZancU^ They succeeded in making their way
down the river and through the Onemenskoi mouth
into the gulf of Anadir. From the 10th of July 1747
to the 15th of September these daring navigators
battled with contrary winds and currents along the
coast, and finally came to anchor on the coast of Be-
ring Island. On the 30th of October, when nearly the
whole crew was scattered over the island hunting and
trapping and gathering fuel, a storm arose and threw
the vessel upon a rocky reef, where she was soon demol-
ished. Bethinking themselves of Bering's ship, with
remnants of that and of their own, and some large
sticks of drift-wood, the castaways built a boat about
fifty feet long. In this cockle-shell, which was named
the KajDiton, they put to sea the following summer.
Despite their misfortune the spirit of adventure was
not quenched, and the promyshleniki boldly steered
north-eastward in search of new discoveries. They
obtained a distant view of land in that direction, and
almost reached the continent of America, but the
land disappeared in the fog, and they returned to
Commander Islands. After a brief trip to Copper
Island they reached the coast of Kamchatka in Au-
gust 1749.'=^
longed to Vsevidof's vessel. Berg says that Ivan Rybinskoi of Moscow and
Stephen Tyrin of Yaroslaf in 1747 despatched a vessel named loann, which
sailed foi' the nearest Aleutian Islands and returned in 1749 with 1,000 sea-
otters and 2,000 blue foxes, the cargo being sold for 52,590 rubles, which is
but another account of Vsevidof's voyage. Khronoi. Int., 14.
•'^ Berg, Khronoi. 1st., 16. This name is given in the Russian edition of
Berg, Perkiip i Zant. The latter will be remembered as one of the sailors
with Bering's expedition, and the former is a common Russian name. The
men of that name were probably employed to build the vessel.
^3 The cargo of the Kapiton was valued only at 4,780 rubles, and it is diffi-
cult to understand how they could carry furs representing even this small
value in a vessel of that size. On account of the rigging, artillery, and ship's
stores of various kinds left by Bering's companions on the island named after
him, an order had been issued from Okhotsk prohibiting traders from landing
110 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
The first effort to obtain a monopoly of traffic with
the newly discovered islands was made in February
1748, by an Irkutsk merchant named Emihan Yugof,
who obtained from the senate for himself and partners^*
an oukaz granting permission to fit out four vessels
for voyages to the islands "in the sea of Kamchatka,"
with the privilege that during their absence no other
parties should be allowed to equip vessels in pursuit
of sea-otters. In consideration of this privilege Yugof s
company agreed to pay into the imperial treasury one
third of the furs collected. A special order to this
effect was issued to Captain Lebedef, the commander
of Kamchatka, from the provincial chancellery at Ir-
kutsk under date of July 1748. Yugof himself, how-
ever, did not arrive at Bolsheretsk till November 1 749,
and instead of four ships he had but one small vessel
ready to sail by the 6th of October 1750. This boat,
named the Sv loann, with a crew of twenty-five men
and two Cossacks, was wrecked before leaving the coast
of Kamchatka. Over a jesiv passed by before Yugof
was ready to sail again. He liad received permission
to employ naval officers, but his associates were un-
willing to furnish money enough for an expedition on
a large scale. The second ship, also named the Sv
loann, sailed in October 1751. For three years noth-
ing was heard of this expedition, and upon the state-
ment of the commander of Okhotsk that the instructions
of the government had been disregarded by the firm,
an order was issued from Irkutsk, in 1753, for the con-
fiscation of Yugof's property on his return."^ Captain
there until the government property could be disposed of. The craft con-
structed by Bassof and Serebrennikof was consequently seized by the govern-
ment authorities immediately after entering poit. The conliscated vessel was
snbsecjuently delivered to the merchant Ivan Shilkin, with permission to
make liunting and exploring voyages to the eastern islands. NcncNachr., 30.
The prohilntory order concerning Bering Island was disregarded altogether
by the promyshleniki, who made a constant practice of landing and wintering
there. Benj, Khronol. Int., 10.
'•" These were Ignatiy Ivanof and Matvei Shchorbakof of St Petersburg,
and Petr Maltzof, Arkhip Trapeznikof, Feodor Solovief, and Dmitri Yagof
of Irkutsk. Neue Nadir., 20.
'^'^ Kamchatka Archives, 17iJ4.
NIKOFOR TRAPEZNIKOF. Ill
Chereclof, who had succeeded Captain Lebedcf in the
command of Kamchatka, was at the same time author-
ized to accept similar proposals from other firms, but
none were made. On the 22d of July 1754, the Sv
loann unexpectedly sailed into the harbor of Nishe-
kamchatsk with a rich cargo which was at once placed
under seal by the government officials. The leader of
the expedition did not return, but the mate Grigor
Nizovtzof presented a written report to the effect that
the whole cargo had been obtained from Bering and
Copper islands, and that Yugof had died at the latter
place. The cargo consisted of 790 sea-otters, 7,044
blue foxes, 2,212 fur-seals.^''
It is evident that the authorities of Bolsheretsk did
not consider this first monopoly to extend beyond
Bering and Copper islands, as even before Yugof
sailed other companies were granted permission to fit
out sea-otter hunting expeditions to "such islands as
had not yet been made tributary." Andrei Tolstykh,
who had served as navigator under Kholodilof, obtained
permission from the chancellery of Bolsheretsk to fit
out a vessel, and sailed on the 19th of August 1749,
arriving at Bering Island the 6th of September. Here
he wintered, securing, however, only 47 sea-otters,
and in May of the following year he proceeded to the
Aleutian Islands, first visited by Ncvodchikof. Here
he met with better luck, and finally returned to Kam-
chatka the 3d of July 1752, with a cargo of 1,772 sea-
otters, 750 blue foxes, and 840 fur-seals.^'
The enterprising merchant Nikofor Trapeznikof of
*® The furs were subsequently released on the payment of the stipulated
one third. Keiie Nackr., 33.
'^ Tolstykh reported that he came to an island the inhabitants of which
had not previously paid tribute; they seemed to be of Chukchi extraction, as
they tattooed their faces in a similar manner and also wore labrcts or orna-
ments of walrus ivory in their cheeks. According to his statement these
'Aleuts' had killed two natives of Kamchatka without the least provocation.
On another island the natives voluntarily paid tribute in sea-otter skins. Neiie
Nachr., 26. It is difficult to determine from this report which island Tolstykh
visited; the description of the natives would point to St Lawrence Island,
but tlie tribute paid in sea-otter-skins can only have come from the Aleutian
chain. Probably he had sailed to the northward first and then changed his
course to the Aleutian Islands. See Native liuces, vol. i. this seiies.
112 THE SWARMIXG OF THE PROMYSHLEMKI. 1
Irkutsk also received permission to sail for the Aleu-
tian Islands in 1749 under promise of delivering to
the government not only the tribute collected from
the natives, but one tenth of the furs obtained. Tra-
peznikof built a ship, named it the Boris i Gleb, and
sailed in August. He passed four winters on vari-
ous islands, returning in 1753 with a cargo valued at
105,736 rubles. The Cossack Sila Shevyrin acted
as tribute-gatherer on this adventure.^^ During the
same year, 1749, the merchants Rybinskoi and Tyrin
sent out the shitika Sv loann to the Near Islands, the
vessel returnino^ in Aus^ust 1752 with 700 sea-otters
and 700 blue foxes. ^^
Late in 1749 Shilkin built the Sv Simeon i Anna
and manned her with fourteen Russians and twenty
natives of Kamchatka. The Cossack Alexei Vorobief,
or Morolief, served as navigator; Cossacks Ivan Mi-
nukhin and Alexei Baginef accompanied the ship as
tribute-gatherers. They left the coast of Kamchatka
the 5th of August 1750, but after sailing eastw^ard
two weeks the vessel was wrecked on a small un-
known island. Here the party remained till the fol-
lowing autumn, during wliich time Vorobief succeeded
in constructing a small craft out of the wreck and
drift-wood. This vessel was named the Ycremy and
carried the castaways to Kamchatka in the autumn
of 1752, with a cargo of 820 sea-otters, 1,900 blue
foxes, and 7,000 fur-seals, all collected on the island
upon which they were wrecked.^"
*^ It seems that the island of Atkha was first discovered during the voyage
of Trapeznikof. Cook and La Purouse call it Atghha, and Holmberg I Acha.
t'arlofj. Pac. Coast, MS., iii. 470. Shevyrin acknowledged that he had re-
ceived tribute to the amount of one sea-otter each from the following natives :
Igja, Oeknu, Ogogoetakh, Shalukiankh, Alak, Tukun, Ononushan, Kotog-
sioga, Oonashayupu, Lak, Yoreshugilaik, Ungalikan, Shati, and Chyipaks.
Bolfihcretfik Archives, 1754; -Neut: Nadir. 24-5; Berfj, Khronol. fst., 18.
'â– ''She was a lucky craft, making continuous voyages till 176.3, and bring-
ing over 5,000 sea-otters from the islands. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 18, 19.
^^ Neiie Nadir., 19. Berg states that the Simeon i Anna carried a crew
of 14 Russian and 30 natives of Kamchatka, and that the party returned with
1,980 sea-otters, collected on one of the small islands adjoining Bering Island.
Khronol. 1st. , 24. The fact that fur-seals formed a part of the cargo would
confirm the assumption that the locality of the wreck was one of the group
of the Commander Islands.
THE BENEFITS OF DESPOTISM. 113
By this time the merchants of Siberia and Kam-
chatka had gathered confidence regarding the traffic,
and ship-building became the order of the day. Un-
fortunately, even the first principles of naval archi-
tecture were ill understood at Kamchatka, and so late
as 1760 the promyshleniki made exceeding dangerous
voyages in most ridiculous vessels — flatboats, shi-
tikas, and similar craft, usually built without iron
and often so weak as to fall to pieces in the first gale
that struck them. As long as the weather was calm
or nearly so, they might live, but let a storm catch
them any distance from land and they must sink. We
should naturally suppose that even in these reckless,
thoughtless promyshleniki, common instinct would
prompt greater care of life, but they seemed to flock
like sheep to the slaughter. We must say for them
that in this folly their courage was undaunted, and
their patience under privations and suffering mar-
vellous. Despotism has its uses.
He who would adventure here in those days must
first collect the men. Then from the poor resources
at hand he would select the material for his vessel,
which was usually built of green timber just from the
forest, and with no tool but the axe, the constant com-
panion of every Russian laborer or hunter. Rope for
the rigging and cables it was necessary to transport
on pack-horses from Irkutsk, whence they generally
arrived in a damaged condition, the long hawsers being-
cut into many pieces on account of their weight.
Flour, meat, and other provisions were purchased at
Kirensk and Yakutsk at exorbitant prices. In such
crazy craft the promyshleniki were obliged to brave
the stormy waters of the Okhotsk Sea and navigate
along the chain of sunken rocks that lined the coast
of Kamchatka.^^
'1 Miiller says the price of iron in Okhotsk in 1746 was half a ruble, or
about 40 cents, a pound. Voy., i. 82. The crews were obtained in the follow-
ing manner: The merchant would notify his agent, or correspondent, living at
Irkutsk, Yakutsk, or Kirensk, who would engage hunters and laborers; each
agent hiring a few men, providing them with clothing, and sending them to
Hist. Alaska. 8
114 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
Nikofor Trapeznikof had been very fortunate in his
first venture with the Boris i Gleb, and therefore
concluded to continue. In 1752 he sent out the same
vessel in command of Alexei Drushinnin, a merchant
of Kursk. This navigator shaped his course for Ber-
ing Island, but wrecked his vessel on a sunken rock
when approaching his destination. No lives were lost
and enough of the wreck was saved to construct
another craft of somewhat smaller dimensions, which
they named the Abram. In this vessel they set
out once more in 1754, but after a few days' cruising
in the immediate vicinity another shipwreck confined
them again to the same island in a worse predicament
than before.
Meanwhile Trapeznikof had fitted out another
shitika, the Sv Nikolai, with the Cossack Radion
Durnef as commander, and the Cossack Shevyrin
as tribute-gatherer. Durnef called at Bering Island
and took from there the greater part of the crew
of the Boris i Gleh, leaving four men in charge of
surplus stores and the wreck of the Abram. The
Sv Nikolai proceeded eastward and made several
new discoveries. Durnef s party passed two winters
on some island not previously known to the promy-
shleniki, and finally they returned to Kamchatka in
1757 with a cargo valued at 187,268 rubles. This
Okhotsk. There they were first employed in building and equipping the
ship; and we may imagine what kind of ship-carpenters and sailors tliey
made. There was one benefit attending this method, however; as these men
had never seen a ship or the ocean they could not realize the danger of com-
mitting their lives to such vessels, though the navigators could not have been
ignorant of the risk to their own lives. Before sailing, an agreement with the
list of shares was drawn up and duly entered in the hook. This each signed
or affixed his mark thereto. For example: If the vessel carried a crew of 40
men, including the navigator and the 2>ei'cdovchik, or leader of hunters, acting
also as ship's clerk, the whole cargo, on the return of the vessel, was divided
into two equal shares, one half going to the owners, and the other half being
again divided into 45, 46, or pei'haps 48 shares, of which each member of the
snip's company received one, while of the additional five or six shares three
went to the navigator, two to the peredovchick, and one or two to the church.
It sometimes happened that at the end of a fortunate voyage the share of
each hunter amounted to between 2,000 and 3,000 rubles; but when the
voyages were unsuccessful the unfortunate fellows were kept in perpetual
indebtedness to their employer.
ANOTHER SEARCH FOR THE CONTINENT. 115
was the most successful venture of the kind under-
taken since the first cUscovery of the island.^'
In 1753 three vessels were despatched from
Okhotsk, the respective owners of which were An-
drei Serebrennikof of Moscow, Feodor Kholodilof of
Tomsk, and Simeon Krassilnikof of Tula. They ex-
pressed their intention to search for the Great Land,
as the American continent was then called by these
people. Serebrennikof's vessel was commanded by
Petr Bashnakof, assisted by the Cossack Maxim
Lazaref, as tribute-collector, and carried a crew of
thirty-four promyshleniki. Serebrennikof sailed in
July 1753, shaping his course directly east from
Kamchatka, and arrived at some unknown islands
without touching any of those already discovered.
The ship was anchored in an open bight not far from
shore, when an easterly gale carried it out to sea.
During the storm four other islands were sighted, but
as no one on board was able to make astronomical
observations the land could not be located definitely
on the chart.^^ For some time the heavy sea pre-
vented the navio^ators from landins^, and the wind car-
ried them still farther to the east. At last three
islands suddenly appeared through the fog, and before
the sails could be lowered the ship was thrown upon
one of them. When the mariners reached the shore
they were met by armed natives, who threw spears
and arrows at them. A few discharges of fire-arms,
however, soon scattered the savages.^*
The wrecked hunters remained on the island till
^^ Neue Nachr., 31. The cargo was itemized as follows: 2,295 sea-otters
killed by the ship's company, and 732 sea-otters purchased of the natives for
articles of trifling value, making a formidable total of 3,027 sea-otters. The
immense quantity of these animals killed by the promyshleniki themselves,
is proof that the islands upon which they wintered had not been visited before.
^^ Neue Nachr., Z5-Q.
^* According to Bashnakof this island was 70 versts in length and sur-
rounded by 12 smaller islands. This description is applicable to the island
of Tanaga, and on the strength of this circumstance Count Benyovski, the
Kamchatkan conspirator, ascribes the discovery of the eastern Aleutian or
Fox Islands to Serebrennikof, one of the owners of the ship. Benyovskis
Memoirs and Travels, i. 83.
116 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
June 1754, and then sailed for Kamchatka in a small
boat built out of the remains of the other. The carga
landed at Nishekamchatsk was of too little value to
be registered in the official lists of shipments.^^
Kholodilof's vessel sailed from Kamchatka in
August 1753, and according to the custom generally
adopted by the promyshleniki was hauled up on
Bering Island for the winter, in order to lay in a
supply of sea-cow meat. Nine men were lost here
by the upsetting of the bidar, and in June of the
following year the voyage was continued. A serious
leak was discovered when running before a westerly
gale, but an island was reached just in time to save
the crew. There they remained till July 1755.^^ This
expedition returned to Kamchatka late in 1755 with
a cargo of sixteen hundred sea-otter skins.
The vessel fitted out by Krassilnikof did not sail
until the summer of 1754, immediately after Captain
Nilof assumed command of the military force at
Okhotsk, and temporary command of the district,^^
Bering Island was reached in October, and after lay-
ing in a stock of sea-cow meat and preparing the
vessel, Krassilnikof set out once more in August of
the following year. A stormy passage brought him
to an island that seemed densely populated, but he
did not deem it safe to land there; so he faced the
sea again, was tossed about by storms for weeks and
carried to the westward until at last Copper Island
came in sight again, on which a few days later the
ship was totally wrecked. ^^ The crew was saved and
•^^Bashnakof was wrecked again in 1764, when Tolstykh picked him up on
Attoo Island. ^<)!oo, the westernmost of the Aleutian Islands. Holmberg,
1854, writes Attn, and near it another / Agattv. Carlog. Pac. Coast, MS., iii.
482; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 25-7; Neue Nachr., 35-6.
^^ This was the island previously visited by Trapeznikof. In the spring,
before Kholodilof's party sailed, they were joined by a Koriak and a native
of Kamchatka, who stated that they had deserted from Trapeznikof 's ship,
intending to live among the natives. There had been six deserters originally,
but four had been killed by the natives for trying to force their wives. The
other two had been more cautious, and were provided with wives by their
hosts, and well treated. Neue Nachr., 54; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 21.
^'' Morskoi Sbornik, cv. 11,40.
^^ Neue Nachr., 37-8.
VOYAGE OF TOLSTYKH. 117
a, small quantity of provisions stored in a rudely con-
structed magazine. The ship's company was then
divided into several small hunting parties, five- men
remaining near the scene of the wreck to guard the
provisions. Three of the men were drowned on the
15th of October. ^^ And as a crowning disaster a
tidal wave destroyed their storehouse, carrying all
that remained of their provisions into the sea. After
a. winter passed in misery they packed up their furs
in the spring, a poor lot, consisting of 150 sea-otters
and 1,300 blue foxes, and managed to make the cross-
ing to Bering Island in two bidars, which they had
constructed of sea-lion skins. From Bering Island a
portion of the company returned to Kamchatka in
the small boat Ahram, built by Trapeznikof's men."*^
In 1756 the merchants Trapeznikof, Shukof, and
Palin fitted out a vessel and engaged as its com-
mander the most famous navigator of the time,
Andrei Tolstykh. The ship was named after the com-
mander and his wife, who accompanied him, Andreicm i
Natalia, almost the first departure from the estab-
lished custom of bestowing saint's names upon ships.
Tolstykh sailed from the Kamchatka Biver in Sep-
tember, with a crew of thirty-eight Bussians and
natives of Kamchatka, and the Cossack Venediet
Obiukhof as tribute-collector. The usual halt for the
winter was made on Bering Island, but though an
ample supply of meat was obtained not a single sea-
otter could be found. Fifteen years from the first
discovery of the island had sufficed to exterminate
the animal. Nine men of the Krassilnikof expedi-
tion were here added to the crew, and in June 1757
Tolstykh continued his voyage, reaching the nearest
Aleutian island in eleven days. They arrived at a
'^^Berg, Khronol. 1st., 29.
^'^ Finding that the Ahram could not carry tne whole cargo of furs and
crew, 12 men were selected from the ship's company to return on that small
vessel, while 1 1 others Avere taken away by the ships of Serebrennikof and
Tolstykh. Two were engaged by the trader Shilkin for another voyage of
discovery. Neue Nachr. , 39-40.
118 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
favorable moment; Trapeznikof's ship, the Sv NiJcolcd^
was on the point of saihng for Kamchatka and sev-
eral chiefs had assembled to bid their visitors farewell.
Satisfactory arranc^ements were at once entered into
for the collection of tribute and a continuation of
peaceful intercourse. The most influential chief, named
Tunulgasan, was received with due solemnity and pre-
sented with a copper kettle and a full suit of clothes
of Russian pattern. This magnificent gift induced
him to leave several boys in charge of the Russians,
for the avowed purpose of learning their language^
but really to serve as hostages.
In accordance with instructions from the Okhotsk
authorities Tolstykh endeavored to persuade the chief
of Attoo to visit Kamchatka in his vessel, but in this
he failed. After living on this island in peace with
the natives for over a year, Tolstykh departed with
5,360 sea-otters and 1,190 blue foxes, and reached
Kamchatka in the autumn of 1758."
An unfortunate voyage was made about this time
by a vessel belonging to the merchant Ivan Shilkin,
the Kapiton, which it will be remembered was built
out of a wreck by Bakof and Novikof.*'^ Ignaty
Studentzof was the Cossack accompanying this expe-
dition, and upon his report rests all the information
concerning it extant. They sailed from Okhotsk in
September 1757, but were forced by stress of weather
to make for the Kamchatka shore and pass the win-
ter there, to repair a damage. Sei/ting sail again in
1758 they touched at Bering Island, passed by Attoo
*' Neue Nachr., 43; Berg, Khronol. 1st., app.
*^ The Kaf'don had been confiscated by the government, but was finally
delivered to Sliilkin to reimburse him for losses incurred. Berg mentions
especially that iron bolts were fieely used in repairing this vessel. As early
as 17o'2 a trader named Glazachef establislied iron- works at Nishekamchatsk,
and being enabled to sell such iron as he could manufacture cheaper than it
could be imported, he made a fortune. Subsequently Behm, commander of
Kamchatka, persuaded him to transfer the works to the government, and
remain in cliarge at a fixed salary. Glazachef finally left the service, and his
successors not understanding the business, failed. The whole annual yield
of the works never exceeded one thousand pounds of metal, and under Behm's
successor the enterprise was abandoned altogether. Morskoi Sbornik, ciii.
13, 14.
ADVENTURES OF GLOTTOF. 119
where Tolstykh was then trading, and went on to the
eastward, finally bringing up near an unknown island.
A party sent ashore by Stuclentzof to reconnoitre were
beaten off by a band of natives, and innnediately after-
ward a sudden gale drove the ship from her anchorage
to sea/^ The mariners were cast upon a rocky island
in the neighborhood, saving nothing but their lives,
a small quantity of provisions, and their fire-arms.
While still exhausted from battling with the icy waves
they beheld approaching a large bidar with natives.
There were only fifteen able to defend themselves, but
they put on what show of strength and courage they
could command and went to meet the enemy. One
of the men, Nikolai Chuprof, who had "been to the
islands" before and spoke the Aleut language, implored
the natives for assistance in their distressed condition,
but the answer was a shower of spears and arrows.^*
A volley from the guns, however, killing two, put
them to flight as usual. Starvation followed, and
there were seven long months of it. Sea-weed and
the water-soaked skins of sea-otters washed ashore
from the sunken vessel were their only food. Seven-
teen died, and the remainder were saved onl}^ by the
putrid carcass of a whale cast ashore by the sea.
Rousing themselves they built a boat out of drift-
wood and the remains of their wreck, killed 230 sea-
otters within a few days prior to their departure, and
succeeded in reaching the island where Serebrennikof's
vessel was then moored, and near which they anchored.
But a gale arising, their cables snapped, and the boat
went clown with everything on board save the crew.
Only thirteen of this unfortunate company of thirty-
nine finally returned to Kamchatka on Serebrennikof's
vessel.*^ After an absence of four years in search of
a fortune they landed destitute even of clothing.
« Berg, Khronol. 1st., 35-6.
** This was the brother of the notorious Yakof Chuprof who committed
the infamous outrages upon the natives during Nevodchikof s first voyage to
the islands; Nikolai accompanied his brother then. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 37.
*^ Neue Nachr., 37-8; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 45-6.
120 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLEKEKI.
Thus from year to year the promyshleniki pushed
eastward step by step. A merchant of Turinsk, Stepan
Glottof, was the first to visit and carry on peaceful
traffic with the inhabitants of XJmnak and Unalaska.
He commanded the small craft Yulian, built at Nishe-
kamchatsk by Nikoforof, in which he sailed on the 2d
of September 1758, accompanied by the Cossack Savs
Ponomaref, who w^as instructed to persuade the Aleuta
to become Russian subjects and pay tribute. Niko-
forof intended the vessel to go at once in search of
new islands without stopping at any of those already
known to the promyshleniki; but long-continued con-
trary gales compelled Glottof to winter at Bering
Island, where he remained till the following August.
Thence he sailed eastward for thirty days and landed
on an unknown island.*^ There the hunters con-
cluded to spend the winter; but they found the na-
tives so friendly that three seasons ^^assed before
Glottof thought of returning to Kamchatka. The
Yulian arrived at Bolsheretsk on the 3 1st of August
1762, with a large and valuable cargo containing be-
sides cross and red foxes the first black foxes from
the Aleutian Islands.*'
Two other vessels are said to have been despatched
to the islands in 1758, by the merchant Simeon
Krassilnikof, and Nikofor Trapeznikof, but only of
one of them, the Vladimir, have we any information.
The leaders of this expedition were the peredovchik,
Dmitri Paikof, and the Cossack Sava Shevj^rin. They
put to sea from Nishekamchatsk on the 28th of Sej)-
^^ Umnak, according to Berg, Khronol. 1st. , 3G.
*' In Berg's summary of fur shipments the cargo of the Yulian is itemized
as follows: Tribute to the government, 11 sea-otters and 26 black foxes;
cargo, 1,405 sea-otters, 280 sea-otter tails, 1,002 black foxes, 1,100 cross
foxes, 400 red foxes, 22 walrus-tusks, and 58 blue foxes; the whole valued at
130,450 rubles. Khrovol. 1st., Aj?]:). In the Neue Kochr., no mention of this
voyage is made; Coxe also is silent on the subject. The fact of the presence
of walrus-tusks shows that theie was traffic in the article between the Una-
laskans and the natives of the Alaska peninsula, where the huge pennipeds
still abound. The Cossack Ponomaref sent to the authorities at Okhotsk
quite a correct map of the Aleutian archipelago, indicating eight large islands
north-east of Unalaska. He says tliat the merchant Peter Shishkin assisted
him in compiling a chart. Berg, Khronol. 1st. 37.
PAIKOF AND SHEVYRIN. 121
tember, with a crew of forty-five men, made the pas-
sage to Bering Island in twenty-four hours, and there
hauled up their vessel for the winter. On the 16th
of July 1759 Paikof set sail once more, taking at first
a southerly course.*^
It is not known how far Paikof pursued his south-
erly course, but he discovered no land and returned
to the north, arriving in the vicinity of Atkha Island
the 1st of September. Finding no convenient harbor
he went on to Umnak Island and made preparations
to pass the winter. The ship's company was divided
into three artels, or parties, the first of which was
commanded by Alexei Drushinnin and stationed on
the island of Sitkhin.*^ The Cossack, Shevyrin, took
ten men to Atkha and the remainder of the crew
established their winter-quarters in the immediate
vicinit}^ of the vessel under command of Simeon Pole-
voi. Paikof was evidently only navigator and had
no command on shore. The first season passed in
apparently peaceful intercourse with the natives.^*'
*^A general impression prevailed among the promyshleniki of the time
that there was land to the southward of the Aleutian Isles. Ivan Savich
Lapiii, from whom Berg obtained much information, stated that Gavril Push-
karef, a companion of Bering, who had survived the terrible winter on
Bering Island, always asserted positively that there must be land to the
southward. The sea-otters and fur-seals, he said, though found about Bering
Island and its vicinity during the summer, invariably disappeared in a
southerly direction. It was known that they did not go to Kamcliatka or to
the Kurile Islands, and though ignorant as to the actual whereabouts of the
otters and seals, Pushkaref frequently assured Lapin and Trapeznikof that
they could make their fortune by discovering the winter haunts of these
animals in the south. Berrj, Khronol. I>it., 38.
â– '^According to Cook, Seetien; and La P^rouse, and Holmberg, Sitchin.
CartO(j. Pac. Coaat, MS., iii. 474. In Neiie Nachr. it is spelled Sitkin, while
Berg has Sigdak. Khronol. 1st., .39; Umnak Islaml, south-west of Unalaska.
On Cook's Atlas, 1778, written Umanak; La P^rouse, 1786, Ounmak; Holm-
berg, 1854, / Umnak. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., iii. 458; Neue Nachr., 49.
^"The custom of the promyshleniki after establishing themselves on an
island, was to divide the command into small parties, each of which was sta-
tioned in the immediate vicinity of a native village, whose chief was induced
by presents to assist in compelling his people to hunt, on the pretext perhaps
that the empress, who, although a woman, was the greatest and most benig-
nant being on earth, required such service of them. When they returned
their catch was taken and a few trifling presents made them, such as beads
and tobacco-leaf. Two objects were at once accomplished by the cunning
promyshleniki. While all the able-bodied men were thus away gathering
skins for them, they were having their own way with the women of the villages.
Actual trade or exchange of Pi,ussian manufactures for skins was carried on
122 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
At first the Russians believed the island of Amlia
to be uninhabited, but during a hunting expedition a
boy of eight years was discovered hidden in the grass.
He was unable or unwilling to give any information,
but was taken to the Russian camp, baptized and
named Yermola, and instructed in the Russian lan-
guage. Subsequently a party of four men, two women,
and four children were discovered and were at once
employed by the promyshleniki to dig roots and gather
wood for them. In time other natives visited the
strangers in canoes, and exchanged seal-meat and fish
for needles, thread, and glass beads.^^
In the spring of the following year, when the de-
tached hunting parties came back to the ship, it was
found that only one Russian on Atkha Island had lost
his life at the hands of the natives, and that he met
his fate through his own fault. Polevoi was much
pleased with the quantity of furs obtained and con-
cluded to send the detachments again immediately to
the same localities. Shevyrin had only just returned
to Atkha with eleven men when the natives, who
doubtless had suffered at the hands of the Russians
during the winter, fell upon the party and killed them
all. Drushinnin heard of this through the natives on
Sitkhin Island and returned at once to the vessel at
Amlia. The crew of the Vladimir was now reduced
to such an extent that the hunters felt serious appre-
hensions as to their safety, and consequently they
began to make the necessary preparations for return-
ing to Kamchatka at once. These preparations were
interrupted, however, by the unexpected arrival of
the Gavril, a vessel belonging to the merchant Be-
only where the natives refused to hunt for the Russians without reward. All
kinds of outrages were constantly practised on the timid islanders by the ruf-
fianly taskmasters.
^^Nfue Nachr., 50. Amluh according to Cook, whilst Holmberg writes
I Amlja. Cartoff. Pac. Coast, MS., iii. 466.
52 Bechevin, a rich merchant of Irkutsk, despatched in 1760 the largest
vessel hitherto sent to the Aleutian Islands. It is not known where the
Gavril was built; her length was 62 feet, and she carried 40 Russians and 20
VOYAGE OF THE 'GAVRIL.' 123
The Gavril had passed through the Kurile Islands
in July and arrived at Atkha on the 25th of Sep-
tember.^^ The fears entertained by the Vladimir's
weakened crew vanished at once, and a written agree-
ment was entered into by the members of the two
expeditions to hunt in partnership. Strong detach-
ments were sent out to the stations occupied during
the previous season, and also to the island of Signam,
north-east of Atkha. The result of the season's
work proved gratifying; about 900 sea-otters and 400
foxes of various kinds, and 432 pounds of walrus-
tusks were ready for shipment.^*
A consultation was held in the following spring,
when it was concluded that the Vladimir should remain
at Amlia a little longer, and then return to Kamchatka
with as many of the furs as she could carry, while the
Gavril would proceed in search of new discoveries.
The joint force was equally divided between the two
vessels, and the Gavril set sail once more, taking an
easterly course and touching first at Umnak Island.
There they found a vessel belonging to NikoforoP^
engaged in hunting, and consequently they limited
their operations to mending the sails and replenishing
natives of Kamchatka. The authorities of Bolsheretsk placed on board a
sergeant of Cossacks, Gavril Pushkaref, and three men, Andrei Shdanof,
Yakof Sharipof, and Prokop Lobaskhef. Bechevin also sent two of his confi-
dential clerks, Nikofor Golodof and Afanassiy Askolkof. Neue Nachr., 51.
Two other vessels were recorded by Berg as having sailed for the islands in
1759. Kybinskoi and his partners built a ship named the Sv Pet?' i Sv
Pavel, and sent her out to search for land south of the Aleutian Isles. She
had a crew of 33 Russians and natives of Kamchatka under Andrei Serebrenn-
ikof, the former partner of Sergeant Bassof. All that is known of this voy-
age is that the vessel returned in 1761,. with a cargo of 2,000 sea-otters, but
without having made any new discoveries. In the same year, 1759, a ship
called the Zakhar i Elizaveta was fitted out by a company consisting of
Postnikof of Shuysk, Krassilinikof of Tula, and Kulkof, a citizen of Vologda.
Stepan Cherepanof was navigator. The vessel sailed from Nishekamchatsk,
and after an absence of three years arrived at Okhotsk in 1762, with 1,750
sea-otters and 530 blue foxes. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 40-1.
^^ According to the Neue Nachr. the Gavril touched at one of the Aleutian
Isles on the 24th of August, but finding the vessels of Postnikof, Trapeznikof,
and Serebrennikof, at anchor there, they pushed on to the eastward. Neue
Nachr., 52.
^^Berg, Khronol. Ixt., App. Here was another evidence of constant traffic
between the islanders and the inhabitants of the Alaskan peninsula.
^*The Yulian, according to Neue Nachr., 53.
124 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI. "
their stock of wood and water. They then proceeded
to what they considered to be the island of " Alaksha,"
but whether this party actually wintered on the penin-
sula of Alaska is not quite clear. As soon as a suit-
able harbor had been found the ship was beached, and
the crew proceeded to erect winter-quarters on shore.
The inhabitants of the vicinity received the Russians
in a friendly manner; they traded honestly, and gave
their children as hostages. ^^ However, this peace
and good-will were not of long duration. The lawless
promyshleniki of Bechevin's soon gave the natives
much trouble, fully justifying them in any retaliation.
In January 1762 Golodof and Pushkaref, with a
party of twenty hunters, coasted in bidars in search
of food, and landed upon an adjoining island.^^ While
indulging in their customary outrages they were sur-
prised by a body of natives who killed Golodof and
another Russian, and wounded three more. Shortly
afterward the Russian camp was attacked, four men
killed, as many wounded, and the huts reduced to
ashes. In May the Cossack Lobashkof and one of
the promyshleniki went to bathe in a hot spring
situated about five versts from the harbor, and were
killed by the natives.^^ In return the Russians put
seven of the hostages to death. The islanders again
attacked the Russian camp, but were repulsed.
As it was evident that the natives had determined
°^ The Russians received nine children as hostages, and in addition they
engaged two men and three M^omen to work for them. N^eue Nachr. , 53-4.
^' It is impossilile to determine which island this was. In N'eue Nachr.
it is called Uniunga, a name not to be found on any chart. Berg calls it Ounga,
but there is no evidence to indicate that the men of Beche\'in's expedition pro-
ceeded around the peninsula and north-eastward as far as the Shumagin Isl-
ands. Keuc Nachr., 54; Bern, Khronol. ht., 43. The name of Ounungun,
applied to the Unalaska people by their western neighbors, according to Pinart,
may throw some light upon tliis question; it is probable that the locality of
Golodof's and Pushkaref 's exploits was not the peninsula at all, but Agun-
alaksh, the Aleut name of Unalaska, which was subsequently abbreviated by
the Russians.
^'^Ncne Nachr., 55. This is another point in support of the theory that the
Gavril landed on Unalaska. Five versts (three and a half miles) from the
principal settlement on Unalaska Island are hot springs, aboriginally resorted
to for curing rheumatic and skin diseases. Hot springs exist also near the
settlement of Morshevoi on the south point of the peninsula, but they are
within less than half a mile from the shore.
PUSHKAREF'S CRUELTIES. 125
upon the destruction of the entire company, the out-
l^nng detachments were recalled. The ship was then
repaired and the whole command returned to Umnak
Island. There they took on board two natives with
their families, who had promised to pilot them to other
islands ; but as soon as the vessel had gained the open
sea a violent gale from the eastward drove her before
it until on the 23d of September the mariners found
themselves near an unknown coast, without masts,
sails, or rudder, and with but little rigging. The land,
however, proved to be Kamchatka, and on the 25th
the helpless craft drifted into the bay of Kalatcheva,
seventy versts from Avatcha Bay. Bechevin landed
his cargo, consisting of 900 sea-otters and 350 foxes,
valued at 52,570 rubles. '^^ The cove where the landing
was effected subsequently received the name of Beche-
vinskaia.
Charges of gross brutalities, committed during this
voyage, have been made against Sergeant Pushkaref.
On leaving the Aleutian Isles the crew of the Gavril,
with Pushkaref 's consent, took with them twenty-five
young women under the pretext that they were to be
employed in picking berries and gathering roots for
the ship's company. When the coast of Kamchatka
was first sighted a boat was sent ashore with six men
and fourteen of these girls. The latter were then
ordered to pick berries. Two of them ran away and
were lost in the hills, and during the return of the
boat to the ship one of them was killed by a man
named Korelin.^*^ In a fit of despair the remaining
girls threw themselves into the sea and were drowned.
In order to rid himself of troublesome witnesses to
this outrage, Pushkaref had all the remaining islanders
thrown overboard, wdth the exception of one boy,
Moise, and Ivan, an interpreter who had been in
the service of Andrei Serebrennikof. Three of the
^^Berg, Khronol. I-it., app.
^° Neue Nachr. , 56. Berg states that it was Pushkaref himself who had
accompanied the women to the shore. Khronol. 1st., 45.
126 THE SWARMING OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
women had died before leaving the islands. ^^ An im-
perial oukaz issued from the chanceller}^ at Okhotsk
to a company consisting of Orekhof, Lapin, and Shilof.
who asked permission to despatch an expedition to
the islands, enjoins on the promyshleniki the great-
est care and kindness in their intercourse with the
natives. The eleventh paragraph of the oukaz reads
as follows: "As it appears from reports forwarded by
Colonel Plenisner, who was charged with the inves-
tigation and final settlement of the affairs of the
Bechevin company, that that company during their
voyage to and from the Aleutian Islands on a hunt-
ing and trading expedition committed indescribable
outrages and abuses on the inhabitants, and even were
guilty of murder, inciting the natives to bloody re-
prisals, it is hereby enjoined upon the company about
to sail, and especially upon the master, Isma'ilof, and
the peredovchik, Lukanin, to see that no such barbar-
ities, plunder, and ravaging of women are committed
under any circumstances." The whole document is
of a similar tenor and goes far to prove that the au-
thorities were convinced that the outrages reported
to them had in truth been committed.^^
From this time forward the authorities of Siberia
evidently favored the formation of privileged companies,
and the Bechevin investigation may be considered as
the beginning of the end of free traffic in the Ameri-
can possessions of the Russian empire.
'^''â– Nciie Nachr., 57; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 45.
^'~ Bfrg, Khronol. 1st., 45-52. The oukaz is signed by Captain-lieutenant
Sava Zubof, and dated August 29, 1770. Berg found in some letters written
by the collegiate chancellor Anton Ivanovich Lassef, a civil engineer of the
government at Irkutsk, a notice to the effect that Bechevin suffered much
during a penal inquisition with torture, conducted against him in 1764 by
K*A*K*, probably Knias (Prince) Alexander Korzakof, who is mentioned aa
having been detaileil on a government mission to Irkutsk about that time.
CHAPTER VII.
FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
1760-1767.
TotSTYKH's Voyage — Movements of Vessels — St^ehlin's Map — Wreck
OF THE 'AnDREIAN I NaTALIA' — CATHERINE SpEAKS — A COMPANY
Formed — Collecting Tribute — The 'Neue Nachrichten' — Voyage
of the 'Zakhar i Elizaveta'— Terrible Retaliation of the Una-
LASKANS — Voyage of the 'SvTroI'tska' — Great Sufferings — Fatal
Onslaught— Voyage of Glottof — Ship Nomenclature — Discovery
OF Kadiak — New Mode op Warfare — The Old Man's Tale— Solo-
vief's Infamies — The Okhotsk Government— More ' St Peters ' and
'St Pauls' — Queen Catherine and the Merchant Nikoforof — End
OF Private Fur-hunting Expeditions.
The first vessel which sailed to the Aleutian Islands
under protection of a special imperial oukaz was the
Andreian i Natalia, owned and commanded by An-
drei Tolstykh, a man of courage and perseverance,
who during his three previous voyages had amassed
some fortune, and concluded to adventure it on this
turn.^
The Andreian i Natalia left Kamchatka the 27th
of September 1760. In two days J3ering Island was
reached, when in accordance with custom the ship was
hauled up for the winter. In the June following Tol-
stykh again put to sea, steering at first southerly, then
northward, arriving at Attoo Island the 5th of August.^
^ Tolstykh began his official report as follows: 'By virtue of an oukaz of
her Imperial Majesty, the Empress Elizabeth Petrovna, issued through the
Chancellery of Bolsheretsk in Kamchatka, on the 4th day of August 1760, and
in pursuance of an order deposited with Lieutenant Vassili Shmalef, I was
permitted to put to sea with the Cossacks Petr Vassiutinski and Maxim
Lazaref, detailed for this service.' Berrj, Khronol. 1st., 53; Neue Nachr., 59;
Shelikof, Puteshestvie, 134; Grewingk, Beitrag zur Kenntniss der nordivest-
kiiste Amerikas, 315.
* He met a vessel returning to Kamchatka, probably the Sv Peter i Sv
(127)
128 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
Three vessels were there trading, belonging respect-
ively to Chebaievski, Postnikof, and Trapeznikof.
Tolstykh had hoped to find the friendly chief Tunul-
gasan, whom he had met before, but the aboriginal
had died, and his successor, Bakutun, told the new-
comers that there were too many Russians on his
island already, and they might as well pass on, but
appeased with presents the monarch finally gave
Tolstykh some of his own relatives as hostages, who
were also to serve as interpreters and guides to other
islands. After a sojourn of two weeks the vessel con-
tinued to the eastward, and on the 28th of August
reached an island which was subsequently ascertained
to be Adakh.^
Pavel, with over 2,500 sea- otters on board valued at 150,000 rubles. Neiie
Nurhr., 68-9; Khronoh 1st., app.; Grewingk, 314.
^In Nem Nachr., 61, the island is named Ajaga or Kajachu, names not to
be found in any chart. Grewingk states that Tolstykh brought news of the
islands Kanaga, Tchechina, Tagalak, Atchu, Amlag, and Atach. Grewinrjh,
Beitrag, 315; SheVikof, Puteshextvie, 135. There was necessarily great con-
fusion in the application of names to the newly discovered islands. On the
map of Stajhlhi, an offspring of Croy^re's abortion published in English in
1774, the new northern archipelago was laid down in the most remarkable
manner. By colorings the islands were divided into four groups, the largest
of Avhich was called Anadirsk group, and included Alaska, a large island ex-
tending east and west in latitude 65°, and Unalaska, and Amchitla, Umnak,
Sannakh, Yunaska, and a number of other islands with imaginary names.
This group is placed in a wide passage between the continents of Asia and
America. To the south-west and extending from latitude 60° to 55°, we find
the Aleutian group comprising Amlia, Atkha, BuUdir, 'Kadiak,'and 'StHer-
mogen.' To the north-west of this group, in latitude 00°, Staehlin placed the
Olutorskoi Islands, containing Kanaga, Ayak (Adakh?), and Copper Island.
To the southward of the latter we find Bermg Island, with two pretty large
adjoining islands, and still farther south a group of imaginary discoveries to
which the names bestowed by Bering upon the nearest Aleutian islands wei'e
applied. Stjehlin's inti^oduction to this description of the archipelago is suffi-
ciently original to merit a place in these pages. He begins as follows: 'It
appears, from the accounts of our illiterate sea-faring men, that there is no
essential difference, in any respect, betM^een these sevei-al islands, and their
inhabitants; and that they seem to be pretty much alike. It is needless to
name every one of the islands which compose our new northern archipelago,
as they arc set doAvn in the map hereto annexed, with their situation and size.
As to the absolute accuracy of the two first articles, namely, the true situa-
tion, as to geographical latitude and longitude, and their exact dimensions, I
would not be answerable for them, until they can be ascertained by astronom-
ical observations. Of these islands we know in general, and for certain, that
those which are situated between latitude 50th to the 55th degree, resemble
the islands of the Knrild, with regard to the weather, the productions, as also
in the figure, appearance, clothing, food, way of life, and manners. . .of the
inhabitants, whereas those from the 55th to the GOth degree, which are the
islands of Olutora and Afeuta, are in all these particulars very like Kam-
chatka. Those of the third division have a different aspect, and are situated
DISCOVERY OF ISLANDS. 129
There was every indication of multitudes of sea-
otters in this vicinity, and as soon as a convenient
harbor had been found all hands were set to work on
Adakh and the adjoining island of Kanaga. Parties
were also despatched to other islands as far eastward
as Atkha and Amlia, meeting everywhere a friendly
reception. After a stay on these islands, subse-
quently named after him the Andreianovski, of nearly
three years, Tolstykh collected quite a valuable cargo
of furs, and finally started homeward on the 14tli of
June 1764. He stopped at Attoo Island to land his
interpreters and repair his vessel, which was leaking
badly. Some shipwrecked Russians were also taken
on board, and on the 27th of August the Andreian i
Natalia took her final departure for Kamchatka. On
the 4th day of September the coast was sighted, but
Tolstykh lost his vessel in attempting to weather the
cape of Kamchatka. He succeeded, however, in sav-
ing both crew and cargo.^
As Tolstykh and "Vassiutkinski claimed to have per-
suaded the inhabitants of six islands to become sub-
between the 60tli and 67th degree of north latitude. The former, which are
like Kamtschatka, are full of mountains and volcanoes, have no woods, and
but few plants. The more northern islands abound in woods and fields, and
consequently in wild beasts. As to the savage inhabitants of these newly
discovered islands, they are but one remove from brutes, and differ from the
inhabitants of the islands lately discovered in the. . .South Sea, being the
very reverse of the friendly and hospitable people of Otaheite. ' Stcehlin's New
North. Archipelago, 16-20. The author begins his description of the islands
â– with Ajak, which he represents as 150 versts in circumfei'ence, with high
rocky mountains, valleys, dry slopes, plains, morass, turf, meadows, and
'roads,' adding astutely, 'so that you may easily go over all the island.' He
also states that the inhabitants of Ajak cannot be numbered, because they
move from island to island, crossing straits in bidars. In a note the rather
remarkable explanation is given that 'bidars are large boats made of whales'
ribs.' Id., 25. The account given by StEehlin of Kadiak Island is evidently
based on Solovief 's experience in 1762, but on the chart the island is altogether
out of place, being south of the Aleutian islands. The inhabitants are painted
in the blackest colors, in accordance witli Solovief 's impressions. He every-
where displays the grossest ignorance. The word torbassa, a Kamchatka
expression for fur-boots or skin-boots, Stsehlin applies to snow-shoes, and
kamish, signifying thread made of reindeer sinew, he defines as thread made
of the fibre of a reed.
* The reports of Tolstykh's voyage are conflicting; the Neue Nachr. gave
his catch as only 1,880 full grown sea-otters, 778 yearlings, and 372 pups.
Berg places it at 3,036 sea-otters, and 532 blue foxes, in addition to govern-
ment tribute of 100 sea-otters, and values the cargo at 120,000 rubles.
Khronol. 1st., 54, app.; Ne^le Nachr., 62,
Hist. Alaska. 9
130 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
jects of Russia and to pay tribute, the voyage was
duly reported to the empress, who subsequently re-
warded Tolstykh and the two Cossacks.^
One vessel was despatched to the islands in 1760,
but our information concerning it is meagre. It was
built and fitted out under the auspices of the mer-
chant Terentiy Chebaievski, and under the immediate
superintendence of his clerk Vassili Popof Berg
claims to have found a notice in the papers of Zelon-
ski to the effect that Chebaievski's vessel returned
in 1763 with a cargo valued at 104,218 rubles. °
A plan had been formed by this combination of
wealthy merchants for making a thorough examina-
tion of the Aleutian chain and the adjoining con-
tinent, and then to decide upon the 'most favorable
locality for opening operations on a larger scale. The
object of the expedition was well conceived and de-
serving of success, but a chain of unfortunate circum-
stances combined to frustrate their designs. Three of
the ships fitted out by the partners were destroyed
with all on board, and the fourth returned without
even paying expenses." We have the names of only two
of the three vessels destroyed, the Zahhar i Elizaveta
^ Berg states that among the papers of the former governor of eastern
Siberia, Dennis Ivanovich Checherin, he found a rescrij)t of the empress
Catherine of which he gives the following copy: 'Dennis Ivano\-ich: Your
communication concerning the subjection into allegiance to Me of six hitherto
unknown islands, as well as the copies of rej)orts of Cossack Vassiutkinski and
his companions, I have read with satisfaction. Such enterprise pleases Us
very much. It is to be deplored that the papers giving a more detailed
description of the islands and their inhabitants have been lost during the
wreck of the vessel. The promise of leward from Me to the merchant Tol-
stykh, returning to him the tenth part of proceeds accruing to Our treasury
from each sea-voyage, I fully approve, and hereby order you to carry out
this design. You will also promote the Cossacks Vassiutkinski and Lazarof for
their services to the rank of Nobles in your district. INIay God grant them
good success in their projected voyage next sprmg and a safe return at its
conclusion. You will impress upon the hunters that they must treat their
new brethren and countrymen, the inhabitants of Our newly acquired islands,
with the greatest kindness and without any oppression or abuse. March 2,
1766. Catherine.' Benj, Khronol. 1st., 66-7; Vrewinfjh, Beitrag., 315.
® Khronol. 1st., app.; Greiringl; Beitrag, 315. It was e-vident that Popof
did not sail with this expedition, for we see him mentioned as an active partner
in the more extensive enterprises undertaken in 1762 by Trapeznikof, Protassof,
and Lapin, Berg's best and most frequently quoted authority of the history
of that period. See also D'Autti-oche, Voyage en Sihirie, ii. 113; Antidote, i.
' Veniaminof, i. 118-131,
NEUE NACHRICHTEK 131
commanded by Drushinnin, owned by Kulkof, and the
Sv Troitska, or Holy Trinity, commanded by Ivan
Korovin. The third is known to have been com-
manded by Medvedef, a master in the navy. The
fourth vessel was the property of Trapeznikof, but
who commanded her is not known. ^
The Zahhar i Elizaveta sailed from Okhotsk the
6th of September 17G2, wintered at Avatcha Bay,
and proceeding the following July reached Attoo,
where seven of the shipwrecked crew of the Sv Petr i
Sv Pavel were taken on board. One of these was
Korelin, who alone survived this expedition and fur-
nished a report of it. From Attoo Drushinnin pro-
ceeded to Adakh, w^here another vessel, the Andreian
i Natalia was then anchored, but as the natives all
produced receipts for tribute signed by Tolstykh,
Drushinnin contented himself with filling his water-
casks and moved on.^
From Adakh tlie Zakhar i Elizaveta proceeded to
Umnak where a party of Glottofs men were then
* Ve.niaminof, i. 118. The ship of Medvedef was lost at Umnak; the
ship commanded by Drushinnin was manned with 34 llussians of whom three
only returned. Among them was Bragin who is mentioned in Sarychef, ii.
37, as having wintered on Kadiak Island in 1705. Berg claims that Dru-
shiniun's crew consisted of 8 natives of Kamchatka and 34 Russians, including
the peredovchik JMiasnikh. Khronol. Int., 58.
'•'Neue Ncichr., 72-3. The Neiie Nachrichttn is a small octavo printed in
German black letter and published in Hamburg and Leipsic in 1776. It bears
no authorship on the title-page but the initials J. L. S. Most bibliographers
have pronounced it anonymous, as the authorship is involved in some uncer-
tainty. The library of congress has the work catalogued under Stiihlin or
Strahlin. M. J. Von Stahlin published an account of the new northern
archipelago in the Peterahurger Geoyraphixcher Kalevder in 1774. This was
translated into English in London, during the same year, in a small octavo vol-
ume. There is, however, no reason to believe that Staehlin was the J. L. S.
of Neue Nachrichten, as many of his statements in the other work do not agree
with the text of the latter. A man named A. L. SchliJzer pulilished in the
year 1771, at Halle, Germany, a quarto volume of over 400 pages entitled
Allgemeine Geschichte, Von dem Norden, treating on kindred subjects. It is
probable that in Mr Schlozer we find the original J. L. S., as the llrst of the
initials might easily have been inadvertently changed. It is a signilicant fact
that in Shelikof's voyage we find whole passages and pages almost the verbal
translation from the Nachrichten. Explanations and corrections of this volume
were subsequently published under the auspices of Buffon in the Sept Epoques
de la Nature, GreivivgJc, Beitrag and Pallas Nordische Bertrage., i. 273.
Further than this, in Acta Petropolitana, vi. 126, J. A. L. Von Schlozer is
mentioned as author of Neve Nachrichten, and corresponding member of the
Imperial Academy of Sciences.
132 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
hunting. The peredovchik Miasnikh was sent out
with thirty-five men to explore the coast. They went
to the north-eastern end of the island, and after meet-
ing everywhere with indications of the recent presence
of Russians, the}^ returned to the ship about the mid-
dle of September. On the day of their return letters
were also received through native messengers from
the vessels commanded by Korovin and Medvedef,
who had lately located themselves on the islands of
Umnak and Unalaska. Drushinnin at once sent out
a reconnoitring party to the latter island, and in due
time a favorable report was received inducing the
commander to move his craft to Unalaska, where he
anchored the 2 2d near the northern end of the island.
When the cargo had been landed and a foundation
had been laid for a winter habitation, two of the chiefs
of neighboring villages voluntarily opened friendly
intercourse by offering hostages. Others from more
distant settlements soon followed their example.
This friendly reception encouraged Drushinnin to
adhere to the old practice of dividing his force into
small parties for the winter in order to secure better
results both in hunting and in procuring subsistence.
The peredovchik accordingly sent out Petr Shekalef
with eleven men; another party of eleven men under
Mikhail Khudiakof, and a third of nine men under
Yefim Koshigin. The last named remained at the
harbor; Khudiakof located his party at Kalekhtak;
while Shekalef went to the little island of Inaluk,
about thirty versts distant from the ship. Drushinnin
accompanied the latter party. Stepan Korelin, who
subsequently alone survived to relate the occurrences
of that disastrous winter, was also a member of the
Inaluk party who had constructed a cabin in close
proximity to the native habitation, containing some
twenty inmates. The relations between the promysh-
leniki and the natives appeared to be altogether
friendly, and no trouble was apprehended until the
beginning of December. On the 4th a party of five
SLAUGHTER OF THE RUSSIANS. 133
men set out in the morning to look after the fox-
traps.^*' Drushinnin, Shekalef, and Shevyrin then paid
a visit to the native dwelhng. They had just entered
the low aperture when they were set upon by a num-
ber of armed men, who knocked down Shekalef and
Drushinin with clubs and then finished them with the
knives they bought of them the day before. Shevyrin
had taken with him from the house an axe, and when
the excited savages turned their attention to him he
made such good use of his weapon that he succeeded
in regaining the Russian winter-quarters alive, though
severely wounded. Bragin and Korelin at once began
to fire upon the Aleuts with their muskets from
w^ithin, but Kokovin, who happened to be outside,
was quickly surrounded, thrown down, and assaulted
with knives and spears until Korelin, armed with a
huge bear-knife, made a gallant sortie, wounded two
of the islanders, put the others to flight, and rescued
his half-dead comrade."
A close siege of four days followed this sanguinary
onslaught. The fire-arms of the Russians prevented
a charge by the enemy, but it was unsafe to show
themselves outside the hut even for a moment, in
search of water or food. To add to their apprehensions,
the savages displayed in plain view the garments and
arms of their comrades who had gone to visit the fox-
traps, a sure indication that they were no longer among
the living. Under the shelter of night the Russians
launched a bidar and pulled away out of the harbor,
the natives watching their movements, but making no
attempt to pursue. Once out of sight of their en-
emies Korelin and the other fugitives landed, pulled
^^ Berg states that Drusliirmin sent out these men and then resolved to visit
the dwelling of the natives with the remainder of his men, Korelin, Bragin,
Shevyrin, Kokovin, and one other. In the Neue Nachrichten we find an
account of the occurrence ditfering considerably in its details. Drushinnin's
name is not mentioned, while the number remaining at home is given as five,
Shekalef, Korelin, Bragin, Shevyrin, and Kokovm. There is every reason to
believe, however, that Berg was correct, as Drusliumin was with the pai-ty and
does not appear in any account of subsequent events. Khronol. 1st., 59; Neue
JSfachr., 75-6.
^'^ Neue Nachr., 77; Coxe^s Russian Discoveries, i. 38; Veniaminof, i. 22.
134 FURTHER ADVEXTURES OF THE PROMYSHLEXIKL
their boat upon the beach, and set out across the hills
to Kalekhtak, where they expected to find Khudiakof
and his detachment. It was after dark when they
reached the neighborhood. They fired signal-guns,
but receiving no reply they wisely kept at a distance.
Before long, however, they found themselves pursued
b}^ a horde of savages, and discovering an isolated, pre-
cipitous rock near the beach which could be defended
for a time, they concluded to make a stand there. With
their fire-arms they finally beat off the pursuers and
resumed their retreat, this time with but little hope
of finding those alive who had remained with the ship.
Presently an object caught their eyes which confirmed
their worst apprehensions. It was the main-hatch
lying on the beach, having been washed up b}' the
waves. Without waiting further confirmation of their
fears the four men took to the mountains, hiding in
the ravines until nightfall. Under cover of darkness
they ajDproached the anchorage, only to find the ship
broken up, and some stores with the dead bodies of
their comrades scattered on the beach. Gathering a
few packages of dried fish and some empty leather
provision-bags they stole away into the hills, where a
temporary shelter was hastily constructed. Thence
they made occasional excursions at night to the scene
of disaster, whicli must have occurred simultaneously
with those of Inaluk and Kalekhtak, in search of
such needed articles as had been left by the savages. ^^
The leather provision-bags, though cut open, were
very acceptable as material for the construction of a
small bidar.
From the 9th of December 1763 until the 2d of
i^Davidof tells a story of the manner in which the Aleuts secured a simul-
taneous onslaught upon all three of the Russian detachments. According-
to him, they resorted to the old device of distributing among the chiefs of
villages bundles of sticks, equal in number, one of which was to be burned
each day till the last designated the day. Dn/kratnoie Puteshestoie, ii. 1C7.
Veniaminof ridicules the story and declares it to be an invention of Davidof,
as the Aleuts had numbers up to a thousand and could easily have appointed
any day without the help of sticks. Veniaminof. Zapiski, i. 118. No mention
of it is made in Xeue Xachrichten. Berg also quotes Davidof. Sheliko/'s Voy-
aue, 97.
KOROVIN'S EXPEDITION. 135
February 1764 these unfortunates remained in hiding,
but on the latter date their bidar was successfully
launched, and before morning the party had emerged
from Kapiton Bay, coasting to the westward in search
of one of Trapeznikof 's vessels commanded by Koro-
vin.^^ Thous^h travellino^ only at night and hiding^
among the cliifs by day, they were soon discovered by
the natives, and in the vicinity of Makushin village
they were compelled to sustain a siege of five weeks
in a cave, exposed to constant attacks/"* During this
whole time they suffered intensely from hunger and
thirst, and would certainly have succumbed had it not
been for an ample supply of powder and lead which
prevented their enemies from engaging them at close
quarters. At last on the 30th of March the fugitives
succeeded in joining their countrymen under Korovin,
who were then stationed on the southern shore of
Makushin Bay. Shevyrin died at Unalaska during
the same year; the other three, Korelin, Kokovin,
and Bragin, recovered their strength, but only the
former finally reached Kamchatka with Solovief s ves-
sel, after passing through additional vicissitudes.
The ship Sv Tro'itsJca, which Korovin commanded,
was fitted out in 1762 by Nikofor Trapeznikof," and
^^Veniaminof in relating this occurrence adds that a charitable native
found the fugitives during the winter, and not only failed to betray them, but
supplied them with provisions, paying them occasional stealthy visits at night.
Veniaminof, Zax>., i. 99.
^^Berg, Khronol. 1st., 72; Dvuhr. Put., ii. 113.
^^ Berg succeeded in collecting the following data concerning the transac-
tions of this enterprising citizen of Irkutsk. In the course of 25 years he
despatched 10 vessels upon voyages of discovery to the eastward of Kam-
chatka. His shitika Niholai made three voyages between 1762 and 1766.
A small boat named the Fish returned in 1757 with an exceedingly rich cargo,
valued at 254,900 rubles. The Sv TroiLfka, the Sv Petr i Sv Pavel, and one
other vessel which returned in 1763 with a cargo valued at 105,730 rubles,
also belonged to Trapeznikof. The sea-otter-skins alone brought by these
expeditions numbered over 10,000. Berg concludes as follows: ' It would be
of interest to know how much wealth Trapeznikof realized out of all these
enterprises. Ivan Savich Lapin told me that through losses sustained in some
of his undertakings, and through the bankruptcy of some of his debtors,
Trapeznikof suddenly found himself reduced from wealth to poverty. ' His
old age was passed in straitened circumstances, and he left barely enough to
defray the expenses of his burial. Khronol. 1st., 62-3, App.
136 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLEXIKI.
sailed from the mouth of the Kamchatka River on
the 15th of September, with a crew of thirty-eight
Russians and six Kamchatkans. They passed the
winter on Bering Island, remaining until the 1st of
August of the following year. The ship fitted out
by Protassof and commanded by Medvedef had also
wintered there, and before sailing the two commanders
made some exchanges in their crews. After sustain-
ing some loss by death, Korovin had at the time of
his departure from Bering Island thirty-seven men
and Medvedef forty-nine. Both vessels made a short
run to the Aleutian Islands, reaching the straits be-
tween Umnak and Unalaska on the 15th of August.
Medvedef concluded to remain on Umnak Island
while Korovin selected an anchorage on the Unalaska
shore. The native villages on the coast appeared to
be deserted, but a short distance inland some inhabited
dwellings were found. The chief of the settlement
offered several small boys as hostages, and produced
tribute receipts signed by the Cossack Ponomaref
Korovin evidently was satisfied with his reception, as
he returned immediate!}' to the ship, landed his whole
cargo, erected a large hut of drift-wood, and built
several bidars for his hunting parties.^^
In a few weeks all the arrangements for the winter
were made, and Korovin set out with two boats
manned by nine men each, one of them commanded
by Barnashef, who had visited the island previously
with Glottof. They visited three villages in succes-
sion, meeting everywhere with a friendly reception on
the part of the chiefs, but nearly all the adult males
appeared to be absent from home. After the safe
return of this party another expedition was sent out
to the east side of the island whence they also re-
turned unmolested accompanied by some hostages,
having met during their journey with some men of
Drushinnin's party. Feeling now safe, Korovin sent
out a hunting party of twenty-three under Barnashef,
^^Pallaft, Xordtsche Bcitrafje, i. 274.
FURTHER HOSTILITIES.
137
in two bidars, to the west end of the island. Each
boat carried eight muskets and every man had a pistol
and a lance; provisions had been prepared for the
winter.
At various times during the season letters were
received from the detached parties reportin<^ their
safety, but about the middle of December Korovin
received warning that a large force of natives was
marching toward the ship with hostile designs. The
Russian commander at once called his men under arms
mi^m
tlOa .^:_^:.__.
Scene of Conflict.
and kept a strict watch. The following day about
seventy savages made their appearance carrying bun-
dles of sea-otter skins in order to throw the promysh-
leniki oflp their guard; but Korovin would allow only
ten of them to approach his house at the same time.
The savages perceiving that their design was known,
and that suriprise had become impossible, disposed of
their furs quietly and retreated. On the same even-
mg, however, three natives of Kamchatka came to
the house in a great fright, reporting that they be-
138 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
longed to Kulkof s ship, that is to say Drushinnin's
party, and that the vessel had been destroyed and all
their comrades killed.
The promyshleniki, now thoroughly alarmed, pre-
pared for defence. After remaining unmolested for
two days, a large force attacked and besieged them
closely for four days, during which time two Russians
were killed with arrows, and five natives were counted
dead on the field. On the fifth day the enemy re-
treated to a cave near by, keeping up, however, a
vigilant blockade, and making it dangerous to proceed
any distance from the house. Worn out with con-
stant watching and firing, Korovin at last concluded
to bury his iron, the article most coveted by the
savages, and his stores of blubber and oil under the
house, and to retreat to the ship. His plan was car-
ried out, and the ship anchored within a short distance
of the shore. The danger of sudden attack was thus
lessened, but hunger and the scurvy were there as
relentless as the savages. At length, on the 26th of
April, reenforced by the three fugitives from Dru-
shinnin's command, Korovin put to sea, but so reduced
was his crew that the ship could scarcely be worked.
During a gale on the 28th the unfortunate promy-
shleniki were wrecked in a cove on Umnak Island.
Several of the sick died or were drowned, and eight
of the hostages made their escape. The arms, am-
munition, some sails, and a few sea-lion skins were all
that could be saved, A temporary shelter and fortifi-
cation was constructed of empty casks, sails, and skins,
where the remaining sixteen, including three disabled
by scurvy, the three hostages, and the faithful inter-
preter, Kashmak, hoped to secure some rest before
beginning a new struggle. Their hope was in vain.
During the first night a large party of savages ap-
proached stealthily from the sea and when within a
few yards of the miserable encampment discharged
their spears and arrows with terrible efiect, piercing
the tent and the barricade of sea-lion skins in many
THE RUSSIANS CLOSELY PRESSED. 139
places. Two of the Russians and the three hostages
were killed, and all the other Russians severely
wounded.^^
The onslaught was so sudden that there was no
time to get ready the fire-arms, but Korovin with four
of the least disabled seized their lances and made a
sortie, killing two of the savages and driving away
the remainder. Covered with wounds, the five brave
men returned to their comrades, now thoroughly dis-
heartened. In the mean time the gale had continued
unabated, breaking up the stranded vessel and scat-
tering the cargo upon the beach. Soon after day-
light the natives returned to resume the work of
plunder, the Russians being too feeble to interfere.
They carried off what booty they could and remained
away two days, during which time such of the wounded
promyshleniki as were still able to move about picked
up what fragments of provisions and furs the savages
had left, also a small quantity of iron.^^ On the 29th
died one of the wounded men, who was also suffer-
ing from scurvy. Three days afterward one hundred
and fifty islanders approached from the east and fired
at the Russians with muskets, but the bullets fell wide
of the mark.^'' They then set fire to the dry grass in
order to burn out the fugitives. A constant firing
of the Russians, however, foiled their efforts, and at
last the savages retired. The victors found themselves
in such a state of prostration that they remained on
the same spot until the 21st of July, when the few
survivors, twelve in number, six of whom were natives
of Kamchatka, embarked in a roughly constructed
bidar in search of Medvedef 's party. After ten days
of coasting the sufferers arrived at a place where the
charred remains of a burned vessel, of torn garments,
sails and rigging, gave evidence of another disaster.
" Veniamiqf, Zap., i. 132-4; Sarychef, Putesh., ii. 30.
'* A portion of this iron was set aside as an offering to the shrine of the
saint whose assistance they implored in their distress. Neue Nachr., 93-4.
" This is the first instance recorded of the iise of fire-arms by the native
Aleutians. Neue Nachr., 95; Sr/ibiicf, in Jllors/coi Shomik, c. 46.
140 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKL
Filled with alarm the fugitives landed and hastened
up to a house which had escaped destruction. It was
empty, but in an adjoining bath-house twenty dead
bodies were found, among them that of the commander
Medvedef. There was some indication of the corpses
having been dragged to the spot with straps and belts
tied around their necks, but no further details of the
catastrojihe could be obtained, and not a soul sur-
vived to tell the tale.^° Necessity compelled Korovin
to remain at this ghastly spot, and preparations were
made to repair the house for the approaching winter,
when Stepan Glottof, who in the mean time had ar-
rived on the other side of Umnak Island, made his
appearance with eight men. The so lately despairing
promyshleniki were wild with joy, and forgetting on
the instant their hunger and diseases, they planned
further ventures, agreeing with Glottof to hunt and
trade on joint account.
The voyage of Glottof, covering the four years
from 1762 to 1765 inclusive, was by far the most
important of the earlier expeditions to the islands,
and constitutes an epoch in the swarming of the pro-
myshleniki.
A new vessel to which was given the old name of
Andreian i Natalia^^ was built in the Kamchatka River
by Terentiy Chebaievski, Vassili and Ivan Popof, and
Ivan Lapin, and sailed on the 1st of October 1762,
under command of Glottof, wintering at Copper Isl-
and.22
2° Neue Nachr., 105; Veniaminof, Zap., i. 98; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 70.
^^ Ship nomenclature in Alaskan waters at this time is confusing. St Peter
and St Paul were the favorites, but there were other names continued from
one ship to another, and the same name was even given to two ships afloat at
the same time.
^'^Sarychef, Putesh., ii. 37. During the winter Yakof Malevinskoi, with 13
men, was sent to Bering Island in a bidar with instructions to gather up what
useful material still remained of Bering's vessel, which seems to have been a
magazine of naval stores for the promyshleniki for nearly a quarter of a cen-
tury. Malevinskoi, who died shortly after his voyage to Bering Island, was
very successful in his mission. He secured between eight and nine hundred
pounds of old iron, 400 pounds of rigging and cable, some lead, several thou-
sand strings of beads, and some copper. Ncue Nachr., 105. For a time the
VOYAGE OF GLOTTOF. 141
On the 26th of July 1763 Glottof again put to sea,
and after a tedious and stormy voyage sighted Um-
nak on the 24th of August. Having previously
visited this island and Unalaska, whence he brought
the first black foxes to Kamchatka, the commander
concluded not to loiter there, but to sail on in search
of new discoveries. Passing eight large islands and
a multitude of smaller ones, Glottof finally anchored
on the 8th of September off the coast of a large and
mountainous island, called Kikhtak by the natives,
but now known as Kadiak. The first meeting of the
Russians with the inhabitants of this isle was not
promising. A few of the savages approached the
ship in their kyaks, but the Aleut interpreter, Ivan
Glottof, a godchild of the commander, could not con-
verse with them, and when on landing some habita-
tions were discovered, they were found to be deserted,
A few days later a party came to the Russian camp
with an Aleutian boy w^ho had been captured several
years before during a hostile descent of the Kadiak
people upon the island of Sannakh, and through him
intercourse was held. Glottof endeavored to per-
suade the savages to pay tribute to the imperial gov-
ernment and to furnish hostages, but they refused.
The natives here were of fiercer aspect, more intelli-
gent and manly, and of finer physique than those of
authorities at Kamchatka had forbidden the promyshleniki to visit Copper
Island, under the impression that valuable deposits of copper were located
thei'e. In 1755 Peter Yakovlef, a mining engineer, was ordered to the island
to investigate the matter. On the north-west point, where the native copper
had been repoi'ted to exist, was a narrow reef of rocks some 20 or 30 fathoms
in width, partially covered at flood tide, but Yakovlef stated that he could
not discover any indication of copper there. On another reef, running still
farther out into the sea, he noticed two veins of reddish and greenish appear-
ance, but the metal had long since been removed with the aid of picks and
adzes. At the foot of this reef, however, he found pieces of copper evidently
smoothed by the action of the sea. Captain Krenitzin in 1/68 reported that
much copper was found on the island, that it was washed up by the sea in
such quantities that ships could be loaded with it. Pallas, Nord. Beitr., i. 253.
The author, however, remarks that at the time of his writing, 17S0, the copper
had greatly diminished in quantity and but few pieces larger than a bean
could be found. Zaikof, another navigator, reported about the same time
that copper was washed upon the beach, but that one of the promontories
presented every appearance of a copper-mine.
142 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
the more western isles. At first they would not even
allow the interpreter to remain temporarily with the
Russians, but a few days later the boy made his
appearance in the Russian camp, and subsequently
proved of great service to his new patrons. '^^ Under
such circumstances Glottof deemed it best not to dis-
charge the cargo, but to keep the ship moored in a
bay near the mouth of a creek, where she floated at
every high tide. A strict watch was kept night and
day. Early one morning a large body of armed
islanders crept up to the anchorage unobserved, and
sent a shower of arrows upon the Russian sentinels
hidden behind the bulwarks on the deck. The guards
discharged their muskets, and the deafening sound
sent the savages scattering. In their wild alarm they
left oil the ground rude ladders, packages of sulphur,
dried moss, and birch bark, a proof of their intention
to fire the ship, and also of the fact that the Kadiak
people were a race more warlike and more dangerous
to deal with than the Aleuts. They were certainly
fertile in both offensive and defensive devices; for
only four days after the first attack, previous to which
they had been unacquainted with fire-arms, they
again made their appearance in large force, and pro-
vided with ingeniously contrived shields of wood and
wicker-work intended to ward oflP the Russian's bullets.
The islanders, however, had not had an opportunity
of estimating the force of missiles propelled by powder,
for the Russians had purposely fired high during their
attack, and another rout was the result of a second
charge.
The defeated enemy allowed three weeks to pass by
without molesting the intruders, but on the 26th of
October there was yet another attack. The elaborate
preparations now made showed wonderful ability for
savages. Seven large portable breastworks, conceal-
2' This boy was subsequently taken to Kamchatka and baptized under
the name of Alexander Popof. Neuc Nachr., 106; Veniaminof, Zap., i. 102.
For manners and customs of the aborigines see Native Races, vols. i. and iii. ,
this series.
THE RUSSIANS AT KADIAK. 143
ing from thirty to forty warriors each, were seen ap-
proaching the vessel early one morning, and when
near enough spears and arrows began to drop like hail
upon the deck. The promyshleniki replied with vol-
ley after volley of musketry, but this time the shields
appeared to be bullet-proof and the enemy kept on
advancing until, as a last resort, Glottof landed a
body of men and made a furious charge upon the
islanders, who were growing more bold and defiant
ever}^ moment. This unexpected attack had the
desired effect, and after a brief struo^sfle the savagfes
dropped their shields and sought safety in flight.
The result of this third battle caused the natives to
despair of driving off the Russians, and to withdraw
from the neighborhood.^*
Deeming it dangerous to send out hunting parties,
Glottof employed his men in constructing a house of
drift-wood and in securing a good supply of such fish
as could be obtained from a creek and a lagoon in the
immediate vicinity of the anchorage. Late in Decem-
ber two natives made their appearance at the Russian
camp. They held a long parley with the interpreter
from a safe distance, and finally came up to the house.
Kind treatment and persuasion seemed to have no
effect; nor did presents even; instinctively these most
intellectual of savages felt that they had met their
fate. They went away with some trifling gifts, and
not another native was seen by the disappointed Glot-
tof till April of the following year. Four men then
came to the encampment and were persuaded to sell
some fox-skins, taking glass beads in payment. Ah,
the vanity of humanity ! Cotton and woollen goods
had no attractions. Ornament before dress. They
appeared at last to believe in Glottof's professions of
friendship, and went away promising to persuade their
people to come and trade with the Russians. Shortly
^*NeueNachr., 109-10; Berg,Khronol. 1st., 66. The point at which Glottof
made his first landing was near the southern end of the island, probably near
the present village of Aiaklitalik.
144 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
afterward a party brought fox and sea-otter skins,
accepting glass beads; and friendly intercourse ensued
until Glottof was ready to sail from the locality, where
his party had suffered greatly from disease without
deriving much commercial advantage. ^^
Glottof felt satisfied, however, that he was near to
the American continent, because he noticed that the
natives made use of deer-skins for dress. In the im-
mediate vicinity of the Russian encampment there was
no timber, but the natives said that large forests grew
in the northern part of the island. ^^
Through Holmberg's researches in Kadiak we pos-
sess the deposition of a native of the island, which
evidently refers to Glottofs sojourn on Kadiak.
Holmberg states that he passed two days in a hut
on the south side of the island, and that he there
listened to the tales of an old man named Arsenti
Aminak, whom he designates as the "only speaking
monument of pagan times on Kadiak." A Creole
named Panfilof served as interpreter, and Holmberg
took down his translation, word for word, as follows:
" I was a boy of nine or ten years, for I was already
set to paddle in a bidarka, when the first Russian ship
with two masts appeared near Cape Aliulik. Before
that time we had never seen a ship; we had inter-
course with the Aglegnutes of Aliaska peninsula, with
the Tnaianas of the Kenai peninsula, and wdth the
Koloshes; and some wise men even knew something
of the Californias; but ships and white men we did
not know at all. When we espied the ship at a dis-
tance we thought it was an immense whale, and were
curious to have a better look at it. We went out to
sea in our bidarkas, but soon discovered that it was no
whale, but another unknown monster of which we were
^* During the winter the scurvy broke out among the crew and nine Rus-
sians died. XeveNacJn:, 111; Berg, Khronol. 1st., 6G; Sa7-ychef, Putesh., ii. 38.
^*^0n the 25th of April Glottof sent Luka Vtorushin, with 11 men, in
search of material to make hoops for water-casks; he returned the following
day with a supply, and reported groves of alder and willow at a distance of
about 30 miles. Neue Nadir., 115.
AMINAK'S STORY. 145.
afraid, and the smell of which (tar probably) made us
sick. The people on the ship had buttons on their
clothes, and at first we thought they must be cuttle-
fish, but when we saw them put fire into their mouth
and blow out smoke we knew they must be devils, as
we did not know tobacco then. The ship sailed by the
island of Aiakhtalik, one of the Goose Islands at the
south end of Kadiak, where then a large village was
situated, and then passed by the Cape Aliulik (Cape
Trinidad) into Kaniat (Alitak) Bay, where it anch-
ored and lowered the boats. We followed full of fear,
and at the same time curious to see what would
become of the strange apparition, but we did not dare
to approach the ship. Among our people there was a
brave warrior named Ishinik, who was so bold that he
feared nothing in the world; he undertook to visit
the ship and came back with presents in his hand, a
red shirt, an Aleut hood, and some glass beads. He
said there was nothing to fear, ' they only wish to buy
our sea-otter skins and to give us glass beads and
other riches for them.' We did not fully believe his
statement. The old and wise people held a council in
the kashima,^'^ and some said : ' Who knows what sick-
ness they may bring us; let us await them on the
shore, then if they give us a good price for our skins
we can do business afterward.'
" Our people formerly were at war with the Fox
Island people, whom we called Tayaoot. My father
once made a raid upon Unalaska and brought back
among other booty a little girl left by her fleeing
parents. As a prisoner taken in war she was our
slave, but my father treated her like a daughter, and
brought her up with his other children. We called
her Plioo, which means ashes, because she had been
taken from the ashes of her house. On the Russian
ship which came from Unalaska there were many
^'' A large building where the men work in the winter, and also used for
councils and festivities. For a full description of these people see Native
Races, vol. i., this series.
Hist. Alaska. 10
146 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
Aleuts and among tliem the father of our slave. He
came to my father's house, and when he saw that his
daughter was not kept like a slave but was well
cared for, he told him confidentially, out of gratitude,
that the Russians would take the sea-otter skins with-
out payment if they could. This warning saved my
father, who, though not fully beHeving the Aleut,
acted cautiously. The Russians came ashore together
with the Aleuts and the latter persuaded our people
to trade, saying: 'Why are you afraid of the Rus-
sians? Look at us, we live with them and they do us
no harm.' Our people, dazzled by the sight of such
quantities of goods, left their weapons in the bidar
and went to the Russians with their sea-otter skins.
"While they were busy trading, the Aleuts, who car-
ried arms concealed about them, at a signal from the
Russians fell upon our people, killing about thirty and
taking away their sea-otter skins. A few men had
cautiously watched the result of the first intercourse
from a distance, among them my father. These at-
tempted to escape in their bidarkas, but they were
overtaken by the Aleuts and killed. My father alone
was saved by the father of his slave, who gave him
his bidarka when my father's own had been pierced
with arrows and was sinking. In this bidarka he fled
to Akhiok. My father's name was Penashigak. The
time of the arrival of this ship was the month of
A.ugust, as the whales were coming into the bays and
the berries were ripe. The Russians remained for
the winter, but could not find sufficient food in Kaniat
Bay. They were compelled to leave the ship in charge
of a few watchmen and moved into a bay opposite
. Aiakhtalik Island. Here was a lake full of herrings
; and a kind of smelt. They lived in tents here through
\th.e winter. The brave Ishinik, who first dared to
visit the ship, was liked by the Russians and acted
as a mediator. When the fish decreased in the lake
during the winter the Russians moved about from
village to village. Whenever we saw a boat coming at
DEPARTURE FROM KADIAK. 147
a distance we fled to the hills, and when we returned
no ynkala (dried fish) could be found in the houses.
In the lake near the Russian camp there was a poison-
ous kind of starfish; we knew it very well, but said
nothing about it to the Russians. We never ate
them, and even the gulls would not touch them;
many Russians died from eating them. But we in-
jured them also in other ways. They put up fox-
traps and we removed them for the sake of obtaining
the iron material. When the Russians had examined
our coast they left our island during the following
year."2s
On the 24th of May Glottof finally left Kadiak,
and passing through the numerous islands lining the
south coast of the Alaska peninsula made a landing
on Umnak with the intention to hunt and trade in
the same locality which he had previously visited.
When the ship entered the well known bay the houses
erected by the promyshleniki were still standing, but
no sign of life was visible. The commander hastened
to the shore and soon found signs of death and de-
struction. The body of an unknown Russian was
there; Glottof 's own house had been destroyed, and
another building erected near by.^^
On the 5th of July an exploring party of sixteen
discovered the remains of Medvedef's ship, and the
still unburied bodies of its crew. Upon consultation
it was decided to take steps at once to ascertain
whether any survivors of the disaster were to be
found on the island. On the 7th of July some natives
^^ This narrative of which we have given above only the portion relating to
Glottof 's visit, coming as it does from the mouth of an eye-witness, is interest-
ing, but it is somewhat difficult to determine its historical value, as it is im-
possible to locate or identify all the various incidents. The first part evidently
refers to the landing of Glottof, though there is a wide discrepancy between
the latter's account and that of Arsenti Aminak; in his estimate of time the
latter is certainly mistaken and he does not mention the hostile encounters
between natives and Russians related by Glottof. He also ascribes the mor-
tality among the invaders to the consumption of poisonous iish instead of to
the actual cause, the ravages of scorbutic disease. Holmhenj, Ethnographische
Shizzen; Sarydief, Putesh., ii. 42-3; Grewingk Beitr., 316.
'^'Berg, Khronol. 1st., 70; Pallas, Nord. Beitr., i. 276.
148 FUETHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKL
approaclied the vessel and endeavored to persuade
Glottof to land with only two men, for the purpose
of trading, displaying at the same time a large number
of sea-otter skins on the beach. When they found
that their devices did not succeed, they retreated to>
a distance and began to fire with muskets at the ship,
without, however, doing any damage. Later in the
day a few natives came off in their canoes and pad-
dled round the ship. As Glottof was desirous of ob-
taining; information concerninof the recent occurrences
on the island, the bold natives were not molested, and
finally one of them ventured on board the ship, par-
taking of food, and told freely all that had happened
since Glottof's visit, hinting also at the existence of
Korovin's small party in some part of the island.
He acknowledged that it had been the intention of
the natives to kill Glottof after enticing him to land,
imagining that they would have no difficulty in deal-
ing with the crew after the leader was despatched.
After a vain attempt to find Korovin's camp, some
natives advised the Russians to cross the island to
the opposite side, where they would find their country-
men engaged in building a house beside a brook. The
information proved correct, and the hearts of Korovin
and his men were soon gladdened b}?- the appearance
of their countrymen.
Glottof evidently did not intend to feed the addi-
tional members in idleness. In a few days he sent
out Korovin with twenty men in a bidar to reconnoi-
tre the coast of Umnak and search for fugitive Rus-
sians who might have survived the various massacres.
For a long time he could find no living soul, Russian
or native; but at last, in September, he fell in with
some parties of the latter. They greeted the Rus-
sians with musket-shots, and would not listen to
overtures. At various places where Korovin at-
tempted to stop to hunt the natives opposed his
landing, and engagements ensued. At the place of
the massacre of Barnashef and his crew, his bidar
KOROVIN AND GLOTTOF. 149
and the remains of his cargo were found, and a few
women and boys who Hngered about the place were
taken prisoners and questioned as to the details of
the bloody episode.
Later in the winter Korovin was sent out again
with a party of men and the Aleut interpreter, Ivan
Glottof They proceeded to the western end of Un-
alaska and there learned from the natives that a Rus-
sian vessel commanded by Solovief was anchored in
one of the harbors of that island. Korovin at once
shaped his course for the point, but reached it only
after several sharp engagements with the natives,
inflicting severe loss upon them. He remained with
Solofief three days and then returned to the scene of
his last encounter with the natives, who seemed to
have benefited by the lesson administered by Korovin,
being quite tractable and willing to trade and assist
in hunting. Before the end of the year the deep-
rooted hatred of the Russian intruders again came to
the surface, and the hunters concluded to return to
the ship. On the passage from Unalaska to Umnak
they had two engagements and were finally wrecked
upon the latter island. As it was midwinter they
were forced to remain there till the 6th of April fol-
lowing, subject to the greatest privations. After
another tedious voyage along the coast the party at
last rejoined Glottof with a small quantity of furs
as the result of the season's work. On account of
Korovin's failures in hunting, Glottof and his part-
ners declared the agreement with them void. The
brave leader, whose indomitable courage alone had car-
ried his companions through an appalling succession of
disasters, certainly deserved better treatment. The
Kamchatkans belongino^ to his former crew entered
Glottof s service ; but five Russians concluded to cast
their lots with him. In June they found Solovief,
who willingly received them into his company, and in
his vessel they finally reached Kamchatka. ^°
^" The vessel commanded by Solovief was owned by Ouledovaki, a mer-
150 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
Solovief had been fortunate in his voyage from
Kamchatka to Umnak, passing along the Aleutian
isles with as much safety and despatch as a trained
sea-captain could have done, provided with all the
instruments of modern nautical science. In less than
a month, a remarkably quick passage for those days,
he sighted the island of Umnak, but finding no con-
venient anchorage he went to Unalaska.
A few natives who still remembered Solovief from
his former visit, came to greet the new arrivals and
informed them of the cruel fate that had befallen
Medvedef and his companions. The Cossack Kore-
nef was ordered to reconnoitre the northern coast of
the island with a detachment of twenty men. He
reported on his return that he had found only three
vacant habitations of the natives, but some fragments
of Russian arms and clothing led him to suspect that
some of his countrymen had suffered at the hands of
the savages in that vicinity. In the course of time
Solovief managed to obtain from the natives detailed
accounts of the various massacres. The recital of
cruelties committed inflamed his passions, and he
resolved to avenge the murder of his countrymen.
His first care, however, was to establish himself firmly
on the island and to introduce order and discipline
among his men. He adhered to his designs with
great persistency and unnecessary cruelty.^^
chant of Irkutsk. It was the Sv Pctr i Sv Pavel which we have so often
met ; it had sailed from the mouth of the Kamchatka river on the 24th of
August 1764. Ber<j, Khronol. 1st., 73.
''^Berg, while faithfully relating the cruelties perpetrated by Solovief,
seems to have been inclined to palliate his ci'inies. He says: ' A quiet citizen
and friend of mankind reading of these doings will perhaps execrate the
terrible Solovief and call him a barbarous destroyer of men, but he would
change his opinion on learning that after this period of terrible punishment,
the inhabitants of the Aleutian Islands never again dared to make another
attack upon the Prussians. Would he not acknowledge that such measures
were necessary for the safety of future voyagers? Curious to know how
Solovief succeeded in his enterprise, and how he was situated subsequently,
I questioned Ivan Savich Lapin concerning his fate, and received the follow-
ing answer: His many fortunate voyages brought him great profits, but as
he was a shiftless man and rather dissipated in his habits, he expended dur-
ing every winter passed at Okhotsk or in Kamchatka the earnings of three
years of hardships, setting out upon every new voyage with nothing but debts
SOLOVIEF'S PROCEEDINGS. 151
Solovief had not quite finished his preparations
when the savage islanders, made bold by frequent
victories, attempted the first attack, an unfortunate
one for the Aleuts. The promyshleniki, who were
ready for the fray at any moment, on this occasion
destroyed a hundred of their assailants on the spot,
and broke up their bidars and temporary habitations.
With this victory Solovief contented himself until
he was reenforced by Korovin, Kokovin, and a few
others, when he divided his force, leaving half to
guard the ship while with the others he set out in
search of the ''blood-thirsty natives," who had de-
stroyed Drushinnin and Medvedef
The bloodshed perpetrated by this band of avengers
was appalling. A majority of all the natives con-
nected with the previous attacks on the Russians paid
with their lives for presuming to defend their homes
against invaders. Being informed that three hundred
of the natives had assembled in a fortified village,
Solovief marched his force to the spot. At first the
Russians were greeted with showers of arrows from
every aperture, but when the natives discovered that
bullets came flying in as fast as arrows went out, they
closed the openings, took down the notched posts
serving as ladders, and sat down to await their fate.
Unwilling to charge upon the dwellings, and seeing
that he could not do much injury to the enemy as
long as they remained within, Solovief managed to
place bladders filled with powder under the log foun-
dation of the structure, which was soon blown into the
air. Many of the inmates survived the explosion only
to be despatched by the promyshleniki with muskets
and sabres. ^^
behind him. He lost his life in the most miserable manner at Okhotsk.'
Berg, Khronol. 1st., 75-6. Among his companions Solovief acquired the
nickname of 'Oushasnui Soloviy,' the 'terrible nightingale,' a play upon his
name, Solovey being the Russian for nightingale. Baerand Wrangell, Riissische
Besitzimgen, 192.
^'i Davidof states that Solovief put to death 3,000 Aleuts (?) during this
campaign. Dvulcr. Purtesh., ii. 108. Berg writes on the authority of Lapin that
'only '200 were killed. Khronol. 1st., 75. Veniaminof discusses the deeds
of Solovief and his companions in a dispassionate way, relying mainly on
152 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROiMYSHLENIKI.
At the end of his crusade, Solovief, having suc-
ceeded in subjugating the natives, estabHshed ' friendly
intercourse' with them. A few of the chiefs of Una-
laska tendered their submission. During the winter
his men suffered from scurvy, and many died.^ Ob-
serving which the savages regained courage and be-
gan to revolt. The people of Makushin village were
the most determined, but Solovief managed to en-
trap the chief, who confessed that he had intended
to overpower the Russians and burn their ship. In
June two more of the scurvy-stricken crew died, and
Solovief was only too glad to accept of the offer of
Korovin and his companions, who had only just ar-
rived, to join his expedition. The Cossack Shevyrin
died on the third of August and another Russian in
September.^
Late in the autumn Solovief again despatched
Korenef with a detachment of promyshleniki to the
northern part of the island. He did not return until
the 30th of January 17G6, and was immediately or-
dered out again to explore the west coast. During
the first days of February a young Aleut named
Kyginik, a son of the chief, came voluntarily into the
Russian camp and requested to be baptized, and to be
permitted to remain with the promyshleniki. His
wish was willingly complied with, and if the promysh-
leniki claimed a miracle as the cause of the action, I
should acquiesce. Nothing but the mighty power of
what he heard by word of mouth from Aleut eye-witnesses of the \ariou3
transactions. He accused Berg of attempting to make Solovief's career •
appear less criminal and repulsive, and declares that ' nearly a century has
elapsed since that period of terror, and there is no reason for concealing what
was done by the first promyshleniki, or for palliating or glorifying their cruel
outrages upon the Aleuts. ' He had no desire to enlarge upon the great crimes
committed by ignorant and unrestrained meu, especially when they were his
countrymen; but his work would not be done if he failed to tell what people
had seen of the doings of Solovief and his companions. Veniaminof stated
on what he calls good authoritj', that Solovief experimented on the penetra-
tive power of musket-balls by tying 12 Aleutians together and discharging his
rifle at them at short range; report has it that the bullets lodged in the ninth
man. Zap., ii. 101.
^' One died in February, five in March and April, and six in May; all these
•were Russians with the exception of one, a Kamchatkan. Neue Nachr., 141.
^* Neue Nachr., 143.
MIRACULOUS CONVERSION. 153
God could have saDctified the heart of this benighted
one under these bright examples of Christianity. In
May Solovief began his preparations for departure, col-
lecting and packing his furs for the voyage and repair-
ing his vessel. He sailed the 1st of June and reached
Kamchatka the 5th of July.^^
At Okhotsk there was great disorder, amounting
almost to anarchy, under the administration of Cap-
tain Zybin, up to 1754, when the latter was relieved
by Captain Nilof, who subsequently became known
and lost his life during the famous convict revolt of
XamclKitka under the leadership of Benyovski.^'^ In
1761 Major Plenisner was appointed to the command
of Kamchatka for five years; he held this position until
relieved by Nilof ^'^
In 1765 a new company was formed by Lapin,
Shilof, and Orekhof, the latter a gunsmith from Tula.
They built two vessels at Okhotsk, naming them after
those excessively honored apostles the Sv Petr and the
Sv Pavel, and crossed over to Bolsheretsk, where they
remained till August.^^ The Sv Petr was commanded
by Tolstykh and carried a crew of forty-nine Rus-
sians, twelve natives of Kamchatka, and two Aleuts.
Acting under tlie old delusion that there must be land
somewhere to the southward, Tolstykh steered in that
direction, but after a fruitless cruise of two months
he concluded to make the port of Petropavlovsk to
winter; but on the 2d of October in attempting to
anchor near Cape Skipunskoi, in a gale, the vessel was
cast upon the rocks and broken in pieces.^''
"^ The cargo collected during this murderous expedition consisted of 500
black foxes and 500 sea-otters, a portion of the latter having been brought
into the joint company by Korovin and his companions. Neite Nachr., 146.
^'^ Morshol Sbornil; cv. 40; Sijibnef, in Id., cii. 76.
^' Plenisner was to receive double pay while in command, and he was in-
structed to send out the naval lieutenant Synd with two ships to explore the
American coast, and also to send another exijedition to explore the Kurile
Islands. Sgibnef, in Morsl:oi Shornik, cii. .37-8.
^* The authorities of Bolsheretsk asserted that the party sailed only after all
the liquor obtained for the voyage had been drank. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 76-7.
^^ Neue Nachr., 49. Berg mentions that in this wreck only three out of a
crew of 63 were saved, but he does not state whether Tolstykh was among
the survivors.
154 FURTHER ADVENTURES OP THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
The Sv Pavel was commanded by Master Afanassly
Ocheredin, and carried a crew of sixty men. Sailing
from Bolsheretsk the 1st of August they steered for
the farther Aleutian Isles, and w^ent into winter-
quarters the 1st of September in a bay of Umnak..
At first the natives were friendly, but as soon as^
tribute was demanded intercourse ceased for the win-
ter, and the Russians suffered greatly from hunger
and disease. Scarcely had the promyshleniki begun
to overcome the dread disease in the spring, with the
help of anti-scorbutic plants, when Ocheredin sent out
detachments to demand tribute of the natives. In
August 1767 a peredovchik named Poloskof, was
despatched with twenty-eight men in two boats to
hunt. Having heard of the massacre of Medvedef
and Korovin, he passed by Unalaska and estab-
lished himself at Akutan, distributing small detach-
ments of hunters over the neighboring islands. In
the following January he was attacked and four of his
men killed. Onslaughts were made by the natives at
the same time upon Ocheredin's vessel and another
craft commanded by Popof, who was then trading at
Unalaska. In August Poloskof rejoined Ocheredin,
and their operations were continued until 1770.*''
Ocheredin's share of the proceeds was 600 sea-
otters, 756 black foxes, 1,230 red foxes; and with this
rich cargo he arrived at Okhotsk on the 24th of
July 1770.*^ The partners in this enterprise received
in addition to a large return on their investment
gracious acknowledgments from the imperial govern-
ment. In 1764, when the first black fox-skins had
*° In the month of September 1768 Ocheredin was notified by Captain
Levashef, of the Krenitzin expedition, to transfer to him (Levashef) all the
tribute collected. With an armed vessel anchored in Kapiton Bay, Popof
and Ocheredin met with no further opposition from the natives. Unalaska
to the south-west of the Alaska peninsula. On Cook's atlas, 1778, written
Ooualaslca; La P^rouse, 1736, Ouimlaska; Sut'd y Mex., Viage, I. Unalaska;
Holmberg, /. Unalaschka. Carton. Pac. Coast, MS., iii. 454.
*^ Berij, Khronol. 1st., app. Two natives of the island, Alexei Solovief
and Boris Ocheredin, were taken to Okhotsk on the Sv Pavel with the inten-
tion of sending them to St Petersburg, but both died of consumption on their
joui'ney through Siberia. Neue Nachr., 162-3.
OTHER VESSELS. 155
been forwarded to the empress, gold medals were
awarded to the merchants Orekhof, Kulkof, Shapkin,
Panof, and Nikoforof. Desirous of obtaining a more
detailed account of the doings of her subjects in the far
east, Catherine ordered to be sent to St Petersburg one
of the traders, promising to pay his expenses. When
this order reached Okhotsk only one merchant engaged
in the island trade could be found, Yassili Shilof He
was duly despatched to the imperial court, and on
arriving at St Petersburg was at once granted an
interview by the empress, who questioned him closely
upon the locality of the new discoveries, and the mode
of conducting the traffic. The empress was much
pleased with the intelligent answers of Shilof, who
exhibited a map of his own making, representing the
Aleutian Islands from Bering to Amlia, This the
empress ordered to be deposited in the admiralty
college.*^
Three other vessels were despatched in 1766-7, but
of their movements we have but indefinite records.
The Vladimir, owned by Krassilnikof and commanded
by Soposhnikof, sailed in 1766, and returned from the
Near Islands with 1,400 sea-otters, 2,000 fur-seals,
and 1,050 blue foxes. In the following year the Sv
*'^ In the Shurnal Admiralttiestv Kollegiy, under date of Feb. 5, 1767, the
following entry can be found: ' The Oustioushk mercliant, Shilof, laid before
the college, in illustration of his voyages to the Kamchatka Islands, a chart
on which their location as far as known is laid down. He also gave satisfac-
tory verbal explanations concerning their inhabitants and resources. The
college having inspected and examined this chart and compared it with the
one compiled by Captain Chirikof, at the wish and will expressed by Her
Imperial Majesty, and upon careful consideration, present most respectfully
the following report: The college deems the report of Shilof concerning navi-
gation and trade insufficient for official consideration, and in many respects
contradictory; especially the chart, which does not agree in many important
points with other charts in the hands of the college; and moreover it could
not be expected to be correct, being compiled by a person knowing nothing
of the science and rules of navigation. On the other hand, as far as this
document is concerned we must commend the spirit which instigated its con-
ception and induced the author to undergo hardships and dangers in extend-
ing the navigation and trade of Russia. And we find in it the base upon
which to build further investigation and discoveries of unknown countries,
which well deserves the approbation of our most Gracious Imperial Majesty.'
Two imperial oukazes were issued, dated respectively April 19 and Aj^ril 20,
1767, granting Shilof and Lapin exemption from military duty and conferring
upon each a gold medal for services rendered. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 70-2.
156 FURTHER ADVENTURES OF THE PROMYSHLENIKI.
Petr i Sv Pavel, owned by the brothers Panof, sailed,
and returned after a cruise of three years with a very
rich cargo composed of 5,000 sea-otters and 1,100 blue
foxes. The loann Oustioushki, owned by Ivan Popof,
made two voyages between 1767 and 1770, returning
the second time with 3,000 sea-otters, 1,663 black
foxes, 230 cross foxes, 1,025 red foxes, and 1,162 blue
foxes.^^ The merchants Poloponissof and Popof also
sent out a ship in 1767, the Joann Predtecha, which
returned after an absence of five years with 60 sea-
otters, 6,300 fur-seals, and 1,280 blue foxes.** This
ends the list of private enterprises prior to the resump-
tion of exploration by the imperial government.
*^ The cargo as given by Berg seems extraordinarily large, and it is probable
that the Panof expedition consisted of two vessels, for Sgibnef states that a
ship-builder named Bubnof constructed in 1767 two vessels, the galiot Sv
Pavel, 56 feet long, at a cost of 5,737 rubles; and the galiot Sv Petr, of the
same length, 19 feet beam and 9 feet depth of hold, at a cost of 6,633 rubles.
The rigging for these ships was brouglit from Tobolsk, and 500 pounds of
iron were carried all the way from Arkhangel, being two years en route.
Sgibnef, in Morskoi Shornih, cv. 47-8. According to Capt. Shmalef the loann
Ouslioushfiki made a third prosperous trip from which she returned in 1772 with
a cargo yielding a net profit of 1,000 rubles to each share. Berg, Khronol. 1st.,
83; Pallas, Nord. Beitrage, i. 276; Sarychef Putesh., ii. 37.
^^ Berg, Khronol. 1st., app.; Grewingk, Beitrage, 315.
CHAPTER YIII.
IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
1764^1779.
Synd's Voyage in Beking Strait— St^hlin's Peculiar Report— The
Grand Government Expedition — Promotions and Rewards on the
Strength of Prospective Achievements— Catherine is Sure of Di-
vine Favor — Very Secret Instructions — Heavy Cost of the Expe-
dition — The Long Journey to Kamchatka — Dire Misfortunes
There — Results of the Effort — Death of the Commander— Jour-
nals AND Reports — More Mercantile Voyages — The Ships 'Sv
Nikolai,' 'Sv Andrei,' 'Sv Prokop,' and Others — The Free and
Easy ZaTkof— His Luck.
I WILL briefly mention here a voyage by a lieuten-
ant of the imperial navy named Synd, or Syndo,
though there is no proof of his having touched any
part of Alaska. Under orders of Saimonof, then
governor of Siberia, Lieutenant Synd, who had been
one of the youngest companions of Bering, sailed from
Okhotsk in 1764, upon a voyage of discovery in the
direction of Bering Strait, in a vessel called by way of
variety the Sv Pavel. During the first season Synd
did not get beyond the mouth of the Kharinzof Biver
on the west coast of Kamchatka in the vicinity of
Tigil. His craft proved unseaworthy; and after win-
tering at his first anchorage he sailed again in June
1765, in the ship Sv Ekaterina, and wintered at the
Ouka Biver a little to the southward of Karagin
Island.^ He sailed northward the following year,
reached the vicinity of Bering Strait within a month,
dotting down upon his chart as he moved along a
^Zap.Hydr.,x. 70-3.
(157)
158 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
multitude of imaginary islands extending up to lati-
tude 64° 59', and reported a mountainous coast not far
from the land of the Chukchi," between latitude 64°
and 66°, which he conjectured to be the American
continent. On the 2d of September he began his
return voyage, following the coast down to Nishe-
kamchatsk, but not until 1768 did his expedition
return to Okhotsk.^
Another and far more important expedition under
the immediate auspices of the imperial government
was organized by Chicherin, governor of Siberia,
under instructions of the admiralty college. As early
as 1763 Chicherin had reported to the imperial gov-
ernment the latest discoveries among the Aleutian
Isles by Siberian traders, pointing at the same time
to the necessity of having these discoveries verified
by officers of the navy, who might be appointed as
2 Steehlin in his Account of the New Northern Archipelago, 12-15, gives a
strangely garbled report of this expedition, as follows: 'The empress. . .erect-
ing a commercial company composed of Russian merchants for trading with
the new islands, and to further promote this end, the admiralty oihce at
Okhotskoi, on the sea of Penshinsk, had orders from her Majesty to assist this
trading company of Kamchatka in tbe prosecution of their undertaking; to
provide them with convoys, and to endeavor to procure all possible informa-
tion relative to the islands and coast they intended to visit to the north and
north-east beyond Kamchatka. In the year 1764 these traders accordingly
sailed from the harbor of Ochotskoi with some two-masted galiots, and single-
masted vessels of the kind in Siberia called dostchennikof (covei-ed bai'ges),
under a convoy from the aforesaid admiralty office, commanded by Lieutenant
Syndo. They passed the sea of Ochotskoi, went round the southern cape of
Kamchatka into the Pacific Ocean, steering along the eastern coast, keeping
northward, and at last came to an anchor in the liarbor of Peter-Paul, and
wintered in the ostrog or palisaded village. The next year they pursued tlieir
voyage farther northward, and in that and the following year, 17G5 and 1766,
they discovered by degrees the whole archipelago of islands of different sizes,
which increased upon them the farther they went between the 56th and 67th
degrees of north latitude, and they returned safely in the same year. The
reports they made to the government chancellery at Irkutsk, and from thence
sent to the directing senate, together with the maps and charts thereto
annexed, made a considerable alteration in the regions of the sea of Anadir
and in the situation of the opposite coast of America, and gave them quite a
diflerent appearance fi'om that in the above-mentioned map engraved in the
year 1758. This difference is made apparent by comparing it with the amended
map published last year, 1773, by the academy of sciences, and is made still
more visible by the accurate little map of the newly discovered northern
archipelago, hereto annexed, which is drawn up from original accounts.' The
'accurate little map' referred to is perhaps the most preposterous piece of im-
aginary geography in existence, a worthy companion of the charts of Croyfere.
EXTENSIVE PREPARATIONS. 159
commanders of the trading vessels and instructed to
keep correct journals of their exploring voyages.
This report was duly considered by the empress and
resulted in the organization of the Krenitzin expedi-
tion.^
The empress issued a special oukaz instructing the
admiralty college to detail a number of officers of the
navy, intrusting the command to the most experienced
among them versed in the science of navigation and
kindred branches of knowledge.*
The expedition, having been recommended to the
special attention of the admiralty college with instruc-
tions to keep its destination secret, was at once set on
foot. The command was given to Captain-lieutenant
Petr Kumich Krenitzin, who was to select his com-
panions.^ All were placed under the immediate com-
mand of the governor of Siberia, and were to proceed
to the newly discovered islands on the vessels of
traders, one on each, without assuming any command,
turning their attention solely to taking astronomical
-observations and to noting all they saw. At the same
^ The results of this expedition were published by Coxa in 1780. He ob-
tained his information principally from the historian Robertson, who had been
granted access to the archives of the navy department by the empress. Pallas
translated Coxe's account into his Nordische Beitrage, published in 1781; and
in the same year a Russian translation appeared in the Academic Monthly axLd
was republished in the selections from the monthly. Robertson, however,
had no opportunity to look into the details of the organization and manage-
ment of the expedition, and confined himself to results; consequently the
actual details of the enterprise remained unknown until Sokolof investigated
the subject, having access to the original journals and charts. Zap. Hydr.,
X. 17-71.
* A portion of the oukaz reads as follows: ' We promise our imperial good-
will not only to the commander of the expedition but to all his subordinates,
and assure them that upon their safe return from their voyage every participant
shall be advanced one step in rank and be entitled to a life pension in propor-
tion to the salary received during the voyage. On account of the distance to
be traversed and the hardships to be encountered, I grant to each member of
the expedition doable pay and allowance of subsistence from the time of de-
parture to the day of retui-n; this extra allowance to continue for a period of
two years. ' Sokolof, Irkutsk A rchives. With the final instructions the gra-
cious sovereign forwarded to Governor Chicherin a gold watch for each of the
officers in command.
* In order to mislead the public with regard to the objects of the expedi-
tion the admiralty college gave it the official name of 'An Expedition for the
Exploration of the Forests on the rivers Kama and Brela.' Sokolof, Zap.
Hydr., 75.
160 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
time the governor was informed that if he deemed it
better to employ government vessels, he might engage
ships of the promjshleniki, or build new crafts, and
despatch Krenitzin and his chief assistant on two of
the latter, independent of the trader's fleet. ^
Krenitzin was promoted to captain of the second
rank, and Lieutenant Mikhail Levashef, whom the
commander had chosen for his chief assistant, to be
captain-lieutenant. All the subalterns were advanced
one step in rank, as had been promised them. The
command took its departure from St Petersburg the
1st of July 1764, arriving in Tobolsk the 17th of Sep-
tember.'^ At this place the expedition was reenforced
by ten cadets from the local school of navigation, and
also provided with additional supplies and stores. They
left Tobolsk at the beginning of March 1765, arriving
at Yakutsk in July and at Okhotsk in October, after
a difficult journey over the tundra and mountains in-
tervening between Yakutsk and the sea.*^
^The instructions of the governor began with these words: 'Fully aware
of your knowledge and your zeal for the glory of her Imperial Majesty, and
tlie benefit of your country, the admiralty college expects you to employ all
your ardor and perseverance in the prosecution of this enterprise. ' There was
also a ' secret addition' to these instructions. Believing that the expedition
aliout to be desj^atched along the Arctic coast of Siberia under command of
Cliichagof , to search for the north-east passage, would finally reach Kamchatka
and meet there the vessels of the Krenitzin expedition, the admiralty college
thought it necessary to establish a code of signals known to the commanders
of both squadrons. Tliese signals consisted of an extraordinary arrangement
of the sails, frequent lowering and hoisting of flags, and discharges of cannon.
In their endeavors to provide for all contingencies the framers of these instruc-
tionsalso suggested that in times of fog, and in theabsence of fire-armsorammu-
nition, the vessels should approach each other as nearly as possible, when the
command was to shout three times ' agai!' in a manner similar to the shout of
' hurrah ! ' by troops, and if the other vessel should answer with the same
cry, three times re; eated, the crew of the first was again to shout, ' Boshe
pomogi ! ' God help you, also three times, and await from the other vessel the
reply, ' Da, pomoshet i nam !' yes, he will help us. Then when all these sig-
nals had been correctly answered the crew of the first vessel was to shout,
' Umnak Island!' three times, and await an answer from the other crew of
' Onnekotan Island ! ' three times repeated. IrhuUk Archives; Sokolof, Zap.
Hydr., x. 76-7. Sokolof also mentions that the expedition was fitted out
with 12 quadrants and the charts of Bering, of the merchant Shishkin, and of
Vertlugof; those of the last two covering respectively the Aleutian Islands
and north-eastern Siberia and Japan.
' The subaltern officers consisted of seven mates, Dudin 1st, Dudin 2d,
Shebanof, Krasheninnikof, Chinenoi, Stepanof, and Sralef j one corporal, and
four quartermasters. Zap. Hydr., x. 77-8.
* At Yakutsk Krenitzin received another batch of instructions from the
THE ROYAL BENEDICTION". 161
Upon tlie receipt of full reports of the expedition,
the thrice gracious and benignant Catherine ex-
pressed her thanks to Governor Chicherin for all his
arrangements in a special rescript, hoping for com-
plete success of the undertaking. The empress also
thanked the governor for " framing such wise instruc-
tions." In alluding to the departure of Krenitzin
for the coast from Yakutsk she wrote: "May the
Almighty bless his journey. I am sure that you will
not slacken your zeal in promoting the enterprise,
and whatever occurs during the journey worthy of
note you will report to me at once. I am now wait-
ing with impatience news of his farther progress."^
When Krenitzin arrived at Okhotsk he found to
his great disappointment that the vessels intended for
his use were not ready, the keels only having been
laid and a few timbers selected for the frames. All
labor had been suspended for lack of timber. When
Chicherin was informed of this he instructed Kre-
nitzin to temporarily supersede Captain Rtishchef,
second in command of Okhotsk, and to superintend
in person the construction of his vessels. If he should
find it impossible to complete the ships, he was au-
thorized to engage others from the traders. Through
Colonel Plenisner, Krentzin also encountered obstacles
to his progress. ^°
prolific pen of Chicherin, advising the commander to obtain from the merchants
who had already visited the Aleutian Isles, a detailed description of tlieir
discoveries, and to locate them on his charts; to turn his special attention to
the large and populous island of Kadiak, which should be circumnavigated i-f
possible and thoroughly explored in order to ascertain whether it was an
island or mainland. Irkutsk Archives', Sokolof, x. 78-9; Sarychef, ii. 37; Pal-
las, JSTord. Beitr., i. 282.
''The imperial rescripts are in Irkutsk Archives; Zapiski Hydr., dated Oct.
11, 1764; April 11, July 11, and Oct. 12, 1765.
^" Col. Plenisner, who commanded the military station at Okhotsk, quar-
relled with Krenitzin and sent complaints to Irkutsk. The governor wrote to
Krenitzin, instead of replying to the accuser, as follows: ' Perhaps Plenisner
will cause you trouble. From my knowledge of you, and I had the honor of
knowing you for some time at Tobolsk, I conclude that you will give him no
provocation; but I do not know Plenisner personally. It seems to me that
there is something in the air of Okhotsk that causes all officers stationed there
to quarrel.' After assuring Krenitzin of his sincere friendship, the governor
advised him to avoid all petty quarrels in order not to displease the empress,
and concluded as follows: ' If Plenisner seriously interferes with your arrange-
Hi8T. Alaska. 11
162 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
At last, in August 1766, the ships were completed
and launched, a brigantine called the Sv Ekaterina
and a hooker, the Sv Pavel; two others, old vessels,
had also been fitted out, the galiot Sv Pavel and the
Gavril}'^ The squadron sailed from Okhotsk the 10th
of October. The third day out, at a distance of only-
ten leagues from Okhotsk, all the vessels became sep-
arated from each other. On the 17th Krenitzin first
sighted land in latitude 53° 45', and the following day
the brigantine was discovered to be leaking badly,
rendering it necessary to run for the land. A gale
arose, and the result was a total wreck twenty-five
versts north of Bolsheretsk,near the small river Ontok,
the crew reaching the shore in safety the 24th. Lev-
ashef, on the hooker Sv Pavel, sighted the coast of
Kamchatka on the 18th, and on the 22d approached
the harbor of Bolsheretsk, but waited to take advan-
tage of a spring tide to cross the bar. On the follow-
ing day a storm came up, causing the vessel to break
from her cables. Levashef attempted to put to sea,
but failing he finally ran the ship ashore on the 24th,
about seven versts from Bolsheretsk River. The
crew and the greater part of the cargo were landed.
The Sv Gavril succeeded in entering Bolsheretsk
harbor, but was overtaken by the same storm and cast
upon the beach. The galiot Sv Pavel drifted out of
her course into the Pacific, and after more than two
months of agony the thirteen survivors, among whom
was the commander, found themselves on one of the
ments, I give you permission to report directly to her Imperial Majesty, and
to the admiralty college, but I hope that God will not let it come to that,
and that He will give you peace and good -will. Such is my sincere wish.'
Irhutxh Archives; Zap. Ilydr., x. 80; Morshoi Shornik, cv. 49-50.
i^'The expeditionary force was distributed as follows: the Sv Ekaterina,
commanded by Krenitzin, carried 72 men; the hooker .5 1' Pavel, commanded
by Levashef, 52; the galiot Sv Pavel, commanded by Dudin 2d, 43; and the
Sv Gavril, commanded by Dudin 1st, 21. The cost of fitting out the expedi-
tion reached the sum of 100,837 rubles, then a large amount of money. The
empress wrote Chicherin on the subject of expense under date of May 28,
1764: ' Perhaps the execution of my plans will involve some expenditm-e of
money, and thei-efore I authorize you to employ for the purpose the first funds
coming into your treasury, sending a strict account of expenditure to the
admiralty college.' Zap. Ilydr., x. 81.
THE SQUADRON SCATTERED.
163
Kurile Islands with their vessel a wreck. Such was
the beginning, and might as well have been the end,
of the empress' grand scientific expedition.
The shipwrecked crews passed the winter at Bol-
sheretsk, where they were joined during the following
summer by mate Dudin 2d, and the survivors of the
crew of the wrecked galiot. The hooker Sv Pavel and
the Sv Gavril were repaired, Levashef taking com-
mand of the former with a crew of fifty-eight, while
Krenitzin sailed in the latter with a crew of sixty-
six. Each vessel was provided with a large bidar.
Sailing from Bolsheretsk the 17th of August 1767,
the expedition arrived at Nishekamchatsk on the 6th
of September. Here another winter must be passed.
The Sv Gavril was unfit for navigation, and Kren-
itzin concluded to take the galiot Sv Ekaterina, Synd,
commander, just returned. ^^ Chichagof, about the
meeting with whom the admiralty college had been
^'â– ^ For a description of bidars and bidarkas see Native Races, vol. i. , this
series. Tlie galiot Sv Ehaterina had 3 mates, 1 second mate, 3 cadets, 1
boatswain, 1 boatswain's mate, 2 quartermasters, 1 clerk, 1 surgeon, 1 ship's
corporal, 1 blacksmith, 1 carpenter, 1 boat-builder, 1 sail-maker, 1 infantry-
soldier, 41 Cossacks, 9 sailors, and 2 Aleuts — a total of 72. The hooker Sv
Pavel, carried 4 mates, 4 cadets, 4 quartermasters, 1 surgeon, 1 ship's corporal,
1 locksmith, 1 carpenter, 1 turner, 1 soldier, 38 Cossacks, 5 promyshleniki,
2 Aleuts, and 1 volunteer, a Siberian nobleman. The provisions were dis-
tributed as follows:
Galiot, St Ekatenna.
Pounds.
Hooker, Sv Pavel.
Pounds.
51
476
47
52
134
13
286
20
27
47
8
20
Flour
Flour
504
Groats
Groats
168
Salt
Salt
53
Butter . ....
Butter
103
Meat ....
Meat
100
Dried fish, bundles of
Salt fish, barrels
Dried fish, bundles of
Salt fish, barrels . .
201
13
Brandy buckets
Brandy, buckets
45
34
Wood, fathoms
Wood fathoms
6
17
Powder
Powder
The armament consisted of 2 copper half-pound falconets, 2 small iron
falconets and 1 large iron cannon, 39 muskets, 6 musketoons, and 13 rifles.
Irkutsk Archives : Zap. Hydr., ix. 68-9.
164 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
SO anxious, had in the mean time already accomplished
two journeys, 1765-6, also attended by misfortune.
The winter was passed by the men in boiling sea-^
water for salt, and in making tar out of spruce. They
also constructed two large bidars and some water-
casks, and in the spring all hands were busy fishing.
By the first of April the ice began to disappear from
the river, and on the 1st of July both vessels were
ready for sea. The Krenitzin expedition was not
only unlucky, but it seemed to carry a curse with it.
One of the crew of the Sv Pavel, a Cossack named
Taborukin, landed in Kamchatka not quite cured of
an attack of small-pox and infected the whole neigh-
borhood. In two years the population was more than
decimated. ^^
On the 21st of June the ships were towed out of
the mouth of the Kamchatka River, and on the 2 2d
they spread their sails, steering an easterly course and
stopping at Bering Island for water. Owing to con-
trary winds their progress was slow, and on the 11th
of August, in latitude 54° 33', the two ships became
separated during a strong south-south-west gale and
thick weather. On the 14th of August Krenitzin
sighted the islands of Signam and Amukhta; on the
20th of the same month he reached the strait between
Umnak and Unalaska, called by him Oonalaksha.
Here he met with the first Aleuts, whom he was to
know only too well in the future. These natives were
evidently acquainted with Russians, for on approach-
ing the vessel they cried "zdorovo!" good health;
they also asked, "Why do you come? Will you live
quietly and peacefully with our people?" They were
assured that the new arrivals would not only live in
peace but make many presents. This was the 1st
of November, and the Aleuts returned to Unalaska.
On the 22d Levashef's craft also appeared and both
vessels proceeded together to a bay on the north side
of Unalaska, Captain Harbor. Here they laid in a
^^ Sgibnef, in Morskoi Sbornik, cii. 46-7.
THE RUSSIANS AT UNALASKA. 165
supply of fresh water with the assistance of the na-
tives. On the following clay an Aleut reported that
the inhabitants of Akutan and Unalga had killed
fifteen of Lapin's crew who had wintered on Unga.
Without investigating the report both commanders
hoisted their anchors and proceeded northward. On
the 30th of August they entered the strait between
Unimak and the peninsula. The hooker grounded,
but was released next day without damage, and the
search for a wintering harbor was continued.^*
On the 5th of September the two ships separated
not to meet again until the following spring. On the
18th of September Krenitzin succeeded in finding a
beach adapted to haul up his vessel for the winter on
the island of Unimak, while Levashef proceeded to
Unalaska and anchored on the 16th of September in
the innermost cove of Captain Harbor, still known by
his name.^^
About the middle of October, before Krenitzin had
succeeded in erecting winter-quarters of drift-wood,
the only material at hand, two large bidars appeared
filled with natives who demanded presents. They
received some trifles with a promise of additional gifts
if they would come to the ship. In the mean time
the strangers had questioned the interpreter, anxious
to discover the strength of Krenitzin's crew, when
suddenly one of the natives threw his spear at the
Russians. Nobody was injured and the savages
retreated under a severe fire of muskets and cannon
from ship and shore. Fortunately the cannonade
^* Krenitzin's instructions contained a statement that a good harbor had
been discovered in that locality by Bechevin's vessel commanded by Golodof
and Pushkaref in 1762. Neue Nachr., 52. It has already been intimated
above that Bechevin did not actually reach the peninsula, then called Alaksha
Island, but wintered on Unalaska, which abounds in good harbors. Accord-
ing to Cook, Oonemalc; La P(5rouse, Ouinnah; Sutil y Mex., Viage, Ida Uni-
mah; Holmberg, /. Unimak. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., iii. 450.
1^ Levashef chose for his wintering place an anchorage at the head of the
inner bay of lUiuliuk, sheltered by two little islands from the north wind,
and near the mouth of two excellent trout-streams. The location of his camp
can still be traced, the ground-plan of four great subterranean winter-huts
being still plainly visible, though now covered with a luxuriant growth of
grasses and shrubs.
166 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
proved as harmless as the spear-throwing. Insignifi-
cant as was this encounter, it proved the beginning of
bitter strife. All the subsequent meetings with the
natives were of a hostile character. While exploring
the peninsula shore two Cossacks were wounded by-
spears thrown by hidden savages, and one night a
native crawled up stealthily to within a few yards of
the Russian huts, but was discovered, and fled.^^
In the month of December scurvy appeared, the
first victim being a Cossack who had been wounded
by th§ savages. In January 1769 the number of
sick had reached twenty -two, and in April only twelve
of the company were free from disease, and those were
much weakened by hunger. The whole number of
deaths during the winter was thirty-six. During
December and January the savages kept away, but
in February they once more made their appearance,
and a few traded furs, whale-meat, and seal-blubber
for beads. ^^ On the 10th of May some natives brought
letters from Levashef, and the messengers received
a liberal compensation. On the 24th the galiot was
launched once more, and on the 6th of June Levashef
joined Krenitzin's party.
Levashef had also met with misfortune during the
winter. It is true that the natives did not attack
him because the promyshleniki wdio had passed the
preceding winter at Unalaska had left in his hands
thirty-three hostages, the children of chiefs, but rumors
were constantly afloat of intended attacks, making it
^^ Krenitzin's journal states that during the night numerous voices were
heard on the strait, and guns were twice discharged in the direction of the
camp, M'hile signals could be distinguished imitating the cry of the sea-lion.
On account of the impending danger five sentries were posted. Irkutsk Ar-
chivef:; Ziq->. Hiiilr., ix. 91.
^' The daily journal of Krenitzin contains an entry to the effect that on the
night of the 11th of April several bidars were discovered in the strait, and
that they were iired upon twice by the Russians with canister. Such treat-
ment certainly did not serve to pacify the natives. It seems that during the
whole winter it had been the practice to fire from time to time during the
night in order to 'prevent any savages skulking about from attempting an
attack. ' Three times during the winter severe shocks of earthquake were
felt — on January hlth, February 20th, and March 16th. Krenitzin's Journal;
Irkutsk Archives; Zap. Ilydr., x. 91-2.
END OF THE GRAND UNDERTAKING. 167
necessary to exercise vigilance. Lack of food and fuel
caused great suffering among the crew; it was impos-
sible to live comfortably on board the ship, and the
huts constructed of drift-wood were frequently thrown
down by the furious gales of winter. The weather
was very boisterous throughout the season, and in
May the number of sick had reached twenty-seven.^^
Obviously they must return; so on the 23d of June
both vessels left their anchorage. During the voyage
they became separated, Krenitzin arriving at Kam-
chatka the 29th of July, and Levashef on the 24tii
of August.^^
The winter was passed by the expedition at Nishe-
kamchatsk, but as there were little provisions and
no money the suffering was great. The only avail-
able source of supply was the dried fish of the natives,
which had to be purchased at exorbitant prices.'^'' On
the 4th of July both vessels were ready for sea, when
Captain Krenitzin attempting to cross the river in a
dug-out, the frail craft capsized and he was drowned.
Levashef assumed command, and having assigned
Dudin 2d to the galiot he sailed from Kamchatka
the 8th, arriving at Okhotsk the 3d of August. Le-
vashef returned to St Petersburg, arriving there the
22d of October 1771; seven years and four months
from his departure. The expedition was a praise-
worthy effort, but miserably carried out.
Meanwhile, fresh information had reached St Peters-
burg of the successes of the Russian promyshleniki
on the Aleutian Islands, telling the empress and her
^^ Levashef's journal under date of December 16th contains the following:
'Nearly all the men say that we are doomed to perish, that we have been
abandoned by God ; we have bad food, and but little of that, and we can find
no shelter from the snow-storms and rain.' Levashef's Journal; Irkutsk
Archives; Zap. Hydr., x. 93.
^^ Zap. Hydr., x. 94; Coze's Russian Dis., 300; Pallas, Nord. Beitr., i.
279.
'^'^ An entry in Krenitzin's journal states that 200 pounds of flour were
sent from Bolsheretsk to his relief, but it spoiled in transmittal. Nineteen
barrels of salt fish were also transported overland across the peninsula. On
the 2Sth of September 1769, and on the 4th of May 1770, heavy earthquakes
occurred, and on the latter date the Kluchevskaia volcano was in eruption.
Krenitzin's Journal ; Zap. Hydr., x. 94.
168 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
learned society a hundredfold more of Alaska than
they were ever to learn from their special messengers.
Tolstykh reported that during a cruise among the
islands in his ship Andreian i Natalia, 1760 to 1764,
he subjugated six islands and named them the
Andreienof group, as we have seen. Another re-
port stated that four vessels of one company had
been despatched in 1762 to Unalaska and Umnak.
Glottof reported that he had wintered at Kadiak in
1763. In 1766, as already stated, the merchant Shilof
arrived at St Petersburg and was presented to the
empress.^^
An important change of government policy now took
place in the treatment of the Aleuts. Upon Krenit-
zin's Representations the collection of tribute by the
promyshleniki and Cossacks was prohibited by an
^^ The information furnished by Levashef's journal was divided into four
heads: A description of the island of Unalaska; the inhabitants; tribute;
traffic. The description was superficial, adding scarcely anything to previous
accounts. In regard to tribute Levashef stated that it was i^aid only by those
who had given their children as hostages. The promyshleniki's mode of car-
rying on trade is described as follows: 'The Russians have for some years
past been accustomed to repair to tliese islands in quest of furs of which they
have imposed a tax upon the inhabitants. They go in the autumn to Bering
and Copper islands, and there pass tlie winter employing themselves in killing
fur--seals and sea-lions. The flesh of the latter is prepared for food, and is
esteemed a great delicacy. The skins of the sea-lions are carried to the eastern
islands. The following summer they sail eastward to the Fox Islands and
again haul up their ships for the winter. They then endeavor to procure by
force, or by persuasion, children as hostages, generally the sons of chiefs;
this accomplished they deliver fox-traps to the inhabitants and also sea-lion
skins for the manufacture of bidarkas, for which they expect in return furs
and provisions during the winter. After obtaining from the savages a certain
quantity of fui-s as tribute or tax, foi which they give receipts, the promysh-
leniki pay for the remainder in beads, corals, woollen cloth, copper kettles,
hatchets, etc. In the spring they get back their traps and deliver the hostages.
They dare not hunt alone or in small numbers. These people could not com-
preliend for some time for what purpose the Russians imposed a tribute of
skins which they did not keep themselves, for their own chiefs had no revenue;
nor could they be made to believe that there were any more Russians in
existence than those who came among them, for in their own country all the
men of an island go out together.' The most important j)art of Levashef's
report is the description of the inhabitants, which furnishes some valuable
ethnological information. See Native Races, passim, this series. The hydro-
graphic results of the expedition were meagre. The navigators of this costly
enterprise had no means of ascertaining the longitude, and consequently their
observations were very unsatisfactory. Tliey located Unimak, Unalaska, and
Umnak between latitudes 53' '1'.)' and 54° 3S'. Special charts were made of
Unimak, the northern coast of Unalaska, and the harbor of St Paul, now
known as Captain Harbor. Levanhefs Journal; Irkutsk Archives; Zap. Hydr.,
X. 97-203; Coxe's Russian Dis., 220-2.
SUBSEQUENT EXPEDITIONS. 169
imperial oukaz.-" The business of fitting-out trading
expeditions for the Aleutian Isles continued about as
usual, notwithstanding the terrible risks and misfor-
tunes. Of hunting expeditions to discovered islands it
is not necessary to give full details.
In the year 1768 a company of three merchants,
JZassypkin, Orekhof, and Moukhin, despatched the
ship Sv Nikolai to the islands, meeting Avith great
success; the vessel returned in 1773 with a cargo con-
sisting of 2,450 sea-otters and 1,127 blue foxes.'^^ The
Sv Andrei — Sv Adrian according to Berg — belonging
to Poloponissof and Popof, sailed from Kamchatka in
1769. In 1773 she was wrecked on the return voy-
age in the vicinity of Ouda River. The cargo, con-
sisting of 1,200 sea-otters, 996 black foxes, 1,419 cross
foxes, and 593 red foxes, was saved. ^* The same year
sailed from Okhotsk the Sv Prokojy, owned by the
merchants Okoshinikof and Protodiakonof She re-
turned after four years with an insignificant cargo of
250 sea-otters, 20 black and 40 cross foxes.-^ In 1770
the ship Sv Alexandr Nevski, the property of the mer-
chant Serebrennikof, sailed for the islands and returned
after a four years' voyage with 2,340 sea-otters and
1,130 blue foxes.^^ "Shilof, Orekhof, and Lapin, in July
of the same year, fitted out once more the old ship Sv
Pavel at Okhotsk, and despatched her to the islands
under command of the notorious Solovief By this
time the Aleuts were evidently thoroughly subjugated,
''-Berg claims that this oukaz was not issued until 1779, 10 years after
Krenitzin returned. Khronol. 1st., 80. Berg's statements conceniing the
Krenitzin expedition are brief and vague. The best authority on the subject
now extant is Sokolof, who had access to the archives of Irkutsk, and who
published the results of his investigation in volume x. of Za2J. Hijdr. The
description of Krenitzui's voyage in Coxe's Buss/aii Dis., 221 et seq., is based
to a certain extent on questionable authority, but it was translated verbally
by Pallas in his Nord. Bdtr., i. 249-72. The same account was copied in
German in Biischhi'/s JUajazine, vol. xvi., and strangely enough retranslated
into Russian by Sarychef.
'^^ Berg, Khronol. I$L, app. ; Gj-ewincjk, Beitr., 317.
^^ Berg, Klironol. Id., G4-6, app. The nature of the cargo proves that the
voyage extended at least to Unalaska.
^'^ Berg, Khronol. Int., G7. No reason for the ill-success of tliis venture has
been transmitted.
^'^Berg, Khronol. 1st., 86.
170 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
as the man who had slaughtered their brethren by
hundreds during his former visit passed four addi-
tional years in safety among them, and then returned
with an exceedingly valuable cargo of 1,900 sea-otters,
1,493 black, 2,115 cross, and 1,275 red foxes. He
claims to have reached the Alaska peninsula, and de-
scribes Unimak and adjoining islands.^''
The next voyage on record is that of Potap Zaikof,
a master in the navy, who entered the service of the
Shilof and Lapin company, and sailed from Okhotsk
on the 22d of September 1772, in the ship Sv Vladi-
mir. Zaikof had with him a peredovchik named Sho-
shin and a crew of sixty-nine men.^^ At the outset
this expedition was attended with misfortune. Driven
north, the mariners were obliged to winter there,
then after tempest-tossings south they finally reached
Copper Island, where they spent the second winter.
Zaikof made a careful survey of the island, the first
on record, though promyshleniki had visited the spot
annually for over twenty-five years. Almost a year
elapsed before Zaikof set sail again on the 2d of July
1774, and for some unexplained reason twenty-three
days were consumed in reaching Attoo, only seventy
leagues distant. Having achieved this remarkable
feat he remained there till the 4th of July follow-
ing. The progress of Zaikof on his eastward course
was so slow that it becomes necessary to look after a
few other expeditions which had set out since his de- •
parture.
The ship ArJchangel Sv Mikhail, the property of
Kholodilof, was fitted out in 1772, and sailed from Bol-
sheretsk on the 8th of September with Master Dmitri
Polutof as commander, and a crew of sixty-three men.
This vessel also was beached by a storm on the coast
'^^Pallas, Nord. Beitr., viii. 32(>-34; St Petershirger Zeiting, 1782— an ex-
tract from Solovief's journal. Another Sv Pavel, despatched in 1774 by a
Tobolsk trader named Ossokin, was wrecked immediately after setting sail
from Okhotsk. Grewingk, Beitr., 319.
'^^Berg, Khronol. 1st., 87; Pallas, Nord. Beitr., iii. 274-88; Grevnnqk,
Beitr.. iii. 18.
POLUTOF AND ZAIKOF. 171
of Kamchatka ; after which, passing the tardy Zaikof,
Polutof went to Unalaska, where he remained two
years, trading peaceably, and then proceeded toKadiak.
On this last trip he set out on the 15th of June 1776,
taking with him some Aleutian hunters and inter-
preters. After a voyage of nine days the Sv Mikhail
anchored in a capacious bay on the east coast of the
island, probably the bay of Oojak on the shores of
which the Orlova settlement was subsequently founded.
The natives kept away from the vicinity of the harbor
for some time, and a month elapsed before they ventured
to approach the Russians. They were heavily armed,
extremely cautious in their movements, and evidently
but little inclined to listen to friendly overtures.
Polutof perceived that it was useless to remain under
such circumstances. He finally wintered at Atkha,
and the following year returned, landing at Nishekam-
chatsk. The total yield of this adventure was 3,720
sea-otters, 488 black, 431 cross, 204 red, 901 blue foxes,
and 143 fur-seals.^^
Thus Polutof accomplished an extended and profit-
able voyage, while the trained navigator Zaikof was
yet taking preparatory steps, moving from island to
island, at the rate of one hundred miles per annum. ^"
The latter had on the 4th of July 1775 sailed from
Attoo, leaving ten men behind to hunt during his
absence. On the 19th the Sv Vladimir reached Um-
nak, where another vessel, the Sv Yevpl, or St Jewell,
owned by the merchant Burenin, and despatched in
1773 from Nishekamshatsk, was already anchored.
Aware of the bloody scenes but lately acted there-
about, Zaikof induced the commander of the Sv Yepvl
''^^ Berg, Khronol. 1st., app.
^^ From papers furnished him by Timofeif Shmalef , Berg heard of another
vessel belonging to the merchants Grigor and Petr Panof, which sailed for
the islands in 1772. Khronol. 1st., 90-7; Grewinrik,Beitr., S19. Another voyage
undertaken in 1772 is described by Pallas in Nord. Beitr., ii. 308-24, under
the following title: 'Des Peredofschik's Dimitry Bragin Bericht von einer im
Jahre 1772 angetretenen euijahrigen Seereise zu den zwischen Kamtschatka
und Amerika gelegenen Inseln.' Since Grewingk describes this voyage as oc-
cupying the four years from 1772 to 1776, it is rather doubtful whether the
description applies to the one year voyage of Bragin.
172
IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
if
1 '3M1^^ ,*=^^
Brag IN 's Map.
GREAT HARVEST OF FURS. 173
to hunt on joint account.^^ The agreement was that
the Sv Yevpl should remain at Umnak with thirty-
five men, while the Sv Vladimir, with sixty men
and fully provisioned, was to set out in search of
new discoveries. On rejoining, the furs obtained by
the two parties were to be divided. Zaikof sailed
eastward on the 3d of August, and in three weeks
reached the harbor where Krenitzin wintered with
the Sv Ekaterina. Here the commander of the expe-
dition considered himself entitled to a prolonged rest,
and consequently he remained stationary for three
years, making surveys of the neighborhood while his
crew attended to the business of hunting and trap-
ping.32
On the 27th of May 1778 the Sv Vladimir put to
sea once more, steering for the bay where the com-
panion ship was anchored. Upon this brief passage,
which at that time of the year can easily be accom-
plished in three days, Zaikof managed to spend fifty-
three days. At last, however, the juncture of the two
ships was effected and the furs were duly divided, but
after attending to these arduous duties the captain
concluded to wait another year before taking his final
departure for Okhotsk. Not until the 9th of May
1779 did Zaikof sail from Umnak, and after brief
stoppages at Attoo and Bering islands the Sv Vladi-
mir found herself safely anchored in the harbor of
Okhotsk on the Gth of September. ^^
^1 The Sv Yevpl sailed for the islands in 1773, and returned in 1779. lu
the cargo were 63 land-otters, the first shipped by the promyshleniki, and
proving that this vessel must have reached the continent. Berg, Khro7iol. 1st. ,
97, app. A comparison of this cargo with the furs carried back by the Sv Vla-
dimir wox;ld indicate that Zaikof must have taken the lion's share on closing
the partnership.
'''^ Berg thought it improbable that Zaikof should have known anything of
astronomical observations (he was a master in the navy!), but he acknowl-
edged that Zaikof did discover an error committed by Captain Krenitzin in
placing his anchorage five degrees too far to the westward. Khronol. 1st., 98.
^^ With all his apparently unnecessary delays, Zaikof in his report to the
o-^Tiers of the vessel made a very good showing compared with the results ot
other voyages. During an absence of more than 7 years he lost but 1"2 out of
his numerous crew, and his cargo consisted of 4,372 sea-otters, 3,949 foxes of
different kinds, 92 land-otters, 1 wolverene and 3 wolves— the first brought
from America — IS minks, 1,725 fur-seals, and 350 pounds of walrus ivory, the
174 IMPERIAL EFFORTS AND FAILURES.
Two of the owners of the Sv Vladimir, Orekhof and
Lapin, proceeded to St Petersburg with a present of
three hundred choice black foxes for the empress.
The gift was graciously received; the donors were en-
tertained at the imperial palace, decorated with gold
medals, and admitted to an interview with Catherine,
who made the most minute inquiries into the opera-
tions of her subjects in the easternmost confines of her
territory. The indebtedness of the firm to the gov-
ernment for nautical instruments and supplies, timber,
and taxes, was also remitted.^'*
It has been elsevv^here mentioned that the promy-
shleniki and traders occasionally ventured upon voy-
ages from the coast of Kamchatka to the eastward
islands in open boats or bidars. Two of these expe-
ditions took place in 1772, under the auspices of a
merchant named Ivan Novikof, The voyage of over
a thousand miles from Bolsheretsk around the south-
ern extremity of Kamchatka to the islands was twice
safely performed, the whole enterprise netting the
owners 15,600 rubles. Considerinsr the hiofher value
of money in those times and the insignificant outlay
required in this instance, the enterprise met with en-
couraging success.
From this time to the visit of Captain Cook, single
traders and small companies continued the traflfic with
the islands in much the same manner as before, though
a general tendency to consolidation was perceptible.^''
whole valued at 300,410 rubles. Berg declares that at the prices established
by the Russian- American Company at tho time of his â– writing, 1812, the same
furs would have been worth 1,003,588 rubles. Khronol. 1st., 91-3.
" Berg also states that this present was made after the return of the Sv
Vladimir from the islands, but he speaks of the journey of Orekhof and Lapin
as having taken place in 1770. The discrepancy may be owing to a typo-
graphical error. Khronol. 1st., 93-4.
^*In 1774 the merchants Protodiakonof and Okoshinikof fitted out the
ship Sv Prokop for the second time, but on her return from a fourth cruise
the owners refused to engage again in such enterprises, having barely covered
expenses during a period of eight years.
CHAPTER IX.
EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
1770-1787.
Political Changes at St Petersburg — Exiles to Siberia — The Long
Weary Way to Kamchatka — The Benyovski Conspiracy — The Au-
thor Bad enough, but not so Bad as He would like to Appear —
Exile Regulations — Forgery, Treachery, Robbery, and Murder —
Escape of the Exiles— Behm Appointed to Succeed Nilof as Com-
mandant OF Kamchatka— Further Hunting Voyages- First Trad-
ing Expedition to the Mainland— Potop ZaIkof — Prince William
Sound— Ascent of Copper River — Treacherous Csugaches— Plight
of the Russians — Home of the Fur-seals — Its Discovery by Geras-
SIM Pribylof — Jealousy of Rival Companies.
It was a time of rapid and sweeping political changes
at the imperial court. All along the road to Siberia,
to Yakutsk, and even to Okhotsk and Kamchatka, one
batch of exiles followed another, political castaways,
prisoners of war, or victims of too deep diplomacy,
as much out of place in this broad, bleak penitentiary
as would be promyshleniki and otters in St Peters-
burg. In one of these illustrious bands was a Polish
count, Augustine Benyovski by name,^ who had
played somewhat too recklessly at conspiracy. Nor
was Siberia to deprive him of this pastime. Long
before he reached Yakutsk he had plotted and organ-
ized a secret society of exiles with himself as chief.
The more prominent of the other members were a
Doctor Hoffman, a resident of Yakutsk, Major Wind-
blath. Captain Panof, Captain Hipolite Stepanof,
Colonel Baturin, and Sopronof, the secretary of the
^ Sgibnef states that Benyovski did not call himself count or baron in
Kamchatka, but simply beinosk or beinak. Morshoi ShorniJc, cii. 51.
(175 J
176 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
society.^ 'The object of this association very naturally
was to get its members out of limbo ; or in other words
mutual assistance on the part of the members in
making their escape from Siberia. The chief exacted
from each his sisfnature to a written ao^reement, done
in the vicinity of Yakutsk, and dated the 27th of
August 1770. After a month of tedious progress
through the wastes of eastern Siberia, the count's
party was overtaken by a courier from Yakutsk who
claimed to have important despatches for the com-
mander of Okhotsk; at the same time he reported
that Dr Hoffman was dead. The suspicions of Ben-
yovski and his companions w^ere aroused. Persuad-
ing the tired courier that he needed a little rest, they
feasted him well, and after nightfall while he slept
they ransacked his satchel, and took therefrom a
formidable-looking document which proved to contain
an expose of their plans, obtained from Hoffman's
papers. Benyovski was equal to the emergency. He
w^rote another letter upon official paper, with which
he had provided himself at Yakutsk, full of the most
sober recommendations of the exiles to the commander
of Okhotsk. This document was inserted into the
pilfered envelope, and carried forward to its destina-
tion by the unsuspecting messenger.^
The forged letter did its work. When Benyovski
and his companions arrived at Okhotsk they were
received with the greatest kindness by Colonel Plen-
isner,^ the commandant, who regarded them as unfor-
tunate gentlemen, like himself, not for a moment to
be placed in the category of criminals. Hence he
granted them every privilege, and supplied them freely
with food, clothing, and even arms. Being a man of
little education and of dissipated habits, Plenisner was
^ Benyov^ki's Memoirs and Travels, i. 67.
* Benyovshi's Memoirs and Travels, i. 72; Morshoi Sbornik, cii. 97.
* This man was probably the same mentioned in connection with the second
expedition of Bering and Shcstakof's campaign in the Chukchi country, and
who was appointed to tlie command of Kamchatka in January 1761, for a
term of five years. SijiOnef, in Morskoi Sbornik, cii. 37-8.
THE BOASTFUL BENYOVSKI. 177
easily deceived by the plausible tongue of the courtly
Pole, who quickly perceived that he had made an
egregious mistake in framing his forged letter. He
saw that residence at Okhotsk promised favorable
opportunity for escape in view of the confidence re-
posed in him by the commander, though he had
thought that Kamchatka offered the best facilities,
and had urged in the letter early transportation of
the exiles to that locality. Though willing to oblige
his new friends, in every possible manner, Colonel
Plenisner did not dare to act in direct opposition to
his orders, and in October a detachment of exiles,
embracing all the conspirators, was sent by the ship
Sv Petr i Sv Pavel to Bolsheretsk, Kamchatka,^
where they were transferred to the charge of Captain
Nilof, commandant of the district.^
^ Benyovski describes this craft as of 200 tons burden, armed with 8 can-
nons, and manned with a crew of 43, commanded by Yesurin and Korostilof.
The vessel was laden with flour and brandy. Benyovski's Memoirs and Travels,
i. 79-80.
^ Benyovski claims that the passage was an exceedingly stormy one, and
that the ship was on the verge of destruction, owing to the incapacity and
drunkenness of both officers and men, when he, a prisoner in irons, took com-
mand and by his ' superior knowledge of navigation succeeded in shortening
sail and bringing the vessel into its proper course, thus saving the lives of all
on board.' As the passage was a short one we may doubt the statement of
the boastful Benyovski. The count also claimed that the privileges subse-
qiiently granted him by Nilof were based upon his heroic action on this occa-
sion. Nilof had formerly been the commandant of the Cossack ostrog of
Ishiga, but Zubritski when recalled to St Petersburg summoned him as his
successor in 1769. He was given to drink, and easily deceived, and had
ah-eady been victimized by an exiled official named Ryshkof. The latter hav-
ing failed in various attempts to trade with the natives, prevailed npon Nilof
to advance sums from the public funds for the purpose of engaging in agricult-
ural experiments. Of course the money was lost and the experiments resulted
in failure. Sgihnef, in Morshoi Sbornih, cii. 51-69. Shortly after their arrival the
following regulations concerning the exiles were promulgated at Bolsheretsk:
1st. The captives were to be liberated from close restriction and furnished
with food for three days; after which they were to provide their own subsist-
ence. 2d. The chancellery was to furnish each exile with a gun and lance, one
pound of powder, four pounds of lead, an axe, some knives, and other utensils
with which to build themselves a house. They were at liberty to select a
location within half a league of the town; each man was to pay to the gov-
ernment 100 rubles during the first year in consideration of the advance,
payments to be made in money or skins at the option of the exiles. 3d.
Each exile was bound to labor one day of each week for the government,
and they were not allowed to absent themselves from their location over 24
hours without permission of the commandant. Each was also to furnish the
treasury of Bolsheretsk with 6 sables, 2 foxes, 50 gray sqvdrrels, and 24
ermines annually.
Hist. Alaska. 12
178 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
We may as well take it for granted before proceed-
ing further that three fourths of all that Benyovski
says of himself are lies; with this understanding I
will continue his story, building it for the most part
on what others say of him.
In Kamchatka as in Okhotsk through his superior
social qualifications the count was enabled to gain the
confidence and good-will of the commander, so that the
hardships of his position were greatly alleviated. He
was not obliged to join his companions in the toilsome
and dangerous chase of fur-bearing animals, finding
more congenial employment in Captain Nilofs office
and residence.^ The count accompanied his patron on
various official tours of inspection, in which he came
in contact with his numerous fellow-exiles scattered
through the interior in small settlements. His origi-
nal plan of escape from the Russian domains was ever
present in his mind and he neglected no opportunity
to enlarge the membership of his secret society. In
order to ingratiate himself still more with Nilof he re-
sorted to his old trick of forgery, and revealed to the
credulous commaander an imaginary plot to poison him
and the officers of his staff. He claimed in his memoirs
that in consideration of this service Nilof formally re-
voked his sentence of exile. ^
While still travelling with Nilof in the beginning of
1771, Benyovski intercepted a letter directed to the
former by one of the conspirators betraying the plot.^
' Benyovski goes out of the way to prove himself a great rascal. He ex-
plains how he ingratiated himself with Nilof and his family, claiming that he
was employed as tutor to several young girls and boys, and that in his capa-
city of clerk to the father he forged repoi'ts to the impei'ial government, prais-
ing the conduct of the exiles. He also states that he made use of his fascinations
to work upon the feelings of one of the young daughters, and to gain control
of her heart and mind. Sgibnef, however, a careful and industrious inves-
tigator, says, first, tliat the count did not play upon the afiections of Nilof 'a
daughter, and secondly that Nilof never had a daughter. BenyovsWs Memoirs
and Travels, i. 100-2; Morskoi Sbornik, cii. 51-69.
^ Benyovski' s Memoirs and Travels, i. 135-7. Sgibnef, however, states
that no amnesty or special privileges were granted to Benyovski. Morskoi
Shornik, cii. 69.
^Benyovski gives the following list of members of the secret socijty of
exiles: Benyovski, Panof, Baturin, Stepanof Solmanof, Windblath, Krustief,
and Vassili, Benyovski's servant. Later a lai-ge number was added, among them
J
REVOLT OF THE EXILES. 179
The traitor, whose name was Leontief, was killed by
order of the court. The plan settled upon for final
action was to overcome the garrison of Bolsheretsk,
imprison the commander, plunder the public treasury
and storehouses, and sail for Japan or some of the
islands of the Pacific with as many of the conspirators
as desired to go.^°
Benyovski's statement of his exploits at Kamchatka,
for unblushing impudence in the telling, borders the
sublime. Arriving at Bolsheretsk on the 1st of De-
cember a half-starved prisoner clothed in rags, he was
advanced to the position of confidant of the acting
governor before two weeks had elapsed, being also the
accepted suitor for the hand of his daughter. During
the same time he had succeeded in rousing the spirit
of revolt not only in the breasts of his fellow-exiles,
but among the free merchants and government offi-
cials, who he claimed were ready to rise at a moment's
warning and overthrow their rulers. Within a few
days, or weeks at the most, this grand conspiracy had
not only been called into existence but had survived
spasms of internal dissensions and attempted treason,
all suppressed by the strength and presence of mind
of one man — Benyovski. Then he tells how he
cheated the commander and others in games and sold
his influence for presents of furs and costly garments.
On the 1st of January 1771 a fete took place at the
house of Captain Nilof. Benyovski claims that it
many who were not exiles: Dumitri Kuznetzof, a free merchant, Afanassiy
Kumen, a Cossack captain; Ivan Sibaief, captain of infantry; Alexei Proto-
pop, archdeacon of the church, free; Leonti Popof, captain of infantry, free;
Ivan Churin, merchant, free; Magnus INIeder, surgeon-general of the admi-
ralty, exiled for 20 years; Ivan Volkof, hunter, free; Kasiinir Bielski, Polish
exile; Grigor Lobchof, colonel of infantry, exile; Prince Heraclius Zadskoi,
exiled; Julien Brandorp, exiled Swede; Nikolai Serebrennikof, captain of the
guards, exile; Andrei Biatziuin, exile. All the members of the Russian church
joining the conspiracy were obliged fii'st to confess and receive the sacrament
in order to make their oath more binding. Benyovslci's Memoirs and Travels,
i. 108-9.
^'' At that time the province was estimated to contain over 15,000 inhabit-
ants classified in the official returns as follows: 22 infantry officers; 4'22 Rus-
sian riflemen; 1,500 Cossacks and officers; 26 civil officers; 82 Russian
merchants; 700 descendants of exiles (200 females), free; 1,600 exiles; 8,000
males and 3,000 female natives of Kamchatka; 40 Russian men. Benyovski's
Memoirs and Travels, i. 301; Morskoi Sbornik, ciii. 81.
180 EXPLORATIOX A^^) TRADE.
had been arranged to celebrate his betrothal to Afan-
assia Nilof, to whom he had promised marriage,
though already possessed of a wife in Poland. In
his diary he states at length how he suppressed
another counter-conspiracy a few moments before pro-
ceeding to the festive scene, and sentenced two of his
former companions to death. Meanwhile Benyovski's
cruel and arbitrary treatment of his associates had
made him many enemies, and reports of his designs-
reached the authorities. He succeeded repeatedly in
dispersing the growing suspicion, but finally the dan-
ger became so threatening that he concluded to pre-
cipitate the execution of his plot.
On the 26th of April Captain Nilof sent an officer
with two Cossacks to Benyovski's residence with
orders to summon him to the chancellery, there to
give an account of his intentions. The summons of
the chief conspirator brought to the spot about a
dozen of his associates, who bound and gagged the
captain's messengers. Then hoisting the signal of
general revolt, which called all the members of the
society together, he proceeded to Nilof's quarters,
where the feeble show of resistance made by the
trembling drunkard and his family furnished sufficient
excuse for a general charge upon the premises. During
the melee the commander was killed. The murder was
premeditated, as the best means of preventing partici-
pants from turning back.
Before resolving upon the final attack, Benyovski
had secured the services of the commander of the
only vessel then in port, the Sv Petr i Sv Pavel,
and as soon as the momentary success of the enter-
prise was assured his whole force was set to work to
repair and fit out this craft. The magazines and
storehouses were ransacked, and not satisfied with
the quantity of powder on hand, he shipped a supply
of sulphur, saltpetre, and charcoal necessary for the
manufacture of that article. ^^
"Benyovski's o\vn inventory of the 'armament' of the Sv Petr i Sv
BENYOVSKI'S JOURNEY. 181
The interval between Benyovski's accession to
power and his departure to Bolsheretsk was filled
with brief trials and severe punishments of recreant
members of his band who endeavored to open the
way for their own pardon by the old authorities
by betraying the new. The knout was freely used,
and the sentence of death imposed almost daily. At
last on the 12th of May the Sv Petr i Sv Pavel sailed
out of the harbor of Bolsheretsk midst the firing
of salvos, the ringing of bells, and the solemn te
deum on the quarter-deck. The voyage is involved
in mystery, caused chiefly by the contradictory re-
ports of Benyovski himself. He says he anchored
in a bay of Bering Island on the 19th of May, after a
passage of seven days, took on board twenty-six bar-
rels of water, and sailed again, after a brief sojourn
on the island, during which he claimed to have fallen
in with a Captain Okhotin of the ship Elizaveta,
whom Benyovski describes as an exiled Saxon noble-
man.
On the 7th of June he claims to have communi-
cated with the Chukchi in latitude 64°, and only
three days later, on the 10th of June, he landed
on the island of Kadiak, over 1,000 miles away.
Another entry in the count's diary describes his
arrival on the island of Amchitka, one of the Andrian-
ovski group, on the 21st of June, and two days later
the arrival of the ship at Ourumusir, one of the
Kurile Islands, is noted. In explanation of this re-
markable feat he gives the speed of his vessel at ten
and a half knots an hour, which might be true, driven
by a gale. The only part of this journey susceptible
Pavel was as follows: '96 men, 9 of them females; 8 cannon; 2 howitzers; 2
mortars; 120 muskets with bayonets; 80 sabres; 60 pistols; 1,600 pounds of
powder; 2,000 pounds of lead; 800 pounds of salt meat; 1,200 pounds of salt
fish; 3,000 pounds of dried fish; 1,400 pounds of whale-oil; 200 pounds of
sugar; 500 pounds of tea; 4,000 pounds of spoiled flour; 40 pounds of butter;
113 pounds of cheese; 6,000 poimds of iron; 120 hand-grenades; 900 cannon-
balls; 50 pounds of sulphur; 200 i:>ounds of saltpetre; several barrels of char-
coal; 36 barrels of water; 138 barrels of brandy; 126 cases of furs; 14 anchors;
sails and cordage; one boat and one skiflF.' Memoirs and Travels, i. 271.
182 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
of proof is the arrival of the survivors in the harbor
of Macao on the Chinese coast.^^
The successor of the murdered Nilof was Major
Magnus Carl von Behm, who was appointed to the
full command of Kamchatka by an imperial oukaz
dated April 30, 1772, but he did not assume charge
of his district until the 1 5th of October of the follow-
ing year, having met with detention in his progress
through Siberia. ^^
In 1776 the name of Grigor Ivanovich Shelikof
is first mentioned among the merchants engaged in
operations on the islands and coast of north-west
America. This man, who has justly been called the
founder of the Russian colonies on this continent, first
came to Okhotsk from Kiakhta on the Chinese fron-
tier and formed a partnersliip with Lebedef-Lash-
tochkin for the purpose of hunting and trading on
the Kurile Islands. This field, however, was not
large enough for Shelikof 's ambition, and forming
another partnership with one Luka Alin, he built a
'^Sgibnef states that Benyovski was informed after his departure from
Bering Island that a party of his associates had laid plans to detain the vessel
and return to Kamchatka. Several of the accused -were punished by flogging,
while Ismailof and Paranchin, with the latter's wife, were put ashore on an
island of the Kurile group, whence they were brought back by Protodiakonof,
a trader, in 1772. This would explain the circumstance that Cook could not
obtain any detinite information concerning Benyovski's voyage from Ismailof
when he met the latter at Unalaska in 1778. Sgibnef, in Morskoi Shornik, c.
ii. 6"2-3. From jNIacao Benyovski managed to reach the French colony on
Madagascar Island, and finally he proceeded to Paris with the object of ob-
taining the assistance of the French government in subjugating the natives,
of Madagascar. Here he met with only partial success, but definite informa-
tion is extant to the effect that on the 14th of April 1774 Benyovski embarked
for Maryland on the ship Robert and Anne. He was accompanied by his
family and arrived at Baltimore on July 8th the same year, with a cargo of
merchandise for Madagascar valued at £4,000. In Baltimore he succeeded
in obtaining assistance from resident merchants, who chartered for him a
vessel of about 450 tons, the I)itr€pid, armed with 20 guns, and with this craft
he sailed from Baltimore on October 25, 1784. The last letter received from
the count Avas dated from the coast of Brazil. A few months later he reached
his destination and at once organized a conspiracy for the purpose of setting
up an independent government on the island of Madagascar, but in an action
with French colonial troops he was killed on the 23d of May 1786.
^â– ^ Major Behm's salary was fixed at GOO rubles per ammm, ami his jurisdic-
tion was subsequently cxtcndetl over the Aleutian Islands by an oukaz of the
governor general of Irkutsk. Sr/ibnef, in Mortshoi Sbomik, iii. 7.
ADVENTURES OF THE SIBERIAN TRADERS. 183
vessel at Nishekamchatsk, named it of course the Sv
Pavel, and despatched it to the islands.^* Another
vessel of the same name was fitted out by the most
fortunate of all the Siberian adventurers, Orekhof,
Lapin, and Shilof The command was given to Master
Gerassim Grigorovich Ismailof, a man who subse-
quently figures prominently in explorations of Alaska,
and of whom Cook speaks in terms of high commenda-
tion.'^
Leaving the discussion of the voyages of English
and French explorers, which took place about this
time, to another chapter, we shall follow the move-
ments of Siberian traders and promyshleniki up to
the point of final amalgamation into a few power-
ful companies. In 1777 Shelikof, Solovief, and the
Panof brothers fitted out a vessel named the Bai^-
folome'i i Varnabas, which sailed from Nishekam-
chatsk and returned after an absence of four years with
a small cargo valued at 58,000 rubles.'^ In the same
year another trader, who was to play a prominent
part in the development of the Russian colonies in
the Pacific, first appears upon the scene. Ivan Lari-
^* It was commanded by Sapochnikof , of whom Cook speaks in terms of
praise. This vessel returned in 1780 with a cargo valued at 75,240 rubles.
Berg, Khronol. 1st., 101, app.
^^Cook spells his name Erasim Gregorieoff Sin Ismyloff. Cook's Voy., ii.
497. Gregorief Sin is an obsolete form of Grigorovich, both signifying ' son
of Grigor.' Ismailof was considered one of the most successful navigators
among the Russian pioneers. Much of this reputation he doubtless owed to
the information received from Cook, who speaks of his intelligence and acute-
ness of observation. Concerning his escape from Benyovski, see note 12.
The name of Ismailof's vessel, the Sv Pavel, led Corporal Ledyard, of Cook's
marine guard, and subsequently a self-styled American colonel, into the mis-
take of reporting that he saw at Unalaska the very vessel in which Bering made
his voyage of discovery, the corporal being unaware that that craft had been
destroyed. Life of Ledyard, 86; Pinherton's Voy., xvi. 781-2; Cook's Third
Voy., ii. 494, 523. Berg states that he could find no accounts of the present
voyage bejtend a brief notice of Ismailof's return in 1781 with a very rich
cargo valued at 172,000 rubles. Khronol. 1st., 101. His peredovchik was
Ivan Lukanin. He commanded the Trekh Sviatiteli in 1783, the vessel on
which Shelikof himself embarked, the Simeon m 1793, on which occasion he
met Vancouver's oflQcers, without telling them of his intercourse with Cook,
and the Alexandr in 1795. Berg, Kronol. 1st., Table ii., app.
^••Berg, Khronol 1st., mentions the despatch of the &\\v^ Alexand Nevski
by the brothers Panof in 1776, and its return in 1779, but gives no details of
the voyage. This is probably an error. See p. 169.
184 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
novich Golikof, a merchant of the town of Kursk,
who held the office of collector of the spirits tax in
the province of Irkutsk/^ formed a partnership with
Shelikof At joint expense they built a ship named
Sv Andrei Pervosvannui, that is to say St Andrew
the First-called, which sailed from Petropavlovsk for
the Aleutian Islands. This vessel was subsequently
wrecked, but the whole cargo, valued at 133,450 rubles,
was saved. ^^ Another ship, the Zossima i Savatia,
was despatched in the same year by Yakof Protas-
sof, but after remaining four years on the nearest
Aleutian isles, the expedition returned with a small
cargo valued at less than 50,000 rubles. In 1778
the two Panof brothers associated themselves with
Arsenius Kuznetzof, also one of the former com-
panions of Benyovski,^^ and constructed a vessel
named the Sv Nikolai, which sailed from Petropav-
lovsk. This craft was absent seven years and finally
rewarded the patience of the owners with a rich cargo
consisting of 2,521 sea-otters, 230 land-otters, and
3,300 foxes of various kinds.^*^ The same firm de-
spatched another vessel in the same year, the Kliment,
which returned in 1785 with a cargo of 1,118 sea-
otters, 500 land-otters, and 830 foxes. The com-
mander of this expedition was Ocheredin.^^
^'' Berg. KhronoL 1st., 102.
'^^ Berg, Khronol. 1st., app. ; Grewinqh, Beitr., 321.
^^Bcrg, Khronol. 1st., 103; Syn Otechestva, 1S21, No. 27.
^'^ Berg, Klironol. 1st., 105. The nature of the cargo would indicate that at
least a portion of the cruise was spent in the vicinity of the mainland of
Alaska.
2^ Though Polutof appears to have brought it home. Berg during his
sojourn at Kadiak had an opportunity to converse with a hunter named
Tuyurskoi, who liad been one of Ochercdin's crew. This man stated that
the expedition had passed the winter of 1779 at Kadiak, and that they had
witli them GO Aleuts for the purpose of hunting sea-otters. The Kadiaks,
however, would not allow these men to hunt, scarcely permitting t^ein to land
even. During the whole winter, which was passed under constant appre-
hension of attacks, only 100 sca-ottex's were secured, and 20 of the crew died
of scurvy. In the spring the promyshleniki made all haste to proceed to
Unalaska. Berg, Khronol . l.-^f., 104-7. Berg also .states that another craft of
the same name, >i^ N/Jco/ai, the property of Shelikof and Kozitzin, sailed for
the islands in 1778, but he could find no details concerning the voyage in the
archives beyond the statement that the same vessel made three successive
voyages in the same direction. Kadiak, east of the Alaska peninsula. On
MOVEMENTS OF VESSELS. 185
The ship Sv loami Predtecha, or St John the Fore-
runner, belonging to Shehkof and Gohkof, sailed
from Petropavlovsk in 1779, and remained absent six
years without proceeding beyond the nearest Aleutian
Islands, finally returning to Okhotsk with a cargo of
little value. In the following year the brothers Panof
iitted out once more the Sv Yei'iol. This old craft was
wrecked on her return voyage not far from Kam-
chatka, but the cargo, valued at 70,000 rubles, was
saved and brought into port by another vessel. ^^
With the funds realized from the sale of the cargo
of the Sv Pavel Shelikof had constructed another craft,
with the intention of extending his operations among
the islands. The vessel was named the Sv loann Ryl-
skoi, St John of Rylsk, and sailed from Petropavlovsk
in 1780.-3
The Sv Prokop, fitted out by the merchants Shu-
ralef and Krivorotof, also sailed in 1780, but was
w^recked on the coast of Kamchatka soon after leav-
ing Okhotsk. Four vessels sailed for the islands in
1781, the Sv Pavel, despatched for the second time by
Shelikof and Alin; the Sv Alexei, despatched by the
merchant Popof; the Alexandr Nevski, belonging to
the firm of Orekhof, Lapin, and Shilof;^* and Sv
Georgiy, fitted out by Lebedef-Lastochkin and Sheli-
kof, wherein Pribylof made the all-important discovery
of the Fur Seal Islands in 1786,^' which will be duly
Cook's Athiii, 1778, P<l Kadjac; La P^rouse, 1786, J. Kichtak; Dixon, 1789,
Kodiac; Vancouver, 1790-95, Kodiak; Sutil y Mex., Viage, Isla Kadlac;
Hohnberg, Kadjalc. Cartog. Pac. Coast, MS., iii. 434.
-'Berg, Khronol. 1st., 107; Grewhigk, Beitr., S'23.
"'â– ^ After an absence of six years this vessel returned, but was wrecked on
the coast of Kamchatka. The cargo, however, comprising 900 sea-otters and
over 18,000 fur-seals, was saved. Shelikof seems to have been the first among
the traders to deal more extensively in fur-seals. JJp to 1780 he had imported
70,000 of these skins. Berg, Khronol. U., 106-7.
^'The Sv Pavel returned after a five years' cruise with a cargo valued at
35,000 rubles; the Sv Alexei also returned after an absence of five years and
met with great success; the Alexandr Nevski, which had just made a cruise
to the Kurile Islands under the command of the Greek, Eustrate Delarof, was
placed under the command of Stepan Zaikof for this expedition, and returned
in five years with a rich assortment of furs, valued at 283,000 rubles, Berg,
Khronol. 1st., 807-9. See note 19.
'â– ^^ After an eight years' cruise Pribylof returned to Okhotsk with a cargo of
2,720 sea-otters, 31,100 fur-seals, nearly 8,000 foxes, and a large quantity
186 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
discussed in its chronological order. For 1782 only
one departure of a trading-vessel for the islands has
been recorded. This vessel was fitted out by Yakov
Protassof at Nishekamchatsk.'^'^ Lebedef-Lastochkin
organized a special company in 1783 for the purpose
of extending his operations on the islands. The capital
of this enterprise was divided into sixty-five shares,
most of them being in Lebedef's hands.^''
In 1783 the first direct attempt was made by the
Russian traders to extend their operations to the main-
land of America, to the northward and eastward of
Kadiak. The fur-bearing animals had for some years
been rapidly disappearing from the Aleutian Islands
and the lower peninsula, and despairing of further
success on the old hunting-grounds the commanders
of three vessels then anchored at Unalaska came to
the conclusion that it was best to embark on new dis-
coveries. They met and agreed to submit themselves
to the leadership of Potap Zaikof, a navigator of some
of walrus ivory and whalebone. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 107; Veniaminof, i. 131-2;
Sauer's Astron. and Georj. Exjjed., 246; Grewmgk, Beitr., 323.
^^ Protassof s vessel returned in 17S6, and according to Berg his cargo con-
sisted chiefly of fur-seals. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 111. As the discovery of the
Seal Islands occurred in that year the skins must have been obtained at the
Commander Islands.
*' Berg furnishes a full list of the share-holders, which may serve to demon-
strate how such affairs were managed in those early times. The 65 shares
were divided as follows: The merchant Lebedef-Lastochkin, 34 shares; Ye-
fim Popof, 1 share; Grigor Deshurinskoi, 1 shai'e; Elias Zavialof, 1 share;
Ivan Korotaief, 1 share; Vassili Neviashin, 1 share; Mikhail Issaief, 1 share;
Vassili Shapkin, 2 shares; Vassili Kulof, I share; Mikhail Tubinskoi, 1 share;
Feodor Nikuliaskoi, 2 shares; Arseni Kuznetzof, 1 share; Vassili Krivishin,
1 share; Mikhail Dushakof, 2 shares; Ivan Lapin, 2 shares; Alexei Polevoi,
1 share; Ivan Bolsheretsk, 2 shares; Dmitri Lorokin, 1 share; the manu-
facturer, Ivan Savelief, 5 shares; the citizen, Ssava Chebykin, l|share; the
citizen, Spiridon Burakof, 1 share; and Court Counsellor Peter Budishchef,
2 shares : total, 65.
In the division of profits there were to be added to this number 1 share
for the church, and the orphans in the school of Okhotsk; 1 share to the
peredovchik, Petr Kolomin, 1 share to the boatswam, Durygin, 1 shai-e to
the navigator, Potap Zaikof, and 2 shares to such of the crew as distinguished
themselves during the voyage by industry, bravery, or otherwise, making the
value of 1 share at the division of profits one seventy-first of the whole pro-
ceeds. Berg, Khronol, 1st., 109, 211; Grewingk, Beitr., 324; Pallas, Nord.
Beitr., vi. 165, 175. At the end of the cruise the first vessel sent by this
company was -wrecked on the island of St Paul. The cargo was saved, but
pi'oved barely sufficient to cover expenses.
i
ZAIKOF, DELAROF, AND POLUTOF. 187
reputation, and leave to him the selection of new hunt-
ing-grounds. These vessels were the Sv Alexei, com-
manded by Eustrate Delarof ; the Sv Mikhail, under
Polutof, and the Alexandr Nevski, commanded by
Za'ikof. The latter had learned from Captain Cook
and his companions during their sojourn in Kam-
chatka that they had discovered a vast gulf on the
coast of America and named it Prince William Sound.^
To this point he concluded to shape his course.
On the 27th of July the three ships were towed to
anchorage in a small cove, probably on the north side
of Kaye Island, which, as they subsequently discov-
ered, was named Kyak by the natives. Boats and
bidarkas were sent out at once in various directions
in search of game and of inhabitants — the few natives
observed on entering the bay having fled to the hills
at sight of the Russians. On the third day one of
the detached parties succeeded in bringing to the
ships a girl and two small children, but it was not
until the middle of August that anything like friendly
intercourse could be established, and the natives in-
duced to trade peltries. ^^
On the 18th the bidarchik Nagaief returned to the
anchorage with quite a number of sea-otter skins, all
made into garments, and reported the discovery of a
large river — the Atnah, or Copper — which he had
ascended for some distance. He had met with a large
body of natives in a bidar and traded with them, both
parties landing on the beach at a distance of six
hundred fathoms from each other and then meeting
half-way. These people informed him that at their
home was a safe harbor for ships, referring of course
^^ Zaikof had obtained rough tracings of some of the charts compiled by
Cook in exchange for favors extended to the English discoverer. Tikhmenef,
i. 113. It is supposed that the Sv Yevpl, 177o-79, reached the continent,
and probably the Sv Nikolai and others, but this ■« as accidental.
â– â– '^ Two natives who were kept as hostages on Zaikof 's vessel stated that
Kyak was not a permanent place of residence, but was visited only in search
of game by the people seen by the Russians, their homes being to the west-
ward, at the distance of 'two days' paddling,' from which statement we may
conclude that they were from Nuchek or Hinchinbrook Island. Zaiko/'s Jour-
nal, in Sitka Archives, MS., iv. ; TikJin.enef, 1st. Ohos., ii., app. 3.
188 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
to Nuchek, where both Enghsh and Spanish ships
had already called. Many days were spent by Zaikof
in futile attempts to secure a native guide to the safe
harbor mentioned as having already been visited by
ships, but bribes and promises proved of no avail,
and at last he set out in the direction of the island
of Khta-aluk (Nuchek), plainly visible to the west-
ward. The commanders of the two other ships must
have sailed before him and cruised about Prince Will-
iam Sound — named gulf of Chugach by the Russians
— in search of hunting-grounds, and this scattering of
forces beyond the bounds of proper control proved
dangerous, for the Chugatsches were not only fiercer
than the Aleuts, but they seemed to entertain posi-
tive ideas of proprietary rights.
The combined crews of the three vessels, number-
ing over three hundred, including Aleut hunters,
would surely have been able to withstand any attack
of the poorly armed Chugatsches and to protect their
hunting parties, but they wandered about in small de-
tachments, committing outrages whenever they came
upon a village with unprotected women and children.
The Russians, who had for some time been accus-
tomed to overcome all opposition on the part of the
natives with comparative ease, imagined that their
superior arms would give them the same advantage
here. They soon discovered their mistake. The Chu-
gatsches, as well as their allies from Cook Inlet, and
even from Kadiak, summoned by fleet messengers for
the occasion, showed little fear of Russian guns, and
used their own spears and arrows to such advantage
that the invaders were themselves beaten in several
enijaofements.
In the harbor of Nuchek Nagaief met twenty-
eight men from the Panof company's ship, the Alexe'i,
fourteen of whom had been wounded by the Chu-
gatsches during a night attack. They had left their
ships on the 15th of August, a month previous, in
search of this bay, numbering thirty-seven men, be-
THE PANOF COMPANY. 189
sides peredovchik Lazaref, who was in command, but
had searched in vain. One dark night, while encamped
on an island, their sentries had been surprised, nine
men killed, and half of the remainder wounded. With
the greatest difficulty only had they succeeded at last
in beating off with their fire-arms their assailants
armed merely with spears, bows and arrows, and clubs.
Other encounters took place. On the 18th of Septem-
ber one of the parties of Russians surprised a native
village on a small island; the men fled to the moun-
tains, leaving women, children, and stores of provisions.
The considerate promyshleniki seized " only half" the
females — probably not the oldest — and some of the
food. During the next night, however, the men of
the village, with reenforcements from the neighbor-
hood, attacked the Russian camp, killing three Rus-
sians and a female interpreter from Unalaska, and
wounding nine men. During the struggle all the hos-
tages thus far obtained by capture escaped, with the
exception of four women and two small boys. The
Russians now proceeded to the harbor selected as
winter-quarters,^" and active operations ceased for
the time.
The favorable season had been so foolishly wasted
in roaming about and quarrelling with the natives,
who took good care not to reveal to their unwel-
come visitors the best fishing and hunting grounds,
that food became scarce early in the winter. Be-
sides this it was found necessary to keep one third
of the force continually under arms to guard against
sudden assaults; and this hostility naturally inter-
fered with the search for the necessary supplies of
fish, game,, fuel, and water. The result was that scurvy
of a very malignant type broke out among the crews,
and nearly one half of the men died before spring re-
leased them and enabled Zaikof to refit his vessel and
^° The description of this harbor is not very clear, but the probability is
that it was one of the bays on the north end of Montagu, or Sukluk, Island,
which is named Zaikof Harbor on Russian maps. This is also confirmed by
traditions of the natives collected on the spot by Mr Petrof in 1881.
190 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
sail for the Aleutian isles, after an experience fully as
dismal as that encountered a few years later, in nearly
the same locality, by Captain Meares, who might have
saved himself much misfortune had he known of Zai-
kof's attempt and its disastrous result.
Thus unfortunately ended the attempt of the Rus-
sians to gain a foothold upon the continental coast of
America.^^
The only subordinate commander of this expedition
who seems to have actually explored and intelligently
*^ Eustraie Delarof subsequently gave Captain Billings the following ac-
count of this expedition : ' On arriving at Prince William Sound a number of
canoes surrounded the vessel and on one of them they displayed some kind of
a flag. I hoisted ours, wlienthe natives paddled three times around the ship,
one man standing up waving his hands and chanting. They came on board
and I obtained fourteen sea-otter skins in exchange for some glass beads; they
would accept no shirts or any kind of clothing; they conducted themselves
in a friendly manner, and we ate, drank, and slept together in the greatest
harmony. They said that two ships had been there some years previously,
and that they had obtained beads and other articles from them. According to
their description these vessels must have been English (they referred of course
to Cook's expedition) ; the natives had knives and copper kettles which they
said they obtained by making a 14 days' journey up a large river and trading
with other natives who brought these goods from some locality still farther
inland (a Hudson's Bay Company post?) — Suddenly, on the 8th of September,
the natives changed their attitude, making a furious attack on my people.
I knew of no cause for this change until one of my boats returned, when I
learned that there had been quarrelling and fighting between the boat's crew
and the natives. I have no doubt that my people were the aggressors.
Polutof's vessel was at that time in the vicinity and I left him there.' Saver\s
Geor/.cmd Astron. JExped., 197. Martin Sauer, the secretary of Captain Joseph
Billings, states that while at Prince William Sound in 1790 he fell in with a
woman who had been forcibly detained by Polutof and had subsequently
become acquainted with Zaikof. She praised the latter as a just man and
related how her people revenged themselves on Polutof for his ill-treatment.
A wood-cutting party had been sent ashore from each vessel and had pitched
their tents a short distance from each other. It was very dark and only one
man was on the watch near a fire on the beach. The natives crawled up
unnoticed by the sentry, killed him, and then stealing into Polutof's tent
massacred him and his companions without molesting Zaikof 's tent or any of
his people. Bitter complaints were made by the Chugatsche people of the do-
ings of Polutof who liad seized their furs without paying for them and had
carried off by force many of the women. Salter's Geag. and Astron. Exped., i.
187, 190; Grewljiijl; Beilr., 323; Pallas, Nord. Beih:, i. 212. In the historical
review attached by Mr Dall to his Alaska and its Resources, the author has
committed blunders which can be ascribed only to his inability to understand
the Russian authorities. Under date of 1781 he remarks that ' ZaiUof ex-
plored in detail Chugach Gulf and wintered on Bering Island... A vessel,
called the St Acxius, commanded by Alexeief Popof, was attacked by natives
in Prince William Sound. Zaikof explored Captain's Harbor, Uiialaska, July
1-13, 1783.' /(/., 307. Mr Dall's Zaikof expedition of 1781 is, of course, the
same with that of 1783, when he wintered on Montagu (not Bering) Island, in
a bay still bearing his name. TheAlexei, as we have seen above, was cora-
mamled by Delarof.
FUR-SEALS AND OTTEB.>S. 191
described these unknown regions, was Nagaief, the
discoverer of Copper River. Nearly all the valuable
information contained in Zaikof's journal came from
this man.^^
This failure to extend their field of operations seri-
ously checked the spirit of enterprise which had hith-
erto manifested itself among the Siberian merchants,
and for some time only one small vessel was despatched
from Siberia for the Aleutian Islands. ^^
The year 1786, as already mentioned, witnessed the
discovery of the Fur Seal Islands, the breeding-ground
of the seals, and therefore of the highest importance.
The Russian promyshleniki who first visited the Fox
Islands soon began to surmise the existence of some
islands in the north by observing the annual migra-
tion of the fur-seals through the passes between cer-
tain of the islands— northward in the spring and
southward in the autumn, when they were accom-
panied by their young. This surmise was confirmed
by an Aleut tradition to the effect that a young chief-
tain of Unimak had once been cast away on a group
of islands in the north, which they called Amik.^* The
^^Nagaief told Zaikof that the natives he had encountered called them-
selves Chugatches, and that they met in war and trade five other tribes : 1st,
the Koniagas, or people of Kadiak; 2d, a tribe living on a gulf of the main
land between Kadiak and the Chugatsche country, named the Kinaias; 3d, the
YuUits, living on the large river discovered by Nagaief; 4th, a tribe living on
the coast of the mainland from Kyak Island eastward, called Lakhamit;
and 5th, beyond these again tlie Kaljush, a warlike tribe with large wooden
boats. This description of the tribes and their location was doubtless cor-
rect at the time, though the 'Lakharaite' (the Aglegmutes) have since been
pushed eastwai-d of Kyak Island by the Kaljushes, or Thlinkeets. Nagaief also
correctly stated that the YuUits, or Copper River natives, lived only on the
upi^er river, but traded copper and land-furs with the coast people for seal-
skins, dried fish, and oil. Zaikof's Journal, MS.; Sitka Archives, iv.; Tikme-
nef, 1st., Obosr., ii., app., 7, 8. Zaikof's own description of the country, its
resources, its people, and the manners and customs, is both minute and cor-
rect. His manuscript journal is still in existence, and it furnishes proof
positive that his visit to Prince William Sound in 1783 was the first made by
him or any other Russian in a sea-goiag vessel.
^* The (S";; Georgiy left Nishekamchatsk on Panof 's account, and returned
in two yeai's with a little over 1,000 fui'-seals and less than 200 blue foxes,
having evidently confined its operations to the Commander Islands. The
same vessel made another voyage in 1787, remaining absent six years, but
with an equally unsatisfactory result. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 114-15.
"•^A term and incident commemorated in a native song. Veniaminof, Za-
piski, ii. 269; i. 17; Sarychef, Putesh., i. 28.
192 EXPLORATION AND TRADE.
high peaks of his native place had guided him back
after a short stay. While furs remained abundant on
the groups already known, none chose to expose him-
self in frail boats to seek new lands; but in and after
1781 the rapid depletion of the hunting-grounds led
to many a search for Amik; yet while it lay within
two days' sail from the southern isles, a friendly
mist long hid the home of the fur-seals from the
hunters.
In 1786 this search was joined by Master Gerassim
Pribylof,^^ who for five years had been hunting and
trading with little profit on the islands, in the Su
Georguj, fitted out by Lebedef-Lastochkin and his
partners. Although reputed a skillful navigator, he
cruised for over three weeks around the Amik group
without finding them, though constantl}^ meeting with
unmistakable evidence of the close proximity of land.
At last, in the first days of June, fate favored the
persistent explorer; the mantle of fog was lifted and
before him loomed the high coast of the eastern end
of the most southern island. The discovery was
named St George, after Pribylof's vessel; but finding
no anchorage the commander ordered the peredovchik
Popof and all the hunters to land, with a supply of
provisions for the winter, while he stood away again
for the Aleutian Islands, there to spread such reports
as to keep others from following his path.
The shores of St George literally swarmed with
sea-otters, Avhich undisturbed so far by human beings
could be killed as easily as those of Bering Island
during the first winter after its discovery. Large
numbers of walrus were secured on the ice and upon
the adjoining small islands ; arctic foxes could be caught
by hand, and with the approach of summer the fur-
seals made their appearance by thousands.^^
^^His name was G«rassim Gavrilovich Pribylof. Veniaminof gives his
name as Ga\Tilo on one occasion. ZapisJci, ii. 271. He was a master in the
navy, connected with the port of Okhotsk, but entered the employ of Lebedef-
Lastochkm and his partners in 1778. Id.
36 Shelikof in a letter to Delarof, dated Okhotsk, 1789, stated that durin.';
THE LEBEDEF-LASTOCHKIN COMPANY. 193
On the 29th of June, 1787, an unusually clear
atmosphere enabled the promyshleniki to see for the
first time the island of St Paul, thirty miles to the
northward; and the sea being smooth a bidar was at
once despatched to examine the new discovery. The
party landed upon the other island the same day, and
named it St Peter and St Paul, the saints of the day.^''
The first half of the name, however, was soon lost in
popular usage and only St Paul retained. The group
was known as the Pribylof.^^
While Shelikof was one of the partners who had
fitted out the Sv Georgiy, he does not appear to have
held a large interest and looked with no little envy
on the success achieved by what must be regarded as
rivals to his own company. He did not waste much
time, however, in unpleasant sentiments, but set about
at once to secretly buy up more shares in the Lebedef
company. In this undertaking he succeeded so well
that he could look with equanimity upon the fierce
rivalry growing up between the two large firms; no
matter which side gained an advantage, he felt secure.
He was certainly the first who fully understood the
actual and prospective value of Pribylof's discovery.
the first year the hunters obtained on the newly discovered islands 40,000
fur-seal skins, 2,000 sea-otters, 400 pounds (14,400 lbs.) of walrus ivory, and
more whalebone than the ship could carry. Shelikof upbraided Delarof for
not having anticipated this discovery, with two good ships at his command.
Tihhmenef, 1st. Obozr., ii. app. 21.
^' Owing to the constant fog and murky atmosphere that envelop the islands,
the less elevated St Paul is rarely seen from St George, while the hills of the
latter are frequently visible from St Paul.
^^ The claim of Pribylof to their first European discovery was thrown into
doubt by the report that the Russians on reaching the island of St Paul
found the brass hilt and trimming of a sword, a clay pipe, and the remains of
a fire. The statement was confirmed by all who effected the first landing on
St Paul. Veniaminof, Zapiski, ii. 268. Berg, who has traced the course of
nearly every other vessel in these waters, states that nothing was known of
Pribylof's present voyage beyond his return with a rich cargo. Khronol, 1st.,
104. One reason for this was the secrecy observed for some time. La P^rouse
met Pribylof shortly after his return, but learned nothing.
HiBT. AI.ASXA.
CHAPTER X.
OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
1773-1779.
Russian Supbemacy in the Farthest North-west — The Other European
Powers would Know what it Means — Perez Looks at Alaska for
Spain— The 'Santiago' at Dixon Entrance— Cuadra Advances to
Cross Sound — Cook for England Examines the Coast as far as Icy
•Cape — Names Given to Prince William Sound and Cook Inlet —
Revelations and Mistakes — Ledyard's Journey — Again Spain
Sends to the North Arteaga, who Takes Possession at Latitude
59° 8'— Bay of La Santisima Cruz— Results Attained.
The gradual establishment of Russian supremacy
in north-westernmost America upon a permanent basis
had not escaped the attention of Spanish statesmen.
Within a few years after the disastrous failure of the
Russian exploring expeditions under Krenitzin and
Levashef, a succinct account of all that had been ac-
complished by the joint efforts of the promyshleniki
and the naval officers, under the auspices of the
imperial government, had been transmitted to the
court of Spain by its accredited and secret agents at
St Petersburg.^
Alarmed by tidings of numerous and important
discoveries along the extension of her own South Sea
coast line, Spain ordered an expedition for exploring
1 The communications concerning Russia's plans of conquest in Asia and
America, forwarded to the court of Spain fi'om St Petersburg, make mention
of an expedition organized in 1764. Two captains, named Cweliacow and
Ponobasew in the document, were to sail from Arkhangel in the White Sea,
and meet Captain Krenitzin, Avho was to sail from Kamchatka. This is a
somewhat mixed account of the Krenitzin and Levashef expedition, which
did not finally sail till 1768, but was expected to fall in with lieutenants
Chichagof and Ponomaref , who were instrficted to coast eastward along Siberia
and to pass through Bering Strait.
(194 J
SECRET INSTRUCTIONS. 195
and seizing the coast to the northward of California.
In 1773 accordingly the viceroy of Mexico, Revilla
Gigedo, assigned for this purpose the new transport
Santiago, commanded by Juan Perez, who was asked
to prepare a plan of operations. In this he expressed
his intention to reach the Northwest Coast in latitude
45° or 50°; but his orders to attain a higher latitude
were peremptory, and it is solely owing to this that the
voyage falls within the scope of the present volume.
Minute directions were furnished for the ceremonies
of claiming and taking possession. The wording of
the written declaration, to be deposited in convenient
and prominent places, was prescribed. The commander
was instructed to keep the object of his voyage secret,
but to strike the coast w^ell to north, in latitude 60°
if possible, and to take possession above any settle-
ments he might find, without, however, disturbing
the Russians. Appended to his instructions was a
full translation of Stsehlin's Account of the Neiv
Northern Archipelago, together with the fanciful map
accompanying that volume. Each island of the Aleu-
tian group w^as described in detail, besides many
others, the product of the fertile imagination of such
men as Stsehlin and De I'lsle de la Croyere. Even
the island of Kadiak, which had then only been twice
visited by promyshleniki, was included in the list.
The Santiago sailed from San Bias January 24,
1774, with eighty-eight men, including two mission-
aries and a surgeon. The incidents of nearly the
whole of this voyage occurred south of the territory
embraced by this volume; but between the 15th and
17th of July Perez and his companions sighted two
capes, the southernmost of which he thought was in
latitude 55°, and the other about eight leagues to the
north. These points were named Santa Margarita
and Santa Magdalena, respectively.^
^ The latitiide given by Perez, if correct, would make it difficult to locate
these capes so as to agree with the minute and circumstantial description of
the contours of the coast; but allowing for an error which might easily arise
196 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
These capes, the southernmost point of Prince of
Wales Island, and the north point of Queen Charlotte
Island, lie on both sides of the present boundary of
Alaska, but Perez and his men had intercourse with
the inhabitants of the latter cape only. The mere
sighting of one of the southern capes of Alaska, and
its location by rough estimate, would scarcely justify
a discussion of the voyage of Juan Perez in the annals
of Alaska, were it not for an apparently trifling incident
• mentioned in the various diarios of this expedition. In
the hands of the natives were seen an old bayonet and
pieces of other iron implements, which the pilot con-
jectured must have belonged to the boats' crews lost
from Chirikof's vessel somewhere in these latitudes in
1741.^ In the absence of all knowledge of any civ-
ilized visitor to that section during the interval be-
tween Chirikof s and Perez' voyages we cannot well
criticise the conclusion arrived at. It could scarcely
be presumed that at that early date a Pussian bayo-
net should have passed from hand to hand or from.
tribe to tribe, around the coast from the Aleutian
Islands, or perhaps Kadiak, a distance of from eight
hundred to one thousand miles. It appears highly
probable that Chirikof's mishap occurred in this vicin-
ity, the*Prince of Wales or Queen Charlotte Islands,
and in that case the present boundary of Alaska
would be very nearly identical with the northern
limit of the territorial claims of Spain as based upon
the right of discovery. The avowed objects of this
voyage had not been obtained by Perez; he did not
ascend to the latitude of 60°; he did not ascertain the
existence of permanent Russian establishments, and
he made no discoveries of available sea-ports. His
intercourse with the Alaskan natives, if such they
from the imperfect instruments of the times, we must come to the conclusion
that Perez discovered Dixon Sound. The allusion to an island situated to
the west of the northernmost cape, the Santa Chi'istina or Catalina of the re-
corders of the voyage, can scarcely refer to any point but the Forrester Island
of our modem maps.
3 Maurelle, Compendio de Noticias, MS., 169.
SECOND SPANISH EXPEDITION. 197
were, was carried on without anchoring. The details
of the expedition of Perez, so far as they relate to
incidents that occurred south of the line of 54° 40',
are discussed in my History of the Northwest Coast}
The second Spanish expedition which extended its
operations to Alaskan waters was organized in the
following year, 1775. The command was intrusted
to Bruno Heceta, a lieutenant and acting captain,
who selected the Santiago as his flag-ship. Juan*
Perez sailed with Heceta as pilot and second in com-
mand. The small schooner Sono7'a, or Felicidad,
accompanied the larger craft as consort, commanded
by Lieutenant Juan Francisco de Bodega y Cuadra,
with Antonio Maurelle as pilot. ^
The expedition sailed from San Bias March 16th.
After going far out to sea and returning to the coast
again in latitude 48° on the 14th of July, taking pos-
session of the country, and after a disastrous encounter
with the savages of that region, the two vessels be-
came separated during a northerly gale on the 30th
of July.«
The Sonara alone made discoveries within the pres-
ent boundaries of Alaska. After the separation the
little craft, only 36 feet in length, was boldly headed
* Not less than four journals or diaries of the voyage are extant. Two of
these were kept by the missionaries or chaplains of the expedition, Crespf
and Pena; the first has been printed in Palou, Noticias, i. 61^4-88, and the
other was copied from the manuscript Viages al Norte de California, etc. , in
the Spanish Archives. The third journal, entitled Perez, Relacion del Viage,
etc., 1774, is contained in the Mayer manuscripts and also in Maurelle, Com-
pendio de Noticias, MS., 159-75. The fourth journal is also a manuscript
under the title, Perez, Tabla Diaria, etc. , contained in Maurelle, Compendio,
179-85. Brief mention of this voyage can also be found in Navarrete, Sutil y
Mex., Viage, 92-3; Humboldt, Essai Pol, 331-2; Mofras, Explor., i.; Navar-
rete, Viages Apdc., 53-4; Greenhow's Mem., 69; Id., Or. and Cal., 114^17;
Twiss' Hist. Or., 55-6; Id., Or. Question, 66-7; Falcover's Or. Question, 19;
Id., Discov. 3Iiss., 62; Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 119; Palou,
Vida, 160-2; Forbes' Hist. Cal, 114-16; Calvo, Col Trent., i. 338; Nicolay's
Oregon Ter., 30-2; Findlay's Directory, i. 349-50; Pou^sin, Question de I'Ore-
gon, 38-9; MacGregor's Prog. Amer., i. 535; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosr., i.
preface; Baranof, in Sitha Archives, MS., i. Nos. 5 and 6.
5 See Hist. Northivest Coast, i. 158, this series.
® The outward and homeward voyage of the Santiago has been fully re-
lated in Hist. Northwest Coast, i., this series.
198
OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
Cuadka's Voyagk.
CUADRA TAKES POSSESSION. 199
seaward and kept upon a general north-westerly course.
On the 13th of August indications of land were ob-
served, though the only chart in their possession, that
of Bellin, based upon Russian discoveries and to a
great extent upon imagination, placed them at a dis-
tance of one hundred and sixty leagues from the con-
tinental coast. Cuadra's latitude, by observation, on
that day was 55° 40'. During the next two days the
signs of land became stronger and more frequent, and
the navigators, in the belief that they were approach-
ing the Tumannoi or Foggy' Islands of Chirikof, ob-
served the greatest caution.
At last, on the 16th, came in. view a mountainous
coast among whose many peaks was one they called
San Jacinto, and the prominent cape jutting from it
the Cabo de Engano. Their description of both cape
and mountain is so clear as to leave no doubt of their
identity with the Mount Edgecumbe of Cook and the
cape of the same name. That the original nomencla-
ture has not been preserved is owing to Spain's neglect
in not publishing the achievements of her explorers.
On the following day the goleta put to sea again,
weathering Cape Engaiio and following the coast in a
north-westerly direction until another wide estuary was
discovered and named the bay of Guadalupe, subse-
quently known as Shelikof Bay or Port Mary. Here
Cuadra anchored for the day, observing the wooded
shores rising at an acute angle from the sea. In the
morning of the 18th two canoes, containing two men
and two women, emerged from the head of the bay,
but at the sight of the vessel they hurriedly landed
and fled. The explorers then put to sea again and
proceeded in a northerly direction until a good anchor-
age was found in latitude 57° 20', with a good sandy
beach and convenient watering-places.
A landing was eflected at the mouth of a stream,
near a deserted hut and a stockaded enclosure, proba-
bly used for defence by the natives. The instructions
of the viceroy, concerning the forms of taking posses-
200 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
sion, were carried out so far as circumstances would
permit/
During the ceremonies no natives were in sight,
but after returning to their vessel the Spaniards saw
the savages take up the cross which they had planted
and place it before their hut, as if to say "this is the
better place."
On the 19th another landing was made, when the
natives emerged from the forest waving a white cloth
attached to a pole in token of peaceful intentions. The
signal was answered by the Spaniards and the savages
advanced slowly to the opposite bank of the stream.
They were unarmed and accompanied by women and
children. A few trifling presents were offered and
received by one of the natives who waded into the
middle of the stream. This friendly intercourse was,
however, suddenly interrupted when the Spaniards
began to fill their water-casks. The women and chil-
dren were at once sent away and the men assumed a
threatening attitude. The Spaniards prepared for
defence while preserving an unconcerned air, and
finally the savages retreated.
The place of this first landing of Spanish explorers
upon Alaskan soil was called the anchorage ''de los
Remedies" and can be nothing else than the entrance
to Klokachef Sound between Kruzof and Chichagof
islands.^
^ The entry in the journal referring to this event was as follows: 'El mismo
dia bajaron &, tierra con los preparatives que ofrecia su poco tripulacion y ar-
reglados d la instruccion tomaron posesion, dejando los docuraentos y la cruz
colocados con la seguridad posible, habiendo arbolado en aquel puesto las ban-
deras del Key nuestro Sefior.' Vlajes al Norte, MS., 25.
^ lu tlie journal of this voyage contained in the Viajes al Norte, the country
is described as full of mountains, their base covered with pines like those at
Trinidad, but barren or covered with snow toward the summit. The ' Yn-
dios,' said to resemble those met with in latitude 41°, wei'e clothed chiefly
in furs. The latitudes as observed by Cuadra at Cape Eugaiio, Guadalupe
Bay, and the Entrada de los Kemedios, agrees with our positions for Cape
Edgecumbe, Shelikof Bay, and the southern shore of Klokachef Sound, but
the Spanish explorer places the longitude of the last anchorage some twelve
miles to the westward of Cabo de Phigauo. This would lead to the conclusion
that the ceremony of taking possession took place just inside of Seadion
Point, a very exposed position, while the description of the country coincides
better with Kalinin cove, a few miles to the eastward. See Karta Vkhodov
Novo Arkhcuujdskomu. PorUi, etc., 1809, 1833, and 1848.
TRACK OF THE 'SONORA.' 201
The weather was cold and threatening during the
sojourn of the Sonora in this bay, and both officers
and the poorly clothed and sheltered crew began to
suffer from scurvy. They took a west-north-westerly
direction on the 21st, in order to ascertain whether
their discovery was located on the west or east shore
of the Pacific, a doubt engendered by the great differ-
ence in longitude between the Russian discoveries as
indicated on Bellin's chart and their own; and having
by that time reached a latitude of 57° 58', or the
vicinity of Cross Sound, they changed their course
to the southward to examine carefully all the inlets
of the coast.
On the 24th^of August, in latitude 55° 14', the ex-
plorers entered a magnificent sound extending far to
the northward and abounding in sheltered anchorages.
Cuadra was ill, but he ordered the j9z7o^o to take pos-
session in the name of Spain, and for the second time
the royal banner of Castile waved over Alaska. The
sound was called Bucareli, a name still preserved on
many maps. It is located on the west coast of the
island subsequently named after the prince of Wales.^
After a careful inspection of the bay, during which
not an aboriginal was to be seen, the Sonora once
more stood out to sea, sighting six leagues from the
harbor an island which was named San Bias, the
same seen in 1774 by Juan Perez from Cape Santa
Margarita, and named by him Santa Cristina. It is
now known as Forrester Island. A landing was
effected and water obtained, while the south point of
Prince of Wales Island, named Santa Magdalena by
Perez, was plainly in view.^*^ Contrary winds kept
the little craft beating about until the navigators suc-
ceeded in again making the coast in latitude 55° 50',
^ The piloto expressed the opinion that this bay was the scene of Chirikof 's
* landfall, ' and the place where his boat's crew perished was one of the northern
arms of the bay in the latitude named by the Russian discoverer. The Span-
iard did not seem to take longitude into the account at all. Viajes al Norte,
MS., 30.
^o Viajes al Norte, MS., 31. Cuadra named it Cabo de San Agustin.
202 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
where a deep indentation was observed, with its western
point in latitude 56° 3'. Thence a high mountainous
coast was seen extending north-westerly to a point
marking the southern limit of the broad estuary
bounded by Cabo de Engano in the north."
From the 28th of August to the 1st of September
the winds compelled the navigators to hug the shore
in the vicinity of latitude 56° 30^ The crew, weak-
ened by scurvy, were unable to combat the adverse
winds. The vessel was swept by tremendous seas;
spars and portions of the rigging were carried away;
and when at last a steady strong north-wester began
to blow, both commander and pilots concluded that
further efforts to gain the desired latitude were use-
less. The prow of the Sonora was turned southward
and the swelling sails soon carried her far away from
Alaska. ^^
Orders for another Spanish expedition to the north
coast were issued in 1776, but preparations were not
completed till 1779, or until after Cook's important
English explorations in this quarter.
The voyage of Captain Cook with the ships Reso-
lution and Jbiscovery has been discussed at length in
an earlier volume, with reference to discoveries on the
Northwest Coast south of the present boundary of
Alaska. It is only necessary here to repeat briefly a few
paragraphs from Cook's secret instructions from the ad-
miralty and to take up the thread of narrative where
I dropped it in the historic precincts of Nootka.^^
" The description furnished by the journal of these discoveries is not clear,
but the ensenada may probably be identified with Christian Sound, or Clarence
Sound, on our modern maps.
1^ The log of the Sonora as copied in the Viajen al Norte places the expedi-
tion in latitude 55° 4' on the 14th of August, and from that date till the 8th
of September Cuadra's operations were confined to present Alaskan waters.
The highest latitude, 57° 57', was reached the 22d, in the vicinity of Cape
Cross, or the soutli point of Yacobi Island. Vinjea al Norte, MS., 56-8. Ac-
cpunts of this voyage can also be found in Ileceta, Setjunda Exploracion;
Maiirelle, Diaiio del Viaije de la Sonora, 1775, No. 3 of Viages ul Norte;
Maurtlle's Journal of a Voyage in 1775, London, 1781, in Barrmgton's Miscel-
lanies. See also lilM. Northwest Coast, vol. i., this series. Juan Perez
Cuadra's pilot died before reaching San Bias.
''* The instructions were signed by the ' Commissioners for executing the
MORE SECRET INSTRUCTIONS. 203
After ordering the commander to go from New
Zealand to New Albion and avoid touching Spanish
territory, the document goes on to say: "And if, in
your farther progress to the northward, as hereafter
directed, you find any subjects of any European prince
or state upon any part of the coast you may think
proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or to give
them any just cause of offence, but on the contrary to
treat them with civility and friendship. Upon your
arrival on the coast of New Albion you are to put
into the first convenient port to recruit your wood
and water, and procure refreshments, and then to
proceed northward along the coast, as far as the lati-
tude of 65,° or farther, if you are not obstructed by
lands or ice; taking care not to lose any time in
exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account,
until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of
65°." After being enjoined at length to make a
thorough search for a navigable passage into Hudson
or Baffin bays, Cook is further instructed as follows :
" You are also, with the consent of the natives, to
take possession, in the name of the King of Great
Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as
you may discover, that have not already been discov-
ered or visited by any other European power. . .but
if you find the countries so discovered are uninhabited,
you are to take possession of them for his Majesty, by
setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first dis-
coverers and possessors." During the discussion of
Cook's progress in viewing the coasts of Alaska I
shall have occasion to refer to these instructions.^*
On the 26th of April 1778 the expedition sailed
out of Nootka Bay on its northward course, but vio-
lent gales drove it from the land which was not made
again until the evening of May 1st in latitude 55°
Office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britian and Ireland, etc., Sandwich,
C. Spencer, and H. Palliser, through their secretary, Ph. Stephens, on the 6th
of July 1776.' Cook's Voy., i. introd. xxxiv.-xxxv.
^^ Cook's Voy., i. introd. xxxii.-xxxv.
204 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
20', in tlie vicinity of Port Bucareli, discovered by
Cuadra three years before.
On the 2d and 3d of May Cook passed along the
coast included in Cuadra's discoveries of 1775, giving
to Mount San Jacinto and the Cabo de Engafio the
name of Edgecumbe. Puerto de los Pemedios was
named bay of Islands, and Cook correctly surmised
its connection with the bay lying eastward of Cape
Edgecumbe. In the morning of the 3d the two sloops
had reached the highest latitude attained by Cuadra;
a high mountain in the north and a wide inlet were
called Mount Fairweather and Cross Sound respec-
tively, by which names both are known to this day.^^
Cape Fairweather has since been named Cape Spencer,
On the 5th Mount St Elias was sighted above the
northern horizon, one hundred and twenty miles away,
and the following day the broad opening of Yakutat,
or Bering, Bay was observed.^®
Proceeding slowly along the coast with baffling
winds, he on the 10th gave the name of Cape Suck-
ling to the cape forming the southern extremity of
Comptroller Bay, but owing to 'thick' weather Kyak
Island, named Kaye by Cook, was not discovered until
two days later. ^~ At the foot of a tree on the south
point of Kaye Island a bottle was deposited containing
a paj^er with the names of the ships and date of 'dis-
covery,' and a few coins. For some reason the cere-
mony of taking possession was omitted, though Cook
must have believed in the existence of all the condi-
tions mentioned in his instructions and relating to
' uninhabited ' discoveries.^^
The name of Comptroller Bay was also applied to
the indentation bearing that designation to-day. The
'^The3cl of May is marked in the calendars as 'Finding of the Cross;'
hence the name applied to the sound.
^^ Cook discusses at length the identity of this with Bering's landing. He
does not, however, advance any very cogent reasons for his belief.
^' In another chapter of this volume I have stated my reasons for believing
this to have been the scene of Bering's discovery and Steller's brief explora-
tion of the country in 1741.
^^Cook'd Voi/.,u. 351-3.
COOK'S VOYAGE. 205
sight of the south point of Nuchek Island, named by
him Cape Hinehinbrook, led Cook to indulge in hopes
of finding a jDassage to the north beyond it, the tower-
ing heights that border Prince William Sound not
being visible at the time. A leak in the Resolution
induced the commander to seek shelter, and the ships
were anchored in one of the coves of Nuchek Bay,
the Port Etches of later maps. A boat's crew sent
out to hunt met with a number of natives in two skin
canoes, who followed them to the immediate vicinity
of the ships, but would not go on board. ^^ On the
following day, the 13th, Cook sailed again in search
of a safer anchorage, without discovering the land-
locked cove on the north side of the bay subsequently
selected by the Russians for their first permanent
establishment in this region. The next anchorage
was found some eight leagues to the northward at
Snug Corner Cove, still known by that name. Here
considerable intercourse with the natives took place.
They were bold, inclined to thievery, and apparently
unacquainted with fire-arms. '^°
After several vain attempts to find a northern pas-
sage the two ships turned southward, and the largest
island in the sound was discovered and named Mon-
^^ The natives made the same sign of friendship described by the Spanish
explorers in connection with the Alexander Archipelago, displaying a white
garment or skin, and extending their arms. The people were evidently of
Innuit extraction, but had adopted some of the practices of their Thlinkeet
neighbors in the east, such as powdering the hair with down, etc. Comp-
troller Bay, at the mouth of the Atnah or Copper River, so called by Cook
in his Atlas, 1778, and also by Dixon and Vancouver; La P(5rouse, 1786,
i?e du Controle; Sutil y Mex., Viage, B. Controlleur. Cartog. Pac. Coast,
MS., iii. 394.
^^ These natives not only attempted to take away a boat from the ship's
side, but upon the report of one of their number, who had examined the
Discovery, that only a man or two were visible on her decks, the whole band
of visitors hastily paddled over to the other vessel with the evident intention
of taking possession of her. The appearance of the crew, who had been en-
gaged on some duty in the hold, caused the savages to change their mind.
Cook's Voy., ii. 359. Cook here also noticed for the first time that these
natives had a few glass beads of light blue, a circumstance he wrongly cou-
sidei'ed as an indication of intercourse with other tribes visiting the Hudson's
Bay Company's posts in the far north-west. Blue glass beads were among the
few articles of trade in the hands of the Russian promyshleniki, and doubtless
found their way to Prince William Sound from Kadiak by way of Cook
Inlet.
206 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
tagu, the Sukluk of the natives. The name of Prince
Wihiam Sound was then appHed to the whole inlet.
On the 21s't Cape Elizabeth, the south-eastern point
of Cook Inlet, was first sighted and named; and as
the western shore of that great estuary was not vis-
ible, the hopes of finding an open passage to the
northward were once more revived. A gale, how-
ever, prevented the explorers from rounding the cape,
and necessitated a southerly course, which brought
into view the point of land named Cape St Hermo-
genes by Bering — the eastern cape of Marmot Island.
Thence the course was northward, which opened be-
fore the eyes of the explorer the broad estuary still
bearing the name of the commander. Believing that
Kadiak and Afognak islands, with Point Banks, formed
but a part of the mountainous coast to the westward,
with Cape Douglas in the foreground, Cook entered
the inlet full of hope. Was not the Aliaska of Bus-
sian maps represented as an island ? And must not
this wide passage lead the navigator into the Arctic
Ocean between this island and the continent ? The
discovery of an extension of the high mountains to
the north of Cape Douglas did not discourage him.-^
On the same day, however, the 27th of May, these
high hopes were crushed, as far as Cook himself was
concerned. The haze hanging over the land in the
west suddenly disappeared, and what had been taken
for a chain of islands stood revealed as the summits
of a mountain range, connected everywhere and show-
ing every characteristic of a continent..
Though fully convinced of the futility of the attempt
Cook continued to beat his vessels up the inlet.^"^
The strong ebb-tides, running at a velocity of four
or five knots, greatly retarded their progress, and as
^1 ' As it was supposed to be wholly unconnected with the land of Cape
Elizabeth,' says Cook; 'for, in a N. N. E. direction, the sight was unlimited
by everything but the horizon.' Cook's Voy., ii. 386 j Juvenal, Jour., MS.,
31-2.
^* ' I was now fully persuaded that I should find no passage by this inlet ;
and my persevering in the search of it here, was more to satisfy other people,
than to confirm my own opinion. ' Cook's Voy. , ii. 386.
AT COOK INLET. 207
the winds were either Hght or unfavorable, it became
necessary to anchor the vessels every time the tide
turned against them. The muddy water and the large
quantities of floating trees led Cook to believe him-
self within the mouth of a large river, and without
fully ascertaining the fact, he sailed away from his
new discovery unchanged in his opinion.'^
The iirst natives were encountered on the 30th, and
a larger party, including women and children, visited
the ships the following day. The scene of this meeting
was in the vicinity of West Foreland, or the present
village of Kustatan. These savages were described by
Cook as resembling the natives of Prince William
Sound, speaking the same language and using the
same kind of skin-covered canoes. From this fact
we must infer that the Innuit in those days occu-
pied more of the coast of Cook Inlet than they do
to-day. It is probable, however, that these people
were not permanent residents, but engaged in a hunt-
ing expedition away from their home.^* Blue beads
and long iron knives were found in the possession of
all these peoples. We know that these articles came
from the Russians, but Cook was loath to acknowl-
edge the presence of another European power.^^
On the first of June the boats sent out to explore
returned after having entered the Turn-again arm of
the inlet and the mouth of the Kinik River, and in
'^ The coast of Cook Inlet rests upon a base of blue clay wasbed by the
tides, and this fact contributed more to the discoloration of the water than the
few rivers emptying into the inlet.
'^' Still higher up the inlet Cook saw a native jiropel liis kyak with a double-
bladed paddle, and as this implement is used onty by the natives of the Aleu-
tian Islands, and occasionally by those of the northern shores of Bering Sea,
it becomes all the more probable that the advance of the Russians to Kadiak,
and their presence among the Shumagin Islands, had already instigated the
sea-otter hunters to undertake long journeys in search of their quany.
CooL-'s Voy. , ii. 389-92. On the other hand, the natives encountered on the
Kenai Peninsula, on the occasion of taking possession of the country, were
evidently Tinuehs, or Kenai proper, to judge from the description of their
ornaments, clothes, and weapons, and from the fact that they had dogs and
were apparently without canoes.
'^^Cook mentions that the natives called iron goone. Now chugun, or
rather chugoon, is Russian for cast-iron, though also used for all iron articles
by the ignorant classes. Cook's Voy., ii. 392.
208 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
the afternoon Lieutenant King was despatched to
take possession of the point at which the above-
mentioned arm branches off to the eastward. Some
lords aboriginal were present, but it is nowhere written
that King asked their permission to take possession
of the country, as the admiralty had ordered.
On the 4th of June the latitude of the Iliamna
volcano was ascertained, but the mountain was not
named. ^*^ On the 5th of June the two ships emerged
from the inlet that had been entered with such flatter-
ing hopes, and proceeded southward along the coast
of the continent in search of an opening to the west-
ward and northward. The season was fast advancing
and much remained to be done, so they hastened
forward. Shuiak Island, Afognak, and Kadiak were
placed on their chart as one continuous coast and part
of the continent, while names were given only to the
prominent headlands.^'' On the 16th Foggy Island,
the Tumannoi of Bering, was made, and on the 19th
the two ships were passing through the Shumagin
group, the largest island of which Cook erroneously
put down as Kadiak on his chart. In this vicinity
the Discovery was approached by several canoes and
a letter enclosed in a case was delivered by one of
the natives, who bowed and took off his cap in good
European fashion. The document was written in
Russian and dated 1778.^^^ Unable to understand
^^ The only local names about the inlet which we can trace to Cook are:
Cape Douglas, Mt St Augustine (Chernobira Island), Turn-again River, Point
Possession, Anchor Point, Point Bede, Cape Elizabeth, Barren Islands. The
inlet was named Cook River by order of Lord Sandwich, the explorer having
left a blank in his journal. Cook's Voy., ii. 396.
-' The north point of Shuiak was named Point Banks; the easterly point
of Afognak, Cape Whitsunday, and the entrance to the strait between the
latter island and Kadiak, Whitsuntide Bay. The description of this locality
does not, however, agree with the published sketch. Cook's Voy., ii. 404, and
Cha7-t of Cook River, 353. Cape Chiniatsk was named Cape Greville and is
still thus indicated on English and American sailing-charts. Cape Barnabas
aiKl Two-headed Cape coiTCspond with the east point of Sitkhalidak Island
and Nazigak Island at the entrance of Kaguiak Bay. The island Sitkhinak
was named Trinity on the 14th of June, and subsequently the south point of
Kadiak obtained the same designation. Cook's Voy., ii. 407-9.
'^^In the body of the note there was also a reference to the year 1776, the
date of a Russian expedition to Kadiak. Cook's Voy., ii. 414.
NO STRAIT THERE. 209
its contents, Cook paid no attention to it. These
natives as well as those subsequently met with at
Halibut (Sannakh) Island used the double-bladed
paddle, a certain indication that they were Aleuts,
hunting for the Russians.^''
Passing Unimak with its smoking volcanoes and
failing to notice the best pass into Bering Sea, be-
tween Unimak and Akun, the explorers at last man-
aged to cross into the narrowest and most dangerous
of all these passes, between Unalga and Unalaska.
After a long search for an anchorage the vessels were
safely moored in Samghanooda Bay, opening into
Unalga Strait. Intercourse with the natives was at
once opened, and one of them delivered another Rus-
sian note. The principal object in seeking this anch-
orage was water, and hence the stay there was brief;
but from the manners of the people and articles in
their possession. Cook felt assured at last that he was
on ground occupied by the Bussians. The necessar}^
business was quickly despatched, and on the 2d of
July the two ships stood out to sea again with every
prospect of an open field of exploration in the north.
The north coast of the Alaska peninsula was followed
till the north shore of Bristol Bay loomed before
them, and made another change of course necessary.
Cook's disappointment was great. Not until the 16tli
of July was hope again revived by the sight of Cape
Newenham, the southern point of the estuary of the
Kuskokvim.^*'
Without imagining himself in the mouth of a river,
Cook pushed forward until stopped by shoals, which
to his dismay extended in every direction but that
from which he had come. After a brief interview
^' Cook also mentions that they did not understand the language of the
natives of Prince William Sound, and that one of them wore a black cloth
jacket and green breeches. Cook's Voy., ii. 417.
'" Here Lieutenant Williamson was sent ashore to ascend a mountain and
obtain a view. He saw no land, except in the north, and after taking formal
possession returned to the ship. Cook gave the name Bristol Bay to the
whole bend of the coast betwen Unimak Island and the cape just discovered.
Voy., ii. 430-4.
HiBT. Alaska. 14
210 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
with some natives, who also were found in posses-
sion of iron knives, all haste was made to extricate the
vessel from the network of shoals. At last, on the
28th, the soundings made a westerly course possible,
which was on the following day changed to the north-
ward, and on the 3d of August land was made again,
and the ships anchored between an island and the
main. The former was named Sledge Island, from a
wooden sledge with bone runners found upon it. The
next discovery, named King Island, was made on the
7th, and at last, on the 9th, the western extremity
of the American continent lay clearly before them,
the coast beyond receding so far to the eastward as
to leave no room for doubt.^^
After a brisk run across to the coast of Asia the
ships returned to the Alaskan shore and located Icy
Cape, the eastern limit of the arctic cruise. Cape Mul-
grave, and Cape Lisburne, but ice barred further prog-
ress on the American coast as well as on that of
Asia. On the 29th Cook named Cape North and
concluded to return southward, postponing a further
examination of the Polar Sea for another season —
which never came for him. On the evening of the 2d
of September the ships passed East Cape. The fol-
lowing day St Lawrence Bay was revisited and ex-
amined,^' and on the 5th the ships were again headed
for the American coast. During the following day
Norton Sound was entered and names were applied
to Cape Derby, at the entrance of Goloni Bay, and
Cape Denbigh.
Cook remained in this sound until the 17th of Sep-
tember in order to fully ascertain the fact of his being
then on the coast of the American continent and
not on the fabulous island of " Alaschka" represented
'"^^Cook^s Voy., ii. 444.
3^ The editor of Cook's Voyage, in vol. ii. 473, comments upon the curious
coincidence that Bering passed between St Lawrence Bay and St Lawrence
Island on Auguft 10, 1728, and 50 years later, on August 10, 1778, Cook
passed the same spot, naming the bay after the patron saint of that day in the
calendar. Due allowance for the dillercnce between dates in the Julian and
Gregorian calendars, however, spoils this nice little ' coincidence. '
JOHN LED YARD IN ALASKA. 211
upon Stseliliii's map of the Neiv Northern Archipelago.
Captain King had been intrusted with the examina-
tion of Norton Bay, the only point where the existence
of a channel was at all probable. ^^
On leaving Norton Sound it was Cook's intention
to steer directly south in order to survey the coast inter-
vening between his last discovery and the point he had
named Shoalness on the Kuskokvim; but the shallow-
ness of that part of Bering Sea compelled him to run
far to the westward, and prevented him from seeing
anything of the Yukon mouth, and the low country
between that river and the Kuskokvim, and the island
of Nvmivak.^^ After obtaining another sight of St
Lawrence Island, which he named Clark, Cook steered
south-south-west and on the 23d sighted St Matthew
Island, which he named Gore.^^
On the 2d of October Unalaska was sighted, and
passing Kalekhtah Bay, called Egoochshac by Cook,
the two ships anchored in Samghanooda Bay on the
3d of October. Both vessels were at once overhauled
by the carpenters for necessary repairs, and a portion
of the cargo was landed for the purpose of restowing.^^
^'â– ^Cooh's Voy., ii. 482-3. I find that Captain Cook makes mention of the
fact that one of the natives inquired for him by the title of 'capitane,' which
he considers a case of misunderstanding. It is, however, not at all improbable
that the Russian word kapitan had been preserved among the natives of the
vicinity of Bering Strait since Bering's and Gvozdef 's time. »
''^Cook supposed, however, the existence of a large river in that vicinity,
as the water was comparatively fresh and very muddy. Cook's Voy., ii. 491.
'^^ Cook claims to have seen sea-otters here, but was piobably mistaken,
for this animal was never found there by subsequent visitois, and the place
being uninhabited, theie was nothmg to drive them away. The Pribylof group
were the northernmost point from which sea-otters were ever procured, and
there they became quickly exterminated.
^'' During a visit of Mr Ivan Petrof to Samghanooda Bay on the 3d of
October 1S78, the 100th anniversary of Cook's landing, he obtained from the
natives a few traditions relative to Cook's visit. One old chief stated that
his father had told him of two English ships that had anchoi-ed in Samgha-
nooda, M'hich is now known as 'English Bukhta.' The time of their stay had
been somewhat lengthened in transmittal from father to son, for it was
claimed that the ships wintered there, that the people caught fish and killed
seals for the visitoi's, and that several of them ' kept native women \\ith tl;cm.'
See Cook's Voy., ii. 521. The old chief also stated that the 'English' had
built houses and pointed out a spot where an excavation had evidcnt!y been
made long years ago. This last report referred of course only to some tem-
porary shelter for protecting the landed cargo. The same man pointed out
to Mr Petrof the position in which the ships had been moored, according
212 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
While the ship's companies were engaged in water-
ing, repairing, fishing, and gathering berries as an.
anti-scorbutic, a messenger arrived on the 8th with a
note written in Russian for the commander of each
vessel, and a gift, consisting of a salmon pie, baked of
rye-meal. There was no one able to read the notes,
but, being now sure that some Russians resided in the
immediate vicinity. Cook caused a suitable return to
be made in the shape of sundry bottles of liquor. Cor-
poral John Ledyard w^as sent with the returning
messenger to find the Russians, invite them to the
anchorage, and obtain all available information con-
cerning their discoveries in American waters. ^^
Ledyard's experience on this occasion has been de-
scribed by himself and transmitted to posterity by his
biographer. He succeeded in his mission, passed a
few days at the settlement of Illiuliuk, and brought
back three Russian hunters, who were well received,
and who freely imparted such information as could be
conveyed by signs and numerals. '^^ They promised to
to the recollection of his father, a position which agreed exactly with that
indicated on Cook's chart of Samghanooda, which the chief certainly neVer
had seen.
2^ Cook's Voy., ii. 495. Cook merely says that he sent Ledyard, but in
Sparks'' Life of Ltdyard, 79-80, it is claimed that he volunteered and thereby
relieved Cook from the dilemma of selecting an officer for such a 'dangerous'
expedition. The present of bread M'as in accordance with an ancient Russian
custom, still observed, of presenting bread and salt to new an-ivals in a town,
dwelling, or neighborhood, emblematic of the wish that the recipient might
never want for the necessaries of life. Among the wealthy the most elabo-
rate confectionery and silver or gold receptacles take the place of bread and
salt on such occasions.
^^ Ledyard's narrative of this excursion seems to me somewhat highly col-
ored, though evidently written in good faith. The man was ' sensational ' by
nature. His native guides evidently did not take him to his destination by
the shortest route. There is and was at that time an easy path only 12 miles
in length from the head of Samghanooda Bay to Captain Harbor, where lay the
Russian settlement. Ledyard was made to walk ' 15 miles into the interior ' on
the first day, to a native village, where he passed the night, and where ' a young
woman seemed very busy to please ' him, and on the following day he again
walked until three hours before dark ere reaching Captain Harbor, which he
called 'four leagues over.' It is about five miles. The distance he claims to
have walked after this Mas measured by 'tired and swollen feet, 'but finally he
was carried across to the settlement, squeezed into the ' hole ' of a two-hatch
bidarka. He was hospitably entertained after due exchange of civilities and
delivery of Cook's presents. The next morning the repellent odors of a
matutinal meal composed of ' whale, sea-horse, and bear ' upset Ledyard's
stomach, though bears and walruses are unknown in Unalaska, The weather
INTERCOURSE WITH RUSSIANS. 213
bring a map showing all the Russian discoveries. On
the 14th the commander of the Russian expedition in
this quarter arrived from a journey and landed near
Samghanooda. His name was Gerassim Grigorovich
Ismailof.^^
The usual civilities were exchanged and Cook had
every opportunity of questioning his visitor, but it is
evident that the advantage was w^th the Russian, who
learned from the Englishman what was of the utmost
importance to the Siberian merchants, wiiile he told
what he chose, holding back much information in his
possession, for instance the visit of Polutof to Kadiak
in 1776 and the long residence at Unimak Strait of
iDeing bad he remained another day and examined the settlement, counting
thirty Russians and seventy Kamchatkans. He also visited a small sloop of
30 tons, lying near the village, and thus describes his feelings on that occa-
sion: ' It is natural to an ingenuous mind, when it enters a town, a house, or
ship, that has been rendered famous by any particular event, to feel the
full force of that pleasure, which results from gratifying a noble curiosity. I
was no sooner informed that this sloop was the same in which the famous
Bering had performed those discoveries which did him so much lionor, and his
country so much service, than I was determined to go on board of her and
indulge in the generous feelings the occasion inspired.' He remained an hour,
«ujoying himself, I trust, without the slightest suspicion of the fact that
the craft he had in his mind had been broken up on Bering Island, and
that the sloop constructed from the remains was at that time lying fathoms
deep under the surface on the Asiatic shore. The sentimental Yankee
returned to the ships in less than one day. Sparks' Life of Ledyard, 85-90.
^^The report given by Ismailof of Cook's ^'isit was received by Major
Behm, commander of Kamchatka in April 1779. The document simply stated
that two English ships had anchored on the north side of Unalaska; that he
i(IsmailGf) had rendered the visitors every assistance in obtaining food and
water, and that they liad communicated by signs only, owing to his ignorance
of the English language. Sr/ibnef in l\Iorskoi Sboriiik, ciii. 7, 21. Ismailof
â– evidently took a more sensible view of Cook's expedition than did the author-
ities in Kamchatka. At the time of the presence of the two ships in Avatcha
Bay, Behm was on the point of leaving for Irkutsk, but in view of the ' critical
•condition of the country' he consented to remain at the head of afi'airs. The
general impression was, that the vessels had come at the instigation of Ben-
yovski with hostile intent. A deputation of men not connected with the
public sei'vice was first sent to meet the strangers, probably to ' draw fire, '
consisting of Behm's servant, a merchant, and a clerk. At the same time
runners and messengers were despatched to all the forts and ostrogs to put
the garrisons upon their guard. The subsequent friendly intercourse with
the strangers was carried on under constant apprehension. The desired sup-
plies were furnished free of charge, because, as Shmalef wrote, ' the high
price we must have asked would ha^•e incensed them. ' Shmalef never be-
lieved in the scientific objects of the expedition and urged the for^^'arding of
reenforcements. The presents of curiosities made to Behm were all by him
transmitted to the imperial academy, in order to purge himself of all suspicion
of having been bribed by the enemy. S(jibnef, in Morskoi Sbornik^ ciii. 7, 22-6.
214 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
Zaikof, who was even then at Umnak, close by. The
corrected map of the islands shown to Cook was
probably the work of this same Potap Zaikof ^° The
most important correction he received for his own
work was the existence of the island of Unimak,
which had been laid down on Cook's chart as part of
the continent. Ismailof remained near Samghanooda
until the 21st of October, and on his departure was
intrusted with despatches for the lords commissioners
of the British admiralty which he promised to for-
ward the following spring to Okhotsk and thence to
St Petersburg by way of Siberia.
Another intelligent Russian whom Cook mentioned
in his journal was Yakof Ivanovich Saposhnikof, in
command of a vessel then lying at Unga."
The accompanying reproduction of the chart show-
ing Cook's discoveries and surveys as far as they fall
within the scope of this volume will convey an ade-
quate idea of how much we owe to this eminent navi-
gator.
On the 26th of October, after a sojourn of twenty-
three days, the Resolution and Discovery sailed from
Samghanooda Harbor for the Hawaiian Islands,
where the gallant commander was to end his explora-
tion and his life.
In the following year the expedition returned to
Kamchatka under command of Captain Clarke, next
to Cook in rank, and thence proceeded to explore
beyond Bering Strait for a north-east passage tO'
the Atlantic. After reaching latitude 70° 33' near
the American coast the vessels were obliged by ice
to turn back. The conclusion arrived at was that no
passage existed south of latitude 65°, and that it must
*^ With reference to a Russian note received on board the Discovery in the
vicinity of the Shuinagin Islands, Cook understood Ismailof to say that it
had been written at Uninak, l)ut it is safe to assume that he said the writer
was then at Uniiiak, and tliat Zaikof had extended his explorations to the
Shumagin. C'ook'n Voy., ii. 4!)0.
^' Berg mentions tlie sloop named Pavel, or St Paul, commanded by the
matrosti (sailor) Saposhnikof, which returned to Okhotsk in 1780. KhronoL
1st., Table i.
THE CHART.
215
Cook's Voyage— Southekn Section.
216
OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
be sought north of Bering Strait, beyond Icy Cape,
leading probably to Baffin Bay ; yet it would be mad-
ness to attempt the passage during the short time the
route might be free from ice. Hardly less hopeful
appeared^the prospect for sailing westward along the
northern coast of Siberia. The sea nearer the pole
would probably be less obstructed by ice. Clarke
Is^^ Cape
-?§?iGrtrrs
C.Se
:^:
East Ca
f'Cape Lisburn
iC.Mu(grave
r - ^— .4rcHc Circle
Cook's Voyagk— Northern Section.
died August 22d, as the vessels approached Petro-
pavlovsk, and here he was buried. Captain Gore
took the expedition home by way of Japan, China,
and Cape of Good Hope. While in China several
small lots of sea-otter skins were disposed of by men
and officers at prices which seemed fabulous, and the
ANOTHER SPANISH EXPEDITION. 217
excitement created by this success resulted in quite a
rush of vessels to the Northwest Coast, and a brisk
competition sprang up with Russians in the purchase
of furs there and in their sale in China. ^^
In 1776 orders were issued in Spain to fit out
another expedition to the north, to continue and com-
plete the discoveries of Cuadra made the previous
year, but the execution of the plan was delayed, and
not until February 11, 1779, did two vessels, the
Princesa and the Favorita, sail from San Bias, with
Lieutenant Ignacio Arteaga in conmiand, and Cuadra
as second.*^
On the 28th of April the expedition, which had
orders to attain a latitude of 70°, found itself in lati-
tude 54° 45', and on the 2d of May the vessels entered
Bucareli Sound, Arteaga anchoring in a sheltered
bay on the south side, which he named Santa Cruz,
and Cuadra exploring the north side of the sound,
but finally joining his commander in the Puerto de
Santa Cruz on the 5th. As soon as Cuadra had re-
ported to Arteaga for orders, it was resolved to fit
out an expedition of two boats for a thorough explora-
tion of the interior of the sound. The crews of both
vessels were constantly employed in preparing the
boats, supplying wood and water, and assisting the
ofificers in their astronomical observations. On the
13th a solemn mass was celebrated on shore, with
accompaniment of music and artillery, a cross was
■•'^ Captain King, who wrote the last volume of Cooh^s Voyage, pointed out
the advantages of this trade, and suggested methods to be observed therein.
Cooh's Voy., iii. 430-8.
*^See FJist. Northwest Coast, passim, this series. Also, Arteaga, Tercera
exploracion hecha el ano 1779 con las Fragatas del rey, ' la Princesa,^ mandada
por el teniente de navio don Ignacio Arteaga, y la ' Favorita ' par el de la misma
clase don Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Cuadra, desde el puerto de San Bias
hasta los sesnita y un grados de latitud, in Viages cd Norte de Cal., MS., No. 4;
Maurelle, Navegacion hecha por el Alfcrez de Fragata de la Real Armada Don
Francwco Antonio Maurelle deslinado de segundo capitan de la Fragata ' Favo-
rita,^ Id., MS., No. 5. Bodega y Cuadra, Segunda salida hasta los 61 grados
en la Fragata ' Nuestra Seiiora de los Remedios,'' alias la 'Favorita,^ Aiio de
1779, MS., id.. No. 6^; Bodi^ga y Cuadra, Navegacion y descubrimientos hechos
de ordcn de S. M. en la Costa septejiirional de California, 1779, in Mayer,
MSS.,No. 13.
218 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
erected in a prominent place, and under waving of
flags and salvos of musketry the country was taken
possession of in the name of the king, the savages
gazing stolidly at this insanity of civilization.
On the 18th the two boats sailed from the bahia
de la Santisima Cruz, with a complement of five offi-
cers, four soldiers, and twenty-four sailors. They
were provisioned for eighteen days. The result of
the expedition was the earliest and best survey ever
made of the most important harbor of Prince of Wales
Island.**
During the absence of the boats on this errand
the natives gathered in numbers about the ships in
the bahia de la Santisima Cruz. The strict orders of
the commander to avoid a conflict, and to ignore small
thefts, soon worked its evil effect upon these children
of nature, who could not understand leniency or un-
willingness to punish robbery and to recover losses,
unless it was based upon weakness or lack of courage.
Working parties on the shore were molested to such
an extent that it became necessary to surround them
with a cordon of sentries only five paces apart, and
sailors were robbed of their clothes while washing
them. Under these circumstances the return of the
lanclias with their crews was hailed with joy; but by
by this time over eighty canoes manned by a thousand
savages w^ere in the bay and great caution was neces-
sary to avoid hostilities. Even the firing of cannon
did not seem to frighten the Indians, and when a
**The officers were Francisco JSIaurelle, Jos6 Camacho, Juan Bantista
Aguirre, Juan Pantojo, and Juan Garcia. The armament consisted of 8 fal-
conets and 20 muskets, with 25 rounds of ammunition for each. They pro-
ceeded first to the south-western point, San Bartolomt^, of the entrance to the
sound, and then around the western shore, carefully sounding and locating
bays, islets, and points. The names applied were very numerous, the most
important being as follows: puerto de San Antonio, puerto de la Asuncion;
the islands San Ignacio and Santa Rita; puerto de la Real Marina; canal de
Portillo; bahia de Esquivcl; canal de San Cristobal; the islands of San Fer-
nando and San Juan Bautistt^ boca del Almirante; bahia de San Alberto;
puerto del Bagial; puerto de San NicoUs; the canos del Trocadero; the
island of INIadrc de Dios; puerto de la Caldera; i^uerto de la Estrella; puerto
del Refugio — which was subsequently found to be a passage — and the puerto
de los Dolores.
NEW NAJillNGS. 219
canoe was struck by a ball and the inmates fell, the
effect was only temporary. Arteaga seized a chief in
order to obtain the return of two sailors who had been
reported as held captive in the native village, but it
was found that the Spaniards had voluntarily joined
the savages with the intention to desert.*^
During the last days of June the two ships were
moved across the sound to the bay of San Antonio,
and thence they finally sailed the 1st of July, taking
a north-westerly course along the coast. Mount St
Elias was sighted on the Qth,"*^ and a few days later
Kaye, or Kyak, Island was named Cdrmen. The
next anchorage, probably Nuchek Bay, was named
Puerto de Santiago, and a boat expedition went to
ascertain whether the land was connected with the
continent. The officer in charge reported that he had
convinced himself that it was an island.^^ The usual
forms of taking possession were observed, being the
third ceremony of the kind performed upon nearly
the same ground within a year — by Cook in 1778, by
a party of Zaikof's men, who had been despatched in
a bidar from Cook Inlet, in June 1779, and again by
Arteaga. Cuadra, in his journal, expressed the con-
viction that a large river must enter the sea between
Carmen Island and the harbor of Santiago, thus cor-
rectly locating Copper River, which both Cook and
Vancouver failed to observe.*^
^^With the avowed object of 'gaining a better knowledge of the people
and their customs,' Arteaga sanctioned the purchase of five children. Two
girls, aged respectively seven and eight years, were taken on board the
Princesa, and the boys, between five and ten, on the Favorita. Tercera Explo-
radon, in Viarjes al Norte, MS., etc., 111.
*s Alluded to as Cape St Elias in the journal, 'Ygualmente tenian d la
vista el elevado promontorio de San Elias sobre las nxibes, presentandose en
forma de un pan de aziicar ;' but it is doubtful what point or mountain this
was, for the ships were at a great distance from the shore. Tercera Expl., in
Viarjes al Norte, MS., etc. 113.
*' If this was really Nuchek, or Hinchinbrook Island, the Spaniards antici-
pated Vancouver's discovery of the fact bj' 14 years. Tercera Expl, in Viages
al Norte, MS. , 1 16-17. During this boat expedition many canoes of the natives
were seen, and on one of them a flag was displayed showing the colors red,
white, and blue.
*^ Arteaga, while at this anchorage, convened a junta of officers for the pur-
pose of considering the advisability of returning at once to San Bias. His
220 OFFICIAL EXPLORATIONS.
On the 28tli the ships put to sea once more, taking
a south-westerly course, without attempting to find a
passage at the head of Prince Wilham Sound as Cook
had done in the preceding year, and on the 1st of
August they found an anchorage formed by several
islands in latitude 59° 8'. Formal possession was
again taken and the largest island of the group named
Isla de la Regla. This was the Cape Elizabeth of
Cook, who had failed to notice its separation from the
continent. The Iliamna volcano on the west shore
of Cook Inlet was sighted from this point and named
Miranda.*^
After a short stay at this anchorage, Arteaga
concluded to give up further explorations and to
sail direct for Cape Mendocino. The departure took
place on the 7th of August, and thus ended, so far as
relates to Alaska, an expedition which w^ould have
been of the greatest importance had it not been for
the English explorations of the year preceding. Ar-
teaga and his officers could know nothing of Cook's
investigations and believed themselves the first to ex-
plore the region already visited by the Resolution and
Discovei^y between Cross Sound and Cape Elizabeth,
but even after deducting from the result of their work
own timidity conld not prevail against the ambitious courage of Maurelle and
Cuadra, who insisted that some further discoveries must be attempted before
relinquishing so costly an expedition. TerceraExpl. , in Viagesal Norte, MS. ,117.
■•"In the journals this mountain was described as bearing a striking x-esem-
blance to the Orizaba of Mexico and the peak of Teneriffe. Viacjes al Norte,
MS., 120. A map of the anchorage is still in existence, pasted in at the end
of the manuscript entitled Azanza, Ynntruccion, etc. This map represents
the islands of the Cape Elizabeth group — Tzukli of the Russians — and the
adjoining coast of the Kenai peninsula, but, though correct in its contours,
with the exception of representing the mainland as islands — Ysla de Mau-
relle in the north and Ysla de San Bruno in the east— it does not correspond
in its details with the narrative contained in Viages al Norte. There is a dis-
crepancy even between the map and the legend, the latter stating that 'ha-
viendose tomado segdo posesion en la Ysla de San Antonio,' but no such
island is on the chart. The projecting points of the mainland are named as
stated above; the island containing Capp Elizabeth was named Ysla de San
Aniceto, and the smaller islands and rocks el Sombrero, de Ayala, de San
Angel, de Arriaga, la Monja, los Frailes. The point where possession was
taken is marked with a cross on the n. w. point of San Aniceto. The open-
ing between the latter and the mainland is named ensenada de Nuestra
Sefiora de la Regla. The latitude is correctly given as 59° 8', the long. -49° 11'
w. of San Bias. Azanza, Ynstruccion, etc.
ARTEAGA'S ACHIEVEMENTS. 221
all that may be affected by Cook's prior discovery,
the careful survey of Bucareli Sound, in connection
with Heceta's and Cuadra's prior explorations, presents
a basis for Spain's claims to the coast region to lati-
tude 58° so far as relative right of discovery is con-
cerned, attended by the ceremony of taking possession.
A little more energy or ambition on Arteaga's part
would have led to a meeting with the Russians and
liiade the subsequent expedition of Martinez and Haro
unnecessary. ^'^
The viceroy of Mexico declared himself highly
pleased with the results of the voyage, and advanced
one step the rank of all the officers on both vessels.
At the same time he stated that no further discoveries
in a northerly direction would be undertaken for the
present. ^^
^° The sloop Kliment, belonging to the Panof Company, was cruising about
Kadiak at the very time of Arteaga's presence at La Regla. Berg, Khronol. 1st.,
104.
^1 Cartas de los Excelentmmos Sres Vireyes don Antonio Bucareli, don Mar-
tin de Mayorga, etc., in Viagesal Norte, MS., etc., 126-7.
CHAPTER XI.
COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
1783-1787.
FiBST Attempted Settlement of the Russians in America— Voyage op
Geigor Shelikof — Permanent Establishment of the Russians at
Kadiak — Return of Shelikof — His Instructions to Samoilof, Col-
onial Commander — The Historic Sable and Otter — Skins as Cur-
rency — Trapping and Tribute-collecting — Method of Conducting
THE Hunt — Regulations of the Peredovchiki — God's Sables and
Man's — Review of the Fur-trade on the Coasts of Asia and Amer-
ica — Pernicious System Introduced by the Promyshleniki — The
China Market — Foreign Rivals and their Method — Abuse of
Natives — Cook's and Vancouver's Opinions of Competition with
the Russians — Extirpation of Animals.
We enter here a new epoch of Alaska history.
Hitherto all has been discovery, exploration, and the
hunting of fur-bearing animals, with little thought of
permanent settlement. But now Grigor Ivanovich
Shelikof comes to the front as the father and founder
of Russian colonies in America.^
' One of the chief authorities for this period of Alaska history, and indeed
the only full account of Shelikof 's visit to America, is a work written by him-
self and published after his death. It is entitled Orirjoria Shelikhova Stran-
slvoranie, etc., or Gririor Shel/kof's Journeys from 17S3 to 17S7, from Okhotsk
to the Eastern Ocean and the Coast of America, with a prodolshenie, or contin-
uation. Printed at St Petersburg in 1792-3, 12mo, with maps. In 1793
both of these books were translated by one J. J. Logan into English and pub-
lished in one 8vo volume at St Petersburg. Pallas printed a German trans-
lation, chiefly remarkable for inaccuracies, in his Nord. Beitr., vi. 165-249.
And still another German translation appeared in Basse's Journal fiir Buss-
land, 17'J4f i- Shelikof s fii'st volume contains voluminous descriptions of the
Aleutian Islands, with whole passages, and even pages, identical in every
respect with corresponding passages in, the anonymous German Neue Nach-
richten, the authorship of which I ascribe to J. L. Schlozer. It is safe to
assume that Shelikof had access to this work published some 20 years before
his own, and used it in writing his own volume. Slielikof's book was repub-
lished in one volume, without maps, in 1812, under title of Puteshestvie G.
Shelikhova 1783-1790. It seems that the directors of the Russian American
(222)
GRIGORIA SHELIKHOVA STRANSVOVANIE. 223
In 1 783 the company of Siberian merchants of which
Shehkof and Ivan GoHkof were the principal share-
holders, finished three ships at Okhotsk for operating
on a larger scale in the region then designated as the
ostrova, or the islands. The ships were the Trekh
SviatiteU, Three Saints, the Sv Simeon, and the Sv
Mikhail. On the IGth of August they sailed with one
hundred and ninety-two men in all, the largest force
which had hitherto left the Siberian coast at one time.
Shelikof and his wife/ who accompanied her husband
in all his travels, were on the Trekh SviatiteU, com-
manded by Ismailof. The first part of the voyage
was stormy, the wind contrary, and the ships were
unable to leave the sea of Okhotsk, but on the 2d of
September the squadron anchored near the second
Kurile island, for the purpose of watering, and then
passed safely into the Pacific. On the 12th a gale
separated the vessels, and after prolonged and futile
efforts to find the Sv Mikha/il, Shelikof concluded to
pass the winter on Bering Island with the two other
vessels. Thanks to the enforcement of wise regula-
tions framed by Shelikof, the crews suffered but little
from scurvy, and in June of the following year the
expedition steered once more to the eastward. A few
stoppages were made on Copper, Atkha, and other
islands, with a longer stay at Unalaska, where the two
ships were repaired, and refitted with water and pro-
Company resented the publication of the book. In the 'Secret Instructions'
forwarded to Baranof in 1802 occurs the following reference to this subject:
'You must send your communications to the chief administration direct, and
not to Okhotsk, since the company has very little to do with provincial
authorities, and also because the government at present has many views con-
cerning America that must be kept a profound secret, being confided only to
you as chief manager. Therefore it is not proper to forward such information
through the government authorities at Irkutsk, where no secret could be
preserved. As a proof of this may serve you the endorsed book of Grigor
jShelikof's Travela. It is nothing but his journals transmitted to governor
general Jacobi, on whose retirement it was stolen from the chancellery by
Mr Piel, and printed against the will of the deceased. Consequently secrets
of state were exposed. I refer to the location of tablets claiming possession
of the country for Russia.' Sitka Archives, MS., Con. I., 1-21.
^Shelikof, Putesh., i. 2. Natalia Shelikof was possessed of great energy
and business capacity. After lier husband's death she managed fo^- many
years not only her own but the company's business. Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos.,
ii., app. 108-13.
224 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
visions. The Sinwon had been separated from her
consort during the voyage along the Aleutian chain,
but she made her appearance in the harbor a few days
after the arrival of the Sviatiteli. Shelikof obtained
two interpreters and ten Aleutian hunters, and leaving
instructions for the guidance of the Sv Mihhall he
shaped his course for the island of Kikhtak, subse-
quently named Kadiak.^ The voyage was devoid of
incident, and on the 3d of August 1784 the two ships
entered a capacious bay on the south-east coast of the
island, between cape Barnabas and the two-headed
cape of Cook, and anchored in its westernmost branch,
naming it after the ship TrekJi Sviatiteli, Three Saints.*
Armed parties of promyshleniki were sent out in
boats and bidars to search for natives, but only one
succeeded, and brought news that a large body of
aboriginals had been found. They had avoided a
meeting, however, and it was not until the following
day that another exploring party returned with one
of the natives. Shelikof treated the captive kindly,
loaded him with presents, and allowed him to return
to his people. On the 5th there was an eclipse of the
sun which lasted an hour and a half, and caused much
uneasiness among the natives, who naturally con-
nected the phenomenon with the appearance of the
Kussians.^
3 Shelikof, Putesh. , i. 36. Kikhtak, or Kikhtowik, is the Innuit word for
island. At the present day the natives of the peninsula speak of the Kadiak
people simply as Kikhtagamuteft, islanders. The tribal name appears to have
been Kaniag and the Russian appellation now in use was probably derived
from both. Glottof first landed and wintered on the island in 1763, after
which it was several times visited.
* The shores of Three Saints Harbor are generally steep and rocky, but
about a mile from its entrance a gravelly bar or spit from the southern side
forms a horseshoe, opening into the interior of the bay. Such locations
were peculiarly adapted to the requirements of the Russians at that time.
The small land-locked basin formed by the spit was deep enough for such
vessels as they had ; the shelving shore enabled them to beach their vessels
during winter and to utilize them as dwellings or fortifications, while the
level sandbar afforded convenient building sites. The adjoining hills and
mountains being devoid of timber, there was no danger of surprise from the
landj and water enclosed three sides of the settlement.
^Shelikof, Putesh., i. 51. It has been hinted that Shelikof used this little
incident in imitation of the Sppnish discoverer of America, to impress the
savages with his occult powers. The one who had been so kindly received
SHELIKOF'S VISIT. 225
Another exploring party was sent out on the 7th
with instructions to select hunting-grounds, and if
possible to circumnavigate the island and observe its
coasts. After two da^^s, when about ten leagues from
the anchorage, this expedition fell in with a large party
of savages who had taken up a position on a Jcehour,^
or detached cliff, near the shore, surrounded by water.
An interpreter was at once sent forward to open
friendly intercourse, but the islanders told the mes-
senger to inform the Russians that if they wished to
escape with their lives they should leave the island at
once. The natives could not be persuaded to abandon
this hostile attitude, and the exploring party returned
to the harbor to report.
Shelikof at once proceeded to the spot with all the
men that could be spared from the encampment, but
when he reached the scene he found the savages in
formidable numbers and full of courage. Peaceful
overtures were still continued, '^ but were wholly lost
on the savages. Arrows began to fly, and the Rus-
sians retired to the ships to prepare for defence. Not
long afterward the Koniagas stole upon the Russian
camp one dark night, and began a desperate fight
which lasted till daylight, when the savages took to
flight.^ But this was by no means the end of it.
From his Koniaga friend Shelikof learned that his
people were only awaiting reenforcements to renew
the attack. He accordingly determined to anticipate
them by possessing himself at once of their strong-
returned voluntarily in a few days and did not leave Shelikof again as long
as the latter remained on the island.
*Such places, to which the Russians applied the Kamchatka name of
Jcekour, were often used by the natives as natural fortifications and places
of refuge. War parties or hunting expeditions would leave their women and
children upon such cliffs for safe-keeping till their return.
^ In Shelikof 's journal, which was published after his death, the number
of natives was given at 4,000, but one tenth would be nearer the truth. In
his official report to the governor of eastern Siberia no figures are given.
Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 8; Shelikof, Putesh., i. 10, 11. Lissianski was in-
formed in 1804 by a native eye-witness that only 400 men, women, and chil-
dren were on the kekour. Liss. Voy., ISO.
_ « Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 9; Shelikof, Putesh., i. 113-16. Shelikof reports
this affair as having occui-red on the 12th of August.
Hist. Alaska. 15
226 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
hold on the rocky islet. A small force of picked pro-
myshleniki approached the enemy in boats. A heavy
shower of spears fell on them; but the havoc made
by a few discharges of grape from the falconet aimed
at the huts caused great consternation, and a general
stampede followed, during which many were killed,
while a large number lost their lives by jumping over
the precipice, and as Shelikof claims, over one thou-
sand were taken prisoners.^ The casualties on the
side of the Russians were confined to a few severe
and many trifling wounds. Shelikof claims that he
retained four hundred of the prisoners, allowing the
remainder to go to their homes, and they were held
not as regular captives, but in a kind of temporary
subjection. "At their own desire," as Shelikof puts
it, "they were located fifty versts away from the har-
bor without any Russian guards, simply furnishing
hostages as a guarantee of good faith and good be-
havior." The hostages consisted of children who were
to be educated by the Russians.^''
Nor was this second battle the end of native efforts
for life and liberty. Attacks still occurred from time
to time, generally upon detached hunting or explora-
tion parties, but in each case the savages were re-
pulsed with loss. The promptness with which they
were met evidently destroyed their confidence in
themselves, arising from their easy victory over the
first Russian visitors.
Meanwhile no time was lost in pushing prepara-
^ Shelikof , Putesh., i. 18. Says Shelikof in his journal: 'I do not boast
of the shedding of blood, but I am sure that Ave killed some of our assailants.
I endeavored to find out the number, but failed because they carried their
dead with them and thi-ew them into the sea.' Compare Tchitchino/'s Ad-
ventures, MS., 36-7; Sololofs Markofs Voy., MS., 7-9.
^° Tikhmenef, Istor. Obox., i. 10. Shelikof writes: 'I retained 400 pris-
oners, furnished them with provisions and all necessary appliances for trap-
ping and hunting, and placed .them in charge of a native named Kaskak.'
Puiexh., i. 18, 19. The same name of Kaskak occurs in the narrative of a
native of Kadiak collected by Holmberg, relating to the first landing of Rus-
sians on Kadiak Island, 20 years prior to Shelikof's arrival. Sauer writes
eight years later that 200 young females were then kept as hostages. A
party of women had once been captui'ed and retained, though wives were
exchanged for daughters. He places the population of the island at 3,500.
Billings' Voy., 171.
EDUCATION AND RELIGION. 227
tions for permanent occupancy of the island. In a
few weeks dwelling-houses and fortifications were
erected by the expert Russian axemen, and Shelikof
took care to furnish his own residence with all the
comforts and a few of the luxuries of civilization, such
as he could collect from the two vessels, in order to
inspire the savage breast with respect for superior
culture. And, indeed, as time passed by, the chasm
dividing savage and civilized was filled, the Koniagas
ascending in some respects and the Russians descend-
ing. The natives watched with the greatest curiosity
the construction of houses and fortifications after
the Russian fashion, until they voluntarily offered
to assist. A school was conducted by Shelikof in
person; he endeavored to teach both children and
adults the Russian lano^uas^e and arithmetic, and to
sow the seeds of Christianity. According to his
account he turned forty heathens into Christians dur-
ing his sojourn on Kadiak ; but we may presume that
their knowledge of the faith did not extend beyond
the sign of the cross, and perhaps repeating a few
words of the creed without the slightest understand-
ing of its meaning. So that when the pious colonist
asserts that the converts began at once to spread the
new religion among their countrymen we may con-
clude that he is exaggerating.^^
As soon as possible Shelikof turned his attention
once more to the exploration of the island. A party
of fifty-two promyshleniki and eleven Aleuts from
the Fox Islands went to the north and north-east in
four large bidars, accompanied b}^ one hundred and ten
Koniagas in their own bidarkas. This was in May
1785. The object of the expedition was to make
the acquaintance of the inhabitants of the adjoining
" Shelikof dwells at length upon his efforts to induce the Koniagas to
become subjects of Riissia, and claims to have met with success. He also
planted vegetables, but could not j^revail upon the Kadiak people to eat or
cultivate them. Train-oil and fish pleased them better. Fiitesh, i. 30-2;
Tclhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 11; Ch-ewingk, Beitr., 323; Pallas, Nord. Beitr.,
1. 170.
228 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
islands and the mainland. After a cruise in Prince
William Sound and Cook Inlet, the party returned
in August with a small quantity of furs, yet report-
ing a not unfriendly reception, and bringing twenty
hostages from the latter place. If we consider the
hostile attitude assumed by the same people two ^^ears
before toward Zaikof, we must credit Shelikof with
good management. On their return all proceeded
for the winter to Karluk, where salmon abounded.^^
From this point and from the original encampment
on Three Saints Bay, detachments of promyshleniki
explored the coast in all directions during the winter,
notably along the Alaska peninsula, learning of Ili-
amna Lake and of the different portage routes to the
west side.
Despite all precautions the scurvy broke out in the
Russian camps and carried off numbers, but instead
of taking advantage of the weakened condition of the
Russians, the natives willingly assisted in obtaining
fresh provisions. One exception to this good under-
standing occurred on the island of Shuiak, situated
north of Afognak. A quantity of goods had been in-
trusted by one of Shelikof's agents to the chief of
Shuiak, to purchase furs during the winter. When
asked for a settlement he not only refused but killed
the messengers. An exjDedition was sent in the spring
which succeeded in bringing the recreant chief to
terms, and in establishing fortified stations on Cook
Inlet and Afognak. ^^
On the 25th of February 1786 Shelikof received a
letter from Eustrate Delarof, who was then at Una-
laska, stating that the ship Sv Mikhail, which had
been separated from Shelikof's squadron in a gale,
had arrived at that place the previous May. She
'2 Karluk, situated on the west coast of Kadiak, is a settlement upon the
river of the same name, which furnishes a larger quantity of salmon than any
other stream of its size in Alaska. See CartO(j. Pac. States, MS., iii. passim.
^^ A war party of 1,000 men of the Chugatsches and Kenais which had been
summoned by the Shuiak chief, to attempt the destruction of Shelikof's set-
tlement, also dispersed before it was fully organized. Tikhmencf, Istor. Ohos.,
i. 12, 13; Shelikof, Putesh., i. 51-3; Pallas, Nord. Beitr., vi. 185-6.
EXCLUSIVE RIGHTS. 229
reached the port minus one mast and otherwise dam-
aged, and repairs to the vessel occupied nearly the
whole summer. When at last ready for sea she was
cast upon the rocks and injured to such an extent as
to require additional repairs. Despairing of getting
off the Sv Mihhcdl that season, Delarof despatched
thirteen men divided into several detachments as
messengers to Kadiak in search of assistance. Six of
them succumbed to cold and hunger during a deten-
tion of many weeks on the Alaska peninsula, and five
more died after reaching Kadiak. Soon after this
the craft arrived at Three Saints, and the commander,
Assistant Master Olessof, who had been three years
making the voyage from Okhotsk to Kadiak, was de-
posed and the peredovchik Samoilof invested with the
control of both vessels, one of which was to cruise
northward and eastward from Kadiak and the other
westward and northward, if possible as far as Bering
Strait.
Early in March Shelikof despatched an exploring
party eastward with orders to proceed to Bering's
Cape St Elias, and to erect a fort as the beginning
of a settlement. He resolved to abandon the fort on
Cook Inlet as too far removed from his base of opera-
tion, and to enlarge the fortified station on Afognak
Island, besides establishing several others. ^^ These
and other arrangements made, Shelikof prepared to
return to Okhotsk, and the peredovchik, Samoilof,
formerly a merchant in Siberia, was appointed to the
command of the infant colony. His instructions de-
manded above all the extension of Russian control
and establishments eastward and south, and the ex-
clusion of rival traders.^^
^* Shelikof, PutesJi., i. 57; Pallas, Nord. Beitr., vi. 186. See Juvenal's
Jour., MS., 27-8.
15 These instructions dated May 4, 1786, were printed in the original crude
form, in the appendix to Tikhmeucf, Istoricheskaia Obosranie, ii. The docu-
ment contains much that is highly interesting. The small number of Russians
assignetl to each isolated station makes it evident that Shelikof was not appre-
hensive of renewed hostilities on the part of the natives, and confirms the suspi-
cion that his previous reports of their number, bravery, and fierce disposition
230 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
Shelikof took his departure in May, accompanied
by a number of native adults and children, some to
be retained and educated, others to be merely im-
pressed with a view of Russian life and power. He
landed at Bolsheretsk on the 8th of August, and
thence proceeded to Petropavlovsk,^^ and overland to
were exaggerated. Of 113 Russians then in the new colony, and 50 others ex-
pected from Unalaska, he ordered the following disposition to be made: 40 men
at the harbor of Three Saints; 11 at the bay of Ugak (Orlova); 30 on the islands
of Shuiak and Afoguak; 10 or 11 at either Uganak, Chiniak, or Aiakhtalsk; 30
at Karliik; 20 at Katmak (Katmai), and 11 at a station between Katmala and
Kamuishak Bay. These trading-posts were separated from each other by long
distances of land and water, and extended over hundreds of miles. The
instructions further specify that ' immediately upon tlie arrival of reenforce-
ments from Okhotsk, stations should be established in the Kenai and Chu-
gatsch countries,' and 'with all possible despatch farther and fai'ther along
the coast of the American continent, and in a southerly direction to Califor-
aia, establishing eveiy where marks of Russian possession.' If expected reen-
forcements failed to arrive, only three stations were to be maintained — at the
harbor, Afognak, and Kai-luk. Paragraph 7 of the instructions announced
that Shelikof would take with him to Okhotsk forty natives — adults and chil-
dren of botli sexes — 'some in satisfaction of their own desire,' and others,
' prisoners from various settlements. ' One third of these natives were to be
returned by tlie same ship, after 'seeing the fatherland and observing our
domestic life ; ' another third were to be forwarded to the court of her imperial
Majesty; while the remainder, consisting chiefly of children, were to be edu-
cated in Okhotsk or Irkutsk ' to enable them in the future to exercise a civil-
izing influence among their countrymen.' Other paragraphs relate to the
maintenance of the stiictest discipline among the Russians ; the employment
of spies among the natives; to explorations and voyages of discovery south-
ward to latitude 40°; the construction of buildings and fortified block-houses^
the purchase of articles of native manufacture — garments, utensils, etc. ; the
collection of minerals, ores, and shells for transmission to St Petersburg; san-
itary i-egulations to prevent scurvy; the collection of boys from 'latitude 50°
in California, northward to Aliaska,'to be educated in the Russian language;
the exclusion of other trading firms in this the country then occupied, ' by
peaceable means, if possible;' the expulsion of worlhless and vicious men from
the company; the maintenance of a school at Three Saints, and other business-
details. The document furnishes strong evidence of Shelikof 's far-sightedness,
energy, ambition, and executive ability. After liolding Samoilof responsible
for the strict observance of these instructions, the writer signed himself:
' Grigor Shelikof, member of the company of Sea-voyagers in the Noi-thern
Ocean.' Three supplementary paragraphs contain directions for a 'minute
survey ' by Eocharof of the island Kuiktak, the American coast from Katmak
to the gulfs of Kcnai and Chugachuik, and ' if possible ' around Kadiek [prob-
ably Kyak, or Kayes, Island]. This is the first mention of the term Kadiek
or Kadiak, subscfpiently applied to the island Kuiktak, and to this mistake
of Shelikof the origin of the present name may be traced.
'" When Shelikof was on the point of leaving Bolsheretsk for Okhotsk he
was informed that an English vessel had arrived at Petropavlovsk. The vessel
proved to Ijc tlic Lark, and belonged to the East India Company. From
Peters, the captain, Shelikof purchased a large amount of goods, reselling
them to merchants of Totma and to agents of the Panof company at a profit
of 50 per cent. Capt. Peters brought a letter from the directors of his com-
jiany to the commander of Kamchatka asking permission to exchange the
products of their respective territories. A Baron Stungel or Stangel, prol>
CURRENCY AND TRIBUTE. 231
Okhotsk and Irkutsk, where he arrived in April 1787,
after suffering great hardships on his journey. There
he lost no time in taking initiatory steps with the
view of obtaining for his company the exclusive right
to trade in the new colony and other privileges, the
results of which belong to another chapter.
We have seen how the Cossacks were enticed from'
the Caspian and Black seas, drawn over the Ural
Mountains, and lured onward in their century-march
through Siberia to Kamchatka, and all for the skin
of the little sable. And when they had reached the
Pacific they were ready as ever to brave new dangers
on the treacherous northern waters, for the coveted
Siberian quadruped was here supplanted by the still
more valuable amphibious otter. As furs were the
currency of the empire, the occupation of the trapper,
in the national economy, was equivalent to that in
other quarters of the gold-miner, assayer, and coiner
combined. In those times all the valuable skins ob-
tained by the advancing Cossacks were immediately
transported to Russia over the routes just opened.
The custom was to exact tribute from all natives
who were conquered en j^assoM by the Cossacks, as a
diversion from the tamer pursuit of sable-hunting.
As early as 1598 the tribute collected in the district
of Pelymsk, just east of the Ural Mountains, amounted
to sixty-eight bundles of sables of forty skins cach.^^
In 1609 this tribute was reduced from ten to seven
ably an exile, who was in command at that time, consented under certain
conditions. Shelikof , who was well received on board of tlio Lark and ' treated
to various liquors,' describes the vessel as two-masted, with 12 cannon, and
carrying a large crew consistiiig of Englishmen, Hindoos, Arabs, and China-
men. Of the four officers one was a Portuguese. Pute^h., i. 60-4. The Lark
was subsequently wrecked on Copper Island with the loss of all on board but
two. The survivors were forwarded to St Petersburg overland. Viuijcs al
Norte, MS., 316. Upon finishing his business with Capt. Peters, Shelikof at
once set out for Irkutsk.
" Istoria Sib., vi. 23. In the same year Botcha Murza, a Tunguse chief who
had been made a prince by the Russians, presented forty sables to the gov-
ernment, and forty additional skins on the occasion of his marriage, promising
to repeat the gift every year. An oukaz issued the same year exempted the
aged, the feeble, and the sick from paying tribute.
232 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
sables per adult male, but there seemed to be no de-
crease in the number collected/^ Nine years later,
however, the animal seems to have been nearly exter-
minated, as the hoyar Ivan Semenovich Kurakin
was instructed to settle free peasant families in the
district. After this the principal Cossack advance
was into the Tunguse country. In the tribute-books
of 1620-1 the latter tribe is entered as tributary at
the rate of forty-five sables for every six adult males.
In 1622 nine Tunguse paid as high as ninety-four
sables. ^^ Whenever a breach occurred in the flow of
sable-skins into Moscow the Cossacks were instructed
to move on, though the deficiency was not always
owing to exhaustion of the supply.^^
Thus the authorized fur-gatherers advanced from
one region to another across the whole north of Asia,
followed, and in some instances even preceded, by
the promyshleniki or professional hunters. The lat-
ter formed themselves into organized companies, hunt-
ing on shares, like the sea-faring promyshleniki of
later times, and like them they allowed the business
to fall gradually into the hands of a few wealthy mer-
chants. The customs adoj^ted by these hunters go far
toward elucidating much that seems strange in the
proceedings of the promyshleniki on gaining a foot-
hold upon the islands of the Pacific. A brief descrip-
tion will therefore not be amiss.
The hunting-grounds were generally about the head*-
waters and tributaries of the large rivers, and the
journey thence was made in boats. Three or four
hunters combined in building the boat, which was
covered, and so served as shelter. Provisions, arms,
'^In that year the total tribute amounted to 66 bundles, of 40 skins each,
and 39 sables. In 1610 it increased to 75 bundles and 12 sables. 1st. Sib., vi.
26-7.
^* 1st. Sib., vi. 218. A force of 40 Cossacks was sufficient to collect tribute
and preserve order among the Tunguse.
''''In 1607 complaints reached the tsar that traders from Pustozersk would
go among the natives of the lierezof district before tribute had been collected,
making it difficult to obtain tlie government's quota. /*<. Sib., vi. 35.
ON THE HUNTING-GROUND.
bedding, and a few articles of winter clothing made up
the cargo. A jar of yeast or sour dough for the
manufacture of hvass, to keep down the scurvy, "was
considered of the highest importance. Material for
the construction of sleds and a few dogs were also
essential, and when all these had been collected and
duly stowed, each party of three or four set out upon
their journey to a place previously appointed. As
soon as the whole force had assembled at the rendez-
vous election was made of a peredovchik, or foreman,
a man of experience, and commanding respect, to
whom all promised implicit obedience. The peredov-
chik then divided his men into chunitzi, or parties,
appointing a leader for each, and assigning them their
respective hunting-grounds. This division was always
made; even if the artel, or station, consisted of only
six men they must not all hunt together on the same
ground."^ Until settled in winter-quarters all their
belongings were carried in leather bags. Before the
first snow fell a general hunt was ordered by the pe-
redovchik to kill deer, elks, and bears for a winter's
supply of meat, after which the first traps were set
for foxes, wolves, and lynx. With the first snow fall,
before the rivers were frozen, the whole party hunted
sables in the immediate vicinity of the general winter-
quarters, with dogs and nets. The peredovchik and
the leaders were in the mean time engaged in making
sleds and snow-shoes for their respective chunitzis.
When the snow was on the ground the whole artel
was assembled at the winter-quarters and prayers were
held, after which the peredovchik despatched the
small parties to the sable grounds with final instruc-
tions to the leaders. The latter preceded their men
by a day in order to prepare the station selected; the
same practice prevailed in moving stations during the
winter. The first station was named after some church
in Russia, and subsequent stations after patron saints
of individual hunters. The first sables caught were
*' Sobolnuie Promyssla, 29-42.
^.
234 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
always donated to some church or saint, and were
called God's sables. The instructions of leaders were
mainly to the effect that they should look well after
their men, watch carefully their method of setting
traps, and see that they did not gorge themselves in
secret from the common store of provisions.^^
During the height of the season stations were fre-
quently changed every day, for it was thought that
prolonged camping at any one place would drive away
the sables. When the season closed the small parties
returned to head-quarters, where the leaders rendered
their accounts to the peredovchik, and at the same
time reported all infractions of rules by the men.
The accused were then heard, and punished by the
peredovchik if found guilty.^^ When all arrange-
ments for returning to the settlement were completed
the peredovchik would make the rounds of all the sta-
tions to see that every trap was closed or removed, so
that no sable could get into them during the summer.
In Alaska the methods of the hunters underwent
many changes, owing to the different physical features
of the field and the peculiarities of the natives. The
men engaged for these expeditions were of a very
mixed class; few had ever seen the ocean, and many
were wholly untrained for their vocation. They were
engaged for a certain time and paid in shares taken
from one half of the proceeds of the hunt, the other
^^ The instructions contained also an admonition to observe certain super-
stitious customs, traces of Avhich could be found nearly a century later among
the servants of the Russian American Coinpany. For instance, certain ani-
mals must not be spoken of by their right names at the stations, for fear of
frightening the sables away. The raven, the snake, and the wild-cat were
tabooed. They were called i-espectively the ' upper,' or ' high one,' the ' bad
one, 'and the 'jumper.' In the early times this rule extended to quite a number
of persons, animals, and even inanimate objects, but the three I have men-
tioned survived till modern times. Sobolnuie Promift^ala, 29-42.
^^ The promyshleniki were treated much like children by their leaders.
Some offenders were made to stand on stumps for a time, and fast while their
comrades were feasting, while others were fined for the benefit of the church.
Thieves were cruelly beaten, and forfeited a portion of their uchina, or divi-
dend (literally supper), as it was held that their crime must have brought
bad luck and decreased the total catch. O Sobolnuie Promyssla, 56-7.
HUNTING IN ALASKA. 235
half of the cargo going to the outfitter or owner. If
the crew consisted of forty men, including navigator
and peredovchik, their share of the cargo was usually
divided into about forty-six shares, of which each
member received one, the navigator three, the fore-
man two, and the church one or two. In case of
success the hunters realized quite a small fortune, as
we have seen, but often the yield was so small as to
keep the men in servitude from indebtedness to their
employer. The vesseP^was provided with but a small
stock of provisions, consisting of a few hams, a little
rancid butter, a few bags of rye and wheat flour for
holidays, and a quantity of dried and salted salmon.
The main stock had to be obtained by fishing and
hunting, and to this end were provided fire-arms and
other implements serving also for defence. Since furs
in this new region were obtained chiefly through the
natives, articles of trade formed the important part of
the cargo, such as tobacco, glass beads, hatchets and
knives of very bad quality, tin and copper vessels, and
cloth. A large number of kleptsi, or traps, were also
carried. Thus provided the vessel sets sail with hozlie
pomoshtch — God's help.
Mere trade soon gave way to a more efifective
method of obtaining furs. Natives were impressed
to hunt for the Russians, who, as a rule, found it both
needless and dangerous for themselves to disperse in
small parties to catch furs. Either by force or by
agreement with chiefs the Aleuts and others were
obliged to give hostages, generally women and children,
to ensure the safety of their visitors, or performance
of contract. They were thereupon given traps and
sent forth to hunt for the season, while the Russians
lived in indolent repose at the village, basking in the
^* ' Their galliots are constructed at Okhotsk or Nishnekamehatsk, and
government, with a view of encouraging trade, has ordered the commandants
of those places to afford as much assistance as possible to the adventurers,
besides which, the materials of the vei-y frequently wrecked transport vessels,
though lost to government, are found the chief means of fitting out such an
enterprise, and greatly lessen the expense.' Sauer's Geog. and Adron. Exped.,
275.
236 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
smiles of the wives and daughters, and using them
also as purveyors and servants. When the hunters
returned they surrendered traps and furs in exchange
for goods, and the task-masters departed for another
island to repeat their operation.
The custom of interchanging hostages while engaged
in traffic was carried eastward by the Russians and
forced upon the English, Americans, and Spaniards
long after the entire submission of Aleuts, Kenai,
and Chugatsches had obviated the necessity of such
a course in the west. Portlock was compelled to con-
form to the custom at various places before he could
obtain any trade, but as a rule four or five natives
were demanded for one or two sailors from the ship.^^
On Cross Sound, Sitka Bay, and Prince of Wales
Island the hostages were not always given in good
faith; they would suddenly disappear and hostilities
begin. As soon as they ascertained, however, that
their visitors were watchful and strong enough to re-
sist, they would resume business.
Meares observes, among other things relating to
Russian management, that wherever the latter settled
the natives were forbidden to keep canoes of a larger
size than would carry two persons. This applied, of
course, only to the bidarka region, Kadiak, Cook
Inlet, and portions of Prince William Sound. The
bidars, or large canoes, were then as now very scarce,
being made of the largest sea-lion skins, and used
only for war or the removal of whole families or
villages. The Russians found them superior to their
own clumsy boats for trading purposes, and acquired
them, by purchase and probably often by seizure under
some pretext, as fast as the natives could build them.
In their opinion the savages had no business to devote
themselves to anything but hunting.
A portion of the catch was claimed as tribute,
although the crown received a very small share, often
none. Tribute-gathering was a convenient mantle to
^ Portlock'' s Voy., 269.
THE ALEUT HUNTERS. 237
cover all kinds of demands on the natives, and there
can be no doubt that in early times at least half the
trade was collected in the form of tribute, by means
of force or threats, while at the same time the author-
ities at home were being petitioned to relinquish its
collection, "because it created discontent" among the
natives.
The tribute collected by the earlier traders was
never correctly recorded. The merchants frequently
obtained permission from the Kamchatka authorities
to dispense with the services of Cossack tribute-
gatherers, and gradually, as the abuses perpetrated
under pretext of its collection came to the ears of the
home government, the custom was abandoned alto-
gether. Subsequently the Russian American Com-
pany obtained a right to the services of the Aleuts on
the plea that it should be in lieu of tribute formerly
paid to the government. At the same time it was
ordained that those natives who rendered no regular
services to the company should pay a tribute. The
latter portion of the programme was, however, never
carried out. The Chugatsches and the more northerly
villages of Kenai never furnished any hunters for the
company unless with some private end in view, and
no tribute paid by them ever reached the imperial
treasury.
Another method of obtaining furs, outside of the
regular channels of trade, was in furnishing supplies in
times of periodical famine caused by the improvidence
of the simple Aleuts. A little assistance of this kind
was always considered as a lien upon whatever furs
the person might collect during the following season.
This pernicious system, unauthorized as it was by
the management, survived all through the regime of
the Russian American Company, and one encounters
traces of it here and there to the present day.
At the time of the first advance of Russians along
the coast in a south-easterly direction native auxili-
238 COLOXIZATIOX AND THE FUR-TRADE.
aries, usuall}^ Aleuts, were taken for protection as
well as for the purpose of killing sea-otters. Soon
the plan was extended to taking Aleut hunters to
regions where trade had been made unprofitable by
unlimited competition. This was first adopted on a
larger scale by Sbelikof and brought to perfection
under the management of Delarof and Baranof From
a business point of view alone it was a wise measure,
since it obviated the ruinous raising of prices by sav-
ages made impudent by sudden prosperity, and at the
same time placed a partial check on the indiscriminate
slaughter of fur-bearing animals. Yet it opened the
door to abuse and oppression of the natives at the
hands of unscrupulous individuals, and in the case of
the docile and long since thoroughly subdued Aleuts it
led to something akin to slaver}^ It was also attended
with much loss of life, owing to ignorance, careless-
ness, and foolhardiness of the leaders of parties. It
certainly must have been exceedingly annoying to
the natives of the coast thus visited to see the ani-
mals exterminated which brought to them the ships of
foreigners loaded with untold treasures. The Kaljush
hunters could not fail to perceive that the unwelcome
rivals from the west, though inferior in strength, stat-
ure, and courage, were infinitely superior in skill,
and indefatigable in pursuit of the much coveted sea-
otter.
It was but natural that in a brief period the very
name of Aleut became hateful to the Kaljush and Chu-
gatsches, who allowed no opportunity to escape them
for revenge on the despised race, not thinking that
the poor fellows were but helpless tools of the Rus-
sians. Numerous massacres attested the strong feel-
ing, but this by no means prevented the Russians
from pursuing a policy which, to a certain extent, has
been justified by the result. As the minds at the head
of affairs became more enlightened, measures for the
protection of valuable animals were adopted, the ex-
ecution of which was possible with the docile Aleut
INTER -TRIBAL TRAFFIC. 239
hunters, while it would have been out of the question
with the stubborn and ungovernable Kaljush.
As long as operations were confined to Prince Will-
iam Sound, with the inhabitants of which the Aleuts,
and especially the Kadiak people, had previously meas-
ured their strength in hostile encounters, the plan
worked well enough. Subsequently, however, contact
with the fierce Thlinkeets of Comptroller Bay, Yaku-
tat, and Ltua inspired the western intruders with dis-
may, rendering them unfit even to follow their peaceful
pursuits without an escort of four or five armed Rus-
sians to several hundred hunters. On several occa-
sions a panic occurred in hunting parties, caused merely
by fright, but seriously interfering with trading opera-
tions. Vancouver mentions instances of that kind,
when Lieutenant Puget and Captain Brown at Yak-
utat Bay successively assisted Purtof, who commanded
a large party of Aleuts sent out by Baranof.^^
The reports of these occurrences by Purtof and his
companions corroborate the statements of Puget and
Brown, but naturally the former do not dwell as much
upon the assistance received as upon services rendered.
With regard to Captain Brown's action, however, the
Russian report differs somewhat.^'^
Previous to the arrival of the Russians a consider-
able interchange of products was carried on by certain
of the more enterprising tribes; the furs of one section
being sold to the inhabitants of another. The long-
haired skins of the wolverene were valued highly for
trimming by tribes of the north who hunted the rein-
deer- and the parkas or shirts made from the skins of the
diminutive speckled ground-squirrel (Spermophilus) of
Alaska, which occurs only on a few islands of the coast,
were much sought by the inhabitants of nearly all re-
gions where the little animal does not exist. The new-
comers were not slow to recognize the advantages to
^Vancouver'.i Voi/., iii. 233-5.
"For Purtof 's report, see TiJchmenef, Isto7: Obos., ii. app. 66-7.
240 COLOXIZATIOX AXD THE FUR-TRADE.
be gained by absorbing the traffic. Within a few
years it was taken from the natives along the coast as
far north as Cook Inlet and Prince William Sound,
but beyond that and in the interior a far-reaching
commerce, including the coasts of Arctic Asia in its
ramifications, has existed for ages and has never been
greatly interfered with by the Russians, who fre-
C|uently found articles of home manufacture, originally
sold by traders in Siberia, in the hands of the tribes
who had the least intercourse with themselves.
Captain Cook indulged in profound speculations
with regard to the channels through which some of
the natives he met with on the Northwest Coast had
acquired their evident acquaintance with iron knives
and other implements, but this, the most probable
source, was unknown to him. Later navigators found
evidence of the coast tribes assuming the role of mid-
dlemen between the inhabitants of the interior and
the visitors from unknown parts. In August 1786
Dixon was informed by natives on Cook Inlet that
they had sold out every marketable skin, but that
they would soon obtain additional supplies from tribes
living away from the sea-shore.
A century of intercourse with the Caucasian races
has failed to eradicate the custom of roaming from
one continent to another for the sake of exchanging a
few articles of trifling value. The astuteness dis-
played by these natives in trade and barter was cer-
tainly one of the reasons whicli caused the Russians
to devise means of getting at the furs without being
obliged to cope with their equals in bartering.
As far as the region contained within the present
boundaries of Alaska is concerned, the fur-trade to-
ward the end of the last century was beginning to fall
into regular grooves, which have never been essentially
departed from except in the case of the Kaljush, who,
relying on their constant intercourse with English and
American traders, persistently refused to be reduced
THE CHINA MARKET. 241
to routine and system, and maintained an independent
and frequently a defiant attitude toward the Russians.
Under the rule of the Russian American Company
the prices paid to natives for furs were equal in all
parts of the colonies with the exception of Sitka and
the so-called Kaljush sounds, where a special and
much higher tariff was in force. ^^
A more gradual change began also to affect the
share S3^stem of the Russians, embracing two kinds
of share-holders, those who with invested capital had
a voice in the management and their half of the gross
receipts, and another class, laboring in various capaci-
ties for such compensation as fell to their lot when
the settlements were made at stated times and after
every other claim had been satisfied. The disadvan-
tages of this system were obvious. On one hand the
laborer was entirely dependent upon the agents or
managers of his immediate station or district, who
were sometimes honest, but far oftener rascals, while
on the other hand the hunters and trappers and those
in charge of native hunting-parties had every induce-
ment to indulge in indiscriminate slaughter of fur-
bearing animals without regard to consequences.
By the time Kamchatka was discovered and con-
quered the number of private traders had greatly
increased, and another market for costly furs had been
opened on the borders of China, a market of such im-
^^ The introduction of a well-defined business system as well as regula-
tions to check the threatened extermination of fur-bearing animals came only
with the establisliment of a monopoly, and this "involved both time and in-
trigue. The founder of the so-called colonies as well as his successors in the
management had biit one object in view, to control the fur-trade of Russia in
Europe and Asia. Shelikof was shrewd enough to understand that in order
to obtain special privileges or jprotection from the government, it was neces-
sary to make a display of some moi-e permanent business than the fur-trade;
and with the sole view of furthering this end projects of colonization and
ship-building were launched in rapid succession, but there can be no doubt
that Shelikof himself had no faith in these undertakings, for with his sanc-
tion the convicts, mechanics, and farmers sent from Siberia by the authorities
were at once distributed among the trading posts and vessels of the Shelikof
and Golikof Company. Petrof, Russ. Am. Co., MS., 2-4.
Hist. Alaska. 10
242 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
portance that not only the carrying of skins to Hussia
was curtailed, but large shipments of furs were made
from Russia to the Chinese frontier, principally beavers
and land-otters from Canada, these skins being carried
almost around the world at a profit.^^
No attempt was made by Russians during the
eighteenth century to send furs to China b}^ water.
That route was opened by English traders to the
Northwest Coast as soon as it became generally known
that furs had been disposed of in China to great ad-
vantage by the ships of Captain Cook's last two expe-
ditions. The sea-otter and sable shipments from the
Aleutian Isles and Kamchatka were still consigned
to Irkutsk, where a careful assortment was made.
The inferior and light-colored sables, the foxes of the
Aleutian Isles, the second grade of sea and land
otter, etc., were set aside for the Chinese market.
Defective skins were sent to the annual fair at Irbit,
for sale among the Tartars, and only the very best
quality was forwarded to Moscow and Makaria, where
Armenians and Greeks figured among the ready pur-
chasers.^"
The first large shipment of sea-otters was brought
to China by Captain Hanna, who with a brig of sixty
tons collected in six weeks, on King George Sound,
five hundred whole sea-otter skins, and a number of
pieces amounting to about sixty more. He sailed
from China in April 1785 and returned in December,
making the vo3'age exceedingly profitable.^^ Hanna
^ The following shipments of this kind are recorded by Coxe, from the
Hudson Bay territory to London and St Petersburg and thence overland to
Kiakhta: in 1775, 46,460 beavers and 7,143 otters; in 1776, 27,700 beavers
and 12,080 otters; in 1777, 27,316 beavers and 10,703 otters. The skins
brought at St Petersburg from 7 to 9 rubles for beavers, and from 6 to 10
rubles for otters; while at Kiakhta the beaver sold at from 7 to 20 rubles, and
the otter from 6 to 35 rubles. Coxe's Bu'^s. Disc, 337-8.
^"The Chinese at that time understood the art of coloring sables and other
furs so perfectly that the deception was not observable. Consequently they
preferred to purchase a low-priced and inferior article. Sawr's Geog. and
Astron. Ea-peiL, 15.
^^ Skins of the first grade brought .$60 each. Hanna had 140 of these, 175
of the second grade, wortli §40: SO of the third, worth Sr,0; 55 of the fourth
at §15, and 50 of the fifth at 810. The pieces were also sold at the rate of $10
ENGLISH AND FRENCH. 243
sailed again on the same venture in 1786, but though
he remained absent until the following jea.Y, his cargo
did not bring over $8,000. Two other vessels, the
Captain Cook and the Experiment, left Bombay in
January 1786, and after visiting in both King George
and Prince William sounds returned with 604 sea-
otters, which sold for $24,000, an average of $40 a
skin.
La Perouse, who visited the coast in the same year,
forwarded an extensive report to his government con-
cerning the fur-trade of the Northwest Coast. He
states that during a period not exceeding ten days he
purchased a thousand skins of sea-otters at Port des
Francais, or Ltua Bay; but only few of them were
entire, the greater part consisting of made-up gar-
ments, robes, and pieces more or less ragged and
filthy. He thought, however, that perfect skins could
easily be obtained if the French government should
conclude to favor a regular traffic of its subjects with
that region. La Perouse entertained some doubts as
to whether the French would be able to compete prof-
itably with the Russians and Spaniards already in the
field, though he declared that there was an interval
of coast between the southern limits of the Russian
and the northern line of Spanish operations which
would not be closed for several centuries, and was conse-
quently open to the enterprise of any nation. ^^ Among
other suggestions he recommended that only vessels
of 500 or 600 tons should be employed, and that the
principal article of trade should be bar-iron, cut into
lengths of three or four inches. The value of the
3,231 pieces of sea-otter skin collected at Port des
Frangais is estimated in the report at 41,063 Spanish
piastres.^^
per whole skin. Hanna realized $20,000 out of this short cruise. Dixon's
Voy., 315-22.
^'^La Perouse, Voy., iv. 162-72.
"A peculiarly French idea is advanced by La Perouse in a note tu Ids
report on the fur-trade of the north-west. He and his officers refusctl to
derive any profit from the experimental mercantile transactions durin -â– the
expedition. It was settled that such sums as were realized from tlif s.^:<! of
244 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
After duly weighing the question in all its aspects
the French commander came to the conclusion that
it would not be advisable to establish at once a French
factory at Port des Frangais, but to encourage and
subsidize three private expeditions from some French
seaport, to sail at intervals of two years.
From Dixon we learn that La Perouse's expecta-
tions, as far as the value of his skins was concerned,
were not realized. He reports that the French ships
Astrolabe and Boussole brought to Canton about 600
sea-otters of poor quality, which they disposed of for
$10,000.^
In January 1788 the furs collected by Dixon and
Portlock in the King George and Queen Charlotte were
sold as follows : The bulk of the cargo, consisting of
2,552 sea-otters, 434 pups, and 34 foxes, sold for
$50,000, and at private sale 1,080 sea-otter tails
brought $2,160, and 110 fur-seals $550. According
to Berg the number of sea-otters shipped from the
Northwest Coast to Canton previous to January 1,
1788, was 6,643, which sold at something over $200,000
in the aggregate.
After this shipments increased rapidly with the
larger number of vessels engaging in this trade, as I
have shown in m}^ History of the Northwest Coast. ^^
A large proportion of them were English, though they
labored under many disadvantages, and as the Eng-
lish captains who came to Canton were not allowed
the skins in China should be distributed among the crew. The commander
ingeniously reasons that the share of each sailor will be sufficient to enable
the whole crew to get married on their return and to raise families in com-
fortable circumstances, who, 'in course of time, will be of the greatest benefit
to the navy.' LaPirouse, Voy., iv. 167.
^* Dixon's Voy., 315-22. In the same place the result of the Bengal Fur
Society's experiment with the Nootka, Capt. Meares, is given as follows: 267
sea-otters, 97 pieces and tails, 48 land-otters, and 41 beavers and martens were
sold at Macao for $9,692. Fifty prime sea-otters sold at Canton for $91
each, bringing $4,550. Nearly the whole cargo had been obtained at Prince
William Sound. About the same time the cargo of the Imperial Eagle, Capt.
Barclay, obtained chiefly from Vancouver Island, sold for $30,000. See Hist.
Northwest Coast, vol. i. 353, this series.
3* In 1792 there were at least 28 vessels on the coast, more than half of
them engaged in fur-trade. Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 258 et seq., this series.
RUSSIAN INFLUENCE. 245
to trade in their own or their owners' name, but were
obhged to transact their business through the agents
of the EngHsh East India Company, they did not take
very kindly to the trade. The merchants of other
nations held the advantage to the extent that, even if
forced to dispose of their furs at low prices, they could
realize one hundred per cent profit on the Chinese
goods they brought home, while the English, on ac-
count of the privileges granted the East India Com-
pany, could not carry such goods to England. The
British merchants, however, knew how to evade these
regulations by sending to Canton, where the ships of
all nations were free to come, vessels under the flags
of Austria, Hamburg, Bremen, and others. Thus
Captain Barclay, or Berkeley, who sailed from Ostend
in the Imperial Eagle under the Austrian flag, was an
Englishman.
On the other hand, Russian influence was contin-
ually at work on the Chinese frontier and even at
Peking, to counteract the influx of furs by water into
the Celestial empire. When Marchand arrived at
Macao from the Northwest Coast he found a tempo-
rary interdict on the traffic.^^ This benefited the
Kussian only to a certain extent, for new hunting-
grounds were discovered by the now roused traders,
and the immense influx of fur-seal skins from the
Falkland Islands, Terra del Fuego, New Georgia,
South Shetland, and the coast of Chile to China
caused a general depreciation in this article toward
the end of the last century.^''
The, jealousy of foreign visitors on the part of
Russians was but natural in view of the mischief they
created. Along the whole coast from Cook Inlet
'^ When the Solide arrived at Macao, Marchand was much disappointed on
learning that strict orders had been issued from Peking to purchase no more
furs from the north-west coast of America. This compelled him to take what
furs he had to Europe. Marchand, Voy., ii. 368-9.
*' Three and a half millions of skins were taken from Masa Fuero to Can-
ton between 1793 and 1807. DalVs Alaska, 492.
246 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
down to Sitka and Queen Charlotte Sound, when-
ever Enghsh and subsequently Avierican competition
entered the field, the prices of sea-otter skins experi-
enced a steady rise till the temptation to kill the ani-
mal indiscriminately became so great as to overcome
what little idea the natives had of husbanding their
resources. On the other hand the most prolific sea-
otter grounds, the southern end of the Alaska penin-
sula and the Aleutian Islands, exempt from the visits
of mercantile rovers, have continued to yield their
precious furs to the present day.
These foreigners had an additional variety of goods
with which to tempt the untutored son of the wilder-
ness, and were not scrupulous about selling even de-
structive weapons. The demand for certain articles
of trade by the natives, especially among the Thlin-
keets, was subject to continuous changes. When
Marchand arrived in Norfolk Sound he found the
savages disposed to drive hard bargains, and skins
could not be obtained for trifles. Tin and copper ves-
sels and cooking utensils were in request, as well as
lances and sabres, but prime sea-otters could be pur-
chased only with European clothing of good quality,
and Marchand was obliged to sacrifice all his extra
supplies of clothing for the crew. The natives seemed
at that time, 1791, to have plenty of European goods,
mostly of English manufacture. Favorite articles
were toes of iron, three or four inches in length, and
light-blue beads. Two Massachusetts coins were
worn by a young Indian as ear-rings. They were
nearly all dressed in European clothing and familiar
with fire-arms. Hammers, saws, and axes they valued
but little.=^'
The rules with regard to traffic on individual account
on board of these independent traders were quite as
'"In 10 days Marchand obtained in trade 100 sea-otters of prime -quality,
mostly fresh; 250 young sea-otters, Tght colored; 36 whole bear-skins, and
13 half skins; 37 fur-seals; 00 beavers; a sack of squirrel-skins and sea-otter
tails; a marmot robe, and a robe of marmot and bear. Marchand, Voy., ii.
3-12.
UNSCRUPULOUS ENGLISHMEN. 247
stringent as those subsequently enforced by the Rus-
sian American company. Among the instructions
furnished Captain Meares by the merchant proprie-
tors we find the following: "As every person on board
you is bound by the articles of agreement not to trade
even for the most trifling articles, we expect the full-
est compliance with this condition, and we shall most
assuredly avail ourselves of the penalty a breach of
it will incur. But as notwithstanding, the seamen
may have laid in iron and other articles for trade,
thinking to escape your notice and vigilance, we direct
that, at a proper time, before you make the land of
America, you search the vessel carefully, and take
into your possession every article that can serve for
trade, allowing the owner its full value. "^^
A few years suflficed to transform the naturally
shrewd and overbearing Thlinkleets into the most
exacting and unscrupulous traders. Prices rose to
such an extent that no profit could be made except
by deceiving them as to the value of the goods given
in barter. Some of the less scrupulous captains en-
gaged in this traflftc even resorted to violence and
downright robbery in order to make a showing.
Guns, of course, brought high prices, but in many
instances, where the trader intended to make but a
brief stay, a worthless article was palmed off upon
the native, who, in his turn, sought to retaliate by
imposing upon or stealing from the next trader.^*'
Nor did the foreigners hesitate to commit brutali-
ties when it suited their interest or passion, not-
withstanding Meares' prating about "humane British
commerce." The English captain certainly had noth-
ing to boast of so far as his own conduct was concerned
in the way of morality, honesty, and humanity. Cer-
tain subjects of Spain and Russia were exceedingly
^* Meares, Voy., app.
*" One of the natives of Tchinkitan^ (Sitka) complained to Marchand of a
gnn he had purchased of an English captain and broken in anger because it
would 'only go crick, but never poohoo!' Marchand' n Voy., ii. 69. Mar-
chand and Rocquefeuille both claim that the natives of the Northwest Coast
prefer French guns to any other.
248 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
cruel to the natives of America, but for innate wick-
edness and cold-blooded barbarities in the treatment
of savage or half-civilized nations no people on earth
during the past century have excelled men of Anglo-
Saxon origin. Such was the conduct of the critical
Meares toward the Chugatsches that they would prob-
ably have killed him but for the timely warning of
a young woman whom he had "purchased for the
winter."
Instances of difficulties arising between English
traders and natives of Prince William Sound are too
numerous to uiention in detail in this place, but it is
certain that as soon as the former withdrew and the
Russians were enabled to manage affairs in their own
way, a peaceful and regular traffic was carried on.
These captains were too ready to attribute cruelty to
their rivals, and at times on mistaken grounds.
Captain Douglas, who visited Cook Inlet in the
Iphigenia, observed what he called "tickets or pass-
ports for good usage" in the hands of the natives.
Meares offers an explanation of this incident, saying
that "these tickets are purchased by the Indians from
the Russian traders at very dear rates, under a pre-
tence that they will secure them from ill-treatment
of any strangers who may visit the coast ; and as they
take care to exercise great cruelty upon such of the
natives as are not provided with these instruments of
safety, the poor people are only too happy to purchase
them on any terms." Meares then adds with charm-
ing self-complacency: "Such is the degrading system
of the Russian trade in these parts; and forms a
striking contrast to the liberal and humane spirit of
British commerce."*^ It is scarcely necessary to say
that these papers were receipts for tribute paid by
these natives, who had for several years been consid-
sidered and declared subjects of the ruler of all the
Russias.*^
*^Meares' Voy., ii. 129, ed. 1791.
*^An explanation of the bitterness displayed in Captain Meanes' utterance
RUSSIAN POLICY. 249
The cause for these insinuations must be looked for
m the greater success of the Muscovites, who could
be met with everywhere, and as they did not pur-
chase the skins, but had the animals killed by natives
in their service, competition w^as out of the question.
At Prince William Sound Portlock discovered that
the natives did not like the goods he had to offer;
only when he obtained others from Captain Meares
did trade improve. The English traders frequently
complained in their journals of the Russians as having
absorbed the whole traffic, j^et Portlock himself ac-
knowledges that during the summer of 1787 he sent
his long-boat repeatedly to Cook Inlet, and that each
time the party met with moderate success and friendly
treatment on the part of Russians and natives in their
service.*^
Vancouver, who as far as the Russians are con-
cerned may be accepted as an impartial observer,
expresses the opinion that "the Russians were more
likely than any other nation to succeed in procur-
ing furs and other valuable commodities from those
shores." He based his opinion partly upon informa-
tion received from Ismailof at Unalaska, but prin-
cipally upon his own observations on the general
conduct of the Russians toward the natives in the
several localties where he found the latter under Rus-
sian control and direction. The English explorer
reasons as follows: "â– Had the natives about the Rus-
sian establishments in Cook's Inlet and Prince Will-
iam's sound been oppressed, dealt hardly by, or treated
by the Russians as a conquered people, some uneasi-
ness among them would have been perceived, some
desire for emancipation would have been discovered;
but no such disposition appeared — they seemed to be
on the subject of Russian traders can be found in a passage of his journal in
which he complains that wherever he went in the Nootka, from Unalaska to
the head of Cook Inlet, he found that the Russians already monopolized the
trade, and the natives had nothing left to ofi'er in exchange for English goods.
A boat sent up the Inlet was constantly watched by two Russian bidai's.
Meares' Voi/., xi.
« PortlocFs Voy., 242-3.
250 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
held in no restraint, nor did they seem to wish, on
any occasion whatever, to elude the vigilance of their
directors." The Indians beyond Cross Sound were
less tractable and the Russians evidently became sat-
isfied to remain to the westward of that region.**
Notwithstanding all the abuses to which the Aleuts
had to submit at the hands of the early traders and
the Russian company, it is safe to assume that a peo-
ple which has absolutely no other resource to fall back
upon would have long since been blotted out of exist-
ence with the extermination of the sea-otter, had they
been exposed to the effects of reckless and unscrupu-
lous competition like their more savage and powerful
brethren in the east. As it is, they are indebted to
former oppression for their very existence at the pres-
ent day.
There can be no doubt that in their hands alone
would the wealth of the coast region be husbanded,
for their interests now began to demand an economic
management, and their influence by far exceeded that
of any other nation with whom the natives had come
in contact. Long before the universal sway of the
Russian American Company had been introduced we
find unmistakable signs of this predilection in favor of
those among all their visitors who apparently treated
them with the greatest harshness while driving the
hardest bargains. The explanation lies in the fact
that the Russians were not in reality as cruel as
the others, and, above all, that they assimilated more
closely with the aborigines than did other traders.
At all outlying stations they lived together with and
in the manner of the natives, taking quite naturally
to filth, privations, and hardships, and on the other
hand dividing with their savage friends all the little
** Vancojiver's Voy., iii. 500. Portlock, some years earlier, claimed that
the natives informed him they had recently had a fight with the Russians in
•which the latter were beaten ; and also that he was requested to assist the
natives against the Russians, but refused. Portlock's Voy., 115-22. Juvenal'a
Jour., MS., 30 et seq.
EAPID DECLINE. 251
comforts of rude civilization which by chance fell to
their lot.
Cook and Vancouver expressed their astonishment
at the miserable circumstances in which they found
the Russian promyshleniki, and both navigators agree
as to the amicable and even affectionate relations ex-
isting between the natives of the far north-west of this
continent and their first Caucasian visitors from the
eastern north. Captains Portlock and Dixon even
complained of this good understanding as an injury
to the interests of others with equal rights to the
advantages of traffic with the savages. The traffic
then carried on throughout that region is scarcely
worthy of the name of trade; it was a struggle to
seize upon the largest quantity of the most valuable
furs in the shortest time and at the least expense,
without regard for consequences.
When Portlock and Dixon visited Cook Inlet and
Prince William Sound in 1786 the trade in those
localities seemed to be already on the decline. In the
former place a few days were sufficient to drain the
country of marketable furs.
How much the fur-trade had deteriorated on Cook
Inlet at the beginning of the last decade of the eigh-
teenth century is made evident by such reports of
managers as have been preserved. The total catch
for several years, during which time two ships well
manned and hundreds of natives were employed, did
not exceed 500 sea-otters and a comparatively small
number of other furs. This was certainly a great
falling-off, but it may be partly ascribed to the wran-
gling of rival companies whose retainers used every
means to interfere with each other. Large quantities
of furs were destroyed, houses and boats were broken
up, and blood was sometimes shed. The decline of
trade during this period was not arrested till the
country had been for years subjected to the arbitrary
rule of the Russian American Company, though of
252 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
course the fur business never recovered its former
prosperity.
Traces of populous settlements abound on the shores
of the inlet, and it is evident that the numerous viL
lages were abandoned to desolation at about the same
time. The age of trees now growing over former
dwellings enables the observer to fix the date of de-
population within a few yesLYS, long before any of the
epidemics which subsequently swept the country.
With the unrestrained introduction of fire-arms
along the coast southward from Prince William Sound
the sea-otters were doomed to gradual extermination
throughout that region, though the country suffered
no less from imported Aleuts, who far surpassed the
native sea-otter hunters in skill, and had no interest
in husbanding production. Long before American
traders took a prominent part in these operations the
golden days of the sea-otter traffic had passed away.
In 1792 Martin Sauer predicted that in fifteen
years from that time the sea-otter would no longer
exist in the waters of north-western America, and he
had not seen the devastation on the coast south of
Yakutat. The organization of the Russian American
Company alone prevented the fulfilment of his proph-
ecy as" far as concerns the section which came under
his observation.
This state of affairs the traders had not failed to
reveal to the government long before this, coupled
with no little complaint and exaggeration. Officials
in Siberia aided in the outcry, and the empress was
actually moved to order war vessels to the coast,
but various circumstances interfered with their de-
parture.*^ Nevertheless, from the rivalry of English
^^Shelikof complained that 'the advantages which rightfully belong to
the subjects of Russia alone are converted to the benefit of other nations who
have no claim upon the country and no right to the products of its waters.'
Lieutenant-general Ivan Bartholomcievich Jacobi, who then filled the office
of governor general of Irkutsk and Kolivansk, reported to the empress
that it was necessary to protect without delay the Russian possessions on the
coast of America with armed vessels, in order to prevent foreigners from
interfering with the Russian fur-trade. In reply Catherine ordered five war-
DISTRIBUTION OF ANIMALS. 253
and American traders, the Shelikof and Golikof Com-
pany does not appear to have suffered to any great
extent, if we may judge from a hst of cargoes im-
ported by that firm during a term of nine years.
Their vessels during the time numbered six; one, the
Trehh Sviatiteli, making two trips. The total value
of these shipments between the years 1788 and 1797
was 1,500,000 roubles — equal then to three times the
amount at the present day.^^
This result was due partly to more wide-spread
and thorough operations than hitherto practised, and
partly to the compensation offered by a varied assort-
ment of furs. Thus, while the most valuable fur-
bearing animal, the sea-otters, were becoming scarce
in the gulf of Kenai, large quantities of beavers,
martens, and foxes were obtained there.
The distribution of fur-bearing animals during the
last century was of course very much the same as
now, with the exception that foxes of all kinds came
almost exclusively from the islands. The stone foxes
— blue, white, and gray — were most numerous on the
western islands of the Aleutian chain and on the Pri-
bylof group. Black and silver-gray foxes, then very
valuable, were first obtained from Unalaska by the
Shilof and Lapin Company and at once brought into
fashion at St Petersburg by means of a judicious pres-
entation to the empress. Shipments of martens and
minks from a few localities on the mainland were in-
significant, and the same may be said of bears and
wolverenes. The sea-otter's range was not much
more extended than at present; but on the south-
eastern coast they were ten times more numerous
than now. They were never found north of the
vessels to be fitted out to sail in 1788, under command of Captain Mulovskoi,
â– with the rank of brigadier. The war with Sweden probably interfered with
this expedition. Berg, Khronol. 1st., 158. It must be remembered, however,
that the Billings expedition was under way at that time.
^^The details are given by Bergh as follows : In 1786 the Sviatiteli brought
furs valued at 56,U0O rubles; in 1789 the Sviatiteli, 300,000; in 1792 the
Mikhail, 376,000; in 1793 the Sv Simeon, 128,000; in 1795 the Phoenix,
321,138; in 1795 the Alexandr, 276,550; in 1796 the Orel, 21,912; total rbls.,
1,479,600. Khronol. ht., 169.
254 COLONIZATION AND THE FUR-TRADE.
Aleutian isles and the southern extremity of the
Alaska peninsula.
The fur-seal frequented the same breeding-grounds
as now and many were killed on the Aleutian and Com-
mander islands while on their annual migration to and
from the rookeries. The value of the skins was small
and the market easily overstocked, often necessitating
the destruction of those on hand. Beavers and land-
otters were obtained only in Cook Inlet, as the vast
basin of the Yukon had not then been tapped. The
skins of this class for the overland trade with China,
as has been stated, were purchased in England of the
Hudson's Bay Company, and carried nearly around
the globe. Black bears were occasionally purchased,
but rarely appeared in the market, being considered
as most suitable presents to officials and persons of
high rank whose good-will might serve the interest
of individual traders or companies. Lynx and marmot
skins found only a local demand in the form of gar-
ments and trimmings.
CHAPTER XII.
FOREIGN VISITORS.
1786-1794.
Feench Interest in the North-west — La P:ierouse's Examination —
Discovery of Port des Fran^ais— A Disastrous Survey — English
Visitors— Meares is Caught in Prince William Sound — Terrible
Struggles with the Scurvy — Portlock and Dixon Come to the
Rescue — Their Two Years of Trading and Exploring — IsmaTlof
AND BOCHAROF SeT FORTH TO SECURE THE CLAIMS OF RuSSIA— A TrEACH-
OROUS Chief— Yakutat Bay Explored— Traces of Foreign Visitors
Jealously Suppressed — Spain Resolves to Assert Herself — Mar-
tinez AND Haro's Tour of Investigation — Fidalgo, Marchand, and
CaamaSo— Vancouver's Expedition.
The activity displaj^ed by different nationalities in
the exploration of the Northwest Coast, together
with allurements of trade and of the interoceanic
problem, called to this region also the attention of the
French government; and when in August 1785 La
P^rouse was despatched from Brest with two frigates,
the Astrolabe and Boussole, the latter commanded by
De Langle, on a scientific exploring tour round the
world, he received instructions to extend it to the
farthest north-west, and report also on trade pros-
pects. After a tedious voyage round Cape Horn, the
coast of Alaska was sighted on the 23d of June 1786
near latitude 60°, where the gigantic outline of Mount
St Elias rose above the clouds. The impression made
upon the natives of sunny France by the gloomy
aspect of this coast was not more favorable than that
conceived by the earlier Spanish and English visitors.
The contrast was too great between the palm-groves
and taro-fields of Hawaii so lately witnessed, and
(255)
256 FOREIGN VISITORS.
these snowy mountains of this northern mainland
with their thin blackish fringe of sombre spruce-
forest. At any rate, contrary to his instructions,
which were to explore the Aleutian Islands, La Pe-
rouse with wisdom shaped his course south-eastward
along the coast.^
For some time no landing could be effected, the
vessels not approaching near enough to the shore
to distinguish bays and headlands. In two instances
boats were lowered to reconnoitre, but the reports of
officers in charge were not favorable. The wide open-
ing of Yakutat or Bering Bay was thus passed un-
awares, but a little to the southward La Perouse
observed what he considered certain indications of the
discharge of a large river into the sea."^
On the 2d of August an inlet was sighted a short
distance below Cape Fairweather, and on the following
day the two frigates succeeded in gaining an anchor-
age. The navigator felt exultant over this discovery
of a new harbor, and expressed himself in his journal
to the effect "that if the French government had en-
tertained ideas of establishing factories in this part
of the American coast, no other nation could pretend
to the smallest right of opposing the project."^ The
^Indeed the illustrious French navigator had deviated from his instruc-
tions ever since leaving Madeira. He made the northern coast in the month
designated, but a year earlier than had been contemplated, having deferred
his explorations in the south Pacific. The instructions prescribed, that he
should 'particularly endeavor to explore those parts which have not been
examined by Captain Cook, and of which the relations of Russian and Spanish
navigators have given no idea. He will observe whether in those parts not
yet known some river may not be found, some confined gulf, which may, by
means of the interior lakes, open a communication with some part of Hudson
Bay. He will push his inquiries to Behring's Bay and to Mount St Elias
and will inspect the ports Bucarelli and Los Remedios. Prince William Land
and Cook river having been sufficiently explored, he will, after making Mount
St Elias, steer a course for the Shumagiu Islands, near the peninsula of Alaska.
He will afterward examine the Aleutian Islands, ' etc. La Pirouse, Voy. , i.
70-75.
^ One indentation of the coast was named De Monti Bay; and La P^rouse'a
French edition asserts that this was Bering Bay with the anchorage of Port
Mulgrave named by Dixon in the following year. Dixon's position of Port
Mulgrave was lat. 59° 33' and long. 140° w. of Greenwich, while La Perouse
located the bay De Monti at 59° 43' and 140° 20'. Both longitudes were in-
correct in regard to Port Mulgrave.
' The editor of the journal of La Perouse, in his effort to establish the
LA PEROUSE'S EXPEDITION. 257
newly discovered port, called Ltua by the natives, was
named rightly and modestly Port des Fran9ais, which
gave no undue personal prominence to any one. Ex-
ploring and surveying parties in boats were sent out
at once, while the remainder of the crews were em-
ployed in watering the ships and re-stowing cargo in
order to mount six cannons that had thus far been
carried in the hold.*
The bay of Ltua represents in its contours the let-
ter T, the foot forming its outlet into the sea. The
cross-bar consists of a deep basin terminating in
glaciers. La Perouse alludes to it as '' perhaps the
most extraordinary place in the world," and describes
the upper part as " a basin of water of a depth in the
middle that could not be fathomed, bordered by peaked
mountains of an excessive height covered with snow . . .
I never saw a breath of air ruffle the surface of this
water; it is never troubled but by the fall of immense
blocks of ice, which continually detach themselves from
fine glaciers, and which in falling make a noise that
resounds far through the mountains. The air is so
calm that the voice may be heard half a league away,
as well as the noise of the sea birds that lay their eggs
in the cavities of these rocks." Though charmed with
the weird grandeur of the scenery, the explorers were
disappointed in their expectation of finding a river or
channel offering a passage to the Canadian lakes or
Hudson Bay.
Tntercourse with the natives began with the first
French discoverer's claim to priority on this part of the coast, ignores Cook
as having been ' too far from the shore, ' but carefully traces the movements
of Dixon whom he seems to have looked upon as the commander of the ex-
pedition, consisting of the Kivfi George and Qxieen Charlotte, and shows that
La Perouse sighted Moi;nt St Elias and other points far earlier. The editor
seems to make a fine distinction between Prince VTilham Sound and the
'northwest coast' of America. La Perouse himself gives so careful and un-
biassed a description of what he saw on the Alaskan coast as to impress the
reader with a feeling of confidence not generally derived from a perusal of
the narratives of his English and other predecessors and successors in the
field of exploration.
* This was done, according to the editor of the journal, not from fear of
Indians on the spot, but with a view of defence against pu'ates in the China
seas they were so soon to visit.
Hist. Alaska. 17
258 FOREIGN VISITORS.
day, and soon they came in large numbers, allured
from a distance it was supposed. Contrary to his
expectations La Perouse found the savages in posses-
sion of knives, hatchets, iron, and beads, from which,
with clearer discrimination than Cook, he concluded
these natives to have indirect communication with the
Russians, while the latter navigator ascribed such
indications to inter-tribal traffic originating with Hud-
son Bay posts. ^ It was convenient for the English-
man thus to ignore the presence of any rival in these
parts. Traffic was carried on with moderate success,
the chief article of barter being iron, and some six
hundred sea-otter skins and a number of other furs
were obtained. To so inexperienced a trader the
business transacted appeared immense, leading the
commander to the opinion that a trading-post could
easily collect twenty thousand skins per annum, yet
he leaned rather to occasional private trading expedi-
tions than to the fixed establishment. The thieving
propensities of the natives annoyed the French very
much, and in the hope of keeping the robbers away
La Perouse purchased of the chief an island in the
bay, where he had established his astronomical sta-
tion ; but though a high price was paid for the worth-
less ground there was no abatement of thefts. The
savages would glide through the dense spruce thicket
at night and steal articles from under the very heads
of sleepers without alarming the guards.
On July 13th a terrible misfortune befell the ex-
pedition. Three boats had been sent out to make
final soundings for a chart, including the passage lead-
ing out to sea. As the undertaking was looked upon
in the light of a pleasure excursion, affording an oppor-
tunity for hunting, the number of officers accompany-
ing the party was larger than the duty required, seven
5 We have no evidence of the advance of Ismailof 's boats to the point pre-
viona to the arrival of the French frigates. The seal-skin covering of a large
canoe or bidar discovered here M'oiild point to visits of Aglegmutes or Chu-
gatsches. The natives stated that of seven similar boats, six had been lost
in the attempt to stem the fearful tide-rip at the entrance to the bay.
TERRIBLE ACCIDENT. 259
in all, while the crews consisted of eighteen of the best
men from both vessels. On approaching the narrow
€hannel at the entrance of the bay, two of the boats
were drawn into the resistless current and engulfed in
the breakers almost before their inmates were aware of
their danger. The third boat, the smallest, narrowly
escaped a like fate. Not a man of the first two was
saved, not even a single body was washed ashore.^ A
monument to the drowned party was erected on the
point of island purchased of the chief, and it was
named L'Isle du Cenotaphe.^ Weighing anchor July
30th the squadron sailed along the coast without mak-
ing any observations, but on the 6th of August the
weather cleared, enabling La Perouse to determine his
position in the vicinity of Norfolk Sound. ^ Puerto cle
Bucareli and Cape Kaigan were passed by, and unfav-
orable weather foiled the attempt to run into Dixon
Entrance, whereupon the expedition passed beyond
Alaska limits.^ Superficial as were his observations,
La Perouse came to the conclusion that the whole
coast from Cross Sound to Cape Hector, the south
point of Queen Charlotte Island, was one archipelago.^^
During the year 1786 much progress was made in
the exploration of the Alaskan coast between Dixon
^The victims were: from the Boussole, d'Esciires, cle Pierrevert, de Mon-
tarnal (officers), and 8 men; from the Astrolabe, de la Borde Marchainville, de
la Borde Boutervilliers, Flassan (officers), and 7 men. The two de la Borde
were brothers.
' The monument bore an inscription, and at its foot a bottle was buried
containing a brief narrative of the melancholy occurrence.
^ He recognized the Cabo de Engafio and Mount San Jacinto of the Span-
iards without alluding to Cook's nomenclature of Mount and Cape Edgecombe.
He looked into Norfolk Sound from the group of islands at its southern en-
trance, and named two bays to the southward, of which he saw only the mouths,
Port Neiker and Poi't Guibert (probably Port Banks and Whale Bay). On the
following day he named Cape Ommaney (Cape Chirikof ) and Christian Sound
(Chirikof Bay). The Hazy Islands he renamed Isles de la Croyfere. La P6-
Touse, Voy., ii. 165-7.
" The details of La Pt$rouse's explorations and observations south of this
point can be found in Hht. Northivest Coast, i., and Hist. Cal., i., this series.
^°In the following year the Astrolabe and Boussole reached the coast of
Kamchatka; but though the French officers met a number of individuals
identified with the historjj of Alaska, the circumstances of their sojourn in
the harbor of Petropavlovsk have no immediate connection with this naiTa-
tive.
260 FOREIGN VISITORS.
Entrance and the Alaska Peninsula. The Captain
Cook and the Experiment, under captains Lowry and
Guise, sailed in June from Nootka for Prince Will-
iam Land, where they obtained a small lot of furs.
More extensive are the experiences recorded of John
Meares.^^ He sailed from Malacca in the Nootka May
29, 1786. A companion ship, the Sea Otter, also
fitted out in Bengal, had sailed before him with the
intention of meeting in Prince William Sound, but
was never heard of. Amlia and Atkha, of the Aleu-
tian group, were sighted the 1st of August, and after
passing unawares to the northward of the islands
during a fog he was on the 5th piloted into Beaver
Bay by a Russian. While taking in water, Meares
and his officers were hospitably entertained by the
Russians on Unalaska under Delarof, yet the English-
man delights none the less to sneer at their poverty
while extolling the 'generous' and 'magnanimous' con-
duct of the British trader, as represented in himself.
On arriving at the mouth of Cook Inlet soon after,
he heard that two vessels had already visited that
part of the coast that summer, and seeing indications
of Russians everywhere he passed on to Prince Will-
iam Sound, imagining himself first on the ground.
On his way he gave the name of Petrie to Shelikof
Strait. In his eagerness to gather all the sea-otter
skins possible, Meares allowed the season to slip by
till too late for a passage to China and no choice
remained but to winter in the sound. He first tried
the anchorage of Snug Corner Cove, discovered by
Cook, but subsequently moved his vessel to a sheltered
nook nearer the mainland, in the vicinity of the pres-
ent village of Tatikhlek.
11 Voyages made in the years 17S8 and 1789 from China to the North-ioest
Coast, of America, to which is prefixed an Introductory Narrative of a Voyage
•perfffrmed in 17S6, from Bemjal in the ship Nootka, by John Meares, Esq.,
London, 1790. Of this work several editions have been published. The im-
pression created by a perusal of Meares' narrative, especially in the light of
his later transactions at Nootka, is that he was an insincere and unscrupulous
man, and that he was so regarded by Portlock is evident from the maimer in
which the latter bound him to the fulfihnent of his promises.
MEARES' DISTRESS. 261
The vessel was but ill-supplied with the provisions
necessary for a long winter in the far north, but the
best arrangements possible under the circumstances
were made. The ship was covered. Spruce beer
was brewed; but the crew preferring the spirituous
liquor which was served out too freely for men on
short allowance of food, and the supply of fresh fish
n>eanwhile being stopped, scurvy broke out. Among
the first victims was the surgeon. Funerals became
frequent. At first, attempts were made to dig a shal-
low grave under the snow; but as the survivors be-
came few and lost their strength, the bodies were
dropped through cracks in the ice, to become food for
fishes long before returning spring opened their crys-
tal vault. At last the strength of the decimated crew
was barely sufiicient to drag the daily supply of fuel
from the forest a few hundred yards away. The sav-
ages, who kept themselves well informed, grew inso-
lent as they waited impatiently for the last man to
die.
In April some natives from a distant part of the
sound visited the vessel. A girl purchased by Meares
at the beginning of the winter for an axe and some
beads, and who had served as interpreter, declared
them to be her own people and went away with them —
a rat leaving a doomed ship.
The depth of despondency had been reached when
Meares heard of the arrival of two ships in the sound.
Without a seaworthy boat or a crew he was obliged
to await a chance visit from the new-comers. A let-
ter intrusted to some natives failed to reach its des-
tination. In the evening of the 8th of Ma}^, however.
Captain Dixon of the Queen Charlotte arrived in a
whaleboat and boarded the Nootka, which was still fast
in the ice. Learning of Meares' distress he promised
all necessary assistance. ^^
'^ Meares complained that Dixon would make no promise until the matter
had been submitted to Portlock, and that he would hold out no hope for sup-
plies; but Dixon writes: ' I had. . .satisfaction in assuring him that he should
be furnished with every necessary we could possibly spare. As Captaia
262 FOREIGN VISITORS.
Meares now had one of his boats repaired, and pro-
ceeded to Portloek's vessels, on the north side of
Montague Island, where relief was obtained. Port-
lock insisted, however, that Meares should cease at
once to trade with the natives and leave the field to
him, and the latter yielded, though he complained
bitterly.^^ A month after the departure of the Queen
Charlotte in search of furs the Nootka left the scene
of so much misery and disaster, her commander bid-
ding a reluctant farewell to the coast of Alaska in
conformance with his promise to Captain Portlock.
This was the second visit to Alaska of Portlock and
Dixon. They had sailed from England in August 1785
in the ship King George and Queen Charlotte, and first
approached the vicinity of Cook Inlet on the 16th of
July 1786. Less dismayed than Meares at the presence
of Russians, they moved past them up to the head of
Cook Inlet, and there met with considerable success
in trading.^*
After a sojourn of nearly a month the King George
Meares' people were now getting better, he desired me not to take the trouble
of sending any refreshments to him, as he would come on board of us very
shortly in his own boat.' Dixon's Voy., 155.
^^ Meares gives his readers the impression of a strong bias in this matter,
and one inclines to credit the two naval officers, whose narratives bear the
stamp of truth. Further than this the wild statements, if not deliberate false-
hoods, of Meares in connection wit'j the Nootka controversy are well known.
Dixon states the case as follows: ' In the forenoon of the 11th Captain Meares
and Mr Ross left us. They were supi)lied with what flour, sugar, molasses,
brandy, etc., we could possibly spare; and in order to render them every
assistance in our power. Captain Portlock spared Captain Meares two seamen
to assist in carrying his vessel to the Sandwich Islands, where he proposed
going as soon as the weather permitted.' Id., 15S.
"On the 10th of July the ships had stood into a capacious opening on the
east side near the entrance of the inlet. The place was named Graham Bay,
and a cove on the north side near the entrance was called Coal Harbor, sev-
eral seams of that mineral being visible along the blufl's. A party of Russians
with a number of native hunters were encamped near a lagoon, the site of the
later trading-post of Alexandrovsk. Seeing no prospect of trade here, Portlock
concluded to proceed up the inlet or river as he presumed it to be. The
highest point reached by him was Trading Bay, in the vicinity of the present
village of Toyonok, just east of North S'orcland. Here some trading was
done, evidently with Kadiak or Chugatsch hunting parties; for they all used
the kyak, or skin canoe, and had no permanent villages ou the shore. Port-
lock assumed from the signs of these natives that they asked his assistance
against the Rus.sians, but in this he was probably mistaken. Dixon's Voy., GO-
C9; Portloek's Voy., 102-17
PORTLOCK AND DIXON. 263
and Queen Charlotte left the inlet on the 13th of Au-
gust, with the intention to examine Prince William
Sound. A succession of contrary winds and thick
weather interfered with this plan. For over a month
the vessels kept near the coast, sighting many points
previously determined by Spanish and English ex-
plorers, but finding it impossible to make a landing,
until finally, on the 28th of September, when in the
vicinity of Nootka Sound, Captain Portlock gave up
all hopes of further trade that season and headed for
the Hawaiian Islands.
After wintering there Portlock sailed once more
for the Alaskan coast, and sighted Montague Island
on the 23d of April. Natives who visited the ships
on the west side of the island were without furs, but
pointed to the head of the sound, repeating the word
'Nootka,' which puzzled Captains Portlock and -Dixon
not a little, until the latter finally fell in with Meares
as before stated. The Queen Charlotte stood down
the coast, while Portlock moved to Nuchek Harbor
to await the long-boat of the King George which had
been despatched for Cook Inlet on the 12th of May,
with orders to return by the 20th of June.^^ The
boat returned on the 11th, reporting such success that
she was fitted out anew and despatched upon a second
trip with positive orders to return by the 20th of
July.
Portlock's prolonged stay at Nuchek enabled him
to form a very good chart of the bay, which he named
Port Etches, while a cove on the west side was
called Brook Cove.^^ Trade was not very active,
and boats sent to various parts of the sound did not
^^The boat was commanded by Hay ward, third mate.
'^A smoke-house was erected for the purpose of curing salmon; an abun-
dance of spruce beer was brewed and a number of spars were secured from
the virgin forest lining the shores of the bay. At the head of one of the
coves an inscription was discovered upon a tree, which Portlock believed to
be Greek, made by a man living among the natives, but which of course was
Russian. Portlock left a wooden vane and inscription on Garden Island to
the south side of Nuchek Harbor. Garden strawberries are now found on
this and other points of Niichek Island — probably the result of Portlock's
experiment. Voy., 232, 243.
264 FOREIGN VISITORS.
meet with mudi success, some of them being robbed
not only of trading goods and provisions, but of
clothes and arms belonging to the men. The whale-
boat and yawl were left high ashore by the ebb-tide
to the eastward of Nuchek Island, and in that help-
less condition the crews were surrounded by two hun-
dred natives and completely stripped, the only result
of the expedition being the discovery that Nuchek
was an island, a fact already ascertained by the
Spaniards.
On the 22d of July the long-boat returned from
her second and less remunerative voyage to Cook
Inlet, and three days later the King George sailed out
of Port Etches, passing round the west side of Mon-
tague Island. Portlock sighted Mount Fairweather,
but failed to find Cross Sound, which he had looked
for in vain the preceding season. On the 5 th of
August he found a harbor, which was named' after
himself, about twelve leagues to the southward of
Cape Cross as located by Cook.^^ Here the King
George anchored once more and the boats were sent
out in search of inhabitants and trade. Only a few
natives visited the ships, for no permanent settlement
existed thereabout. The long-boat, however, under
Hayward, made a quite successful trip to Norfolk
Sound, passing on the return voyage through Klokat-
chef Sound Cook Bay of Islands.'' On the 23d of
August the King George set sail; left the coast of
Alaska for the Hawaiian Islands, the next rendezvous
appointed with Dixon.
" The latitude of the ship's position in this hai'bor is given as 57° 46', but
while Portlock's sketch seems plain enough, no latei- navigator has confirmed
the contours of the bay. On the latest chart issued by the United States
Hydrographic Office a simple break in the coast line under the latitude given
is indicated as Portlock Harbor. It must exist somewhere on the west coast
of Chichagof Island.
'8 The inhabitants of Norfolk Sound had shown some disposition to hos-
tility toward the crew of the long-boat, but about the ship they confined
themselves merely to stealing. Dixon, in his narrative, spoke of having seen
here a white linen shirt worn by an Indian, which he believed to be of Span-
ish make, but it is much more probable that the garment had found its way
there from some point of the coast where the Astrolabe and Boutssole had
touched.
A RUSSIAN EXPLORATION. 265
Dixon had in the mean time sailed eastward along
the coast, and more fortunate than Portlock he did not
overlook the wide entrance of Yakutat Bay, which
he entered the 23d of May. He discovered and sur-
veyed a fine harbor on the south side, which he named
Port Mulgrave. Here the Queen Charlotte remained
nearly two weeks, meeting at first with some success
in trading, though the natives were in possession of
Russian beads and ironware. An exploration of the
neighborhood in boats convinced Dixon that the shores
of the bay were thinly peopled. ^^
On the 4th of June he proceeded eastward in search
of some port where better trade might be found.
Owing to his distance from the coast he failed to
observe Cross Sound, but on the 11th he sighted
Mount Edgecombe, and the following day entered and
named Norfolk Sound."*' A survey was made which
resulted in a very fair chart. Natives made their
appearance as the ship was passing into the bay and
for three days trade was brisk.
On the 24th of June the Queen Charlotte left Nor-
folk Sound, and on the following day another harbor
was observed and named Port Banks, probably the
present Whale Bay, in latitude 56° 35'. The wind
not being favorable no attempt w^as made to enter,
and about the 1st of July Dixon left the coast of
Alaska to meet with his first marked success in trading
at Clark Bay on the north-western extremity of
Queen Charlotte Islands. The events of his voyage
below this point are told in another volume. ^^
'* Dixon estimated a population of only 70, including women and children,
which is much too low. His description of the natives is not very accurate.
See Native Jlaces, i. passim, this series.
^^ The natives seemed to Dixon more easy to deal with than those at Port
Mulgrave. During an exploration of the bay in boats some inconvenience
was experienced from their thieving propensities. The astronomical position
of his anchorage on the east shore of Kruzoi Island -was lat. 70° 3', long. 135°
38'. He applied the name of White Point to the Beach Cape of the Russians.
The whole estuary was named after the duke of Norfolk.
'^^Hist. Northwest Coast, i., this series. All our information concerning the
visits of the Khig George and Qiieni Charlotte to the Alaskan coast is derived
from the narratives of Dixon and Portlock, and to a limited extent from that
of Meares. Portlock's narrative was published in London in 1799 under the
266 FOREIGN VISITORS.
The next exploration of Prince William Sound and
the coast east of it took place during the second voy-
age of the Trekh Sviatiteli, in connection with Sheli-
kof's plans for the development and extension of his
colony. This vessel had arrived at Kadiak from
Okhotsk in April 1788 and was at once desj)atched
upon a trading and exploring voyage to the eastward,
under Ismailof and Bocharof, both holding the rank of
masters in the imperial navy with special instructions
furnished by Jacobi, then governor general of Siberia,
and supplemented by orders of Eustrate Delarof who
had succeeded Samoilof in the command of the colony.
The crew consisted of forty Russians and four natives
of Kadiak who were to serve as interpreters. In ad-
dition to as full an armament and equipment as cir-
cumstances would allow the expedition was supplied
with a number of painted posts and boards, copper
title of ^ Voyage round the World, but more particularly to the North- West Coast
of America: j^erformed in 17S5, 17S6, 1787, and 1788, 4to. The volume bears
eNddence of the honest and careful investigations by a strict disciplinarian
who left the commercial part of his enterprise to others. It is profusely
illustrated with maps and sketches of scenery, etc. The latter, made chiefly
by an apprentice named Woodcock, have evidently suffered at the hand of
the engraver, for it is scarcely probable that the young man should have
originally represented Alaska with groves of palms and other tropical trees,
to say nothing of three-story houses. Another remarkable feature is that,
though the special charts and sketches are generally correct, the general chart
of the coast from Norfolk Sound to Kadiak is full of glaring inaccuracies.
Beginning in the east, Portlock Harbor in dimensions is represented out of
all proportion to those of the special chart and the text. The next discrep-
ancy occurs at Nuchek Island, called Rose Island on the chart, which is drawn
at least four times too large, and its contours as well as those of Port Etches
are not in conformity with the special chart and the text. IMontague Island
is also represented too large, three very deep and conspicuous bays on its
north-eastern end are omitted, though the vessel's track is laid down within
a mile of the shore, and the harbors on the west coast are not laid in to agree
with special charts and text. In Cook Inlet, Graham Harbor is made at
least six times too large, but Cape Elizabeth is depicted for the first time
correctly as an island. Shelikof Strait, though known to the Russians for
several years, and named Petrie by Meares, is still closed on this chart and
its upper portion, just south of Cape Douglas, retains the name of Smoky Bay,
given by Cook. The strait between Kadiak and Afognak is duly indicated,
but the former island is rexjresented as part of the continent, while Afognak
and Shuiak are made one island and named Kodiac. The coast of the Kenai
peninsula between Cape Elizabeth and Prince William Sound was evidently
laid down from Vancouver's chart, but its corrections in Piince William
Sound have been entirely ignored. The compilation of the general chart must
have been entrusted to incompetent hands, without being revised by any one
familiar with Portlock's notes and sui-veys.
THE 'TREKH SVIATITELI' AGAIN. 267
plates and medals, "to mark the extent of Russia's
domain." ^^
On the 2d of May the ship put to sea, and three
days later made Cape Clear, the southernmost point
of Montague Island. ^^ No safe anchorage was found
until the 10th, when the Trekh Sviatiteli entered the
capacious harbor of Nuchek or Hinchinbrook Island.
On the same day an exploring party was sent out in
boats, and on the northern side of the island a wooden
cross was erected with an inscription claiming the
country as Russian territory.^^
The events of 1787-8 must have been puzzling to the
natives of Prince William Sound. Englishmen under
the English flag, Englishmen under the Portuguese
flag, Spaniards and Russians, were cruising about,
often within a few miles of each other, taking posses-
sion, for one nation or the other, of all the land in
sight. The Princesa from Mexico appears to have
left Nuchek two days before the Russians arrived
there; the Prince of Wales, Captain Hutchins, must
have been at anchor in Spring Corner Cove about
the same time, and shortly after the Iphigenia, Cap-
tain Douglas, entered the same cove,^^ while Portlock
left traces near by two months later. Douglas touched
the southern part of Alaska also in the following
year, and sought to acquire fame by renaming Dixon
Entrance after himself
Bocharof carefully surveyed the inner harbor, the
Brook Cove of Portlock, and named it St Constantino
and St Helena, after the day of arrival. On the 27th
of May the TreJch Sviatiteli returned to the coast of
Montague Island. Some trading was done here de-
^^ Shelikof, Putesh., ii. 2, 3.
^^ The two navigators declared that this was the Cape St Elias of Bering,
without any apparent basis for their opinion and without considering that in
such a case the Russian discoverer could never have been within thirty miles
of the American continent,
^* At its fort a copper plate was buried, proclaiming the same. Id. , ii. 7.
'â– '^ The latter found the following inscriptions cut into the bark of two
trees: 'Z. Etches of the Prince of Wales, May 9, 1788,' and 'John Hutchins.'
Meares' Voy., 316.
268 FOREIGN VISITORS.
spite the presence of the Enghsh who paid such prices
as the Russians never dreamed of.^^
By advice of a native Ismailof proceeded to Achakoo
Island,^^ some distance to the southward, which was
dascribed as abounding in sea-otters. Not finding a
harbor he landed in a boat with seventeen men and a
Chugatsch pilot. After trading amicably for some
time the commander sent off a party of eight men to
gather eggs on the cliffs, but they soon came back
reporting that several bidars filled with Chugatsches
were approaching. This aroused susjoicion among the
promyshleniki, and their alarm was increased by the
discovery that the Chugatsch guide had disappeared.
The chief in command of the native hunting party
professed to have no knowledge of the deserter, and
offered to go in search of him with five Russians in a
bidar. Four of these men the cunning savage sent
into the interior upon a false trail, and then drawing
a spear from under his parka he attacked the remain-
ing Russian with great fury. One of the other men
returned to assist his comrade, but both had a severe
struggle with the savage, who was at last despatched
with a musket ball.^*^ As soon as the others returned
the party hurried on board, the anchor was raised,
and all speed was made to depart.
On the 1st of June the Trekh Sviatiteli arrived at
the island of Kyak,^^ which was uninhabited, though
the natives from the mainland came at times to hunt
sea-otters and foxes. The adjoining coast was thor-
oughly explored, but the inhabitants fled in alarm,
abandoning their huts and canoes whenever the clumsy
boats of the Russians came in sight. After a slow
advance easterly, the large bay of Yakutat was reached
on the 11th of June. Here the chief of the Thlin-'
â– ^* They found the chiefs rather diffident in accepting one of the Russian
medals sent out by Governor Jacobi. The presence of a Spanish /ra^ato on
the other side of the Island may have had something to do with it.
''â– '' Ochek of Russian charts and Middleton Island of Vancouver.
^^Shdlkof, Pittcsh., ii. 29-31.
2' Koriak in Ismailof 's Jounved; Kaye of Cook. Pallas, Neue Nordische
Beltruyc, v. 211.
RUSSIAN RETICENCE. 2G9
keet nation made his appearance, having travelled up
the coast from his winter residence at Chilkaht with a
retinue of over two hundred warriors including two
of his sons. Intercourse was carried on with great
caution, but in trading Isma'ilof was much more suc-
cessful than Dixon. In addition to his purchases he
obtained a large number of skins from his Kadiak
hunters, who in their bidarkas could go far out to sea,
where the open wooden canoes of the Thlinkeets did
not dare to follow. In order to draw attention from
this rivalry ceremonious visits and exchange of pres-
ents were kept up. The Russian commander could
not have failed to hear of Dixon's visit, but not a
word about it can be found in his journal. In this
he probabl}^ obeyed instructions, for even business
letters from the islands to Siberia were in those
days frequently tampered with by the authorities of
Okhotsk and Kamchatka, and it was the interest of
Shelikof and his partners to have I^nglish claims to
prior occupation ignored.
Isma'ilof dwells much upon his efforts to induce the
Thlinkeet chiefs to place themselves under the pro-
tection of Russia, and before leaving he presented to
Chief Ilkhak the portrait of Tsarovich Paul "â– at his
earnest request," and decorated him with one of the
medals sent out by the governor general of Siberia.
Copper plates inscribed ^' Possession of the Russian
Empire" were also buried on two points on the bay.^*^
Two enslaved boys of the Chugatsch and Chilkaht
tribes were purchased, who proved of great service
as interpreters, and in giving information concerning
the coast southward and eastward.
From Yakutat the Trekh Sviatiteli proceeded east-
ward in search of another harbor. The Chugatsch boy
acted as pilot and pointed out the mouths of several
rivers, but no landing-place was discovered until the
^^ Two years latei' not a trace could be found of portraits, medal, or cop-
per plates, which makes it appear that Ilkhak's respect for the Russian impe-
rial family was not as great as represented. Ismctilofs Journal, 14-15.
270 FOREIGN VISITORS.
third day, M^ien the vessel entered Ltua Bay or Port
des Frangais. Trade was quite active here for some
days, and in the mean time Ismailof carried out his
secret instructions by estabhshing marks of Russian
occupation at various points, and perhaps destroying
the monument left by La Perouse.^^
The results of Ismailof's explorations during the
summer of 1788 were of sufficient importance to stimu-
late Delarof to further attempts in the same direc-
tion, but before following these it is necessary to turn
our attention to a visit of the Spaniards in the same
year.
Housed by the reports of La Perouse and others
concerning the spread of Russian settlements in the
far north, and the influx of English and other trad-
ing vessels, the Spanish government in 1787 or-
dered the viceroy of Mexico to despatch at once an
expedition to verify these accounts and examine the
north-western coast for places that might be desirable
of occupation in anticipation of foreign designs. On
March 8, 1788, accordingly the fragata Princesa and
the paquebot San Carlos, under Alferez Estevan Jose
Martinez and the pilot Gonzalo Lopez de Haro, set
sail from San Bias, with the additional instructions to
ascend to latitude 61° and examine the coast down to
Monterey ; to avoid all trouble with the Russians, and
to conciliate native chiefs with gifts and promises.^^
'^ No reference is made in his journal to the tablets and monument placed
by the French, though he was informed by the natives of the visit of two large
ships to the harbor and saw many tools and implements marked with the
royal fleur de U-:. A small anchor similarly marked was secured. The re-
ports of Ismailof and Bocharof have been preserved in their original bad
spelling and grammar, not easy to imitate, and we must therefore presume
that they were written in the unsatisfactory and fragmentary shape in which
we find them.
^^ A man should, if possible, be obtained from each tribe speaking a dis-
tinct tongue, as interpreter; frequent landings must be made for explora-
ting and taking possession; Russian establishments must be closely inspected
to ascertain their strength, object, etc. ' No deberdn empenar lance alguno
con los buques rusos 6 de otra nacion.' Provisions were taken for 15 months.
It was at first proposed to send the fragatas Conccpcion and Farorita, under
Teniente Camacho and Alf6rez Maurelle, but sickness and delays caused the
change to be made. For details of instructions, etc., see Cuarta cxploracion de
MARTINEZ AND HARO. 271
"Without touching any intermediate point they ar-
rived before Prince WiUiam Sound May 17th, anchor-
ing eleven days later on the north side of Montague
Island in a good harbor, which was named Puerto de
Floras. Here they took possession and remained till
"the 15th of June in friendly intercourse with the
natives, while the boats were sent out to explore in
the vicinity.^^^ Without further effort to examine the
sound, Martinez turned south-eastward, sighting the
Miranda volcano on the 24th of June, and anchoring
at the east point of Trinity Island three days later.
Shelikof Strait was named Canal de Flores.^* Mean-
while Haro, who had lost sight of the consort vessel,
sailed close along the east coast of Kadiak, and noti-
fied by a native of the Russian colony at Three Saints
he visited it, and entertained the officers in return.
Delarof, the chief of the colony, understood the
object of the Spaniards, and took the opportunity to
impress upon them that the tsar had firmly established
his domain in this quarter as far as latitude 52° by
means of six settlements with over four hundred men,
who controlled six coast vessels and were regularly
supplied and visited by three others. It was also pro-
posed to found a station at Nootka in the following
year.^^ In the interest of ruler and employers this
descubrimientos de la costa setentrional de California hasta los 61 grados...
por. . .Jos6 Martinez. . .1788, in V'iagefi al Norte, MS., No. vii.
^3 No Russians were met; yet a log-house was found in a bay near the
north end of the island, probably a relic of Zai'kof's wintering four years
before. Martinez long persisted in declaring that the entrance here did not
lead to Prince William Sound.
^^ The east point of Trinity was called Florida Blanca. A taciturn Russian
who had lived there for nine years, came on board and offered to care for the
cross erected by the Spaniards.
^^ Delarof had 60 Russians and 2 galeotas at his place; at Cabo de Rada
were 37 men; at Cape Elizabeth, 40 men; on a small island in Canal de Flores,
latitude 58°, 40 men; a reenforcement of 70 men had sailed for Cook Inlet to
.sustain the establishment there; in latitude 52° 20' on the continent were 55
men and one galeota; at Unalaska, 120 men with two galeotas. Total, six
establishments with six galeotas and 422 men, besides a galeota with 40 men,
which annually sailed on the coast as far as Nootka, gathering furs and stor-
ing them in two magazines at Prince William Sound. Every other year two
fragatas came from Siberia with men and supplies, going as far as Nootka and
.replacing the men whose term of service had exph-ed. C'uarta Explor., in
-Viajes al Norte, MS., pt. vii, 309-10. Delarof 's stories were readily beUeved
272 FOREIGN VISITORS.
exaggeration of facts seemed perfectly proper, and it
assisted no doubt to reconcile the Spanish government
to Russian occupation in the extreme north, but the
hint about a projected establishment at Nootka assisted
greatly to precipitate active measures by Spain, which
resulted only in a humiliating withdrawal on her part
in favor of a stronger and more determined power,
which effectually checked the advance of Russia. The
w^ily Greek overreached himself
Haro now rejoined his leader, and both vessels left
on July 5th for Unalaska.^^ While anchoring off its
northern point, Martinez on July 21st took possession
in the name of Spain, and w^as shortly after visited by
Russians from the station on the eastern side of the
island, to which the vessels now proceeded.^^ Here
they remained till August 18th, caring for the sick
and taking in supplies, with the kind assistance of
Potap Zaikof, the commandant. Martinez considered
the season too far advanced to explore the coast east-
ward, or even to seek Nootka, and all speed was there-
upon made for the south, the Princesa stopping at
Monterey, in California, to recruit, while Haro lin-
gered for a time round the islands with half an inten-
tion to do something more toward the fulfilment of
the orders from Mexico, and then hurried straight to
San Bias to cover faintheartedness and neglect under
the plea probably that the knowledge obtained from
Russians of their doings and intentions, and of the
frequency of foreign visits, made coast exploration less
needful under the circumstances, while it was above
all urgent to impart the news to the governor.^
by Haro, whose liking for the commandant was greatly influenced by the
similarity of his name, in its original Greek form, to his own.
^^ Lighting a group called del Fuegos, the Shumagin Islands, and ' el cabo
donde dijeron los rusos de Kodiac que habia vn establecimiento de 55 indivi-
duos y una galeota sobre la costa firme en 52° 20'.' /(/., 312; but this must be
a misunderstanding. On the 11th they anchored off an island recorded as
Kodiac, and on the 16th they sight the active volcano on Unimak.
2' The Princesa entered on July 28th; the San Carlos, again separated,
rejoined her a week later. There were 120 men at this place.
^^On reporting the despatch of the present expedition, Viceroy Flores
expressed himself to the king as if he expected that Russians would have to
riDALGO'S SURVEY. 273
The indiscreet hint of Delarof was not lost at
Mexico, for Viceroy Flores resolved at once to send
back Martinez and Haro to secure Nootka, at least,
from Russian and other intruders, and thence to ex-
tend Spanish settlement if the king should so direct.
This expedition, and the momentous question to which
it gave rise, have been fully considered in my History
of the Northwest Coast.
While in occupation of Nootka the Spaniards made
several exploring tours, and one of these, under Lieu-
tenant Salvador Fidalgo, was directed to complete
what Martinez had left undone by examining the
coast from latitude 60° southward. He was pro-
vided with Russian and English interpreters. He
set sail from Nootka on May 4, 1790, in the paque-
bot Filipino, and entered Prince WilHam Sound on
the 23d, taking the vessel into the nearest large bay
on the eastern side, which was named Menendez.
After exploring its shores till June 9th he proceeded
northward, naming successively the bays of Gravina,
Rivella Gigedo,^" Mazarredo, and Valdes. After more
than one detention from fogs and gales Fidalgo passed
round to Cook Inlet in the begining of July, and
was piloted into Coal Harbor which he chose to name
Puerto de Revilla Gigedo.**'
Learning of the arrival of Billings' expedition at
Kadiak the Spanish commander hastened forth on
August 8th to meet it, but came too late. After a
short interview with Delarof he turned eastward with
a view to reach the continental coast and explore it a&
be ousted by force. Id., 291. Bustamante assumes that the strength of the
Russians alone kept the Spaniards back. Cavo, TresSir/los, iii. 148-9.
^' At the head of this bay the movements of glaciers was attributed to an
active volcano which received the name of Fidalgo; the isle at the entrance to
the bay was called del Conde. On the western side Port Santiago was entered.
The north end of the sound is placed in 61° 10'. The Indians proved very
friendly, assisting both with provisions and labor.
*" Without paying attention to the reports of previous Spanish explorers
Fidalgo caused the Cape Elizabeth of Cook to be explored anew, and finding
it an isle, with a harbor to the northeast, he applied fresh names. Two points
to the west and north in the inlet were called Gaston and Cuadra. Below
Cape Elizabeth was observed Camacho Island.
Hist. Alaska. 18
274 FOREIGN VISITORS.
far as Nootka, but the wind proved unfavorable and
Fidalgo became fainthearted. No less eager than
he to return home, the council of officers came to re-
lieve his conscience by declaring that the coast in this
latitude could not be followed after the middle of
August, owing to gales and dark weather. The course
was thereupon changed for Nootka, but a storm com-
ing upon them off this place they passed on to Mon-
terey and thence to San Blas.^^
At this time M. Buache of Paris had undertaken
to defend the existence of the interoceanic passage of
Maldonado,*^ and impressed by so eminent authority
the Spanish government resolved to investigate the
matter. The commission was entrusted to Alejandro
Malaspina, who about the time of Fidalgo 's return
happened to arrive at Acapulco in command of the
corvettes Desciibierta and Atrevida, on a scientific ex-
ploring tour round the world. He accordingly set sail
on May 1, 1791, and on June 23d sighted land near
Cape Edgecumbe, entering shortly after Port Mul-
grave, thence to explore in boats for Maldonado's pas-
sage, and to take possession. The search proved
fruitless,^^ and on July 5th he proceeded northward
past Kyak Island to Prince William Sound. After
a few observations in this quarter he turned southward
again; contented himself with a mere glance at Cross
Sound and the inlets below, and entered Nootka to
expend his main efforts on a recalculation of its lati-
*^ The report of this expedition, including descriptions of country, natives,
and settlers, is given in Viajes al Norte, MS., No. 8, under the title of Viage
del x)aquehot ' Filipino ' mandado par el teniente de navio D. Salvador Fidalgo del
puerto de Nootha. . .para los reconocimientos del Principe Guillermoy rio de
Cook, 343-82. Also Tabla que manifesta, in the same collection, No. 10;
Bevilla Gigedo, In/orme, 140-1; Navarrete, Viages Apdc, 64-6; Id., in Sutil y
Mexicana, Viage, cix.-xii.; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 140.
*^For a consideration of this extraordinary topic, see Hist. Northwest
Coast, i., this series.
^^ The bay was named las Bancas, the port Desengaiio, and the interior
island Haenke. A very alluring description is given of the scenery and also
of natives, despite the inconvenience suffered from their thieving propensi-
ties.
MALASPINA AND ISIARCHAND. 275
tude and longitude, whereupon he turned toward New
Spain.^
Malaspina's report, together with those obtained
from Russian and other navigators, was deemed suffi-
cient to dissipate the behef in a passage north of Port
Bucareh ; but from this point down a careful examina-
tion appeared to be advisable, particularly with a view
to test the claim for Admiral Fonte's discovery,
which was now eclipsing that of Maldonado. A new
expedition accordingly departed in 1792 from San
Bias, under Lieutenant Jacinto Caamano, command-
ing the fragata Aranzazu. After leaving at Nootka
certain supplies he proceeded on June 13th to Port
Bucareli, exploring in that vicinity for nearly a month
without arriving at any solution of his problem, and
then turning southward to examine with no better
result Dixon Strait and the eastern coast of the
channel dividing Queen Charlotte Island from the
main. The strait he sought very properly to name
after its discoverer, Perez.*^
Before this, in 1791, the French were again repre-
sented on the Northwest Coast in the person of
Etienne Marchand, captain of the Solide, who had
left Marseilles at the close of the previous year on a
voyage for trade and circumnavigation. He first
sighted the coast at Cape Edgecumbe on August 7th,
and shortly after entered Norfolk Sound. ^"^ He found
the natives abundantly supplied with European goods,
and inclined to drive hard bargains for the small stock
of furs left in their hands, so that bartering was not
very successful. On the 21st he proceeded to Queen
*^Malaspina, Viage 1791, in Navarrete, Viages Apdc, 96-S, 268-320;
Navarrete, \n. Sutily Mex., Viage, cxii.-xxiii.
*'" The main features of this exploration have been considered in Hist.
Northivest Coast, i., this sei'ies. Navarrete and others are at fault concern-
ing the dates of Caamauo's movements. The exploration of Bucareli oc-
cupied him from June 25th. On July 20th he anchored at the entrance to
Dixon Strait. A short distance north of this he had exammed and named the
harbor of Baylio Bazan. Caamano, Exped., Aranzazu, in Col. Doc. hied., xv.
323-63; Navarrete, in Sutil y Mex., Viage, cxxiu.-xxxi.; Revilla Gigedo, In-
forme, 12 de Abril, 1793, 144; Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 144.
*^ For these places the Spanish names are used. The Indians called the
sound Tchinkltan6.
276 FOREIGN VISITORS,
Charlotte Island, where his most valuable explora-
tions were made during a vain effort to find better
trade/^ Several other traders visited the southern
shores of Alaska during these and following years,
but the few records left of their movements concern
chiefly my History of the Northwest Coast, to which I
refer the reader for text as well as maps.
The result of the Nootka controversy, brought
about by hast}^ action of the Spaniards, as well as the
belief in an interoceanic passage, revived by Buache
and others, and supported by the revelation of numer-
ous channels all along the Northwest Coast, deter-
mined the English government to send an expedition
to this region. The explorations of Cook west and
north of latitude 60° were deemed conclusive, but be-
low this point they required to be completed and veri-
fied. This commission was entrusted to George
Vancouver, who departed from England in April
1791 in the sloop Discovery of twenty guns, accom-
panied by the tender Chatham of ten guns, under
Lieutenant W. R. Broughton. The year 1792 was
spent in explorations south of the Alaska line, but in
July 1793 the expedition reached the entrance of Port-
land Inlet and sent boats to examine its two branches.
The dawning hope of here finding Fonte's passage was
quickly dissipated, and the boats proceeded north-
ward through Behm Canal. On descending its south-
western turn along Revilla Gigedo Island, as it was
now shown to be, Vancouver had a narrow escape
from a party of natives who attacked his boat with
muskets and other weapons. The prompt appearance
of the second boat changed the turn of afifairs. The
party now passed into Duke of Clarence Strait — named
by Caamano after Admiral Fonte — and returned to
the ships.^^
" As related in Hist. Northu-est Coast, i., this series. Marchand, Voyage au-
tour du Monde, i. 288-92; ii. 1 et scq. The natives of Norfolk Sound are spoken
of as extremely immoral.
**The names applied on the map along this tour are Portland Inlet and its
VANCOUVER'S VOYAGE. 277
These proceeded August l7th up the last named
strait to Port Protection on the north end of Prince
of Wales Island, which was reached Septeniber 8th,
after an intermediate stay at Port Stewart. The
boats meanwhile explored past Cape Caamano, the
highest point reached by the Spanish explorer of this
name, and up Prince Ernest Sound round Duke of
York Island, which later discoveries dissolved into a
group. The mouth of the Stikeen was observed, but
not as the outlet of a large stream.*" The season
now well advanced, it was resolved to terminate the
extensive surveys for the season and seek a well earned
rest in sunnier latitudes.
Vancouver congratulated himself that " there would
no longer remain a doubt as to the extent or the fal-
lacy of the pretended discoveries said to have been
made by De Fuca and De Fonte." He had demon-
strated that the continent, with a range of mountains
broken by rivers alone, extended from Columbia Piver
to beyond the northern extreme of Prince of Wales
Island. To the part of the main below Pitt Archi-
pelago he applied the names of New Hanover and
New Georgia; thence to the northern line of the
present survey, New Cornwall.
On the 21st of September the vessels left Port
Protection, and passed Port Bucareli, southward by
way of Nootka and California to the Hawaiian Islands,
there to winter. On March 15, 1794, sails were again
two branches, Portland Canal and Observatory Inlet, the latter examined
shortly before by Mr Brown of the Butterworth; Bocas de Quadra; Behm
Canal, m honor of the Kamchatkan governor who showed attention to Cook's
expedition in 1779; the points at its entrance were called Sykes and Alava,
the latter after the commandant at Nootka. Along this canal: New Eddy-
stone rock — resembling a lighthouse — Walker Cove, Burrough Bay, Traitor
Cove — to commemorate the attack by natives — Port Stewart and Beaton
Island; Point Vallenar, the north end of Gravlna Island, and Cape Northum-
berland, its south point, besides a number of intermediate promontories.
*^ Along the east side of Prince of Wales Island and its adjoining parts
are marked Moira Sound, Wedge Island, Cholmondeley Sound, Port Grin-
dall. The entrance to Prince Ernest Sound is marked by points Onslow and
Le Mesurier, and along its course are Bradfield Canal, and Duncan Canal.
Along the western extension of Duke of Clarence Strait, Point Baker forming
the north end of Prince of Wales Island, Conclusion Island, and Affleck
â– Canal; below lie Coronation and Warren Islands, the latter facing Cape Pole.
278 FOREIGN VISITORS.
set for the north, and on April 5th Trinity Island was
sighted.^" Seven days later the Discovery entered
Cook Inlet and proceeded northward to its very head.
Finding that it was not the mouth of a large river as
Cook had supposed, a fact well known to the Russians,
Vancouver changed the name to its present form.
The Chatham having arrived, both vessels visited the
factory half way up the inlet in charge of Zaikof,^^
and rounded Cape Elizabeth May 14th, en route for
Prince William Sound, where anchor was cast in Port
Chalmers on the west side of Montague Island. Boats
were now sent out to examine the sonnd and adjoining
lands, and the Chatham proceeded to survey the main
coast to Yakutat Bay, there to await the Discovery.
The survey of the sound resulted in a number of
corrections, notably on the maps of Cook, yet Spanish
and other existing nomenclature was as a rule main-
tained. Aid was also obtained from Russian material
from which source the configuration of Kadiak Island
and the region westward had to be adopted.^' The
Russians under Baranof, who resided on Kadiak and
controlled chiefly establishments along the sea border,
observed greater reticence, as noticed in connection
with Ismailof's exploration; but those of the other
company, occupying Cook Inlet and Hinchinbrook
Island, were more communicative. They admitted
that the easternmost factory was on this island,
though trading expeditions roamed beyond toward
Nootka. The total force employed was about four
hundred, independent of native employes. The abo-
^° On the 3d Akamok Island was sighted and named after Chirikof.
" A smaller factory existed higher up on the opposite western side. Alex-
androvsk escaped observation. Names weie applied to several points along
the coasts and at the head, and the harbor at Cape Elizabeth was renamed
Port Chatham. The portage from Turn-again Arm to Prince William Sound
was noticed.
^2 Among the names added to the Sound chart, were Port Bainbridge,
Passage Canal, and Port Wells, where the supposed volcano of the Spanish
expedition is referred to merely as a moving glacier. One of the inlets re-
ceived tlie name of Fidalgo, to commemorate his exploration. The island
north-east of Hinchuibrook was called Hawkins. Copper River received no
place on the chart. The w aters of the sound were found to have encroached
rapidly on tlie shore line during the past decade.
SEARCH FOR A STRAIT. 279
riginal population appeared exceedingly scanty, espe-
cially on the sound. Vancouver "clearly understood
that the Russian government had little to. do with
these settlements; that they were solely under the
direction and support of independent mercantile com-
panies," whose members appeared to live highly con-
tented among the natives, exercising over them an
influence due not to fear but to affection, and fostered
by training the children in the Russian language and
customs. ^^
The Discovery left the sound June 20th to join the
consort vessel,^* which was observed in Yakutat Bay
and instructed to follow. This bay was named after
Bering '4rom a conviction of its being the place that
Beering had visited." ^^ A Russian party under Pur-
tof, with nearly a thousand natives from Kadiak and
Cook Inlet, hunted here at the time, though amidst
many apprehensions, owing to the rather unfriendly
attitude of the inhabitants. Near by appeared the
Jackall, Captain Brown, cruising along this coast for
the third consecutive season. ^^
Cross Sound was entered on July 7th, and anchor
cast in Port Althorp, on the north end of Chichagof
Island, called after King George by Vancouver. From
here a boat explored Lynn CanaP' which almost
touches the headwaters of the mighty Yukon, and
*^ Vancouver's Voy., iii. 199-201. The natives of the sound were not so
docile, yet hardly less trusted by the Russians. This assimilation of the two
peoples must give the Russians a decided 'advantage over all other civilized
nations ' for controlling trade.
^* Cape St Elias of Kyak Island was renamed Cape Hamond; and lower
on the coast names were applied to several points.
5^ The Bering Bay as located by Cook was voted a mistake. While apply-
ing this name to Yakutat, Mulgrave was retained for the harbor on its south
shore. The points at the entrance to the bay received the names Mauby and
Phipps. Port des Franpais was missed. As the Chatham was leaving Kyak
Island a letter came from Shields, the English shipbuilder employed by Sheli-
kof, offering his services. It was too late to turn back for an interview with
him.
5^ Brown had sent the Butterivorfh, his leading vessel, to England in 1793,
coming to this coast in the tenders Jackall and Prince le Boo. He now turned
for Cross Sound, with whose inlets he was well acquainted. Id., 207.
^~' So named after Vancouver's birth-place in Norfolk. Berners Bay, Hood
Bay, Port Frederick, and a number of capes were named, notably capes Spen-
cer and Cross at the entrance of Cross Sound.
280 FOREIGN VISITORS.
thence Chatham Strait for a distance, but the large
Glacier Bay escaped observation, although it almost
faces the anchorage. The Arthur, Captain Barber,
from Bengal, appeared here at the time, and out of
consideration for the trader Vancouver stopped all
dealing in furs by his own men. On August 1st
the vessels anchored in Port Conclusion, inside Cape
Ommandy at the south end of Baranof Island,^ thence
to complete the survey to the line of the preceding
season. Lieutenant Whidbey passed up Stephens
Passage, which encloses Admiralty Island, and then
down into the southern arm of Prince Frederick
Sound, where he met Master Johnstone, the other
boat explorer, who had examined Koo and Kuprianof
Island. Amid rousing cheers the combined crews cele-
brated the conclusion of their task, the exploration of
the Northwest Coast for a passage. ^^
Vancouver had achieved a veritable triumph. He
h:ad left England on the 1st of April, as he observes,
on a fool's errand, to search for an interoceanic passage
south of latitude 60°. The explorations and inter-
course of the Russians with the natives had long since
made them regard the passage as a myth, and the
expedition ^vas by them invested almost wholly with
political aims.^''
Failing in his quest, Vancouver at any rate was
able to "remove every doubt, and set aside every
opinion of a north-west passage, or any water com-
munication navigable for shipping, existing within the
north Pacific, and the interior of the American conti-
5* Comprised by Vancouver in King George III. Archipelago, the shore
line of which was not closely marked.
^' Much valuable inforaiation was obtained from Captain Brown of the
Jaclxdl, who had navigated these inlets for some time. He reported the sea-
otter skins of this quarter to be exceedingly fine. Among the places named
on this route are Seymor Canal, Douglas Island, ports Snettisham and Hough-
ton, Holkham Bay, ports Camden and Malmesbury. Kuprianof Island was
classed as a peninsula owing to certain shallows which seemed to connect it
with the main.
*"The exploration being a pretext for taking possession, as Zaikof expresses
it. Journal, in Sitka Archives, MS., vi. See also Tikhmenef, Istor., ii., and
Nordische Beitrdye.
NOMENCLATURE. 281
nent, within the hmits of our researches. "^^ In taking
possession for England he stretched the hne only, to
Cape Spencer, in Cross Sound, a moderation which
the Russians could scarcely have expected.*^^ This
additional territory, north of New Cornwall, was called
New Norfolk, after his native county. It is to be
observed that he generally respected the names ap-
plied by traders or foreign officials, while adding a
mass of new ones, and the nomenclature in his charts
has even in Alaska met with considerable attention.
On August 24, 1794, the expedition left Christian
Sound for Nootka, and thence by way of California
and Cape Horn for England, where it arrived in Sep-
tember the following year.^^
*i To this end he had made surveys far more thorough than were demanded
in his instructions, yet he felt confident that they would be approved. Van-
converts Voy., joassim.
^^ For the officers at the factories left him the impression that ' the Amer-
ican continent and adjacent islands, as far to the eastward at the meridian of
Kayes Island, belonged exclusively to the Russian empire.' Id., iii. 115, 285.
He evidently believed that they claimed beyond tliat, however, and the gov-
ernment certainly did, as will be seen. Vancouver foimd that the cross
erected by Fidalgo on Hinchinbrook Island when taking possession had been
respected, notwithstanding the royal name inscribed. Id., 171. The marks
left by King in Cook Inlet could not be found.
*^ During the five years' voyage the Discovery lost only 5 men by accidents
and one from disease, out of 100 men, while the consort lost not a single man.
a result for which the commanders cannot be too highly praised. For bibli-
ography and other features in connection with this expedition, see Hist.
Northwest Coast, i. this ;
CHAPTER XIII.
THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
1785-1793.
Flattering Prospects — Costly Outfit — The Usual Years of Prepara-
tion — An Expectant World to be Enlightened — Gathering of
the Expedition at Kamchatka^Divers Winterings and Ship-build-
ing— Preliminary Surveys North and South — At Unalaska and
ELadiak — Russian Rewards — Periodic Promotion of Billings — At
St Lawrence Island — Billings' Land Journey — Wretched Condi-
tion OF Russian Hunters — End of the Tribute System — Result
OF the Expedition — Sarychef's Surveys — Shelikof's Duplicity —
Priestly Performance.
The most promising of all scientific exploring expe-
ditions undertaken by the Russian government for
the acquisition of a more perfect knowledge of its
new possessions in Asia and America was that com-
manded by Captain Joseph Billings, an Englishman
who had served under Cook. The enterprise was
stimulated by the report of La Perouse's departure
upon a similar errand. The empress issued an oukaz
on the 8th of August 1785, appointing Billings to
the command of "A Secret Astronomical and Geo-
graphical Expedition for navigating the Frozen Sea,
describing its Coasts, and ascertaining the Situation
of the Islands in the Seas between the two Continents
of Asia and America."^
The senate and admiralty college confirmed and
supplemented the appointments, and in September
Lieutenant Sarychef of the navy was despatched to
the port of Okhotsk with a party of ship-builders,
under orders to construct two vessels in accordance
^Sauer^a Oeog. and Astron. Exped., 1,
PERSONNEL. 283
with plans furnished by another Englishman, Mr
Lamb Yeames. The governor general of Irkutsk
and Kolivansk had received instructions to furnish
the necessary material.
Captain Billings set out upon his journey a few
weeks later, accompanied by Lieutenant Hall, Sur-
geon Robeck, Master Batakof of the navy, and Mar-
tin Sauer, secretary of the expedition.^
The party did not leave Irkutsk until the 9th of
May 1786. Two medical oflScers and naturalists
were added at the last moment — a German, Dr.
Merck, with an English assistant, John Main,
On the 29th the expedition arrived at Yakutsk,
where the necessary arrangements had been made for
supplies of provisions and stores and the required
means of transportation for the different divisions to
the mouth of the Kovima or Kolima river and to
Okhotsk. Lieutenant Hall was in command of the
latter and Lieutenant Bering of the former. Lieuten-
ant Hall's division arrived at Okhotsk soon after Bil-
lings and a few attendants had reached that seaport
on the 3d of July. As it was found that more time
would be consumed in building the ships than had
been expected, Billings took some steps with a view
of visiting the Chukchi country first, and to that
end placed himself in communication with Captain
Shmalef who was much respected by both Kamchat-
kans and Chukchi. On the 3d of August all the
officers, with the exception of Lieutenant Hall, set
"^ Sauer gives the personnel of the expedition, as it departed from St Peters-
burg, as follows: Joseph Billings, commander; lieutenants, Robert Hall, Ga\Til
Sarychef, and Christian Bering, a nephew of Vitus Bering; Master Afanassia
Bakof, rigger and store-keeper; masters Anton Batkhof and Sergei Bronnikof ;
surgeons, Michael Robeck and Peter Allegretti; draughtsman, Luka Varonin;
one mechanician, two ship-builders, two surgeon's mates, one master's mate;
one boatswain; three 'court hunters' for stufl&ng birds, etc. ; eight petty officers,
seven soldiers, riflemen, and Martin Sauer as private secretary and journalist.
At Irkutsk the following additions were made: two Russian book-keepers and
accountants, Vassily Diakonof and Feodor Karpof ; Lieutenant Polossof of the
army, who was acquainted with the Chukchi language; six petty officers from
the school of navigation at Irkutsk; three men who understood the construc-
tion of skin boats; one turner, one locksmith; fifty Cossacks commanded by
a sotnik; two drummers — in all 69 men in addition to the 36 from St Peters-
burg. Id., 12, 13.
284 THE BILLIXGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
out for the Kovima River, the last named taking the
place of Lieutenant Sarychef in superintending the
construction of the ships. Toward the end of Sep-
tember Billings and his party arrived at Verkhnoi
Kovima, but only to find that winter had alread}^ set
in with great severity, and to meet with almost insur-
mountable difficulties in obtaining shelter and sup-
plies. The sufferings during the winter were very
great on account of the extreme cold as well as the
scarcity of provisions; but better times came with
spring.
The work of preparing for the northward trip was
never relaxed, and on the 25th of Ma}^ 1787 the main
body of the expedition set out on two vessels which
had been constructed during the winter, the Pallas
and the YasatchnoL Near the mouth of the river
Captain Shmalef was found awaiting them with some
guides and interpreters and a large quantity of dried
reindeer meat. The ostrog Nishnekovima was reached
on the l7th of June. There more deer-meat was pro-
cured and then the expedition passed on into the
Arctic.^
They steered eastward and on the 21st of June
reached the place where Shalanrof had perished in
1762. A cross marked the spot, and another was
found near the remains of huts erected by Laptief
and his party in 1739. Their progress was continued
with many interruptions until the 25th of July, when
an observation showed latitude 69° 35' 56", longitude,
168° 54', and Billings concluded to give up all further
attempts and i^eturn to Nishnekovima.*
When the party arrived at Yakutsk it was found
* In accordance with the imperial oukaz Billings here assumed the rank of
a fleet captain of the second class, the necessary oath being administered by
a priest brought for that purpose. Id. , G9-70.
* Sauer and many of the officers were of the opinion that everything looked
favorable for a passage into the Pacitic. Captain Sarychef even offered to
undertake the enterprise in an open bidar, with six men, intending to camp
on the beach every night, Imt Billings was deaf to all entreaties and con-
tented himself with inducing a majority of his officers to sign a statement
that it would be wiser to return to the Kovima. Id., 77-8.
EMBARKATION. 285
that a large quantity of the most important stores
was still awaiting transportation at Irkutsk, necessi-
tating a journey to that city on the part of Billings
and several of his officers. This little excursion
delayed the expedition till September 1788, when the
greater part of the command was once more assembled
at Okhotsk. The first and largest of the two vessels
destined for the voyage was not launched until the
following July. She was named the Slava Rossie,
Glory of Kussia. The second ship, the D,ohraia Na-
merenia, Good Intent, was launched in August, but
was wrecked while attempting to cross the bar at
Okhotsk. In order to get quickly at the iron work
with which to build a new vessel the hull of the
Namerenia was burned.^ On the 19th of September
the Slava Rossie sailed at last and arrived at Petro-
pavlovsk on the 1st of October. Here the ship was
unrigged and the whole party went into winter-
quarters to await the arrival of a store-ship with
supplies in the spring.
Early in March 1790 additional news arrived,
warning Billings of the presence of a Swedish cruiser,
the Mercury, Captain Coxe, with sixteen guns, in the
waters he was about to navigate.*^ The Slava Rossie
mounted sixteen brass guns, but they were only
three-pounders. Despite the apprehension created,
no change was made in the plans.
On the 1st of May the whole expedition embarked
and stood out to sea on an easterly course. The voy-
age was tedious, no land being sighted till the 2 2d,
when the island of Amchitka appeared in the north.
On the 1st of June the island of Unalaska was
^ On the 14th of September a courier arrived from Russia with intelligence
which almost put an end to further progress of the expedition. War had
broken out with Sweden, and the Russian government was much in want of
money and naval officers. Id., 143.
^ Pribylof reported that the Swedish cruiser mentioned in Billings' instruc-
tions had actually visited the Aleutian Islands during the summer, but in view
of the abject misery and privations in which he found the Russian traders living,
the humane Captain Coxe abstained from hostilities and even made Pribylof,
whom he had questioned concerning the Russian establishments, very accept-
able presents of bread, brandy, some clothing, and a quadrant. Id., 212.
286 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
made, and on the 3d some natives came on board,
followed in the afternoon by a Russian in an eight-
oar bidar. The latter conducted the vessel into Bob-
rovoi (Beaver) Bay. Here a supply of water and
ballast was procured and on the 13th of June the
expedition sailed again to the north-east and north/
In a few days Sannakh and the Shumagin Island
were reached/ where the Slava Rossie was visited by
a large party of Aleuts who were hunting for the
Panof company under superintendence of a Bussian.
On the 26th of June a Bussian boarded the ship; he
was accompanied by two hundred natives and came
from Shelikof s establishment on Kadiak Island. On
the 29th the expedition arrived in Trekh Sviatiteli, or
Three Saints Harbor, the site of the first permanent
settlement on the island. Eustrate Ivanovich Delarof
was then in command of the colony. He told Sauer
that he had despatched that year six hundred double
bidarkas, each manned by two or three natives, to
hunt sea-otters, sea-lions, and fur-seal; they were
divided into six parties, each in charge of a Bussian
peredovchik.^
The establishment at that time consisted of about
fifty Bussians, including officers of the company and
Master Ismailof, the same whom Cook met at Una-
laska in 1778. He was stationed at Three Saints
to look after the interests of the government. The
buildings numbered five of Bussian construction, the
barracks, offices, and counting-house, besides store-
houses, blacksmith, carpenter, and cooper shops, and
a ropewalk. Two vessels of about eighty tons each
' Sauer states that the Russians then on that part of the island belonged
to Cherepanof s company, who had resided there eight years and expected to
be relieved that season by a party from Okhotsk. The author dwells upon
the cruel treatment of the Aleuts at the hands of the ignorant and overbear-
ing promyshleniki. /cZ., 150-GI.
'' Though writing soon after Bering's and Steller's reports were published,
Sauer states that these islands received their name from the ' discoverer, a
Russian sailor of Bering's expedition.' The poor fellow did nothing beyond
dying of scurvy in that neighborhood.
' JuvenaVs Jour. , MS. , 1 et seq. Sauer bestows the highest praise upon the
strict justice and humanity with which Delarof managed the affairs of the
colony. Sauer' s Oeog. and Astron. Exped,, 170-1.
SCIENCE AND RELIGION. 287
stood upon the beach, armed and well guarded, serv-
ing as a place of refuge in case of attack. Several
gardens planted with cabbage and potatoes, and some
cows and goats, added to the comfort of the settlers.^*'
In the report of Billings' visit to Kadiak mention
is made of the water-route across the Alaska peninsula
by way of Iliamna Lake. The natives persisted in
calling the peninsula an island, kikhtak, because they
could pass in their canoes, without portage, from She-
likof Strait into Bristol Bay, their main source for
supplies of walrus ivory for spear-heads, fish-hooks,
and various implements.
The astronomical tent, and another constituting a
portable church, had been pitched as soon as the ex-
pedition arrived, and remained standing till the 6th
of July, when the Slava Rossie once more set sail.
Delarof accompanied Billings for the purpose of visit-
ing a Spanish frigate reported by the natives to be
cruising at the mouth of Cook Inlet." The com-
mander of the expedition also intended to visit the
Spanish ship, but the wind was unfavorable, and by
the 8th of July they had only reached the island of
Afognak where a settlement had already existed. On
the 12th of July, in the neighborhood of Barren
Islands, Delarof left the Slava Rossie in a canoe,
giving up all hope of reaching Cook's Inlet with the
ship. He was intrusted with messages for the Span-
iards and the vessel was headed for Prince William
Sound.
On the 19th of July the Slava Rossie was anchored
^° During the stay of the Slava Rossie at Three Saints Bay one of the officers
of the company applied to the priest accompanying the expedition to baptize a
native woman with whom he had been living several years and had children;
they were then formally married, and Sauer speaks with much satisfaction of
the excellent manner in which their household affairs were managed. From
the promyshleniki and sailors in employ of the company much complaint
was heard of the high prices they were obliged to pay the company for the
very necessaries of life, making it almost impossible to live without becoming
indebted to their employers. Id., 1/3.
^^ On this occasion Sauer makes an evidently erroneous statement to the
effect that he was informed the Spaniards were in the habit of visiting the
Russian settlements annually, exchanging provisions and sea-otter skins for
hardware and linen. Id., 184j Juvenal's Jour., MS., 50 et seq.
288 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
in the same bay of Montague or Tzaklie Island where
Cook passed some time in 1778. The astronomical
tent was at once erected on shore under a sufficient
guard, while boat parties set out to explore. The
natives were quite peaceable in view of the formidable
armament of the Slava Rossie, but they made bitter
complaints against Russian traders who had formerly
visited them, especially the party under Polutof in
1783. They were assured that they need not appre-
hend any ill-treatment from government vessels car-
ryino' the same flag^ as the Slava Rossie. It was found
necessary, however, to exercise the greatest vigilance
to prevent them from stealing.^^
While at this anchorage, Captain Billings, who
thought he had reached the Cape St Elias discovered
by Bering, assumed, in accordance with his instruc-
tions, an additional rank, the customary, oath being
administered by the priest attached to the expedition.
Sauer ridiculed this theory and located Cape St Elias
to his own satisfaction on Kaye Island.
Lieutenant Sarychef went out with a boat's crew,
and during an absence of three days he met several
parties of natives and saw the cross erected by Zaikof
under Shelikof's order. On one occasion the crafty
natives endeavored to entice him into a shallow chan-
nel where his boat would be left grounded by the tide
and his party exposed to attack. The device did not
succeed, however, and Sarychef heard of the danger
he had escaped only after his return to Okhotsk, from
the Aleut interpreter. After Sarychef's return to
the ship a very old native came on board and stated
that his home was on Kaye Island which he plainly
described. With regard to the number and nation-
^^ Sauer states that on one occasion, when Billings entertained some of the
natives in his tent on shore, the servant set down a tray in such a manner
that a comer of it, containing some spoons, protruded from under the canvas.
One of the natives attempted to appropriate the spoons, but a water-spaniel
lying in the tent sprang at him, seized the hand holding the plunder, and held
the thief until ordered to relinquish his hold — a circumstance which, in Sauer's
opinion, thereafter 'kept them (the natives) honest afterwards in the dog's,
presence.' Sauer's Geog. and Aslron. Ezped., 188.
A QUIXOTIC PLAN. 289
ality of ships that had visited his people, he was not
positive, but remembered well that when he was a
boy a ship had approached Kaye Island for the first
time. When a boat was sent ashore the natives fled
into the interior, returning only after their visitors
had departed. They found their domiciles despoiled
of many articles and some provisions, while some
beads, tobacco, and iron kettles had been deposited in
their place. As this account corresponds altogether
with Steller's report of Khitrof's landing in 1741,
Sauer and Sarychef came at once to the conclusion
that Kaye Island must be the locality of Bering's
discovery.
Sauer conceived a wild plan of remaining alone
among the natives of Prince William Sound to carry
on explorations, with a faint hope of discovering the
long sought for passage into the northern Atlantic.
Billings very properly refused to sanction the plan,
much to the chagrin of his Quixotic secretary.
A few good spars were secured for the ship and a
small supply of fresh fish, and on the 1st of August a
council of officers came to the conclusion that it was
best to return to Kamchatka. The stock of provi-
sions was not sufficient to maintain the whole com-
pany during the winter in a country apparently with-
out any reliable natural resources ; the season was far
advanced and it appeared scarcely safe to continue
the work of surveying in an almost unknown region
with a single vessel. A south-westerly course was
adopted, but the winds were adverse, and by the
beginning of September the Slava Rossie was still
tossing about in unknown seas, unable to obtain any
correct observations. A squall carried away the fore-
mast and other spars and it was found impossible to
touch at Unalaska to replenish the water-casks and
land the Aleut interpreters. On the 24th of Sep-
tember one of the latter attempted suicide by cut-
ting his throat, despairing of ever seeing his country
again. The supply of water and provisions was almost
Hist. Alaska. 19
290 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
exhausted and they had reasons to believe themselves
still many hundred miles from the coast of Kam-
chatka; but in spite of the many evils threatening
him on every side Billings continued upon his course,
and at last, on the 14th of October, the Slava Rossie
entered the Bay of Avatcha, with a large part of her
crew suffering from scurvy.
The remainder of the expedition had arrived from
Okhotsk during the summer, bringing the iron and
other material saved from the wrecked Dohraia Na-
merenia, and the first thing to be done was to build
another ship. The ship-carpenters and a force of men
were at once despatched to Nishnekamchatsk, where
suitable timber was more abundant, and the work
progressed vigorously under superintendence of Cap-
tain Hall. The other officers passed most of their
time at Bolsheretsk in the enjo3^ment of social inter-
course with the families of government officers and
merchants.
One of the navigators attached to the expedition,
named Bronnikof, having died during the summer,
Billings engaged in his stead Gerassim Pribylof, who
in the service of the Lebedef-Lastochkin company had
recently discovered the islands of St George and St
Paul, the annual retreat of the fur-seals.
Early in April 1791 the members of the expedition
once more assembled at Petropavlovsk, and orders
were forwarded to Captain Hall, who was to command
the new vessel, to meet the Slava Rossie at Bering
Island between the 25th and 30th of May. In case
of failure to meet, a second rendezvous was appointed
at Unalaska.
On the 1 9th of May the ships sailed out of Avatcha
Bay after a long detention by baffling winds. On the
28th Bering Island was made, but the weather being
boisterous it was concluded not to wait for the con-
sort, but to go on to Unalaska. The first landing was
made on the island of Tanaga, where they found a
village inhabited by women and a few old men, who
IMPERIAL REWARDS. 291
explained that all the able-bodied hunters had been
carried off to the eastward by Lukanin and his com-
pany. The people complained that this party had
also taken with them many women. The Aleuts car-
ried to Kamchatka against their will, during the last
voyage, were here set ashore with no other compensa-
tion than a few articles of clothing, a little tobacco,
and a brief document exempting them from compul-
sory services with the trading companies.
On the 25th of June the harbor of Illiuliuk on
Unalaska Island was reached, but nothing had been
heard of Hall and his vessel. Billings at once de-
clared that he would give up his former intention to
make a thorough exploration of Cook Inlet and vicin-
ity, ^nd proceed at once to St Lawrence Bay, in the
Chukchi country, after depositing at Unalaska some
provisions for Captain Hall with a few men to guard
them.^^ Instructions were also left for the consort to
immediately follow the Slava Rossie to St Lawrence
Bay. The officers, especially Sarychef and Sauer,
were greatly disappointed at this change of plans,
and the latter in his journal expressed the opinion
that too rapid promotion had an evil effect on Captain
Billings, who seemed to have lost all ambition to make
discoveries, and haughtily refused advice from the
most experienced of his companions."
After landing the men and provisions for Hall, the
" The men left there were Surgeon AUegretti, Ensign Ivan Alexei'ef atd
one sailor. Id., 229. Juvenal, Jour., MS., 27 et seq., refers to the doings of
the Lebedef-Lastochkin Company.
"Sauer uses the following strong language: 'Nothing in the world could
have afforded me less satisfaction than this resolution, which I regarded as
the conclusion of an expedition that was set on foot with unbounded liber-
alitj'- by the most magnanimous sovereign in the world; which had raised the
expectation of all nations to the highest pitch, and induced mankind to an-
ticipate the satisfaction of obtaining the most complete knowledge of the
geography of this unknown part of the globe, together with a conviction of
the existence or non-existence of a north-west passage. But, alas! after so
many years of danger and fatigue; after putting the government to such an
extraordinary expense; after having advanced so far in the attempt, even at
the very time when we were in hourly expectation of our comfort, and, as
appeared to me, being just entering upon the grand part of the imdertak-
ing, thus to abandon it was the most unaccountable and unjustifiable of ac-
tions.' Sauer' s Geog. and Astron. Exped., 230.
292 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
Slava Rossie put to sea on the 8th of July. Passing^
through the Pribylof and St Matthew islands, they
made land on the 20th of July, which turned out to
be Gierke Island (St Lawrence). Billings landed in
person; the natives who had be^^n discerned walking
on the beach disappeared as soon as the boat ap-
proached the shore. The party returned in the
evening, having visited some abandoned habitations
and met some domesticated dogs. A party of natives
crossing a lake in the direction of the ocean beach
was frightened back by a musket-shot fired to warn
Billings, who had strayed some distance by himself
On the 27th of July the explorers at last caught
sight of the American continent, in the vicinity of
Cape Bodney. Billings, with the naturalist, draughts-
man, and two other officers were landed in boats.
The party made a fire of drift-wood on the beach and
then dispersed in search of inhabitants. A few were
found, and friendly intercourse was established b}^
means of an Anadir Cossack who spoke the Chuk-
chi language. The natives conducted their visitors
to a temporary dwelling and treated them hospitably.
The following day some trading was carried on and
the explorers returned to the ship with considerable
difficulty owing to stormy weather. ^^
On the 2d of August the expedition reached its
highest latitude, 65° 23' 50", sighting the islands in
mid-channel of Bering Strait, and the following day
the Slava Rossie anchored in St Lawrence Bay. From
this point Billings proposed to set out overland, with
a small party, in the direction of the Kovima, while
Sarychef was to take the vessel back to Unalaska.
Two guides and interpreters, Kobelef and Dauerkin,
had been on the coast ever since 1787, awaiting the
^* A bidar, purchased from the natives, with four sailors, did not reach
the ship till the 31st. The men reported that they had been cast ashore, and
at daylight found themselves surrounded by a number of natives, with whom
they traded, though giving them a bad character. Sauer remarks on this
occasion: ' I cannot guess what articles of trade they had ; but they obtained
several skins of black and red foxes, martens, etc. I hope that the natives
had not the greater reason to complain.' Id., 247.
i
AN OVERLAND JOURNEY. 29.1
expedition, and Billings lost no time in perfecting
preparations for his dangerous journey, taking his final
departure on the 13th of August. ^^
The commander appeared confident of his purpose,
but those he left on the ship by no means shared that
feeling. They considered the large quantity of goods
carried as presents an additional danger, which proved
true according to the report of the journey. As soon
as they left the coast they found themselves com-
pletely in the power of the Chukchi who were to
accompany them across the country. They were led
over a roundabout route and systematically robbed at
every opportunity. As their store of goods decreased
the insolence of the natives increased and on more
than one occasion they narrowly escaped slaughter.
On the day after Billings' departure Sarychef sailed
for Unalaska. The Slava Rossie was now but ill pro-
vided with food, water, and firewood, but anxiety on
account of Hall with the consort made it necessary
to steer for the Aleutian isles instead of proceeding
to Petropavlovsk for supplies. The passage was com-
paratively short, however, and on the 28 th of August
they anchored once more in Illiuliuk harbor. Captain
Hall had arrived there a few days after Billings'
departure and sailed for St Lawrence Bay in accord-
ance with instructions: thence he returned, arriving
three days later.
The anchorag© chosen for the two vessels during
the winter was a longitudinal cove on the west side
of Illiuliuk Bay, protected by a low island, now con-
nected with the adjoining shore by a narrow neck.
Some shops and huts for officers were erected, but the
greater part of the crews remained on board of the
Slava Rossie and the Chernui Orel, or Black Eagle,
as Captain Hall's vessel had been named. Sauer
intimates that the principal reason of the sailors for
J8 The compaiiy numbered 12— Capt. Billings, Dr Merck the naturalist and
his assistant Mr Main, Masters Batakof and Gileief of the navy; Varonin,
the draughtsman, and Leman, surgeon's mate; the two interpreters, Kobelef
and Dauerkin, and two soldiers and a boj' attending on the captain. Id. , 255.
294 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
remaining on board was, that while on the ships they
were entitled to a daily allowance of brandy which
could not have been issued to them on shore. The
officers doomed to pass a wretched winter in this
desolate place were captains Robert Hall and Gavril
Sarychef, Lieutenant Christian Bering, Surgeon-
major Robeck, Surgeon Allegretti, and Bakof, Baku-
lin, Erling, Pribylof, and Sauer. Billings' orders had
been to collect tribute from the Aleutian isles, and
Hall took the necessary steps to notify the natives of
his purpose. The Aleuts came voluntarily with con-
tributions of fox and sea-otter skins, especially after
it became known that the government officers gen-
erally returned the full value of the skins in trinkets.
In the expectation that at least one of his ships
would winter at Unalaska, Billings had given orders
that stores of dried fish should be prepared, and this
order had been generally obeyed by the natives; but
with all that the crews of the two vessels were but
poorly provided for the long, cold winter. The knowl-
edge of the dreadful sufferings of their predecessors
in that harbor, Captain Levashef and his crew, of
the Krenitzin expedition, in 1768, may have hastened
the coming of the scurvy; at all events, a month
had not passed before several men were attacked with
it, and before the end of the year one victim was
buried. With the new year the disease became more
violent, and toward the end of February 1792 they
buried as many as three in one day. In March a
change for the better set in, after seventeen of the
best men had found their graves. With the greatest
difficulty the two ships were brought into condition
to undertake the return voyage to Petropavlovsk, but
the task was at last accomplished on the IGth of May.
During the winter tribute had been collected from
about five hundred natives, amounting to a dozen sea-
otter skins and six hundred foxes of different kinds,
and in return for these all the trinkets and tobacco,
quite a large quantity, had been distributed. A party
IMPUDENT CHUKCHI. 295
consisting of some Russians from Shelikof s establish-
ment at Kadiak and some natives had paid a visit to
the winter-quarters of the expedition in search of
syphihtic remedies, brandy, and tobacco. The former
they obtained from the surgeons together with proper
directions for using them. The natives with this
party made many complaints of ill-treatment at the
hands of Russian promyshleniki, which Sauer con-
sidered well founded.^''
The return from Unalaska was accomplished with
better despatch than might have been expected from
the miserable condition of the vessels. On the 7th
of June the Slava Rossie lost sight of the Chernui
Orel, and on the 16 th the former vessel entered
Avatcha Bay. An English ship, the Halcyon, Cap-
tain Barclay, was in the harbor, with a cargo of iron-
ware and ship-chandlery much needed on the coast,
but the stupid port authorities would not allow the
cajDtain to dispose of any of his goods.
The explorers were anxious to proceed to Okhotsk,
but deeming it impracticable to enter that port with
the Slava Rossie it was concluded to despatch the
Chernui Orel, with as many members of the expedi-
tion as she could carry, while the remainder awaited
the arrival of the annual transport vessel from
Okhotsk. Shortly after the sailing of the first de-
tachment news was received from Captain Billings and
his party. They had undergone the greatest suffer-
ings, but were then, in February 1792, on the river
Angarka within a few days' march of the Kovima.
The object of the dangerous journey had to a great
extent been frustrated by the restrictions imposed
upon the helpless explorers by the impudent Chukchi.
^'He also says: 'Shelikhof has formed a project to obtain the sole priv-
ilege of carrying on this trade without a rival, and he will probably, one day
or other, succeed; but not before the scarcity of furs lessens the value of this
trade and renders fresh capital necessary for making new excursions to dis-
cover other sources of commerce, or rather of wealth; then tine dii-ectoi's of
the present concern will explore the regions of Amercia, and if nothing
advantageous occurs, they will doubtless retire from the conceni, secure in
their possessions, and leave the new members to pursue the undertaking.'
Id., 275-6.
296 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
They had destroyed the surveying outfit and would
not allow any notes to be taken or calculations to be
made. Captain Billings communicated his intention
of proceeding to Yakutsk with all possible speed and
desired Sauer to join him there as soon as practi-
cable.^^
Letters from St Petersburg were received about the
same time, announcing that a French vessel, under
the flag of the republic, had sailed for Petropavlovsk,
and ordering that every facility of trade should be
afforded to the supercargo, a M. Torckler. A few
days later the ship arrived and was found to be the
La Flavia — also heard of on the American coast —
with a crew of sixty men besides the officers. Her
cargo consisted chiefly of brandy. One cannot but
note the difference in official action with regard to
the useful cargo of iron-ware brought by Barclay the
same year, and that of the La Flavia, consisting of
the chief element of destruction and ruin among the
half-savage inhabitants of that region. The French
ship remained during the whole winter, retailing the
cargo, for nobody in Petropavlovsk had the means to
buy it in bulk. She sailed June 1.. 1793, for Canton.
Thus came to an end, as far as concerns the Russian
possessions in America, an expedition inaugurated on
a truly magnificent scale after long years of prepara-
tion. The geographical results may be set down at
next to nothing, with the exception of the thorough
surveys of Captain Bay in Illiuliuk Harbor on Una-
laska Island. Every other part of the work had
already been done by Cook. The knowledge obtained
by Billings during his march from St Lawrence Bay
to the Kovima proved of no great importance, based
as it was to a great extent on hearsay from the
treacherous Chukchi, who would not allow any meni-
"The members of the expedition still at Petropavlovsk were Capt. Bering,
Masters Bakof and Bakulin, ^Ir Sauer, and Surgeon-general Robeck. Major
bhmalef was in command of the province. Id., 285.
RESULTS. 297
ber of the band to make personal observations. An
important feature, however, was the prehminary ex-
perience gained by Sarychef, who subsequently pub-
lished the most complete and reliable charts of the
Aleutian Islands, a work upon which, as far as the
territory included in Sarychefs own observations is
concerned, even Tebenkof could make few if any im-
provements. Their reliability stands acknowledged
to the present day. But few corrections have been
made in his special charts of harbors by modern sur-
veys. As far as it is possible to judge now, it seems
that Martin Sauer's estimate of his commander was
nearly correct, and we may concur in his opinion that
the failure of the expedition in its chief objects was
due to the leader's incapacity and false pride, which
prevented him from accepting the advice of others
w^ell qualified and willing to give it; but there were
also other reasons, as we shall see. It was almost a
miracle that he did not furnish a tragic finale to a
series of blunders by losing his life during his fool-
hardy journey through the country of the Chukchi.
The principal benefit derived from this costly
undertaking was the ventilation of abuses practised
by unscrupulous traders upon helpless natives. The
authorities in Siberia and St Petersburg became at
last convinced that an end must be put to the bar-
barous rule of the promyshleniki. The cheapest and
easiest way to accomplish this was to grant control of
the wdiole business with American coasts and islands
to one strong company that might be held responsible
to the government for its conduct. Those members
of the Billings expedition who revealed the unsatis-
factory state of affairs in these outlying possessions
of Russia did not intend to aid Shelikof and his part-
ners in their ambitious schemes, but such was the
effect of their reports. Another result was to abolish
the custom of collecting tribute from the Aleuts ; the
method introduced by Sarj^chef — to return the full
value in tobacco and trinkets for skins tendered as
298 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
tribute — would have effectually prevented the govern-
ment from deriving any benefit from that source.
If the expedition revealed abuses it also gave rise
to others. Many private individuals enriched them-
selves by contracts for supplying the expedition at the
different stages of its progress, especially at Irkutsk,
Yakutsk, and Okhotsk. Sauer mentions in his jour-
nal that on his return voyage he found the officials at
Yakutsk, whom he had left in comparative poverty,
in much improved circumstances, bordering upon
affluence, and he ascribes the change to the fact that
these people had been engaged in furnishing horses
for the transportation of stores to the Kovima and to
Okhotsk.
The experience gained in the way of navigation and
management of similar expeditions was of some value;
and in this connection it is rather a significant fact that
during the first voyage of the Slava Rossie, under the
immediate command of Billings, the scurvy was suc-
cessfully combated,^^ yet in the following year the
two ships had been anchored in Illiuliuk harbor but
a few weeks when the dreaded disease broke out with
such violence that the combined efforts of Sarychef
and Hall, two medical men, and Martin Sauer failed
to arrest its ravages.
With regard to the supplementary instructions rel-
ative to the Swedish cruiser Mercury, nothing was done
by Billings, though the vessel did visit the Aleutian
Islands according to the report of Pribylof The ap-
prehensions on this account seem to have been great.
A set of minute instructions was furnished to traders
on the islands, to regulate their conduct in case the
privateer appeared, but in Pribylof's intercourse with
"Billings, formerly of Cook's expedition, had evidently learned something
of that navigator's effective method of combating the scurvy. The surgeon's
journal contains the following remarks: 'It was only toward the end of the
voyage, when our bread was out and we were reduced to a short allowance of
water, that the scurvy made its appearance. At this time pease and grits,
boiled to a thick consistency in a small quantity of water, and buttered,
were substituted for salted provisions. The primary symptoms of scurvy
then appeared, but on arriving at Petropavlovsk a treatment of bleeding, thin
drink, and fresh fish restored all hands in a very short time. ' Id. , 208-9.
INCEPTION OF MONOPOLY. 299
Captain Coxe, the former did not use any of the pre-
cautions enjoined.^"
The hand of the future monopolists can be dis-
cerned, shaping events, from a period preceding that
of Bilhngs' expedition, though perhaps Martin Sauer
was not able to see it. Notwithstanding his belief to
the contrary, the members of the Shelikof Company,
already in virtual possession of their exclusive privi-
leges of trade, were then making strenuous efforts
to extend operations instead of drawing out of the
business. Shelikof, Baranof, and Delarof knew far
better than Billings' sanguine secretary what wealth
was in the country. Where he saw nothing but indi-
cations of quick decline, energetic preparations were
in progress for a healthy revival of business. For
many years after the period set by Sauer even the
vessels of small opposition companies continued to
visit the islands and portions of the mainland.
One proof of the confidence of Shelikof in the
stability of the business for many years to come is
furnished by his efforts to establish a settlement in
*" The instructions issued in 1790 to the Shelikof-Golikof Company con-
tained the following: 'Necessary measures will be taken in accordance with
secret instructions, by order of the empress, to protect the establishments of
the company and its stores of goods and furS against the attacks of pirates,
which have been sent out for that purpose by the Swedish government, under
the command of English captains, and all possible means will be employed to
avert this danger, threatening the hunters as well as the company's property.
If, in spite of all precautions, these privateers enter any Russian harbor or
land parties of men, efforts must be made to repulse them, and, if possible, to
capture and detain them. In such a case a party of natives will be formed, in
bidarkas, decorated with beads and paint; they will approach the vessel with
signs of admiration and friendship, beckoning to the people on board to land,
displaying sea-otter skins, and presenting them with a few. Having in this
way induced as many as possible of the crew to land, the natives will meet
them with their customary dances and all signs of satisfaction, in the mean
time endeavoring to decoy the vessel into some dangerous place. During all
this time not one Russian must show himself, but they must all be hidden in
convenient places prepared for that purpose, and when the deluded party
approaches some defile or ambush, the hidden Russians will emerge at a given
signal to attack both the vessel and the men on shore, endeavoring to capture
the leaders, etc. ' In case of fortune favoring the hostile visitors the instiaic-
tions direct that, 'if possible, the most important among the Russians or
natives must endeavor to escape in bidars or bidarkas by passages where the
ship cannot follow, while others may approach the vessel at night and attempt
to scuttle it or cause it to leak. ' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosr. , i. 33-4.
300 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
the vicinity of Cape St Elias and to begin ship-build-
ing there. "I have made representations to the
government," he wrote to Baranof, ''with regard to
ship-building and agriculture at Cape St Elias. Dur-
ing my sojourn at Kadiak it was known to me that
the mainland of America from Unga Island to the
regions inhabited by the Kenai enjoys better climatic
conditions than the island of Kadiak. The soil is fit
for cultivation, timber is plentiful," etc. Baranof
wrote in reply that he entertained no hope of suc-
ceeding in agricultural experiments at Yakutat, espe-
cially near the coast, as the place was situated between
59° and 60° north latitude. He also stated that the
shores of the gulf of Chugachuik and portions round
Kenai' were composed of very hi^h and rugged moun-
tains.
The peculiar search for agricultural lands outside of
Kadiak shows plainly that the wily traders were not
in earnest in their search. Kadiak is the spot most
favored by nature as far as climate and soil are con-
cerned. No other place in all that vast region can
furnish feed for cattle or boast of rich fisheries, useful
timber, and fertile vegetable-gardens in close prox-
imity to each other. But all this was carefully hidden
from the knowledge of the government and attention
was drawn toward a region wdiere failure was a cer-
tainty, in order to obtain the services of such laborers
and mechanics as might be forwarded from Siberia
in conformity with Shelikof's representations to the
imperial court. It was a wily scheme and proved
successful with regard to the introduction of skilled
labor into the colonies without much expense to the
company, who obtained the privilege of selecting useful
men among Siberian exiles and convicts. The best of
these picked men, as we shall see in a succeeding chap-
ter, never reached the proposed settlement at Yakutat,
and the few who did perished or were captured during
the sacking of the place by the Thlinkeets.
It is safe to presume, also, that Billings had reasons
SAUER'S REPORT. 301
for not doing anything against the men who were
preparing to assume supreme control over the Kussian
possessions in America, despite a httje episode with
his Russian secretary at Petropavlovsk, who was sent
back to Okhotsk in irons, because he had revealed
some of the secret instructions of his commander to
members of the Shelikof Company.^^ His strange
apathy in the matter of making new discoveries or
surveys in the vicinity of Cook Inlet and Prince Will-
iam Sound may have been due to influence brought
to bear from that direction, and not, as Sauer inti-
mates, to mere superciliousness and pride engendered
by rapid promotion.
In the case of subsequent government expeditions
and inspectors visiting the colonies the same influence
became more perceptible and undeniable, a circum-
stance which justifies us, to a certain extent, in view-
ing in a similar light the results of this expedition
and the events recorded in this chapter.
An enterprise that objected to general competition,
and especially one with unscrupulous men at its head,
was sure to bring about the employment of question-
able means in its furtherance. Bribery was the easiest
and perhaps the most innocent means employed to
secure immunity from interference by either govern-
ment or rival traders, and there is ground for suspicion
that it was brought into play during the cruise of the
Slava Rossie.
The subordinate members of the expedition, cap-
tains Sarychef and Hall, the medical men and Sauer,
appear to have taken the side of the suffering natives
against the grasping traders, but in the official reports
to the government these men had no voice. Billings'
report has never been published, and we can only
conjecture its tenor. The journal and notes of Martin
Sauer were published nearly ten years later, and could
in no way have influenced the Russian government.
^i/cZ.,213.
302 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
That the traders did not hke the presence of gov-
ernment officers among them was but natural. The
officers belonged to a class far above any of the trad-
ers in social standing as well as rank, and they took
no pains to conceal their contempt for the semi-bar-
barous plebeians. Individuals of some education, like
Delarof, met with a certain degree of consideration,
but all others were treated like dogs. Even Baranof,
after he had been in supreme command of the colonies
for many years, was snubbed by lieutenants and mid-
shipmen of the navy, and it was found necessary to
obtain for him a civil rank in order to insure even
common respect from government officials. Under
such circumstances the merchants considered them-
selves justified in resorting to any means by which
officers might be disgusted with the country and ex-
ploring expeditions made to appear unnecessary to the
government.
In the case of Sarychef, Hall, and Sauer, who
passed a winter on Unalaska Island, this plan seems
to have worked satisfactorily, as not one of them had
anything good to say of a country where they suffered
intensely from scurvy and lack of provisions. The fact
that a party of Russians and natives from Kadiak
visited the expedition in its winter-quarters demon-
strates the possibility of carrying on the work of
exploration and surveying on Unalaska and neigh-
boring islands during the winter, but no such attempt
was made, though the whole company suffered from
the effects of inactivity. With the example before
them of the Kadiak party, already referred to in the
earlier pages of this chapter, strengthened by that
of Martin Sauer, who almost alone retained compara-
tively good health by constantly moving about, it is
diffi(?ult to find any valid reason for the apathy shown
by the officials in command. The work actually ac-
complished by Sarychef must have been completed
before the appearance of the scurvy. Sauer's original
ambition, which caused him to make the foolhardy
MISSIONARY EFFORTS. 303
proposition of remaining alone among theChugatsches,
seems to have cooled, and after returning to Kamt-
chatka he confined his visionary plans to the explor-
ation of the Kurile Islands and perhaps Japan or
China. We have no record, however, that any of his
plans reached the stage of execution.
In support of his schemes Shelikof had been the
prime mover in the request to have a missionary
establishment appointed for the colonies, and in his
reports he claimed to have converted large numbers
of natives to Christianity. It is safe to presume, how-
ever, that his success as a religious teacher was not
sufficient to prepare the field for the priest attached
to Billings' expeditions, who evidently considered that
his whole duty consisted in holding services for his
companions once a week, and in administering the
customary oath to Captain Billings whenever the
latter assumed an additional rank in accordance with
the imperial oukaz containing his instructions. On the
second voyage from Petropavlovsk the commander did
not expect further promotion, and we find no mention
of the priest. He was probably left behind as one
whose earthly work was done. Sauer gave him a bad
character and called him half-savage.
The stay of the Slava Rossie was besides too short
at any one place during the first voyage to allow of
missionary work on the part of the priest, though a
portable church — a large tent — was set up at every
anchorage. Shelikof had not hesitated to perform a
primitive rite of baptism, but he could not legally
marry people, and the ceremony performed on Kadiak
Island, as before mentioned, was consequently the first
that ever took place in the country. The wife of
Shelikof had accompanied him on his visit to America,
but from that solitary example the natives could not
have acquired much knowledge of the institution of
Christian marriage.
Shelikof's application for missionaries had great
304 THE BILLINGS SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITION.
weight with the commission intrusted to consider the
demand of his company for exclusive privileges, but
the first members of the clergy who landed upon the
islands of the American coast in response to the call
did not meet with the hearty cooperation the}^ may
have expected at the hands of the traders. Taking
time and circumstances into consideration, this was
but natural. All the Russians, from the chief trader
down, were laboring 'on shares,' and shared alike in
the scanty provisions furnished at very irregular inter-
vals, while every man was expected to eke out addi-
tional supplies by hunting and fishing whenever he
could obtain a few days from other pursuits. The
clergymen, who had certainly every reason to look for
supplies of food to the traders who had desired their
presence, were, therefore, considered as an undesirable
element by lawless individuals, long removed from all
association with even the forms of civilization. Idlers
were not wanted in the camps of the promyshleniki,
where scant fare was the rule, and for some years after
their arrival among the race with whose language they
were unacquainted, the missionaries could do little.
Complaints of shortcomings and even ill-treatment
were at first quite numerous, and by some priests it
was alleged that the commanders of stations, where
they had taken up their residence, made them work
for their living. This may well have been the case
in instances where agents were compelled to give way
to popular demand; the semi-barbarous hunters per-
haps had another ground for harboring ill-feeling
to\vard their clerical guests — the latter interfered to
a certain extent with the more than free use made of
native women by the promyshleniki. Still, the arh-
hcmandrit, or prior, loassaf, sent out to superintend
the missions, was treated with respect, as the man-
agers of the companies recognized the necessity of .
restraining their subordinates in his case. A man in
his position could and did do good service in settling
difficulties between rival firms and individuals.
CHAPTEE XIV.
ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
1787-1795.
Shelikof's Grand Conception— Goveknok-genekal Jacobi Won to the
Scheme — Shelikof's Modest Request — Alaska Laid under Monop-
oly — Stipulations of the Empress — Humane Orders of Kozlof-
Ugrenin — Public Instructions and Secret Injunctions — Delarof's
Administration — Shelikop Induces Baranof to Enter the Ser-
vice of his Company — Career and Traits of the New Manager —
Shipwreck of Baranof on Unalaska — Condition of the Colony — â–
Rivalry and Other Troubles — Plans and Recommendations — En-
gagement with the Kaljushes — Ship-building— The Englishman
Shields — Launch and Tribulations of the 'Phoenix.'
The idea of a subsidized monopoly of trade and
industry, to embrace all Russian discoveries and col-
onies on the shores of the north Pacific, first arose in
the fertile brain of Grigor Shelikof, whose original
establishment on Kadiak Island has been the subject
of a preceding chapter. Once seized with this con-
ception, Shelikof hastened forward the execution of
it with all the ardor of his nature. He hurried from
Kamchatka to Okhotsk and Irkutsk, travelling with-
out intermission in the dead of winter until he reached
the capital of eastern Siberia and delivered to Gen-
eral Jacobi, the governor general, a detailed account,,
with maps, of the countries he had visited, and plans,
of the fortifications erected. He then asked of the
governor general instructions for the management of
the people thus added to the Russian empire, and
aid toward obtaining from the empress a recognition
of his labors.^
^ I will quote here a few coucluding lines of the lengthy document pre-
sented to Jacobi by Shelikof: 'Without the approval of our monarch my
Hist. Alaska. 20 (305)
306 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
Unlike his predecessors, Shelikof was not satisfied
with a single hunting season on the island of Kadiak,
but, as we have seen, proceeded at once to the estab-
lishment of permanent settlements. After the pre-
sentation of his report to General Jacobi, the clever
trader asked permission to send a few ships to Chinese
ports, in case of an interruption to the overland trade
with Kiakhta. The permission was not granted at
that time. Meanwhile Golikof, Shelikofs partner,
had profited by a temporary sojourn of the empress
labors would be altogether unsatisfactory to me and of but little account to
the world, since the principal object of all my undertakings has been to incor-
porate the newly discovered seas, countries, and islands into our empire
before other powers could occupy and claim them, and to inaugurate enter-
prises which will add to the glory of our wise empress and secure profits to
her and to our countrymen. I trust that my hopes of seeing wise measures
adopted for the government and protection of the distant regions discovered
by me are not without foundation, and that we shall be enabled to establish
these discoveries to the best possible general advantage.' Tihhmenef, I.stor.
Obos., i. 15. Captain Golovnin, who inspected the colonies in 1818, in a letter
to the imperial navy differs from Shelikof as to the merits of the colo-
nizer. He states that 'Shelikofs Voyarje was printed at St Petersburg in
1791. Aside from the barbarous style of the book and the stupidity exhibited
on every page, we cannot fail to notice some intentional falsehoods, showing
how crafty and far-seeing this man was. In the first place he appropriates to
himself without any conscientious scruples the discovery of Kadiak and
Afognak, when it is well known that Bering sighted those islands and named
a point Cape Hermogen, and Cook, five years before Shelikofs voyage, ascer-
tained that the cape was only a small island. Cape Goviatskoi on Kadiak
Island was named Cape Greville by Cook, and furthermore, a Russian galiot
wintered at Kadiak as early as 1763, its commander being a certain Glottof,
while Shelikof arrived there only in 1784, but what is more stupid than anj^-
thiug else is, that on the title-page of his book he claims to be the discoverer
of the island he calls Kuikhtak, forgetting that on page 20 of his book he
acknowledges that in 1761 a Russian vessel stopped at that island. Where
was the discovery? What i)lace did he find that Cook did not see? Later
Shelikof asserts that he found 50,000 inhabitants on the island, and that in
a fight he with a force of 130 attacked 4,000 men, fortified upon a high rock,
taking 1,000 prisoners. According to Captam Lissianski's inquiries Shelikof
fell upon 400 people, including women and children ; but 50,000 inhabitants
never existed upon the island — the number now being 3,000, and even if we
suppose that the company succeeded in destroying four fifths, the original
population could have been only 15,000. Now, the question is, What induced
Shelikof to lie thus boldly and impudently? He answers this question him-
self, in his book, when he asserts that, without knowing the language of the
inhabitants, he succeeded in one winter in converting a large number of them
to the sacred doctrines of our religion, and that by simply telling them of the
wisdom, humanity, and kindness of the empress of Russia, he made such an
impression upon their minds that the natives were filled with love and
admiration for her Majesty, and at once voluntarily submitted to her sceptre.
Now, it is clear that Shelikof wished to make the government believe that he
had discovered a new country and added 50,000 bona fide subjects to Russia.
He did not fail in his calculations, as he received very flattering rewards.'
Golovnin, Zapiski, in Mater ialui, i. 52-3.
SHELIKOF AND GOLIKOF AT COURT. 307
at Kursk, and had presented to her a chart of Sheli-
kof's voyage. Her Majesty inquired into the com-
pany's achievements, and finally granted Shelikof
permission to come to St Petersburg and present
himself at court with Golikof
Shortly after this the empress asked Jacobi his
opinion as to the best means of establishing the Rus-
sian dominion on the islands of the eastern ocean, and
on the coast of America, and also as to the best mode
of governing the savage tribes and ameliorating their
condition. In answer Jacobi forwarded a lengthy
report in which he approved the proposed despatch
of a fleet from the Baltic '^ to protect navigation in
the Pacific, and mentioned that he had forwarded to
the regions in question thirty copper shields, bearing
the imperial coat of arms and the inscription, ''Country
in possession of Russia," intended, as he says, ''for
the better assertion of Russia's rights, founded upon
discovery." The shields were intrusted to navigators
of the Shelikof and Golikof Company. Jacobi also
recommended that the collection of tribute from the
natives should be abolished and replaced by a volun-
tary tax. He pointed out the disadvantages to both
traders and natives resulting from the tribute system,
and suggested that by impressing the savages with a
sense of the power of the empress and her tender care
for all, even her most distant subjects, and by allow-
ing them to deliver to government agents a voluntary
contribution or tax, much good might be accomplished.
According to Jacobi's opinion, the collection of tribute
hastened the extermination of fur-bearing animals.
With regard to the proposed amelioration Jacobi
said that there could be no doubt of the truth of
"^ The empress intended to afford safer navigation and traffic by sending
â– war- vessels from the Baltic under command of Captain Mulovski. Mulovski's
vessels were to separate upon arrival in the northern Pacific, one division to
go to the American coast, under his own command, and the other to proceed
to the Kurile Islands, but on account of the war with Sweden the squadron
did not sail. Lieutenant Trevenen, who had sailed under Cook, was engaged
to join for discovery purposes. Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 16; Burney's Chron.
Hist. Voy.
308 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
Shelikof's report, and that it would be but a just
recognition of what the Shehkof Company had done
for the commerce of Russia, and for the country at
large, to grant them the exclusive right of hunting
and trading in the islands and territories discovered
by their vessels.^ He even added that it would be
unfair to allow new-comers to enjoy the present peace
to which Shelikof had reduced Kadiak. Without
regard for the claims of any who had preceded them,
they alone should be rewarded, because they had a
larger force and conquered without exterminating.*
He further argued that unless the Shelikof Com-
pany was afforded special privileges the successes
gained by the founders of the first settlement on the
islands would be neutralized by the unrestrained ac-
tions of lawless adventurers. Cruelty would increase,
and the natives would submit to no such infliction after
the enjoyment of peaceful intercourse with Shelikof
In conclusion Jacobi implored his imperial mistress
to intrust the management of the latest additions to
her domain to a man who "was known to have many
times set aside his love of gain in the interest of
humanity." What Jacobi himself was to receive in
case of Shelikof's success the governor general does
not say. The hundreds who had done more and suf-
fered more than these who would now have it all to
themselves, to them he denied every right or reward.
The empress ordered the imperial college of com-
merce, through its president. Count Chernyshef, to
examine in detail all questions connected with the
fur-trade in those parts, and the means of advancing
the interests of Russia in the eastern ocean. The
3 The limits of these 'discoveries' Jacobi, with reckless liberality, placed
at from latitude 49° to 60° and from eastern longitude 53° to 63° from Okhotsk.
Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 20.
* Jacobi advanced the idea that so far 'as known nobody else was then
engaged in business where Shelikof had succeeded in establishing the do-
minion of Russia, though some vessels had been in the neighborhood in
1761, 1767, and 1780, but they reached only a promontory of Kadiak named
Aiekhtatik, and the hunters of those vessels were held in check by the natives
and prevented from hunting, though their number was large enough to resist
attack.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 22.
AN IMPERIAL OUKAS ISSUED. 309
committee appointed in pursuance of this order pre-
sented a long report in March 1788,^ which seemed to
have been wholly impressed with the ideas of Jacobi.
After reviewing the apparent merits of the case and
the policy of the proposed measure, the committee
finally recommended that the request of Shelikof and
Gohkof for exclusive privileges be granted, and that
the enterprise be subsidized with a loan of two hun-
dred thousand rubles from the public treasury, with-
out interest, for a period of twenty years, the capital
to be returned in instalments. The outlay, it was
added, would likewise be repaid tenfold in the form
of taxes and import and export duties.
In pursuance of this report an imperial oukaz was
issued September 28, 1788, granting the company
exclusive control over the region actually occupied by
them, but no further, thus leaving rival traders free
sway in adjoining parts. Assistance from the public
treasury was refused because of foreign wars. The
empress was made to say: "As a reward for services
rendered to the country by the merchants Shelikof
and Golikof by discovering unknown countries and
nations, and establishing commerce and industries
there, we most graciously confer upon them both
swords and gold medals, the latter to be worn around
the neck, with our portrait on one side, and on the
reverse an explanatory inscription that they have
been conferred by order of the governing senate for
services rendered to humanity by their noble and bold
deeds." ^ By the same oukaz all former laws for the
collection of tribute from the Aleuts were revoked.
^Report of committee on commerce, March 1788. Tihhmenef, Istor. Obos.,
i. 237. It dwelt at length upon the sacrifices of Shelikof, and pointed to
the fact that owing to the failure of a regular supply of valuable furs from
Siberia and the islands the overland trade with China was interrupted, to the
great loss of Russian merchants who had large sums invested in goods salable
only in the Chinese market; while the articles previously imported from
China directly into Russia and Poland, such as teas, silks, and nankeens,
could be obtained only through foreign maritime nations at a great increase
of cost.
^A special letter of acknowledgement was issued by the sovereign on
October 11th, which is printed in Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i., app., 1.
310 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
While this was but a half-way measure toward his
ambitious schemes Shelikof had to content himself
for a time. He returned to Irtkutsk, there to fit out
two vessels, one for the Aleutian isles, and one for
the Kuriles, and to plan for a more complete victory,
by which to become master of all Alaska.
Two important documents were issued in 1787 by
the commander of Okhotsk, which indicate that the
authorities by no means placed implicit faith in the
humanity of the Shelikof Company or its servants.
Both papers bear the same date, June 15th; and one
is directed to navigators and traders, while the other
is intended as a reassuring proclamation to the native
chiefs as representatives of their people. The first
sets forth that in view of many complaints of ill-treat-
ment of Aleuts having reached Okhotsk, traders and
navigators are enjoined to treat with the utmost kind-
ness all Aleuts who have acknowledged themselves
Russian subjects, and not to carry them away from
home without their free consent. The document
concludes as follows: "The highest authorities have
already been informed of all your former outrages
committed upon the islanders, but they must cease
henceforth, and you must endeavor to act in conform-
ity with the wishes of our most gracious empress,
who is anxious to give protection to every inhabitant
of her dominions. Do not believe or flatter your-
selves that your former deeds will escape punishment,
but be convinced that sooner or later every transgres-
sion of the laws of God or our monarch will meet
with its due reward. I trust that these prescriptions
will be observed at once, and you must not forget that
it is the first duty of every faithful Russian subject
to report any transgression of the laws which comes
under his observation. To this I append my own
signature and the seals of the province of Okhotsk
and of the district of Nishekanichatsk, this 15th day
of June 1787. Grioror Kozlof-Usfrenin, colonel and
commander of the province of Okhotsk."
PROCLAMATIONS OF THE OKHOTSK GOVERNOR. 311
The second document is at once characteristic of
the empress and important in itself. I reproduce it
in full in a note.^
' ' To the Chiefs and People inhabiting the Aleutian Islands in the North-
eastern Ocean, subjects of the Russian Empire: The Mother of her countrj^,
the great and wise Empress of the Imperial throne of All the Russias, Eka-
terina Alexeievna, having always at heart the welfare of her faithful subjects,
extends her especial protection and attention to those nations who have but
lately become subjects of the Russian Empire, and has deigned to instruct
the present Governor-general of Irkutsk, Major-general and Cavalier Klichke,
to send to our islands, by way of Kamchatka, and to the Kurile Islands,
Russian medals, whicii have been forwarded to you. They were sent to you
as proof of the motherly care of the Empress; and it was ordered that these
medals should be given to those islanders who are already under control of
the Russian crown, while at the same time it was intended to issue them also
to such as wished to enter the Russian Empire hereafter. These medals will
be distributed at every place where the Russian trading-vessels can land in
safety, and thus they will protect you against ill-treatment not only by Rus-
sian hunters, but at the hand of our allied powers who may visit your sliores.
From the latter you may feel entirely safe, for even if any foreign vessel
should attempt to appropriate your islands to its own country, the sight of
these medals of the Russian Empire would disperse all such thoughts, and if
any disputes should arise they will be settled by friendly negotiations with
these powers. As far as the Russian vessels are concerned that visit your
islands for the purpose of trade and hunting the fur-bearing animals, I have
already received through the hands of my officials at Kamchatka and Okhotsk
several complaints, the first through Sergeant Alexei Buynof, the second from
the son of the chief of the Andreianof Islands, Izossim Polutof, and the
third from the Aleut of the Lissievski Islands, Toukoutan Ayougnin; from
which complaints I have learned to my sorrow of the inhumanities inflicted
upon you by our Russian trading-ships, of which the government up to this
time had received no information; it was thought that no actual violation
of the laws had taken place m those distant regions. But now your peti-
tions have been forwarded by me to the highest authorities and I trust that
you will before long receive full satisfaction. In the mean time I ask you to
be content and not to doubt the kindness and justice of the great Empress
of All the Russias who is sure to defend and protect you, knowing your sin-
cere submission to her sceptre. You must show this order to all Russian ves-
sels that visit you and it will protect you in so far that every inhabitant of
your islands may remain in his village, and cannot be compelled to go to any
other island unknown to him. But if one of you goes abroad with his free
consent, he will be provided with food and clothing until the time of his re-
turn, and the food shall be such as he has been accustomed to. If you believe
that you have been ill-treated by any people belonging to the Russian Em-
pire, or if you have suffered compulsion or injury at their hands, I advise you
to take notice of their name and that of their ship, and what company of
merchants they belong to, and in due time you can forward your complaints
upon the matter, and upon satisfactory proof such men will be punished
according to their offences and you will get satisfaction. Information has also
reached me to the effect that the hunters receive from you furs of good qual-
ity as tribute, but change them and forward poor skins to the Empress;
therefore I advise you to mark such skins with special signs and tokens, mak-
ing cuts or brands which cannot be easily changed, and if it is done in spite
of these precautions the offenders will be punished very severely. Further-
more I assure you of the continued protection and care of all the inhabitants
of your islands by her most gracious Imperial Majesty and her supreme gov-
ernment, as well as of the best wishes of the Commander of the Province of
312 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
The new order of things estabhshed by Kozlof did
not cause any immediate change in the demeanor of
the Russian promyshleniki, and it is doubtful whether
the humane document addressed to the natives was
ever read or translated to one of them. Accord-
ing to the testimony of Sarychef and Sauer, matters
had not improved much when they visited the country
several years later. Yet upon the few individuals
who were then planning for a monopoly of the fur-
trade in the Russian possessions on the American
coast, the hints contained in the documents quoted
were not lost. They recognized the fact that such
boons as they craved from the government could
be obtained only by the adoption of a policy of hu-
manity and obedience to the laws, wholly different
from the ruthless transactions of private traders.
Shelikof, the shrewdest of all the plotters, had, as we
have shown, originated this policy, and he lived long
enough to see that so far as his plans were concerned
it worked to perfection. His instructions to Samoilof,
to whom he left the command of his colony on return-
ing to Okhotsk, were admirably calculated to impress
the reader with a sense of the wisdom, humanity, and
Okhotsk and the district and township of Nishnekamtchatsk. Signed the
loth day of June 17S7, by Grigor Kozlof- Ugrenin.'
Three copies still extant of the original document bear the following sig-
natures: 'Have read the original. Master Gavril Pribylof. ' 'Have read the
copy. Master Potap Zaikof.' 'Have read the copy. Foreman Leontiy Na-
gaief . '
When Kozlof- Ugrenin issued his two manifestoes he had not met La Pe-
rouse and the other officers of the French north-western expedition, for the
Botissole and Adrolaho did not reach the bay of Avatcha until September,
1787. La Perouse and M. dc Lesseps, his Eussian interpreter, testify to the
excellent character of Ugrenin, who appears to have been actuated by a
sincere desire to improve the condition of all the inhabitants, Russians and
savages, of the vast province under his command. At that time the govern-
ment of that region was organized as follows: Since Cook's visit to Kamchatka
the country had been attached to the province of Okhotsk, undei one gov-
ernor, Colonel Kozlof- Ugrenin; under him Captain Shmalef was superintend-
ent of the native Kamchatkans; Lieutenant Kaborof commanded at Petro-
pavlovsk, with one sergeant and 40 Cossacks; at Nishnekamtchatsk there
was a Major Eleonof, while at Bolsheretzk and Verkhneikamchatsk only ser-
geants were in command. The income derived from Kamchatka by the gov-
ernment was out of all pi'oportion to the expenditure involved. In 1787 the
tribute collected from the natives amounted to 300 sable-skins, 200 gray and
red foxes, and a few sea-otters, while nearly 400 soldiers and many officers
were maintained in the country. La Perouse, Voy. , iii. 167-9, 202.
SHELIKOF'S INSTRUCTIONS TO SAMOILOF. 313
disinterestedness of the writer,^ ordering as they did
the good treatment of the natives, their instruction
in Russian laws, customs, and rehgion, the estabHsh-
ment of schools for the young, and the promotion
of discipline and morality among the Russians as an
example to the aborigines. Much of this was in-
tended chiefly for the sake of effect, since the com-
pany by no means intended to expend any particular
efforts for the advancement of the natives. The
secret instructions to the same agent, though mainly
verbal, contained clauses which indicated how far
philanthropy was supposed to further the predomi-
nant aim, the advancement of the company. For a
^ This remarkable document, of which I have given specimens, was dated
the 14th of May 1786, and has been printed in full by Tikhmenef in the
appendix to his second volume. Speaking of the natives of Kadiak and the
Chugatsches, Shelikof says: 'In pacifying the inhabitants you should explain
to them the benetits resulting from our laws and institutions, and tell them
that peojile who become faithful and permanent subjects of the empress will be
protected, while evil-disposed people shall feel the strength of her arm. When
visiting the different stations you must investigate complaints against your
subordinates by first hearing each party separately and then together . . . You
will instruct them in building good houses, and in habits of economy and
industry. . .The school I have established for the instruction of native children
in reading and writing Paissian must be enlarged ... As soon as possible the
sacred books and doctrines of our church should be translated into their
language by capable translators ... I take with me to Siberia 40 natives, males
and females, old and young. Some of these I will send back on the same
ship, after slio\\'ing them some of our villages, and the way we live at home,
while a small number will be forwarded to the court of her imperial Majesty;
the remaining children I will take with me to be instructed in the schools of
Okhotsk and Irkutsk, and through them their families and tribes will acquu-e
a better knowledge of our country and the laws and good order reigning
there . . . With regard to the officers and men connected with the three vessels
left in your care you will main tarn good order and discipline among all classes,
and sti'ictly enforce obedience, as we cannot expect the natives to accept rules
which we do not obey ourselves. . .TratSc with the Aleuts must be carried on
in an honest manner, and cheating must be punished. Quarrels and disputes
must be settled by ai'bitration . . . Hostages and native employes must be well
treated, but should not be taken into our houses without your special permis-
sion; serving-women must not be taken into our houses, unless for the purpose
of sewing and similar work . . . Stores of provisions for at least two years must
be kept at every station to enable you to assist tlie natives in times of famine.
... At all the forts warm and comfortable quarters must be erected for the
Aleuts, and also stables for the cattle I have ordered to be shipped from
Okhotsk... My godson Nikolai, who has always faithfully served the com-
pany and whom I have fed and clothed at my own expense, I recommend to
your special care, and hope that he will have no cause to complain of the
company's treatment in return for his faithful services, and also that this god-
son of mine may receive further instruction and be taught to respect God and
the emperor, and the laws of God and of the country.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos.,
ii., app., 8-19.
314 ORGANIZATION OP MONOPOLY.
time rival traders must be tolerated, but as soon as
sufficient strength was acquired they should be ex-
cluded from the districts occupied by the Shelikof
men.*
Limited as were the plans with regard to actual
execution, Samoilof lacked the qualifications to carry
them out, or to grasp the real object of their framer,
and Shelikof knew it. As soon as he returned from
Kadiak, therefore, he began to look about for a proper
person, and his choice fell on Alexander Baranof, a
merchant then engaged in trade on the Anadir River.
Shelikof's first proposals to Baranof were declined
principally because his own business was moderately
prosperous and he preferred independence. One of
the partners of the company, Eustrate Delarof, a
Greek,^° was then selected to manage afikirs in the
colony, but his powers were more local and confined
'Article 24. 'If any other company sends out one or two ships and
people to engage in the same trade with us, you must treat them in a friendly
manner and assist them to do their business quickly and to leave again, giving
them to understand at the same time at M^hat an immense sacrifice we have
established our stations and what risks we have run in pacifying the Ameri-
cans, cautioning them not excite the natives by ill-treatment or cheating,
which would cause little danger to them who are here only temporarily, but
might easily cause the destruction of our establishments, extended all over
this region at great risk and expense and to the greatest benefit of the
country in general. But when I have sent out two more vessels well manned,
in addition to the three now at your disposal, you must take a more resolute
stand, drive off all intruders, and declare the Ptussian sovereignty over all the
country on the American continent and California, down to the 40th degree
of north latitude.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii., app., 16. Sbelikof himself
acted up to his ideas on the subject. In 1786 the ship Sv Pavel, belonging to
the Lebedef-Lastochkia Company, came to Kadiak with 35 men, commanded
by Peredovchik Kolomin. They were advised to move on, and told that
there was an abundance of sea-otters in Cook Inlet. Kolomin followed the
advice, and establislied the first pemianent station on the mainland, a fact
to which Shelikof took good care never to give any prominence before the
government or the public. Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 30. Sauer writes in
reference to this policy: ' Ever since Shelikof formed his establishment at
Kadiak no other companies have dared to venture to the eastward of the
Shumagin Islands. I am inclined to think that Lukhanin's vessel will be
the last that will attempt to visit these islands for furs, and probably he will
obtain hardly any other than foxes.' Geo'j. and Astron. Exped., 276.
'° Eustrate Ivanovich Delarof, a native of the Peloponese, established him-
self as a merchant in Moscow and subsequently became a partner in firms
trading with America. He was in command of many vessels, stations, and
expeditions. He finally became a director of the Russian American company,
and was honored by the government with the rank of commercial councillor.
Khlebnikflf, Shizn. Baranova, 14.
DELAROF AT KADIAK. 315
than those Shelikof had intended to confer upon
Baranof. Delarof's administration at Kadiak won
him the good-will of all under his command, both
Russians and natives, and he received well merited
praise from all visitors, Spanish, English, and Rus-
sian. In all reports concerning Delarof, prominence
is given to his justice to all, and his kindness to the
natives; but just and amiable men are not usually
of the kind chosen to manage a monopoly. In this
instance Delarof was too lenient to suit his avaricious
and unscrupulous partners. Shelikof never lost sight
of Baranof, and when the treacherous Chukchi with
whom he was trading robbed him of his goods and
reduced him to poverty, it did not require much per-
suasion to induce him to enter the service of the
Shelikof Company at a compensation of ten shares,
equivalent to about one sixth of the net proceeds.
A mutual agreement was drawn up between the com-
pany and Baranof on the 18th of August 1790,^^ and
the instructions already issued to Samoilof and De-
larof were in the main confirmed. Operations must
be extended also along the coast southward, and steps
might be taken to obtain supplies from other quarters
besides Siberia
Alexandr Andreievich Baranof was born in Kar-
gopol, eastern Russia, in 1747. At an early age he
went to Moscow, and was engaged as clerk in retail
shops until he established himself in business in 1771.
^^ The contract, in addition to instructions with regard to the treatment of
natives, contained some outlines of what the company expected to accomplish
under Baranof's management. He was to seek a harbor on the left (north)
side of the Alaska peninsula and thence a communication with Cook Inlet
by means of a short portage, reported by the natives. Of this he was to
make use in case of attack by hostile cruisers. In addition he was furnished
with ample instructions how to act in case of such attacks upon the diffei^ent
stations. A ship accompanied by a fleet of canoes was to go to Cape St Elias
and thence to Nootka, to ascertain whether any foreign nations had estab-
lished themselves on the coast between the Eussians and Spaniards. Baranof
was also to enter into communication with the English )nerchant Mcintosh,
engaged in the East India and China trade, in oi'der to make arrangements
for supplying the Russian settlements with goods and provisions. Tikhmenef,
Istor. Obos., i. 32-4.
316 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
Not meeting with success he emigrated to Siberia in
1780, and undertook the management of a glass
factory at Irkutsk. He also interested himself in
other industries, and on account of several commu-
nications to the Civil Economical Society on the
subject of manufactures he was in 1789 elected a
member of the society. It was a humdrum life of
which he soon tired, and after acquainting himself with
the resources and possibilities of the country, he set
out eastward with an assortment of goods and liquors
which he sold to the savages of Kamchatka and the
adjoining country. At first his operations were suc-
cessful,^^ but when in 1789 two of his caravans were
captured by Chukchi he found himself bankrupt, and
yielded to Shelikof's importunate offers to go to
America. He had a wife and children at his home in
Kargopol, Russia, but during his subsequent residence
of almost thirty years in the colonies he never saw his
family again though he provided amply for them.
Alexander Baranof was no ordinary man, and never
throughout his whole career did Shelikof display
clearer discrimination and foresight than in the selec-
tion of this agent. He was a man of broad experience,
liberal-minded and energetic, politic enough to please
at once the government and the company, not suffi-
ciently just or humane to interfere with the interests
of the company, yet having care enough, at what he
decreed the projDer time, for the conventionalities of
the world to avoid bringing discredit on himself or
his office. Notwithstanding what certain Russian
priests and English navigators have said, he was not
the lazy, licentious sot they would have us believe.
That he was not burdened with religion, was loose in
morals, sometimes drunk, and would lie officially
M^thout scruple, there is no doubt; yet in all this he
was conspicuous over his accusers in that his indul-
^^ He established trading posts in Kamchatka and on the Anadir. Khleh-
nikof, Shizn. Baranova, 3-5. See also Golovnin, in Materlalul, i. 9-10; Petrqf,
Russ. Am. Co., MS., 10; Irviiir/'s Astoria, 465; Hid. Northwest Coast, i\. 222,
this series; and the rather inimical version of Juvenal, Jour., MS., 18-19.
ALEXANDR ANDREIEVICH BARANOF. 317
gences were periodical rather than continuous, and not
carried on under veil of that conventional grace and
gravity which cover a multitude of sins.
He was frequently seized with fits of melancholy,
due partly to uncongenial surroundings/^ and would
at other times break out in passionate rage, during
which even women were not safe from his blows.
This exhibition, however, was invariably followed by
contrite generosity, displayed in presents to the suf-
ferers and in a banquet or convivial drinking bout
with singing and merriment, so that his fits came to
be welcomed as forerunners to good things. His hos-
pitality was also extended to foreigners, though with
them he observed prudent reticence. The poor could
always rely upon his aid, and this benevolence was
coupled with an integrity and disinterestedness at
least far above the usual standard among his associ-
ates.^'*
Compare him with Grigor Shelikof, who certainly
did not lack broad vision and activity, and Baranof
was the abler man. Both belonged to the shrewd
yet uncultured and somewhat coarse class which then
formed the main element even among the rich men
in Siberia. In vital deeds Baranof the agent rises
superior to Shelikof the principal, belongs more to
history, as one who in executing difficult plans shows
himself often a greater man than he who conceived
them. Indeed, if for the next two or three decades
Baranof, his acts and his influence, were absent, Rus-
sian American history for that period would be but a
blank. Among all those who came from Russia, he
alone was able to stem the tide of encroachment by
roving traders from the United States and Great
Britain. He was any day, drunk or sober, a match
for the navigator who came to spy out his secrets.
^^ To disgust at his low companions, says Davidof, but he was not much
more refined himself. Dvukr. Putesh., i. 192.
^* Of this Davidof has no doubt, for ' he is not accumulating wealth though
having every opportunity to do so.' Id., Juvenal, Jour., MS., 19-20.
318 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
As for the natives his influence over them was un-
boimclecl, chiefly through the respect with which his
indomitable courage and constant presence of mind
impressed them.^° And yet the savage who came
perhaps from afar expressly to behold the famed
leader, was not a little disappointed in his insignifi-
cant appearance as compared with his fierce and bushy
bearded associates. Below the medium height, thin
and sallow of complexion, with scanty red-tinged
flaxen hair fringing a bald crown, he seemed but an
imp among giants. The later habit of wearing a short
black wig tied to his head with a black handkerchief,
added to his grotesque appearance. ^^
On the 10th of August 1790, Baranof sailed from
Okhotsk on the ship Trekh Sviatiteli, commanded by
Master Bocharof, who was then considered the most
skilful navigator in those waters. ^^ When only a few
days from port it was discovered that the water-casks
were leaking. The ship's company was placed on short
allowance, but disease made its appearance, and it was
thought impossible to sail direct to the settlement at
Kadiak as had been the intention. On the 28th of
September the vessel was turned into the bay of Kos-
higin, Unalaska, to obtain a supply of fresh water, but
on the 30th, when about to leave again, a storm threw
the ship upon the rocky shore. The men escaped
with belongings, but only a small part of the cargo
was saved. Within five days the wreck broke in
pieces, and a messenger was sent to Kadiak to report
the loss, but failed to reach that place. ^^
'^Davidof was deeply impressed with this leader of men who controlled not
only the hostile savage but the vicious and unruly Russian, and rose supreme
to every hardship and danger in advancing affairs in this remote corner.
i«/d., 194; Trhitchimf, Adv., 2-4; Markof, L'uskie no Vostotchnom, 52.
" Bocharof was at Okhotsk in 1771, at the time of the insurrection headed
by the Polish exile, Count Benyvovski. The latter compelled Bocharof to go
with him, and finally took him to France. Thence he was returned to St
Petersburg by the Russian embassador at Paris, and the empress ordered him
to resume his duties at Okhotsk. To this involuntary circumnavigation of the
world Bocharof was indebted for much of his proficiency in nautical science.
Khhhnikof, Hhizn. Baranova, 5.
"A man named Alexander Molef was sent upon this errand with a nam-
BARANOF IN ALASKA. 319
Thrown upon his own resources, Baranof distributed
his men, fifty-two in number, over the island to shoot
seals and sea-lions and dig edible roots, the only food
the island afforded during the winter. The leader
labored with the men and lived with them in the un-
derground huts which they constructed. The dried
salmon and halibut obtained occasionally from the
Aleuts were a luxury, and on holidays a soup was
made of rye flour of which a small quantity had been
saved. The winter was not wholly lost to Baranof,
who seized this opportunity to study the people, both
Russians and natives, with whom he had thrown his
lot for so many years to come, and whom he was to
rule without a shadow of actual or apparent support
from the government. It was here that he formed
plans which were afterward of great service to the
company. ^^
Spring coming, three large bidars were made in
which to push on to Kadiak, with two of which
Bocharof was to explore and hunt along the northern
coast of the Alaska peninsula. Twenty-six men were
assigned to this expedition while Baranof took a crew
of sixteen in the third boat, leaving five at Unalaska
to guard what had been saved from the cargo and
rigging of the wrecked ship. Toward the end of
April 1791 the three bidars put to sea, and on the
ber of Aleuts. When only a hundred miles from Kadiak the party was
attacked by the natives of the Alaska peninsula, on which occasion five of the
Aleuts were killed. Molef, though severely wounded, managed to launch
his bidarka and make his way to Unga, where he remained imtil picked up
by Baranof the following year. Id. , 7.
^' Baranof 's letter written at this time presents a vivid picture of life there.
' I passed the Avinter in great hardships,' he says, 'especially when the weather
was bad. Sometimes two months passed by without a possibility of going
any distance, but I made use of every clear day to go out with my gun in
search of some addition to our larder. On one of these excursions I fell into
one of the traps set for foxes and was slightly wounded. . .1 boiled salt of very
good quality, as white as snow, and used it for salting fish, and seal, and sea-
lion meat. As far as cooking with oil is concerned we were fasting all the
time, and the week before Easter we were compelled to fast altogether, but
on Easter Monday a dead whale was cast ashore and furnished us a feast. In
the same week we killed three sea-lions, and the famine was at an end. I
had become accustomed to think no more of flour or bread. ' Khlebnikqf, Shizn.
Baranova, 8. Only three men died of scui'vy.
320 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
1 0th of May they separated in Issanakh Strait, at the
southern end of the peninsula. After an absence of
five months Bocharof rejoined his comrades at Ka-
diak by a portage route across the peninsula, bringing
not only furs but a number of good charts.^° During
his whole journey Baranof was prostrate with fever;
nevertheless he insisted that the party should not
only advance but explore, being unwilling to lose the
calm weather so essential for a safe passage from island
to island or from cape to cape along the coast of the
mainland. He arrived at Three Saints, Kadiak, the
27th of June.
Baranof at once assumed command of all the estab-
lishments of the Shelikof-Golikof Company, relieving
Eustrate Delarof ^^ At this time the company was
in actual possession of Kadiak and a few of the
smaller adjacent isles; the principal settlement being
still at the bay of Three Saints. The superficial
pacification of the natives by Shelikof had been com-
pleted by Delarof so far as Kadiak and vicinity were
concerned, though they remained in their primitive
condition. The opinion of all but Delarof was that
they could be held in subjection only by force of arms
or fear, and that upon the first sign of weakness or
relaxation of vigilance on the part of the Russians
they would rise and destroy them. As much system
had been secured as lay in the power of one right-
minded, intelligent man, surrounded by an unruly
band of individuals but little if any above the crim-
inal class. I have said of Delarof that he was strict
in his sense of justice and of fair administrative
ability. The contemplation of this amiable Greek's
-"Bocharof intended to extend his explorations to the coast of the
Aglegmutes, but his skin boats were found to be waterlogged from incessant
use, and it was concluded to make a portage across a narrow part of the
peninsula. This was accomplished in three days. The bidars were then
repaired and the party crossed to Kadiak, reaching Three Saints on the 12th
of September.
*' Delarof remained manager of the company until July 1791. Tikhmenefy
Istor. Obos., i. 27, 28.
CHARACTER OF DELAROF. 321
character affords a pleasant relief from the ordinary
conduct of the Russians in America. Had there been
more such men, I should have less to record of out-
rage, cruelty, and criminal neglect; had Delarof been
bad enough to please his directors Baranof might have
remained at home.
From his head-quarters at Kadiak, Delarof had de-
spatched expeditions to the mainland, at the entrance
of Cook Inlet, or the gulf of Kenai, as the Russians
always persisted in calling it, and there he had estab-
lished a permanent station which he named Alexan-
drovsk. Otherwise the whole of this inlet was occu-
pied by Lebedef-Lastochkin, who also held the islands
discovered by Pribylof The people of the Alaska
peninsula had not yet permitted any Russians to settle
among them, and were held to be hostile. The ad-
joining Prince William Sound was also occupied, and
on the Aleutian isles three private trading companies
were still doing business, under the management of
Orekof, Panof, and Kisselef respectively.
Thus on every side rival establishments and traders
were draining the country of the valuable staple upon
which rested the very existence of the scheme of
colonization. To the east and north there were Rus-
sains, but to the south-east the ships of Englishmen,
Americans, and Frenchmen were already traversing
the tortuous channels of the Alexander archipelago,
reaping rich harvests of sea-otter skins, in the very
region where Baranof had decided to extend Russian
dominion in connection with company sway. Al-
though they could not expect to succeed so well
further north, here these traders had every advantage.
They enjoyed comparatively easy communication with
home points; they were skilled navigators, and came
in large well equipped vessels laden with goods far
superior to anything the Russians could afford to
bring by sled or on the backs of horses across Siberia.
They could also be more lavish with their low-priced
articles since they were under no expense in main-
HiST. Alaska. 21
322 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
taining permanent forts or establishments or a large
retinue of servants. As occasional visitors only, with-
out permanent interests in the land, they could deal
out fire-water, risk occasional cheatings and open acts
of violence, while Baranof, witii his few men of per-
manent residence, among warlike tribes, must be con-
stantly on his guard against acts provocative of
hostilities.
It was necessary that he should bestir himself to
widen the operations of the company ere the field
w^as exhausted, and this had been his determination,
but he did not as yet possess the necessary vessels,
men, and supplies to do much. The loss of the Trehli
Sviatiteli w^as indeed a formidable hindrance; skin
boats alone could well be used, and to these the men
had more than one objection, the risks of sea voyages,
and the disadvantages in point of defence, carrying
capacity, and convenience. These objections were
the more serious in view of the greater stubbornness
and hostilit}^ of the mainland tribes as compared
with the docile Aleuts. Another trouble was that
for several years no supply-ships had arrived from
Siberia, and the Russian hunters and laborers were
reduced to the necessity of sharing the scanty sub-
sistence of the natives. Dissatisfaction was there-
fore general among the employes, including the na-
tives, and this together with the sight of want among
the conquering race served to rouse the insolence and
hostility of tribes around.
Some of these troubles Baranof managed to over-
come by his own energy and strength of will; for
others he must obtain the cooperation of the com-
pany. Among other measures he urged Shelikof
most eloquently to labor for a consolidation of the
various trading companies, and thereby to secure to
the new corporation the large number of valuable sea-
otter skins then scattered throughout the small rival
establishments of the mainland. At the same time
he approved of a suggestion made before his departure
BARANOF'S LETTERS. 323
to build ships in America, and urged that no delay
be allowed in forwarding material to him from Kam-
chatka. He saw the advantage to the company of
exhibiting vessels built in their colony and the neces-
sity of making himself independent of the vessels for-
warded at long and irregular intervals from the
Asiatic ports. This would ensure not only supplies
but the means of cruising down the coast.
Without having seen or met any of the English or
American traders then operating in the Sitka region
he conceived the plan of obtaining from them not
only provisions but trading goods, and asked Shelikof
for authority to do so; he knew that in the Pribylof
Islands, then recently discovered, he had a treasury
from which he might draw the means to purchase
whatever he wanted of the foreign traders, and that
he would thus be enabled to buy from them with one
class of furs the means of battling with them on their
own ground for the purchase of sea-otter skins, then
the most valuable fur in the market. This plan of
operation, though temporarily delayed, was finally
adopted and successfully carried out under Baranof's
supervision.
Knowing that his letters in some form would fall
under the eye of the government, Baranof worded his
communications with great care, and with respect to
the well seeming plan to introduce missionaries he
wrote to the directors of the company: " Send me a
well informed priest, one who is of a peaceable dis-
position, not superstitious, and no hypocrite." With
the same view of impressing upon the authorities the
humane disposition of the company's traders, he re-
quested Shelikof to send him numerous articles not
included in the invoices of the firm, but suitable as
gifts to the natives, at the same time explaining that
he wished to conquer the savages with kindness. He
asked to have the articles purchased and forwarded
at his own expense so that " should he give them all
away, the company would suffer no loss, while, on
324 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
the other hand, any profit made on the consignment,
should be transferred to the firm." ^^
During the autumn and winter of 1791 Baranof
made himself thoroughly acquainted with the wants
and capabilities of his new domain under the intelli-
gent guidance and instruction of Delarof, who returned
to Okhotsk in 1792, and at the same time severed his
connection with colonial matters. The latter took
passage in the ship Sv Mikhail, which had been in the
colonies ever since Shelikof's first arrival, taking with
him Bocharof as navigator, many of the promyshleniki
whose term of contract had expired, and all the furs
collected by him during his administration.
The new manager soon recognized the desirability
of removing the principal settlement of the company
from Three Saints to Pavlovsk harbor, on the north
side of Kadiak, in latitude 57° 36' according to Cap-
tain Lissianski's observations. The reasons lay partly
in the better harbor, and chiefly in the abundance of
forests at the latter place, facilitating the erection of
necessary buildings and fortifications.^^
In the spring of 1792, however, Baranof was grati-
fied by the appearance of a chief from the northern
side of the peninsula, whom Bocharof, during his
voyage of exploration the preceding year, had pre-
sented with a medal bearing the Russian coat of arms.
The savage dignitary, who was at the head of one of
the most populous tribes of the peninsula, brought
with him quite a large following, including six host-
''^ ' Such are my plans,' he wrote, ' but their execution depends upon prov-
idence. My first steps into these regions were attended with misfortune, but
perhaps I shall be permitted to conquer in the end. I will either vanquish a
cruel fate or fall under its repeated blows. Want and hardships I can bear
with patience and trust in providence, especially when the sacrifice is made
for the sake of true friendship.' Khlebnikqf, SMzn. Baranova, 10.
2' In 1880 only one dilapidated log-house and one native semi-subterranean
hut marked the site of the earliest permanent location of the Russians, and
these buildings are perched upon the hillside, overlooking the sand spit, from
which floods and tidal waves have long since eradicated all traces of former
occupancy. A representation of the settlement as it appeared in 1790 has
been preserved in Sauer^s Geog. and Astro)i. Exped., and in Sarychef's de-
scription of the same expedition.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE NATIVES. 325
ages. He assured Baranof that his people desired to
Hve in friendship with the Russians. In return he
asked the latter to protect him against certain tribes
living farther north in the interior of the country.
As a proof of his sincerity, the chief offered to locate
himself and all his family in the immediate vicinity
of one of the companj^'s establishments. The proposi-
tion was evidently the result of fear of his neighbors
rather than good feeling toward the Russians, never-
theless it was cheerfully accepted as the first indica-
tion of the possibility of a better understanding with
the independent natives of the peninsula. An alli-
ance of this kind was especially desirable on account
of the importance at that time placed on the posses-
sion of the portage across the narrow neck of land
separating the waters of Iliamna Lake from the
Koiychak River, and with Russians so few in num-
ber and scattered over so broad a region, peaceable
relations were essential.
Advantage was at once taken of the proposal to
extend operations in this quarter, and other expedi-
tions were also despatched, one under Ismailof in the
only large vessel left to them, the Sv Simeon, chiefly for
seeking new fields.^* Baranof himself proceeded to the
gulf of Chugatschuik, Prince William Sound, with
two well manned bidars in order to become acquainted
with the inhabitants of that region. Dreading the
Russians and a possible state of dependence, the for-
bidding Chugatsches concealed themselves from Bar-
anof at every point. At last he succeeded in meeting
a few of the tribes and obtained from them seven
hostages. Hereabout he fell in with the ship Phcenix,
Captain Moore, from the East Indies, and obtained
information on foreign traffic in the Alexander archi-
pelago, which served him greatly in forming plans for
future operations. He conceived quite a friendship
^* Baranof wrote concerning Ismailof s achievements that ' he went out to
make discoveries, but discovered nothing beyond doubtful indications of land.'
Tikhmenef, Istor. Ohosr., ii. app., 36.
326 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
for the comraander, from whom he received as a 'pres-
ent' a native of Bengal. 'â– ^^
Soon after his meeting with Moore, Baranof pro-
ceeded to Nuchek Island, near the mouth of Copper
River, and encamped within a short distance of the
cove where subsequently the Konstantinovsk redoubt
was built. Finding the supply of fish limited, he
concluded to send a bidar manned by Russians and a
part of the Aleut hunters to Sukli (Montagu) Island
in search of better fishing-grounds, capable of furnish-
ing a winter's supply for his party. On the 20th of
June this expedition set out, and Baranof remained
on Nuchek Island with only sixteen Russians. He
had heard rumors of hostile intentions on the part of
the savages, but placed little faith in them. To avoid
unnecessary risks, however, he intended to remove his
little force to a small island in the bay, on the day fol-
lowing the departure of his exploring party. In the
middle of the night, which was very dark and stormy,
the sentries gave the alarm. Five of the sixteen
men had been placed on guard, but the darkness was
so dense that a numerous body of armed natives had
advanced to within ten paces of the encampment with-
out being seen. In a moment the Russians had seized
^^ Baranof gives an interesting account of this meeting in one of liis letters
to Shelikof: 'Being about to establish a station for the winter, I fell in with
an English vessel, which had come from the East Indies, by way of Canton
and Manila to America in the vicinity of Nootka, and from there he had fol-
lowed the coast to Chugatsch, trading with many tribes and collecting a large
quantity of furs. He had lost a mast in a gale and replaced it at Chugatsch
and for that reason he liad concluded to return direct to Canton. The ship,
named the Phteiiix, was 75 feet long and had two masts. The captain is an
Englishman, of Irish extraction, named Moore. He met first with my bidarka
fleet, and then came to my anchorage, where he lay five days during stress
of weather. I was on board nearly all the time and was entertained at the
captain's table. We conversed a great deal on various subjects, and though
we did not understand each other very well, we managed to make use of the
German language which I had imperfectly learned as a boy, but almost for-
gotten since. The captain made me a present of one [East] Indian, who is
my private attendant during tlie winter, but in the summer he serves in the
capacity of an able seaman. He understands English well and I have taught
him considerable Russian. I did not make any present in return beyond a
few fox -skins and some kamtakas of Aleut workmanship and some other trifles.
I also heard news of Capt. Coxe from him. He died at Canton. We were on
A-ery friendly terms and Capt. Moore visited me several times on shore in my
tent.' Tikhmtnef, 1st. Oboar., ii., app., 36.
BATTLE AT NUCHEK. 327
their arms and were firing on the savages. Accord-
ing to Baranof their fire was for a long time without
any visible effect, owing to the wooden armor and
shields and helmets of the savages, which were of
sufficient thickness to stop a bullet fired at some dis-
tance. The movements of the enemy seemed to be
guided by one commander, and by shouting to each
other they preserved unity of action in the darkness.
Their flint and copper-headed arrows and spears fell
thick and fast, wounding several of the Russians and
many of the Aleuts, several of them fatally. The
latter did not even make a show of resistance, but
seemed possessed of the one idea of escaping by water
in their bidarkas. As the assailants had several large
war-canoes not many of these attempts were success-
ful. One small cannon, a one-and-a-half-pounder fal-
conet, was at last brought into position, and did some
execution, at the same time encouraging the Aleuts
to rally around the Russians in their encampment.
Fortunately Isma'ilof 's vessel happened to be at anchor
not far off, and a few of those who fled in their canoes
at the beginning of the aff'ray, had in the mean time
reached it, and obtained a bidar full of armed men for
the relief of Baranof. The appearance of this boat
caused six large wooden war-canoes to beat a hasty
retreat. One explanation, though not very plausible,
of this unexpected attack was that the Yakutat tribe
of Kaljushes had combined with the Aglegmutes to
avenge themselves for injuries received at the hands
of the Chugatsches during the preceding year. Know-
ing that the Sv Simeon was anchored four versts away,
and ignorant of Baranof 's presence, they had mistaken
the Russian encampment for a Chugatsch village and
attacked it in the dark. When the mistake was dis-
covered, the savages were induced to persevere in their
efforts by hopes of rich booty, only to pay dearly for
the attempt and to retreat deeply demoralized. -''
^^ Baranof wrote to Shelikof as follows: 'We found 12 killed on the spot;
the wounded had been carried off, but a wake of blood was visible a verst
328 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
This affair caused Baranof to change his plans.
Instead of wintering in Prince Wilham Sound as
had been his intention, he turned to the gulf of Kena'i
by the shortest route. He strengthened his outlying
stations there and hastened the work of fortification
and then proceeded to Kadiak. On his arrival at
Pavlovsk harbor, he found that the ship Orel, that is
Eagle, had arrived from Okhotsk, commanded by the
Englishman Shields, and laden partly with material
for new ships, though by no means of the descrip-
tion most essential for opening operations. Although
despatched in the autumn of 1791, vessels had been
compelled to winter in Kamchatka. Shields had
learned the art of ship-building in England, but had
subsequently entered the Russian military service and
obtained the rank of sub-lieutenant.^^
At the same time came orders to proceed at once
with ship-building. This placed Baranof in an em-
or two behind their canoes. At the very first onset they killed on our
side a man named Kotovchikof from Bamai'd, and Paspelof from Tumensk
died two weeks later. Of the heathen — the Aleuts — 9 were killed and 15
wounded. As for myself, God protected me, though my shirt was torn by a
spear and the arrows fell thickly around me. Being aroused from a deep
sleep I had no time to dress, but rushed out as I w;^ to encourage the men
and to see that our only cannon was moved to wherever the danger was
greatest. Great praise is due to the fearless demeanor of my men, many of
whom were new recruits. I mention among them Feodor Ostrogin and Zakh-
milin. One of the Chugatsch hostages brought us four men who had been cap-
tured by the Chugatsch people. From these we learned that our assailants
had expected 10 canoes full of warriors from the Copper River and that they
intended to proceed to the gulf of Kenai' after annihilating the Chugatsch
tribe.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosr., ii. app. 37-8. Khlebnikof, in his life of Bar-
anof, relates this incident in a somewhat diifereut manner as to details, and,
strange to say, he quotes as his authority a letter from Baranof to Shelikof.
They retreated in 5 canoes while they had arrived in 6. Shizn. Baranova, 16-17.
Yet they carried off 4 captives. Tikhmenef, Istor. Ohos., i. 38-9, 04-5.
'â– ^'Shelikof wrote to Baranof on this occasion: 'We send you now iron,
rope, and sail-cloth for one ship which, with the assistance of Shields, you
will be able to fit out, and if you succeed you may lay the keel for two or
three other vessels of various dimensions. You should endeavor to push their
construction far enougli ahead to enable you to complete them without further
assistance of a shipwright. Everything you need for this shall be sent by
the next opportunity. You should teach the Americans to pick oakum, make
ropes, sew at the sails, and help the blacksmiths.' Id., i. 39-40. The iron
appears to have been forgotten. Shields had formerly served as lieutenant
in a Yekaterinburg regiment, but as he was both ship-builder and navigator by
profession, Shelikof engaged him for service in the new colonies. The first
proof of his proficiency in his business was the packet-boat Orel, which lie
constructed at Okhotsk. Khlebnikof, Shizn. Baranova, 18.
SHIP-BUILDING. 329
barrassing position, for he had not yet completed the
transfer of the principal settlement from Three Saints
to Pavlovsk harbor and there was urgent necessity to
erect at once a number of buildings at the latter place,
to shelter both men and stores during the winter. He
was, however, determined to obey, and while pushing
the work at Pavlovsk as much as possible, he lost no
time in selecting a suitable place for ship-building.
On Kadiak and Afognak islands the trees were neither
abundant nor large enough, and it was found neces-
sary to look to some more distant region. During his
recent stay in Prince William Sound he had observed
to the west of it a well protected bay, which seemed
in every way suitable for his undertaking. The place
w^as called Voskressenski, or Sunday harbor, also
known as Blying Sound, and not only furnished ex-
cellent timber, but a considerable rise and fall of the
tide afforded exceptional facilities for building, launch-
ing, and repairing vessels. Shelikof 's orders had been
to send Shields back to Okhotsk after consulting him
concerning the work on hand, but Baranof found it
necessary to detain him in order to obtain serviceable
plans for his vessel. He wrote to Shelikof that his
complement of men capable of doing any work on the
vessel was so exceedingly small that he could not
afford to send away his most valuable assistant, but
would retain him during that and the following season,
hoping in the mean time to receive further shipments
of stores and material.'®
The necessary buildings, quarters for the men, and
storehouses were at once erected at Voskressenski
harbor, and all that winter the mountains of Kena'i
peninsula echoed the vigorous blows of axemen and
the crash of falling trees. Nearly all the planks were
hewn out of the whole log, a waste of time and ma-
•28 cy^g have,' wrote Baranof, 'only half a keg of tar, three kegs of pitch,
not a pound of oakum, not a single nail, and very little iron for so large a
vessel. What little canvas you sent us we have been compelled to use for
bidarka sails and tents, for those we had were entirely worn out by long
usage.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii., app. 39.
•330 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
terial made necessary by the absence of large saws.
The iron needed in the construction had been collected
from pieces of wreck in all parts of the colonies, and
though rust-eaten and of poor quality, it was made to
serve. Steel for axes had to be prepared from the
same material. In his anxiety to push the work Bar-
anof even attempted to extract iron from some ore
his men had picked up. He had seen iron-furnaces
during his life in Siberia, but found himself unable to
obtain the coveted metal by any such rude processes
as he could devise. ^^ For tar he devised a poor mix-
ture of spruce gum and oil. The English ship-builder
regarded with wonder and contempt the primitive
dock-yard, and without a purveyor possessed of the
indomitable determination and activity of Baranof, he
could never have earned the reputation of construct-
ing the first ship on the north-westernmost coast of
America.
To obtain provisions was difficult. The men could
not be allowed to hunt or fish, and no other station
was prepared to furnish supplies. Heavy requisitions
were made upon the yukola, or dried fish, of the na-
tives, entailing want and hardships upon them, while
the ship-builders were reduced to the scantiest allow-
ance to sustain them in their arduous task.
The lack of canvas was another serious incon-
venience. Without a proper suit of sails the first
American ship could never reach the coast of Siberia
or Kamchatka and impress the authorities with the
reality of all the Shelikof Company claimed to have
done in the way of improvements and industrial en-
terprise in the colonies. It is astonishing to what
expense and infinite trouble the company was willing
to go for the sole purpose of effect. A far better
ship could have been built without any serious diffi-
culty and at much less cost either in Kamchatka or at
Okhotsk. The problem of supplying the necessary
^^ Madame Shelikof indicates that the smelting of iron ore promised well
enough to warrant the engagement of an experienced man. Letter, in Id.
LAUNCHING OF THE 'PHCENIX.' 331
canvas was made more difficult by the circumstance
that the native hunters, who had until then been paid
for their season's work with a few beads and glass
corals, refused to accept that currency any longer, and
almost unanimously demanded to be paid in garments
made of canvas.
April 1793 saw the new craft far enough advanced
to make Shields' constant superintendence unneces-
sary. Baranof, who had no great liking for the for-
eigner, seized the opportunity of giving him additional
work by ordering him upon a voyage of discovery in
the Orel. Rumors of the existence of unknown isl-
ands, rich in seals and sea-otters, in various parts of
the new possessions had been afloat for some time.
Baranof never expressed any belief in these reports, but
in order to get Shields and his four English sailors out
of the way for the summer, he promised the former two
shares of the furs obtained from any island discovered
by him, for two years, and to the sailors twenty sea-
otters each. With grim satisfaction the crafty old
manager noted the fact that the premiums offered
were never earned, and that the Orel was tossed
about by storms and finally reached Voskressenski
harbor in a much damaged condition. In the mean
time the Sv Simeon had arrived with more laborers,
provisions, and tools, and work was resumed with
renewed vigor.
At last in August 1794 the great work was achieved
as the first vessel built in north-western America glided
from the stocks into the waters of the Pacific, under
the name of Plicenix}'^ While not so important or dif-
ficult a performance as those of Vasco Nunez and
Cortes, it was one of which Baranof might justly feel
proud. He had made the first practical use of the
timber of what was then termed *'the vast deserts of
^"No explanation is given by my authorities why Baranof selected this
name, but we may conclude that it was suggested to him by the English
vessel which visited those waters in 1792.
332 ORGANIZATION OF MONOPOLY.
America/' and had used it for a puq^ose that might
be expected to benefit not only his employers, but his
country.
Most of the men who assisted Shields had seen only
the nondescript vessels of Siberian traders, many of
them half decked, and built usually without an iron
bolt or brace, the planks being lashed together with
raw-hide thongs. The present result was therefore
all the more gratifying, crude as it was. The vessel
was built of spruce timber, and measured 73 feet in
length, the upper deck being 79 feet, with a beam of
23 feet and a depth of 13 J feet. Notwithstanding the
size, the capacity being only about one hundred tons,
it was provided with two decks and three masts, in
order to present an imposing appearance and do credit
to its projectors. ^^ The calking above the water-line
was done with moss; and for paint, tar and whale-oil
were used.^^ The sails consisted of pieces and scraps
of canvas for which the warehouses and magazines of
the company in Kamchatka and in the colonies had
been ransacked. The result was a number of sheets
of different qualities and color, presenting the most
grotesque appearance.^^
By the 4th of September the PhcBnix was despatched
upon her first voyage to Kadiak, where Baranof hoped
to improve upon the outfit. On the way the flimsy
rigging snapped before the first breeze, and the vessel
entered Pavlovsk not with swelling sails, but towed
by boats. She was also badly ballasted, and presented
on the whole an appearance far from imposing. Nev-
«iTikhmenef calls it ISO tons. Istor. Obos., i. 57-8.
'^Boiled at various times in small quantities the paint was unequal in
color, giving the hull a strange, spotted appearance. This, however, ex-
tended only a little above the water-line, as they did not have enough even of
such paint to color the whole.
3-' These sails, some spars, and a quantity of iron work for the new vessel
prepared by mechanics in Kadiak were transported to the ship-yard early in
April, before the sea-going vessels had completed their necessary repairs, so
that the conveyance had to be made in large skin boats or bidars, which
crept cautiously to Cook Inlet. From here tlie material was can-ied over
dangerous glaciers and mountains to Voskressenski harbor. Baranof, Shizji.,
152.
OTHER SHIPS BUILT. 333
ertheless joy reigned in the settlement, and the event
was celebrated by solemn mass and merry feasting.'^*
A few weeks were spent in refitting and rigging
the Phcenix, and on the 20th day of April this first-
born of the Alaskan forests set out upon the voyage
to the shores of Asia, commanded by Shields, the
builder. The voyage was made in about a month, a
speed unprecedented in the annals of Russian navi-
gation in the north Pacific. At Okhotsk the Phcenix
was received with volleys of artillery, the ringing of
bells, and the celebration of mass. The ghost of the
great Peter is gratified; for in the flesh the monarch
never dreamed of so early and so significant an
achievement resulting from the royal pupilage.
All the servants of the Shelikof Company then
awaiting transportation from this port, and the soldiers
stationed at the ostrog were at once called into requi-
sition to assist in finishing Baranof's wonderful three-
master. She had made her first voyage without cabin
or deck houses, and these were now added, together
with the necessary polishing and painting, and new
sails and rigging. From this time forth until her loss
during a dark stormy November night, in the gulf
of Alaska, the Phcenix made regular trips between
Okhotsk and the colonies. Shelikof and his partners
did not fail to dwell forcibly and pointedly in their
petitions and reports upon the fact that their com-
pany maintained communication between the colonies
and the mother country by means of a ''frigate" of
their own construction, built with American timber
and launched in American waters.
This success Baranof followed up by laying the
keels of two other vessels, of smaller size, forty and
thirty-five feet in length respectively, which were
launched in 1795, and nsuned Deljohin and Olga}^
^* The leaders tried their teeth on the only ram left of the sheep consign-
ment, and tlien sought relief from the struggle in copious draughts of cheering
liquor. Baranof, Shizn., 155-6. Baranof attended the launching, but came
back in a bidarka, as if distrusting Shields and his work.
^5 Tifchmenef, Istor. Ohos., i. 40.
CHAPTER XV.
STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
1791-1794.
Thu Lebedef Company Occupies Cook Inlet — Quarrels between the
Lebedef and Shelikof Companies — Hostilities in Cook Inlet —
Complaints of Kolomin against Konovalof — War upon Russians
AND Indians Alike — Life of the Marauders — Pacific Attitude of
Baranof — His Patience Exhausted — Playing the Autocrat — Ar-
rest OF THE Ringleaders — Effect on the Natives — Baranof's
Speech to his Hunters— Expedition to Yakutat — Meeting with
Vancouver — The Lebedef Company Circumvented— Troubles with
Kaljushes — Purtof's Resolute Conduct — Zaikof's Expedition.
Like the Spaniards in Central America and Mex-
ico, no sooner had the Russians possession of their
part of America than tiiey fell to fighting among
themselves. In 1786 the Sv Pavl, of the Lebedef-
Lastochkin Company, had come to Kadiak with
thirty-eight men, commanded by Peredovchik Kolo-
min. Jealous of intrusion on their recently acquired
hunting-ground, the Shelikof party gave the new-
comers a hint to move on, and incautiously pointed to
Cook Inlet or the gulf of Kenai as a profitable region.
The result was a permanent establishment in Alaska,
on Kassilof River in that inlet. It consisted of two
log buildings protected by a stockade, and bore the
name of St George.^
The Shelikof Company already possessed, near the
entrance of the inlet, a fort named Alexandrovsk,
which had a more pretentious appearance. It formed
* It was situated on a bluflf, and presented to the wondering savages quite
a formidable aspect. Juvenal, Jour., MS., 36.
(884)
KOXOVALOF'S EXPEDITION. 335
a square with poorly built bastions at two corners,
and displayed the imperial arms over the entrance,
which was protected by two guns. Within were
dwelling and store houses, one of them provided with
a sentry-box on the roof." The situation of the other
fort higher up the inlet, near the richer fur region,
gave it the advantage in hunting; yet, for a time,
friendly relations continued to exist between the rivals
as well as with the natives.
In August 1791 the ship St George, also belong-
ing to the Lebedef-Lastochkin Company, arrived in
the inlet. The commander of this second expedition
was one Grigor Konovalof, and his advent seems to
have been the signal for strife and disorder. His pro-
ceedings were strange from the beginning; he did not
land at the mouth of the Kassilof River, where Kolo-
min was already established, but went about twenty
miles farther, to the Kaknu, landed his crew of sixty-
two Russians, discharo^ed his carcjo, beached his ves-
sel, and began to erect winter quarters and fortifications
surrounded with a stockade and defended by guns.
This fort was named St Nicholas.^ All this time he
neglected to communicate in any manner with the
other party of the same company. Kolomin at last
^ Smithy, room for boiling oil, and other conveniences existed. Fidalgo,
ill Viajes at Norte, MS. , 35S-9. See also Humboldt, Essai Pol. , ii. 348.
'^ Tikhmenef, in speaking of this episode, commits some errors from insulfi-
cient acquaintance with the various localities. He writes of Kassilof and St
Nicholas as thesame place, while in reality the latter isthirtymiles to the north-
ward of the former. In claiming that Konovalof, by erecting fortifications at
Kassilof, or St Nicholas, seized upon settlements founded by Shelikof in 1785,
Tikhmenef makes another mistake. The only lodgment made by Shelikof on
Cook Inlet was near its mouth, and was subsequently named Alexandrovsk.
Furthermore, Shelikof was a partner in Lebedef-Lastochkin's enterprise, as
as well as in the company formed under special protection of the government.
Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., 1. 30; Juvenal, Jour., MS , 6 et seq. When Vancouver
anchored off the mouth of the Kenai or Kaknu river in 1794 he was saluted by
two guns from a building on the high bank, from which also floated the Russian
flag. A miserable path led up the steep ascent through masses of filth and
ofFal. The establishment occupied a space of about 120 yards square, en-
closed with a stout paling of pine logs, 12 feet high. The largest building,
35 yards long, served as barracks, consisting of one large room with sleeping-
benches on the sides, divided into stalls. The commander, at that time
Stepan Zaikof, lived in a smaller house by himself. There were over twenty
other small buildings. The 70-ton sloop belonging to the station, armed
with two guns, was in a dilapidated condition. Vaiicoiiver's Voy., iii. 140-1.
336 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
ventured to inquire to what company they belonged.
The answer was brief and insolent, Konovalof claim-
ing that he had been invested with supreme command,
and instructed to seize everything in the hands of
Kolomin, who must henceforth report to him. While
ready to believe that such authority had been con-
ferred/ the latter did not choose to surrender either
his men or his furs; but as his term was about ended,
he prepared to close his affairs and transfer the com-
pany's business to his successor after the winter, in
the expectation of sailing for Okhotsk in the spring.
While thus engaged, Kolomin's party was surprised
by the arrival of a large bidar sent by Konovalof, and
commanded by Amos Balushin. Without making
any excuse or explanation, Balushin proceeded a short
distance up the Kassilof River, to where Kolomin's
winter supply of dried fish was stored, and carried
all away.^
Shortly afterward a party of natives, en route to
St George, were intercepted on the Kaknu by Ko-
novalof's men and robbed of all their effects. This
outrage was repeated on a party from Toyunok, a
village on the upper part of the inlet, no compensa-
tion whatever being tendered for the furs taken.
Being anxious to come to some understanding, Kolo-
min went out to meet his rival, but the interview
was brought to an end by Konovalof firing off his
pistol, without injury, however, to any one. After
this Kolomin considered the country in a state of
war, kept constant watch, and- posted sentries. More-
over, there was fear that the savages, who could not
fail to notice the quarrels between the Russians,
might attack the weaker with a view to capturing
the furs gathered by Kolomin during his residence of
* ' I had only twenty-seven men left of my crew, and as we were waiting to
be called back we thought that Konovalof spoke the truth, and congratulated
ourselves on liaving a new commander.' Tlkhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii. app. part
ii. 51. The So Pavl had been sent home in 1789 with a cargo of his furs, and
since then nearly 2,000 more skins had been collected.
=" A demand tor explanation elicited only threats. Id.
OUTRAGES AT COOK INLET. 337
four years among them. Konovalof aggravated the
situation by sending men to press some of Kolomin's
kayurs, or native servants, into his own service, and
the former on meeting with objections threatened to
fire on the other party.^ The ease with which this out-
rage was perpetrated encouraged another attack with
a larger force, during which the remaining servants
and the hostages were carried off, so that Kolomin
had to send both for fresh recruits and for provisions.
Even in this effort he met with trouble, for Lossef,
the faithful lieutenant of Konovalof, dogged his foot-
steps, intercepted most of the levy, and maltreated
the messengers.^
Kolomin had already complained to the Shelikof
Company of this persecution, and as soon as the ice
broke up on the inlet he proceeded to Kadiak, to con-
firm his previous report and urge Baranof to occupy
the whole gulf. He advanced the opinion that, unless
some responsible power interfered at once, all which he
and his men had accomplished toward pacifying the
natives and building up a profitable trade would be
lost. Baranof by no means felt inclined to interfere
between rival agents, particularly since the aggressive
party would evidently not hesitate at shedding the
blood even of their own countrymen; not that he
lacked the courage, but he feared to risk his company's
interests and men in fratricidal war, which might also
arouse the natives. Moreover, his patron Shelikof
possessed shares in the other company, and he pre-
ferred to report to him so that the matter might be
settled by the principals. At the same time, how-
ever, he sent a warning to the St Nicholas people that
^ The men were actually ordered to fire, but hesitated. Lossef, their
leader, upbraided them, saying: 'It is not your business; we have already
killed four Eussians.' 'Wait until spring,' he exclaimed to Kolomin's party,
'and we will come to your station with fifty men and take away all the host-
ages you have.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 52-3. A converted
native of Kadiak was robbed of his young wife and unmercifully beaten.
' Three men were deprived of their weapons and placed in the stocks for
two days. Drushinin, an elder among the hunters, who came to expostulate,
was put in irons.
Hist. Alaeea. 22
338 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
he, as representative of one of the partners in the Le-
bedef Company, could not allow any aggressive meas-
ures that might be prejudicial to trade. This had the
effect of greatly tempering the feeling of the St Nich-
olas party against Kolomin's men as of their own com-
pany, but directed their hostility against the rival
company. They declared that the whole territory
bordering upon the gulf of Kenai belonged exclusively
to the Lebedef Company, ignoring all previous arrange-
ments between their acknowledged head and Shelikof
They certainly controlled nearly all the trade, and to
this end they had erected another station higher up
the inlet, on the western shore, and placed there a
score of Russians.^
Kobbery and brutal outrages continued to be the
order of the day, though now committed chiefly for
the purpose of obtaining sole control of the inlet, to
the neglect of legitimate pursuits. Meanwhile Kolo-
min's men managed to hold their own, and, as the per-
secution of the Konovalof party gradually relaxed,
their sympathies actually turned toward the latter in
their effort to oust the Shelikof men from the field.
Thus the history of Cook Inlet during the last dec-
ade of the eighteenth century is replete with romantic
incidents — midnight raids, ambuscades, and open war-
fare — resembling the doings of mediaeval rauhritters,
rather than the exploits of peaceable traders. The
leaders lived in rude comfort at the fortified stations,
surrounded by a dusky harem containing contributions
from the various native villages within the peredovt-
chik's jurisdiction. Offences against the dignity of
the latter were punished quickly and effectually with
the lash or confinement in irons or the stocks, if the
offender had not too many friends among the Russian
promyshleniki, and with extreme severity, verging
upon cruelty, in cases where the culprit belonged to the
* It consisted of one large house about 50 feet long and 24 feet wide. Van-
converts Voy., iii. 122.
LEBEDEF AND SKELIKOF. 339
unfortunate class of kayurs. The Russians did little
work beyond the regular guard duty, and even that
was sometimes left to trusted individuals among the
native workmen and hangers-on of the station.
All manual labor was performed by natives, espe-
cially by the female 'hostages,' and children of chiefs
from distant villages left at the stations by their
parents to be instructed in Russian life and manners.
The training which they were forced to undergo, far
from exercising any civilizing influence, resulted only
in making them deceitful, cunning, and more vicious
than they had been before. Every Russian there was
a monarch, who if he wanted ease took it, or if spoils,
the word was given to prepare for an expedition. Then
food was prepared by the servants, and the boats made
ready, while the masters attended to their arms and
equipments. The women and children were intrusted
to the care of a few superannuated hunters left to guard
the station, and the brave little band would set out
upon its depredations, caring little whether thqy were
Indians or Russians who should become their victims.
The strangest part of it all was, that the booty secured
was duly accounted for among the earnings of the
company.^
Aifairs were assuming a serious aspect. Not only
were the Shelikof men excluded from the greater part
of the inlet, but they were opposed in their advance
round Prince William Sound, which was also claimed
by the Lebedef faction, though the Orekhof and other
companies were hunting there. The station which
the Lebedef men made their base of operations was
situated on Nuchek Island, at Port Etches, and con-
sisted of the usual stockade, enclosing dwelling and
store houses.^" In support of his claims, Konovalof
' Shelikof, who held shares in both his own and the Lebedef Company,
had the advantage of not only recovering what he lost by these plundering
enterprises, but receiving his proportionate share of the losses in the Shelikof
Company.
^"Vancouver, Voy., iii. 172, found one side of it fonned by an armed
vessel of 70 tons, hauled on shore.
340 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
declared that he possessed government credentials
granting to his company exclusive right to all the
mainland region. Yet he refused to exhibit even
copies of such documents. Finding the Shelikof
men disposed to yield, the others began to en-
croach also on the limited district round the SheHkof
settlement, near the entrance to Cook Inlet, by erect-
ing a post on Kuchekmak Bay, and the natives M'ere
forbidden, under pain of death, from trading with
their rivals. From this post they watched the move-
ments of the Shelikof men with a view to circumvent
them. Forty bidarkas under Kotelnikof were inter-
cepted, and although a number escaped, a portion of
the crew, including the leader, was ca^Dtured. An-
other party under Galaktianof, on the way from Prince
William Sound, was chased by a large force, and efforts
were made to attack Baranof himself It was not
proposed to keep the Russians prisoners, but merely
to seize the furs and enslave all natives employed by
Shelikof in the interdicted region. Fortunately Bar-
anof had left the sound before the raiders arrived,
and they passed on to the eastern shore, there to en-
croach on the trade established with the Yakutat
Kaljushes by the Shelikof men, who held hostages
from three of the villages, Not long after came Ba-
lushin with a stronger force; and one day, when the
chief of one of the villages had set out upon a hunt
with nearly all the grown males, the Russians entered
it and carried off the women and children to a neigh-
boring island. ^^ They also made inroads on the north-
ern part of the Alaskan peninsula which had been
brought into friendly relations through Bocharof
Out of four friendly villages in Ilyamna and Nusha-
gak, they plundered two and carried the people into
captivity.
Their success was due partly to the personal bravery
^^ Balnshin had destroyed the coat-of-arms bestowed upon the chief by
order of the governor-general of Irkutsk, telling him that it was but a child 'a
toy. Tihhmenef, If^tor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 43.
BARANOF'S POLICY. 34i
and superior dash of the men. Baranof freely ac-
knowledged in later years that, individually, the pro-
myshleniki of the Lebedef Company were superior
to those under his command at the beginning of his
administration; and according to Berg, he ventured to
£issert that, had he commanded such men as Lebe-
def's vessels brought to the shores of Cook Inlet and
Prince William Sound, he would have conquered the
whole north-western coast of America.
Toward the end of 1793 Baranof had received a
small reenforcement with the Orel, so that after
deducting the loss by drowning and other casualties,
one hundred and fifty-two men were left to him. The
number of the Lebedef men is not recorded, but it
cannot have been much inferior, for reenforcements
had come in the Sv Ivan. The latter occupied an
admirable strategic position, with control of two great
navigable estuaries and other places offering easy
communication and access to suppHes. They were
also better provided with goods and ship-stores than
Shelikof 's company.^-
It was not so much these advantages of his assail-
ants, however, that kept Baranof from energetic
measures against them, but rather a consideration for
the different interests of his patron, and for the lives
of his countrymen. He was awaiting an answer to his
reports from Siberia. This forbearance served only
to encourage the other party, as we have seen, till at
last Baranof's patience was exhausted. With the
report of a fray between the rival posts on the inlet
came the rumor that the ship-yard at Voskressenski
Harbor was to be taken, and this appeared probable
from the special animosity shown to the Enghshmen
there engaged. When not absolutely needed at the
yard, they were sent to explore; and on several of
^2 Baranof reported, late in 1793, that he owed many bales of rope and four
pouds of tobacco to the Lebedef Company, but, in view of the depredations
committed by men belonging to the latter, he ' did not intend to return the
roods until some action was taken upon his complaints to the authorities at
Okhotsk.'
342 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
these occasions they had been set upon, robbed, and
ill-treated, sometimes narrowly escaping with their
lives.^^
Baranof now^ hastened to the spot, and observing
the need for interference, assumed the peremptory
tone of one invested with authority. He sent a let-
ter to Konovalof, then at his stockade at St Nicholas
on the Kaknu Kiver, with a summons to appear at
once before him, stating that he had been authorized
by the governor of Siberia to settle all disputes be-
tween rival traders. He expected soon to be invested
with such powers, in answer to the urgent petitions
of Shelikof and his partners, and thought that he
might exercise the privilege in advance. This had
its effect. Without suspecting that the order had
no more foundation than his own boasted rights to
possession, the conscience-stricken man hastened to
obey what was supposed to be an official summons.
He appeared before Baranof and offered apologies for
his conduct, but the latter would listen to no expla-
nation; he placed him in irons, and kept him under
close guard until Ismailof arrived with his vessels,
when not only the ringleader but seven of his com-
panions who had also tendered their submission were
taken to Kadiak and placed in confinement.
Finally Konovalof was made to answer at Okhotsk,
but before a lenient committee, so that he readily
managed to clear himself, and was restored to a com-
mand in Alaska. Meanwhile Stepan Zaikof had
succeeded him as chief at St Nicholas. Kolomin still
held his command and Balushin controlled the estab-
lishment on Nuchek.^'*
^* The prevailing starvation at the ship-yard was chiefly due to the inter-
ference of the Lebedef men with supplies.
^* One reason for this clemency appears in a letter addressed by Lebedef
and Shelikof jointly, to the archimandrite loassof, requesting him to investigate
the charges against Konovalof and others, j'ct expressing the hope that the
accused will not he found ' too guilty to be allowed to work off, in one com-
pany or the other, their indebtedness to tlieir employers, and thus save
the shareholders from loss.' If, however, Konovalof should bo found too
deeply involved to admit of his further employment, he was ' to be set at
FALL OF LEBEDEF. 343
While Baranof's firmness served to check the per-
petration of extreme abuses, a certain hostihty contin-
ued to be exhibited for some time. The evil was too
deeply rooted to be eradicated all at once, but har-
mony was gradually restored, partly through the in-
fluential mediation of Archimandrite loassof, who ar-
rived soon after as leader of a missionary party. At
the same time came a large reenforcement for Baranof,
with authority to form settlements in any part of
Alaska, and right to claim the country for five hun-
dred versts round such settlements, within which
limits no other company could set foot. Against such
power the Lebedef faction could not possibly prevail,
particularly since Shelikof positively instructed Bar-
anof to use both force and cunning to remove the ri-
vals. Reverses also overtook them, and a few years
later they abandoned the field.^^
It was indeed time that Baranof should assert him-
self, for the insolence and outrages of the aggressors
had created general discontent among the tribes.
Those of Lake Skilakh were actually plotting the de-
struction of all Russians on the Kenai peninsula, and
to this end they endeavored to bridge over the old
feud between them and the Chugatsches of Prince
William Sound; receiving also encouragement from
the treacherous tribes on the other side of the inlet,
from Katmai northward, who had successfully op-
posed all attempts to form Russian settlements in
their midst. The measures now taken by Baranof
to maintain better order and reassure the natives, as
well as the coup de main with Konovalof, which added
liberty to shift for himself.' Id., ii. app. part ii. 57-8. loassof, indeed, did
not report him to be so bad as Baranof desired. Among the accused was Ste-
pan Kosmovich Zaikof, a brother of Potap Zaikof , a man of considerable abil-
ity and knowledge. Ivan Koch, commander of Okhotsk, in a letter up-
braids his dear friend Stepan Kuzmitch, and threatens him with the severest
punishment if found guilty.
^5 ' You must declare in your reports,' wrote Shelikof, ' that the outrages
upon the Kenaitze were of the most disgraceful character, but that it is in
your power to plant your settlements wherever you please, even on the gulf
of Kenai.' Id., 69.
344 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
not a little to advance his influence, served to check
the threatened uprising. His assertion of authority
was equally necessary among his own subordinates,
whose loyalty had been corrupted by the insinuations
of emissaries from the other camp, and whose re-
spect for their chief had begun to wane under his
forbearance toward the rivals, whereby numerous
hardships were entailed upon them through loss of
trade and curtailment of rations.^® He assembled
the men, represented to them the obligations to
which they had voluntarily subscribed when engaged,
and showed the evil they were inflicting also on them-
selves by discontent, want of harmony, and refusal to
do the required work. He had full power to arrest
those who refused implicit obedience, and he would
use that power. Those who had complaints should
present them, and he would seek to redress their
wrongs." This firm speech, together with a liberal
distribution of liquor, had a wonderful efl'ect, and thus
by means of a little determined self-assertion Baranof
established for himself an undisputed authority, with
a reputation as a leader of men.^'^
The party war ended, Baranof breathed freely once
more, and 1794 witnessed a decided impulse to his dif-
ferent enterprises. The most notable of these was the
one intrusted to Purtof and Kulikatof for operating
in Yakutat Bay, of which a preceding visit had brought
most encouraging reports. ^^ Preparations were made
^^ They appear to have received less compensation than the other com-
pany employees. Of the latter, Fidalgo reports; 'Sus sueldos llegaban los
may ores a cuatro pesos: que los jefes subalteriios gozaban 500 alafio.' But
he evidently ignores the share system. For each employee the company paid
a tribute of two dollars a year. Salida, etc., in Viajes al Norte, MS., 369.
^' This characteristic address is given in full in Tikhmenef, Istor. Oboa. , ii.
app. part ii. 47-9. It contains several allusions to historic anecdotes on
the value of unity, and dwells on the absiard pretensions to better comforts
by men who at home in Siberia were content to live as pigs.
18 Some time before this he had interfered between rival traders of the
companies Orekhof, Panof, and Kisselef, located on Prince William Sound,
and after patching up a temporary peace between them he had seized the
greater part of their furs, under the pretext of taking them to Kadiak for safe
keeping.
i^Tikhmenef refers confusedly to an expedition in 1793 of 170 bidarkas,
YAKUTAT EXPEDITION. 345
on a large scale. The station on Cook Inlet had
been appointed as a rendezvous, and on the 7th of
May a fleet of five hundred bidarkas assembled there,
bringing natives from Kadiak, Kenai, the Alaskan
peninsula, and the nearest Chugatsch villages. More
boats and men were to be collected at Prince William
Sound, where Baranof had gone in person to \evj
forces. All these were arranged in subdivisions,
each in charge of a Russian.
At Voskressenski Bay the Yakutat expedition was
furnished with additional trading goods and some guns
and ammunition. After being delayed at Grekof
Island till the 2 2d of May,Purtof set out with his whole
fleet for the mouth of Copper River, intending to pass
by Nuchek Island, where the Lebedef Company was
then established. At the eastern point of Montague
Island they were intercepted by some Lebedef hunt-
ers in bidarkas, who presented a letter from Balu-
shin and Kolomin, This document warned Purtof
not to encroach upon any territory already occupied
by the other company. The messengers were in-
structed to add, that they had established an artel of
twenty Russians at Tatitliatzk village on the gulf of
Chugatsch, and also at the mouth of Copper River, and
that the Shelikof hunters must not advance in that
direction. Without allowing himself to be intimidated,
Purtof informed the messengers that he was on his
way to the American continent in pursuance of secret
orders from the government. In hunting sea-otters
he would not touch upon any ground occupied by
others.
The following evening, while preparing to camp for
the night on a small island adjoining Nuchek, he dis-
covered a party of eight Lebedef hunters near by and
invited them to supper, after which the time passed
in friendly exchange of news. Early in the morning,
however, before the Lebedef men were stirring, Pur-
escorted by Shields, which brought back 2,000 sea-otter skins. Istoj: Obos.,
i. 40-1.
346 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
tof moved silently away with his force and made a
quick passage to the second mouth of Copper River,
and there fell in with Chugatsches who had been trad-
ing with the Lebedef men at Nuchek. Finding that
no station or regular hunting party of the Lebedef
Company existed here, he took his party to Kaniak
Island, near the river, purposing to lay in a supply of
halibut as provisions, and to hunt sea-otters. Over a
hundred skins were obtained the first day, but the
second day's hunt proved entirely futile and the expedi-
tion moved northward along the coast of the mainland."*
On the 31st of May the whole party encamped on
the beach, and within a short distance of a large Agleg-
mute village, though without being aware of the fact.
During the night some of the hunters became alarmed
at the sound of numerous voices proceeding from the
woods. An armed detachment composed of the most
courageous ventured to penetrate into the forest, and,
guided by the smell of smoke and the cries of children,
made their way to the village, which was situated on
the opposite side of a river. During the confusion
occasioned by their unexpected arrival, they succeeded
in capturing the chief and his brother, and then made
good their retreat to the camp. One of their number,
however, a Kadiak interpreter, w^as intercepted and
killed by the natives. The chief and his brother were
taken to the camp, treated to food and drink, and piled
with presents, until they promised to call together
their people the following day to negotiate with the
Russians. The brother was commissioned to arrange
the matter, and by the 3d of June all of the Aglegmute
tribe dwelling in that vicinity came to the camp.
With the help of a judicious distribution of presents,
Purtof succeeded in prevailing upon the savages to
give seven hostages, including two natives of Yakutat
2° During a brief halt on the beach a native hut was discovered, but the
inhabitants had fled, leaving all their effects. A little food was taken by the
Aleuts, in return for which Purtof deposited some coral beads.
^^lu accordance with orders from the government, the savages were ques-
DEALINGS WITH THE NATIVES. 347
As soon as the weather permitted, Purtof pro-
ceeded to Icy Bay, called JSTatchik by the natives,
and by the 10th of June his hunters had secured
four hundred sea-otter skins, all that could be ob-
tained. The party then moved on to Yakutat Bay,
accompanied by the Aglegmute chief of the tribe,
and a Kadiak native who spoke the Kaljush lan-
guage. These two were sent in advance to assure
the people of the peaceful character of the expedi-
tion.^^ The chief soon returned from the Yakutat
village with the son of the Kaljush chieftain and
three others as hostages, profusely ornamented with
beads, furs, and feathers. The interpreter had been
detained as hostage on the other side, but it was
found necessary to surrender also a Russian ere con-
fidence could be established. Accompanied by fif-
teen of his best warriors, the Kaljush chief then pro-
ceeded in state to the camp, and after the usual
ceremonies negotiations began in earnest. Purtof
declared that the Russians desired to live in friend-
ship with them, and the chief, who probably had
been plied with strong drink, made a formal present
to his new allies of the southern portion of the bay
and the small islands situated therein. The feelings of
the latter underwent a change, however, when he
came to reflect on the advantage gained by his visitors,
and found that they also hunted on their own account,
venturing far out to sea where the clumsier canoes of
the Kaljush dared not follow. He and his followers
were ready to trade, but they objected to see their
stock of fur seals exhausted by strangers without any
benefit to themselves. ^^
tioned whether they or any of the neighboring tribes held in their j)ossession
any European prisoners, but this they positively denied. It was thought that
some of La P^rouse's men might have escaped drowning only to fall into the
hands of the savage inhabitants of the vicinity.
^2 At the southern point of Yakutat Bay a hunt was organized, but only
ten sea-otters could be found. In making a landing through the surf, two
natives of Kadiak Avere drowned.
^3 The chief made a long speech before Lieutenant Puget, which he under-
stood to convey this meaning. Vancouver'' s Voy., ii. 234.
348 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
Trouble appeared, indeed, to be brewing, but the
arrival of the Chatham of Vancouver's expedition,
under Lieutenant Puget, served to prevent any dis-
turbance. Purtof maintained a most friendly inter-
course with the English, to w^iom he also tendered
provisions, and received in acknowledgment letters
of commendation. Through some of the sailors it
was understood that English war-vessels might appear
within two years to take possession of Cook Inlet and
other places, and, unworthy of credit as this report
was, it failed not to be transmitted to the government
by the somewhat agitated fur traders. Vancouver
himself held a much higher opinion, both of their
territorial rights and control of trade, than a clearer
view of affairs might have conveyed, for he was
ignorant of their dissensions, and regarded all as
united in one common interest; while the sight of
the large native fleets controlled by Purtof must
have exalted the idea of their influence and of their
ability to distance competitors. The departure of
Vancouver's expedition was no doubt a great relief to
Baranof at least,' w4io appears to have been afraid of
his coming across the English shipwrights, and luring
them away^* ere he could dispense with their ser-
vices.^^
While the Chatham remained, Purtof 's command
occupied a position near the anchorage. Other par-
ties of natives arrived from the interior of the bay
and from Ltua, giving occasion for further feasting,
presents, and exchange of hostages. The large num-
ber of guns, and the abundance of lead and powder in
the possession of these new arrivals, pointed to visits
from European trading vessels, and at this very time
the Jachall, Captain Brown, entered the bay in quest
of furs, to the deep chagrin of Purtof
^* The letters given to Purtof were even suspected for a while to be docu-
ments intended to support English claims. See letter of Mme Shelikof, in
Tikhmenpf, Intor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 108 et seq.
^^ Of this fear Vancouver knew nothing, for the Russians leaders were
profuse in offers of services, even to the use of the ship-yard.
PRESENCE OF ENGLISHMEN. 349
As soon as the war- vessel departed, the treacherous
Kaljushes assumed a threatening attitude, and delayed
from day to day the promised delivery of additional
hostages under various pretexts. At the same time
the interpreters left with the savages at the beginning
of the negotiations were held under strict surveill-
ance, and not allowed to communicate with their
countrymen. At last Purtof decided upon a display
of force to support his demands for the surrender of
his own men at least, and approached the village in
bidarkas with all the armed men at his command.
The squadron was reenforced by a boat with six armed
men from the Jackall}^
The presence of the Englishmen had no doubt an
effect, for the interview resulted in the surrender of a
chief from Afognak Island, with a promise to deliver
up the remaining hostages.
On the following day came eight men in a large
bidar, bringing three more natives of Kadiak, but two
were still detained. Fearing that foul play was
intended, Purtof detained some relatives of the Yaku-
tat chief, and carried the hostages whom he held from
the Aglegmutes on board the Jachcdl for safe keep-
ing. This reprisal proved effectual; the necessary
exchange of hostages was made, and, after expressing
his thanks to Captain Brown, Purtof took his party
out of the bay of Yakutat with five hundred and fif-
teen sea-otter skins obtained in a little over two
weeks.
On the return voyage, while the expeditionary force
was encamped on an island near Nuchek,^^ Purtof
despatched a letter to Pepin, of the Lebedef Com-
pany, informing him that he had explored the coast
of the continent and pacified the natives of several
villages by exchanging hostages. He offered to verify
^^ Captain Brown's statement, as given by Vancouver, would make it
appear that Purtof asked for assistance, but the latter states that the English
joined of their own accord, ' though we tried to dissuade them from doing
this, and did not require their assistance. ' This was on July 1st.
^^ Purtof persisted in calling this island Aglitzkoi, that is to say, English.
350 STRIFE BETWEEN RIVAL COMPANIES.
this statement, and on the appearance of Samoilof, the
navigator of the Lebedef Company, allowed him to talk
freely with the interpreters, and to copy a list of the
villages and chiefs from whom he had obtained host-
ages. This would seem to be a strange proceeding
in view of the hostility between the two parties, but
it was of the greatest importance for the Shelikof
Company, at that juncture, to make good their claim of
precedence on the continent, in view of the impending
grant of exclusive imperial privileges.
The success of Purtof, who brought with him a
promise from the Thlinkeet chief of a large supply of
sea-otter skins for the next visit, resulted in the de-
spatch of another expedition the following year, under
Zaikof, who commanded a sea-going vessel,^® The
chief failed to fulfil his promise, and the Russians had
to content themselves with the sea-otters captured by
their native hunters on the bay. Four hundred skins
were secured, and the hunters prepared to follow up
their success, regardless of the manifest ill-feeling of the
bay people, which threatened to become more bitter
than during the former visit. What the result may
have been is difficult to say, for just then two Aleuts
were seized with small-pox, and panic-stricken the
party hastened away.^^ Zaikof now steered in search
of islands reported to exist between Kadiak and the
continent to the east. He ranged for over a month
to the southward and again to the north, until, sight-
ing the snow-clad peaks of the Chugatsch alps and the
Kenai mountains, he was forced to admit the futility
of his quest.
'^^ Seventeen Russians, besides natives, accompanied him.
^*La P^rouse noticed signs of the disease among the coast tribes, and
Portlock assumes that they must have caught it from some vessel which had
touched near Cape Edgecumbe. No person younger than 14 years bore the
marks. Portlock's Voy., 272; Marchajid, Voy., ii. 62-3.
CHAPTER XVI.
COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
1794-1796.
Mechanics and Missionaries Arrive at Pavlovsk — Ambitious Schemes
OF Colonization — Agricultural Settlement Founded on Yakutat
Bay — Shipwreck, Famine, and Sickness — Golovnin's Report on the
■Affairs of the Shelikof Company— Discontent of the Mission-
aries — Complaints of the Archimandrite — Father Makar in Una-
LASKA— Father Juvenal in Kadiak— Divine Service at Three
Saints— Juvenal's Voyage to Ilyamna — His Reception and Mission-
ary Labors — He Attempts to Abolish Polygamy — And Falls a
Victim to an Ilyamna Damsel— He is Butchered by the Natives.
Notwithstanding the quarrels between rival trad-
ing companies and occasional emeutes among the na-
tives, caused in almost every instance by the greed of
the Russians, colonization in Alaska had thus far been
attended with fair success. The Russian seal-hunters
had suffered no such hardships as did the Spanish
settlers in Central America, the early colonists of
New England, or the convict band that ten years after
Captain Cook sailed from Nootka in quest of a north-
east passage to Hudson's Bay founded on Port Jack-
son the first city in Australasia. Apart from the seal
fisheries, however, the resources of the country were as
yet undeveloped. On the island of Kadiak was raised
a, scant crop of vegetables; at Voskressenski, as we
have seen, was built the first vessel ever launched into
the waters of the North Pacific; but throughout the
settlements w^as felt a sore need of skilled labor, and
in some of them, as Shelikof would have us believe,
of missionaries to educate the natives and instruct
(361)
352 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
them in the true faith. AppHcation was therefore
made foi* clergymen and for exiles trained to handi-
craft.^ The request was granted, and in August 1794
the Irekh Sviatifeli and the Ekaterina, two of the
Shelikof Company's vessels,^ arrived at Pavlovsk with
provisions, stores, implements, seeds, cattle, and a hun-
dred and ninety-two persons on board, among whom
were fifty-two craftsmen and agriculturists, and eigh-
teen clergymen and lay servitors in charge of the
archimandrite loassaf ^ " I present you," writes Sheli-
kof to Baranof, "with some guests who have been se-
lected by order of the empress to spread the word
of God in America. I know that you will feel as
great a satisfaction as I do that the country where I
labored before you, and where you. are laboring now
for the glory of our country, sees in the arrival of
these guests a hopeful prophecy of future prosperity."
Shelikof's merits as teacher and pastor have already
been related;* the treatment which the missionaries
received from his dram-drinking colleague will be
mentioned later. Priests were not wanted among the
promyshleniki, and if they sojourned in their midst
must earn their daily bread as did the rest of the
community. They might serve, however, to bring
into more thorough subjection the docile Aleuts.
By the Ekaterina, Baranof received a lengthy com-
munication from Shelikof and from Polevoi Golikof s
representative, relating to the establishment of an ag-
ricultural colony near Cape St Elias on Yakutat Bay.
The instructions on this matter were to take the place
^ Shelikof and Golikof requested that clergymen be appointed for mis-
sionary work in the Aleutian Islands and oS'ered to defray all expenses.
By oukaz of June 30, 1793, Catherine II. ordered the petition granted. At
the same time Shelikof asked the governor of Irkutsk to use his influence
with the crown to procure the despatch of a certain number of exiles, skilled
as blacksmiths, locksmiths, and foundrymen, and of ten families trained to
agriculture. The request was granted by oukaz of December 31, 1793.
Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 42-3.
2 Both built at Okhotsk. The former, though only 63 feet in length, had
on board 260 tons of cargo, besides 120 casks of water.
'There were also 121 hunters, 4 clerks, and 5 Aleuts.
*Thisvol.,p. 227.
PLANS FOR A TOWN. 353
of all that had previously been sent.^ Accompanying
them was a document touching only on the private
affairs of the company. Thanking Baranof for his
exhaustive reports, Shelikof concludes: "And now it
only remains for us to hope that, having selected on
the mainland a suitable place, you will lay out the set-
tlement with some taste, and with due regard for
beauty of construction, in order that when visits are
made by foreign ships, as can not fail to happen, it
may appear more like a town than a village, and that
the Russians in America may live in a neat and or-
derly way, and not, as in Okhotsk, in squalor and misery
caused by the absence of nearly everything necessary
to civilization. Use taste as w^ell as practical judg-
ment in locating the settlement. Look to beauty as
well as to convenience of material and supplies. On
the plans as well as in reality leave room for spacious
squares for public assemblies. Make the streets not
too long, but wide, and let them radiate from the
squares. If the site is wooded, let trees enough stand
to line the streets and to fill the gardens, in order
to beautify the place and preserve a healthy atmos-
phere. Build the houses along the streets, but at
some distance from each other, in order to increase the
extent of the town. The roofs should be of equal
height, and the architecture as uniform as possible.
The gardens should be of equal size, and provided with
good fences along the streets. Thanks be to God
that you will at least have no lack of timber. Make
the plan as full as possible, and add view^s of the sur-
^The letter was dated from Okhotsk on the 9th of August, 1794. Order*
had been received from the governor of Irkutsk that the agriculturists, in-
cluding ten families, should be forwarded to the spot near Cape St Elias
where Shelikof had promised to establish the first agricultural settlement on
the north-west coast of America; but it was claimed that a clause in the in-
structions permitted the site of this colony to be changed, if a more suitable
location could be found, and finally the exiled agriculturists were scattered
throughout the settlement and employed in various kinds of labor. Most of
the exiles of whatever occupation arrived in the Catherine after much delay,
caused by a stay at Unalaska, and by a violent gale in Akutan Pass, during
which several head of cattle were lost. Khlebnikof, Shitn. Baranova, 24-5,
states that the remainder of the live-stock reached Kadiak in safety.
Hist. Alaska. 23
354 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
roundings. Your work will be viewed and discussed
at the imperial court." In another part of this letter
Baranof is reproached for exchanging visits with cap-
tains of English vessels, and warned that he might be
carried off to Nootka or California, or some other des-
olate place.
The latter portion of this epistle appears to have
been written for the purpose of deceiving the empress,
to whom the plans of the proposed settlement were to
be shown, though we cannot but admire the compre-
hensive scope of Shelikof's imagination when he thus
conceives the idea of building a well ordered city in
the American wilderness. Although such an under-
taking would require all the means and men at the dis-
posal of the Shelikof-Golikof Company, he was engaged,
besides other ventures, in forming a second association
under the name of the North American Compan}^, for
the purpose of making permanent settlements on the
mainland, and in building ships for yet a third enterprise
of which he was the leading man — the Predtecha
Company, then holding temporary possession of the
Pribylof Islands, but left without means of carrying
away their seal-skins by the loss of their only vessel.
The estimated complement for the North American
Company was a hundred and twenty men, of whom
seventy were despatched in July 1794, and about
thirty in 1795. Its main object was to aid in sup-
planting foreigners in the trade with the natives, to
extend this traffic from Unalaska to the Arctic Ocean,
and to enter into commercial intercourse with the
people living on the American coast, opposite Cape
Tehcukotsk. Moreover, Shelikof cherished in secret
the hope of making some new discovery on the Amer-
ican continent, leading to the long-sought-for jDassage
into Baffin's Bay.
As soon as Shelikof had despatched his vessels from
Okhotsk, he returned in 1794 to Irkutsk for the pur-
pose of organizing there a central office for the man-
agement of his many enterprises, thus preparing for the
SHELIKOF'S PROJECTS, 355
future consolidation of all the Russian companies in
America. This was the inception of the great Russian
American Company, which was to be fully organized
only after its originator's death. Meanwhile Baranof
could do, and knew that he was expected to do, but
little toward carrying out his superior's brilliant
schemes of colonization. On all the principal islands
of the Aleutian group, and at some points on the main-
land, the best locations for agriculture and cattle-rais-
ing had been selected and fortified several years before ;
additional hunting grounds and a few harbors had also
been chosen, and sites marked out at the mouths of
rivers for trading posts with the natives. But the
time w^as not yet ripe for establishing new settlements,
and meanwhile in accordance with private instructions
Shelikof kept the exiles busily employed, some of them
at Kadiak, and the mechanics probably at Voskres-
senski, where, it will be remembered, the Delphin and
Olga were launched in 1795.^
The Trekli Sviatitelei had arrived a few weeks before
these vessels were completed, after a two years' voy-
age from Kamchatka, with her cargo of stores and
provisions in good order and intact — a rare occurrence
in the early history of the Russian colonies. Several
days were now devoted to feasting and rejoicing, in
which traders, priests, and servants alike participated.
The colonists were, however, no longer in fear of want,
for experiments made in the planting of several kinds
of vegetables and occasionally of cereals had been
fairly successful, and, though they possessed few im-
plements, they had seed in abundance for either pur-
pose.^ Thus, with a never failing supply of fish, an
abundance of food was, as they thought, assured.
® Four of the exiled families selected for the company were detained by
Shelikof at Okhotsk, to serve as a nucleus for a proposed settlement on one
of the Kurile Islands.
' Father Simeon and one of the lay brothers of the mission, named Philip,
made some experiments in sowing turnips and potatoes which succeeded well.
The archimandrite mentions a man named Saposhuikof, who planted a pound
of barley in a sheltered nook and harvested 60 pounds. Tikhmenef, Istor.
Obos., ii. app. part ii. 102. With this exception, nothing appears to have
356 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
In December of this year Baranof set forth on a
journey round Kadiak, his purpose being to make
arrangements for the hunting season, and to ascertain
the population of the island, which was found to con-
sist of 6,206 persons, the sexes being about equally
divided.^ About seven hundred bidarkas, each hold-
ing two men, could be assembled at the different sta-
tions.
Though the archimandrite had previously described
Baranof as a man who " continually sat in his house
hatching mischief," and, in a letter to Shelikof, had
declared that he could see no sign that any of his
schemes of colonization were likely to be carried out,
the chief manager certainly took some steps toward
establishing the much-talked-of settlement near Cape
St Elias. Intrusting the management of affairs at
Kadiak to his assistant Kuskof,^ he sailed for Yakutat
in the transport Olga^^ and arrived at the village near
Cape St Elias on the 15th of July, 1796, finding there
the Trekh Sviatitelei, which had reached the new settle-
ment on the 25th of June. The few men left at the
place the previous autumn were found in good health,
but complained of having been frequently in want of
food during the winter. Baranof himself remained
here two months, superintending the erection of build-
ings; and after taking hostages from the natives and
leaving a garrison of fifty men, returned to Kadiak.
Meanwhile the Ekaterina, with a portion of the
exiles on board, and the transport Orel, under com-
mand of Shields, had sailed for Cape St Elias, the latter
convoying four hundred and fifty bidarkas bound for
been done with the imported seed of rye and oats, as the only implements for
breaking up the ground were forked sticks.
•* There were 3,221 males and 2,985 females.
^Ivan Alexandrovich Kuskof, a merchant of Totma, came to America
^vith Baranof, in the capacity of clerk. He was soon appointed assistant, and
as we shall see intrusted with important commands. He left the service of
the company in 1821, returned to Russia by way of Okhotsk in 1822, and
died at Totna in 1823. Khlehnilcof, Shizn. Baranova, passim.
^"It was intended that Pribylof, the discoverer of the fur-seal islands,
should take command, but his decease occurred before the departure of the
expedition.
COLONIAL DISASTERS. 357
Ltua Bay," where in a few days 1,800 sea otter skins
were secured.
Thus, at length, the settlement on Yakutat Bay
was fairly started with every prospect of success; but
this, the first convict colony estabhshed in the far
north, Hke the one sent forth two years later to people
the desert wastes of Australia, was doomed to suffer
many disasters. During the very first winter news
reached Kadiak that the village was in danger of
being abandoned for want of provisions.^^ The Trekh
Sviatitelei, which left the settlement on her return
voyage a few days before Baranof's departure, was
driven by heavy gales into Kamuishatzk Bay. There
a large force of men was sent early in the following
spring to repair the vessel, but she was found to
be so badly damaged that her hull was set on fire, and
only her iron-work was saved. At Voskressenski Bay
Baranof was met by a messenger from Yakutat, who
reported that twenty laborers and several women had
perished of scurvy at the settlement during the past
winter.
While hastening to the relief of the distressed set-
tlers, the chief manager found time to visit Fort
Konstantine on Nuchek Island, where the Lebedef-
Lastochkin Company had hitherto maintained their
principal depot. For several years no supplies had
been forwarded to this place, and in consequence great
dissatisfaction existed among the employees of the
firm. Baranof found no great difficulty in inducing a
majority of the Lebedef men to enter the service of the
Shelikof Company, and the remainder were promised
a passage to Okhotsk. At the same time the Chu-
gatsches formally submitted to Baranof and furnished
" Two other bidarka fleets mustermg 257 boats assembled during the
same year at the village of Karluk, and after obtaining supplies of dried fish
were despatched in the same direction. Each bidarka carried from 100 to
125 fish, but this food was used only in case of actual necessity. As a rule,
fresh fish were caught and birds killed at every halting place. Khlebnikof,
Shizn. Baranova, 34-5.
1- The news was brought by one Radionof, who arrived at Kadiak from Cape
St Elias in a bidar.
358 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
an additional quota of a hundred bidarkas to reenforce
his hunting parties, thus reheving him of all apprehen-
sions of a native uprising west of Yakutat, and enabling
him to turn his undivided attention to the wants of
the new colony.
After relieving the existing distress and establish-
ing order among the settlers, Baranof returned to Ka-
diak, arriving there on the first of October. Shields,
who commanded the Orel, had in the mean time pro-
ceeded south-west from Ltua Bay with his fleet of
four hundred and fifty bidarkas, and succeeded in
reaching Norfolk Sound, where he soon collected two
thousand sea-otter skins.
We shall have occasion to refer later to the prog-
ress of the convict colony at Yakutat. Shelikof
and his colleagues, when petitioning the empress that
a band of exiles should be sent to Alaska to aid in
developing the resources of Russian America, and a
party of clergymen to convert and educate the natives,
assured the government "that their wishes tended only
to add new possessions to Russia and new parishes to
the church." "But," says Golovnin, who was in-
structed by the government to investigate the affairs
of the colony, "the clergy and the poor mechanics
had hardly arrived at Kadiak, when the former were
set to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow,
and the latter were distributed over different locali-
ties, wherever furs could be got to swell the profits
of the Shelikof Company. Between 1794 and 1818
the missions received from the company neither bibles
nor new testaments, nor any other religious books,
not even spelling-books to teach the children, while
wax candles, wine, etc., necessary for the performance
of sacred ceremonies, could not be obtained from them.
But of the thirty-five families of mechanics only three
men and one woman remained in 1818.^^ The re-
" About the year 1870 Ivan Petrof states that there are at Niniltchik,
on Cook Inlet, six families, including some forty souls, claiming to be de-
scendants of these exiles.
DECEIVED SETTLERS. 359
mainder were killed or died from want and hardship,
while hunting for the company. For all this I am
in possession of written proofs. And thus Shelikof
showed to the world that between traders on a large
or small scale there is no difference. As the shopman
in the market makes the sign of the cross and calls
God to witness in order to sell his goods a few copeks
dearer, so Shelikof used the name of Christ and this
sacred faith to deceive the government and entice
thirty-five unfortunate families to the savage shores
of America, where they fell victims to his avarice and
that of his successors.""
All this is sufficiently bitter, and if any further
proof be wanted that Golovnin was somewhat biased,
his mention of Baranof, whom he describes as "a
man who became famous on account of his long resi-
dence among the savages, and still more so because
he, while enlightening them, grew wild himself and
sunk to a degree below the savage," is further evi-
denced^ It is but due to the memory of Shelikof,
whose decease occurred in July 1795, to quote a few
lines from the letter of his widow, addressed on
November 2 2d of that year to the governor of
Tauris: ''The administration of the colony has made
arrangements that these settlers shall not be ham-
pered in their work of constructing the new village
by anxiety with regard to producing the necessary
provisions during the first year, and has provided
ample supplies of food to last them until they can
provide for themselves, as well as tools, etc., all of
which have been purchased at Okhotsk by my late
husband at his own expense. At the same time an
agent was appointed to attend to the issue of these
supplies, according to the wants of the people. But
finally they got up a conspiracy, and threatened to
take the agent's life unless he gave them guns and
ammunition to protect themselves against the sav-
^*' Materialui Istor. Buss., i. 54.
15 Id., 53.
360 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
ages when they would reach the mainland, and that
they would take possession of the ship and sail for
the Kurile Islands, selecting one of their men as
navigator. They had three great guns with ammuni-
tion, all ready for use, but the chief agent of the com-
pany discovered their conspiracy, and three of the
ringleaders were, in accordance with the instructions
of the commanding officer at Okhotsk, punished by
flogging, and separated among the hunters at various
stations." ^^
Knowing how he had compromised himself in his
dealings with the turbulent traders on Cook Inlet by
assuming official authority which did not belong to
him, Baranof had to exert all his ingenuity, and prob-
ably resorted to threats and violence, in order to keep
the knowledge of his proceedings from the priests, who
were only too ready to meddle with the concerns of the
Shelikof Company.^^ Though outwardly professing
the veneration of an orthodox member of the Russian
church for its ordained representatives, Baranof con-
sidered them as enemies and acted accordingly. He
knew that in the pursuit of his business the full con-
trol of the natives was essential to his success, and he
believed that every one of the missionaries would
strive to obtain such control for himself in the name
of the holy synod. In order to lessen the number of
his enemies, he urged upon loassaf the necessity of
sending out missionaries to the savage tribes of the
mainland, from whom the light of Christianity was still
entirely hidden. The chief of the mission expressed
his full understanding of this necessit}', but winter
>6 Tikhmencf, Jstor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 109.
'^ The following is a list of members of this first mission: Archimandrite
lodssaf, (IrowTied on the Feniks in 1799; leromonakh Juvenal, killed by the
savages in northern America, as will be afterward related; leromonakh Makar,
returned voluntarily to Okhotsk; Aflfanassic, returned to Irkutsk in 1825;
lerodiakon Stefan, drowned in the suite of the bishop; Xektar, sent to Irkutsk
by Father Gideon in 1807; Monk German, still among the living in IS.So;
Monk loassaf, who died at Kadiak in 1823; and ten church servitors not be-
longing to tlie priesthood.
COMPLAINTS OF THE PRIESTS. 361
Vv' as then approaching fast and the journey to the con-
tinent was becoming dangerous. Thus Baranof was
obhofed to face his adversaries durino- the whole of a
long arctic winter, and to counteract their intrigues
as best he might.
The attitude assumed by the first apostles of Chris-
tianity in Alaska from the very beginning of their res-
idence in America was decidedly hostile to all who
managed and carried on business enterprises in the
colonies. Previous to reaching their destination the
members of this mission were detained for a whole
winter in the wretched sea-port towns of eastern
Siberia and Kamchatka, where they met with numbers
of the former servants of the various trading com-
panies, who were full of discontent and resentment,
and painted to them in the blackest colors the condi-
tion of the country and the people inhabiting it. The
result was that the priests finally sailed for the Amer-
ican coast imbued with a prejudice against everything
and everybody belonging to the colonies. Being thus
prepared to see nothing but evil, priestly ingenuity
and craft succeeded in finding much more than had
been discovered by their ignorant informers. In the
correspondence transmitted by members of the mission
to Shelikof, and to dignitaries of the synod, during
this first period of their missionary work, they make
the worst of everything.
The archimandrite was especially bitter in his de-
nunciations of the chief manager, but there is little
doubt that many of his accusations were unfounded.^^
'^ Though the tone of his letters and reports is decidedly hostile to Baranof,
the latter seems to have succeeded in concealing from the inquisitive clergy
his wrongful assumption of authority in Cook Inlet, which would have exposed
him to the most severe punishment by the authorities. I make the following
extract from the letter of the archimandrite to Shelikof, written in May 1795:
'We have no proper church as yet, and though I personally urged' Alex-
ander Andreievitch [Baranof] to build a small church at this place as soon
as possible, and offered a plan for a chapel only four fathoms long by a
fathom and a half in width, the timber for it still remains uncut. Smce
my arrival at this harbor I have seen nothing but what seems to be in
direct opposition to your kind intentions. The only thing which gives
me satisfaction is the fact that the natives flock in from everywhere to
become christianized, but the Russians not only make no effort to help
362 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
It must be admitted, however, that the ecclesiastics
suffered many privations through the neglect of Bar-
anof and the traders, who regarded them simply as
intermeddlers, of whom they must rid themselves as
speedily as possible. During their first winter the
missionaries were without sufficient food and shelter; ^^
no encouragement was afforded them in their work,
and it was not until July 1796 that the first church
was built in Kadiak, at Three Saints, though before
that time it was claimed that twelve thousand natives
had been baptized.
While making his report to Shelikof, the archiman-
in the work of enlightenment, but use every means to discourage them,
and the cause of this is the vicious lives they have been leading from the first
with American [native] women. I have barely succeeded in persuading a few
hunters to get married, but the others will not even listen to such a proposal.
Thus far I have not been enabled to discover whether it is Mr Baranof or his
assistants who are endeavoring to cause ill-feeling against us and you. All
I can say is that the hunters ai'e incensed against you. All do their best to
evade compliance with the written clauses of their contracts with you. Ships
and other property of the company are neglected, and many say that the
company's interests are opposed to those of the settlers, and try to persuade
others to think the same.' Tikhmenef, Ixtor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 101-2.
^^ 'About the domestic arrangements,' continues loassaf, 'nothing good
can be said. Since our arrival there has been a famine during the whole win-
ter. Yukola [dried salmon] three years old is all that is offered us, and
though we do not like dried fish, we ai'e compelled to eat it. The laborers
do nothing toward jjroviding food. The nets were left on the ground near
the beach all winter, being thoroughly spoiled. The dogs have eaten up two
of the calves which we brought with us, and of the two sheep which remained
to us on our arrival, one was devoured by dogs. The goats all perished. In
accordance with your instructions, I was to accustom my clergymen to the
food of the country, and to employ them at various kinds of labor, but this
would have been done without your instructions. We are not troubled with
an abundance of provisions, keeping our table upon the beach, picking up mus-
sels, clams, and crabs. In addition to this, we have a little bread, and that will
soon be exhausted. Baranof and his favorites do not suffer; for him they shoot
birds, sea-lions, and seals. From the Alaskan peninsula they bring him reindeer
meat. Milk he has always, even in the winter, two cows being reserved for his
use alone. They used to give us milk enough for our tea, but at the present
time, when ten cows have calved, we get only one tea-cupful a day, exclusive
of fast-days. Our light is miserable, as we get nothing but wlialc-oil for that
purpose. Then the winter was very cold, the roofs leaky, and the windows
very bad ; thus we passed the whole winter. I have never felt comfortable .
since my arrival here. I bore with our miserable accommodations as long as
I could, and sent the brothers to the barracks where the working people live;
but it would not do for me to go there in the position of dignity I hold here ;
and the barracks were full and even crowded. They had frequent assemblies
and games there, and often whole nights were passed in singing and dancing.
They kept it up every Sunday and holiday, and sometimes even on work-
days. On Ash Wednesday they came to me and asked me to postpone the
confession until evening, when they would have finished their games.' Id.,
102-4. o J s .
lOASSAF AGAINST BARANOF. 363
drite states that he could fill a book with the evil
doings and atrocities that came under his observation,
but that out of consideration for him he would not
lodge a formal complaint with the supreme church
authorities. He felt that even if Baranof knew that
he was writing the truth to the head of the company,
he would be prevented from making any further
progress in his work, and perhaps even endanger his
life. He expressed his firm belief that no admonition
of the managers by his superiors could do any good,
and that removal alone could remedy the evil. Should
that be considered impracticable, he would suffer in
silence, doing all the good that was possible under
such unfavorable circumstances, and patiently await-
ing the time when providence would carry him and
his much-abused brethren back to Russia, beyond the
control of their 'untiring persecutor.' The reverend
correspondent likewise throws out hints of misman-
agement and peculation in business affairs.^''
On the other hand, the letters of Baranof and his
chief assistants, written during the same period, dis-
play a marked forbearance in sjDeaking of the mis-
sionaries and their doings.-^ The difficulties of Bar-
anof's position during this winter of close companion-
ship with inquisitive, suspicious priests, rebellious
servants, and discontented natives cannot well be
^"loassaf wrote: He (Baranof) has sold his tobacco at 400 roubles per
poud (40 lbs. ) and more, though he had on hand over 20 pouds belonging to
the company. /(/., 105.
^1 This must of course be partly ascribed to policy on their part, but a
perusal of these documents impresses upon the reader the conviction that the
part which the traders were obliged to play in this controversy was more
difficult than that of the priests, and that the former were perfectly honest in
attempting to avoid all complications. The charges advanced by mission-
aries, of being starved and forced to pick up their food on the beach wliile
Baranof and his favorites feasted upon the fat of the land, is not sustained by
such credible witnesses as lieutenants Khvostof and Davidof and other naval
officers then entering the employ of the Russian- American Company, who
all testified to the fact that Baranof and his favored leaders shared all priva-
tions with their subordinates. At the very time when loassaf complained
in his letter of Baranof 's delay in erecting a church or chapel, the latter,
though lacking time, men, and means to employ in church building just then,
donated 1,500 roubles from his own salary for the purpose. Id., i. 59, and ii.
app. 150-1.
364 COLONIZATION ANT) MISSIONS.
exaggerated. No supplies of provisions had arrived
with the mis.sionaries, who, to a certain extent, were
responsible for their own privations, having feasted
and lived in too great abundance during their deten-
tion on the coast of Siberia and on the sea voyage.
In the spring of 1795 the missionaries, with one
exception, proceeded to the mainland, there to labor
with but indifferent success among the native tribes
not previously approached by the pioneers of Mus-
covite civilization.
At Unalaska and the neighboring islands Father
Makar, though meeting with little opposition from the
few promyshleniki remaining there, labored with appar-
ent success. ^^ The natives were now thoroughly sub-
dued, and hundreds of them, had been carried away to
join the hunting parties of Baranof Their territory
no longer afforded sites for profitable stations, and they
were left almost to themselves. An indifference bor-
dering on apathy had succeeded to the former warlike
spirit of the Aleuts, who in earlier days had wreaked
dire vengeance upon their Russian oppressors when-
ever opportunity offered. It is impossible to ascer-
tain whether Makar was really an eloquent preacher
of the gospel, or whether his success was solety due to
circumstances ; but success he certainly had. In a few
years nearly all the inhabitants of the Aleutian Isles
were baptized and duly reported to the holy synod as
voluntary converts and good Christians. The circum-
stance that no attempt was made to translate the con-
fession of faith, or any portion of the scripture or
ritual, into the native language at that early time, sug-
gests serious doubts as to the agency of eloquence
and argument in this wholesale conversion. When
Veniaminof entered upon his missionary career on the
^'^ The father appears to have been a somewhat meddlesome ecclesiastic.
In a copy of an imperial rescript issued a few years later, we read : ' The monk
Makar, who has exceeded the Iwiinds of his duties and meddled with affairs
that did not concern him, is herehy informed that though we pardon him tliia
time for absenting himself wilfully from his appointed post of duty, he must
not repeat the offence, and must allow complaints made by the Aleutian* to
go through their proper channel.' Id., 173.
AN UNLUCKY BISHOP. 365
islands twenty years later, he found the people Chris-
tians by name, but was compelled to begin from the
foundation the work of enlightenment and explanation
of the creed in which they had been baptized by
Makar.
With the death of Shelikof the missionaries lost
their principal support, and no further attempt was
made to extend their operations until the archiman-
drite loassaf was recalled to Irkutsk by order of the
synod, in order to be consecrated as bishop. He
started upon his journey full of ambitious plans, and
with the determination to make use of his new dig-
nity in overcoming all opposition, real or imaginary, on
the part of his persecutors. Visions of building up
an ecclesiastical empire in Russian America may have
gladdened his soul after years of suffering and humil-
iation; but whatever his ambitious dreams may have
been, they must have lost much in scope and vivid-
ness long before he embarked in the Feniks a second
time, not to return in splendor to the scene of former
misery, but to find a watery grave at some unknown
point within a few days' sail of his destination.
Prominent among the missionaries who accompa-
nied the archimandrite was Father Juvenal, who iu
1795 was sent to Yakutat Bay, probably to draw
plans for Baranof, and on his return commenced to
labor at Kadiak as a priest and teacher. "With the
help of God," he writes from Three Saints Har-
bor on June 19, 1796, "a school was opened to-day
at this place, the first since the attempt of the late
Mr Shelikof to instruct the natives of this neighbor-
hood. Eleven boys and several grown men were in
attendance. When I read prayers they seemed very
attentive, and were evidently deeply impressed, though
they did not understand the language." On the fol-
lowing day two more youths were placed under his
charge, and "when school was closed," continues the
father, "I went to the river with my boys, and with
366 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
the help of God we caught one hundred and three sal-
mon of large size, which some of the women assisted
us in cutting up ready for drying." ^^ Other scholars
were quickly enrolled, and though the pupils had an
unpleasant trick of running off without ceremony to
trade furs whenever opportunity offered, all went well
until the 12th of July, when Baranof arrived at the
settlement, with instructions from the bishop of
Irkutsk that Juvenal should proceed to Ilyamna sta-
tion.
On the following sabbath the priest celebrated
divine service for the last time at Three Saints. A
brief description of the ceremony may not be without
interest: " We had a very solemn and impressive
service this morning. Mr Baranof and officers and
sailors from the ship attended, and also a large num-
ber of natives. We had fine singing, and a congrega-
tion with great outward appearance of devotion. I
could not help but marvel at Alexander Alexandre-
ievitch [Baranof], who stood there and listened and
crossed himself, gave the responses at the proper time,
and joined in the singing with the same hoarse voice
with which he was shouting obscene songs the night
before, when I saw him in the midst of a drunken
carousal with a woman seated in his lap. I dispensed
with services in the afternoon, because the traders
were drunk again, and might have disturbed us and
disgusted the natives."
The next day Juvenal repaired to Baranof 's tent to
inquire what disposition was to be made of the pupils
under his charge. The reply was that they were to
be removed to Pavlovsk, w^here Father German had
arrived and opened a school for girls; he would doubt-
less be wilHng to take the boys also.
^^Jour., MS., 1-2. Of the visit of some strangers who came from Tugi-
dak Island to trade, he relates the following: ' They asked me if I could cure
a man when he was very sick, and I answered that with the help of God I
might. At this they shrugged their shoulders, and one man said: " We have
a shaman at home who once brought a dead man back to life; and he did it
all alone."' Id., 9.
JUVENAL'S TROUBLES. 367
After blessing his flock and taking leave of them
one by one, the priest embarked for Pavlovsk on the
16th of July on board the brigantine Catherine, where,
he tells us, the cabin being taken up by Baranof and
his party, he was shown a small space in the hold
between some bales of goods and a pile of dried fish.
In this dark and noisome berth, by the light of a
wretched lantern, he wrote a portion of his journal,
often disturbed by the ribald songs which the chief
manager's attendants sang for his amusement. On
the second day of the voyage a strong head wind set
in, accompanied with a heavy chopping sea. Baranof,
being out of humor, sent for the father and asked him
whether he had blessed the ship. On being told that
he had done so, he was ordered w^ith many curses to
light a taper before an image of Nikolai Ugodnik,
which hung in the cabin. Juvenal complied without
a word, and then retired to his berth, which, foul as it
was, he preferred to the company of the chief man-
ager. The gale continued over night, and at daybreak
the vessel was out of sight of land, whereupon in pres-
ence of the sailors and passengers Baranof spoke of
the priest as a second Jonah, and observed that there
were plenty of whales about. All this time the lat-
ter was unable to partake of food, and, as he says,
was buried under a heap of dried fish whenever the
vessel rolled heavily.
At JPavlovsk, Juvenal noticed the great activity in
building, which w^as not even interrupted on the sab-
bath. On the fourth day after his arrival he took
his leave of Baranof, who promised him a passage in
his fleet of bidarkas as far as St George on the gulf
of Kenai, but told him that afterward he must depend
on the Lebedef Company, whose traders, he added
with a malicious grin, "were little better than robbers
and murderers."-*
2* During his stay at Pavlovsk Juvenal was lodged in a half-finished hut
intended for a salt-house, where swarms of mosquitoes deprived him of I'est.
Before his departure he had an interview with Father German, who, he says,
was on the best tei-ms with Baranof. When asked whether he had any ma-
368 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
After a tedious passage from island to island, some-
times meeting with long delays, the priest reached
the Kaknu or Kenai River, where was the nearest
station of the Lebedef Company, on the 11th of
August. Here, notwithstanding Baranof's warning,
he 'met with the first signs of religious observance
by promyshleniki during his travels in the colonies.^^
During his stay of about a fortnight he married sev-
eral couples, baptized a number of infants and adults,
and at intervals held divine service, which was well
attended. 'â– ^^
Soon, however, the religious ardor cooled, and so
little interest did the natives take in the missionary
that, when ready to depart, he found it difficult to ob-
tain men and bidarkas to take him across the inlet to
his destination. At last one morning after service he
appealed to the natives for men to assist him across
the water, telling them that he must go to the Ily-
amna country to preach the new word to the people,,
who had never yet heard it. Thereupon an old man
arose and remarked that he ought not to go; that the
Kenaitze people had been the friends of the Russians
for long years, and had a better right to have a priest
among them than the Ilyamnas, who were very bad.
The missionary, in his journal, confessed that he was
puzzled for a fitting reply to this argument. On the
25th, however, he set out from the station, accom-
panied by two men from Chekituk village.
A delay was again occasioned by his guides indulg-
ing in a seal-hunt on Kalgin Island, situated midway
tron in charge of his school for girls, German laughed and said there was no
need of one. 'I intended,' writes Juvenal, 'to recommend my boys at Three
Saints Harbor to the special attention of Father German, but his repulsive
manner caused me to change my intention, and now I pray that the poor little
fellows may never be intrusted to his care. ' Id. , 24-5.
'^'^ Juvenal writes: 'Stepan Laduiguin is the trader for the Lebedef-Las-
tochkia Company, and he has with him four other Russians and nearly a hun-
dred Kenaitze, who are all Christians. Ignatiy Terentief, one of the Russians,
reads prayers on the sabbath, but no priest has visited the place since the
archimandrite's arbitration.' Id., 40.
'-'® During this time several shocks of earthc(uake occuiTcd, and a stabbing
afifray between two natives, which was punished by flogging both ofFendera
Severely.
MISSIONARY WORK. 369
in the inlet, and the western shore was not reached
till the 29th. On the 30th he writes: ''This morning
two natives came out of the forest and shouted to my
companions. Two of the latter went out to meet
them. There was a great deal of talking before the
strangers concluded to come to our tents. When they
came at last, and I was pointed out to them as the
man who was to live among them, they wished to see
my goods. I encountered some difficulty in making
them understand that I am not here to trade and bar-
ter, and have nothing for sale. Finally, when they
were told that I had come among them to make better
men of them, one of them, named Katlewah, the
brother of a chief, said he was glad of that, as they
had many bad men among the Ilyamna people, espe-
cially his brother. The two savages have agreed to
carry my chattels for me to their village, but, to sat-
isfy Katlewah, I was compelled to open every bundle
and show him the contents. I did not like the greedy
glitter in his eye when he saw and felt of my vest-'
ments."
On the 3d of September the party reached Il-
yamna village, after a fatiguing journey over the
mountains and a canoe voyage on the lake. Shakmut^
the chief, received the missionary with friendly words,
interpreted by a boy named Nikita, who had been a
hostage with the Russians. He invited him to his
own house, and on the priest's expressing a wish for
a separate residence, promised to have one built for
him, and allowed him to retain Nikita in his service.
Finding that the latter, though living with the Rus-
sians for years, had not been baptized, Juvenal per-
formed that ceremony at the first op]3ortunity, before
the astonished natives, who regarded it as sorcery,
and one asked whether Nikita would live many days. ^^
^^ Under date of September 5th, Juvenal writes: ' It will be a relief to get
away from the crowded house of the chief, where persons of all ages and sexes
mingle without any regard to decency or morals. To my utter astonishment
Shakmut asked me last night to share the couch of one of his wives. He
has three or four. I suppose such abomination is the custom of the coun-
HisT. Alaska. 24
370 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
Juvenal's success was not remarkable, to judge
from his diary. One young woman asked to be bap-
tized like the boy Nikita, expressing the hope that
then she could also live in the new house with the
missionary. An old woman brought two boys, stat-
ing that they were orphans who had nobody to care
for them, and that she would like to see them baptized,
"to change their luck." The chief Shakmut also
j^romised to consider the question of embracing Chris-
tianity, and for some reason he did so promise in the
presence of the whole tribe, and amidst great feasting
and rejoicing. Two servants and one of his wives
were included in the ceremony, the priest not daring
to refuse them on the ground that they had received
no instructions, for fear of losino^ the advantaoje which
the chief's example might give him in his future
work.^^
The conversion of the chief had not, however, the
desired effect; it only led to dissensions among the
"people, and when the priest began to tell the converts
try, and he intended no insult. God gave me grace to overcome my indigna-
tion, and decline the offer in a friendly and dignified manner. My tirst duty,
when I have somewhat mastered the language, shall be to preach against such
wicked practices, but I could not touch upon such subjects through a boy in-
terpreter. ' Id. , 55-6.
^ Ju-i-enal evidently had no faith in his convert, as evinced in the follow-
ing extracts from his journal, p. 64-7: ' Shakmut comes regularly for instruc-
tion, but I have my doubts of his sincerity. In order to give more solemnity
to the occasion, he has concluded to have two of his servants or slaves baptized
also. They only come at his command, of course, but I must bear with a
great deal until this conversion has become an accomplished fact. Katlewah,
the chief 's brother, called upon me to-day, and repeated -that he was glad
that Shakmut was to be baptized, for he was very bad, and if I made him a
good man, he and all the Ilyamna people would rejoice and be baptized also.
I do not like this way of testing the efficacy of Christianity; only a miracle
of God could effect such a sudden change in Shakmut's heart.' It was mak-
ing altogether too practical and literal a matter of conversion to suit the good
Juvenal. On September 21st he MTites: 'The great step which is to lay the
foundation of future success iu my labors has been taken. The chief of the
Ilyamnas has been baptized, with two of his slaves and one of his wives. The
latter came forward at the last moment, but I dared not refuse her for fear of
stopping the whole ceremony. Shakmut was gorgeously arrayed in deer-
skin robes nearly covered with costly beads. Katlewah asked me if his
brother would be allowed to wear such clothes as a Russian, and when I re-
plied in the affirmative the fellow seemed disappointed. I do not like either
of the brothei-s; it is difficult to say whether the new Christian or the pagan
is the worse. I gave the name of Alexander to the chief, telling him that it
was the name of his majesty, the emperor, at which he seemed to feel flattered '
YIELDING TO TEMPTATION. 371
that they must put away their secondary wives, the
chief and others began to plot his downfall. It had
been a marvel to the savages that a man should put
a bridle upon his passions and live in celibacy, but
their wonder was mingled with feelings of respect.
To overcome the influence which the missionary was
gaining over some of his people, Shakmut, or Alex-
ander as he was now christened, plotted to throw
temptation in his way, and alas for Juvenal! whose
priestly wrath had been so lately roused by the im-
morality of Baranof and his godless crew of proni}^-
shleniki, it must be related that he fell. In the dead
of night, according to his own confession, an Ilyamna
damsel captured him by storm. ^'^
On the day after this incident, the outraged ecclesi-
astic received a visit from Katlewah, who expressed
a wish to be baptized on the following sabbath. "I
can tell by his manner," writes the priest on Septem-
ber 26th, "that he knows of my disgrace, though he
did not say anything. When I walked to the forest
to-day to cut some wood, I heard two girls laughing
at me, behind my back; and in the morning, when I
was making a wooden bolt for the door of my sleep-
ing-room, a woman looked in and laughed right into
my face. She may be the one who caused my fall,
for it was dark and I never saw her countenance.
Alexander visited me, also, and insisted upon having
'â– '' I quote from the journal, p. 69-70, the father's own account of the
matter: 'September 25th. With a trembling hand I write the sad occur-
rences of the past day and night. Much rather I would leave the disgraceful
story untold, but I must overcome my own shame and mortification, and
write it down as a warning to other missionaries who may come after me. Last
night I retired at my usual hour, after prayer with the boys who sleep in
another room. In the middle of the night I awoke to find myself in the
arms of a woman whose fiery embraces excited me to such an extent that
I fell a victim to lust, and a grievous sin was committed before I could extri-
cate myself. As soon as I regained my senses I drove the woman out, but I
felt too guilty to be very harsh with her. What a terrible blow this is to all
my recent hopes ! How can I bold jip my head among the people, who, of
course, will hear of this affair ? I am not sure, even, that the boys in the
adjoining room were not awakened by the noise. God is my witness that I
have set down the truth here in the face of anything that may be said about
it hereafter. I have kept myself secluded to-day from everybody. I have
not yet the strength to face the world.'
372 COLONIZATION AND MISSIONS.
his wives baptized next Sunday. I had no spirit left
to contest the matter with him, and consented; but I
shall not shrink from my duty to make him relinquish
all but one wife when the proper time arrives. If I
wink at polygamy now, I shall be forever unable to
combat it. Perhaps it is only imagination, but I
think I can discover a lack of respect in Nikita's be-
havior toward me since yesterday." Continuing his
journal on the 27th, he adds: "My disgrace has be-
come public already, and I am laughed at wherever I
go, especially by the women. Of course they do not
understand the sin^ but rather look upon it as a good
joke. It will require great firmness on my part to
regain what respect I have lost for myself as well as
on behalf of the church. I have vowed to burn no
fuel in my bedroom during the whole winter, in order
to chastise my body — a mild punishment, indeed,
compared to the blackness of my sin."
The next day was Sunday. ''With a heavy
heart," says Juvenal, '' but with a firm purpose, I bap-
tized Katie wall and his family, the three wives of
the chief, seven children, and one aged couple. Un-
der any other circumstances such a rich harvest would
have filled me with joy, but I am filled with gloom."
In the evening he called on Alexander and found him
and his wives carousing together. Notwithstanding
his recent downfall, the priest's wrath was kindled, and
through Nikita he informed the chief that he must
marry one of his wives according to the rites of the
church, and put away the rest, or be forever damned.
Alexander now became angry in his turn and bade him
leave the house. On his way home he met Katlewah,^''
who rated him soundly, declaring that he had lied to
them all, for ''his brother was as bad as ever, and no
good had come of any of his baptisms."
The career of Father Juvenal was now ended, and
the little that remains to be feaid is best told in his own
'" Baptized under the name of Gregor.
MURDER OF FATHER JUVENAL. 373
words : '' September 29th. The chief and his brother
have both been here this morning and abused me
shamefully. Their language I could not understand,
but they spat in my face, and what was worse, upon
the sacred images on the walls. Katlewah seized my
vestments and carried them off, and I was left bleed-
ing from a blow struck with an ivory club ^^ by the
•chief. Nikita has bandaged and washed my wounds ;
but from his anxious manner I can see that I am still
in danger. The other boys have run away. ^My
wound pains me so that I can scarcely — " Here the
manuscript journal breaks off, and probably the mo-
ment after the last line was penned his assassins en-
tered and completed their work by stabbing him to
the heart. ^^ This at least was his fate, as represented
'^ Such as are used to kill salmon and seals.
^^ Khlebnikof, the biographer of Bai'anof, simply states that Juvenal went
among the Aglegmutes alone, and that it is not definitely known when or
where he was killed by the savages. Veniaminof says: 'The cause of his
death w-as not so much that he prohibited polygamy, as the fact that the
chiefs and prominent natives, having given him their children to be ediicated
at Kadiak, repented of their action, and failing to recover them, turned
against him and finally slew him as a deceiver. They declare that, during
the attack of the savages, Juvenal never thought of flight or self-defence, but
surrendered himself into their hands without resistance, asking only for mercy
for his companions. The natives relate that the missionary, after being killed,
rose up and followed his murderers, asking, Why do you do this? Thereupon
the savages, thinking he was still alive, fell upon and beat him; but he again
arose and approached them. This happened several times. Finally they cut
him in pieces, in order to get rid of him, and then the preacher of the word
of God, who may be called a martyr, was silent. But the same natives tell
us that, from the place where his remains lay, a column of smoke arose, reach-
ing to heaven. How long this apparition lasted is not known.' Zapiski,
Oonalashk, 155-6. Other Russian wiiters, as Berg and Davidof, afHrm that
he was killed near Lake Ilyamna, because he i^reached too vigorously against
polygamy. Dall, Alaska, 317, whose work, so far as the historical part of it
is concerned, is but a brief compendium carelessly compiled, says that he was
killed while in the act of preaching to the natives. I have Ijefore me a trans-
lation of Juvenal's own journal, from June 19, 1796, to the time of his death,
as handed by the boy Nikita to Veniaminof, and by him to Innokentius Shas-
nikof, the priest at Unalaska. The tenor of this document, the authenticity
of which I have no reason to doubt, is such as to impress on the reader the
conviction that Juvenal, with all his failings, was a man of higher character
than his companions. He appears, however, to have been of weak intellect,
and his blind trust in providence and the saints sometimes stands out in
ludicrous contrast with his pitiful lack of success and self-command. When
visiting Baranof to inquire as to the disposition of the scholars whom he must
leave behind at Three Saints, he finds him seated in front of his tent while his
ser^'ant was preparing tea. ' He did not ask me to be seated or to partake of
tea,' writes the priest, 'though it was nearly a year since I had tasted any.
He only asked me gruffly what I wanted so early in the morning. ' After
374 COLOXIZATIOX AND MISSIONS.
by the boy Nikita, who escaped with the diary and
other papers to a Russian settlement, and dehvered
them into the hands of Father Veniaminof on his first
visit to th^ Nushegak villages.
stating that the boys were to be intrusted to the charge of Father German.who
had opened a girls' school at Pavlovsk, Baranof indulged in some obscene
jokes, 'winch put him into such good humor that he finally offered me some
tea. I felt that I ought to refuse under the circumstances, but my longing
for the beverage was too strong. I degraded myself before God and man for
the sake of a drink of tea. Eefreshed, but ashamed of myself, I left the
wicked man to pray in my humble retreat for strength and pride in the sanc-
tity of my calling.' p. 18-20. Nevertheless Juvenal's expressions are far
more elevated in tone, temper, and diction than those of the archimandrite,
a few of whose letters are still extant.
CHAPTER XYII.
THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY.
1796-1799.
Theeatened Exhaustion of the Seal-fisheries — Special Privileges
Given to Siberian Merchants — Shelikof Petitions for a Grant of
THE Entire North-west — He is Supported by Rezanof — Muilni-
kof's Enterprise — The United American Company — Its Act of Con-
solidation Confirmed by Imperial Oukaz — And its Name Changed
to the Russian American Company — Text of the Oukaz— Obliga-
tions of the Company.
It will be remembered that after Bering and Chi-
rikof had discovered the Aleutian Islands and the
adjacent coast in 1741, their wealth in fur-bearing
animals was soon made known to Europe and north-
ern Asia. Trading, or, as they were termed, 'contri-
bution' companies were quickly formed; some of the
first vessels despatched from Okhotsk returned with
cargoes that enriched their owners by a single voyage;
and it was believed that in the far north a never-fail-
ing source of riches had been discovered, greater and
more certain than the mines of Espanola, which yielded
their millions in the time of Bobadilla, or those of
Castilla del Oro, where lay, as the great navigator
believed, the veritable Ophir of the days of Solomon.
Of course many of the fur-hunters found only a grave
where they had gone in quest of wealth; but, like the
Spaniards who followed Cortes and Pedro de Alva-
rado, they set little value on their lives or on those
of others. Moreover, the faint-hearted Aleuts offered
no such resistance as was encountered b}^ the con-
querors of Mexico and Guatemala. The promyshleniki
376 THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN" COMPANY.
could easil}'- take by force what they had not the
money to buy, or what the natives did not care to
sell. They had no fear of punishment. Robbery,
rape, and even murder could be committed with im-
punity, for, to use their own phrase, "God was high
above, and the tzar was far away."
Thus for many years matters were allowed to take
their course; but toward the end of the eighteenth
centur}^ the threatened exhaustion of the known
sources of supply caused much uneasiness among the
Siberian merchants enQ^aofed in the fur trade, and
some of them endeavored to remedy the evil by solic-
iting special privileges from the government for the
exclusive right to certain islands, with the uuder-
standing that a fixed percentage of the gross yield —
usually one tenth — was to be paid into the public
treasury. Such privileges were granted freely enough,
but it was another matter to make the numerous
half-piratical traders, who roamed Bering Sea and
the North Pacific, respect or even pay the least atten-
tion to them.
The encounters which took place between rival com-
panies have already been related, and now only two
remained — the Shelikof-Golikof and the Lebedef-
Lastochkin. The former had established itself in
Kadiak by force of arms, and Shelikof, by greatly
exaggerating the importance of his conquest, and rep-
resenting that he had added fifty thousand subjects
to the Russian empire^ and as many converts to the
Greek church, had so worked upon the authorities at
St Petersburg that his petition for exclusive privileges
for his company was favorably received. These priv-
ileges amounted in fact to a grant of all the Russian
discoveries in north-western America, and of the
islands that lay between them and the coast of Asia,
^ There never were 50,000 natives at Kadiak at any period subsequent to
its conquest. Golovnin estimates the number at the time of Shelikof 's land-
ing at 15,000. See p. .306, note, this vol. While the census taken by Baran-
of's order, in the winter of 1795-6, showed only 6,206 natives. Tikhmenef,
Istor. Obos., i. 61.
REZANOF'S PLANS. 377
including also the Kurile Islands and the coast of
Kamchatka.
Nikolai Rezanof, of whom mention has already
been made, and who later becomes a prominent fig-
ure in the history of the colonies, making Shelikof s
acquaintance at St Petersburg, was somewhat im-
pressed with the scope of his plans. A man of parts
and ambition, of noble birth but scant patrimony, he
solicited the hand of Shelikof 's daughter and was
accepted. But the plans of Shelikof, bold as they
seemed to many, were thrown into the shade by
those of his son-in-law, wdio purposed to obtain for
himself and his partners in America rights similar
to those granted by the English government to the
East India Company. Matters prospered for a time.
Shares in the association were taken by members of
the nobility, and after much astute intrigue had been
brought to bear, Catherine 11. was on the point of
granting a charter, when her decease occurred in
1796.
Meanwhile Shelikof had returned to Irkutsk,
where he died, as will be remembered, in 1795.
After this event, his wife Natalia, who had accom-
panied her husband in all his travels in the wilds of
Siberia and even to Kadiak, and had always success-
fully conducted her husband's business during his ab-
sence, at once undertook the managemenb of affairs,
with Kezanof as chief adviser.
During the year 1797 an Irkutsk merchant named
Muilnikof organized a company, with a capital of
129,000 roubles, for the purpose of engaging in the
fur trade ; but fearing that his capital was inadequate,
and that complications might ensue from the fact that
Shelikof 's widow, who was to share in the enterprise,
was interested in other associations already perma-
nently established, Muilnikof proposed to join himself
with the Shelikof Company. The offer was accepted,
an agreement made which included all the partners,
and on the 3d of August, 1798, an association, includ-
378 THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY.
ing two smaller concerns, and known as the United
American Company, w^as organized at Irkutsk,^ with
a capital of 724,000 roubles, divided into 724 shares
of 1,000 roubles each. All hunters, or 'small traders'
as they were more frequently called, in Russian
America were invited to become partners in the
company, on the same conditions as had been granted
to other members, and were forbidden to hunt or
trade in the territory claimed by the company with-
out their permission.
If we can believe the report of the committee on
the organization of the Russian American colonies,
made by royal permission and extending back to the
time of the earliest discoveries, the need of such an
institution as the United American Company was
greatly felt by the government. "Having received
information from all sides," says this report, "of dis-
orders, outrages, and oppressions of the natives, caused
in the colonies by parties of Russian hunters, as well
as of groundless claims advanced by foreign naviga-
tors to lands discovered by Russians, it had some rea-
son to hope that placing the business of that distant
region in the hands of one strong comjDany would
serve on the one hand to perpetuate Russian suprem-
acy there, and on the other would prevent many dis-
orders and preserve the fur trade, the principal wealth
of the country, affording protection to the natives
against violence and abuse, and tending toward a gen-
eral improvement of their condition."
Nevertheless it was at first feared that the decease
of Catherine II. would be a death-blow to the ambi-
tious schemes of the Shelikof party, for it was known
that her successor, Paul I., was opposed to them. But
Rezanof never for a moment lost heart, and with the
versatility of a true courtier, quickly adapted himself
to the change of circumstances. He had been a
'The association included, besides the Shelikof, Golikof, and Muilnikof
companies, the American and North-eastern and the Northern and Kuriks
companies. Report on Buss. Amer. Colonie.% MS., vi. 13. The full text of
the act of consolidation is given in Golovnin, Materialui, i. 55-63.
IMPERIAL OUKAZ. 379
faithful servant to the pleasure-loving empress, and
he now became a constant companion and attendant
upon the feeble-minded man who wore the crown.
So successful were his efforts, that on the 11th of
August, 1799, the act of consolidation of the United
American Company was confirmed by imperial oukaz,
and the association then received the name of the
Russian American Company. "By the same oukaz," ^
continues the report above quoted, "the company
^ The following is a literal translation of the oukaz granted by Paul I. to the
Russian American Company, taken from Golovnin, in Materialui, i. 77-80:
'By the grace of a merciful God, we, Paul the First, emperor and autocrat
of all the Russias, etc. To the Russian American Company under our highest
protection. The benefits and advantages resulting to our empire from the
hunting and trading carried on by our loyal subjects in the north -eastei'n seas
and along the coasts of America have attracted our royal attention and con-
sideration; therefore, having taken under our immediate protection a company
organised for the above-named purpose of carrying on hunting and trading,
we allow it to assume the appellation of " Russian American Company under
our highest ijrotection;" and for the purpose of aiding the company in its en-
terprises, we allow the commanders of our land and sea forces to employ said
forces in the company's aid if occasion requires it, while for further relief and
assistance of said company, and having examined their rules and regulations,
we hereby declare it to be our highest imperial will to grant to this company
for a period of 20 years the following rights and privileges:
'I. By the right of discovery in past times, by Russian navigators of the
north-eastern part of America, beginning from the 55th degree of north lati-
tude and of the chain of islands extending from Kamchatka to the north to
America, and southward to Japan, aud by right of possession of the same by
Russia, we most graciously permit the company to have the use of all himting-
grounds and establishments now existing on the north-eastern [sic, this blun-
der is made all through the document] coast of America, from the above
mentioned 55th degree to Bering Strait, and on the S9,me also on the Aleu-
tian, Kurile, and other islands situated in the north-eastern ocean.
' II. To make new discoveries not only north of the 55th degree of north
latitude, but farther to the south, and to occupy the new lands discovered,
as Russian possessions, according to prescribed rules, if they have not been
previously occupied by any other nation, qp been dependent on another nation.
'III. To use and proht by everything which has been or shall be dis-
covered in those localities, on the surface and in the bosom of the earth, with-
out any competition by others.
' IV. We most graciously permit this company to establish settlements in
future times, wherever they are wanted, according to their best knowledge
and belief, and fortify them to insure the safety of the inhabitants, and to
send ships to those shores with goods and hunters, without any obstacles on
the part of the government.
* V. To extend their navigation to all adjoining nations and hold business
intercourse witli all surrounding powers, upon obtaining their free consent for
the purpose, aud under our highest protection, to enable them to prosecute
their enterprises with greater force and advantage.
' VI. To employ for navigation, hunting, and all other business, free and
tfnsuspected people, having no illegal views or intentions. In consideration
of the distance of the localities where they will be sent, the provincial author-
ities will grant to all persons sent out as settlers, hunters, and in other ca-
380 THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY.
was granted full privileges, for a period of twenty
years, on the coast of north-western America, be-
ginning from latitude 55° north, and including the
pacities, passports foi' seven years. Serfs and house-servants will only be
employed by the company with the consent of their landholders, and govern-
ment taxes will be paid for all serfs thiis employed.
' VII. Though it is forbidden by our highest order to cut government
timber anywhere without the permission of the college of admiralty, this com-
pany is hereby permitted, on account of the distance of the admiralty from
Okhotsk, when it needs timber for repairs, and occasionally for the construc-
tion of new ships, to iise freely such timber as is required.
' VIII. For shooting animals, for marine signals, and on all unexpected
emergencies on the mainland of America and on the islands, the company is
permitted to buy for cash, at cost price, from the government artillery mag-
azine at Irkutsk yearly 40 or 50 pouds of powder, and from the Nertchinsk
mine 200 pouds of lead.
' IX. If one of the partners of the company becomes indebted to the gov-
ernment or to private persons, and is not in a condition to pay them from any
other property except what he holds in the company, such property cannot
be seized for the satisfaction of such debts, but the debtor shall not be per-
mitted to use anything but the interest or dividends of such property until
the term of the company's privileges expires, when it will be at his or his
creditors' disposal.
'X. The exclusive right most graciously granted to the company for a
period of 20 years, to use and enjoy, in the above-described extent of country
and islands, all prolits and advantages derived from hunting, trade, indus-
tries, and discovery of new lands, prohibiting the enjoyment of these profits
and advantages not only to those who would wish to sail to those countries
on their own account, but to all former hunters and trappers who have been
engaged in this trade, and have their vessels and furs at those places; and
other companies which may have been formed will not be allowed to con-
tinue their business unless they unite with the present company with their
free consent; but such private companies or traders as have their vessels in
those regions can either sell their property, or, with the company's consent,
remain until they have obtained a cargo, but no longer than is required for
the loading and return of their vessel; and after that nobody will have any
privileges but this one company, which will be protected in the enjoyment of
all the advantages mentioned.
' XL Under our highest protection, the Russian American Company will
have full control over all above-mentioned localities, and exercise judicial
powers in minor cases. The company will also be permitted to use all local
facilities for fortifications in the defence of the country under their control
against foreign attacks. Only partners of the company shall be employed in
the administration of the ncM' possessions in charge of the company.
'In conclusion of tliis our most gracious order for the benefit of the Rus-
sian American Company under highest protection, we enjoin all our mili-
tary and civil authoritcs in the above-mentioned localities not only not to
prevent them from enjoying to the fullest extent the privileges granted by
us, but in case of need to protect them with all their power from loss or
injury, and to render them, upon api^lication of the company's authorities, all
ncccssaiy aid, assistance, and protection. To give effect to this our most
gracious order, we subscribe it with our own hand and give orders to confirm
it with our imperial seal. Given at St Petersburg, in the year after the birth
of Ch.-ist 1799, the 27th day of December, in the fourth year of our reign.
' Pa VI,.'
Then follows a copy of the company's rules and regulations, for which the
emperor's approval was solicited before the oukaz was granted. At the
beginning of them is written in the emperor's own handwriting, 'Be it thus.'
ORGANIZATION". 3S1
chain of islands extending from Kamchatka north-
ward to America and southward to Japan ; the exclu-
sive right to all enterprises, whether hunting, trading,
or building, and to new discoveries, with strict prohi-
bition from jDrofiting by any of these pursuits, not
only to all parties who might engage in them on their
own responsibility, but also to those who formerly
had ships and establishments there, except those who
have united with the new company." All who refused
to join the company, and had capital invested in fur
adventures, were allowed to carry on their business
only until their vessels returned to port.^
In addition to the original capital, a further issue of
one thousand shares was authorized; but it was for-
bidden that foreigners should be allowed to invest in
the enterprise. Subscriptions flowed in rapidly, and
the entire amount was quickly absorbed, most of it
probably in St Petersburg; for by oukaz of October
19, 1800, it was ordered that the headquarters of the
company, which had formerly been at Irkutsk, should
be transferred to that city. Two years later, the em-
peror, empress, and Grand Duke Constantine each sub-
scribed for twenty shares, giving directions that the
* All the private trading and hunting parties in existence at the end of the
eighteenth century were merged into the Russian American Company, and
so far as is known, with little difficulty. Politoffsky differs materially in hia
description of the privileges granted by Paul I. to the Rirssian American
Company. First of all, he says they were conferred on the 8th of July, 1799,
while Dall, who follows Tikhmenef closely, though with frequent blunders,
gives June 8, 1 799, as the date. According to the former authority, ' the
company was empowered to make discoveries not only above latitude 55"
north, but also south of that parallel, and to incorporate the lands thus dis-
covered with the Russian possessions, provided that no other power had pre-
viously seized them or established a claim to them. It was empowered to
establish settlements wherever it was most convenient for its business, or
most advantageous to the country at large, and also to erect fortifications for
the protection of the inhabitants, and to make voyages to all neighboring
lands and nations, and maintain commercial intercourse with all surrounding
powers, with their free consent and imder permission of the emperor. All
the locations selected as sites for settlements by the general administration
for business x^urposes were to be respected as such. In conclusion, all mili-
tary or civil authorities stationed at those places were enjoined, not only to
throw no obstacle in the way of enjoyment of all the rights and privileges
granted, but also to endeavor, as far as was in their power, to protect the
company against loss or injury, and to offer in this intercourse with the com-
pany's officers every assistance, protection, and means of defence. ' Istor. Obos.,
Boss. Amerih Kom., 4-8.
382 THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY.
dividends be devoted to charity. The company was
allowed to engage all classes of free labor, and to em-
ploy serfs with the consent of their masters ;° but
nothing was mentioned in the text of the oukaz of
1799 as to the obligations of the company in relation
to the native inhabitants. The only regulations on
this subject are contained in the first paragraph of the
act of consolidation, in which "the company binds
itself," to quote the words of the report once more,
"to maintain a mission of the Grseco-Catholic church
in America, members of which were to accompany all
trading and hunting expeditions, and voyages of dis-
covery which were likely to bring them in contact
with known or unknown tribes, and to use every en-
deavor to christianize them and encourage their alle-
giance to Russia. They were to use efforts to promote
ship-building and domestic industries on the part of
Russian settlers who might take possession of unin-
habited lands, as well as to encourage the introduc-
tion of agriculture and cattle-breeding^ on the American
islands and continent. They were also to keep con-
stantl}^ in view the maintenance of friendly relations
with the Americans and islanders, employing them at
their establishments and engaging in trade with them."
Thus was the famous Russian American Company
established on a firm basis, and little did Shelikof
dream, when representing an obscure company of Si-
berian merchants he founded on the island of Kadiak
the village of Three Saints, that he was laying the basis
of a monopoly which was destined, as we shall see later,
to hold sway over a territory almost as vast as was
then the European domain of the tzar.® As yet, how-
^ After Shelikof's decease, his widow, being possessed of a small estate in
Russia, petitioned Count Zubof, one of the emperor's ministers, for permission
to transfer the serfs upon her estate to Alaska, to form there the nucleus of
an agricultural settlement. At the same time she entered into correspond-
ence with the metropolitans of Moscow and Novgorod, and other church dig-
nitaries, on the subject of missionary enterprise in the new colonies, and thus
secured their assistance in furthering the plans of the company. Count Zu-
bof not only granted the request, but offered to send an additional force of a
hundred serfs from crown lands in Siberia for the same purpose.
' In 1821, when the charter of the company was renewed, as will be men-
SUBJECTION OF THE NATIVES. 383
ever, the boundaries of this territory were not clearly
defined, and its inhabitants were for the most part un-
subdued. The Aleuts were indeed held in subjection,
but none of the warlike tribes that peopled the penin-
sula and the adjoining continent had yet been con-
quered. The Russian colonies at Yakutat and else-
where on the mainland were constantly threatened,
and, as will presently be described, a settlement that
was founded about this time near the site where now
stands the capital of Alaska was attacked and de-
stroyed by savages.
tioned in its place, the emperor issued a oukaz, in which the whole north west
coast of America north of 51° was declared Russian territory.
CHAPTER XVIII.
THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
1798-1801.
Baranof's Difficulties and Despondency — Sick and Hopeless — Abbival
OF THE ' Elizaveta' — An Expedition Sails for Norfolk Sound —
Loss of Canoes— The Party Attacked by Kolosh— Treaty with the
SiTKANS — Yankee Visitors — A Fort Erected — The Yakutat Bay
Settlement— Baranof Desires to be Relieved— His Official Tour
of the Colonies — The Chief Manager's Piety — His Complaints of
Foreign Encroachments — British Aggressiveness.
The news of the final organization of the Russian
American Company, the granting of its privileges
by the emperor, and of his own appointment as chief
manager, reached Baranof at a time when he was
plunged in despondency. Nearly every undertaking
of the preceding seasons had failed. He had lost
numbers of men, both Russians and natives, during
the long voyages to distant hunting-grounds. A
spirit of revolt was still alive, especially among those
who had transferred their allegiance from former op-
pressors. At every point eastward of Kadiak where
he had endeavored to open trade he had found liim-
self forestalled by English and American ships, which
had raised the prices of skins almost beyond his lim-
ited means. In his attempts to hunt with his Aleuts,
he had also been unfortunate, whole parties having
been surprised and slaughtered by the warlike Thlin-
keets. One of his sloops built at Voskressenski Bay
foundered during her first voyage, while others had
been injured on the shoals lining the mouth of Copper
River, and he had just returned to Pavlovsk, in the
HARD TIMES AND RELIEF. 385
damaged sloop Olga, intending to repair the vessels
as best he might, in order to carry out during the fol-
lowing spring his cherished plan of locathig a perma-
ent settlement in the vicinity of Norfolk Sound. ^
He landed, suffering the agonies of inflammatory
rheumatism and depressed in spirit, onh^ to meet with
upbraidings and complaints on the part of his subor-
dinates, who were on short rations, owing to the non-
arrival of the supply-ship. Certain leaders of the
malecontents openly refused obedience unless provis-
ions were first given them. Sick and dejected, he
was unable to address them as he was wont to do,
and retired to Jiis wretched little cabin and to bed,
when a little later the cry was heard, "A ship in
the offing!" Once more inspired with life and hope,
the sick man rose from his couch and climbed the
mountain overlooking the settlement of St Paul. It
was true; a large vessel, the brigantine Elizaveta,
commanded by Bocharof, was standing in under full
sail, and soon w^as lying at anchor in the roadstead,
with Baranof on board. She had sailed from Okhotsk
the preceding autumn, and had wintered on one of
the westernmost Aleutian Isles, where the passen-
gers and crew had lived on what they could gather;
so that the cargo remained intact, and plenty reigned
once more in the half-famished settlement. Fifty-
two laborers and mechanics were now added to Bar-
anof 's force ; and though the season w^as far advanced,
a small party was at once despatched to Prince Will-
iam Sound to complete another sloop.
The winter of 1798-9 was passed by the colonists
at Kadiak in cheerful content, for they were busy in
preparing for the great movement to the eastward in
the following spring, and the letters written by Bar-
' The immediate causes for the founding of this settlement were tlie de-
crease in fur-bearing animals on the islands to the west, and the discovery of
large numbers of sea-otter on the straits and sounds adjoining the mainland.
Moreover, to incorporate with Russia the whole of north-western America,
and to prevent other nations from establishing a trade with the natives, was
the unvarying policy of Baranof. Lii'ke, in Materialui, iv. 149.
Hist. Alaska. 15
386 THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
anof at this juncture bear evidence of his confidence.
Early in March the new sloop Konstantin arrived
at Kadiak from Prince William Sound, and was sup-
plied with sails and rigging from the stores brought
by Bocharof On the 10th of April, Baranof set sail
with the two vessels, manned by twenty-two Russians
and accompanied b};^ a fleet of nearly two hundred
canoes. The course was along the coast of the Kenai
peninsula to Prince William Sound, where the expe-
dition was joined by Baranof 's most trusted assistant,
Kuskof, with one hundred and fifty additional canoes
which had wintered on ISTuchek Island.
Misfortune attended Baranof's enterprise from its
inception. On the 2d of May, while weathering Cape
Suckling on the coast opposite Kayak, thirty of the
canoes, containing two men each, were swallowed by
the heavy seas into which even a moderate breeze
raises these shallow waters. In a letter to his friend
Delarof, Baranof tells of his further troubles : " While
we were still mourning the loss of our hunters, night
came on, and as I saw further indications of storm, I
ordered all the canoes to make for the shore, accom-
panying them in person in my own bidarka. In the
darkness we underestimated the distance, and when
at last we reached the sanely beach, exhausted from
continued paddling, we threw ourselves upon the sand
overshadowed by dense forests. No sooner had we
closed our eyes, than the dreaded war-cry of the Ko-
losh brought us again to our feet. The greatest con-
sternation prevailed among the naturally timid Aleuts,
who were filled with such dread of the well-known
enemy as to think it useless to make any resistance.
Many of them rushed into the forest, into the very
hands of their assailants, instead of launching their
canoes and putting to sea. I had only two Russians
with me, and we fired our guns into the darkness
wherever the cries of the Kolosh were loudest; but
when our ammunition was expended, we did not know
what execution we had done. A few of the native
A FIGHT WITH THE KOLOSH. 387
hunters who liacl been presented with fowling-pieces
also made a feeble sliow of resistance; but what saved
us from total destruction was the intervening darkness,
which prevented our assailants from distinguishing
friends from enemies. After an unequal contest, last-
ing over an hour, the Kolosh retired to the woods,
while I and my assistants endeavored to rally our
scattered men. By shouting to them in the Aleutian
tongue, we succeeded in gathering the survivors, still
hidden in the woods and among the driftwood lining
the shore, and before morning departed from the in-
hospitable beach, leaving thirteen canoes, the owners
of which had been killed or carried into captivity.
The rising sun showed us the sloops in the offing, and
we lost no time in seeking their welcome protection."
This attack by the natives, added to the loss at sea,
had so reduced the force, that Kuskof advised a return
to Prince William Sound; but Baranof was not to be
thus thwarted. He pressed forward, travelling along
the coast, chiefly by night, and daring to camp only
on prominent points, where there was least danger of
surprise. At last, on the 25th, the expedition en-
tered the sheltered basin of Norfolk, or Sitka Sound.
The towerins^ heio^hts were still covered with snow,
almost to the water's edge, and the weather was
stormy ; rain, snow, and sleet alternating with furious
gusts of wind. The landing was accomplished at a
point still known as Old Sitka, about six miles north
of the present town of that name. A large crowd of
natives had assembled to watch the movements of the
new-comers. A Sitkan chief, Katleut, or Katlean,
whom Kuskof had met during his hunting expedition
of the preceding summer, approached Baranof and
demanded to know his intentions, telling him at the
same time that a Boston ship was anchored a short
distance to the southward, and that her captain had
purchased many skins.
Baranof replied in a lengthy harangue, reciting the
long-stereotyped European falsehood, that the em-
388 THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
peror of all the Russias, who was the lord of that
country, had sent him to establish a settlement for
trade, and to assure his new subjects of his fatherly
care and protection. At the same time he asked for
the grant of a small piece of ground for the erection
of buildings, and for which he offered to pay in beads
and other trading goods. The barter was concluded,
and Katleut even asserted that he could force the
other chiefs into the agreement. A few hours after-
ward the sound of Russian axes was heard in the
virgin forest, the crash of falling timber was echoed
from the sides of Verstovoi, and all was bustle and
high determination. The site bordered a shallow
stream alive with salmon. One half of the company
were employed in building, while the remainder were
sent to hunt sea-otter in the vicinity. On the follow-
ing day the chief manager received a visit from the
Boston ship, which proved to be the Caroline, in
charge of Captain Cleveland, who stated that he had
only ten men before the mast, and that on account of
the fierce character of the natives he had found it
necessary to take great precautions. He had placed
a screen of hides round the ship with the exception of
the stern, whence trade was carried on with the na-
tives,^ who could not see the deck, or know how few
men he had. Two pieces of cannon were placed in
position, and on the tafFrail was a pair of blunderbusses
on swivels.
The savages who then inhabited the neighborhood
of Norfolk Sound were among the most treacherous
and repulsive of all the Alaskan tribes. *'A more
hideous set of beings in the form of men and women,"
^ Cleveland states that on the first day he bought 100 skins at the cheap
rate of two yards of broadcloth per skin. On the second day he purchased
200. During his stay at Norfolk Sound the natives made several attempts to
capture the vessel. Voy., \. 92-5 (Boston ed., 1850). On one occasion a na-
tive dressed in a bear-skin came down to the beach, on all fours, imitating
the movements of the animal, in order to decoy the crew on shore, while an
armed party lay in ambush close by. A boat was lowered to take some of
the men in pursuit of the bear, but one of the ambushed party exposed himself,
and that gave the alarm. Id., i. 105.
FEARS OF SPAIN. 389
Avrites the captain, ''I had never before seen. The
fantastic manner in which many of the faces of the
men were painted was probably intended to give
them a ferocious appearance; and some groups looked
really as if they had escaped from the dominions
of Satan himself One had a perpendicular line
dividing the two sides of the face, one side of
which was painted red, the other black; with the hair
daubed with grease and red ochre, and filled with the
down of birds. Another had the face divided with a
horizontal line in the middle, and painted black and
white. The visage of a third was painted in checkers,
etc. Most of them had little mirrors ; before the ac-
quisition of which they must have been dependent
on each other for those correct touches of the pencil
which are so much in vogue, and which daily require
more time than the toilet of a Parisian belle."
From the ship Enterprise, wdiich arrived at Kadiak
from New York^ on the 24th of April, 1800, the chief
manager heard that hostilities had broken out in
Europe, that Spain had formed an alliance with
France, and that a Spanish frigate was to be sent to
Russian America. The news was received with no
little anxiety. At this time all the storehouses at
Three Saints were full of choice furs, which Baranof
now caused to be concealed in the adjacent islands.
*' Truly," he writes, "if the terrible emergency should
arise, and the enemy come upon us, they cannot take
much more than our lives, and these are in God's
hands. It would take more than mortal eyes to dis-
cover where our precious skins are concealed,"*
Several other American vessels, among them the
brig Eliza, under Captain Rowan, visited the bay dur-
ing the summer, and absorbed the trade, while the
^ Baranof purchased from her captain a quantity of goods, partly with a
"view to prevent him from trading with the natives, and partly because the
Feniks being now given up for lost, no supplies could be expected for that
kson. Khlebnihof, Shizn. Baranova, 63-4.
*/c/., 68.
390 THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
Russians were preparing to occupy the field in the
future. During the preceding winter the relations
between the colonists and the natives had been peace-
able, but there was much suffering on account of
insufficient food and shelter. A fort was erected, and
named after the archangel Michael/ in "the hope that
the great champion of the Lord would protect the
promyshleniki;" nevertheless, soon after the estab-
lishment of the settlement misfortune again reduced
Baranof's force. On the 18th of July, he received
news from an Aleutian party which had camped for
the night on the tortuous passage connecting Norfolk
Sound with Chatham Strait, that a number of the
men had died from eating poisonous mussels. The
passage was thereafter named Pogibshie, or Destruc-
tion Strait, which name has subsequently been changed
by Americans to Peril Strait.
While Baranof was thus engaged in establishing his
new colony, a block-house and stockade had been
built by Polomoshnoi at Yakutat, or Bering Bay, for
the reception of the Siberian convicts, or agricultural
settlers, as they were called. The site for this settle-
ment had been chosen by mistake. After his first
visit to Prince William Sound, Baranof had recom-
mended the country bordering on Comptroller Bay as
probably adapted to agricultural pursuits. Cape Suck-
ling, the western point of this bay, had been erroneously
called Cape St Elias, the name applied to the south
^ In a letter to Rodianof, agent at Nnchek, dated May 14, ISOO, Baranof
writes: ' We enjoyed good health and fair success during our winter there,
and though we had some difficulties with the people, we finally established
friendly intercourse with them. I resolved to establish a permanent settle-
ment, and at once set to work to erect the necessary buildings, one of which
was a two-story structure, 8 fathoms long and 4 wide, protected on all
sides by palisades and two strong block-houses or towers. Another building
I had ])ut up for myself and future commanders, with the necess.iry accom-
modation for servants and officers, and there I have lived from the middle of
February to the present date. A small temporary bath-house had been
erected, wherein I passed the first part of the winter, a shed and sleeping-
rooms for the members of the party, a blacksmith's shop, and temporary
kitchen. One fortified block-house is not quite finished, while two others
have been only just begun. The men hero number 25 Russians and 55 Aleu-
tian hunters.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 131.
YAKUTAT SETTLEMENT. 391
point of Kayak Island by Bering, and in his recom-
mendation Baranof spoke of the country about Cape
St Ehas. Subsequently the bay of Yakutat had
been visited by Purtof and Kuskof ; and as this affords
the only good harbor on that part of the coast, and
is overshadowed by the peak of St Elias, the pro-
posed settlement had been located there in a deso-
late region of ice and rock, entirely unfit for occupation
by man. Polomoshnoi only obeyed orders in locating
the block-house there, but as soon as the buildings
were completed, he returned to Kadiak to remonstrate
against any attempts at founding an agricultural
colony in such a place. He was ordered back, how-
'(
^
4Mt^St.£/.%__.^
\
iTi" '
KA>AK, %
1
"^^ '
Cap Faint ith , * "
Yakutat Bay Settlement.
ever, by Baranof's representative, and sailed for his
destination on the brig Orel, laden with provisions for
the new settlement, in charge of Talin, a naval officer
in the service of the company, but one who, like all of
his profession, was little disposed to heed the chief
manager's instructions, and when his vessel w^as lying
in Norfolk Sound had threatened to hang Baranof
from the mast-head if he dared to show himself on
board. While beating against head winds, the ship
^vas wrecked on the island of Sukluk (Montague),
and Polomoshnoi, with five men, perished.®
^ Four hundred sea-otter skins, valued at 22,000 roubles, were lost on this
occasion, in addition to the rigging and anchors and ship's stores. Talin had
392 THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
From other parts of the country news of dis-
aster had also reached Baranof. The year before his
departure for Norfolk Sound he had been informed
that two of the company's establishments, at Ilyamna
and Kadiak, had been surprised, and all the Russians
stationed there, twenty-one in number, massacred.
The outbreak appears to have been caused, as usual,
by the cruelty of the settlers, for all the native ser-
vants were spared.
Notwithstanding occasional misfortunes, Baranof 's
management of the affairs of the company appears to
have met with the approval of most of the directors,
been from the beginnmg overbearing and insolent in his intercourse with
Bai'anof, whom he considered as a mere kiipetz, or trader, far beneath him
in social rank. It grated upon his aristoci-atic sensibilities to receive orders
from such a man, and acting in this spirit, he seized upon every opportunity to
evade obedience and raise obstacles.
In order to show the unfortunate relations existing between the naval gentle-
man and Baranof, and also the character of the latter, I will copy here portions
of a letter written by him to Lieutenant Talin, dated in May 1709: ' Gracious
Sir: In your communication to me, you are pleased to ask why I meddle wdth
nautical affairs. Do you refuse to follow my instructions because I am a mer-
chant ? Does it compromise your honor, as an officer and gentleman, to
execute the comjoany's wishes when expressed through me ? If such be the
case, I must inform you that the managing partners of the company, Golikof
and Shelikof, have intrusted the mauiigement of all its colonial affairs, includ-
ing navigation, to me ever since the year 1790; and since then I have fre-
quently been honored by direct instructions from the government, both public
and secret, the execution of which was always left to me alone; and therefore
all the navigators in the service of tlie company were under my orders. For
proof of this, I refer you to a secret order, dated August 14, 1790, under No.
19, of which I send you a copy to keep for your own use. The last commu-
nication on this subject is dated May 1797, and speaks also of you, dear sir, and
the navigators in our service, and of your position with regard to the company
in the following terms: "One of the partners of the company, Ivan Larionof,
asked the late empress Ekaterina Alexeievna, of blessed memory, to furnish
the company with a number of naval officers, in view of the importance of the
company's voyages of discovery, and the difficulty of navigating these north-
ern seas without thoroughly trained and experienced navigators, promising
to such officers twice the salary which they received from the government.
This petition was approved by our august monarch. Emperor Pavl Petrovich,
who liad succeeded to the throne in the mean time. Though these officei's re-
main in the imperial service, they were ordered to obey all commands and
regulations of the company as strictly and punctually as if proceeding from
tlieir military commanders; and it is the will of our august monai'chthat they
should conform in every respect with the arrangements made by the company,
be it during expeditions for special purposes or on voyages of discovery and
exploration. "
' In transmitting and presenting to you these orders and instructions with
regard to the extent of my power and responsibility in these matters, I leave
you entirely free to follow or not to follow my instructions with regard
BARANOF'S TROUBLES. 393
though he himself was dissatisfied with his position.
In answer to a letter from Larionof, in 1799, he re-
marks: " The lowest and most insignificant official in
the service of the company pretends to know more
about the business of this section than its head, and
expresses his opinion on everything. They write
about us, but nobody ever thinks of asking. How do
they live there, and what are they doing?" When
Vv'riting to his friend Delarof, he mentions that he had
never tailed to earn for the shareholders a dividend,
and that its amount for 1795 was 22,000 roubles. He
also refers to his request to the managers of the com-
to this voyage, which is of the greatest importance, not only to the com-
pany, but to the country at large. If you do not obey, I cannot compel
you; but you will be kind enough to send me a written refusal and copies of
my otiier letters relating to this subject, in order to enable me to take other
measures which the interests of the company immediately require. As for
tlie cliarts and journals which you think it superfluous to prepare and keep,
I had already the honor to mention in my first communication that they are
considered indispensable in the company's office. You cannot but acknowl-
edge that in the science of practical navigation I have never attempted to
interfere with you, but have only made you acquainted, where it was neces-
sary, with the views of the company and of the government in regard to
certaiia voyages of discovery to be made during the present summer; and if
it insults your honor to receive such information through the mouth of a
merchant, a class of people whom you consider as far beneath you, I can only
be sorry that I am prevented from giving you the satisfaction which you per-
haps desire, on account of being neither in the military nor the naval service
of the government, and not even holding any civil position or rank. At the
same time, I take the liljerty of informing you that we are a company of
merchants, accustomed to commercial usages only, and exacting business-like
behavior on the part of our servants. If you really had no idea of this on
leaving the admiralty college, you certainly cannot have failed to under-
stand the character of our enterprise when signing the mutual agreement
before the commanding officer at Okhotsk, and have had every opportunity
of acquainting yourself with the nature of your engagement during your
passage on the Feniks and on the Orel. Now that you are navigating one of
our vessels on the coast of America, you have no choice but either to obey
our instructions (even though it come from a person without official rank),
or to give up the whole business and revoke the contract. The arrangements
concerning your entrance into our service were made by higher authorities
than yours or mine, and how the proposal to revoke them would be received
by them I cannot tell. In conclusion, I would ask you again either to send
me a peremptory written refusal, or to comply with the instructions drawn up
by me, in conformity with the views of the government and of the managing
partners of the company. Hoping that you will soon honor me with a com-
munication on this subject, I remain with due respect, dear sir, your honor's
obedient servant, Alexander Baranof.' Id., ii. app. part ii. 125-30. This
letter, so polite and yet so brimming with satire, affords us another insight
into the mind of the ' common trader,' despised by his military or naval sub-
ordinates. The allusion to his regrets at being unable to give Talin the ' sat-
isfaction of a gentleman ' is especially pertinent, coming from one as brave as
Baranof was known to be.
394 THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
pany to send from Russia some one to relieve him.
As we shall see, this request was repeated several
times during a period of nearly twenty years before a
successor finally reached the colonies, though two were
appointed meanwhile, but were shipwrecked on the
way. There can be no doubt that the chief cause of
his dissatisfaction was the unpleasant relations with
the naval officers and the intrigues of the mission-
aries, though his failing health and the condition of
his finances were additional reasons.''
Believing the Sitka settlement to be now firmly
established and safe from hostile attacks, Baranof re-
turned to Kadiak in the autumn of 1800. But prior
to his return he made an official visit to various set-
tlements, an account of which I give in his own words.
Writing to Larionof, the agent at Unalaska, in July
of this year, he says: "On Kenai Bay at Ilyamna
Lake the rebellious tribes have killed three of our
men since Lebedef's people departed. Our establish-
ments on the gulf of Kenai have been broken up three
times, and a conspiracy has been discovered to destroy
all places occupied by Russians, and to kill them as
well as the natives of Kadiak in their employ; and
we have not been able as yet entirely to suppress the
spirit of rebellion. But the saddest news of all, and
the most disastrous to us, is of the wreck of the Feniks,
' His pecuniary affairs at this time were in an unsatisfactory state. ' Of
9,000 roubles which I had left in the hands of Kretcheotzaff, ' he writes, ' only
one half has been retui'ned, and I have met with losses in other quartei's. If
I were to return to Siberia now, I would not be a rouble better off than I was
when I came to this country. The glass factory in Irkutsk in which I had in-
vested 4,000 roubles has fallen into decay, and the stock gone into possession of
my former partner, Lackman. I inquired concerning the sale of the property
of my late wife, but never received an answer. This is the way, my friend, all
the little property I had, and left in charge of my wife and friends, has been
scattered. Some of it has been absorbed by unjust claims advanced by Shar-
ikof and Lebedef. For this reason it would be advisable that I should return
hence before I am left entirely destitute in my old age. But unfortunately,
the shareholders have paid no attention to my demand for a successor, and
I cannot conscientiously abandon my position and duties without leaving some
one in my place, as such action might involve the company in inextricable
diificulties. For the proper management of affairs here, a man in the prime
of life, in the enjoyment of full health and all his faculties, is required, and not
a person worn out with hardship and fatigue, and with a temper soured by
adversity. '
THE DIRECTOR'S TRAVELS. 395
and the loss of the whole cargo and all on board.
For two months portions of the wreck have been cast
on the beach in various localities, but the exact place
of the disaster remains unknown.
" I set out in person in July, first for the gulf of Ke-
nai, to subdue the rebellious tribes, and the renmant
of the Lebedef Company, who had killed over a hun-
dred people between them, and had divided them-
selves into several bands of robbers. Man^^ of them
threatened our men on the Kaknu River, which sta-
tion they had occupied after the breaking-up of the-
Lebedef Company, but fortunately the leaders of the
conspiracy dispersed upon my arrival, and though the
combination was not entirely dissolved, I succeeded
in obtaining several hostages for the safety of our
agent in command, Vassili Malakhof, but in the more
distant settlements there is still a strong inclination
to warfare and plunder. I remained there until the
1 5th of August, making necessary arrangements to in-
sure the safety of the place by strengthening its for-
tifications. I also selected a more convenient site for
the fort, made a plan in accordance with the local
facilities, and left its execution to the agent Malakhof;
and after collecting all the furs at the station, consist-
ing chiefly of those of small land-animals, I proceeded
to Fort Alexandroffsk at the entrance of the gulf.
Here I furnished the agent Ostrogin with further in-
structions, and sailed again on the 30th of August,
shaping my course for the redoubt at Voskressenski
Bay. Thence I proceeded to Nuchek Island, where I
made a searching investigation of everything, and es-
tablished the fort St Konstantin upon a new site.
I also had several interviews with the natives, and
placed my assistant Kuskof in command of that re-
gion."
" Concerning the new settlement at Sitka," the man-
ager says, for I cannot do better than permit him
to continue his story, "I thought there would be
no danger with proper protection from the larger
396 THE FOUNDING OF SITKA.
vessels, though the natives there possess large quan-
tities of fire-arms and all kinds of ammunition, receiv-
ing new supplies annually from the English and
from the republicans of Boston and America, whose
object is not permanent settlement on these shores,
but who have been in the habit of making trading
trips to these regions. It is to be hoped that the
fruits of the discoveries of Russian navigators may
not be enjoyed by European or other companies, de-
priving us of our hard-earned advantages. I trust
that God in his justice will allow us to enjoy the
fruits of our enterprise, and as, with his help, I, an
ignorant subject, have been able to add something to
the vast dominion of his imperial Majesty, we must
hope that we shall find the means to preserve our new
possessions intact, and make them profitable.
"At the settlement of Yakutat I found nothing but
trouble and disorder in every department. This was
partly owing to the old difficulties between Polomosh-
noi^ and your brother Stepan, who was appointed
assistant manaofer in 1796. Durino; the first winter
thirteen of the twent3^-five hunters and seven of the
settlers died of scurvy, besides women and children.
Polomoshnoi had written a whole ream of trash and
nonsense which he forwarded to Kadiak, the whole
report containing only what one settler had said of
another, what the settlers had said of the hunters, and
the threats made by the latter against his life. In
conclusion, he asked to be relieved. The wish was com-
plied with, and Nikolai Moukhin, who was thought
to possess considerable administrative ability, was sent
as his substitute. I had all the property forwarded
to Yakutat on behalf of the settlers transferred to him,
though it was almost impossible to obtain any clear
statement with regard to it from the confused mass of
papers left by Polomoshnoi. His reports spoke of
many acts of cruelty and abuse committed by the
hunters, and he had even gone so far as to appoint a
* Baranof had not yet heard of Polomoshnoi 's death.
BARANOFS LETTERS. 397
commission to investigate the charges; but as the mem-
bers of the commission were all ignorant settlers who
were interested in the case, they did nothing beyond
getting up a voluminous pile of testimony which
amounts to nothing but empty words. Several times
I was on the point of solving all difficulties by dis-
banding the settlement; but better thoughts prevailed,
and remembering the importance of the success of
this experiment to the company and to the country
at large, I did my best to restore order and reconcile
the parties involved.
''The tribes living in the vicinity of our Sitka set-
tlement at first met us in a very friendly manner, but
of late they have displayed some distrust, and when
our men had formed a procession during holy week in
honor of the emperor, they thought we were preparing
for a fight, and seized our interpreter, w4io happened
to be in the native village. The procession was con-
ducted with great solemnity and pomp, and after it
had been disbanded, our men went through some mil-
itary evolutions, all of which had been witnessed by the
chiefs of the savages, who listened frowningly to our
discharges of musketry and artillery; but all this dis-
play did not induce them to give up the interpreter,
and some property which they had stolen; and I found
it necessary to assure them that we were not afraid of
them. Therefore, on the third day I proceeded to the
principal village with twenty-two men, landed fear-
lessly on the beach, and placed two small cannon in
front of their houses. Over three hundred armed men
surrounded us, but we marched directly to the house
where the prisoner was reported to be. We fired a few
blank volleys to keep the crowd in awe, and seized a
few men who seemed inclined to offer resistance. Our
determined attitude held the people in check, and
when we had accomplished our object and released the
prisoner, they began to ridicule the affair, bandying
words with our men, and offering them food. I re-
joiced in having accomplished my end without blood-
308 THE rOUXDIXG OF SITKA.
shed, and made up my mind not to allow the slightest
offence on their part to pass unnoticed in the future."
The admixture of business and piety in this despatch
is somewhat noteworthy. "With God's help," he
writes, "our men killed 40 sea-lions and 150 seals
during the winter." Speaking of the hunter Mikhail,
whom he had ordered to travel around Kadiak "for
the purpose of taking a census of that island, and to
make presents to the leading men among the Aleuts
of tobacco and other trifles," he remarks, " I thought
this course of action best, in view of the misfortune
which had happened last year, as I wrote to you
from Sitka; and with God's help, he succeeded so well
in his mission that the necessary number of men were
obtained in all districts, from the first to the last, even
to bird-hunting parties."
Again, in a letter to Larionof, dated March 22,
1801, the chief manager thus expresses his gratitude:
" The All-creator of the world, in his infinite mercy,
has overlooked and forgiven our sins, and tempered
the cruel blows of misfortune with success in sea-otter
hunting. In the three years which have elapsed
since the arrival of the last transport, we have col-
lected over 4,000 skins of sea-otters — males, females,
and yearlings, besides cubs. The skins secured at
Nuchek and Sitka will probably amount to nearl}^
4,000, with the help of God. On the other hand, the
trappers have had but little success, on account of the
unfavorable weather during the winter; and, as you
see from the statement, only 1,500 skins were obtained
from that source, while in former years from 2,000
to 2,500 was the average number."^
Baranof's complaints of foreign encroachment ap-
pear to have been well grounded. Within a few
leagues of Sitka the captains of three Boston ships
secured 2,000 skins, though paying very high prices,
each one trying to outbid the other. For a sin-
'In 1800 the skins obtained from Sitka amounted to 2,600, and for the
whole colony to 3,500. Khlehnikof, Shizn. Baranova, 62.
AIMERICx^NS AND ENGLISHMEN. 399
gle skin they gave cloth worth twenty-eight roubles,
or three coats of frieze lined with cotton. In
the same neighborhood two skins were formerly
bartered for cloth valued at ten and a half roubles.
'' The Americans," writes the chief manager, " who
have been acquainted with these tribes for two or
three years, and have sent from six to eight ships
each year, speak of the trade as follows : ' The Amer-
ican republic is greatly in need of Chinese goods, the
Chinese teas, the various silk materials and other
products of that country, which had formerly to be
purchased for coin, the Spanish silver dollar exclu-
sively, but since these shores have been discovered,
with their abundance of furs, they were no longer
obliged to take coin with them, but loaded their ves-
sels with full cargoes of European goods and products
of their own country, which are i isier obtained than
coin.' " After touching on the political complications
that marked the close of the eighteenth century,
Baranof continues: '' The resources of this region are
such that millions may be made there for our country
with proper management in the future, but for over
ten years from six to ten English and American ves-
sels have called here every year. It is safe to calcu-
late an average of 2,000 skins on eight, or say six
vessels, which would make 12,000 a year, and if we
even take 10,000 as a minimum, it would amount in
ten years to 100,000 skins, which at the price at
Canton of 45 roubles per skin would amount to
4,500,000 roubles."'*'
For the next year and a half, little worthy of record
occurred in connection with the affairs of the Russian
American Company. A number of agriculturists and
mechanics, placed at the disposal of the company by
Count Zubof, arrived at Kadiak, together with a reen-
'"/d., ii. app. part ii. 145-8. The total value of furs shipped by the She-
likof-Golikof Company between 1786 and 1797 was only 1,479,600 roubles.
Berg, Kronol. 1st., 169.
400 THE FOUXDING OF SITKA.
forcement of missionaries. The chief manager has
Httle to report, save that he has succeeded in iDringing
into friendly relations with the Russians a number of
tribes, among whom, as he supposed, were the Kolosh.
The question of boundaries between the Russian and
British American possessions had been mooted, how-
ever, almost from the time that Spain ceded Nootk§,
to the English, and Baranof feared that his people
might be driven from their settlements,^^ although
their right of discovery and occupation north of the
55th parallel left little room for dispute. He begs
the governor of Irkutsk to intercede with the emperor,
more especially in relation to the establishment of an
agricultural settlement, for it was useless to select a
site until some definite action was taken/^ and the
colony at Cape St Elias was of no benefit.
^1 The English claimed '>tua Bay, and even the gulf of Kenai and Prince
William Sound.
'- In this despatch Baranof says: 'Our greatest need is now skilled naviga-
tors, since of five vessels in American waters only one has an experienced
master, and he is in poor health.'
CHAPTER XIX.
THE SITKA MASSACRE,
1802.
RtTMORS OF Revolt among the Kolosh — They Attack Fokt Sv Mikha'£l —
Testimony of Abrossim Plotnikof — And of Ekaterina Lebedef —
Sturgis' Equivocal Statement — Captain Barber as a Philanthro-
pist — Khlebnikof's Version of the Massacre — Secret Instructions
to Baranof — Tidings from Unalaska — Further Promotion of the
Chief Manager— He Determines to Recapture Sitka— Prepara-
tions FOR THE Expedition.
Baranof's hope that the Kolosh were at length
finally pacified proved to be ill founded. Although
he was not aware of it, disaffection had long been rife
among the warlike nations of Sitka and of the main-
land, in the vicinity of the Yakutat settlement. It is
said that the hostile spirit was fostered by the Eng-
lish and American traders, who supplied the savages
with fire-arms, ammunition, and intoxicating drink.
Rumors had reached the commanders of both Sitka
and Yakutat that an organized attack was contem-
plated on the Russian strongholds; but as the chiefs
in their vicinity continued to profess friendship, and
as traffic was carried on as usual, the agents paid
little heed to the repeated warnings. No change was
made in the daily routine about the settlement. Par-
ties were sent out to cut timber in the forests, and to
hunt on the islands and bays. Sentries were posted ia
accordance with Baranof's instructions, but as the force
was small in either place, only the sick and disabled
were selected for such duty, and it was therefore per-
formed in the most inefficient manner. In the mean
Hist. Alaska. 26 ( 401 )
402 THE SITKA MASSACRE.
time, the savages had matured their plans. Allies
had been secured from all the villages throughout the
Alexander Archipelago, and from the populous valley
of the Stakhin River, and during the summer of 1802
the blow was struck which swept from earth the in-
fant colony.
The exact date of the Sitka massacre is not known;
the only survivors were Russian laborers and natives,
who were so terrified as to have taken no note of time.
It is certain, however, that the event occurred in the
month of June. The best statements of this incident
are contained in depositions made by the few survivors
in the office of the company's agent at Kadiak.^ They
were rude, ignorant men, and their ideas and words
are crude; but they are better for the purpose than
mine would be, and I will not mar their testimony by
another rendering.
Abrossin Plotnikof, a hunter, who was among those
who were rescued, testified as follows : " In this present
year, 1802, about the 24th day of June — I do not re-
member the exact date, but it was a holiday — about
two o'clock in the afternoon, I went to the river to
look after our calves, as I had been detailed by the
commander of the fort, Vassili Medvednikof, to take
care of the cattle. On returning soon after, I noticed
at the fort a great multitude of Kolosh people, who
had not only surrounded the barracks below, but were
already climbing over the balcony and to the roof with
guns and cannon; and standing upon a little knoll in
front of the out-houses was the Sitka toy on, or chief,
Mikhail, giving orders to those who were around the
barracks, and shouting to some people in canoes not far
away, to make haste and assist in the fight. In
answer to his shouts, sixty-two canoes emerged from
behind points of rocks. Even if I had reached the
barracks, they were already closed and barricaded,
^ These survivors were earned to Kadiak by Captain Barber, the com-
mander of an English vessel, who, as will be seen, played a somewhat am-
biguous role in the tragedy.
PLOTNIKOF'S STORY. 403
and there was no safety outside; therefore I rushed
away to the cattle-yard, where I had a gun. I only
waited to tell a girl, who was employed in the yard,
to take her little child and fly to the w^oods, when,
seizing my gun, I closed up the shed. Very soon
after this four Kolosh came to the door and knocked
three times. As soon as I ran out of the shed they
seized me by the coat and took my gun from me.
I w^as compelled to leave both in their hands, and
jumping through a window, ran past the fort and hid
in the thick underbrush of the forest, though two
Kolosh ran after me, but could not find me in the
woods. Soon after, I emerged from the underbrush,
and approached the barracks to see if the attack had
been repulsed, but I saw that not only the barracks,
but the ship recently built, the warehouse and sheds,
the cattle-sheds, bath-house, and other small buildings
had been set on fire, and were already in full blaze.
The sea-otter skins and other property of the company,
as w^ell as the private property of the commander Med-
vednikof and the hunters, the savages were throw-
ing to the ground from the balcony on the water side,
while others seized them and carried them to the
canoes, which were close to the fort."
After mentioning that there were sixteen men in
the barracks, and giving the names of others who were
absent on hunting or fishing expeditions, he continues:
"All at once I saw two Kolosh running toward me
armed with guns and lances, and I was compelled to
hide again in the woods. I threw myself down among
the underbrush on the edge of the forest, covering
myself with pieces of bark. From there I saw
Nakvassin drop from the upper balcony and run
toward the woods; but when nearly across the open
space he fell to the ground, and four warriors rushed
up and carried him back to the barracks on the points
of their lances and cut off his head. Kabanof was
dragged from the barracks into the street, where the
Kolosh pierced him with their lances; but how the
404 THE SITKA MASSACRE.
other Russians who were there came to their end I
do not know. The slaughter and incendiarism were
continued by the savages until the evening, but finally
I stole out among the ruins and ashes, and in my
wanderings came across some of our cows, and saw
that even the poor dumb animals had not escaped the
blood-thirsty fiends, having spears stuck in their sides.
Exercising all my strength, I was barely able to pull
out some of the spears, when I was observed by two
Kolosh, and compelled to leave the cows to their fate
and hide again in the woods.
"I passed the night not far from the ruins of the
fort. In the morning I heard the report of a cannon
and looked out of the brush, but could see nobody,
and not wishing to expose myself again to further
danger, went higher up the mountain through the
forest. While advancing cautiously through the
woods, I met two other persons who were in the
same condition as myself: a girl from the Chiniatz
village, Kadiak, with an infant on her breast, and a
man from Kiliuda village, who had been left behind
by the hunting party on account of sickness. I took
them both with me to the mountain, 'but each night
I went to the ruins of the fort with my companions,
and bewailed the fate of the slain. In this miser-
able condition we remained for eight days, without
anything to eat and nothing but water to drink.
About noon of the last day we heard from the moun-
tain two cannon-shots, which raised some hope in me,
and I told my companions to follow me at a little
distance, and then went down toward the river
through the woods to hide myself near the shore, and
see whether there was a ship in the bay. When I
reached the beach I saw behind a small island a ves-
sel which looked to me like our Ekaterina, but when
I came to our harbor which overlooked the entire
bay I found that it was not the Ekaterina, but an
English ship.
"I then ascended the rock where a tent had been
RESCUE OF THE SURVIVORS. 405
set up when the chief manager was present, and
shouted for help. Some Kolosh, who were near the
river, heard my voice, and six of them had almost
reached me before I saw them, and I barely succeeded
in escaping from them and hiding in the woods.
Thus I had been chased three times by the savages.
They drove me to another point on the beach, near
the cape, where again I hailed the ship, and to my
great joy a boat put off from the vessel to the place
where I was standing. I had barely time to jump
into it when the Kolosh in pursuit of me came in
sight again, but when they saw I was already in the
boat, they went away again. The commander of the
vessel was in the boat, and when we had got on
board, I gave him a full account of the sad disaster,
and asked him to save the girl with her infant son,
and the man whom I had left ashore, and showed
them the place where I had told the girl and man to
hide. The captain at once despatched an armed yawl,
and fortunately we hit upon the very spot where they
were hiding, and they were taken into the boat and
brought on board the ship. The boat was sent off
again immediately to the other side of the bay, and
soon returned, to my great astonishment, with Batu-
rin, another Russian, whom I recognized wdth un-
speakable joy, and we soon related to each other our
experience.
"We asked the commander of the ship to escort us
to the site of the destroyed fort, to see if anything
had been spared by the savages. He very kindly
consented ''"'ad the yawl manned again, got in him-
self, and took me with him. When we arrived at the
ruins he examined the bodies of the dead, all of which
were without heads, except Kabanof, and we buried
them. Of property, we found nothing but the melted
barrel of a brass gun, and a broken cannon, which we
2Dicked up and brought to the ship. When we had
been on board the ship three days, two bidarkas came
from the shore with the Sitkan chief, Mikhail, and
406 THE SITKA MASSACRE.
his nephew. The former asked the captain if there
were any Russians on board, and whether he wished to
trade. The captain said nothing of our presence, and
with friendly words coaxed him on board, together
with his nephew, and the Kolosh girl who had been
in Kuzmichef's service at the settlement. At our
request, the captain seized the chief and his nephew,
and ordered them to be kept in confinement, ironed
hand and foot, until all the persons captured at the
time of the destruction of the settlement had been
given up. The chief told his men who had remained
in the bidarkas to go and bring them. After that
they began to restore our servant-girls and children,
not all at once, however, but one by one. Finally,
the captain told the chief that if he did not give up at
once all the prisoners in his hands, he would hang
him, and in order to frighten him, the necessary
preparations for the execution were made.
*'In the mean time two other English ships entered
the bay and anchored close to each other. With the
captain of one of them we were somewhat acquainted,
as he had once wintered with his vessel near our fort.
This was the Ahetz? The Kolosh put off to the two
ships in many canoes, and when the commander of the
Ahetz learned of our misfortunes, he held a consulta-
tion with the captains of the other vessels. As the
savages approached in their canoes he fired grape-shot
at them from the cannon, destroying several. Some
of the occupants reached the shore, while many were
drowned. Several of the Kolosh the captain of the
Ahetz kept as prisoners, and by that means succeeded
^Probably the ^/ert, Captain Ebbets, from Boston. Plotnikof was evi-
dently unable to distinguish captains' and ships' names, or even nationalities.
The ship commanded by Barber must have been the Unicorn, mentioned in
the list of vessels wintering on the coast in 1801, in Sturfjis' Nan:, MS., 7,
as hailing from London. The Alert first appears in the Sturgis list in 1802,
but as it registered there with 2.000 sea-otter skins on board, the vessel must
have reached the coast previous to that time. In the list of north-west
traders made by James G. Swan, I find the ship Alert, Captain Bowles, in
1799, while it occurs again in 1801 under command of Captain Ebbets. The
Unicorn, Captain Barber, must have escaped Mr Swan's notice, though she
made several visits to the coast.
EKATERINA'S STATEMENT. 407
in obtaining the release of a few more of the captured
women. As soon as the Kolosh discovered what had
been done, they would not visit the ships any more;
but from the girls we learned that they held prisoner
one of our men, Taradanof We asked the captain
not to release the chief; and when the Kolosh saw
that he and his nephew were not set at liberty, they
brought us Taradanof, four more women, and a large
number of sea-otter skins. After taking Taradanof
and the women on board, the captain released the chief
and his nephew, though we entreated him not to do
so, but to take them to Kadiak. Both at Sitka and
on the voyage the captain supplied us with clothing
and abundant food. The commanders of the other ves-
sels also made us presents of clothing, as we had lost
everything."
Of another statement concerning this affair, I will
make an abstract. Ekaterina, wife of the Russian
Zakhar Lebedef, testified as follows: ''She was in the
street of Fort Sv Mikhail at noon — the day and month
she did not know — near the ladder which led to the
upper story where the commander Medvednikof
lived. She heard a Russian shouting, but could not
distinguish the words. A man named Tumakaief ran
from the kitchen and told her to hasten to the bar-
racks, as the Kolosh were coming wdth guns. While
he was still speaking, all the Russians and women
who had been in the street ran into the barracks. The
doors were then barricaded; but from the windows
we saw an immense crowd of Kolosh approaching,
and they soon surrounded the barracks, armed with
guns and lances."
The witness then gives the names of those who
were within the barracks, and also of those who were
absent, agreeing in this part of her statement with
Plotnikof, and continues: "When the Kolosh came
up they at once rushed at the windows and began a
continuous fire, while the doors were soon broken
down in spite of those inside. Among the first who
408 THE SITKA MASSACRE.
were hit were tlie commander and Tumakof ; others
were also wounded, when the rest were ordered to
the upper story, but though they kept up a constant
fire, they could not do much. When the Kolosh
broke into the building, Tumakof, though wounded,
fired the cannon at the entrance and killed a few
Kolosh; whereupon the remainder retreated a little.
It was soon evident that there was not ammunition
enough for the cannon in the lower story, and to get
a new supply, one of the men broke through the ceil-
ing between the upper and lower stories, when flames
came through the opening and suffocating smoke.
When the fire spread in the lower story the women
were thrust into the basement; but soon afterward
some of the Russians again fired the cannon, and the
concussion broke the door leading from the basement
into the street. The women then ran out and were
seized by the Kolosh and carried to the canoes which
lay close by. Thence they could see the Russians
jumping down into the street when the fire drove
them out. There they were caught and pierced with
lances."^
=* Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii. app. part ii. 174-9. The account of Sturgis,
captain of the Caroline, for veracity is a fair specimen of the information
given of the Russians by American and English ship captains of that day.
Knowing the facts, it is not possible that the writer intended to tell the
truth. 'In the year 1799,' he says, 'the Russians from Kamchatka had
formed an establishment at Norfolk Sound, consisting of 30 Russians and 700
or -800 natives of Kadiak and Unalaska, for the purpose of killing sea-otters
and other animals. They had built a strong fort, contrary to the wishes of
the natives, who had notwithstanding conducted themselves in a peaceable
manner, probably awed by the superior jiower of the invaders. Much to
their discredit, the Russians did not adopt the same conciliatory conduct, but
on some real or pretended suspicions of a conspiracy, pursued the most san-
guinary course toward these people, some of whom Mere massacred, and others
sent into captivity to Kadiak Island. Stimulated to revenge by the loss of
friends and relatives, and finding their stores of wealth, and almost of subsist-
ence, seized by strangers settled amongst them contrary to their wishes, the
natives formed a plan to attack the fort, and either exterminate their oppress-
ors at a blow or i^crish in the attempt. They succeeded, got possession of
the fort by surprise, and instantly put to death several men in the garrison. . .
Previous to this, the ship Jenny, of Boston, had been at Norfolk Sound,
where seven of the men desei'ted and took refuge with the Russians. The
natives knew this, and willing to make a just distinction between those whom
they considered as commercial friends and their arbitrary oppressors, they
sent a message requesting the Americans to make them a friendly visit at
their village. Six of them accepted the invitation; the other was out with a
DIFFERENT VERSIONS. 409
When all was over, the witness was taken to the
winter village of the Kolosh, where she was treated
as a slave. During her presence there, a messenger
w^as captured, from whom the savages learned of the
approach of a large Aleutian hunting party under
Kuskof. An armed force was sent to overtake and
party of Kadiak natives hunting. When they arrived at the village, the
Indians communicated to them their designs, and requested their assistance.
This they declined giving, and were then assured that no injury should be
offered to them, but were at the same time informed that they would be de-
tained at the village to prevent any information being given to the Russians
of what was intended. From the time of their successful attack on the
Russians, the Indians constantly protected and supplied the Americans until
two American and one English ship arrived, about twenty days later. They
were then permitted to go where they chose. ' This portion of Sturgis' narra-
tive is partly confirmed by the mention of one Englishman as having perished
with the Russians, in the narrative of the widow Lebedef : ' Such conduct
towards their countrymen merited the most friendly return on the part
of the Americans, and policy as well as justice forbade any attempt to
avenge the cause of the Russians; but unfortunately the men and officers were
of a different opinion. I am inclined to suppose that they were in this in-
stance too much influenced by the master of the English ship, who was in-
duced from motives of interest to take part with the Russians. He was bound
for Kadiak, and knew that whatever prisoners might be rescued would be for-
warded in his ship. This he expected would ingratiate him Avith the Rus-
sians, and procure him commercial advantages with them. At a meeting of
the officers of the different vessels, it was determined to seize the native chiefs,
who were alongside in the most friendly manner, and to keep them as liost-
ages until the Kadiak women and other prisoners on shore were delivered up.
In pursuance of this resolve, several natives who chanced to be on the deck were
immediately secured, and an attempt was made to seize those in the canoes,
who however fled to the shore. They were fired on from the ships, and to the
eternal disgrace of their civilized visitors, numbers were killed. . .The captive
chiefs were now told that unless all the prisoners on sliore were delivered
up, they must expect no mercy. One of the natives attempted to escape, but
failed, and in the attempt was slightly wounded. He was immediately sin-
gled out as a proper object for vengeance. After a mock-trial, he was placed,
as was the custom in naval exec 
